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F RHETORIC AND LITERARY CRITICISM. 12mo, half Bound. -. ^.bercrombie's pl)ilosopl}icai (Dorks. THE INTELLECTUAL POWERS. With Questions. ISmo, half Muslin, 45 cc-tits. OF THE MORAL FEELINGS. With Questions. 18mo, half Roan, 50 JPtt^U<tAst^feA) N.T. Harpe Harpers Edition, edited by Anthon. SELECT ORATIONS WITH ENGLISH NOTES, CRITICAL AND EXPLANATORY, HISTORICAL, GEOGRAPHICAL, AND LEGAL INDEXES. BT CHARLES ANTHON, LL.D., JAY-PROFESSOR OK THE ORKEK AND LATIN LANGUAGES IN COI.U11DIA COL1.KOB, NKW-YORK, AND RECTOR V? THE GRAMMAR-SCHOOL A NEW EDITION, WITH IMPROVEMENTS. NEW.YORK: HARPER & BROTHERS, 82 CLIFF-STREET 1840. Entero Wgrtinpsm odJ ;<>> THE present edition of Cicero contains the four orations against Catiline, together with those for Ar- chias, Marcellus, the Manilian Law, and Murena. In making this selection, the editor has been guided by the statutes of Columbia College, which require all the orations that have just been enumerated, with the exception of the last two, to be read by candidates for admission into the Freshman Class. As the stat- utes of other colleges differ, in this refpect, but little from our own. and as the orations against Catiline are almost universally read, it is hoped that the work here presented to the public will prove a useful auxiliary to the youth of our country in general. The orations for the Manilian Law and for Murena have been added as favourable specimens of Cicero's more elaborate 2FACE. v. - >\k "V s * Osk^jOS*-, eloquence, Especially the latter; and they may, Tt^is conceived, be read -with advantage at the beginning of an under-graduate course In forming the text of the present work, the editor has taken Ernesti's for his basis, but without any slavish adherence to the opinions and decisions of that distinguished commentator. Wherever a reading presented itself, calculated in the editor's opinion to throw more light on the meaning of Cicero than the received lection could impart, he has not hesitated to adopt it ; and he flatters himself that the result of his labours, in this department, will prove accept- able to all who are qualified to pass an opinion upon his efforts. . i / The commentary, it will be perceived, is far from being a scanty one. If there be any author that stands in neJI of full and copious illustration, it un doubtedly is Cicero in the orations which have come down to us. The train of thought must be continu- ally laid open to the young scholar, to enable him to appreciate, in their full force and beauty, these brilliant memorials of other days ; and the allusions, in which the orator is so fond of indulging, must be PREFACE. carefully and fully explained. Unless this be done, the speeches of Cicero become a dead letter, and time is only wasted in their perusal. u aoilAtteuNr Is lOTOtcrfw aJqmi*8 yo Jttorfnw The editor is induced to make these remarks, from the conviction, that the system of commenting, which he has pursued throughout the present work, will, as in the case of his previous efforts, be condemned by some on the ground of its affording too much aid to the learner. The truth is, however, the editor had no alternative left him. If there be any one cause, which has tended more powerfully than the rest to bring classical studies into disrepute among us, it is the utter incompetency of many of those who profess to be classical instructors. It is very natural that such preceptors should be strongly averse to bestowing too much assistance upon their pupils; and perhaps it is lucky for the latter that such a state of things should exist; but certainly, for the credit of our common country, it is high time that some change should be effected, and that if the learner cannot obtain from oral instruction the inform- ation which ought to be afforded him, he may procure it at least from the notes of his text-book. We may be very sure of one thing, that the style of classical PREFACE. instruction which prevails at the present clay in so many of our colleges and seminaries of learning, of translating merely the language of an ancient author, without any attempts whatever at illustration or anal- ysis, will never produce any fruits either of sound learning or intellectual improvement. C. A < yd biuoiie * tstit .-j LIFE OF CICERO. LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO. DR. BARTON. HENRY ARLINGTON. H. GOOD morning, my dear Doctor, I have waited upon you, at diis early hour, to display a purchase which I recently made, and to ask your opinion respecting it. I have here the entire works of Cicero, in one atoiit octavo, by a German scholar of the name of Nobbe. Dr. B. I have seen the edition, Henry, and am disposed to think very favourably of it, both as regards the text itself, and the typographical ex- ecution of the volume. I examined it at Parker's, yesterday, in company with Ashton, of Brasen-Nose. But do tell me, how stands your acquaint- ance with the life and writings of " the man of Arpinum?" H. I am not as much at home there, Doctor, as I ought to be. With the general outlines of his character and labours, I am as well acquainted, probably, as most young men of my age are ; hut still there are many points about which I would like to consult you, when you are perfectly at leisure for the task. Indeed, Doctor, to be candid, I wish you would favour me with a conversation about Cicero, similar to the one in which Sallust was our theme. Dr. B. With all my heart, Henry, for I happen to be quite at leisure just now, as the delegates of the press will not meet to-day, owing to the indisposition of the Cambden Professor of History, Dr. Cardwell. H. I regret the cause, my dear Doctor, and yet cannot but deem my- self extremely fortunate in finding you thus disengaged. With your permission, I will occupy this comfortable, old-fashioned arm-chair, and will place my Cicero on the table between us as a sort of connecting tie. Dr. B. There is no need, my dear boy, of any such tie in the present case, as a far more powerful one already exists. Besides, I know not how it is, but whoever occupies that plain old seat where you are now reclining, seems endeared to me by what Gaisford would call the "genius tedilis" for it was there that my old friend Copleston of Oriel used to sit, and discourse of " high philosophy," before he was transferred to that more elevated sphere of action, which he honours by his talents, and zi \U LIFE AND WRriWGS OF CICERO. adorns by his numerous virtues. God grant, my dear Henry, that youi own career may be as distinguished and successful a one. H. If patient industry, and a conscientious discharge of duty, can gain for me an honourable name, I trust I shall never disappoint your expect- ations, my own and my father's friend, although I can never hope to attain to that lofty superiority, which has been reached by the eminent individual whose name you have just mentioned. Let us proceed, now, my dear Doctor, to Cicero. Dr. B. Marcus Tullius Cicero was born in the 103d year before the Christian era, at Arpinum, a Latin city, the inhabitants of which enjoyed the rights of Roman citizenship, and the privilege, consequently, of voting at the comitia. The birth-year of Cicero was also that of Pompey, who was a few months his junior ;i while Arpinum, the orator's natal place, was likewise famous for having produced the celebrated Marius, the well-known opponent of Sylla, and the deliverer at the same time and scourge of his country. H. Was it not Pompey who made some allusion to this circumstance, Doctor, of Arpinum's having produced both a Cicero and a Marius. Dr. B. It was. He took occasion once to remark, in a public speech, that Rome was under the strongest obligations to this municipium, be- cause two citizens had come forth from it, who had each in his turn pre- served Italy from ruin. 2 And Valerius Maximus makes a similar remark H. I remember his words : " Conspicuaefelicit.atis Arpinum unicum, sive liter arum gloriosissimum contemtorem, sive abundantissimumfontem, intueri velis."3 Dr. B. Yes, that used to be a favourite quotation with Russell, of Magdalen. The contemlor literarum is Marius, the fans abundantissi- mus, Cicero. Our orator was of a family, which, though it had never borne any of the great offices of the republic, was yet very ancient and honourable ; 4 of principal distinction and nobility in that part of Italy in which it resided, and of equestrian rank from its first admission to the freedom of Rome. It appears, that the father of Cicero, having his ambition probably excited, by the successful career of his fellow-towns- man Marius, was the first who thought of obtaining some degree of lustre for his family, by bestowing a careful education on his two sons Marcus and Quintus, and one which might enable them to enjoy the highest offices in the gift of the Roman people. 1 . Ci ^ero was born on the third of January, (Ep. ad Att. 7, 5,) and Pompey on the last of September following. Pigh. Ann. Plin. 37, 2. 2. Cie. de Leg. 2. 2. 3. 3. Vol. Max. 2, 2, 4. 4. " Haec est mea, et hujttsfratria mei germana patria : hine enim orti stirpe antiquissima sumus : kic tacra, hie genus, hie majorum multa vestigia." Cie, tie Leg. 2, 2, 3. LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO. Xlll H. But how could they procure this education at Arpinum! Dr. B. They obtained it at Rome, in the dwelling of Caius Aculeo, their maternal uncle, and an eminent lawyer of the day ; and their cous- ins, the young Aculeos, were educated with them, according to a method approved of by Crassus, the celebrated orator, and by the very instructors whom he himself had employed. 1 The language and literature of Greece formed, of course, a prominent part of their early studies, and in this they were carefully instructed by the poet Archias, who came to resiae at Rome when Cicero was only five years of age, and to whose fostering care the latter beautifully alludes in the memorable oration where he defends the poet's citizenship. H. Do you not think, Doctor, that he rates somewhat too highly the merits of this Archias ] Dodgson, of Christ-Church, one of Dean Ire- land's scholars, insists that the poet was only an individual of second- rate abilities. Dr. B. Why, I am inclined to think so myself. But vanity, you knovy, was the great failing in Cicero's character, and Archias most probably, in the true spirit of his country and his age, had ministered so abundantly to the personal feelings of the Roman orator, as to entitle him in the eyes of the latter to a more than ordinary return of the language of praise. Be this, however, as it may, we cannot but admire the kind feeling so strongly displayed in his spirited eulogium upon the character and abilities of his early preceptor. But let us proceed. Cicero is said to have attracted, at an early period, the attention of the two greatest orators of their day, Licimus Crassus and Marcus Antonius, who did not disdain to interest themselves in behalf of a youth so conspicuous for zeal and the early development of talent. He had already given a proof of this ability by his poem of Pontius Glaucus, which he is said to have composed while still almost a boy, and which existed as late as the time of Plutarch. 2 H. But, Doctor, you surely would not consider Cicero's poetry a very safe standard by which to estimate his intellectual excellence. Dr. B. I am well aware, my young friend, of the difference of opinion which exists in relation to the poetry of Cicero, and that it is very much the fashion with modern scholars to deny him any merit in this species of writing. He has been often ridiculed on account of an unlucky line, that occurred in a poem which he composed on the subject of his consulship ; and I have no doubt you can quote it for me. H. " fortunatam natam me consule Romam." Dr. B. Right. You remember probably the sarcasm of Juvenal,3 that, 1. " Cumquenos cum consobrinis nostris, Aculeonis JiUis, et ea disceremua, gttae Crasso placerent, et ab its doctoribue, quibus itte uterelur enidiremnr." D Or at. 2, 1. 2. Pint. Vit. Cic. 2. 3. Sat. 10, 123. se?. B XIV LIFE AND WHITINGS OF CICERO. if he had uttered every thing in this way, he would have oeen sale Irom the swords of Antony's followers ; and also Quintilian's language, who censures the line as an example of defective versification ;i still, I can- not, I confess, see the justice of condemning a writer far a single line of poetry, and it appears to me, that, if our modem bards were tried by thia ordeal, a large number, who have obtained very comfortable quarters on Parnassus, would be compelled to descend to the plain. Voltaire, in the preface to his Catilina, places Cicero by the side of the best poets of hia time, and thinks he may even dispute the palm with Lucretius himself. 2 H. Allow me to ask, Doctor Barton, whether you would consider Voltaire as a very strong authority in the present case 1 Dr. B. I know what you mean by your question, Henry. The works which my friend Dr. Wynter, of St. John's College, recommended you to read, has given you a very low opinion of Voltaire's general accuracy, and I confess, that, in matters of real scholarship, his authority is of no weight whatever. As a poet, however, he may be allowed to give us his opinion respecting a brother poet, and may be considered a much safer guide in matters of taste than where learning and research are demanded. H. Perhaps, Doctor, some light may be thrown upon this subject by the estimation in which Cicero's poetry was held among his contem- poraries. Dr. B. Strange as it may appear to you, Cicero's contemporaries all tnought that his poem entitled Marius, an extract from which appears in the treatise on Divination, 4 and on which by-the-bye Voltaire's opinion is founded, was a production that had the fairest chance of descending to posterity. Indeed, the alliance between oratory and the poetic art is so strict, that it is difficult to excel in one, without having at the same time some disposition for the other. Both demand, in fact, the very same qualities, an ardent imagination, a fertile invention, and grandeur and elevation of style. Thus, for example, the genius of Demosthenes was essentially tragic, and he appears as much of a poet as an orator, in some of those strains of continued eloquence, which no human effort has yet surpassed, and which have covered his name with one undying blaze of glory. We must bear in mind, too, that, in Cicero's days, the ancient rusticity of the Latin muse was only beginning to assume a more polished exterior, and to familiarize itself insensibly with harmony of numbers and 1. Inst. Or. 9,4,41. 2. " Ce que peu de personnea savent, c'est qne Gicertm etait encore un des premiers poe'tes d'un sie'cle ou la belle posie comniengaita naitre. II balanoait .a reputation de Lucrece. Y-a-t-il rien do plus beau que ces vers qui nous sont restee de son poeine sur Marius, et qui font tant regretter la perte de cet ouvrage 1" 3. Lettres de quelquos Juifs, a M. de Voltaire. 3 torn. 12 mo. 4. die. de Div. 1, 47 LIFE AND WRITINGS Ok CICERO. XT the other embellishments of art. The perfection, however, to which poetry was carried after the death of Cicero, having absolutely excluded all mediocrity, it need not surprise us that he retained so little reputation in a species of writing which he found in so uncultivated and almost bar- barous a state. Our judgments of things are formed in this world solely by comparison. Cicero passes with many for a bad poet, because he does not enjoy the same rank as Virgil and Horace, Tibullus and Ovid, and this manner of judging him seems to have originated at the court of Au- gustus, where, to throw ridicule on the character of a patriot like Cicero, was sure to be received with favour by him who sat upon the throne. H. I find a good deal of truth in your remarks, my dear Doctor, and will give the subject, one day, my attentive consideration ; meanwhile allow me to ask what portions we have remaining of Cicero's poetry. Dr. B. But few. There are fragments of his translation, into Latin hexameters, of the Phaenomena of Aratus ; the extract already mentioned from his poem entitled Marina, and another from that on the subject of his consulship, together with a few scattered lines from other perform- ances. 1 But I arn afraid I have indulged too much in the garrulity of age on this particular topic, let us return to the more immediate history of the Roman orator. It was the custom, in those days, for young persons of good families, after they had assumed the manly gown, to attach them- selves to some distinguished member of the senate, whom they accom- panied to all places of public resort, the forum in particular, and from whose example they learned to occupy themselves with the affairs of the republic or those of private individuals. The senator, to whom Cicero had been recommended, was the celebrated lawyer, Quintus Mutius Scaevola,* surnamed the Augur, by way of distinction from one of his relatives who was Pontifex Maximus. How much he profited by the society and the wisdom of this excellent man, is acknowledged by him in grateful terms, in the beginning of the dialogue on the subject of friendship. H. Did the study of jurisprudence form at this time his sole employ- ment 1 Dr. B. It did not. The great object which he had in view rendered it absolutely necessary for him to obtain a perfect acquaintance with the various writers that adorned the literature of Greece ; and this course of reading formed, during the whole of his life, his favourite relaxation after the labours of the senate and the bar, and his chief consolation amid the political convulsions of the republic. Among the Greeks, who, at this period, gave instruction at Rome in their national literature, besides his old preceptor Arcoias, was Phaedrus the Epicurean, and he was in j>ar- 1. de. Op. ed. Erntsti, vol. 7, p. 1120, tegq. 4 Brut. c. 89. XVI LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO. ticular the first Greek philosopher, whose lectures were attended by the youthful Cicero, H. I have heard it said also, Doctor, that Cicero in early life performed military service. Is the statement a correct one 1 Dr. B. It is. Two careers, at this period, presented themselves to those of the Roman youth who were possessed neither of fortune nor family influence ; the path of arms and that of eloquence. Oratorical talents were sure of finding at Rome a thousand opportunities of display - ing themselves, either in the defence of friends, or in the accusation of powerful offenders ; and they conducted their possessor to honours and public favour as promptly and as effectually as the career of military exploits. Such, however, was the peculiar constitution of the republic, that the ablest general was compelled to cultivate, in some degree, tho art of public speaking ; and, on the other hand, the most eloquent orator could not remain a stranger to the art of war. Every young man, des- tined for the movements of the bar, had to commence by making sdme campaigns abroad, and Cicero made his in the war of the allies, under Cneius Pompeius Strabo, father of the well-known Pompey, and under Sylla, the celebrated competitor of Marius. At the conclusion of this period, the republic was endangered without, by the contest with Mithri- dates, and within by civil strife. Five years of trouble thus ensued, during which Cicero, whose youth entitled him to the privilege of remain- ing neutral between the two factions, devoted all his time to rhetoric and philosophy. H. Under what instracters, Doctor ? Dr. B. He had now for his preceptors many learned Greeks, whom the war with Mithridates had compelled to abandon their country. The chief of these was Philc, 1 of Larissa, who had been at the head of the Academy at Athens, and who was now a very successful teacher of phi- losophy in the Roman capital. The ardour with which Cicero embraced the Academic tenets is easily explained by the utility which he was likely to derive from them in the discussions of the forum. Philo however was not his only master. The Stoic Diodotus2 taught him how to wield the arms of dialectic science, and under this rhetorician, who lived and died beneath his roof, Cicero daily exercised himself in extemporaneous decla- mation. These exercises were in the Greek language, Diodotus probably being not well acquainted with the Latin ; but still they were "no doubt of the greatest advantage to Cicero, in enabling him to enrich his native 'diora with the treasures of the Hellenic tongue. H. I thank you. Doctor Barton, for thus dwelling upon the earlier studies of Cicero. The narrative may serve to animate the youthfu 1. Cic. de Or. 3, 28. Brut. 89. JEp. ad Fam. 13, 1. Tusc. Diip. 2, 3. 2. Btut.W.Ep. ad Fam. 13, 16. Ep ad Alt. 2, 20. Acad. 4, 36. MFE AND WRITINGS OF CICKKO. XV11 aspirants of our own day. How forcibly are we struck by the contrast, when we compare the preparatory toil of a Demosthenes and a Cicero with that of the orators of our own times. Theirs was the heroic age of eloquence, an age destined never to return. The ancient candidate for the prize of oratory devoted his whole faculties to a mastery over the instruments of persuasion. He neglected none of the means of success, however slight or insignificant in appearance. He explored every avenue of the mind, and took possession of all the inlets of delight through the medium of the senses. If he figured as a statesman, the study of elo- quence included the whole mental discipline. If he appeared as an advo- cate, and won the cause, it was to the arts of persuasion he owed the victory.i x Dr. B. True, Henry, but then how different is the training of the modern, whether he appear in the senate or the forum. His path is crowded and encumbered with the materials of almost unlimited extent and variety, which the labours of centuries have accumulated, and which he is required to shape to the ends of judicious speech. He is thrown on a scene of business, and into affairs of complexity, from the moment of iis entrance on a public career. He has to combine and arrange a vast number of details, inconsistent with all unity of application. He cannot pursue eloquence as a separate branch of intellectual discipline, and of preparation for the conflicts of life. The ancients, having in their polit- ical assemblies no balancing of interests, no complicated adjustments, no compromises of policy, no schemes of concession, gave themselves up to a single point of discussion. They were never diverted from a certain unity of intellectual view by the distractions and divisions which pervade our mixed assemblies. Theirs was a singleness of purpose effected by simplicity of means. What weapons of signal power and proof did not these circumstances lend to the eloquence of antiquity.g H. I perceive the force of your remarks, my dear Doctor, and that the labours and efforts of modern oratory ought to have been rated more highly by me. But let us proceed with Cicero. Dr. B. The first oration which Cicero pronounced, at least of those extant, was delivered in the presence of four judges appointed by the praetor, and with the celebrated Hortensius for his opponent. It was in the case of Quintius, and the orator was at that time but 26 years of age. The first public or criminal trial on which he spoke, was that of Roscms of Ameria, the succeeding year, when he appeared on the defence, and displayed great courage in attacking, during his speech, a certain Chry- aogonus, a favourite slave, to whom Sylla, then in the height of his power, 1- Southern Revietr, ffo. 10, page 325. 2. Ibid. LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO. had given freedom, and whom he had permitted to buy the properly of the father of Roscius as a forfeiture. H. This was certainly bold conduct in so young an advocate. Dr. B. It was indeed. From dread of the power of Syila, the accused had difficulty in prevailing on any patron to undertake his cause, but Cicero eagerly embraced this opportunity to give a public testimonial of his detestation of oppression and tyranny. The oration, however, was too much in the florid Asiatic manner, which the example of Hortensius had rendered fashionable in the forum. The spirit displayed by Cicero in conducting this defence met with general applause, and was remembered by himself in his old age with a feeling of such delight, that he recom- mends to his son, as the surest path to true honour, to defend those who are unjustly oppressed, as he himself had done in many causes, but par- ticularly in that of Roscius of Ameria, whom he had protected against Sylla in the height of his authority. 1 H. And did no evil consequences result to the orator from this cour- ageous defence 1 Dr. B. None whatever. It must be confessed, indeed, that Cicero quitted Rome soon after this, partly it is said on account of his health, which had suffered by his close application to study, and partly for im- provement. Perhaps he deemed it but common prudence to withdraw for a season from the immediate presence of the all-powerful Sylla. He travelled into Greece and Asia Minor, where he spent two years in the assiduous study of philosophy, under the ablest instructers in either country, and where he also acquired, under Grecian masters, the art of commanding his voice, and giving it greater compass and variety than it had hitherto attained. 2 The first cause which he plead after his return to Rome, was that of Roscius, the celebrated tragedian, which involved a mere matter of civil right, and was of no peculiar interest or importance. All the orations which he delivered during the five following years are lost, of which number were those for Marcus Tullius and Lucius Varenus, which Priscian mentions as being extant in his time. H. I perceive, too, that even the speech for Roscius, the actor, is not complete, since the ill-omened words, " Desiderantur non paiccd," are appended to it. Dr. B. They are indeed words of evil import, but we shall have pre- sently to speak of losses far more serious and deplorable. Let us go on meanwhile with the biography of our orator. Cicero had attained the quaestorship at the age of thirty, an office forming the first step in the scent to consular honours. His election was most honourable to him, as he was chosen by the unanimous suffrages of the tribes, and stood first 1. Dunlop. Rom. Lit. vol. 2, p. 279, Land. ed. tf. Brutus, 91. Dunlop. ubi mipra. LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO. MX on the list of competitors. 1 The provinces of the quaestors being always distributed by lot, the island of Sicily fell to the share of Cicero,* where he displayed so much prudence and sagacity, so much activity in the discharge of his official duties, and, what was most rare in those times, so much integrity and disinterestedness, as to excite the admiration of all the Sicilians. H. Was it not during his government in this island that he discovered the tomb of the mathematician Archimedes 1 Dr. B. It was, Henry. Before he left Sicily, at the close of his quaes torship, he made the tour of the island, to see whatever it contained that was worthy the attention of a liberal and cultivated mind. On reaching Syracuse, his first request was, to be shown the tomb of Archimedes ; but neither magistrates nor people could indicate its position, and Cicero himself was the first to discover it, by the sphere and cylinder engraved on the marble, and by a half defaced inscription. 3 You sigh, Henry. H. I am thinking, Doctor, of the proud boast of him, who engaged to move the universe, if a foothold were afforded him, and of the neglected tomb where that same individual, after little more than a century, was slumbering forgotten in his narrow resting-place. Dr. B. True, but his name has never died, and it was this very immor- tality that led the Roman quaestor to his neglected grave. At the ago of thirty-seven, Cicero obtained the office of aedile. Before entering on the functions of this magistracy, a glorious opportunity was afforded for the display of his eloquence, in the prosecution against Verres, the prae tor of Sicily, accused by the inhabitants of that island of many flagrant acts of injustice, rapine and cruelty, while he exercised among them the functions of the praetorship. Applications for redress, however, in cases of this kind, rarely brought any relief to the oppressed nations bowed down beneath the tyranny of Rome. The decision in such cases depended upon judges generally implicated themselves in similar enormities, and better calculated therefore to afford impunity to the guilty, than relief to the aggrieved. This undue influence received additional weight in the case of Verres from the high rank and connexions of the culprit. Unap- palled, however, by these difficulties, Cicero entered boldly on the man- agement of the prosecution. He had been solicited to undertake the case by a petition from all the towns of Sicily, except Syracuse and Messina, both of which had been occasionally allowed by the plunderer to share the -poils of the province. The issue was completely successful, and after he opening speech of Cicero, and the depositions of the witnesses, 1. " Me cum quaestorem in primis cunctis suffragiis populug Romanus faci ot" Or. in Pis. 1. Compare Brut. 92. 2. " Me quaestorem Siciliensis excepit annvs." Brut. 92. 3. Tusc. Quaest. 5,3. XX LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO. Verrcs, driven to despair, submitted, without awaiting his sentence, to a voluntary exile. H. But what is this oration against Caecilius, which, I find here, on opening my Cicero, has been placed at the head of the orations against Verres, and why is it called " Divinutio ?" Dr. B. There was one Caecilius, a mere creature of Verres, who had been his quaestor in S>cily, and who pretended to have received certain personal injuries from him, and to have a very intimate knowledge of all his crimes. He claimed, on these grounds, to be appointed accuser, in preference to Cicero, intending of course to manage the prosecution in such a way that Verres might easily escape. H. An ingenious contrivance certainly. Dr. B. Yes ; but it emanated from Hortensius, who was counsel for the accused. The rival claims, therefore, of Caecilius and Cicero had first to be decided, and this mode of deciding was technically termed " Divinatio" because, as there were no facts in the case, the judges, without the aid of witnesses, divined as it were what was nroper to be done.i H. But, Doctor, did you mean to be understood as saying, that only one of the orations against Verres was ever pronounced 1 Dr. B, I did. Of the six speeches against this individual, only one was actually delivered. The remaining five, which he intended to pro- nounce after the proof was completed, were subsequently published in the same shape, as if Verres had actually stood his trial and made a regular defence. Of these, the most interesting is that " De signis," where an account is given of the statues and paintings and works of art which Verres plundered ; while the finest is undoubtedly that " De suppiiciis," which is full of striking passages and the most vehement pathos.2 H. These orations, however, Doctor, must sound very oddly in some parts to a modern ear. Dr. B. They do indeed, Henry, I can assure you. Thus, in the begin- ning of the second oration, Cicero speaks of a report having been spread, that Verres was to abandon his defence, but that there he sat braving his accusers and judges with his characteristic impudence. The effect of this is very amusing, when we recollect that Verres had absconded before one word of all this could be pronounced.3 1L Still, Doctor, it is very comfortable, for us ordinary mortals, to know that so much of the brilliant eloquence of Cicero was carefully elaborated and wrought out in private, before the occasion arrived for its being flashed forth upon a dazzled auditory. The more I am allowed to look 1. Ascon. in Or. contra Caectt. 2. Dunlop. Rom. Lit. vol. 2, p 283, seqq. 3. Id. ibid. LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO. XXI behind the curtain, and to survey from a nearer point of view the work- shops of great minds, the more I am inclined to think that " Sublimity," or, as we ought more correctly to render it, " Elevation of style," u in reality a very mechanical kind of operation. Dr. B. Yes ; my old friend Parr thought that Sublimis came Irom super limum,i but I rather think sub lima the more rational etymology, and that the finest passages in the literature of every nation, are precisely those which have been most carefully subjected to the private application of the file. But to return. At the expiration of the two years which were required by law to intervene between the aedileship and the office of praetor, Cicero was elected to this latter station. 2 It was while in- vested with this magistracy, that he advocated with all his eloquence, against the views of the senate, to whom he was sincerely attached, and against the true interests of the republic, his cherished idol, the famous bill of the tribune Manilius, which granted to Pompey, for enabling him to terminate the Mithridatic war, a power that seemed incompatible with public freedom. H. I have never liked the character of Pompey, and it would delight me, Doctor, if your sentiments respecting him were to prove in accord- ance with my own. Do tell me what you think of the man. Dr. B. Sallust paints his character in a very few words : " Oris probi, ammo inverecundo," meaning to imply, that his probity was more upon nis tongue than in his heart. Pompey, in fact, respected virtue suffi- ciently, not to offer it any open outrage or insult, but he never loved it enough to sacrifice to it in secret. Hence arose that profound dissimu- lation, in which he always enveloped himself, and that system, so well supported by him, of never wishing apparently to become possessed of any object, except by his own merit, while in reality he was grasping at and bearing off every thing by dint of private intrigue. If he was inferior, however, to Caesar in military talents, he was always superior to him in the comparative purity of his morals, and in the moderation of his senti- ments. Caesar wished to be the master of the world, Pompey only the first citizen of the republic. He was constant in his friendships, a mod- erate enemy, and peaceable citizen, as long as he had no rival to fear. Intrepid in conflict, he was always generous after victory, and hence he gave to Mithridates a splendid funeral, and burnt all the correspondence between Sertorius and the chief men of Rome. To return to the point from which your question called me off, Cicero, at the period alluded to, was midway in his career of public honours ; the consulship was before him, and the hope of attaining to this darling prize of his ambition, thiough the influence of Pompey, must have exercised some degree of control 1. Parriana, by E. H. Barker, vol. 2, p. 475, aeqq. 2. Or. pro Leg. Manil. 1 JUCli LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO. wver the movements of the orator. At all events, the Romans of that day gave him little credit for sincerity in his extravagant eulogiums upon that favourite commander. H. To what foreign province, Doctor, was Cicero sent on the expira lion of his praetorship ? Dr. B. He would not accept of any government,! but remained at Rome, where he strove more and more in every way to conciliate the favour of the people. He was now preparing to sue for the consulship, the great object of all his hopes, and his whole attention was employed how to obtain it in his proper year, and without a repulse. There were two years necessarily to intervene between the praetorship and consul- ship ; the first of which was usually spent in forming a general interest, and soliciting as it were in a private manner ; the second in suing for it openly, in the proper form and habit of a candidate. The efforts of Cicero were crowned with success, and he was chosen consul with almost the same honours as in his antecedent elections to magistracy. His principal opponent was Catiline. H. And his colleague in office, Anlonius. Was it not so 1 Dr. B. Yes ; the same Antonius, who was in secret league with the party of Catiline, and had to be bought off by Cicero with the opulenf province of Macedonia.2 H. I will not occupy your time, Doctor, by any questions relative to the conspiracy of Catiline ; of that daring movement I have obtained an accurate idea from the pages of Sallust. I will merely request of you to give me a brief sketch of the subsequent life of Cicero and then pass to an examination of his writings. Dr. B. I think this will be our more advisable course, Henry, as time would fail us were we to, endeavour to do full justice to both ; and, besides, allusion will occasionally be made to the history of his later years in our remarks on his literary efforts. The extraordinary but well-merited hon- aurs conferred upon Cicero for finishing this formidable conspiracy, could not fail to excite against him the opposition of the envious, as well as the jealousy of the more ambitious portion of his fellow-citizens. They took tare not to reproach him at first with any act of injustice in his public career, but merely expressed themselves fatigued, and indeed completely worn out, by his continual eulogiums upon his own patriotic efforts. In the forum, at the meetings of the senate, before the tribunals of justice, nay even in the private circles which he frequented, the names of Catiline *nd Lentulus were constantly on his lips. He introduced his own praise? mto his writings. Almost every treatise of his, composed after this event, tontains some allusion to his public services. Even his speeches lost in 1. Or. pro Mitren. 20. 2. Sallvit. B. C. 26. LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO. XX111 inis way, through the excessive vanity of the man, a large portion of that pleasing and persuasive influence by which they once were characterized It was like a kind of fatality. H. When did he first experience the evil effects of this line of conduct I Not surely during his consulship 1 Dr. B. When he was about to retire from it. On such occasions, it was usual for the magistrate, who was laying down his office, to make a speech to the assembled people, detailing the various public services which he had rendered during its continuance, and showing that his dis- charge of the duties of his magistracy had been a faithful and conscien- tious one. The tribune Metellus interrupted Cicero, when on the point of making such an harangue, and commanded him to be silent. The only alternative left the orator, was to swear in a loud voice that he had saved the city from conflagration, and his fellow-citizens from the sword. In this oath the populace joined with one accord, and Cicero was conducted home by them in triumph, amid the mortification of his enemies and the joy of his friends.i H. A noble triumph, Doctor, and well worthy of the man whom Catu- lus had styled, in a full senate, the father of his country Dr. B. Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus, who, three years after, formed the coalition known in history as the first triumvirate, secretly favoured the designs of Cicero's enemies, whose numbers the latter had increased by his unyielding and rigid discharge of duty, and to whom was now to be added the profligate Clodius, that bold and bad man, whose tribune- ship was fraught with ruin to the peace and welfare of the deliverer of his country. Ever since the period of his acquittal from the charge of sac- rilege, the malignant star of Clodius was in the ascendant, and that c f Cicero began to wane. During the progress of the accusation a dea-T / animosity had grown up between them, and Clodius was not a mau to neglect any favourable opportunity of revenge. 2 H. Was not this man a descendant of the haughty race of the Claudii, who had ever shown so little regard for the liberties of the people 1 Dr. B. He was ; but profligacy and ruin had compelled him to take refuge among the very class on whose rights his patrician forefathers had so repeatedly trampled, and the corrupt and impoverished noble, the head of the Claudian family, voluntarily degraded himself from his rank, and obtained adoption into a plebeian house. H. But what were his objects 1 Dr. B. They were two ; to humble the aristocracy and take vengeance upon Cicero.3 Being elected to the tribuneship, this pestilent dema- I Or. in Pis. Z.Ep. ad Fam. 5, 2. 2. London Quarterly iZeinew, No. 112, p. 364. A Ibid XXIV LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICLRO. goguc obtained the passage of a law, making it criminal in any ono to havs put to death a Roman citizen without a trial before the people, and in- flicting the penalty of exile. The blow was aimed at Cicero, who, how- ever, in ordering the punishment of Catiline's accomplices, had only obeyed the mandate of the senate, and the illustrious Roman was com- pelled to bend to the storm and go into voluntary banishment. Imme- diately after his departure a law was passed which exiled him to the distance of five hundred miles from Rome, and declared all his property to be confiscated. His villas, accordingly, were pillaged and burnt, hia dwelling at Rome was demolished, and a temple to Freedom was erected on its site. H. But where was the aid which he expected, and ought to have received from Pompey ! Dr. B. As long as that profound dissembler believed that there was danger lest Cicero might throw himself into Caesar's hands, he gave him the strongest assurances, confirmed by oaths and the most solemn prot- estations, that there was no danger, and that he would rather lose his own life, than suffer any harm to approach the person of the orator. But growing cool and reserved, as the plot against Cicero drew towards a crisis, and pretending to believe that the latter had formed designs against his safety, he withdrew to his villa, and abandoned him to his fate.i H. Why did not Cicero demand a personal interview, and upbraid him with his monstrous duplicity 1 Dr. B. He did obtain such an interview ; but as for upbraiding the wily hypocrite, he wanted firmness for that. He threw himself at the feet of Pompey, and supplicated for aid. But the answer he received was perfectly in character : Pompey felt himself compelled to act in nothing against the wishes of Caesar.2 H. And where were his other friends I Dr. B. All zealous for his welfare, but, as might naturally be expected, divided in opinion as to the course which he ought to pursue. LucuVhis advised him to remain, and defend himself by force. Cato and Horten- sius urged him to yield to the storm, and this advice, coinciding with the opinion of Atticus, and being supported by the fears and entreaties of hia own family, 3 made him resolve to leave the field to his enemies and go into voluntary exile. Withdrawing in the night season, escorted by a numerous train of friends, who, after a day's journey or two, left him with every demonstration of regret, he turned his course towards Sicily, intend- 1. Or. pro Dom. 11. 2. Ej>. ad Alt. 10, 4. Plutarch says, that P-jmpey slipped out of a back door, siid would not see him, but it is certain from Cicero's account that he was admit t!(l to an interview. 3. Plut. Vit. Cic. c. 31. * LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO. XXV nig to make it his place of refuge, and sure of finding in the bosoms of its inhabitants that grateful affection which had been denied him at home. But when he was come within sight of the island, the Roman praetor seat him word that he must not set foot within it, and what made the shock still more cruel was this, that the magistrate in question had been an old and familiar friend, was under important obligations to Cicero, and belonged to the same party in the state. 1 H. But why did the praetor take this step 1 Dr. B. Through fear of Clodius, whose enmity he had already experi- enced, and the weight of whose power he now dreaded to encounter. 2 Retiring to Greece, Cicero now took refuge in Thessalonica, where the hand of friendship was extended to him by Plancius, then quaestor of Macedonia, and where the praetor Apuleius, though he dared not venture to grant him openly his protection, yet connived at the acts of his quaes- tor, and took a lively interest in his behalf.3 Two months had hardly elapsed before his friend the tribune Ninnius* made a motion in the senate for his recall. Pompey also, roused by the insults of Clodius, whose power was now on the decline, and anxious to retrieve his own credit and ingratiate himself with the senate and people, began to exert himself in his behalf. After a long and stormy interval, after every effort had been made by Clodius and his factious adherents, the cause of justice triumphed, and Cicero was recalled from exile by the unanimous suffrages of the centuries, and to the great joy of a vast majority of his coun trymen. 5 H. I have heard it said, Doctor Barton, that Cicero's conduct while in exile, was not such as one would consider either manly or spirited. Dr. B. It was worse. It was actually pusillanimous. He deplored his fall in the most desponding and lamentable terms. He complained of false friends, of an ungrateful country, of the utter ruin of all his worldly prospects. His friends were forced to admonish him sometimes to rouse his courage, and remember his former character. Nay, to such an extent was this feeling carried, that Atticus even wrote him word, of a report having reached the Roman capital, that his affliction had disordered his sen- ses. 5 The truth is, the excessive vanity of the man had received so rude and severe a shock, as almost to unsettle his intellect ; and he who had fondly hoped, that his name and services would remain ever fresh and undying in the memory of his countrymen, could hardly believe that he was now an exile and fugitive from the very country he had saved. 1 Ptut. Vit. Cic. c. 32. 2. Or. pro Plane. 40. 3. Or. pro Plane. 41. Post red. in sin. 14. 4. Or prc Sext. 31. 5. Pro dom. 33. Post red. in sen. 11. 6. Ep ad Fam 14. 4. Ep. ad An. 3, 13 XXVI LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO. H. But his return, Doctor, do tell me of that Dr. B. Ah '. that was indeed a glorious era in his existence The account of it is given by Cicero himself. The whole Appian Way, from Brundisium to Rome, appeared but one continued street, lined on both sides with crowds of men, women, and children. Nor was there a praefecture, town or colony, which did not send deputations to con- gratulate him on his return. What Cicero himself says, was, as Plutarch remarks, even less than the truth, that all Italy brought him back upon it? shoulders. That one day, observes the orator, was worth an immortality ; when, on my approach towards the city, the senate came out to receive me, followed by the whole number of citizens, as if Rome .itself had left its foundations and marched forward to embrace its preserver. 1 H. For what length of time had Cicero remained in exile, Doctor Barton 1 Dr. B. He was recalled sixteen months after his departure from Rome , but he did not actually re-enter the city until seventeen had elapsed. The law for his recall from exile was passed on the 4th of August, and the day of his return was the 4th of September. H. And where was Clodius, Doctor, during the period that elapsed after Cicero's restoration '! Dr. B. Doing every thing in his power to raise fresh tumults against him, and daily committing new outrages, until an end was put to his evil career by the swords of Milo's followers. Cicero, after his return from exile, devoted himself for several years to the affairs of his numerous clients, and it was during this period that the celebrated trial of Milo took place, for the killing of Clodius, when the orator, intimidated by the dis- play of a military force, and the outcries of the factious, made but a weak and ineffectual defence. H. Cicero was no very great admirer, I believe, of warlike movements. Dr. B. Why, when an occasion offered, and he was compelled to act, he conducted himself in a manner far from discreditable. I will cite you an instance. Pompey, in order to check more effectually the practice of bribery, had procured the passage of a law, by which all future consuls and praetors were disqualified from holding any province, till five years after the expiration of their magistracies ; and, that there might be a supply of governors during this interval of five years, the senators of consular and praetorian rank, who had never held any foreign command, were to divide the vacant provinces among themselves by lot. Cicero, in conse- quence of this, obtained the government of Cilicia,2 a province which included also Pisidia, Pamphylia, and three districts of Asia, together with the island of Cyprus. At the head of two legions, he defeated tlm 1. Or. in Pis. 22. Post red. in sen. 15. Pro Sext. 63 2 Ep ad Alt. 5, 15. Ibid. 5, 17. LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO. XXvii Parthians, who had advanced as far as Antioch, and then turning his arms against the inhabitants of the mountains, an untamed race of banditti, who had never acknowledged the Roman sway, he took two of their towns, Erana and Pindenissus, the latter their capital, and which cost him a six weeks' siege, and in testimony of his success was saluted by his soldiers with the title of Imperator.i He would have obtained a triumph also, had not the troubled state of affairs at home prevented one from being con- ferred. H. The troubles to which you allude were those no doubt which attended the commencement of the civil contest. How did he act du- ring their continuance 1 Dr. B. In the first outbreaking of this memorable war, Caesar and Pompey were both anxious to gain over a man whose good opinion was so important as Cicero's. The orator regarded the cause of Pompey as that of the republic ; he disapproved of every thing which had been done for the increase of Caesar's power ; but yet he plainly foresaw, that a collision between these two commanders would end in the ruin of the republican party. Hence the indecision which marked his conduct, and necessarily embroiled him with both. During the space of five months he was debating within himself whether he should follow Pompey and the senate into Epirus, or remain in Italy. At last he decided for the first of these courses, and joined Pompey at Dyrrhachium. 2 Scarcely, however, had he taken this step, when he began to repent of it. 3 He did not present himself at the battle of Pharsalia, a sickness, real or pretended, having confined him at Dyrrhachium, where Cato was encamped with fifteen cohorts. When the issue of the conflict was known, Cato offered to Cicero, as a personage of consular rank, the command of the forces. He declined, and recommended an accommodation, a step which had nearly cost him his life at the hands of the son of Pompey.* Returning upon tliis, abruptly to Italy, he found in this country a safe conduct st-nt unto him by Caesar, who was then in Egypt, and couched in the most honourable terms. 5 H. Ah, it was this that Grant, of New College, showed me yesterday, at the Bodleian, in a volume of Fabricius, beginning with the words, " M. Tullium Ciceronem, ob egregias ejus virtutes," &c. 6 The career of the orator is now drawing to a close, Doctor, and I will only beg of you to give me a rapid sketch of his history, that we may pass on to his works. Dr. B. Well then, it shall be a rapid one as you request. Cicero, 1. Ep. ad Fam. 15, \.-Ibid. 15, 4. 2. Ep. ad Fam. 6, 6. Or. pro Marcell. 5. 3. Ep. ad Fam. 7, 3.Plut. Vit. Cic. c. 38. 4. Plut. Vit. Cic. c. 39. 6. Ep. ad Fam. 14, 23. C. G. Fabric. Antiq. Man. Irmig. XXV111 LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO. who had waited at Brundisium, for the return of Caesar, fror-i the beer .1 ning of the year to the month of October, was very kindly received oy that commander when he reached the shores of Italy. Returning upon this to Rome, he took no part whatever in public affairs, and oniy broke through the long silence which he had preserved, when rendering thanks to Caesar for the recall of Marcellus, and defending Ligarius, and king Dei- otarus. The assassination of Caesar took place on the 15th of March, A. U. C. 710. Although Brutus was on terms of the greatest intimacy with Cicero, he had nevertheless concealed from him the plan of the con- spiracy; and yet the moment the dictator fell, raising on high his blood- stained dagger, he congratulated the Roman orator on the restoration of the republic. But the latter soon perceiving, that, instead of a mild and clement master, his country ran the risk of passing under the sway of the ambitious and profligate Antony, availed himself of the privilege of a free legation, and embarked for Greece. The representations of his friends, however, respecting the favourable state of affairs at Rome, induced him to return to Italy, and he re-entered the capital on the last day of Au- gust. 1 From this moment to the day of his death, he set himself in oppo- sition to the designs of Marc Antony, against whom he pronounced or published from the second of September, 710, to the 22d April, 712, four- teen harangues, known by the name of Philippics. In order to balance the authority of Antony, Cicero favoured with all his influence the young Octavianus, who appeared attached to him, and frequently applied to him for advice. The indifference, however, if not actual contempt, which the senate displayed towards this youthful and aspiring leader, drove him eventually into a union with Antony and Lepidus. Thus the second triumvirate was formed, and one of its conditions was the head of Cicero. H. And how did Octavianus act 1 Dr. B. HistoriansS inform us that he did not give up Cicero to the swords of Antony's hirelings, without the greatest reluctance, and only after a struggle of two days to preserve him. But all this affection fcr the orator was probably unreal, and only assumed for the purpose of excusing in some degree his subsequent abandonment of the aged patriot. Cicero was at his Tusculan villa, when the news of the proscription reached him, secret intelligence having been sent him by some of his friends. At first he resolved to sail for Greece, where Brutus was assem- bling around him the surviving followers of the party of the republic. Contrary winds, however, prevented the execution of this design, and he landed again on the Italian coast, and spent the night near Circeii, in great anxiety and irresolution. On the following day, the importunity of his domestics prevailed upon him to sail for Caieta, where he went 1. Ep. ad Alt. 16, 7. 2. Plut. Vit. Cic. c. 46. Veil. Pater c. 2, G6.-Sueton. Aug. &. LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO. XXIX again on shore, to repose himself in his Formian villa. Here he slept soundly for several hours, when his attendants, having heard of the arrival of a party of soldiers, who were in quest of him, conveyed their aged master towards the shore, through a private part of the woods ; but before they could succeed in reaching the ship, the soldiers headed by a tribune whom Cicero had once defended in a capital cause, overtook the fugi- tives, and executed the bloody mandate of Antony.i H. And was no effort made to save him on the part of his followers 1 Dr. B. The attendants, as soon as the soldiers appeared, prepared themselves for action, being resolved to defend their master's life at the hazard of their own ; but Cicero commanded them to set down the litter in which they were conveying him, and to make no resistance.2 When the ruffians approached, surveying them with a look which almost drove them from their bloody purpose, he bade them execute the errand on which they were sent, and extended his neck from the litter to receive the blow. His head and hands were severed from his body, conveyed to Rome, and fixed upon the rostra, the head between the two hands, by the orders of Antony ! H. His age, my dear Doctor. Dr. B. Within one month of sixty four. He was killed on the seventh of Decemoer, ten days after the establishment of the triumvirate.3 Shall I now proceed to delineate his character, or will you first have a brif analysis of his literary efforts 1 H. The latter, undoubtedly, will be the preferable course, for I shall then be better able to appreciate your delineation of the man. Dr. B. I think so myself. Now, open your Cicero, and name to me in succession the several productions of the Roman, as you will find them arranged there. I will give you a brief account of each. But, remember, only a brief one ; the rent ia to be supplied from your own private reading. H. I accept your terms, my dear Doctor, and will do my best to fulfil my part of the agreement. Now, here we have first in order, a treatise on Rhetoric, in four books, addressed to Herennius. Dr. B. Which treatise Cicero never wrote. If you ask me the name of the true author, I can only reply, that the matter is involved in utter uncertainty. You will see, by the heading, that some of the learned have ascribed it to Cornificius. This was the opinion of Aldus Manutius, Sigonius, and Muretus, who made the writer to have been Q. Cornificins, the elder, Caesar's quaestor during the civil war. Gerard Vossius, on the other hand, contends for the younger Cornificius. Scaliger attributes the 1. Plut. Vtt. Cie. c. 48. 2. Liv.fragm. ap. Senec. Suas. 1. 3. Veil. Paterc '? 64 -Pigh. Ann. ad A. U. C. 710. c* SXX LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO. work to Gallic, a rhetorician in the time of Nero. Schutz is in favour of M. Antonius Gnipho, who was born in Gaul, A. U. C. 640, studied at Alexandria, aud taught rhetoric in the house of the father of Julius Caesar. But there are difficulties attending all these opinions, especially the last, and the point must be still left open to conjecture. It appears, however, that this work was one of the first treatises on rhetoric ever published in the Latin language, since its author cites no previous Latin writer, and asserts that he has been the first to give Latin names to the figures of rhetoric. The first and second books are extremely dry. The third, more engaging ; and the fourth, which turns upon the three kinds of style suitable for discourses, is decidedly the best of the whole. 1 H. Next comes a treatise " De Inventions Rhetorical Dr. B. On that part of rhetoric, which relates to invention. This is the work alluded to by Cicero, in the commencement of his treatise " De Oratore," as having been published by him in his youth. It is generally believed to have been written by him when twenty -four years of age, and to have originally contained four books, of which but two remain. Schutz, however, maintains that he never wrote, or at least never published, more than the two books, which we possess. In com- posing this work, Cicero, as far as an opinion may be ventured, would appear to have had before him notes taken from the prelections of some instructer, whom the anonymous author of the treatise addressed to Herennius had also attended. For a number of passages, in the two books " De Inventione," coincide in a very marked manner with others in the work to Herennius ; unless, indeed, the author of the latter was the preceptor of Cicero.a H. To the work on invention succeed the three dialogues " De Ora- tore," inscribed to his brother Quintus. Dr. B. These were written, A. U. C. 698, when Cicero, disgusted with the political dissensions of the capital, had retired during part of the summer to the seclusion of the country. The speakers in these dialogues are the orators Antonius and Crassus, (the latter of whom was attended by the young Sulpicius and Cotta, at that time the two most promising speakers at .Rome,) the eminent lawyer Scaevola, and Catulus and Julius Caesar, (grand uncle to the Dictator,) the last two distinguished also for their eloquence, and who joined the party in the interval between the first snd second dialogues. The principal part in the conversation, however, is borne by Crassus and Antonius ; the former advocating, what was in fact Cicero's own opinion, that an almost universal knowledge is essen- tially requisite to perfection in oratory ; the latter, who was a mere J. An account of the whole controversy may be seen in Dunlop, Rom. Lit u ol. 2, p. 366, seqq. and in Baehr. Gesch. Rom. Lit. p. 502, seq. unlop. vbi supra. S. Z>/ nnm. Lit. vol. 2, r> 359. SchoeU. Lit. Rom. vol. 2, p. 120. XXX11 LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO. existed nowhere but in his own imagination. Come, turn over. WliaJ do yon find next in order ? H. A treatise entitled " Topica" and addressed to C. Trebatius. Dr. B. It gives an account of the various topics, or common-places, which are the foundation of rhetorical argument. The work is, in fact, an extract from that of Aristotle on the same subject, accompanied by a commentary from the pen of Cicero, the whole being amalgamated into one treatise. It was prepared for the use of Trebatius, the eminent lawyer, and hence Cicero takes his examples chiefly from the Roman civil law, as more intelligible to Trebatius than illustrations drawn from the philosophy of Aristotle. 1 H. We have then a dialogue, " De Partitions Oratorio." Dr. B. This is a production of rather inferior value. It is a dialogue between Cicero and his son, concerning the principles and doctrine of eloquence. It appears to have been written A. U. C. 707, while Caesar was prosecuting the war in Africa. The work which you will find closing the series of Cicero's rhetorical works, is that entitled " De Optimo genere Oratorum," and was originally intended as a preface to a transla- tion which Cicero had made from the orations of Demosthenes and Aes- chines, respecting the crown. H. May I ask, Doctor, what was Cicero's object in making this translation 1 Dr. B. To correct a false impression, at that time very prevalent among his countrymen, that attic eloquence was limited to a plain and slender mode of expression, distinguished by purity of style and delicacy of taste, but void of all ornament and redundance. He undertook, therefore, a free translation of the two master-pieces of Athenian eloquence ; the one being an example of vehement and energetic, the other of pathetic and ornamental oratory. Now for a rapid survey of the speeches of Cicero. We have already touched upon those for Quintius, Roscius of Ameria, and Roscius the actor, and likewise upon the oration against Caecilius, and the six against Verres. What do you find after these ?2 H. The speech delivered in defence of Fonteius. Dr. B. This was pronounced while Cicero was aedile. It is tha defence of an unpopular governor, accused of oppression by the province entrusted to his care. Much however is lost ; which is the more to be regretted, -as it would have formed an interesting contrast to the speeches gainst Verres, H. Then comes the oration for Aulus Caecina. 1. Dunlop. Rom. Lit. vol. 2, p. 364. 2. Dunlop Rom. Lit. vol. 2, p. 365 LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO. XXXUl Dr. B. A mere question of civil right, turning on an edict of a Roman praetor. H. The oration for the Manilian Law follows, but as I have just finished the perusal of this, I will not trouble you for an analysis. The speech for Cluentius succeeds. Dr. B. And a powerful and splendid production it is, and one of the most correct and forcible of all the judicial orations of Cicero. Cluentius l;ad been accused by an unnatural mother of having poisoned his step- father. H. Three orations against the Agrarian law of Rullus are next in order. Dr. B. The history of the affair is briefly this : Rullus, a tribune of the commons, brought in a law, that the public domains in the provinces should be sold, and that the spoils acquired by Roman commanders in foreign wars should be taken from them, in order that, by these two means, a sum of money might be raised for the purchase of lands in Italy, particularly Cam- pania, which lands were to be divided among the people. Cicero delivered his first oration against this project, (the beginning, however, of which is wanting,) the very day when he entered on the duties of the consulship. His opposition was effectual, and the law was rejected. The tribunes, however, having subsequently instilled some suspicions into the minds of the people, with regard to Cicero's motives in opposing this project, he found it necessary to deliver the second and third orations on the same topic.i H. The oration for Rabirius succeeds. Dr. B. He was accused of having been concerned in the death of Saturninus, a seditious tribune, who had been slain by a party in the interest of the senate. Thirty-six years had intervened, and the accuser was Labienus, afterward well known as Caesar's lieutenant in Gaul. Rabirius, notwithstanding the efforts of Cicero, would in all probability have been condemned, had not his friend, the praetor Metellus, taken down the standard from the Janiculum, which dissolved the comitia and broke off the trial. The troubles connected with the affair of Catiline occupied soon after the public attention, and the charge against Rabirius was never revived. H. Yes, here are the speeches against Catiline, which formed part of my Harrow reading, and the oration for Murena, another old acquaintance of mine, comes slowly after. I will not trouble you about these, Doctor Barton, but will thank you to give me some information about the next, the speech n behalf of Flaccus. Dr. B. This is the same Flaccus of whom you read in Sallust. He was praetor at the time of the conspiracy of Catiline, and aided in the 1 Dunlop. Rom. Lit. vol. 2, p. 295 XXXIV LIFE AND WRI iNGS O* CICERO. arrest of the Allobroges. Cicero here defends him against a charge of extortion and peculation, brought by various states of Asia Minor, which lie had governed as propraetor. H. An oration for Publius Sylla. Dr. B. He was related to the dictator, and was accused of having been engaged in Catiline's conspiracy. Cicero succeeded in procuring his acquittal. The cause was tried the year after his consulship. H. Another old favourite of mine, the oration for Archias, which Jri followed by one entitled, '' Ad Quirites post reditum." Dr. B. If you turn over a little farther, you will find three others, enti- tled respectively, " Post redllum, in senatu," " Pro domo sua ad Ponti- fices," and " De Haruspicum responsis." I am sorry to say, that these four orations are now generally regarded as spurious, and as having been composed by the rhetoricians of a later age as exercises in declamation. Cicero did indeed deliver four speeches, almost immediately after his return from exile, on subjects similar to these. The first was addressed to the senate, the second to the people, the third to the College of Pon- tiffs, to obtain restitution of the ground on which his house had stood, and which had been made the site of a temple, and the fourth in answer to a declaration of Clodius, that certain alarming prodigies which had lately appeared, were occasioned by the desecration of this same piece of ground, which the Pontiffs had discharged from religious uses. But the four speeches that have come down to us, afford abundant internal evidence of their never having proceeded from Cicero. 1 H. Dismissing these, we have next in order the oration for Plancius. Dr. B. This is the Plancius of whom I made mention as having been quaestor of Macedonia when Cicero came thither as an exile. He is here defended by the orator, in return for the kindness shown on that occasion, against a charge of bribery in suing for the office of aedile. H. Then comes the oration for Sextius. Dr. B. Here again Cicero requites the services of a friend. Sextius, while tribune, had exerted himself to procure Cicero's recall, and the latter now defends him in. an elaborate harangue against a charge of exciting a tumult in the capital H. An oration against Vatinius. Dr. B. This Vatinius was produced on the opposite side in the trial of Sextius, as a witness against him. This gave Cicero an opportunity of interrogating him, and the whole speech is one continued invective, uttered in a series of questions, without waiting for a reply. Hence it ia sometimes called, not oratio, but interrogatio. H. An oration for Coelius. Dr. B Coelius, a gay and rather dissolute young man, was accused 1. Dunlop. Rom. Lit. vol. 2, p. 333 SiAoeU. Lit Rom. vol. 2, p. 104, LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO XXXV by Clodia, the well-known sister of Clodius, of an attempt to poison her, and of having borrowed money from her to procure the assassination of Dio, the Alexandrian ambassador. This oration, which is highly com- mended by Middletonl for its occasionally playful manner, was also a particular favourite with the celebrated Fox,* II. It is succeeded by a speech " De provinciis consularibus." Dr. B. This oration is indeed a remarkable one. It procured for Caesar a continuance of his government in Gaul, and this last may be regarded as one of the immediate causes of the ruin ot the republic. Cicero advocated the continuance of this command without in the least degree penetrating the designs of the ambitious Caesar, whose only object was to have Gaul as the training-place of his legions until he could turn their arms against his country. H. The oration for Balbus. Dr. B. Pompey, by a special law, had granted the freedom of Rome to Balbus, a native of Cadiz, who had performed some important service* for him in the war against Sertorius. The validity of Pompey's act wa* now questioned, but was successfully defended by Cicero. H. An oration against L. Calpurnius Piso. Dr. B. Piso had been recalled from his government of Macedonia, 11- consequence of Cicero's oration on the consular provinces. Taking ai early opportunity, he complained before the senate of the treatment ht had received, and indulged in an attack on the orator, ridiculing in par- ticular his poetic effusions. Cicero's reply is remarkable for its coarse and bitter invective. H. What, in the presence of the senate t Dr. B. Yes, he indulges, before that grave body, in language and allu- sions that suit only the meridian of a tavern ; and this too against a man of family and distinction. But why do you shake your head ! H. Ah ! here is the famous speech for Milo, which was nevei delivered. What a pity that no one took down the oration which Cicero actually uttered, that we might have compared its feebleness with the beautiful harangue which has come down to our times. Dr. B. It was taken down in writing, and still existed in the days of Asconius, but must have been, as you remark, far inferior to the one which we now have, since the latter was accounted, both by Cicero himself and by his contemporaries, as the finest effort of his genius. 3 H. The oration which I find next in order is entitled " Pro Rabirio Potumo." Dr. B. He was prosecuted for repayment of a sum which he was sup- 1. Life of Cicero, vol. 2, p. 69. Dunlop. Rom. Lit. vol. 2, p. 310. 2. Correspondence of Wakefield and Fose. p. 85. 3. Dunlop. Rom. Lit. vol. 2, p. 313. XXXVl LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO. posed to have received, in conjunction with the proconsul Gabinius, from King Ptolemy, for having placed him on the throne of Egypt contrary tv ihe injunctions of the senate. But why that look of pleasure 1 H. This oration, which succeeds, I have read of in Plutarch. It i the one for Ligarius, accused of having borne arms against Caesar, aftw the battle of Pharsalia, and of having renewed the war in Africa. Dr. B. Yes, the dictator himself presided at this trial, much prejudicet against Ligarius. But the eloquence of the advocate extorted a pardon It was during this oration that Caesar's countenance is said to have changed, and the papers which he held to have dropped from his hand. 1 H. We have but two remaining before we reach the Philippics, the speech for Deiotarus, and that in behalf of Marcellus. With the latter I am too well acquainted to trouble you for any explanation. Of the sub ject of the former I am ignorant. Dr. B. Why, this was a defence of Deiotarus, tetrarch of Galatia, charged with an attempt to poison Caesar, during the stay which the latter made at his court. The case was heard in the private apartments of Caesar, and the issue was successful for the accused. H. I will not trouble you, my dear Doctor, to explain for me the sub- ject of each of the Philippics. I have read that they were aimed against Antony, that they were so entitled in imitation of the splendid effusions of Demosthenes, and that, like the latter, they derive their chief beauty from the noble expression of just indignation which is so splendidly dif- fused over all. Allow me to ask, however, which one, in your opinion, is entitled to the palm. Dr. B. Undoubtedly the fourteenth, which was delivered after the intelligence had been received of the total defeat of Antony, before the walls of Modena, by the army under Octavianus and the consuls Hirtius and Pansa. This success was thought to have decided the fate of Antony and the republic, and Cicero gives loose to his patriotic feelings in a flow of the noblest eloquence. This too was the last oration that Cicero delivered, for the union of Octavianus and Antony was cemented by his blood.2 H. And have we now gone through all the orations, Doctor Barton, cf the man of Arpinum 1 Dr. B. All that have come down to us, Henry. Many, however, have entirely perished, and of these the one most deserving of regret is that or Cornelius. He had been accused of practices against the state during Me tribuneship. The speech was divided into two great parts, and was continued during four successive days, before an immense concourse of auditors, who are said to have testified their admiration by reiterated 1. Plut. Vit. Cic. c. 39. 8. Dunlop. Rom. Lit. vol. 2, p. 358 LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO. XXXV11 /pplause. The orator himself frequently refers to it as among the moat finished of his compositions, and the old critics cite it as an example of genuine eloquence. 1 Of many of the lost speeches of Cicero, we have however, fragments remaining, and the number of these remnants has been recently increased by the researches of Maio, of which we will con- verse on some other opportunity. Meanwhile, before we part, hand me that number of the Westminster Review which lies at your elbow. It contains a sketch of Cicero's character, which I wish to read to you. H. Before we part, Doctor 1 Why I have not got through with more .nan one half of my volume. Dr. B. And that is the very reason why we c nght now to stop, lest any farther account of the writings of Cicero only confuse and be- wilder.2 Digest what I have thus far stated, and, when we meet again, the other productions of Cicero will serve us for a theme. Besides ycu will want to attend to-day the visitation of the Bodleian Library, and to hear the Latin speech in the school of Natural Philosophy. H. Who appoints the speaker, Doctor ? Dr. B. The Dean of Christ-Church. I will now read from the West- minster :s " Cicero was the first of the second order of great minds. An extraordinary variety of talent, rather than any pre-eminence of original genius, is his characteristic. It is attested by a wonderful extent and diversity of information, acquired amid the daily occupations of a very laborious life, and almost enabling him to accomplish the great object of his ambition, which was in his single person to maintain the cause of Ro- man against the whole of Grecian literature. His written contributions to the information and delight of mankind, are almost as extensive as Aristotle's. Every page is the efflorescence of a capacious mind, which embraced the whole circle of arts and sciences, which surveyed life with the comprehension of a philosopher, and the shrewdness of a man of the world. But Cicero's mind was not of primitive formation. He was the inventor of no great style, he was the bold and original investigator of no one department, nor is there any one in which supremacy could be claimed for him. He resembled the athlete in Longinus, who was infe rior to his competitors respectively in their peculiar provinces, but was on the whole, and with regard to the universality of his accomplishments, superior to any. As a politician his defects are most striking, for his turn lay best for speculation, and nothing so clearly and decisively detects lurking flaws in a man's judgment as the conduct of public affairs, during " the joints and flexures" of troubled times, when the operation of new 1. Dunlop. Rom. Lit. voL 2, p. 331. 2. An account of the ethical and philosophical writings of Cicero will be giver "n an edition of the work "De Qfflciis," and also in another containing selection* irom his philosophical productions. 3 No. 33, p. 147, aeqq. t XXXVlii LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CJ RO. principles is convulsing society, or the decay of old ones is resolving afl into their original elements. For such a change he possessed neither the requisite moral or physical courage, the solidity of principle and purpose, nor the promptitude of judgment which is necessary to its execution. The natural weakness of Cicero's mind, the want of great and solid prin ciples of conduct, as well as his timidity, was not only ruinous to the state, but embittered the whole of his life. In the conflict of public affairs, the real outlines of a man's character are inevitably discovered ; design or accident betrays his weak and strong points. The hustling of a mob immediately proves both his mind and body. Cicero was perfectly known to every man in Rome. Some, when they had any object to gain, prac- tised on his vanity, some on his timidity. From the day of his banish- ment his spirit was broken, and never recovered its elasticity until, in his old age, he was called on to oppose the profligate Antony. Then some- thing better even than his former self " flashed forth a stream of heroic rays." The cause, the occasion, and the person, roused all his faculties. He spoke for liberty the magnitude of the individual danger in which he stood cut off all irresolution, the eyes of the world were on him, the ex- ample of Brutus, glorious at least in its principle, was before him, and accordingly, with a courage, a dignity, and .an eloquence to which there is no parallel in his other efforts, he stood over his fallen country and defended her from her deadliest foe." H. Do you agree, Doctor, with all that is here advanced 1 Dr. B. Very nearly, Henry. We must always in estimating the char- acter of Cicero, take care not to be dazzled by the literary splendoui that is thrown, around his name. CICERONIS ORATIONES. ~~ TVt.TULLII CICERONIS ORATIO IN L. CATILINAM PRIMA, HABITA IN SENATU. I. 2 Quousq.UE tandem 3 abulere, Catilina, patientla no* stra ? Quamdiu etiam furor 4 iste tuus nos 5 eludet ? Quern ad finem sese effrenata jactabit audacia ? 6 Nihilne te nocturnum praesidium 7 Palatii, nihil 8 urbis vigiliae, nihil timor populi, nihil 9 concursus bonorura omnium, nihil hie 10 munitissimus habendi senatum locus, nihil n horum ora vultusque moverunt ? 12 Patere tua consilia non sentis 1 Constrictam jam horum omnium conscientia teneri con- jurationem tuam non vides ? Quid 13 proxima, quid supe- riore nocte egeris, ubi fueris, quos convocayeris, quid consilii ceperis, quern nostrum ignorare arbitraris ? O tempera, O mores ! Senatus haec intelligit, consul videt ; hie tamen vivit. Vivit ? u immo vero etiam in senatum vunit. Fit 15 publici consilii particeps : notat et designat oculis ad caedem unumquemque nostrum. Nos autem 16 viri fortes, satisfacere reipublicae videmur, si istius furo- rem ac tela vitemus. Ad mortem te, Catilina, duci jussu consulis, jampridem oportebat ; 17 in te conferri pesterp istam, quam tu in nos omnes jamdiu machinaris. 18 An vero vir amplissimus, 1 T. Scipio, pontifex maximus, Tib. Gracchum, 20 mediocriter labefactantem statum reipublicae, privatus interfecit : 21 Catilinam, orbem terrarum caede at- que incendiis vastare cupieritem, nos consules perfere- 1 2 ORATIO 1. IN L. CAT.LINAM. mus ? J Nam ilia nimis antiqua praetereo, quod 2 C. Ser- vilius Ahala Sp. Melium, novis rebus studentem, manu sua occidit. Fuit, fuit 3 ista quondam in liac republica virtus, ut viri fortes acrioribus suppliciis civem pernicio- sum, quam acerbissimum hostem coercerent. 4 Habemua senatusconsultuin in te, Catilina, 5 vehemens et grave : *>non deest reipublicae consilium, neque auctoritas hujus ordinis : nos, nos, dico aperte, 7 nos consules desumus. II. DECREVIT 8 quondam senatus ut L. Opimius consul 9 videret, ne quid respublica detrimenti caperet : nox nulla intercessit ; interfectus est propter 10 quasdam seditionum suspiciones C. Gracchus, 11 clarissimo patre, avo, majoribus : occisus est cum liberis 12 M. Fulvius, consularis. Simili senatusconsulto, 13 C Mario et L. Valerio, consulibus, per- missa est respublica : num unum diem postea U L. Satur- nini tribuni plebis, et C. Servilii praetoris mortem rei- publicae poena remorata est ? At 15 nos vicesimum jam diem patimur hebescere aciem horum auctoritatis. Habe- mus enim hujusmodi senatusconsultum, verumtamen inclu- sum in tabulis, tanquam 16 gladiura in vagina reconditum : quo ex senatusconsulto 17 confestim interfectum te esse, Catilina, convenit. Vivis : et vivis non ad deponendam, sed ad confirmandam audaciam. 18 Cupio, patres con- scripti, me esse clementem : cupio in tantis reipublicao periculis me non 19 dissolutum videri : sed jam me ipse incrtiae 20 nequitiaeque condemno. Castra sunt in Italia, contra rempublicam, 21 in Etruriae faucibus collocata : cres- cit in dies singulos hostium numerus : 22 eorum autem im- peratorem castrorum, ducemque hostium, intra moenia, atque adeo in senatu videmus, intestinam aliquam quoti- die perniciem reipublicae molientem. Si te jam, Catilina. comprehendi, si interfici jussero ; credo, erit verendum mihi, ne non hoc potius omnes boni serius a me, quam quisquam crudelius factum esse dicat. Verum ego hoc, quod jampridem factum esse oportuit, 23 certa de causa nondum adducor ut faciam. Turn denique interficiam te, cum jam nemo tain improbus, tarn perditus, 24 tam tui si- ORAT10 I. IX L. CATJLINAM. 3 niilis inveriiri poterit, qui id non jure factum esse fatca- tur. Quamdiu quisquam erit, qui te defendere audeat, vives : et vives ita, ut mine vivis, multis meis et firmis praesidiis ^bsessus, ne commovere te contra rempublicam possis. Multorum te etiam oculi et aures non sentien- tem, sicut adliuc fecerunt, speculabuntur atque custodient. III. ETENIM quid est, Catilina, quod jam amplius ex- spectes, si neque nox tenebris obscurare coetus nefarios, nee Sprivata domus parietibus continere vocem conjura- tionis tuae potest ? 3 si illustrantur, si enimpunt omnia ? Muta jam 4 istam mentem : mirii crede : obliviscere caedis, atque incendiorum : teneris undique : luce sunt clariora nobis tua consilia omnia : quae etiam meeum licet reco- gnoscas. Meministine, me 5 ante diem duodecimum ka- lendas Novembris dicere in senatu, certo die fore in armis, qui dies futurus esset 6 ante diem sextum kalendas Novembris, C. Manlium, audaciae satellitem atque admin- istrum tuae.? Num me fefellit, Catilina, non modo res tanta, tarn- atrox, tarn incredibilis, verum, 'id quod multo magis est admirandum, dies ? Dixi ego idem in senatu, caedem 8 te optimatum contulisse 9 in ante diem quintum kalendas Novembris, turn cum multi 10 principes civitatia Roma, non tarn sui conservandi, quam tuorum consiliorum n reprimendorum causa profugerunt. Num infitiari potes te illo ipso die meis praesidiis, mea diligentia circumclu sum, commovere te contra rempublicam non potuisse cum tu, discessu ceterorum, 12 nostra tamen, qui reman sissemus, caede contentum te esse dicebas ? Quid ? cum tute 13 Praeneste kalendis ipsis Novembris occupaturum nocturno impetu esse confideres : sensistine, illam coloni- am meo jussu, ]4 praesidiis, custodiis, vigiliisque esse mir nitam ? Nihil agis, nihil moliris, nihil cogitas, quod egt> ''non modo non audiam, sed etiam non videam, planeque sentiam. IV. RECOGNOSCE tandem mecum 16 noctem illam superio- rein : jam intelliges multo me vigilare acrius ad salutem (\\iajn te ad perniciem reipublicae. Dico tc priori nocto 4 ORATIO 1. IN L. CATILINAM vcnisse Unter falcarios, (non agam obscure,) in M. Lae cae domum : convenisse eodem 2 complures ejusdem amentiae scelerisque socios. Nura negare audes ? Quid taces ? convincam, si negas. Video enim esse hie in senatu quosdam, qui tecum una fuereT O dii immortales ! ubinam gentium sumus ? in qua urbe vivimus 1 quam rem- publicam habemus ? Hie, hie sunt, nostro in numero, patres conscripti, 3 in hoc orbis terrae sanctissimo gravis- siraoque consilio, qui de rrreo, nostr&mque omnium inte ritu, qui de hujus urbis, atque adeo orbis terrarum exitio cogltent. Hosce ego video consul, et de republica sen- tentiam rogo : et, quos ferro trucidari oportebat, eos non dum voce vulnero. Fuisti igitur apud Laecam ilia nocte, Catilina : 4 distribuisti partes Italiae : statuisti quo quem- que proficisci placeret : delegisti 5 quos Romae relinqueres, quos tecum educeres : 6 descripsisti urbis partes ad incen- dia : 7 confirmasti, te ipsum jam esse exiturum : dixisti paullulum tibi esse etiam turn morae, quod ego viverem. Reperti sunt 8 duo equites Romani, qui te ista cura libe- rarent, et sese 9 illa ipsa nocte, paullo ante lucem, me meo in lectulo interfecturos pollicerentur. Haec ego omnia, vix dum etiam coetu vestro dimisso, 10 comperi : domum meam majoribus praesidiis munivi atque firmavi : exclusi eos, quos tu mane ad me salutatum miseras, cum illi ipsi venissent ; quos ego jam multis ac summis viris ad me id temporis venturos esse praedixeram. V. n QuAE cum ita sint, Catilina, perge quo coepisti , egredere aliquando ex urbe : patent portae : proficiscere : nirnium diu te imperatorem 12 illa tua Manliana castra de- siderant. Educ tecum etiam omnes tuos : 13 si minus quam plurimos : purga urbem : magno me metu liberabis dummodo inter me atque te murus intersit : nobiscum versari jam diutius non potes : 14 non feram, non patiar non sinam. Magna diis immortalibus, 15 atque huic ipsi Jovi Statori, antiquissimo custodi hujus urbis, 16 habenda est gratia, quod hanc tarn taetram, tarn horribilem, 17 tam- que inf'estam reipublicae pestem toties jam cffugimus. ORATIO I. IN L. CAT1L1NAM. Non est saepius a in uno homine summa salus periclitan da reipublicae. Quamdiu mihi, 2 consuli designate, Cati- lina, insidiatus es, non publico me praesidio, sed privata diligentia defend! : cum 3 proximis comitiis consularibua me consulem in 4 campo, et competitores interficere vo- luisti, compress! tuos nefarios conatus amicorum praesid io et copiis, .nullo tumultu publice concitato:* deniquo quotiescunque me petisti, per me tibi obstiti : quamquaiu videbam, perniciem meam cum magna calamitate reipub licae 5 esse conjunctam. Nunc jam aperte rempublicam imiversam petis. Templa deorum immortalium, tecta ur- bis, vitam omnium civium, Italian* denique totam, ad exi- tium et vastitatem vocas. Quare 6 quoniam id, quod pri- mum, atque hujus imperil disciplinaeque majorum propri- um est, facere nondum audeo : faciam id, quod est 7 ad severitatem lenius, et ad communem salutem utilius . nam, si te interfici jussero, residebit in republica 8 reli- qua conjuratorum manus : sin tu (quod te jamdudum hor- tor,) exieris, 9 exhaurietur ex urbe tuorum comitum mag- na et perniciosa reipublicae sentina. Quid est, Catilina ? Num dubitas id, me imperante, facere, quod jam 10 tua sponte faciebas ? Exire ex urbe consul hostem jubet : interrogas me, n num in exsilium ? Non jubeo : sed, si me consulis, suadeo. VI. QUID enim, Catilina, est, quod te jam in hac urbe de- lectare possit ? In qua nemo est, 12 extra istam conjuratio- nem perditoram hominum, qui te non metuat ; nemo, qui non oderit. 13 Quae nota domesticae turpitudinis non inusta vitae tuae est ? 14 Quod privatarum rerum dedecus non haeret infamiae ? 15 Quae libido ab oculis, 16 quod facinus a manibus umquam tuis, quod flagitium a toto corpore abfuit ? Cui tu adolescentulo, 17 quem corruptelarum ille- cebris irretisses, non aut ad audaciam ferrum, aut ad libi- dinem 18 facem praetulisti? Quid vero? nuper, cum moite superioris uxoris novis nuptiis domum 19 vacuefecisses nonne etiam alio incredibili scelere hoc scelus cumulasti ? Quod ego praetermitto, et facile patior sileri, ne in hac t* 6 ORAT1O I. IN L. CATILINAM. civitate Hanti facinoris immanitas aut exstitisse, ant non vindicata esse videatur. Praetermitto ruinas fortunarum tuarum, quas omnes impendere tibi 2 proximis idibus sen- ties : ad ilia venio, quae non ad privatam ignominiam vitiorum tuorum, non ad 3 domesticam tuam difficultatem ac turpitudinem, sed ad summam reipublicae, atque ad omni- um nostrum vitam salutemque pertinent. Potestne tibi 4 hujus vitae lux, Catilina, aut hujus coeli spiritus esse jucundus, cum scias, horum esse neminem, qui nesciat, te 5 pridie kalendas Januarias, 6 Lepido et Tullo consulibus. 7 stetisse in comitio cum telo ? Manum, consulum et prin- cipum civitatis interficiendorum causa, paravisse ? Sceleri ac furori tuo 8 non mentem aliquam, aut timorem tuum, sed 9 fortunam reipublicae obstitisse ? Ac jam ilia omitto : 10 neque enim sunt aut obscura, aut non multa post com- raissa. Quoties tu me designatum, quoties consulem in- terficere coiiatus es ? ]1 Quot ego tuas petitiones ita con- jectas, ut vitari non posse viderentur, parva quadam de- clinatione, et, ut aiunt, corpore effugi ? 12 Nihil agis, nihil assequeris, nihil moliris, quod mihi latere valeat 13 in tern- pore : neque tamen conari ac velle desistis. 14 Quoties jam tibi extorta est sica ista de manibus ? Quoties vero excidit casu aliquo et elapsa est? 15 Tamen ea carere diutius non potes : 16 quae quidem quibus abs te initiata sacris ac devota sit, nescio, quod earn necesse putas con- sulis in corpore defigere. VII. NUNC vero, quae est ista tua vita? Sic enim jam tecum loquar, non ut 17 odio permotus esse videar, quo debeo, sed ut misericordia, quae tibi nulla debetur. Venisti 18 paullo ante in senatum : quis te ex hac tanta frequentia, ex tot tuis amicis ac necessariis, 19 salutavit ? Si hoc post hominum memoriam contigit nemini, 20 vocis exspectas contumeliam, cum sis gravissimo judicio taci- turnitatis oppressus ? Quid, quod adventu tuo 21 ista sub- Kcllia vacuefacta sunt ? Quod omnes consulares, qui tibi persaepe ad caedem constituti fuerunt, simul atque asse flisti, partem istam subselliorum 22 nudam atque inanem ORATIO I. IN L. CATILINAM. 7 reliquerunt ? Quo tandem animo hoc tibi ferendura putas ? J Servi mehercle mei si me isto pacto metuerent, ut te metuunt omnes cives tui, domum meam relinquendam pu- tarem : tu tibi urbem non arbitraris ? Et, si me meis civibus 2 injuria suspectum tarn gravi*er atque ofFensum viderem ; carere me aspectu civium, quam infestis omni- um oculis conspici mallem : tu cum conscientia scelerum tuorum agnoscas odium omnium justum, et jam tibi diu debitum, dubitas, quorum mentes sensusque Vulneras, eorum aspectum praesentiamque vitare ? Si te parentes timerent atque odissent tui, neque eos ulla ratione pla- care posses ; ut opinor, ab eorum oculis aliquo concede- res : nunc te patria, quae communis est 4 omnium nostrum parens, odit ac metuit, 5 et jamdiu te nihil judicat nisi de 6 parricidio suo cogitare. 7 Hujus tu neque auctoritatem verebere, neque judicium sequere, neque vim pertimesces ? Quae tecum, Catilina, sic agit, et quodammodo ^acita loquitur : Nullum aliquot jam annis facinus exstitit. nisi per te ; nullum flagitium sine te : tibi uni 9 multorhni ci- vium neces, tibi vexatio direptioque 10 sociorum impunita fuit ac libera : tu non solum ad negligendas leges ac n quaestiones, verum etiam ad evertendas perfringendas que valuisti. Superiora ilia, quamquam ferenda non fue runt, tamen, ut potui, tuli : nunc vero me totam esse in metu propter te unum ; 12 quidquid increpuerit, Catilinam timeri ; nullum videri contra me consilium iniri posse, 13 quod a tuo scelere abhorreat ; non est ferendum. Quamo- brem discede, atque hunc mibi timorem eripe : 14 si est verus, ne opprimar ; sin falsus, ut tandem aliquando time- re desinam. VIII. HAEC si tecum, ut dixi, patria loquatur, 15 nonne impetrare debeat, etiamsi vim adliibere non possit ? 16 Quid, quod tu te ipse 17 in custodiam dedisti ? Quid, quod, vitandae suspicionis causa, apud 18 M'. Lepidum te 19 habitare velle dixisti ? A quo non receptus, etiam ad me venire ausus es : atque ut domi meae te asservarem, rogasti : cum a me quoque id responsum tulisses, m? 8 ORATIO I. IN L. CATIL1NAM. nullo modo posse iisdem ^arietibus tuto csse tecum, 2 qui magno in periculo essem, quod iisdem moenibus conti- neremur ; ad 3 Q. Metellum praetorem venisti : a quo rc- pudiatus, ad sodalem tuum, Mrum optimum, M. Marcel lum demigrasti : quern tu 5 videlicet et ad custodienduin te diligentissimum, et ad suspicandum sagacissimum, et ad vindicandum fortissimum fore putasti. Sedquamlonge vide- tur a carcere atque a vinculis abesse debere, qui se ipse jam dignum custodia judicarit ? Quae cum ita sint, Catilina, du- bitas, si hie 6 morari aequo animo non potes, abire in aliquas terras, et vitam istam, multis suppliciis justis debitisque erep- tam, fugae solitudinique mandare ? 7 Refer, inquis, ad sena- tum, (id enim postulas,) et, si hie ordo placere sibi decreve- rit, te ire in exsilium, obtemperaturum te esse dicis. Non referam id, 8 quod abhorret a meis moribus : et tamen 9 fa ciam, ut intelligas, quid hi de te sentiant. Egredere ex urbe, Catilina : libera rempublicam metu : in exsilium, si 10 hanc vocem exspectas, prohciscere. H Quid est, Catili- na ? ecquid attendis, ecquid animadvertis horum silentium ? : ' 2 patiuntur, tacent. 13 Quid exspectas auctoritatem loquen- tium, quorum voluntatem tacitorum perspicis ? At si hoc idem huic adolescenti optimo, 14 P. Sextio, si fortissimo viro, 15 M. Marcello dixissem ; 16 jam mihi consuli, hoc ipso in templo, jure optimo senatus vim et manus intu- lisset : 17 de te autem, Catilina, cum quiescunt, probant ; cum patiuntur, decernunt ; cum tacent, clamant. Neque hi solum, 18 quorum tibi auctoritas est videlicet cara, vita vilissima ; 19 sed etiam illi equites Romani, honestissirni atque optimi viri, ceterique fortissimi cives, 20 qui circum- stant senatum, quorum tu et frequentiam videre, et studia perspicere, et voces paullo ante exaudire potuisti : quo- rum ego vix abs te jamdiu manus ac tela contineo, eos- dem facile adducam, ut te haec, quae jampridem vastare studes, relinquentem, 21 usque ad portas prosequantur. IX. 22 QuAMQ0AM quid loquor ? 23 te ut ulla res frangat * tu ut unquam te co.-rigas ? tu ut ullam fugam meditere ? tu ut ullum exsiliun. eogites? Utinam tibi istam menteu. OHATIO I. IN L. CATIL1NAM 9 Jii immortales J dumt ! Tametsi video, si mea voce per- territus ire in. exsilium animum induxeris, quanta tempe- stas invidiae nobis, si minus in praesens tempus, recenti memoria scelerum tuorum, at in posteritatem impendeat. ? Sed est mihi tanti ; dummodo ista 3 privata sit calamitas, et a reipublicae periculis sejungatur. 4 Sed tu ut vitiia tuis commoveare, ut legum poenas pertimescas, ^it tem- poribus reipublicae coneedas, non est postulandum : neque enim is es, Catilina, ut te aut 6 pudor a turpitudine, aut metus a periculo, aut ratio a furore unquam , revocarit. Quamobrem, ut saepe jam dixi, proficiscere : ac, si mihi inimico, ut praedicas, tuo conflare vis invidiam ; 7 recta perge in exsilium : vix feram 8 sermones hominum, si id feceris : vix 9 molem istius invidiae, si in exsilium ieris jussu consulis, sustinebo : sin autem 10 servire meae laudi et gloriae mavis, egredere ai cum importuna sceleratorum manu : confer te ad Manlium : concita perditos cives : secerne te a bonis : infer patriae bellum : exsulta 12 impio latrocinio, ut a me non ejectus ad alienos, sed invitatus ad tuos isse videaris. 13 Quamquam quid ego te invitem, a quo jam sciam esse praemissos, u qui tibi ad Forum Aurelium praestolarentur armati ? 15 Cui sciam pactam et constitutam esse cum Manlio diem ? A quo etiam 16 aqui- lam illam argenteam, quam tibi, ac tuis omnibus, perni- ciosam esse confido et funestam futuram, 17 cui domi tuae sacrarium scelerum tuorum constitutum fuit, sciam esse praemissam ? 18 Tu ut ilia diutius carere possis, quam venerari, ad caedem proficiscens, solebas ? A cujus alta- ribus saepe istam impiam dexteram ad necem civium transtulisti ? X. IBIS tandem -aliquando, quo te jampridem tua ista cupiditas effrenata ac furiosa rapiebat. Neque enim tibi 19 haec res affert dolorem, sed quandam incredibilem volu- ptatem : ad hanc te amentiam natura peperit, voluntas exercuit, fortuna servavit : numquam tu non modo otium, sed ne bellum quidem. 20 nisi nefarium, concupisti : nactus es ex perditis, atque ab omni non modo fortuna, venim JO ^)RATIO I. IN L. CATILINAM. etiam spe derelictis, conflatam improborum manum. 'Hie tu qua laetitia perfruere ? quibus gaudiis exsultabis 1 quan- .a in voluptate bacchabere, cum in tanto numero tuoruia neque audies virum bonum quemquam, neque videbis ? 2 Ad hujus vitae studium meditati illi sunt, qui feriintur, labores tui : jacere humi, non modo 3 ad obsidendum stu- prura, verum etiam ad facinus obeundum ; vigilare, non solum insidiantem somno maritorum, verum etiam 4 bonis occisorum. 5 Habes ubi ostentes illam praeclaram tuam patientiam famis, frigoris, inopiae rerum omnium; quibus te brevi tempore 6 confectum esse senties. Tantum pro- feci turn, cum te a consulatu repuli, ut ''exul potius ten- tare, quam consul vexare rempublicam posses : atque ut id, quod esset a te scelerate susceptum, latrocinium poti- us quam helium nominaretur. XL 8 NuNC, ut a me, patres conscripti, quandam prope justam patriae quaerimoniam detester ac deprecer: 9 perci- pite, quaeso, diligenter, quae dicam, et ea penitus animis vestris mentibusque mandate. Etenim, si mecum patria, quae mihi vita mea multo est carior, si cuncta Italia, si omnis respublica sic loquatur : 10 M. Tulli, quid agis ? tune eum, quern esse hostem comperisti : quern ducem belli futurum vides : quern exspectari imperatorem in cas- tris hostiurn sentis, auctorem sceleris, principem conjura- tionis, n evocatorem servorum et civium perditorum, exire patieris, ut abs te 12 non emissus ex urbe, sed immissus in urbem esse videatur ? Nonne hunc in vincula duci, non ad mortem rapi, non summo supplicio 13 mactari impera- bis ? Quid tandem impedit te 1 14 Mosne majorum ? At persaepe etiam privati in hac republica perniciosos cives morte multarunt. 15 An leges, quae de^ civium Romano- rum supplicio 16 rogatae sunt? At numquam in hac urbe ii, qui a republica defecerunt, civium jura 17 tenuerunt. An invidiam posteritatis times ? 18 Praeclaram vero populo Romano refers gratiam, qui te, hominem per te cognitum, nulla commendatione majorum, 19 tam mature ad summmn imperium per omne.s honorum gradus extulit, si propter ORATIO I. IN L. CATILINAM. 11 mvidiam, aut alicujus periculi metum, salutem civium tuo- rum negligis. Sed, si quis est invidiae metus, num es vehementius 1 severitatis ac fortitudinis invidia, quam in- ertiae ac nequitiae pertimescenda 1 An, cum bello vasta- bitiir Italia, vexabuntur urbes, tecta ardebunt : 2 tum te non existimas invidiae incendio conflagraturum ? XII. 3 His ego sanctissirais reipublicae vocibus, et eorum hominum, qui idem sentiunt, mentibus, pauca re- spondebo. Ego, 4 si hoc optimum factu judicarem, patres conscripti, Catilinam morte multari ; 5 unius usuram horae gladiatori isti ad vivendum non dedissem. Etenim, si summi viri, et clarissimi cives, Saturnini, et Gracchorum, et Flacci, et superiorum complurium sanguine non modo se non contaminarunt, sed etiam 6 honestarunt ; certe mihi verendum non erat, ne quid, hoc 7 parricida civium inter- fecto, invidiae mihi in posteritatem redundaret. Quodsi ea mihi maxime impenderet : tamen hoc animo semper fui, ut invidiam virtute partam, gloriam, non invidiam pu- tarem. Quamquam nonnulli sunt in hoc ordine, qui aut ea, quae imminent, non videant ; aut ea, quae vident, dis- simulent: 8 qui spem Catilinae mollibus sententiis alue- runt, conjurationemque nascentem non credendo corrobo- raverunt. Quorum auctoritatem secuti multi, non solum improbi, verum etiam imperiti, s si in hunc animadvertis- sem, crudeliter et 10 regie factum esse dicerent. Nunc intelligo, si iste, quo intendit, in Manliana castra perve- nerit, neminem tarn stultum fore, qui non videat conjura- tionem esse factam ; neminem tarn improbum, qui non fateatur. Hoc autem uno interfecto, intelligo hanc rei- publicae pestem n paullisper reprimi, non in perpetuum comprimi posse. Quodsi 12 se ejecerit, secumque suos eduxerit, et eodem ceteros undique collectos naufragos ag- gregaverit ; exstinguetur, atque delebitur non modo 13 haec tam adulta reipublicae pestis, verum etiam stirps ac se men malorum omnium. XIII. ETENIM 14 jamdiu, patres conscripti, in his pericu- Jis conjurationis insidiisque versamur : sed nescio 15 quo 12 ORATIO 1. IN L. CATILINAM pacto omnium scelerum, ac veteris furoris et audaciae ma- turitas in nostri consulatus tempus erupit. Quodsi J ex tanto latrocinio iste unus tolletur ; videbimur fortasse ad breve quoddam tempus cura et metu esse relevati : peri- culum autem residebit, et erit inciusum penitus 2 in venis atque in visceribus reipublicae. Ut saepe homines aegii morbo gravi, cum 3 aestu febrique jactantur, si aquam ge- lidam biberint, primo relevari videntur ; deinde multo gra- vius vehementiusque afflictantur : sic hie morbus, 4 qui est in republica, relevatus istius poena, vehementius vivis re- liquis ingravescet. Quare, patres conscripti, secedant im- probi, secernant se a bonis, unum in locum congregentur, muro denique, id quod saepe jam dixi, secernantur a no- bis, desinant insidiari domi suae consuli, 5 circumstare tribunal praetoris urbani, 6 obsidere cum gladiis curiam, 7 malleolos et faces ad inflammandam urbem comparare. Sit denique incriptum in fronte uniuscujusque civis, 8 quid de republica sentiat. Pollieeor hoc vobis, patres con- scripti, tantam in nobis consulibus fore diligentiam, tan- tarn in vobis auctoritatem, tantam in equitibus Romanis virtutem, tantam in omnibus bonis consensionem, ut Ca- tilinae profectione omnia patefacta, illustrata, 9 oppressa, vindicata esse videatis. Hisce ominibus, Catilina, 10 cum summa reipublicae salute, et cum tua peste ac pernicie, cumque eorum exitio, qui se tecum omni scelere parrici- dioque junxerunt, proficiscere ad impium bellum ac nefa- rium. Turn tu, Jupiter, qui iisdem, quibus haec urbs, "auspiciis a Romulo es constitutus ; quern Statorem hujus urbis atque imperii vere nominamus : hunc, et hujus so- cios a tuis aris ceterisque templis, a lectis urbis ac moe- nibus, a vita fortunisque civium omnium arcebis : et om- nes inimicos bonorum, hostes patriae, latrones Italian. 12 scelerum foedere inter se ac nefaria societate conjunc tos. aeternis suppliciis vivos mortuosque mactabis. 'M.TULLII CICERONIS ORATIO IN L. CATILINAM SECUNDA, AD QUIRITES. I. 'TANDEM aliquando, 3 Quirites, L. Catilinam, fu- rentem audacia, 4 scelus anhelantem, pestem patriae nefarie molientem, vobis atque huic urbi ferrum flam- mamque 5 minitantem, ex urbe 6 vel ejecimus, vel emi- simus, vel ipsum egredientem 7 verbis prosecuti suraus. 8 Abiit, excessit, evasit, erupit. Nulla jam pernicies 9 a monstro illo atque prodigio moenibus ipsis intra moenia comparabitur. Atque hunc quidem unum, hujus belli do- mestic! ducem, sine controversia vicimus. Non enim jam inter latera nostra 10 sica ilia versabitur : n non in campo, 12 non in foro, non in -curia, non denique intra domesticos parietes pertimescemus. 13 Loco ille motus est, cum est ex urbe depulsus. -Palam jam cum hoste, nullo impediente, 14 bellum justum geremus. Sine dubio perdidimus hominem, magnificeque vicimus, cum ilium ex occultis insidiis in apertum latrocinium conjecimus. 15 Quod vero non cruentum mucronem, ut voluit, extulit, qiiod vivis nobis egressus est, quod ei ferrum de manibus extorsimus, quod incolumes cives, quod stantem urbem reliquit : quanto tandem ilium moerore afflictum esse et profligatom putatis ? Jacet ille nunc prostratus, Quiri- tes, et se 16 perculsum atque abjectum esse sentit, et re- torquet oculos profecto saepe ad hanc urbem ; quam ex ouis faucibus ereptam esse luget : quae quidem laetari 14 ORATIO II. IN L. CATILINAM. mihi, videtur, quod tantam pestem evomuerit forasque projecerit. II. AT si quis est tails, 'quales esse omnes oportebat, qui in hoc ipso, in quo exultat et triumphal oratio mea, me vehementer accuset, quod tarn capitalem hostem non comprehenderim potius, quam emiserim : non est ista mea culpa, Quirites, sed temporum. Interemtum esse L. Ca- tilinam, 2 et gravissimo supplicio aifectum, jampridem opor- tebat: idque a me et mos majorum, et hujus imperil severitas, et respublica postulabat. Sed quam multos fuisse putatis, 3 qui, quae ego deferrem, non crederent? quam multos, 4 qui propter stultitiam non putarent? quam multos, qui etiam defenderent ? quam multos, qui proptei improbitatem faverent? 6 Ac si, sublato illo, depelli a vobis omne periculum judicarem ; jampridem ego L. Ca- tilinam non modo invidiae meae, verum etiam vitae pe- riculo sustulissem. Sed cum viderem, 6 ne vobis quidem omnibus re etiam turn probata, si ilium, ut erat meritus, morte multassem, fore, ut ejus socios invidia oppressus persequi non possem : rem hue deduxi, ut turn palam pugnare rjossetis, cum hostem aperte videretis. Quem quidem ego hostem, Quirites, 7 quam vehementer foris esse timendum putem, licet hinc intelligatis, quod illud etiam moleste fero, quod ex urbe parum comitatus exie- rit. Utinam ille omnes 'secum suas copias eduxisset ! "Tongilium mihi eduxit, 9 quem amare in -praetexta coepe- rat: 10 Publicium et Munacium, quorum aes alienum con- tractum in popina nullum reipublicae motum afferre pote- rat : n reliquit quos viros ? quanto alieno acre-, quam va- lentes, quam nobiles 1 III. ITAQUE ego ilium exercitum, 12 prae Gallicann lo.gionibus, et hoc delectu, quern in agro Piceno et Gal- jico Q. Metellus habuit, et his copiis, quae a nobis quo tidie comparantur, magnopere contemno ; 13 collectum ex senibus desperatis, ex agresti luxuria, ex rusticis decoc- toribus, ex iis, qui H vadimonia deserere, quam ilium ex- ercitum, maluerunt : quibus ego non modo si 15 acirin ORATIO II. IN I.. CATILWAM. 15 oxercitus nostri, venim ctiam si edictum praetoris osten- dero, concident. ^os, quos video volitare in foro, quos stare ad curiam, quos etiam 2 in senatum venire : 3 qui nitent unguentis, 4 qui fulgent purpura, mallem secum 5 suos milites eduxisset : qui si hie permanent, mementote non tarn exercitum ilium esse nobis, quam hos, qui exercitum deseruerunt, pertimescendos. Atque hoc etiam sunt timen- di magis, quod, quid cogitent, me scire sentiunt, neque tamen permoventur. 6 Video, cui Apulia sit attributa, qui habeat Etruriam, qui agrum Picenum, qui Gallicum, qui sibi has urbanas insidias caedis atque incendiorum de- poposcerit. Omnia 7 superioris noctis consilia ad me de- lata esse sentiunt : patefeci in senatu hesterno die : Ca- lilina ipse pertimuit, profugit: hi quid exspectant? 8 Nae illi vehementer errant, si illam meam pristinam lenitatem perpetuam sperant futuram. IV. QUOD exspectavi, jam sum assecutus, ut vos om- nes factam esse aperte conjurationem contra rempublicam videretis. 9 Nisi vero si quis est, qui 10 Catilinae similes cum Catilina sentire non putet. Non est jam lenitati locus : severitatem res ipsa flagitat. Unum etiam nunc concedam : exeant, proficiscantur, ne patiantur n desiderio sui Catilinam misemm tabescere : demonstrabo iter : Aure- lia via profectus est: si acceleraie volent, ad vesperam con- sequentur. O fortunatam rempublicam, 12 si quidem hanc sentinam hujus urbis ejecerit! Uno mehercule Catilina 13 exhausto, relevata mihi et recreata respublica videtur. Quid enim mali aut sceleris fingi aut excogitari potest, quod non ille conceperit ? Quis tota Italia 14 veneficus, quis gla- diator, quis latro, quis sicarius, quis parricida, I5 quis testa- mentorum subjector, 16 quis circumscriptor, quis ganeo, n quis nepos, quis adulter, quae mulier infamis, quis cor- ruptor juventutis, quis corruptus, quis perditus inveniri potest, qui se cum Catilina non familiarissime vixisse fateatur ? 18 Quae caedos per hosce annos sine illo facta est ? Quod nefarium stuprum non per ilium ? 19 Jam vero quae tanta in ullo umquam homine juventutis illecebra 16 ORATIO It. I\ L. CATILINAM. fuit quanta in illo ? qui aliis fructum libidimim, aliis mor- tem parentum, non modo impellendo, verum etiam adju- vando, pollicebatur. Nunc vero quam subito, non solum ex urbe, verum etiam ex agris, ingentem numerum per- ditorum hominum collegerat ? Nemo, non modo Romae, sed. nee ullo in angulo totius Italiae, oppressus aere alie- no fuit, quern non ad hoc incredibile sceleris foedus adsciverit. V. ATQUE, ut ejus diversa studia Mn dissimili ratione perspicere possitis, nemo est 2 in ludo gladiatorio paullo ad facinus audacior, qui se non intimum Catilinae esse fateatur : 3 nemo in scena levior et nequior, qui se non ejusdem prope sodalem fuisse commemoret. Atque idem tamen, 4 stuprorum et scelerum exercitatione assuefactus, 5 frigore, et fame, et siti, ac vigiliis perferendis, fortis ab istis praedicabatur ; 6 cum industriae subsidia, atque instru- menta virtutis, in libidine audaciaque consumerentur. Hunc vero si sui fuerint comites secuti ; si ex urbe exierint desperatorum hominum flagitiosi greges ; 7 O nos beatos, O rempublicam fortunatam, O praeclaram laudem consulatus mei ! Non enim jam sunt mediocres hominum 8 libidines, non humanae ac tolerartdae audaciae : nihil cogitant, nisi caedes, nisi incendia, nisi rapinas : patri- monia sua profuderunt : 9 fortunas suas abligurierunt : res eos jampridem, 10 fides deficere nuper coepit : eadem ta- men ilia, quae erat in abundantia, libido permanet. Quodsi in vino et alea "comissationes solum quaererent, essent illi quidem desperandi, sed tamen essent ferendi. Hoc vero quis ferre possit, inertes homines fortissimis viris insidiari, stultissimos prudentissimis, 12 ebriosos sobriis dormientes vigilantibus ? Qui 13 mihi u accubantes in con viviis, vino languidi, 15 confecti cibo, 16 sertis redimiti unguentis obliti, 17 eructant sermonibus suis caedem bono- rum, atque urbis incendia. Quibus ego confido impen- dere 18 fatum aliquod : et poenas jamdiu improbitati, ne- quitiae, sceleri, libidini debitas, aut instare jam plane, ant certe appropinquare. Quos si meus consulatus, quoniam ORATIO II. IN L. CATIUNAM. 17 9 sanare non potest, sustulerit ; *non breve nescio quod tem- pus, sed multa saecula propagarit reipublicae. Nulla est enim natio, quam pertimescamus : nullus rex, qui bellum populo Romano facere possit. Omnia sunt externa 2 unius vir- tute terra marique pacata : domesticum bellum manet : intus insidiae sunt : intus inclusum periculum est : intus est hostis : cum luxuria nobis, cum amentia, cum scelere certandum est. Huic ego me bello, Quirites, prbfiteoi ducem : suscipio inimicitias hominum perditorum. 3 Quae sanari poterunt, quacunque ratione sanabo : quae rese- canda erunt, non patiar ad perniciem civitatis manere. Proinde aut exeant, aut quitscant : aut, si et in urbe, et in eadem mente permanent ; ea, quae merentur, exspec- tent. VI. AT etiam sunt, Quirites., qui dicant, 4 a me in ex- silium ejectum esse Catilinam. Quod ego si verbo asse- qui possem, istos ipsos ejicerem, qui haec loquuntur. *Homo videlicet timidus et permodestus vocem consulis ferre non potuit : simul atque ire in exsilium jussus est, paruit, 6 ivit. Hesterno die, cum domi meae paene inter- fectus essem, senatum in aedem Jovis Statoris vocavi : rem omnem ad patres conscriptos detuli. 7 Quo cum Catilina venisset, quis eum senator appellavit ? quis salu- tavit? 8 quis denique ita aspexit, ut perditum civem, ac non potius ut importunissimum hostem ? Quin etiam principes ejus ordinis partem illam subselliorum, ad quam ille accesserat, nudam atque inanem reliquerunt. Hie ego 9 vehemens ille consul, qui verbo cives in exsilium ejicio, quaesivi a Catilina, an nocturno conventu apud M. Laecam fuisset, necne. Cum ille 10 homo audacissimus, conscientia convictus, primo reticuisset : patefeci cetera. "Quid ea nocte egisset, quid 12 in proximam constituisset, quemadmodum essei ei ratio totius belli descripla, edocui. 13 Cum haesitaret. cum teneretur ; quaesivi, quid dubitaret eo proficisci, quo jampridem pararat : cum anna, 4 cum se- cures, cum fasces, cum tubas, cum signa militaria, cum Aquilam illam argenteam, cui ille etiam sacrarium scele- 2* 18 ORATIO II. IN L. CATILINAM. rum domi suae fecerat, scirem esse praemissam. J lii ex- silivim ejiciebam, quern jam ingressum esse in bellum vi- debam 1 Etenim, credo, Manlius iste centurio, 2 qui in agro Fesulano castra posuit, bellum populo Romano suo nomine indixit : et ilia castra nunc non Catilinam ducem exspectant : et ille, ejectus in exsilium, se 3 Massiliam, nou in haec castra conferet. VII. O CONDITIONEM miseram, non modo administrandae, verum etiam conservandae reipublicae ! Nunc, si L. Ca- tilina, consiliis, laboribus, periculis meis 4 circumclusus ac debilitatus, subito pertimuerit, sententiam mutaverit, deseruerit suos, consilium bellum faciundi abjecerit, ex hoc cursu sceleris et belli, iter ad fugam atque in exsilium converterit : non ille a me 5 spoliatus armis audaciae, non obstupefactus ac perterritus mea diligentia, non de spe conatuque depulsus, ' sed 6 indemnatus, innocens, in exsi- lium ejectus a consiile vi et minis, esse dicetur : et erunt, qui ilium, si hoc fecerit, non improbum, sed miserum ; me non diligentissimum consulem, sed crudelissimum ty- rannum existimari velint. 7 Est mihi tanti, Quirites, hu- jus invidiae falsae atque iniquae tempestatem subire, dum- modo a vobis hujus horribilis belli ac nefarii periculum depellatur. Dicatur sane ejectus esse a me, dummodo eat in exsilium. Sed mihi credite, non est iturus. Num- quam ego a diis immortalibus optabo, Quirites, invidiae meae levandae causa, ut L. Catilinam ducere exercitum hostium, 8 atque in armis volitare audiatis : sed triduo ta- men audietis : multoque magis illud timeo, ne mihi sit 9 invidiosum aliquando, quod ilium emiserim potius, quam quod ejecerim. Sed cum sint homines, qui ilium, 10 cun: profectus sit, ejectum esse dicant, iidem, si interfectus esset, quid dicerent ? Quamquam isti, qui Catilinam Mas- siliam ire dictitant, non tarn hoc queruntur, quam veren- tur. Nemo est istorum n tam misericors, qui ilium non ad Manlium, quam ad Massilienses ire malit. Ille autem, si mehercule 12 hoc, quod agit, nunquam ante cogitasset, tainen latrocinantem se interfici mallet, quam exsulem ORATIO II IN L. CATILINAM. 19 vivere. Nunc vero, cum ei nihil adhuc praeter ipsius voluntatem cogitationemque accident, nisi quod H'ivis no- bis Rorna profectus est ; optemus potius s ut eat in ex- silium, quain queramur. VIII. SED cur tamdiu de uno hoste loquimur : et de eo hoste, qui jam fatetur se esse hostem ; et quern, quia, quod semper volui, murus Interest, non timeo : de his, qui dissimulant, qui Romae remanent, qui nobiscum sunt, nihil dicimus '! Quos quidem ego, si ullo modo fieri pos- sit, 3 non tarn ulcisci studeo, quain sanare, et ipsos pla- care reipublicae ; neque, id quare fieri non possit, si me audire volent, intelligo. Exponam enim vobis, Quirites, 4 ex quibus generibus hominum istae copiae comparentur : Meinde singulis medicinam consilii atque orationis meae, si quain potero, afferam. Unum genus est eorum, qui, 6 magno in acre alieno, majores etiam possessiones habent : quarum amore adducti, dissolvi nullo modo possunt. 7 Ho- rum hominum species est honestissima ; (sunt enim locu- pletcs:) ^oluntas vero, et causa impudentissima. 9 Tu agris, tu aedificiis, tu argento, tu familia, tu rebus omni- bus ornatus et copiosus sis : et dubites de possessione 10 detrahere, acquirere ad fidem ? Quid enim exspectas ? bellurn ? quid ? ergo, in vastatione omnium, tuas possessi- ones n sacrosanctas futuras putas ? 12 an tabulas novas ? errant, qui istas a Catilina exspectant. 13 Meo beneficio tabulae novae proferentur, verum auctionariae. Neque enim isti, qui possessiones habent, alia ratione ulla salvi esse possunt. 14 Quod si maturius facere voluissent, I5 ne- que, (id quod stultissimum est,) certare cum usuris fru- ctibus praediorum; 16 et locupletioribus his et melioribus civibus uteremur. Sed hosce homines minime puto per- timescendos, quod aut deduci de sententia possunt ; aut, si permanebunt, I7 magis mihi videntur vota facturi contra rempublicam, quam arma laturi. IX. ALTERUM genus est eorum, qui, quamquam pre- muntur 12 Atque ea lenitate senatus est usus, Quirites, ut ex ta'nta conjuratione, tantaque vi ac multitudine do- mesticorum hostium, 13 novem hominum perditissimorum poena republica conservata, reliquorum mentes sanari posse arbitraretur. Atque etiam u supplicatio diis immor- talibus, pro singular! eorum merito, meo nomine decreta est, Quirites : quod mihi primum post hanc urbem con- ditam 15 togato contigit : et his decreta verbis est, " Quod urbem incendiis, caede cives, Italiam bello liberassem." Quae supplicatio si cum ceteris conferatur, Quirites, 16 hoc intersit, quod ceterae bene gesta, haec una, conservata republica, constituta est. 17 Atque illud, quod faciendum primum fuit, 18 factum atque transactum est. Nam P. Len- tulus, quamquam 19 patefactus indiciis et confessionibus suis, judicio senatus, non molo praetoris jus, verum etiam ORATIO III. IN L. CATIL1NAM. -31 civis amiserat ; tamen magistratu se abdicavit : ! ut, quae religio C. Mario, clarissimo viro, non fuerat, quo minus C. Glauciam, de quo nihil nominatim erat decretum, prae- torem occideret, ea nos religione in privato P. Lentulo puniendo liberaremur. VII. NUNC, quoniam, Quirites, sceleratissimi periculo- sissimique belli nefarios duces 2 captos jam et compre- hensos tenetis, existimare debetis, omnes Catilinae copias, omnes spes atque opes, his depulsis urbis periculis, conci- disse. 3 Quem quidem ego cum ex urbe pellebam, hoc pro- videbam animo, Quirites, remoto Catilina, nee mihi esse P. Lentuli 4 somnum, 5 nec L. Cassii adipem, nee Cethegi furiosam temeritatem pertimescendam. 6 Ille erat luius timendus ex his omnibus, sed tamdiu, dum moenibus urbis continebatur. Omnia norat, 7 omnium aditus tenebat ; ap- pellare, tentare, sollicitare poterat, audebat : 8 erat ei con- silium ad facinus aptum : consilio autem neque lingua, ne- que manus deerat. 9 Jam ad certas res conficiendas certos homines delectos ac descriptos habebat. Neque vero, cum aliquid mandaverat, confectum putabat. 10 Nihil erat, quod non ipse obiret, occurreret, vigilaret, laboraret : n fri- gus, sitim, famem ferre poterat. Hunc ego hominem, 12 tam acrem, tam paratum, tam audacem, tarn callidum, tarn in scelere vigilantem, tam 13 in perditis rebus diligentem, nisi ex domesticis insidiis in castrense latrocinium compulis- sem, (dicam id, quod sentio, Quirites,) non facile hanc tantam molem mali a cervicibus vestris depulissem. u Non ille nobis Saturnalia constituisset, 15 neque tanto ante exi- tii et fati diem reipublicae denuntiasset, 15 neque commi- sisset, ut signum, ut litterae suae, testes denique mani- festi sceleris deprehenderentur. Quae mine, illo absente, sic gesta sunt, ut nullum in privata domo furtum umquam sit tam palam inventum, quam haec tanta in republics conjuratio manifesto inventa atque deprehensa est. Quodsi Catilina in urbe ad hanc diem remansisset: quamquam, quoad fuit, omnibus ejus consiliis 16 occurri atque obstiti, tamen, ut levissime dicam, dimicandum nobis cum illo 32 ORATIO III. IN L. CATIL- M. fuisset, neque nos umquam, dum ilfc in urbe hostis fuis- set, tantis periculis rempublicam, Unta pace, tanto otio, tanto silentio, liberassemus. VIII. QUAMQUAM haec omnia, Quirites, ita sunt a me administrata, ut deorum immortalium T nutu atque consi- lio et gesta et provisa esse videantur. Idque cum 2 con- jectura consequi possumus, quod vix videtur human! con- silii tantarum rerum gubernatio esse potuisse : turn vero 3 ita praesentes his temporibus opem et auxilium nobis tulerunt, ut eos paene oculis videre possemus. 4 Nam, ut ilia omittam, 5 visas nocturno tempore ab occidente faces, ardoremque coeli, 6 ut fulminum jactus, 7 ut terrae motus, ut cetera, quae tarn multa, nobis consulibus, facta sunt, at haec, quae mine fiunt, 8 canere dii immortales vide- rentur : hoc certe, Quirites, quod sum dicturus, neque praetermittendum, neque relinquendum est. Nam profecto memoria tenetis, 9 Cotta et Torquato consulibus, 10 com- plures in Capitolio res n de coelo esse percussas, cum et 12 simulacra deorum immortalium 13 depulsa sunt, et statuae veterum hominum dejectae, et u legum aera lique- facta. Tactus est etiam ille, qui hanc urbem condidit, Romulus : 15 quem inauratum in Capitolio parvum atque lactentem, uberibus lupinis inhiantem, fuisse meministis. Quo quidem tempore, cum aruspices 16 ex tota Etruria convenissent, caedes atque incendia, et legum interitum, et bellum civile ac domesticum, et totius urbis atque im- peril occasum appropinquare dixerunt, nisi dii immortales, omni ratione placati, 17 suo numine prope fata ipsa flexis- sent. Itaque illorum responsis tune et 18 ludi decem pel dies facti sunt, neque res ulla, quae 19 ad placandum deos pertineret, praetermissa est : iidemque jusserunt, simulacrum Jovis facere 20 majus, et in excelso collocare, et contra, atque ante fuerat, ad orientem convertere : ac se sperare dixerunt, si illud signum, quod videtis, solis ortum, et forum, curiamque conspiceret, fore, ut ea consilia, quae clam essent inita contra salutem urbis atque imperil 2I illustrarentur, ut a senatu populoque Romano perspi6 ceteris fuit iratior. Atque id minus mirum fortasse turn, cum esset incertus exitus, et anceps fortuna belli : qui vero, 17 victor, pacis auctores diligit, is profecto declarat. I8 se maluisse non dimicare, quam vincere. VI. 19 ATQUE hujus quidem rei M. Marcello sum testis. 20 Nostri enim sensus, ut in pace semper, sic turn etiam in bello congruebant. Quoties ego eum,-et quanto cum dolore, vidi, cum insolentiam 21 certorum hominum, turn etiam ipsius 22 victoriae fefocitatem, extimescentem ! Quo gratior 23 tua liberalitas, C. Caesar, nobis, qui ilia vidi- mus, debet esse. 24 Non enim jam causae sunt inter se, sed victoriae, comparandae. Vidimus tuam victoriam proeliorum exitu terminatam : gladium vagina vacuum in Urbe non vidimus. Quos amisimus cives, eos 25 Martis vis perculit, non ira victoriae ; ut dubitare debeat nemo, quin multos, si fieri posset, C. Caesar ab inferis excita- ret ; quoniam 26 ex eadem acie conservat, qufts potest. "Alterius vero partis, nihil amplius dicam, quam (id, quod ORAT10 PRO M. MARCELLO. 65 omnes verebamur,) ^imis iracundam futuram fuisse victo- riam. Quidam enira, non modo 2 armatis, sed interdura etiam 3 otiosis, minabantur : nee, 4 quid quisque sensisset, sed ubi fuisset, cogitandum esse dicebant ; ut mini quid em videantur Dii immortales, ( 5 etiamsi poenas a pppulo Romano ob aliquod delictum expetiverint, qui civile bel- lura tantum et tarn luctuosum excitaverint,) vel placati jam, vel satiati aliquando, 6 omnem spem salutis ad cle- mentiam victoris et sapientiam contulisse. 7 Quare gaude tuo isto tarn excellent! bono ; et fruere, cum 8 fortuna .et gloria, turn etiam natura et moribus tuis ; ex quo quidem maximus est fructus jucunditasque sapienti. 9 Cetera cum tua recordabere, etsi persaepe virtuti, tamen plerumque felicitati tuae congratulabere. De nobis, quos in republica tecum simul salvos esse voluisti, quoties cogitabis, toties l de maximis tuis beneficiis, toties de incredibili liberalitate, toties de singular! sapientia tua, cogitabis : 1] quae non modo summa bona, sed nimirum audebo vel sola dicere. Tantus est enim splendor 12 in laude vera, tanta in magnitudine animl et consilii dig- iiitas, ut haec a virtute donata, cetera a fortuna com- modata esse videantur. Noli igitur in conservandis bonis viris defatigari, non cupiditate praesertim aut pra- vitate aliqua 13 lapsis, 14 sed opinione officii, stulta fortasse, certe non improba, et specie quadam reipublicae. 15 Non enim tua ulla culpa est, si te aliqui timuerunt : contraque, summa laus, quod plerique minime timendum fuisse sen serunt. VII. 16 NuNc vero venio ad gravissimam querelam, et atrocissimam suspicionem tuam ; 17 quae non tibi ipsi ma- gis, quam, cum omnibus civibus, turn maxime nobis, qui a te conservati sumus, providenda est: quam etsi spero esse falsam, 18 nunquam tamen verbis extenuabo. Tua enim cautio nostra cautio est ; 19 ut, si in alterutro pec- candum sit, malim videri nimis timidus, quam parum prudens. 20 Sed quisnam est iste tarn demens ? 21 de tuis- ne ? tametsi qui magis sunt tui, quam quibus tu salutem , 6* 66 ORATIO PRO M. MARCELLO. insperantibus reddidisti? an ex eo numero, J qui una te- cum fuerunt? Non est credibilis 2 tantus in ullo fuior, ut, quo duce omnia summa bit adeptus, hujus vitam non anteponat suae. At, si tui nihil cogitant sceleris, 3 ca- vendum est, ne quid inimici. Qui ? omnes enim, qui fuerunt, aut sua pertinacia vitam amiserunt, aut tua mis- ericordia retinuerunt ; ut aut nulli supersint de inimicis, aut, qui 4 supersunt, sint amicissimi. Sed tamen, cum in animis hominum 6 tantae latebrae sint et tanti recessus, augeamus sane suspicionem tuam : simul enim augebimus diligentiam. Nam quis est omnium 6 tam ignarus rerum, tarn rudis in republica, tain nihil umquam nee de sua nee de communi salute cogitans, qui non intejligat, tua salute contineri suam, et 7 ex unius tua vita pendere omnium ? Equidem, de te dies noctes- que ( 8 ut debeo) cogitans, 9 casus duntaxat humanos, et incertos eventus valetudinis, et naturae communis fragi- litatem, extimesco : 10 doleoque, cum respublica immortalis esse debeat, earn in unius mortalis anima consistere. Si vero, ad humanos casus, incertosque eventus valetu- dinis, u sceleris etiam accedat insidiarumque consensio; quern Deum, si cupiat, opitulari posse reipublicae cre- damus ? VIII. OMNIA sunt 12 excitanda tibi, C. Caesar, uni, quae jacefe sentis, belli ipsius impetu (quod necesse fuit) perculsa atque prostrata : 13 constituenda judicia, revocan- da fides, u comprimendae libidines, 15 propaganda soboles : 16 omnia, quae dilapsa jam fluxerunt, severis legibus vin- cienda sunt. 17 Non fuit recusandum, in tanto civili bello, tantoque animorum ardore et armorum, quin quassata respublica, qtucunque belli eventus fuisset, multa perde- ret et ornamenta dignitatis, et praesidia stabilitatis suae : multaque uterque dux faceret 18 armatus, quae idem toga- tus fieri prohibuisset. Quae quidem tibi omnia belli vulnera curanda sunt; 19 quibus, praeter te, mederi nemo potest. 20 Ttaque illam tuam praeclarissimam et saoientissimam ORATIO PRO M. MARCELLO. 67 vocem invitus audivi : " Satis diu vel naturae vixi, vel gloriae." Satis, si ita vis naturae fortasse ; addo etiam, si placet, gloriae : at (quod maximum est) ^patriae certe parum. 2 Quare, omitte, quaeso, istam 3 doctorum homi- nnm in contemnenda morte prudentiam : noli nostro pe- riculo sapiens esse. Saepe enim venit ad aures meas, te idem istud *nimis crebro dicere, satis te 5 tibi vixisse. 6 Credo : sed turn id audirem, 7 si tibi soli viveres, aut si tibi etiam soli natus esses. 8 Nunc, cum omnium salutem civium cunctamque rempublicam ^es tuae ges- tae complexae sint ; 10 tantum abes a perfectione maxi- morum operiun, ut fundamenta, quae cogitas, nondum jeceris. n Hic tu modum tuae vitae, non salute rei- publicae, sed aequitate animi, definies ? Quid, si 12 istud ne gloriae quidem tuae satis est? cujus te esse avidis- simum, quamvis sis sapiens, non negabis. 13 Parumne igitur, inquies, gloriam magnam relinque- mus ? Immo vero 14 aliis, quamvis multis, satis ; tibi uni parum. 15 Quidquid enim est, quamvis amplum sit, id certe parum est turn, cum est aliquid amplius. Quod si 16 re- rum tuarum immortalium, C. Caesar, hie exitus futurus fuit, ut, devictis adversariis, rempublicam in eo statu re- linqueres, in quo nunc est; 17 vide, quaeso, ne tua divina virtus admirationis plus sit habitura, quam gloriae : 18 si- quidem gloria est illustris ac pervagata multorum etmag norum, vel in suos, vel in patriam, vel in omne genus hominum, fama meritorum. IX. W HAEC igitur tibi reliqua pars est ; 20 hic restat actus, 21 in hoc elaborandum est, ut rempublicam constit- uas, eaque tu in primis composita, 22 cum summa tran- quillitale et otio, perfruare : turn te, si voles, cum et patriae, quod debes, solveris, 23 et naturam ipsam expleve- ris satietate vivendi, satis diu vixisse dicito. 24 Quid est enim omnino hoc ipsum diu, in quo est aliquid extremum ; quod cum venit, omnis voluptas praeterita pro nihilo est, quia postea nulla futura est ? ^Quamquam iste tuus ani- mus nunquam 26 his angustiis, quas natura nobis ad viven- 68 ORAT1O PRO M. MARCELLO. dum dedit, contentus fuit ; semperque immorlalitatis amo- re flagravit. x Nec vero haec tua vita ducenda est, quae corpore et spiritu continetur. Ilia, ilia, inquam, 2 vita est tua, quae vigebit memoria saeculorum omnium ; quam posteritas alet, quam ipsa aeternitas semper tuebitur. 3 Huic tu in servias, huic te ostentes, oportet : quae quidem, quae miretur, jampridem multa habet ; nunc, etiam quae laudet exspectat. Obstupescent posteri certe, 4 imperia, pro- vincias, 5 Rhenum, Oceanum, Nilum, pugnas innumerabi- les, incredibiles victorias, 6 monumenta innumera, trium- phos audientes et legentes tuos. Sed, nisi haec urbs 7 stabilita tuis consiliis et institutis erit, vagabitur modo nomen tuum longe atque late ; sedem quidem stabilem et domicilium certum non habebit. Erit, inter eos etiam qui nascentur, sicut inter nos fuit, 8 magna dissensio, cum alii laudibus ad coelum res tuas gestas efferent, 9 alii fortasse aliquid requirenf, idque vel maximum, nisi belli civilis incendium 10 salute patriae restinxeris ; n ut illud fati fuisse videatur, hoc consilii. 12 Servi igitur iis etiam judicibus, qui multis post saeculis de te judicabunt, et quidem 13 haud scio, an incorruptius, quam nos : nam et .sine amore et sine cupiditate, et rursus sine odio et sine invidia, judicabunt. u ld autem etiam si tune ad te (ut quidam falso putant) non pertinebit ; nunc certe pertinet, esse te talem, ut tuas laudes obscuratura nulla umquam sit oblivio. X. 15 DivERSAE voluntates civium fuerunt, distractae- que sententiae : non enim 16 consiliis solum et studiis, sed armis etiam et castris, dissidebamus. 17 Erat autem obscuritas quaedam, erat certamen 18 inter clarissimos duces : 19 multi dubitabant, quid optimum esset ; multi, quid sibi expediret ; multi, quid deceret ; nonnulli etiam, quid liceret. 20 Perfuncta respublica est hoc misero fatalique bello : vicit is, 21 qui non fortuna ii\- flammaret odium suum, sed bonitate leniret ; nee qui omnes, quibus iratus esset eosdem etiam exsilio au.* ORATIO PRO M. MARCELLO. 69 ] morte dignos judicaret. 2 Arma ab aliis posita, ab aliis erepta sunt. Ingratus est injustusque civis, qui, 3 armorum periculo liberatus, aniraum tamcn retinet anna- turn ; 4 ut etiam ille sit melior, qui in acie cecidit, qui in causa animam profudit. Quae enim pertinacia qui- busdam, eadem aliis constantia, videri potest. 5 Sed jam omnis fracta dissensio est armis, et exstincta aequitate victoris : restat, ut omnes ^num velint, qui modo hab- ent aliquid, non solum sapientiae, sed etiam sanitatis. Nisi te, C. Caesar, salvo, et in ista sententia, qua cum antea, turn hodie vel maxime usus es, manente, salvi esse non possumus. Quare omnes te, qui haec salva esse volumus, et hortamur et obsecramus, 7 ut vilae, ut saluti tuae consulas : omnesque tibi, (ut pro aliis etiam loquar, quod 8 de me ipse sentio,) quoniam 9 subesse aliquid putas, quod cavendum sit, non modo excubias et cus- todias, sed etiam 10 laterum nostrorum oppositus et cor- porum, pollicemur. XI. U SED, unde est orsa, in eodem terminetur oratio Maximas tibi omnes gratias agimus, C. Caesar : 12 ma jores etiam habemus. Nam omnes idem sentiunt ; quod ex omnium precibus et lacrymis sentire potuisti. Sed, quia non est 13 stantibus omnibus necesse 14 dicere ; a me certe dici volunt, cui necesse est quodammodo, et quod volunt, et quod decet, et quod (M. Marcello a te huic ordini populoque Romano et reipublicae reddito) 15 praecipue id a me fieri debere intelligo. Nam laetari omnes, 16 non ut de unius solum, sed ut de communi omnium salute, sentio : 17 quod autem sum- mae benevolentiae est, (quae me erga ilium omnibus semper nota fuit, ut vix C. Marcello, optimo et aman- tissimo fratri, praeter eum quidem, cederem nemini,) cum id sollicitudine, cura, labore tamdiu praestiterim, quamdiu est de illius salute dubitatum, certe hoc tern- pore, magnis curis, molestiis, doloribus liberatus, prae- stare debeo. 18 Itaque, C. Caesar, sic tibi gratias ago, ut, omnibus me rebus a te non conservato solum, 70 ORATIO PRO M. MARCELLO. sed etiam ornato, tamen ad tua in me unum innumera- bilia merita, (quod tieri jam posse non arbitrabar,) maxi- *nus hoc tuo facto cumulus accesserit. 'M.TULLII CICERONIS QRATIO PRO LEGE MANILIA. 1. 1. 2 QuAMQUAM mihi semper frequens conspectus vester, multo jucundissimus, 3 hic autem locus, 4 ad agen- dum 5 amplissimus, ad dicendum ornatissimus est visus, Quirites ,- tamen 6 hoc aditu laudis, qui semper optimo cuique tnaxime patuit, non "mea me voluntas, sed 8 meae vitae rationes, ab ineunte aetate susceptae, prohibuerunt. Nam, cum antea 9 per aetatem nondum 10 hujus auctori- tatem loci attingere auderem, statueremque, nihil hue, n nisi perfectum ingenio, elaboratum industria, afFerri oportere ; 12 omne meum tempus amicorum temporibus transmittendum putavi. 2. Ita neque hie locus vacuus unquam fuit ab iis, qui 13 vestram causam defenderent ; u et meus labor, in privatorum periculis caste integreque versatus, ex vestro judicio fructum est amplissimum consecutus. Nam cum, 15 propter dilationem comitiorum, 16 ter praetor primus 17 centuriis cunctis renuntiatus sum, facile intellexi, Quirites, et quid de me judicaretis, 18 et quid aliis praescriberetis. Nunc, cum et auctoritatis in me tantum sit, 19 quantum vos honoribus mandandis esse voluistis ; 20 et ad agendum facultatis tantum, quantum homini vigilanti ex forensi usu prope quotidiana dicendi exercitatio potuit afferre : certe, et, si quid auctoritatis in me est, zl ea apud eos utar, qui earn mihi dederunt ; et, si quid etiam 22 dicendo consequi possum, iis ostendam 72 ORAT1O PRO LEGE MANILIA. potissimum, ^qui ei quoque rei fructum suo judieio trl- buendum esse censuerunt. 3. 2 Atque illud in primis mihi laetandum jure esse video, quod 3 in hac insolita mihi ex hoc loco ratione dicendi, causa talis oblata est, in qua 4 oratio deesse nemini potest. Dicendum est enim de Cn. Pompeii singulari eximiaque virtute : hujus autein orationis 5 difficilius est exitum, quam principium invenire. Ita mihi non tarn 6 copia, quam modus in dicendo quae- rendus est. II. 4. Atque, ut inde oratio mea proficiscatur, 7 undo haec omnis causa ducitur : bellum grave et periculosum 8 vestris vectigalibus atque sociis a duobus potentissimis regibus infertur, 9 Mithridate et Tigrane ; 10 quorum alter relictus, n alter lacessitus, occasionem sibi ad occupan- dam 12 Asiam oblatam esse arbitratur. 13 Equitibus Ro- manis, honestissimis viris, afferuntur ex Asia quotidie literae, u quorum magnae res aguntur, in vestris vectiga- libus exercendis 15 occupatae : 16 qui ad me, pro necessi- tudine, quae mihi est cum illo ordine, causam reipublicae 17 periculaque rerum suarum detulerunt : 5. 18 Bithyniae, quae nunc vestra provincia est, vicos exustos esse com- plures : 19 regnum Ariobarzanis, quod finitimum est ves- tris vectigalibus, totum esse in hostium potestate : Lu- cullum, magnis rebus gestis, 20 ab eo bello discedere : 21 huic qui successerit, non satis esse paratum ad tantum bellum administrandum : 22 unum ab omnibus sociis et embus ad id bellum imperatorem deposci atque expeti : eundem hunc unum ab hostibus metui, praeterea ne- minem. , 6. 23 Causa quae sit, videtis : nunc, quid agendum sir, considerate. Primum mihi videtur 34 de genere belli, de- inde de magnitudine, turn de imperatore deligendo esse dicendum. Genus est belli ejusmodi, ,quod maxime ves- tros animos excitare atque inflammare 25 ad studium per sequendi debeat: 26 in quo agitur populi Romani gloria, quae vobis a majoribus, cum magna in rebus omnibus, ^un summa in re militari tradita est ; agitur salus socio- ORAT1O PRO LEGE MANILIA. TJ rum atque amicorum, pro qua multa majores vestri magna et gravia bella gesserunt : aguntur ^ertissima populi Ro mani vectigalia et maxima : quibus amissis, 2 et pacis ornamenta, et subsidia belli requiretis : aguntur bona multonim civium, quibus est 3 a vobis et ipsorum et rei- publicae causa consulendum. III. 7. ET quoniam semper appetentes gloriae praeter ceteras gentes atque avidi laudis fuistis, 4 delenda vobis est ilia macula, Mitkridatico bello superiore suscepta, quae penitus jam insedit atque inveteravit in populi Ro- mani nomine : 5 quod is, qui 6 uno die, tola Asia, 7 tot in civitatibus, uno nuntio, 8 atque una literarum significatione, 9 cives Romanes necandos trucidandosque denotavit, non modo adhuc poenam nullam suo dignam scelere suscepit, 10 sed ab illo tempore annum jam tertium et vicesimum regnat ; et ita regnat, ut se non Ponto, n neque Cappa- dociae latebris occultare velit, sed emergere iz e patrio regno, atque in vestris vectigalibua, hoc est, in Asiae luce versari. 8. Etenim adhuc ita vestri cum illo rege contenderunt imperatores, ut ab illo "insignia victoriae, non victoriam reportarent. Triumphavit L. Sulla, trium- phavit U L. Murena de Mithridate, duo fortissimi viri, et summi imperatores : sed ita triumpharunt, ut ille 35 pulsus superatusque regnaret. Verumtamen illis imperatoribus laus est tribuenda, 16 quod egerunt : venia danda, quod re- liquerunt: propterea quod ab eo bello Sullam in Italiam 17 respublica, 18 Murenam Sulla revocavit. IV. 9. MITHRIDATES autem 19 omne reliquum tempus, non ad oblivionem veteris belli, sed ad comparationem novi contulit : 20 qui posteaquam maximas aedificasset ornassetque classes, exercitusque permagnos, quibuscun- que ex gentibus potuisset, comparasset, et se 21 Bospora- nis, finitimis suis, bellum inferre simulasset ; usque in Hispaniam 22 legatos ac 23 literas misit 24 ad eos duces, quibuscum turn bellum gerebamus : ut, cum, duobus in locis disjunctissimis maximeque diversis, 25 uno consilio a binis hostium copiis bellum terra marique gereretur, 7 ORATIO PRO LEGE MAN1LIA. ^os, ancipiti contentione district!, de imperio dimicaretis. 10. 2 Sed tamen alterius partis periculum, Sertorianae atque Hispaniensis, quae multo plus 3 firmamenti ac ro- boris habebat, 4 Cn. Pompeii divino consilio ac singular! virtute depulsum est : 5 in altera parte ita res a L. Lu- cullo, summo viro, est administrata, ut 6 initia ilia gesta- rum rerum magna atque praeclara, non felicitati ejus, sed virtuti ; 7 haec autem extrema, quae nuper acciderunt, 8 non culpae, sed fortunae tribuenda esse videantur. Sed de Lucullo dicam 9 alio loco, et ita dicam, Quirites, ut rieque vera laus ei detracta oratione nostra, neque falsa ]0 afficta esse videatur. 11. De vestri imperii dignitate atque gloria, quoniam is est n exorsus orationis meae, videte, quem vobis animum suscipiendum putetis. V. MAJORES vestri saepe, 12 mercatoribus Tic navicula riis injuriosius tractatis, bella gesserunt : vos, 13 tot civiuin Romanorum millibus uno nuntio atque uno temporeneo- atis, quo tandem animo esse debetis ? 14 Legati quod erant appellati superbius, Corinthum patres vestri, totius Graeciae lumen, 15 exstinctum esse voluerunt : vos eum regem inultum esse patiemini, qui 16 legatum populi Ro- mani, consularem, vinculis ac verberibus, atque omni supplicio excruciatum necavit ? 17 Illi libertatem civium Romanorum imminutam non tulerurit : vos vitam ereptam negligetis ? Jus legationis 18 verbo violatum illi persecuti sunt : 19 vos legatum omni supplicio interfectum relinque- tis ? 12. Videte, ne, ut illis pulcherrimum fuit, tantam vobis imperii gloriam relinquere ; sic vobis turpissimum sit, id, quod accepistis, tueri et conservare non posse. ^Quid, quod salus sociorum summum in periculum ac discrimen vocatur? Regno expulsus est Ariobarzanes rex, socius populi Romani atque amicus : imminent 21 duo reges toti Asiae, non solum vobis inimicissimi, sed etiam vestris sociis atque amicis : civitates autem omnes, 22 cunc- ta Asia atque Graecia vestrum auxilium exspectare prop- ter periculi magnitudinem coguntur : 23 imperatorem a vo- bis certum deposcere, cum praesertim vos alium miseritis ORATIO PRO LKGE MANILLA.. 7i> ueque audent, neque se id facere ^ummo sine periculo posse arbitrantur. 13. Vident et sentiunt hoc idem, quod TOS, 2 unum virum esse, in quo summa sint omnia, et eum 3 prope esse, ( 4 quo etiam carent aegrius,) cujus adventu ipso atque nomine, tametsi ille ad 5 maritimum bellum venerit, tamen 6 impetus hostium represses esse intelligent ac retardates. Hi vos, 7 quoniam libere loqui non licet, tacite rogant, ut se quoque, sicut ceterarum provinciarum socios, dignos existimetis, 8 quorum salutem tali viro commendetis : 9 atque hoc etiam magis, quam ceteros, quod ejusmodi in provinciam homines 10 cum im- perio mittimus, ut, etiam si ab hoste defendant, tamen ipsorum adventus in urbes sociorum non multum ab hos- iili expugnatione differant. 11 Hunc audiebant antea, nunc praesentem vident, 12 tanta temperantia, tanta mansuetu- dine, tanta humanitate, ut ii beatissimi esse videantur, apud quos ille diutissime commoratur. VI. 14. QUARE, si propter socios, nulla ipsi injuria lacessiti, majores vestri I3 cum Antiocho, cum Philippo, cum Aetolis, cum Poenis bella gesserunt ; quanto vos studio convenit, u injuriis provocatos, sociorum salutem una cum imperii vestri dignitate defendere ; 15 praesertim cum de vestris maximis vectigalibus agatur? Nam ce- terarum provinciarum vectigalia, Quirites, 16 tanta sunt, ut iis ad ipsas provincias tutandas vix contend esse possi- mus : 17 Asia ver tarn opima est et fertilis, 18 ut et uber tate agrorum, et varietate fructuum, et magnitudine pas- tionis, et multitudine earum rerum, quae exportantur, facile omnibus terris antecellat. Itaque haec vobis provincia, Quirites, si 19 et belli utilitatem et pacis dignitatem sus- tinere vultis, non modo calamitate, sed etiam a metu calamitatis est defendenda. 15. Nam ceteris in rebus, 20 cum venit calamitas, turn detrimentum accipitur: at in vectigalibus non solum adventus mali, sed etiam metus ipse affert calamitatem. Nam cum hostium copiae non longe absunt, etiam si irruptio facta nulla sit, tamen ai pecora relinquuntur, agricultura deseritur, 22 mercatorum 76 ORAT10 PRO LEGE MAMMA. navigatio conquiescit. a lta neque ex portu, neque ex decumis, neque ex scriptura 2 vectigal conservari potest. Quare saepe totius anni fructus uno nimore periculi, atque uno belli terrore amittitur. 16. Quo tandem ani- mo esse existimatis aut eos, 3 qui vectigalia nobis pensi- tant, aut eos, qui exercent atque exigunt, cum duo reges cum maximis copiis prope adsint ? cum una excursio equitatus perbrevi tempore totius anni vectigal suferre possit? *cum publicani familias maximas, quas in 5 sal- tibus habent, quas in agris, quas in portubus atque 6 cus- todiis, magno periculo se habere arbitrentur ? Putatisne vos 7 illis rebus frui posse, nisi eos, qui vobis fructui sunt, conservaveritis, non solum, (ut antea dixi,) calami- tate, sed etiam calamitatis formidine liberates ? VII. 17. Ac ne illud quidem vobis negligendum est quod mihi ego e extremum proposueram, cum essem de belli genere dicturus, quod 9 ad multorum bona civium Romanorum pertinet : 10 quorum vobis pro vestra sapien- tia, Quirites, habenda est ratio diligenter. n Nam _et publicani, 12 homines et honestissimi et ornatissimi, 13 suas rationes et copias in illam provinciam contulerunt : quo- rum ipsorum per se res et fortunae curae vobis esse debent. Etenim si vectigalia, u nervos esse reipublicae, semper duximus ; eum certe ordinem, qui exercet ilia, firmamentum ceterorum ordinum recte esse dicemus. 18. Deinde 15 ceteris ex ordinibus homines gnavi et in- dustrii partim ipsi in Asia 16 negotiantur, quibus absenti- bus consulere debetis : 17 partim suas et suorum in ea pro- vincia pecunias magnas collocatas habent. Erit igitur humanitatis vestrae, magnum eorum civium numerum calamitate 18 prohibere ; sapientiae, videre, multorum ci- vium calamitatem a repubiica sejunctam esse non posse. 19 Etenim illud primum parvi refert, vos publicanis amissa vectigalia postea victoria recuperare. Neque enim iis- dem redimendi facultas erit, propter calamitatem, neque aliis voluntas, propter timorem. 19. Deinde, quod nos eadetn Asia, atque idem iste Mithridates 20 initio belli ORATIO PRO LEGE MANILIA. 77 Asiatic! docuit ; id quidem certe calamitate docti memor- ia retinere debemus. Nam turn, cum in Asia l res mag nas permulti amiserant, 2 scimus, Romae, solutione im- pedita, fidem concidisse. Non enim possunt ana ,'n civitate multi 3 rem atque fortunas amittere, ut non plures secum in eandem calamitatem trahant. A quo periculo proliibete rempublicam, et, mihi credite, (id quod ipsi videtis,) 4 haec fides atque haec ratio pecuniarum, quae Romae, quae in foro versatur, implicha est cum illis pecuniis Asiaticis, et cohaeret. 5 Ruere ilia non possunt ut haec non eodem labefactata motu concidant. Quare videte, num dubitandum vobis sit, omni studio ad id bel iurn incumbere, in quo gloria nominis vestri, salus soci orum, vectigalia maxima, fortunae plurimorum civium 6 cum republica defendantur. VIII. 20. QUONIAM de genere belli dixi, nunc de magnitudine pauca dicam. 7 Potest enim hoc dici ; belli genus esse ita necessarium, ut sit gerendum ; non esse ita magnum, ut sit pertimescendum. In quo maxime laborandum est, 8 ne forte ea vobis, quae diligentissime providenda sunt, contemnenda esse videantur. 9 Atque, ut omnes intelligant, me L. Lucullo tantum impertire laudis, quantum forti viro, et sapientissimo homini, et magno imperatori debeatur ; dico, ejus adventu maximas l Mithridati copias, n omnibus rebus ornatas atque in- structas, fuisse ; 12 urbemque Asiae clarissimam, nobisque amicissimam, Cyzicenorum, obsessam esse ab ipso rege 13 maxima multitildine, et oppugnatam vehementissime ; quam L. Lucullus virtute, assiduitate, consilio, summis obsidionis periculis liberavit : 21. ab eodem imperatore u classem magnam et ornatam, 15 quae ducibus Sertoria- nis ad Italiam studio inflammata raperetur, superatam esse atque depressam : 16 magnas hostium praeterea co- pias multis praeliis esse deletas : 17 patefactumque nostris legionibus esse Pontum, qui ante populo Romano ex omni aditu clausus esset : Smopen atque Amisum, quib- us in oppidis erant 18 domicilia regis, omnibus rebua 7* 78 ORAT10 PRO LEGE MANILIA. ornata atque referta ; ceterasque urbes Ponti et Cappa- dociae permultas, 1 uno aditu atque adventu esse captas : regem spoliatum regno patrio atque avito, a ad alios se reges atque ad alias gentes supplicem contulisse : atque haec omnia, 3 salvis populi Romani sociis atque integris vectigalibus, esse gesta. Satis opinor hoc esse laudis ; atque ita, Quirites, ut hoc vos intelligatis, a nullo 4 isto rum, qui huic obtrectant legi atque causae, L. Luculluiu eimiliter ex hoc loco esse laudatum. IX. 22. REQUIRETUR fortasse nunc, s quemadmodum, cum haec ita sint, reliquum possit esse magnum bellum. Cognoscite, Quirites : non enim hoc sine causa quaeri videtur. Primum ex suo regno sic Mithridates profugit, ut 6 ex eodem Ponto 7 Medea ilia quondam profugisse dicitur : quam praedicant in fuga, 8 fratris sui membra in iis locis, qua se parens persequeretur, dissipavisse, ut 9 eorum collectio dispersa, moerorque patrius, celeritatem persequendi retardaret. 10 Sic Mithridates, fugiens, n max imam vim auri atque argenti, pulcherrimarumque rerum omnium, quas et a majoribus acceperat, et ipse, bello superiore ex tota Asia direptas, in suum regnum conges- serat, in Ponto omnem reliquit. Haec dum nostri col- ligunt omnia diligentius, rex ipse e manibus effugit. Jta 12 illum ifi persequendi studio moeror, hos laetitia retardavit. 23. 13 Hunc in illo timore et fuga Tigranes, rex Armenius, excepit, diffidentemque rebus suis confir- mavit, et afflictum erexit, perditumque recreavit. Cujus in regnum posteaquam L. Lucullus cum exercitu venit, u plures etiam gentes contra imperatorem nostrum con- citatae sunt. Erat enim metus injectus iis nationibus, quas nunquam populus Romanus 15 neque lacessendas bello neque tentandas putavit. 16 Erat etiam alia gravis atque vehemens opinio, quae per animos gentium barbararura pervaserat, n fani locupletissimi et religiosissimi dirip- iendi causa in eas oras nostrum exercitum esse adduc- tum. Ita nationes multae atque magnae 18 novo quodam ierrore ac metu concitabantur. Noster autem exercitus, ORATIO I'HO LEGE MANILIA. 79 etsi 'urbem ex Tigranis regno ceperat, et proeliis usus erat secundis, 2 tamen nimia longinquitate locorum ac de- siderio suorum commovebatur. 24. 3 Hic jam plura non dicam : 4 fuit enim illud extremum, ut ex iis locis a mi- litibus nostris reditus magis maturus, quam processio longior quaereretur. 5 Mithridates autem et suam manutn jam confirmarat, et eorum, qui se ex ejus regno college- rant, et magnis adventitiis multorum regum et nationum copiis juvabatur. Hoc jam fere sic 6 fieri solere accepi- mus, ut regum afflictae fortunae facile multorum opes alliciant ad misericordiarn, maximeque eorum, qui aut reges sunt, aut vivunt in regno ; quod regale iis nomen ''magnum et sanctum esse videatur. 25. 8 Itaque tantum victus efficere potuit, quantum incolumis nunquam est ausus optare. Nam cum se in regnum recepisset suum, non fuit eo contentus, quod ei praeter spem acciderat 9ut illam, posteaquam pulsus erat, terram umquam at- tingeret: 10 sed in exercitum vestrum, clarum atque vic- torem, impetum fecit. Sinite hoc loco, Quixites, (sicut n poetae solent, qui res Romanas scribunt,) praeterire me nostram calamitatem : quae tanta fuit, ut earn, ad aures L. Luculli, 12 non ex proelio nuntius, sed ex sermone ru- mor afferret. 26. 13 Hic in ipso illo malo, gravissimaque belli offensione, L. Lucullus, qui tamen, aliqua ex parte, iis incommodis mederi fortasse potuisset, vestro jussu coactus, 14 quod imperii diuturnitati modum statuendum veteri exemplo putavistis, partem militum, 15 qui jam sti- pendiis confectis erant, dimisit, partem Glabrioni tradidit. 16 Multa praetereo consulto ; sed ea vos conjectura per- spicitis. 17 Quantum igitur illud bellum factum putetis, quod conjungant reges potentissimi, renovent agitatae uationes, suscipiant integrae gentes, 18 novus imperator vester accipiat, vetere pulso exercitu? X. 27. SATIS mini multa verba fecisse videor, quare hoc bellum esset genere ipso necessarium, magmtudine periculosum : restat, ut de imperatore ad id bellum deligen- do, 19 ac tantis rebus praeficiendo, dicendum esse videatur. 80 ORATIO PRO LEOE MANILIA. Utinam, Quirites, virorum fortium atque ^nnocentium copiam tantam haberetis, ut haec vobis deliberatio diffi- cilis esset, quemnam potissimum tantis rebus ac tanto bello praeficiendum putaretis ! Nunc vero cum sit unus Cn. Pompeius, qui non modo eorum hominum, qui nunc .sunt, gloriam, sed etiam 2 antiquitatis memoriam virtute superarit ; quae res est, quae cujusquam animum in hac causa dubium facere possit 1 28. Ego enim sic existimo, 3 in summo imperatore quatuor has res inesse oportere, scientiam rei militaris, virtutem, auctoritatem, felicitatem Quis igitur hoc homine 4 scientior umquam aut fuit, aut esse debuit ? qui 5 e ludo atque pueritiae disciplina, 6 bello maximo, atque acerrimis hostibus, ad patris exercitum atque in militiae disciplinam profectus est ; 7 qui extrema pueritia miles fuit summi imperatoris, 8 ineunte adoles- centia maximi ipse exercitus imperator ; 9 qui saepius cum hoste conflixit, quam quisquam cum inimico concer- tavit, plura bella gessit, quam ceteii legerunt, 10 plures provincias cbnfecit, quam alii concupiverunt ; u cujus ado- lescentia ad scientiam rei militaris non alienis praecep- tis, sed suis imperils, non offensionibus belli, sed victo- riis, "non stipendiis, sed 12 triumphis est erudita. Quod denique genus belli esse potest, 13 in quo ilium non ex- ercuerit fortuna reipublicae 1 u Civile, 15 Africanum, 16 Trans- alpinum, 17 Hispaniense, mixtum ex civitatibus atque ex bellicosissimis natiombus, 18 servile, 19 navale bellum, varia et diversa genera et bellorum et 20 hostium, non solum gesta ab hoc uno, sed etiam 21 confecta, nullam rem esse declarant in usu militari positam, quae hujus viri scien- tiam fugere possit. XL 29. 22 JAM vero virtnti Cn. Pompeii quae potest par oratio invenin ? quid est, quod quisquam aut dignum illo, aut vobis novum, aut cuiquam inauditum possit af- ferre ? 23 Neque enim illae sunt solae virtutes imperato- riae, quae vulgo existimantur, labor in negotiis, fortitudo in periculis, industria in agendo, celeritas in conficiendo, consilium in providendo 2 *quae tanta sunt in hoc uno, ORATIO PRO LEGE MANILIA. 81 quanla in omnibus reliquis imperatoribus, quos aut vidi- mus, aut audivimus, non fuerunt. 30. a Testis est Italia, qnam ille ipse victor, L. Sulla, hujus virtute et subsidic confessus est liberatam. 2 Testis est Sicilia, quam niul- tis undique cinctam periculis, 3 non terrore belli, sed celeritate consilii, explicavit. 4 Testis est Africa, quae magnis oppressa hostium copiis, eorum ipsorum sanguine redundavit. 5 Testis est Gallia, per quam legionibus nos- tris in Hispaniam iter, Gallorum internecione, patefactum est. 6 Testis est Hispania, quae saepissime plurimos hostes ab hoc superatos prostratosque conspexit. Testis est iterum et saepius Italia, quae, cum servili bello 7 tetro periculosoque premeretur, ab hoc auxilium absente ex- petivit : 8 quod bellum exspectatione Pompeii attenuatum atque imminutum est, adventu sublatum ac sepultum. 31. Testes vero jam 9 omnes orae, atque o nines exterae 10 gentes ac nationes, n denique maria omnia, turn univer- sa, turn in singulis omnes sinus atque portus. Quis enim 12 toto mari locus, per hos annos, aut tarn firmum habuit praesidium, ut tutus esset, aut tarn fuit abditus, ut lateret ? 13 Quis navigavit, qui non se aut mortis aut servitutis periculo committeret, cum aut hieme, aut referto praedonum mari navigaretur ? Hoc tantum bellum, tarn turpe, 14 tam vetus, tarn late dispersum, quis umquam arbitraretur aut ab omnibus imperatoribus uno anno, aut 15 omnibus annis ab uno imperatore confici posse 1 32. Quam provinciam tenuistis a praedonibus liberam per hos- ce annos ? 16 quod vectigal vobis tutum fuit ? quern socium defendistis ? cui praesidio classibus vestris fuistis ? quam multas existimatis insulas esse desertas ? quam multas aut metu relictas, aut a praedonibus captas urbes esse sociorum ? XII. SED quid ego 17 longinqua commemoro ? Fuit hoc quondam, fuit 18 proprium populi Romani longe a do- mo bellare, et w propugnaculis imperii sociorum fortunas, non sua tecta defendere. 20 Sociis vestris ego mare clau- sum per hosce annos dicam fuisse, cum exercitus nostri a 21 Brundisio nunquam, nisi ^umma hieme, transmise- 82 ORATIO PRO LEGE MANILIA. rint ? Qui ad vos ab exteris nationibus venirent, captos querar, a cum legati populi Roman! redempti sim ? mer- catoribus tutum mare non fuisse dicam, cum 2 duodecim secures in praedonum potestatem pervenerint ? 33. 3 Crii- dum aut Colophonem, aut Samum, nobilissimas urbcs, innumerabilesque alias, captas esse commemorem, cum vestros portus, 4 atque eos portus, quibus vitam et spiri- tum ducitis, in praedonum fuisse potestate sciatis ? An vero ignoratis, portum Caietae, celeberrimum atque plenis- simum navium, 5 inspectante praetore, a praedonibus esse direptum ? Ex Miseno autem, 6 ejus ipsius liberos, qui cum praedonibus antea ibi bellum gesserat, a praedonibus esse sublatos ? Nam quid ego 7 0stiense incommodum, atque illam labem atque ignominiam reipublicae querar, cum, prope inspectantibus vobis, classis ea, cui 8 consul populi Romani praepositus esset, a praedonibus capta atque oppressa est ? Pro dii immortales ! tantamne 9 unius hominis incredibilis ac divina virtus tarn brevi tempore lucem afferre reipublicae potuit, ut vos, qui modo ante ostium Tiberinum classem hostium videbatis, ii nunc nullam 10 intra Oceani ostium praedonum navem esse audiatis ? 34. Atque haec, qua celeritate gesta sint, quamquam videtis, tamen a me in dicendo praetereunda non sunt. Quis enim umquam, aut n obeundi negotii, aut con- sequendi quaestus studio, tarn brevi tempore, tot loca ad- ire, tantos cursus conficere potuit, I2 quam celeriter, On. Pompeio duce, belli impetus navigavit ? qui 13 nondum tempestivo ad navigandum mari 14 Siciliam adiit, Africam exploravit : inde Sardinian! cum classe venit, atque 15 haec tria frumentaria subsidia reipublicae firmissimis praesid- iis classibusque munivit. 35. Inde se cum in Italiam recepisset, duabus Hispaniis et Gallia Cisalpina prae- sidiis ac navibus confirmata, missis item in oram 16 Illy- rici maris, et in Achaiam omnemque Graeciam navibus, 17 Italiae duo maria maximis classibus firmissimisque prae- sidiis adornavit: ipse autem, 18 ut a Brundisio profectus est, undequinquagesimo die 19 totam ad imperium populi ORATIO FRO LEGE MANILIA. 83 Romani Ciliciam adjunxit : omnes, qui ubique praedones fuerunt, partim capti interfectique sunt, partim 1 unius hujus imperio ac polestati se dediderunt. Idem 2 Creten- sibus, cum ad eum usque in Pamphyliam legates de- precatoresque misissent, spem deditionis non ademit, ob- sidesque imperavit. Ita tantum bellum, tarn diuturnunc, tain longe lateque dispersum, quo bello omnes gentes ac nationes premebantur, Cn. Pompeius extrema hieme 3 ap- paravit, ineunte vere suscepit, media aestate confecit. XIII. 36. 4 EsT haec divina atque incredibilis virtus imperatoris. Quid 1 ceterae, quas paullo ante commem- orare coeperam, quantae atque quam multae sunt ? 5 non enim solum bellandi virtus in summo atque perfecto imperatore quaerenda est ; 6 sed multae sunt artes eximiae, hujus administrae comitesque virtutis. Ac primum, 7 quanta innocentia debent esse imperatores 1 quanta deinde om- nibus in rebus temperantia ? quanta fide ? 8 quanta facili- tate ? quanto ingenio 1 quanta humanitate ? Quae breviter, qualia , sint in Cn. Pompeio, consideremus. 9 Summa enim omnia sunt, Quirites ; sed ea magis 10 ex aliorum contentione, quam ipsa per sese cognosci atque intelligi possunt. 37. Quem enim n possumus imperatorem aliquo in numero putare, 12 cujus in exercitu veneant centuriatus atque venierint ? ^ 3 quid hunc hominem magnum aut am- plum de republica cogitare, qui pecuniam, ex aerario dc- promptam ad bellum administrandum, aut 14 propter cupid- itatem provinciae magistratibus diviserit, aut propter avaritiam Romae 15 in quaestu reliquerit 1 16 Vestra ad- murmuratio facit, Quirites, ut agnoscere videamini, qui haec fecerint : ego autem neminem nomino ; quare irasci mihi nemo poterit, nisi qui 17 ante de se voluerit confit- eri. Itaque, propter hanc avaritiam imperatorum, quan- tas calamitates, quocunque ventum sit, nostri exercitus ferant, quis ignorat? 38. 18 Itinera, quae per hosce an- nos in Italia per agros atque oppida civium Romanorum nostri imperatores fecerunt, recordamini : turn facilius itatuetis, quid apud exteras nationes fieri existimetis 84 ORATIO PRO LEG! MANILIA. Utium plures arbitramini per liosce annos militum ves- trorum armis hostium urbes, an a hibernis sociorum civi- tates esse deletas ? Neque enim potest 2 exercitum .is continere imperator, 3 qui se ipsum non continet : neque severus esse 4 in judicando, qui alios in se severos esse judices non vult. 39. Hie miramur, hunc homiriem tan- turn excellere ceteris, cujus legiones sic in Asiam per- venerunt, ut non modo manus tanti exercitus, 5 sed ne vestigium quidem cuiquam pacato nocuisse dicatur ? Jam vero, 6 quemadmodum milites hibernent, quotidie sermones ac literae perferuntur. Non modo, 7 ut sumptum faciat in militem, nemini vis aflertur : sed ne cupienti quidem cuiquam permiltitur. 8 Hiemis enim, non avaritiae pcr- fugium majores nostri in sociorum atque amicorum tectis esse voluerunt. XIV. 40. AGE vero, ceteris in rebus 9 qualis sit tem- perantia, considerate. Unde illam tantam celeritatem, et tarn incredibilem cursum 10 inventum putatis ? u Non enim ilium eximia vis remigum, aut ars inaudita quaedam gubernandi, aut vend aliqui novi, tarn celeriter 12 in ulti- mas terras pertulerunt: sed eae res, quae 13 ceteros re- morari solent, non retardarunt : non avaritia ab institute cursu ad praedam aliquam H devocavit, 15 non libido ad voluptatem, non amoenitas ad delectatinem, non nohili- tas urbis ad cognitionem, non denique labor ipse ad quie- lem. Postremo 16 signa, et tabulas, ceteraque ornamenta Graecorum oppidorum, quae ceteri tollenda esse arbi- trantur, ea sibi ille ne visenda quidem existimavit. 41. Itaque ornnes quidem, nunc in his locis Cn. Pom- peium, sicut aliquem non ex hac urbe missum, sed de coelo delapsum, intuentur : nunc deuique incipiunt credere, n fuisse i> homines Romanes hac quando absti- nentia: 18 quod jam nationibus exteris incredibile ac falso memoriae proditum videbatur. 19 Nunc imperii vestri splendor illis gentibus lucet : nunc intelligent. non sine causa majores suos turn, cum 20 hac tempe- tantia magistratus habebamus, servire populo Romano, ORATIO PRO LEGE MANHIA 85 imperare aliis, maluisse. Uam vero ita faciles aditus ad eum privatorum, ita liberae querimoniae de aliorum injuriis esse dicuntur, ut is, qui dignitate princip- ibus excellit, facilitate par infimis esse videatur. 42. Jam quantum 3 consilio, quantum dicendi gravitate et copia valeat, 4 in quo ipso inest quaedam dignitas imperatoria, vos, Quirites, 5 hoc ipso in loco saepe cognostis. Fidem vero ejus inter socios quantam existimari putatis, 6 quam hostes omnium gentium sanctissimam judicarint ? Huma- tiitate jam tanta est, ut difficile dictu sit, utrum hostes magis virtutem ejus pugnantes timuerint, an mansuetudi- nem victi dilexerint. Et quisquam dubitabit, quin huic 7 tantum bellum transmittendum sit, qui ad omnia 8 nostrae memoriae bella conficienda divino quodam consilio natus esse videatur ? XV. 43. ET, quoniam 9 auctoritas multum in belhs quoque administrandis atque hi imperio militari valet, certe nemini dubium est, quin ea re idem ille imperator plurimum possit. l(> Vehementer autem pertinere ad bella administranda, quid hostes, quid socii de imperatoribus vestris existiment, quis ignorat, cum sciamus, homines in tantis rebus, ut aut contemnant, aut metuant, aut ode- rint, aut ament, opinione non minus n et fama, quam aliqua certa ratione commoveri ? Quod igitur nomen umquam in orbe terrarum 12 clarius fuit ? cujus res gestae pares ? de quo homine vos, id quod maxime 13 facit ad auctoritatem, 14 tanta et tarn praeclara judicia fecistis ? 44. An vero ullam usquam esse oram tarn desertam pu- tatis, quo non 15 illius diei fama pervaserit, cum univer- sus populus Romanus, referto foro, repletisque omnibus templis, ex quibus 17 liic locus conspici potest, unum sibi ad commune omnium gentium bellum Cn. Pompeium imperatorem depoposcit ? Itaque, ut plura non dicaru, neque aliorum exemplis confirmem, 17 quantum auctoritas valeat in bello ; ab eodem Cn. Pompeio 18 omnium rerum egregiarum exempla sumantur : qui quo die a vobis ma- litimo bello praepositus est imperator, t?nta repente 8 86 ORATJO PRO LKOE MANII.IA. J vilitas annonae 2 ex summa inopia et caritate rei fru- mentariae consecuta est, unius. hominis spe et nomine, quantam vix ex summa ubertate agrorum diuturna pax efficere potuisset. 45. 3 Jam, 4 accepta in Ponto calami- tate, ex eo proelio, de quo vos paullo ante Invitus ad- monui,,cum socii pertimuissent, hostium oped animique crevissent, satis firmum praesidium provincia non ha- beret : amisissetis Asiam, Quirites, nisi ipsum id tern poris Mivinitus Cn. Pompeium ad eas regiones fortuna populi Romani attulisset. Hujus adventus et Mithrida- tem 6 insolita inflammatum victoria continuit, et Tigra- nem magnis copiis minitantem Asiae retardavit. Et quisquam dubitabit, quid virtute 7 profecturus sit, qui tan- tnm auctoritate profecerit ? aut quam facile imperio atque exercitu socios et vectigalia conservaturus sit, qui 8 ipso nomine ac rumore defenderit ? XVI. 46. AGE vero, 9 illa res quantam declarat ejus dem hominis apud hostes populi Romani auctoritatem, quod ex locis tarn longinquis, tamque diversis, tarn ".revi tempore omnes uni huic se dediderunt ? quod "Cretensium legati, cum in eorum insula noster impe- or exercitusque esset, ad Cn. Pompeium n in ultimas j>rope terras venerunt, eiqua se omnes Cretensium civi tates dedere velle dixerunt ? Quid idem iste Mithri- dates ? nonne ad eundein Cn. Pompeium, legatum us- que in Hispaniam misit 1 12 eum quern Pompeius lega- tum semper judicavit: 13 ii, quibus semper erat , moles- turn, ad eum potissimum esse missum, speculatorem, quam legatum judicari maluerunt. Potestis igitur jam constituere, Quirites, hanc auctoritatem, u multis postea rebus gestis, magnisque vestris judiciis amplificatam, {Uantum apud illos reges, quantum apud exteras nationes rdiituram esse existimetis. 47. Reliquum est, ut de felicitate, I5 quam praestare de se ipso nemo potest, meminisse et commemorare de altero possumus, sicut aequum est homini 36 de potestate deorum, timide et pauca dicamus. Ego enim sic exis ORATIO PKO I.EGE MANILIA. 87 umo 'Maximo, Marcello, Scipioni, Mario, et ceteris magnis imperatoribus, non solum propter virtutem, sed etiam propter fortunam, saepius imperia mandata, atque exercitus esse commissos. Fuit enim profecto quibus dam summis viris quaedam 2 ad amplitudinem et gloriam, et ad res magnas bene gerendas divinitus adjuncta Ibrtuna : de hujus autem hominis felicitate, quo de nunc agimus, 3 hac utar moderatione dicendi, non ut in illius potestate fortunam positam esse dicam, sed ut praeterita meminisse, reliqua sperare videamur, ne aut invisa diis immortalibus oratio nostra, aut ingrata esse videatur. 48. Itaque 4 non sum praedicaturus, Quirites, quantas ille res domi militiaeque, terra marique, quantaque feli- citate gesserit : ut ejus semper voluntatibus non modo cives assenserint, socii 5 obtemperarint, hostes obedierint, sed etiam venti tempestatesque 6 obsecundarint. Hoc brevissime dicam, neminem unquam 7 tam impudentem fuisse, qui a diis immortalibus tot et tar '.as res tacitus auderet optare, quot et quantas dii immortales ad Cn. Pompeium detulerunt. 8 Quod ut illi proprium ac per- petuum sit, Quirites, cum communis salutis atque im- perii, turn ipsius hominis causa (sicuti facitis) 9 velle et optare debetis. 49. Quare cum et bellum ita necessarium sit, u negligi non possit : ita magnum, ut 10 accuratissime sit administrandum : et cum ei imperatorem praeficere pos- sitis, in quo sit eximia belli scientia, singular!* virtus clarissima auctoritas, egregia fortuna : n dubitabitis, Quir- ites, quin hoc tantum boni, quod vobis a diis im- mortalibus oblatum et datum est, in rempublicam con- servandam atque amplificandam conferatis ? XVII. 50. 12 QuoD si Romae Cn. Pompeius privatu* esset hoc tempore : tamen ad tantum bellum 13 is erat deligendus atque mittendus. 14 Nunc, cum ad ceteras summas utilitates haec quoque opportunitas adjungatur, ut in iis ipsis locis adsit, ut habeat exercitum, ut ab iis. qui habent, accipere statim possit : lf tjuid exspee 88 ORATIO PRO LKGK MAXIMA. tamus 1 aut CUT non, ducibus diis immortalibus, eidem, cui cetera summa cum salute reipublicae commissa sunt, hoc quoque bellurn regium committimus ? 51. J At enim vir clarissimus, amantissimus reipublicae 8 ~sstris beneficiis amplissimis affectus, Q. Catulus ; 3 item que summis ornamentis honoris, fortunae, virtutis, ingen- ii praeditus, Q. Hortensius, 4 ab hac ratione dissen- tiunt : 5 quorum ego auctoritatem apud vos multis locis plurimum valuisse, et valere oportere confiteor ; sed in. hac causa, tametsi cognoscitis auctoritates contrarias fortissimorura virorum et clarissimorum, tamen, omissis auctoritatibus, ipsa re et ratione exquirere possumus veritatem : atque hoc facilius, quod ea omnia, quae adhuc a me dicta sunt, iidem isti vera esse concedunt, et necessarium bellum esse, et magnum, et in uno Gn Pompeio summa esse omnia. 52. Quid igitur ait Hor- tensius ? " Si uni 6 omnia tribuenda sint, unum dignis- simum esse Pompeium : sed ad unum tamen omnia deferri' non oportere." Obsolevh jam ista oratio, 7 re multo magis quam verbis refutata. Nam tu idem, Q. Hortensi, multa, 8 pro tua summa copia ac singular! facultate dicendi, et in senatu contra 9 virum fortem A. Gabinium, :0 graviter ornateque dixisti, cum is de uno imperatore contra praedones constituendo legem promul- gasset : et ex hoc ipso loco permulta item contra legem earn verba fecisti. 53. Quid 1 turn, per deos immorta- les ! si plus apud populum Romanum auctoritas tua. quam ipsius populi Romani salus et n vera causa valu- isset, hodie hanc gloriam atque hoc orbis terrae imperium teneremus ? An tibi turn imperium esse hoc videbatur. cum populi Romani legati, praetores, quaestoresque 12 capiebantur ? cum ex omnibus provinciis commeatu, et private, et publico prohibebamur ? cum ita clausn erant nobis omnia maria, 13 ut neque privatam rem trans- marinam, neque publicam jam obire possemus ? XVIII. 54. QUAE civitas antea umquam fuit, 14 non dico Atheniensium, quae satis late quondam mare tenuissa ORfc.no PRO LEGE JIAMLIA. 89 dicitur, nou ^arthaginieusium, qui permultum olasse ma- ritiraisque rebus valuerunt, non 2 Rhodiorum, quorum us- que ad nostram memoriam disciplina navalis et gloria reinansit : quae civitas antea umquain 3 tana tenuis, quae tarn parva insula fuit, quae non portus suos, et agros, et aliquam partem regionis atque orae maritimae per se ipsa defenderet? At hercle, 4 aliquot annos coatinuos ante legem Gabiniam, ille populus Romanus, cujus, usque ad nostram memoriam, nomen invictum in nava- libus puguis permanserat, 5 magna ac multo maxima parte non modo utilitatis, sed dignitatis atque imperi caruit : 55. nos, quorum majores ^Antiochum regen elasse 7 Persenque superarunt, omnibusque navalibus pug nis Carthaginienses, homines 8 in maritimis rebus exerci tatissimos paratissimosque vicerunt, 9 ii nullo in loco jam praedonibus pares esse poteramus : nos, qui antea non modo Italiam tutam habebamus, sed omnes socios in ultimis oris auctoritate nostri imperii salvos 10 praestare poteramus; turn, cum insula Delos, tarn procul a nobis in Aegeo mari posita, "quo omnes undique cum merci- bus atque oneribu* commeabant. referta divitiis, parva, sine muro, 12 mhil timebat ; 13 iiaeru non modo provinciis, atque oris Italiae maritimis, ac portubus nostris, sed etiam u Appia jam via carebamus ; et his temporibus non pudebat magistratus populi Romani, 15 in hunc ipsum locum escendere, cum eum vobis majores ves- tri 16 exuviis nauticis et classium spoliis ornatum re- liquissent. XIX. 56. 17 Boxo te animo turn, Q. Hortensi, popu- lus Romanus, et ceteros, qui erant in eadem sententia, dicere existimavit e a, quae sentiebatis , sed tamen 18 in salute communi idem populus Romanus dolori suo maluit, quam auctoritati vestrae obtemperare. Itaque 19 una lex, unus vir, unus annus, non modo nos iEa miseria ac turpitudine liberavit ; sed etiam effecit, ut aliquando vere videremur omnibus gentibus ac nationi- bua terra mari^ue imperare. 57. 20 Quo mihi etiam 8* 90 ORA.TIO PRO LEGE MAN ILIA. indignius vidf.tur obtrectatum esse adhuc, Gabinio dicam, anne Pompeio, an utrique ? (id quod est verius ;) ne le- garetur A. Gabinius Cn. Pompeio expetenti ac postulanti. Utrum ille, qui postulat legatum ad tantum bellum, quern velit, idoneus non est, qui impetret, cum ^eteri ad ex- pilandos socios diripiendasque provincias, quos volue- runt, legates eduxerint ; an 2 ipse, cujus lege salus ac dignitas populo Romano atque omnibus gentibus con- stituta est, expers esse debet gloriae imperatoris atque ejus exercitus, 3 qui consilio ipsius atque periculo est constitutus ? 58. An C. Falcidius, Q. Metellus, Q. Caelius Latiniensis, Cn. Lentulus, quos omnes 4 honoris causa nomino, cum tribuni plebis fuissent, 5 anno proxi- mo legati esse potuerunt ; 6 in hoc uno Gabinio sunt tarn diligentes, qui in hoc bello, quod lege Gabinia geritur, in hoc imperatore atque exercitu, quern "per vos ipse constituit, etiam praecipuo jure esse deberet ? 8 de quo legando spero consules ad senatum relaturos. Qui si dubitabunt, aut 9 gravabuntur, 10 ego memet profiteer rela- turum; neque me impediet cujusquam, Quirites, n inimi- cum edictum, quo minus, fretus vobis, vestrum jus bene- ficiumque defendam : neque, 12 praeter intercessionem, quidquam audiam ; de qua (ut arbitror) isti ipsi, qui min antur, etiam atque etiam, quid liceat, considerabunt. Mea quidem sententia, Quirites, unus A. Gabinius, belli maritimi rerumque gestaruin Cn. Pompeio 13 socius ad- scribitur ; propterea quod 14 alter uni id bellum suscipien- dum vestris suffragiis detulit ; alter delatum susceptumque confecit. XX. 59. RELIQUUM est, 15 ut de Q. Catuli auctoritate et sententia dicendum esse videatur; qui cum ex vobis quaereret, 16 si in uno Cn. Pompeio omnia poneretis, si quid de eo factum esset, in /quo spem essetis habituri ; n cepit magnum, suae virtutis fructum, ac dignitatis, cum omnes, prope una voce, " in ipso vos spem habituros esse" dixistis. Etenim 18 talis est vir, ut nulla res tanta sit ac tarn difficilis, quam ille non 19 et consilio regere, ORATIO PRO LEOE MANILIA. 91 et iiitegritate tueri, et virtute conficere possit. Sed in hoc ipso ab eo 1 vehementissime dissentio, quod, quo minus eerta est hominum ac minus diuturna vita, hoc magis respublica, dum per deos immortales licet, frui debet summi hominis vita atque virtute. 60. 2 At enim nihil novi fiat contra exempla atque instituta majorum. 3 Non dico hoc loco, majores nostros semper in pace consuetudini, in bello utilitati paruisse, semper ad novos casus temporum, novorum consiliorum rationes accomo- dasse : *non dicam, duo bella maxima, Punicum et ' His- paniense, ab s uno imperatore esse confecta : duas urbes potentissimas, quae huic imperio maxime minitabantur, Carthaginem atque Numantiam, ab eodem Seipione esse deletas : e non commemorabo, nuper ita vobis patribusque vestris esse^visum, ut in uno C. Mario spes imperil poneretur, ut idem cum Jugurtha, idem cum Cimbris, idem cum Teutonis bellum administraret : 61 . 7 in ipso Cn. Pompeio, in quo novi constitui nihil vult Q. Catu- lus, quam multa sint nova 8 summa Q. Catuli voluntate constituta, recordamini. XXI. QUID 9 enim tain novum, quam 10 adolescentulum, privatum, exercitum difficili reipublicae tempore n confi- cere ? confecit : huic praeesse ? praefuit : rem 12 op- time ductu suo gerere ? gessit. Quid tarn praeter con- suetudinem, quam homini peradolescenti, 13 cujus a sena- torio gradu aetas longe abesset, imperium atque exercitum dari ? Siciliam permitti, atque Africam, bellumque in ea administrandum ? Fuit in his provinciis singular! innocentia, gravitate, virtute : bellum in Africa maximum u confecit, victorem exercitum deportavit. Quid vero tarn inauditum, quam 15 equitem Romanum triumphare ? 16 At earn quoque rem populus Romanus non modo vidit, sed etiam studio omni visendam et concelebrandam putavit. 62. Quid tarn inusitatum, quam ut, cum 17 duo consules clarissimi fortissimique essent, eques Romanus ad bellum maximum formidolosissimumque pro consule m u :retur~? Missus est. Quo quidem tempore, cum esset 92 ORAT1O PRO LEGE MAMLIA. 'nonnemo in senatu, qui diceret, " Non oportere nutfi hominem privatura 2 pro consule ;" 3 L. Piulippus dixisse dicitur, " Non se ilium sua sententia pro consule sed pro consulibus mittere." Tanta in eo reipublicae bene gerendae spes constituebatur, ut duorum consulum munus unius adolescentis virtuti committeretur. Quid tarn sin gulare, quam ut, ex scnatusconsulto 4 legibus solutus, consul ante fieret, quani ullum alium magistratum per leges capere iicuisset ? quid tarn incredibile, quam ut 6 iterum eques .Romanus 8 ex senatusconsulto triumpharet ? 7 quae in omnibus hominibus nova post hominum memor- iam constituta sunt, ea tarn multa non sunt, quam haec, fjuae in hoc uno homine vidimus. 63. Atque haec tot exernpla, tanta ac tarn nova, 8 profecta siuit in eundeiu hominem a Q. Catuli atque a ceterorum ejusdem digni- tatis amplissimorum hominum auctoritate. XXII. QUARE videant, ne sit periniquum et non fereu dura, illorum auetoritatem 9 de Cn. Pompeii dignitate a Yobis comprobatam semper esse : vestrum ab illis de eo- dem homine judicium, populique Komani auetoritatem improbari : praesertim cum jam suo jure populus Roma- mis in hoc homine suam auetoritatem vel contra omnes, qui 10 dissentiant, possit defendere : propterea quod, iis- dem istis reclamantibus, vos unum ilium ex omnibus delegistis, quern bellp praedomim praeponeretis. 64. Hoc si vos 11 temere fecistis, et reipublicae parum consuluis- tis ; recte isti sludia vestra suis consiliis regere conantur : 12 sin autem vos plus turn 13 in republica vidistis ; vos, his repugnantibus, per vosmet ipsos dignitatem huic imperio, salutem orbi terrarum attulistis : aliquando isti principes, et sibi, et ceteris, populi Romani universi auctoritati parendum esse fateantur. Atque in hoc bello Asiatico et regio, non solum 14 militaris ilia virtus, quae est in Cn. Pompeio singularis, sed aliae quoque virtutes animi multae et magnae requiruntur. Difficile est in Asia, Cilicia, Syria, regnisque I5 interiorum nationum 16 ita ver- ari vestrum imperatorem, ut nihil aliud, quam de hoste OKAT1O PRO LEOE MANIL1A. 93 ac de laude, cogitet. Deinde etiam l si qui sunt pudore ac temperantia moderatiores, tamen eos esse tales, prop- ter inultitudinem cupidorum hominum, nemo arbitratur. 65. Difficile est dictu, Quirites, quanto in odio simus apud exteras nationes, propter eorum, 2 quos ad eas per hos annos cum imperio misimus, 3 injurias ac libi- dines. ''Quod enirn fanum putatis in illis terris nos- tris magistratibus religiosum, quanv civitatem sanctam, quam domum satis clausam ac munitam fuisse? urbes jam locupletes ac copiosae 5 requiruntur, quibus causa belli, propter diripiendi cupiditatem, inferatur. 66. 6 Lib- enter haec coram cum Q. Catulo et Q. Hortensio disputarem, summis et clarissimis viris ; noverunt enim sociorum vulnera : vident eorum calamitates : querimo- nias audiunt. Pro sociis vos contra hostes exercitum mittere putatis, an, 7 ho'stium simulatione, contra socios atque amicos 1 quae civitas est in Asia, 8 quae non modo imperatoris, aut legati, sed unius tribuni militum animus ac spiritus capere possit ? XXIII. QUARE, etiam si quern habetis, qui, 9 collatis signis, exercitus regies superare posse videatur : tamen, 10 nisi erit idem, qui se a pecuniis sociorum, qui ab eorum conjugibus ac liberis, qui ab ornamentis fanorum atque oppidorum, qui ab auro gazaque regia, manus, oculos, animum cohibere possit ; non erit idoneus, qui ad bel- lum Asiaticum regiumque mittatur. 67. T1 Ecquam puta- tis civitatem pacatam fuisse, quae locuples sit ? ecquam esse locupletem, quae istis pacata esse videatur ? Ora maritima, Quirites, Cn. Pompeium non solum propter rei militaris gloriam, sed etiam propter animi continen- tiam requisivit. l2 Videbac enim populum Romanum non locupletari quotannis pecunia publica, 13 praeter paucos ; neque nos quidquam aliud assequi H classium nomine, nisi ut, detrimentis accipiendis, majore affici turpitudine videremur. Nunc, 15 qua cupiditate homines in provincias, quibus jacturis, quibus conditionibus, proficiscantur, igno- rant videlicet isti, qui ad unum deferenda esse omnia y4 OJIAT1O PRO LliGE MAMLli. non arbitrantm ? Quasi vero Cn. Pompeium non 'cum suis virtutibus, turn etiam alienis vitiis, magnum esse videamus. 68. 2 Quare nolite dubitare, quin huic uni credatis omnia, qui 3 inter annos tot unus inventus sit, quern socii in urbes suas cum exercitu venisse gaudeant. *Quod si auctoritatibus hanc causam, Quirites, confirman dam putatis : est vobis auctor, vir bellorum omnium max- iinarumque rerum peritissimus, P. Servilius : cujus tau- tae res gestae terra marique exstiterunt, ut, cum 5 de bello deliberetis, auctor vobis gravior esse nemo debeat : est 6 C. Curio, summis vesjris beneficiis, maximisque rebus gestis, summo ingenio et prudentia praeditus : est 7 Cn Lentulus, in quo omnes, pro amplissimis vestris honori- bus summum consilium, summam gravitatem esse cogno- vistis : est ^C. Cassius, integritate, virtute, constantia singular!. 9 Quare videte, num horum auctoritatibus illo- rum orationi, qui dissentiunt, respondere posse videamur. XXIV. 69. QUAE cum ita sint, C. Manili, primum 10 istam tuam et legem, et voluntatem, et sententiam laudo, vehementissimeque comprobo : deinde te hortor, ut, n auc- tore populo Romano, maneas in sententia, neve cujus- quam^ vim aut minas pertimescas. Primum in te satis esse animi 12 perseverantiaeque arbitror : deinde cum tan- tarn multitudinem cum tanto studio adesse videamus, 13 quantam nunc iterum 14 in eodem homine praeficiendo videmus : 15 quid est, quod aut de re, aut de perficiendi facultate dubitemus ? Ego autem, quidquid in me est 16 studii, consilii, laboris, ingenii, quidquid 17 hoc beneficio populi Romani, atque hac potestate praetoria, quidquid auctoritate, fide, constantia possum ; id omne ad hanc rem conficiendam, tibi et populo Romano polliceor ac defero. 7p. Testorque omnes deos, et eos maxime, 18 qui huic loco temploque praesident, qui omnium nientes eo- rum, 19 qui ad rempublicam adeunt, maxime perspiciunt, me hoc neque rogatu facere cujusquam, 20 neque quo Cn. Pompeii gratiam mihi per hanc causam ccnciliari putem, neque quo mihi 21 ex cujusquam amplitudirie, aut praesidia ' ORATIO PRO LtGE MANIL1A. 95 periculis, aut adjumenta honoribus quaerarn : propterea quod pericula facile, l ui hominem praestare oportet, in- aocentia tecti repellemus : honores autem neque ab uno, \eque ex hoc loco, sed eadem nostra ilia laboriosissima ratione vitae, si vestra voluntas feret, consequemiir. 71. Quamobrem, quidquid in hac causa mihi suscepturn est, Quirites, id omne me reipublicae causa suscepisse con- drmo : tantumque abest, ut 3 aliquam bonam gratiam mihi quaesisse videar, ut multas etiam simultates parthn ob- scuras, partim apertas intelligam, 4 mihi non necessarias, vobis non inutiles, suscepisse. Sed ego me 6 hoc honore v ?raeditum, tantis vestris beneficiis affectum, statui, Quir- Hes, vestram voluntatem, et reipublicae dignitatem, et i-alutem provinciarum atque sociorum, i eis omnibus com- uodis et rationibus praeferre oportere. . ! M. TULLII CICERONIS PRO L. MURENA O RATIO. 1. 1. 2 QuAE deprecatus a diis immortalibus sum, 3 jv iices, more institutoque majorum, illo die, quo, 4 auspi cato, 5 comitiis centuriatis L. Murenam consulem renun *iavi, ut ea res mihi 6 magistratuique meo, 7 populo plebi que Romanae bene atque feliciter eveniret ; eadein precor ab eisdem diis immortalibus, 8 ob ejusdem hominis consu- latum una cum salute obtinendum, et ut vestrae mentea atque sententiae cum populi Romani voluntatibus suffra- giisque consentiant, 9 eaque res vobis, populoque Romano, pacem, tranquijlitatem, otium, concordiamque afFerat. 10 Quod si ilia solemnis comitiorum precutio,~ consularibus auspiciis consecrata, tantam habet in se vim et religionem, quantam reipublicae dignitas postulat : idem ego sum precatus, ut eis quoque hominibus, quibus hie consulates, n me rogante, datus esset, ea res fauste, feliciter, pros- pereque eveniret. 2. Quae cum ita sint, judices, et cuuj 12 omnis deorum immortalium potestas aut translata sit ad vos, aut certe communicata vobiscum, idem consul cum vestrae fidei commendat, qui antea diis immortalibus commendavit ; ut ejusdem hominis voce et declaratus consul, et defensus, 13 beneficium populi Romani cum vestra atque omnium civium salute tueatur. Et quoniam u in hoc officio stadium meae defensionis ab accusatori- bus atque etiam ipsa susceptio causae reprehensa est: OKATIO PKO L. MUREiNA. 97 nntequam pro L. Murena dicere instituo, pro me ipso pauca dicam ; l iion quo mihi potior, hoc quidem in tern- pore, ait officii mei, quam hujusce salutis defensio, sed ut, ineo facto vobis probato, majore auctoritate ab hujus *honore, fama, fortunisque omnibus inimicorum impetus propulsare possim. II. 3. ET primum 3 M. Catoni, *vitam ad certam ratiu- uis nonnam dirigenti, et diligentissime perpendenti mo- menta officiorum omnium, 6 de offieio meo respondebo. Negat fuisse rectum Cato, me et consulem, 6 et legis ambitus latorem, 7 et tarn severe gesto consulatu, 8 causam L. Murenae attingere. 9 Cujus reprehensio me vehemeii- ter movet, non solum ut vobis, judices, quibus maxime debeo, verum etiam ut ipsi Catoni, gravissimo atque integerrimo viro, rationem facti mei probem. A quo tandem, M. Cato, fest aequius consulem defendi, quam a consule ? Quis 10 mihi in republira potest aut debet esse conjunctior, quam is, cui respublica a me uno traditur sustinenda, magnis meis laboribus et periculis sustentata ? H Quod si in iis rebus repetendis, quae mancipi sunt, is periculum judicii praestare debet, qui se nexu obliga- vit, 12 profecto etiam rectius in judicio consulis designati, is potissimum consul, qui consulem declaravit, 13 auctor beneficii populi Roman! defensorque periculi esse debe- bit. 4. 14 Ac, si, ut nonnullis in civitatibus fieri solet, 16 patronus huic causae publice constitueretur, is potissime honore affecto defensor daretur, qui, eodem honore prae- ditus, non minus afFerret ad dicendum auctoritatis, quam facultatis. 16 Quod si e portu solventibus ii, qui jam in portum ex alto invehuntur, 17 praecipere summo studio solent et tempestatum rationem, et praedonum, et loco- rum ; 18 quod natura fert, ut eis faveamus, 19 qui eadem pericula, quibus nos perfuncti sumus, ingrediantur : 20 quo tandem me animo esse oportet, prope jam ex magna jactatione terram videntem, in hunc, cui video 21 maximas reipublicae tempestates esse subeundas ? Quare si est bom consulis, non solum 22 videre, quid agatur, verum 9 98 ORATIJ PKO L. MURENA. etiam providers, quid futurum sit, ostcndam alio loco, 1 quanturn saiutis cominunis intersit, 2 duos consules in republica kalendis Januariis esse. 5. Quod si ita est, non tarn me 3 officium debuit ad hominis amici fortunas, quam respublica consulem ad communem salutera defen- dendam vocare. IH. 4 NAM quod legem de ambitu tuli, certe ita tuli, ut earn, quam mihimet ipsi jampridem tulerim de civium periculis deferidendis, non abrogarem. Etenim si 6 largi- tionem factam esse confiterer, idque recte factum esse defenderem, facerem improbe, 6 etiam si alius legem tu- lisset : 7 cum vero nihil commissum contra legem esse defendam, quid est, quod meam defensionem latio legis impediat ? . 6. 8 Negat esse ejusdem severitatis, Catilinam, exitiuin reipublicae intra moenia molientem, 9 verbis et oaene iinperio urbe expulisse, 10 et mine pro L. Murena aicere. H Ego autem has partes lenitatis et misericor- diae, quas me natura ipsa 12 docuit, semper egi libenter : 13 illam vero gravitatis severitatisque 14 personam non ap- petivi, sed ab republica mini impositam sustinui, sicut hujus imperii dignitas in summo periculo civium postu- labat. 15 Quod si turn, cum respublica vim et severitatem desiderabat, vici naturam, et tarn vehemens fui, quam cogebar, non quam volebam: nunc, I6 cum omnes me causae ad misericordiam atque ad humanitatem vocent, quanto tandem studio debeo "naturae meae consuetudi- nique servire ? 18 At de I9 officio defensionis meae, ac de ratione accusationis tuae, fortasse etiam alia in parte orationis dicendum nobis erit. 7. Sed me, judices, non minus 20 hominis sapientissimi atque ornatissimi, Ser. Sulpicii, conquestio, quam Cato- nis accusatio 2l commovebat : qui 22 gravissime et acerbis- sime ferre dixit, me 23 familiaritatis necessitudinisque oblitum, causam L. Murenae contra se defendere. Huic ego, judices, satisfacere cupio, vosque adhibere ^arbi- tros. Nam cum grave est, vere accusari in amicitia, turn, etiam si falso accuseris. ^on est negligendum. ORATIO PRO L. MURENA. 1)9 Ego, Ser. Sulpici, me in petitione tua tibi omnia studia *tque officia, pro nostra necessitudine, et debuisse con- fiteor, et praestitisse arbitror. Nihil tibi, consulatum petenti, 2 a me defuit, quod esset aut ab amico, aut a gratioso, aut a consule postulandum. Abiit illud tem- pus : 3 mutata ratio est. 4 Sic existimo, sic mihi persua- deo, me tibi contra honorem L. Murenae, quantum tu a me postulare ausus sis, tantum debuisse : contra salutem, nihil debere. 8. Neque enim, si tibi turn, cum peteres consulatum, adfui, idcirco nunc, 6 cum Murenam ipstim petas, adjutor 6 eodem pacto esse debeo. Atque hoc non modo non laudari, sed ne concedi quidem potest, ut, amicis nostris accusantibus, non etiam alienissimos defendamus. IV. MIHI autem cum Murena, judices, et vetus, et magna amicitia est, quae 7 in capitis dimicatione a Ser. Sulpicio 8 non idcirco obruetur, quod ab eodem in honoris contentione superata est. 9 Quae si causa non esset, tamen vel dignitas hominis, vel honoris ejus, quern adep- tus est, amplitude, summam mihi superbiae crudelita- tisque famam inussisset, si hominis, et suis et populi Romani ornamentis amplissimi, causam tanti periculi repudiassem. Neque enim jam mihi licet, 10 neque est integrum, ut meum laborem hominum periculis sublev- andis non impertiam. Nam cum "praemia mihi tanta pro hac industria sint data, quanta antea nemini : 12 labo- res, per quos ea ceperis, cum adeptus sis, deponere, esset hominis et astuti et ingrati. 9. 13 Quod si licet desinere, si te auctore possum^ si nulla inertiae, nulla superbiae turpitude, nulla inhumanitatis culpa suscipitur : ego vero libenter desino. Sin autem fuga laboris Sesid- iam, repudiatio supplicum superbiam, amicorum neglec- tio 14 improbitatem coarguit : nimirum haec causa est ejus- modi, quam nee industrius, nee misericors, nee officiosus deserere possit. Atque hujusce rei conjecturam 15 de tuo ipsius studio, Servi, facillime ceperis. Nam si tibi ne- cesse putas, 16 etiam adversariis amicorum tuorum de jure 100 OKATIO PRO L. MURENA. corisulentibus respondere ; ! et, si turpe existimas, 2 te ad vocato, ilium ipsum, quern contra veneris, 3 causa cadere noli tarn esse injustus, ut, cum 4 tui fontes vel inimicis tuis pateant, nostros rivulos etiam amicis putes clausos esse oportere. 10. Etenim, si me 8 tua familiaritas 6 ab hac causa removisset, et, si hoc idem Q. Hortensio, M. Crasso, clarissimis viris, si item ceteris, a quibus intelligo tiiam gratiam magni aestimari, accidisset : in ea civitate consul designatus defensorem non haberet, in qua nemini umquam 7 infimo majores nostri patronum de- esse voluerunt. Ego vero, judices, ipse me existimarem 8 nefarium, si amico, crudelem, si misero, superbum, si consuli defuissem. Quare 9 quod dandum est amicitiae, large dabitur a me, ut tecum agam, Servi, non secus, ac si meua esset frater, qui mihi est carissimas, 10 isto in loco. n Quod tribuendum est officio, fidei, 12 religioni, id ita moderabor, ut meminerim, me contra amici studium pro amici periculo dicere. . V. 11. l3 lNTELLioo, judices, tres totius accusatioriis partes fuisse, et earum unam in reprehensione vitae, alter- am in contentione dignitatis, tertiam in criminibus am- bitus esse versatam. Atque harum trium partium prim a ilia, 14 quae gravissima esse debebat, 15 ita fuit infirma et levis, ut illos lex magis quaedam accusatoria, quarh vera maledicendi facultas de vita L. Murenae dicere oliquid coegerit. l6 Objecta est enim Asia : quae ab hoc 17 non ad voluptatem et luxuriam expetita est, sed in militari labore peragrata. 18 Qui si adolescent, patre suo imper- atore, non meruisset ; aut hostem, aut patris imperiurn timuisse, aut a parente repudiatus videretur. 19 An, cum sedere in equis triumphantium praetextati potissimum filii soleant, 20 hulc donis militaribus patris triumphum decorare fugiendum fuit, ut, rebus communiter gestis, pae'ne simul cum patre triumpharet? 12. Hie vero, ju- dices, et fuit in Asia, et viro fortissimo, parent! suo, inagno adjumento in periculis, solatio in laboribus, gra- tulationi in victoria fuit. 21 Et, si habet Asia suspicionem ORATIO PRO L. JIURENA. 101 iLXuriae quandam, non Asiam nunquam vidisse, sed in Asia continenter vixisse, laudandum est. Quamobrem non Asiae nomen objiciendum Murenae fuit, ex qua laus familiae, memoria generi, honos et gloria nomini consti tuta est : J sed aliquod aut in Asia susceptum, aut ex Asia deportatum fiagitium ac dedecus. 2 Meruisse vero stipen- dia in eo bello, quod turn populus Romanus non modo maximum, sed etiam solum gerebat, virtutis : patre im- peratore libentissime meruisse, 3 pietatis : finem stipendio- rum, patris victoriam ac triumphum fuisse, felicitatis fuit. *Maledicto quidem idcirco nihil in hisce rebus loci est, quod omnia laus occupavit. VI. 13. 5 SALTATOREM appellat L. Murenam Cato. 6 Maledictum est, si vere objicitur, vehementis accusato ris : sin falso, maledici conviciatoris. 7 Quare cum ista sis auctoritate, non debes, M. Gato, arripere maledictum 8 ex trivio, aut ex 9 t>currarum aliquo 10 convivio, neque temere consulem popidi Romani saltatorem rocare : sed conspicere, quibus praeterea viliis afFectum esse necesse sit eum, cui vere istud objici possit. Nemo enim fere saltat sobrius, nisi forte insanit : neque in solitudine, n neque in convivio moderate atque honesto Tempestivi convivii, amoeni loci, multarum deliciarum comes est extrema saltatio. 12 Tu mihi arripis id, quod necesse est omnium vitiorum esse postremum : . 13 relin- quis ilia, quibus remotis hoc vitium omnino esse non potest. u Nullum turpe convivium, non amor, non com- issatio, non libido, non sumptus ostenditur. Et, cum ea non reperiantur, 15 quae voluptatis nomen babent, quaeque vitiosa sunt : in quo ipsam luxuriam reperire non potes, in eo te 16 umbram luxuriae reperturum putas ? 14. Ninil igitur in vitam L. Murenae dici potest? Nihil, inquam, omnino, judices. Sic a me consul de- signatus defenditur, ut ejus nulla fraus, nulla avaritia, nulla perfidia, nulla crudelitas, 17 nullum petulans dic- tum proferatur. Bene habet : jacta sant fundamenta defensionis. Nondum enim nostris laudibus, quibus utar 9* 102 ORArlO PRO L. MUKENA. postea, sed prope inimicorum confessione, virum bonuui, atque integrum hominem defendimus. VII. ^uo constitute, facilior est mihi aditus ad con- tentionem dignitatis, quae pais altera fuit accusationis. 15. 2 Summam video esse in te, Ser. Sulpici, dignita- tem generis, integritatis, industriae, ceteroruraque orna- mentorum omnium, quibus fretum ad consulatus petitio- nem aggredi par est. Paria cognosco esse ista in L. Mureria, atque ita paria, ut neque ipse dignitate vmci potuerit, neque te dignitate superarit. 3 Contempsisti L. Murenae genus : extulisti tuum. 4 Quo loco si tibi hoc sumis, nisi qui patricius sit, neminem bono esse genere natum : facis, ut rursus plebes in Aventinum sevocanda. esse videatur. 5 Sin autem sunt amplae et honestae fa- miliae plebeiae ; et 6 proavus L. Murenae, et avus, prae- tores fuerunt, et pater, cum amplissime atque honestis- sime 7 ex praetura triumphasset, hoc faciliorem huic grad- um consulatus adipiscendi reliquit, quod is jam 8 patri debitus, a filio petebatur. 16. Tua vero nobilitas, Ser. Sulpici, tametsi summa est, tamen 9 hominibus literatis et historicis est notior, populo vero et suffragatoribus obscurior. Pater enim 10 fuit equestri loco : avus nulla illustri laude celebratus. Itaque non ex sermone homin- um recenti, sed "ex annalium vetustate eruenda est memoria nobilitatis tuae. Quare ego te semper in nos- trum numeriim aggregare soleo, quod virtute industriaque perfecisti, ut, cum equitis Romani esses filius, summa tamen amplitudine dignus putarere : nee mihi umquam minus in 12 Q. Pompeio, novo homine, et fortissimo viro, virtutis esse visum est, quam in homine nobilissimo, 13 M. Aemilio. Etenim u ejusdem animi atque ingenii est, posteris suis, quod Pompeius fecit, amplitudinem nomin- is, 15 quam non acceperat tradere ; et, ut Scaurus, memor- iam prope intermortuam generis sui virtute renovare. VIII. 17. QUAMQUAM ego jam putabam, judices, multis viris fortibus ne ignobilitas objiceretur generis, 16 meo labore esse perfecturn ; 17 qui non modo 18 Curiis, ORATIO PRO L. MUREN'A. 103 Catonibus, Pompeiis, antiquis illis, fortissimis viris, novis hominibus, sed his recentibus, Mariis, et Didiis, et Caeliis commemorandis J jacebant. Cum ego vero 2 tanto intervallo 3 claustra ista nobilitatis refregissem, ut aditus ad consulatum posthac, sicut apud majores nostros fuit, non magis nobilitati, quam virtuti, pateret : non arbitrabar, cum *ex familia vetere et illustri consul designatus ab equitis Roman! filio, consule, defenderetur, de generis nov- itate accusatores esse dicturos. Etenim mibi ipsi ac- cidit, ut cum Muobus patriciis, altero improbissimo atquo audacissimo, altero modestissimo atque optimo viro, pet- erem : superavi tamen 6 dignitate Catilinam, gratia Gal- bam. 'Quod si id crimen homini novo esse deberet, profecto mini neque inimici, neque invidi defuissent. 18. Omittamus igitur de genere dicere, 8 cujus est magna in utroque dignitas : videamus cetera. 9 " Quaesturam una petiit, et sum ego factus prior." 10 Non est respondendum ad omnia. Neque enim quem- quam vestrum fugit, n cum multi pares dignitate fiant, tmus autem primum solus possit obtinere, non eundem esse ordinem dignitatis et renuntiationis ; propterea quod renuntiatio gradus habeat, dignitas autem sit persaepe eadem omnium. 12 Sed quaestura utriusque propemodum pari momento sortis fuit Habuit hic a3 lege Titia pro- vinciam tacitam et quietam : 14 tu illam, cui, cum quaes- tores sortiuntur, etiam acclamari solet, 15 Ostiensem, non tain gratiosam et illustrem, quam negotiosam et moles- tarn. 16 Consedit utriusque nomen in quaestura. Nullum nim vobis sors campum dedit, 17 in quo excurrere virtus ognoscique posset. 19. 18 Reliqui temporis spatium in contentionem vocatur. Ab utroque dissimillima ratione tractatum est. IX. SERVIUS hie nobiscum 19 hanc urbanam militiam tespondendi, scribeudi, cavendi, plenam sollicitudinis ac stomachi, secutus est : jus civile didicit : multum vigilavit : laboravit : praesto multis fuit : multorum stul- ritiatn perpessus est : arrogaitiam pertulit : 20 difficultatem 104 ORATIO PRO JL. MURENA- exsorbuit : vixit ad aliorum arbitrium, non ad suuin Magna laus, et grata hominibus, unum hominem eiabo rare Hn ea scientia, quae sit multis profutura. 20. Quill Murena interea? Fortissimo et sapientissimo viro, sum- rao irnperatori, 2 legatus L. Lucullo fuit : qua in legatione duxit exerciturn : 3 signa contulit: manum conseruit : rm;g- nas copias hostium fudit : urbes partim vi, partim obsid- ione cepit : 4 Asiam istam refertara, et eandem delicatain, sic obiit, ut in ea neque avaritiae, neque luxuriae ves tigium reliquerit : maximo in bello 5 sic est versatas, ut hie multas res et magnas sine imperatore gesserit, nullam sine hoc imperator. Atque haec, quamquam praesente L. Lucullo loquar, tamen ne ab ipso, propter periculura nostrum, 6 concessam videamur habere licentiam fingendi, publicis literis testata sunt omnia ; quibus L. Lucullus tantum laudis impertit, quantum neque ambitiosus impera- tor, neque invidus, tribuere alteri in c&mmunicanda gloria debuit. 21. 7 Summa in utroque est honestas, sunima dlg- nitas : quam ego, si mihi per Servium liceat, pari atque eadem in laude ponam. Sed non licet. Agitat rein militarem : insectatur totam hanc legationem : assiduitatis et operarum harum quotidianarum putat 8 esse consulatum. " Apud exercitum 9 mihi fueris, inquit, tot annos 1 10 forurn non attigeris ? abfueris tamdiu 1 et, cum longo intervalio veneris, cum iis, qui in foro habitarunt, de dignitate contendas ?" Primum ista nostra assiduitas, Servi, nescis, quantum interdum afferat hominibus fastidii, quantum satietatis. Mihi quidem vehementer expediit, n positam in oculis esse gratiam. Sed tamen ego 12 mei satietatein magno meo labore superavi, et tu idem fortasse : verum tamen utrique nostrum 13 desiderium nihil obfuisset. 22. Sed, ut, hoc omisso, 14 ad studiorum atque artium con- tentionem revertamur : 15 qui potest dubitari, quin ad consulatum adipiscendum 16 multo plus afferat dignitatis rei railitaris, quam juris civilis gloria ? Vigilas tu de uocte, ut tuis consultoribus respondeas : ille, ut eo, quo intendit, mature cum exercitu perveniat. Te "galiorum, ORATIO PRO I.. MURENA ] UO ilium 'buccinarum cantus exsuscitat. 2 Tu actionem in- stituis, ille aciem instmit ; tu caves, 3 ne tui consultores , ille, ne urbes aut castra capiantur. 4 Ille tenet et scit, ut hostium copiae ; tu, ut aquae pluviae arceantur : ille 5 exercitatur 6 in propagandis finibus ; tu 7 in regendis : ac nimirum, (dicendum est enim quod sentio,) 8 rei milita- ris virtus praestat ceteris omnibus. X HAEC nomen populo Romano, haec huic urhi aeternam gloriam peperit : haec orbem terrarum parere huic imperio coegit : omnes urbanae res, omnia haec nostra praeclara studia, 9 et haec forensis laus et industria latent in tutela ac praesidio bellicae virtutis. lc Simul atque increpuit suspicio tumultus, n artes illico nostrae conticescunt. 23. 12 Et, quoniam mihi videris istam scientiam juris, tamquam filiolam osculari tuam, non patiar te in tanto errore versari, ut 13 istud nescio quid, quod tanto opere didicisti, praeclarum aliquid esse arbitrere. Aliis ego te virtutibus, u continentia, gravitate, justitia, fide, cete- ris omnibus, consulatu et omni honore semper dignis- simum judicavi. 15 Quod quidem jus civile didicisti, non dicam, operam perdidisti : sed illud dicam, nullam esse 16 in ilia disciplina 17 munitam ad consulatum viam. Omnes enim artes, quae nobis populi Romani studia conciliant, 18 et admirabilem dignitatem, et pergratam utili- tatem debent habere. XL 24. SUMMA dignitas est in iis, qui militari laude antecellunt ; omnia enim, 19 quae sunt in imperio, et in statu civitatis, ab iis defendi et firmari putantur : summa etiam utilitas : siquidem eorum 20 consilio et periculo, cum republica, turn etiam nostris rebus perfrui possumus. Gravis etiam ilia est, et plena dignitatis, dicendi facul- tas, ( 21 quae saepe valuit in consule deligendo,) posse consilio atque oratione, et senatus, et populi, et eorum, qui res judicant, mentes permovere. Quaeritur consul, qui dicendo nonnunquam comprimat 22 tribunicios furores qui concitatum populum flectat, 23 qui largitioni resistat 106 ORATIO PRO L. JlURENA. Non mirum, si ob hanc facultatem homines saepe etiarn non nobiles consulatum consecuti sunt : praesertim cum haec eadem res 1 plurimas gratias, firmissimas amicitias, maxima studia pariat. Quorum 2 in isto vestro artificio, Sulpici, nihil est. -.25. .Primum, dignitas 3 in tarn tenui scientia quae potest esse ? 4 Res enim sunt parvae, pic^o in singulis literia atque interpunctionibus verborum occupa- tae. Deinde, etiam si quid apud majores nostros fuit in isto studio admirationis, id, 6 enuntiatis vestris mysteriis, totum est contemptum et abjectum. 6 Posset agi lege, necne, pauci quondam sciebant. Tastes enim vulgo non habebant. Erant in magna potentia, qui consul ebantur : a quibus etiam dies, 8 tamquam a Chaldaeis, petebantur. Inventus est scriba quidam, 9 Cn. Flavius, 10 qui cornicum oculos confixerit, n et singulis diebus ediscendos fastos populo proposuerit, et ab ipsis cautis jureconsultis eorum sapientiam compilarit. 12 Itaque irati illi, quod sunt veriti, ne, dierum ratione pervulgata et cognita, sine sua opera lege posset agi, 13 notas quasdam composuerunt, ut om- nibus in rebus ipsi interessent. XII. 26. u CuM hoc fieri bellissime posset: " Fundus Sabinus meus est :" " immo meus :" deinde judicium : noluerunt. " Fundus," inquit, " qui est in agro, qui Sa- binus vocatur." Satis verbose. Cedo, quid postea ? " Eum ego ex jure Quiritium meum esse aio." Quid turn ? 15 " Inde ibi ego te ex jure 16 manu consertum voco." Quid huic tarn loquac.ter litigioso responderet 17 ille, undo petebatur, non habebat. 18 Transit idem jureconsultus, tibicinis Latini modo : !e " Unde tu me," inquit, " ex jure manu consertum vocasti, inde ibi ego te revoco." Prae- tor interea ne 20 pulchrum se ac beatum putaret, 21 atque aliquid ipse sua sponte loqueretur, ei quoque 22 carmen compositum est, cum ceteris rebus absurdum, turn vero in illo : " 23 Suis utrisque 2 *superstitibus istam viam dico : inite viam." 25 Pr~<}sto aderat sapiens ille, qui inire viam doceret. " Redite viam." Eodem duce redibant. 26 Haec jam turn apud illos barbatos ridicula, credo, videdantur : ORATIO PKO I,. MURENA. 107 homines, cum recte atque in loco constitissent, juberi abire : ut, unde abissent, eodem statim redirent. lisdem ineptiis fucata sunt 2 illa omnia, " Quando te in jure con- spicio :" et haec : " 3 Anne tu dicis causa vindicaveris 7 " quae dum erant occulta, necessario ab eis, qui ea teiie- bant, petebantur : postea vero pervulgata, atque 4 in man- ibus jactata et excussa, 5 inanissima prudentiae reperta sunt, fraudis autem et stultitiae plenissima. 27. 6 Nam cum permulta praeclare legibus essent constituta, ea jure- consultorum ingeniis pleraque corrupta ac. depravata sunt. Mulieres omnes, propter 7 infirmitatem consilii, majores in tutorum potestate esse voluerunt : hi invenerunt gen- era tutorum, 8 quae potestate mulierum continerentur. 9 Sacra interire illi noluerunt : horum ingenio , senes 10 ad coemptiones faciendas, interimendorum sacrorum causa, reperti sunt. n ln omni denique jure civili aequitatem reliquerunt, verba ipsa tenuerunt : ut, quia 12 in alicujus libris exempli causa 13 id nomen invenerant, putarunt, omnes mulieres, 14 quae coemptionem facerent, Caias vocari. 15 Jarn illud mihi quidem mirum videri solet, tot homines, tarn ingeniosos, per tot annos etiam nunc statuere non potuisse, 16 utrum diem tertium, an 17 per- endinum : judicem, an arbitrum : rem, an litem dici oporteret. XIII. 28. ITAQUE (ut dixi) 18 dignitas in ista scien- a consularis nunquam fuit ; quae tota 19 ex rebus fic- fis commenticiisque constaret : gratiae vero multo min- 5>res. Quod enim omnibus patet, et. aeque promptum est mihi et adversario mea, id esse 20 gratum nullo pacto potest. Itaque non modo beneficii collooandi spem, 21 secl etiam illud, quod aliquandiu fuit, " Licet consulere," jam perdidistis. Sapiens existimari nemo potest 22 in ea prudentia, quae neque extra Romam usquam, neque Romae, rebus prolatis, quidquam valet. Peritus ideo habori nemo potest, quod in eo, quod sciunt omnes, nullo modo possunt inter se discrepare. Difficilis, autem res ideo non putatur, quod 23 et per 108 ORATIO PRO I.. MUREN'A. paucis et minime obscuris literis continetur. Haque, si mihi, Domini vehementer occupato, stomachurn moveritis, triduo me jureconsultnm esse profitebor. 2 Etenim quae de scripto aguntur, scripta sunt omnia : neque tamen quidquam 3 tam anguste scriptum est, quo ego non pos- sim, " Qua de re agitur," addere ; 4 quae consuluntur autem, minimo periculo respondentur. Si id, quod opor- tet, responderis ; idem videare resporidisse, quod Servius : sin aliter ; 5 etiam controversum jus nosse et tractare videare. 29. Quapropter non solum ilia gloria militaris vestris formulis atque actionibus anteponenda est, verum etiam dicendi consuetudo longe et multum 6 isti vestrae exercitationi ad honorem ' antecellit. Itaque mihi viden- tur plerique 7 initio multo hoc maluisse : post, cum id assequi non potuissent, 8 istuc potissimum sunt delapsi. lit aiunt 9 in Graecis artificibus, cos 10 auloedos esse, qui citharoedi fieri non potuerint ; sic nonnullos videmus, qui oratores evadere non potuerunt, eos ad juris studium 11 devenire. 12 Magnus dicendi labor, magna res, magna dignitas, summa autem gratia. Etenim a vobis ^salubri- tas quaedam : ab iis, qui dicunt, salus ipsa petitur. Deinde vestra responsa atque decreta et evertuntur eaepe dicendo, et sine defensione oratoris firma esse non possunt : u in qua si satis profecissem, parcius de ejus laude dicerem : nunc nihil de me dico, sed de iis, qui in dicendo magni sunt aut fuerunt. XIV. 30. DUAE sunt 15 artes, quae possunt locare hom- ines in amplissimo gradu dignitatis : una imperatoris, altera oratoris boni : ab hoc enim pacis ornamenta reti- nentur: ab illo belli peri cula repelluntur. 16 Ceterae tamen virtutes ipsae per se multum valent, justitia, fides, pudor, lemperantia ; quibus te, Servi, excellere omnes intelli- gunt : 17 sed nunc de studiis ad honorem dispositis, non de insita cujusque virtute dispute. Omnia ista nobis studia de manibus excutiuntur, simul atque 18 aliquis motus novus bellicum canere coepit. Etenim, ut ait, 1!) ingenio- sus poeta, et auctor valde bonus, proeliis promulgafis OKAT;O PRO i.. MURENA. 109 "'pellitur e medio," non solum 2 ista vestra vcrbosa sim ulatio prudentiae, sed etiam ipsa ilia domina rerum, " sapientia ; vi geritur res; sperniturw orator," 3 non solum odiosus in dicendo, ac loquax, verum etiam " bonus horridus miles amatur :" vestrum vero studium totum jacet. " Nor. ex jure maim consertum, sed 4 mage ferro," inquit, " rem repetunt. ' Quod si ita est, cedat, opinor, Sulpici, forurn castris, otium militiae, 5 stilus gladio, 6 umbra soli : sit denique in civitate ea 7 prima res, propter quam ipsa est civitas omnium princeps. 31. Verum 8 haec Cato nimium nos nostris verbis magna facere demonstrat ; et oblitos esse, bellum illud omne Mithridaticum cum muli- erculis esse gestum. Quod ego longe secus existimo, judices : deque eo pauca disseram ; 9 neque enim causa in lioc continetur. Nam, si omnia bella, quae 10 cum Graecis gessimus, contemnenda sunt, derideatur de rege Pyrrho triumphus M' Curii : de Philippo, T. Flaminini : de Aetolis, M. Fulvii : de rege Perse, L, Paulli : de Pseudophilippo Q. Metelli : de Corinthiis, L. Mummii : sin haec bella gravissima victoriaeque eorum bellorum gratissimae fue- runt ; cur Asiaticae nationes, atque n ille a te hostis contemnitur ? Atqui, ex veterum rerum monumentis, vel maximum bellum populum Romanum cum 12 Antiocho gessisse video : cujus belli victor 13 L. Scipio, partita cum Publio fratre gloria, quam laudem ille, Africa op- pressa, u cognonaine ipso prae se ferebat, eandem hie sibi ex Asiae nomine assumpsit. 32. Quo quidem in bello virtus enituit egregia 15 M. Catonis, proavi tui : quo ille, cum esset, ut ego mini statuo, talis, qualem te esse video 16 nunquam esset profectus, si cum mulierculis bellandum esse arbitraretur. 17 Neque vero cum P. Afri- cano senatus egisset, ut legatus fratri proficisceretur ; curn ipse, paullo ante, Hannibale ex Italia expulso, ox Airica ejecto, Carthagine oppressa, maximis periculis rempublicam liberasset, nisi illud grave belhim et vehe- mens putaretur. 10 110 ORATIO PRO L. MURENA. XV. ATQUI, si diligenter, J quid Mithridates potuent, et quid effecerit, et qui vir fuerit, consideraris ; omnibus regibus, quibuscum populus Romanus bellum gessit, hunc regem nimirum antepones ; quern L. Sulla, maximo e'. fortissimo exercitu, 2 pugna excitatum, 3 non rudis impera- tor, ut aliud nihil dicam, 4 bello invectum totam in Asiam 5 cum pace dimisit : quern L. Murena, pater hujusce vehementissime vigilantissimeque vexatum, repressum magna ex parte, non oppressum reliquit : qui rex, sibi aliquot annis sumptis ad confirmandas 6 rationes et copias belli, tantum ipse opibus conatuque invaluit, ut se Ocea- num cum Ponto, Sertorii copias cum suis conjuncturum putaret. 33. Ad quod bellum 7 duobus consulibus ita missis, ut alter Mithridatem persequeretur, alter Bithy- niam tueretur : 8 alterius res et terra et mari calamitosae vehementer et opes regis et riomen auxerunt: L. Luculli vero res tantae exstiterunt, ut neque majus bellum com- memorari possit, neque majore consilio et virtute gestum. 9 Nam, cum totius impetus belli ad Cyzicenorum moenia constitisset, eamque urbem sibi Mithridates 10 Asiae januam fore putasset, qua effracta et revulsa, tola pateret pro- vincia : perfecta ab Lucullo haec sunt omnia, ut urbs fide lissimorum sociorum defenderetur, ll et onmes copiae regis diuturnitate obsessionis consumerentur. Quid ? illam 12 pugnam navalem ad Tenedum, cum contento cursu, acerrimis ducibus, hostium classis Italiam spe atque animis inflata peteret, mediocri certamine et parva limicatione commissam arbitraris ? Mitto proelia : prae- tereo oppugnationes oppidorum. Expulsus regno tandem aliquando, tantum tamen consilio atque auctoritate valuit, ut se, rege Armeniorum adjuncto, I3 novis opibus copiis- que renovarit. XVI. Ac, si mihi nunc de rebus gestis esset nostn exercitus imperatorisque dicendum, plurima et maxima proelia commemorare possem. u Sed non id aginms. 34. Hoc dico : si bellum hoc, si hie hostis, si ille rex contemnendus fuisset, neque tanta cura 15 senatus et po- ORATIO PRO L. MURE.VA. Ill pulus Roma mis suscipiendum putasset, neque tot annoa gessisset, neque tanta gloria L. Luculli : neque verc ejus belli conficiendi curam tanto studio a populus Ro manus ad Cn. Pompeium detulisset : cujus ex omnibui pugnis, quae sunt innumerabiles, 2 vel acerrima mihi vid~ etur ilia, quae cum rege commissa est, et summa con- tentione pugnata. Qua ex pugna cum se ille eripuisset, et 3 Bosporum confugisset, quo exercitus adire non posset : *etiam in extrema fortuna et fuga, nomen tamen retinuit regium. Itaque ipse Pompeius, regno possesso, ex om- nibus oris ac notis sedibus hoste pulso, 5 tamen tantum in unius anima posuit, ut, cum omnia, quae ille tenuerat, adierat, sperarat, victoria possideret ; tamen non ante quam ilium vita expulit bellum confectum judicarit. Hunc tu hostem, Cato, contemnis, quocum per tot annos, tot proeliis, tot imperatores bella gesserunt? cujus ex- pulsi et ejecti vita tanti aestimata est, ut, morte ejus nuntiata, turn denique bellum confectum 6 arbitraremur 1 Hoc igitur in bello L. Murenam, legatum fortissimi ani- mi, summi consilii, maximi laboris cognitum esse 7 de- fendimus : et 8 hanc ejus operam non minus ad consula- tum adipiscendum, quam hanc nostram forensem industriam, dignitatis habuisse. XVII. 35. " 9 Ar enim in praeturae petitions prior re- nuntiatus est Servius." 10 Pergitisne vos, tamquam ex "syngrapha, agere cum populo, ut, quem locum semel honoris cuipiam dederit, eundem 12 reliquis honoribus debeat ? 13 Quod enim fretum, quem H Euripum tot motus, tantas, tarn varias habere putatis agitationes fluctuum, quantas perturbationes et quantos aestus habet ratio comitiorum ? Dies intermissus unus, aut nox interposita, saepe perturbat omnia : et 15 totam opinionem parva non- nunquam commutat aura rumoris. Saepe etiam sine ulla aperta causa fit aliud, atque existimamus, ut nonnunquarn ita factum esse etiam populus admiretur : quasi vero uon ipse fecerit. 36. Nihil et iricertius vulgo, nihil obscurius voluntate hominum, 16 nihil fallacius ration* 112 ORATIO PRO L. MURF.NA. tola comitiorum. Quis L. Philippum surnmo ingenio, 'opera, gratia, nobilitate, a M. Herennio superari posse arbitratus est ? quis 2 Q. Catulum, liumanitate, sapientia, integritate antecellentem, a Cn. Mallio 1 quis M. Scau- rum, 3 hominem gravissimum. civem egregium, fortissiinum senatorem, a Q. Maximo ? Non inodo horum nihil ita fore putatum est, sed ne cum esset factum quidem, qua- re ita factum esset intelligi potuit. Nam ut tempestates 4 saepe certo aliquo coeli signo commoventur, saepe im- proviso, nulla ex certa ratione, obscura aliqua ex causa concitantur: sic, in hac comitiorum tempestate populari. saepe intelligas, quo signo commota sit ; 5 saepe ita ob scura causa est, ut casu excitata esse videatur. XVIII. 37. SED tamen, 6 si est reddenda ratio, 7 duae i-es vehementer in praetura desideratae sunt, quae ambae in consulatu Murenae profuerunt : una, 8 exspectatio mune- ris, quae et rumore nonnullo, et studiis sermonibusque competitorum creverat : 9 altera, quod ii, quos in provincia ac legatione omnis et liberalitatis et virtutis suae testes habuerat, nondum decesserant. Horum utrumque ei fortuna ad consulatus petitionem reservavit. Nam et L Luculli exercitus, qui ad triumphum convenerat, idem 10 comitiis L. Murenae praesto fuit ; et u munus amplissi- mum, quod petitio praeturae desiderabat, praetura restituit. 38. Num tibi haec parva videntur adjumenta et subsidia consulatus ? 12 Voluntas militum ? quae cum per se A r alet multitudine, turn apud suos gratia, turn vero in corisule declarando multum etiam apud universum populum Ro- manum auctoritatis habet. SufFragatio militaris ? impera- .ores enim comitiis consularibus, non 13 verborum inter- pretes deliguntur. 14 Quare gravis est ilia oratio, " me Baucium recreavit : me praeda donavit : hoc d.uce castra cepimus, signa contulimus : nunquam iste plus militi aboris imposuit, quam sibi sumpsit ipse ; 16 cum fortis, turn etiam felix." 16 Hoc quanti putas esse ad famain nominum ac voluntatem ? 17 Etenim si tanta illis comitiis teligio est, ut adhuc semper 18 omen valuerit praerogati- ORATJO TKO L. MUKE.NA. 113 vum quid minim est, in hoc felicitatis faraam serino- nenique valuisse ? XIX. SED, si haec Heviora ducis, quae sunt gravissiiua, ^et bane urbanam sufiragationem militari anteponis, noli 3 ludoruin hujus elegantiara, et scenae magnificentiam valde contemnere ; quac huic admodum ''profuerunt. Nam quid ego dicam, populum ac vulgus imperitorum ludis magno opere delectari 1 Minus est mirandum 5 Quamquam huic causae id satis est : sunt enim populi ac multitudinis comitia. Quare si populo ludorum mag- nificentia voluptati est, non est mirandum, earn. L. Mu- renae apud populum profuisse. 39. Sed si nosmet ipsi, qui et ab delectatione omni 6 negotiis impedimur, et in ipsa occupatione delectationes alias multas habere pos- sumus, ludis tamen 7 oblectamur et ducimuf; quid tu ad- mirere de multitudine indocta? 40. 8 L. Otho, vir fortis, meus necessarius, equestri ordini restituit non solum dignitatem, sed etiam 9 voluptatem. Itaque lex haec, quae ad ludos pertinet, est omnium gratissima, quod honestissuno ordini 10 cum splendore fructus quoque ju- cunditatis est restitutus. Quare delectant homines, mihi crede, ludi, eliam illos, qui dissimulant, non solum eos, qui fatentur : quod ego H in mea petitione sensi. ]2 Nam nos quoque habuimus scenam competitricem. Quod si ego, qui 13 trinos ludos aedilis feceram, tamen Antonii ludis u commovebar : tibi, qui casu nullos feceras, 15 nihil hujus istam ipsam, quam irrides, argenteam scenam, ad- vfcrsatam putas ? 41 . Sed haec sane sint paria omnia : 16 sit par forensis opera militari : sit par militari suffraga- tio urbana : sit idem magnificentissimos et nullos um- quam fecisse ludos ; quid I in ipsa praetura nihilne existimas 17 inter tuam et istius sortem interfuisse ? XX. 18 Hujus sors ea i'uit, quam omnes tui necessarii tibi optabamus, juris dicendi : in qua 19 gloriam conciliat magnitude negotii, gratiam aequitatis largitio : qua in sorte sapiens praetor, qualis hie fuit, oflfensionem vital ^aequabilitate deceruendi, benevolentiam adjungit lenitate 10* 114 OKA'IIO PRO L. MURENA. audiendi. Egregia et ad consulatum apta piovincia, in qua laus aequitatis, integritatis, facilitatis, *ad extremum ludorum voluptate concluditur. 42. 2 Quid tua sors ? 3 tristis, atrox : quaestio pecnlatus, ex altera parte, lacri- marum et 4 squaloris, 5 ex altera, plena catenarum atque indicum. 6 Cogendi judices inviti, retinendi contra vol- untatem : 7 scriba damnatus, ordo totus alienus : 8 Sullana gratificatio reprehensa ; multi viri fortes, et 9 prope pars civitatis offensa est : 10 lites severe aestimatae ; u cui placet, obliviscitur, cui dolel, meminit. Postremo tu in provinciam ire noluisti. Non possum id in te repre- liendere, quod in me ipso et praetor et consul probavi. Sed tamen 12 L. Murenae provincia multas bonas gratias cum optima existimatione attulit. Habuit proficiscens delectum in Umbria : dedit ei 13 facultatem respublica liberalitatis : qua usus, multas sibi tribus, 14 quae muni- cipiis Umbriae conficiuntur, adjunxit. Ipsa autem in Gallia, 15 ut nostri homines desperatas jam pecunias exige rent, aequitate diligentiaque perfecit. Tu interea Romae 16 scilicet amicis praesto fuisti. Fateor : sed tamen illud cogita, nonnullorum amicorum studia minui solere in eos, a quibus provincias contemni intelligant. XXI. 43. ET, quoniam ostendi, judices, parem digni- tatem ad consulatus petitionem, 17 disparem fortunam provincialium negotiorum in Murena atque in Sulpicio fuisse ; dicam jam apertius, in quo meus necessarius fuerit inferior Servius, et ea dicam, vobis audientibus, I8 amisso jam tempore, quae ipsi soli, re integra, saepe dixi. Petere consulatum nescire te, Servi, persaepe tibi dixi : et 19 in iis rebus ipsis, quas te magno et forti ani- mo et agere et dicere videbam, tibi solitus sum dicere, magis te fortem senatorem mihi videri, quam sapientem candidatum. Primum 20 accusandi terrores et minae, quib- as tu quotidie uti solebas, sunt fortis viri ; sed et pop- uli opinionem 21 a spe adipiscendi avertunt, et amicorum studia debilitant. Nescio quo pacto semper hoc fit: neque 22 in uno aut altero animadversum est, sed jam in ORATIO PRO 1,. MURENA. lift pluribus ; simul atque candidatus accusationem meditari visus est, ut honorem desperasse videatur. 44. J Quid ergo ? acceptam injuriam persequi non placet 1 Immo vehementer placet : sed ^liud tempus est petendi, aliud persequendi. Petitorem ego, praesertim consulates, magna spe, magno animo, 3 magnis copiis et in forum et in campnm deduci volo : non placet mihi *inquisitio candi- dati, praenuntia repulsae : non testium potius, quam suf- fragatorum comparatio : non minae magis, quam blandit iae : rion Meclamatio potius, quam persalutatio : praeser tim cum jam, hoc novo more, omnes fere domos omnium concursent, 6 et ex vrdtu candidatorum faciant, quantum quisque animi et facultatis habere videatur. 45. " Vides ne tu ilium tristem ? demissum ? 7 jacet, diffidit, abjecit hastas." Serpit hie rumor : " scis tu ilium accusationem cogitare ? inquirere in competitores ? testes quaerere 1 8 Ali- um faciam, quoniam sibi hie ipse desperat." Ejusmodi can- didatorum amici intimi 9 debilitantur, studia deponunt, aut testatam rem abjiciunt, aut suam 10 operam et gratiam judicio et accusation! reservant. XXII. ACCEDIT eodem, ut etiam ipse candidatus "to turn animum, atque omnem curam, operam, diligentiam que suam in petitione non possit" ponere. Adjungitur enim accusationis cogitatio, 12 non parva res, sed nimirum omnium maxima. Magnum est enim, te 13 comparare ea, quibus possis hominem e civitate, praesertim non inopem, neque infirmum, exturbare ; qui et per se, et per suos, et vero 14 etiam per alienos defendatur. Omnes enim ad pericula propulsanda concurrimus ; et qui non aperte inimici sumus, etiam alienissimis, 15 in capitis pericuhs, amicissimorum officia et studia praestamus. 46. Quare ego expertus et petendi, et defendendi, et accusandi molestiam, 16 sic intellexi: in petendo, studium esse acer- rimum ; in defendendo, officium ; in accusando laborem. Itaque n sic statuo, fieri nullo modo posse, 18 ut idem accusationem et petitionem consulatus diligenter adornet atque instruat. 19 Unum sustinere pauci possunt, utrum- 116 ORATIO PRO L. MURENA. que nemo. Tu, ] cum te de curriculo petitionis deflexis- ses, animumque ad accusandum transtulisses, existimasti te utrique negotio satisfacere posse ? Yehementer errasti. Quis enira dies fuit, posteaquam 6 in istam accusandi de- nuntiationem ingressus es, quern tu non totum in ista ratione consumpseris 1 XXIII. 3 L,EGEM ambitus flagitasti, quae tibi non de- erat. 4 Erat enim severissime scripta Calpurnia. 6 Gestus est mos et voluntati et dignitati tuae. 6 Sed tota ilia lex aecusationem tuam, si haberes nocentem reum, fortasse armasset : petitioni vero refragata est. 47. Poena 7 grav- ior in plebem tua voce efflagitata est ; 8 commoti anircri tenuiorum ; 9 exsilium in nostrum ordiuem : concessit senatus postulationi tuae, l sed non libenter duriorem fortunae communi conditionem te auctore, constituit. 11 Morbi excusationi poena addita est, 12 voluntas offensa multorum, quibus aut contra valetudinis commodum labo- randum est, aut incommodo morbi etiam ceteri vitae fructus relinquendi. Quid ergo? 13 haec quis tulit? 14 Is, qui auctoritati senatus, voluntati tuae paruit : denique is tulit, qui minime probarat. ]5 Illa, quae mea summa voluntate senatus frequens repudiavit, mediocriter adver- sata tibi esse existimas ? 16 Confusionem suffragiorum flagitasti, "prorogationem legis Maniliae, 18 aequationem gratiae, dignitatis, sufiragiorum. Graviter 19 homines hon- esti, atque in suis vicinitalibus et municipiis gratiosi tulerunt, a tali viro esse pugnatum, ut omnes et 20 digni- tatis et gratiae gradus tollerentur. 21 Idem editicios judi- ces esse voluisti, 22 ut odia occulta civium, quae tacitis mine discordiis continentur, in fortunas optimi cujusque erumperent. 48. Haec omnia tibi accusandi viam muni- ebant, 23 adipiscendi obsaepiebant. Atque 24 ex omnibus ilia plaga est injecta petitioni tuae, non tacente me, maxima de qua ab homine ingenio- sissimo et copiosissimo, Hortensio, multa gravissime dicta sunt. Quo etiam mihi 25 durior locus dicendi datus: ut, cum ante me et ille dixisset, et vir summa ORATIO PRO L. MURENA. 117 dignitate, et diligentia, et facultate dicendi, M. Crassus, ] ego in extreme non partem aliquam agerem causae, sed de tota re dicerem, quod mihi videretur. 2 Itaque in iis dem rebus fere versor, et, quoad possum, judices, oc curro vestrae saj>ientiae. XXIV. SED tamen, Servi, 3 quam te securim putas injecisse petitioni tuae, cum tu populum Romanum in eum metum adduxisti, ut pertimesceret, ne consul Cati Una fieret, dura tu accusationem comparares, 4 deposita atque abjecta petitione ? 49. Etenim te 5 inquirere vide- bant, tristem ipsuin, moestos amicos ; observationes, 6 testificationes, seductiones testium, 7 secessionem sub- seriptorum animadvertebant: quibus rebus certe ipsi can- didatorum vultus obscuriores videri solent ; Catilinam in- terea alacrem atque laetum, stipatum choro juventntis, vallatum 8 indicibus atque sicariis, inflatum cum spe mi- litum, turn 9 collegae mei, quemadmodum dicebat ipse, promissis ; circumfluentem colonorum 10 Arretinorum et ' Fesulanorum exercitu ; quam turbam, dissimillimo ex genere, distinguebant homines n perculsi Sullani temporis calamitate. Vultus erat ipsius plenus furoris : oculi sceleris : sermo, arrogantiae : sic ut ei jam exploratus et 12 domi conditus consulatus videretur. Murenam con- ternnebat : Sulpicium 13 accusatorem suum numerabat, non competitorem : ei vim denuntiabat : reipublicae minabatur. - XXV. 50. QUIBUS rebus qui timor bonis omnibus m- jectus sit, quantaque desperatio 14 reipublicae, si ille factus esset, nolite a me commoneri velle : vosmet ipsi vobis- cum recordamini. Meministis enim, cum illius nefarii gladiatoris voces 15 percreuuissent, quas habuisse in concio- ne domestica dicebatur, cum miserorum fidelem defensorem negasset inveniri posse, nisi 16 eum, qui ipse miser esset : 17 integrorum et fortunatorum promissis saucios et miseros credere non oportere : quare qui 18 consumpta replere, erepta recuperare vellent, spectarent, quid ipse fleberet, quid pussideret, quid auderet : minime timidum, 118 ORATIO PRO L. MURENA. et valde calamitosum esse oportere cum, qui esset fuiu- rus dux et signifer calamitosorum. 51. Turn igitur. his rebus auditis, meministis fieri senatusconsultum, 1 referente me, ne postero die comitia haberentur, ut de his rebus in senatu agere possemus. Itaque postridie, frequenli senatu, 2 Catilinam excitavi, atque eum de his rebus jussi, si quid vellet quae ad me allatae essent, dicere. Atque ille, ut semper fuit 3 apertissimus, non se purgavit, sed indicavit atque induit. Turn enim dixit, 4 duo corpora esse reipublicae, imum debile, infirmo capite : alterura firmum, sine capite r huic, cum ita de se meritum esset, caput, se vivo, non defuturum. 5 Congemuit senatus frequens, neque tamen satis severe pro rei indignitate decrevit. Nam partim ideo fortes in decernendo non erant, quia nihil timebant : partim, quia timebant. 6 Tum erupit e senatu, triumphans gaudio, quern omnino vivum illinc exire non _ oportuerat : praesertim cum idem ille in eodem ordine 7 paucis diebus ante Catoni, fortissimo viro, judicium minitanti ac denuntianti, respondisset, si quod esset in suas fortunas incendium excitatum, id se non aqua, 8 sed ruina restincturum. XXVI. 52. His turn rebus commotus, et quod homi nes jam turn conjuratos cum gladiis in campum deduci a Catilina sciebam, descendi in campum cum firmissi mo praesidio fortissimorum virorum, 9 et cum ilia lata insignique lorica, non quae me tegeret, (etenim sciebam Catilinam non latus aut ventrem, sed caput et collum solere petere,) verum ut omnes boni animadverterent, et, cum in metu et periculo consulem viderent, id quod est factum, ad opem praesidiumque meum concurrerent Itaque cum te, Send, 10 remissiorem in petendo putarent, Catilinam et spe et cupiditate inflammatum viderent, omnes, qui illam ab republica pestem depellere cupiebant, ad Murenam se statim contulerunt. 53. n Magna est autem comitiis consularibus repentina voluntatum inclina- tio praesertim cum incubuit 12 ad virum bonum et multis aliis adjumentis petitionis ornatum. Qui cum honestis ORATIO rjlO L. MURENA. 119 simo patre atque majoribus, 1 modestissima adolescentia, clarissima legatione, 2 praetura probata in jure, grata in munere, ornata in provincia, petisset diligenter, et ita petisset, ut neque minanti cederet, neque cuiquam mina- retur : huic mirandum est, magno adjuraento Catilinae subitam spem consulatus adipiscendi fuisse ? 54. Nunc mihi tertius ille locus est orationis de am- bitus criminibus, 3 perpurgatus ab iis, qui ante me dixe- runt, a me, quoniam ita Murena voluit, retractandus : quo in loco *Postumio, familiari meo, ornatissimo viro, 6 de divisorum indiciis et de deprehensis pecuniis, adolescent! ingenioso et bono, 6 Ser. Sulpicio, 7 de equitum centuriis, M. Catoni, homini in omni virtute excellenti, de ipsius accusatione, de senatusconsulto, de republica respondebo. XXVIT. 55. SED pauca, quae meum animum repente moverunt, prius de L. Murenae fortuna conquerar. Nam cum saepe antea, judices, et ex aliorum miseriis, et ex meis curis laboribusque quotidianis, fortunatos eos homines judicarem, qui, remoti 8 a studiis ambitionis, otium ac tranquillitatem vitae secuti sunt : turn vero in his L. Murenae tantis tamque improvisis periculis ita sum animo affectus, ut non queam satis neque communem omnium nostrum conditionem, ^eque hujus eventum for- tunamque miserari : qui, primum, dum ex honoribus con- tinuis familiae majorumque suorum 10 unum adscendere gradum dignitatis conatus est, venit in , periculum, ne et a ea, quae relicta, et haec, quae ab ipso parta sunt, amit- tat ; deiude, 12 propter studium novae laudis, etiam in veteris fortunae discrimen adducitur. 56. Quae cum sint gravia, judices, turn illud acerbissimum est, quod habet eos accusatores, non qui 13 odio inimicitiarum ad accus- andum, sed qui studio accusandi ad inimicitias descen- derunt. Nam, ut omittam Servium Sulpiciunij quern in- telligo i4 non injuria L. Murenae, sed honors contentions permotum, accusat 15 paternus amicus, Cn. Poslumius, vetus, ut ait ipse, vicinus ac necessarius ; 16 qui necessi- tudinis causas complures protulit, simultaHs nullam com 120 O RATIO PRO L. HUH EN A. memorare potuit: accusat ^er. Sulpicius, sodalis filii, 2 cujus ingenio paterni oranes necessarii munitiores esse debebant : accusat M. Cato, qui quamquam a Murena nulla re umquam 3 alienus fuit, tamen ea conditione nobis erat in liac civhate natus, ut ejus opes et ingenium praesidio multis etiam alienissimis, vix cuiquam inimico, exitio esse deberent. 57. Respondebo igitur Postumio primum, 4 qui, nescio quo pacto, mihi videtur praetorius candidatus in consularem, quasi desultorius in quadriga- rum curriculum, incurrere. 5 Cujus competitores si nihil deliquerunt, dignitati eorum concessit, cum petere de- stitit ; sin autem eorum aliquis largitus est, expetendus amicus est, qui alienam potius injuriam, quam suam persequatur. ****** XXVIII. 58. 6 Venio nunc ad M. Catonem, 7 qupd est iirmamentum ac robur totius accusationis ; 8 qui tamen ita gravis est accusator et vehemens, ut multo magis ejus auctoritatem, quam criminationem pertimescam. 9 In quo ego accusatore, judices, primum illud deprecabor, ne quid L. Murenae dignitas illius, ne quid exspectatio tribunatus, ne quid totius vitae splendor et gravitas noceat : denique ne ea soli huic obsint bona M. Catonis, quae ille adeptus est, ut multis prodesse posset. Bis consul fuerat 10 P. Africanus, et duos terrores hujus imperii, Car- thaginem Numantiamque, deleverat, cum accusavit L. Cottam. Erat in eo summa eloquentia, summa fides, summa integritas, auctoritas tanta, quanta n in ipso imper- io populi Romani, quod illius opera tenebatur. Saepe hoc majores natu dicere audivi, hanc accusatoris eximi am dignitatem plurimum 12 L. Cottae profuisse. Nolue- runt sapientissimi homines, qui turn rem illam judica- bant, ita quemquam 13 cadere in judicio, ut nimiis ad- versarii viribus abjectus videretur. 59. Quid? u Ser. Galbam -'nam traditum memoriae est) nonne proavo tuo, fortissimo atque florentissimo viro, M. Catoni, incum- benti ad ejus perniciem, populus Romanus 1 eripuit ? Semper in hac civitate nimis magnis accusatorum ORATIO PRO L. MURENA. 121 opibus et populus universus, et sapientes ac 1 multum in posterum prospicientes judices restiterunt. 2 Nolo accusator in judicium potentiam afFerat, non rim ma- jorem aliquam, non auctoritatem excellentem, non nimiam gratiam. 3 Valeant haec omnia ad salutem innocentium ad opem impotentium, ad auxilium calamitosorum : in periculo vero, et in pernicie civiura, repudientur. 60. Nam si quis hoc forte dicet, Catonem descensurum ad accusandum non fuisse, 4 nisi prius de causa judicasset ; iniquam legem, judices, et miseram conditionem instit- uet periculis hominum, si existimabit, 5 judicium accusa- toris in reum pro aliquo praejudicio valere oportere. XXIX. Eoo 6 tuum consilium, Cato, propter singu- lare anirai mei de tua virtute judicium, vituperare non audeo ; nonnulla in re, forsitan 7 conformare et leviter emendare possim. 8 " Non multa peccas," inquit ille fortissimo viro senior magister: " sed, si peccas, te regere possum." At ego te verissime dixerim peccare nihil, neque ulla in re te esse hujusmodi, ^t corrigen- dus potius, quam leviter inflectendus esse videare Finxit enim te ipsa natura ad hqnestatem, gravitatem, temperantiam, magnitudinem animi, justitiam, ad omnes denique virtutes magnum hominem et excelsum. 10 Ac cessit istuc doctrina non moderata, u nec mitis, sed, ut mihi videtur, paullo asperior, et durior, quam aut veri- tas aut natura patiatur. 61. Et quoniam non est no- bis haec oratio habenda aut 12 cum 13 imperita multitudine, aut in aliquo conventu agrestium, audacius paullo de u studiis humanitatis, quae et mihi et vobis nota et jucunda sunt, disputabo. In M. Catone, judices, 15 haec bona, quae videmus, divina et egregia, ipsius scitote esse propria. Quae nonnunquam requirimus, ea sunt onmia non a natura, sed a magistro. 16 Fuit enim qui dam summo ingenio vir, 17 Zeno, cujus inventorum aemidi 18 Stoici nominantur. Hujus 1& sententiae sunt et prae cepta ejusmodi : 20 sapientem 21 gratia nunquam moveri, uunquam cujusquam delicto ignoscere : neminem miseri- 11 i<454 ORAT10 PRO T,. ML'RENA. cordem esse, nisi stultum et levem : viri non esse, ne* que exorari, neque placari : 'solos sapientes esse, si dis- tortissimi sint, formosos ; si mendicissimi, divites ; 2 si servitutem serviant, reges : nos autem. qui sapientes non sumus, fugitives, exsules, hostes, insanos denique esse dicunt : 3 omnia peccata esse paria : omne delictum scelus esse nefarium : nee minus delinquere eum, qui gallum gallinaceum, cum opus non fuerit, quam eum, qui patrem suffocaverit : sapientem 4 nihil opinari, nullius rei poenit- ere, nulla in re falli, sententiam mutare nunquam. XXX. 62. HAEC homo ingeniosissimus, M. Cato, 6 auctoribus eruditissimis inductus, arripuit : neque dispu- tandi causa, ut magna pars, sed ita vivendi. 6 Petunt aliquid publicarii? 7 " Cave quidquam habeat momenti gratia." Supplices aliqui veniunt, miseri et calamitosi ? " Sceleratus et nefarius fueris, si quidquam, misericordia adductus, feceris." Fatetur aliquis se peccasse, et ejus delicti veniam petit ? " Nefarium est facinus, ignoscere." At leve delictum est. " Omnia peccata sunt paria." 8 Dixisti quidpiam? " Fixum et statutum est." 9 Non re ductus es, sed opinione. " Sapiens nihil opinatur." 10 Errasti aliqua in re. Maledici putat. n Hac ex dis- ciplina nobis ilia sunt : 12 " Dixi in senatu me nomen* consularis candidati delatururn." Iratus dixisti. " Nun- quam, inquit, sapiens irascitur." 13 At temporis causa " Improbi," inquit, " hominis est, mendacio fallere ; mutare sententiam, turpe est ; exorari, scelus ; misereri, flagitium." 63. u Nostri autem illi, (fatebor enim, Cato, me quoque in adolescentia, diffisum ingenio meo, quaesisse adju- menta doctrinaie,) nostri, inquam, illi a Platone et Anstot- ele, moderati homines et temperati, aiunt, apud sapien- tem 15 valere aliquando gratiam : viri boni esse misereri distincta genera esse delictorum, et dispares poenas esse apud 16 hominem conslantem ignoscendi locum : ip- sum sapientem 17 saepe aliquid opinari, quod nesciat. irasci nonnunquam : exorari eundem et placari : quod dixerit, interdum, si ita rectius sit, mutare: de sententia ORATIO PRO L. MUREXA. 123 decodere aliquando : ^mnes virtutes mediocritate qua- darn esse moderatas. XXXI. 64. 2 Hos ad magistros si qua te fortuna, Cato, cum ista natura detulisset, non tu quidem vir inelior esses, nee fortior, nee temperantior, nee justior, (neque enim esse potes,) sed 3 paullo ad lenitatem pro- pensior. Non accusares nullis adductus inimicitiis, nulla lacessitus injuria, 4 pudentissimum hominem, summa dignitate atque honestate praeditum : putares cum 5 in ejusdem anni custodia te atque L. Mure n am fortuna posuisset, aliquo te cum hoc reipublicae vinculo esse conjunctum : quod atrociter in senatu dixisti, aut non dixisses, aut 6 seposuisses, aut mitiorem in partem inter- pretarere. 65. Ac te ipsum (quantum ego opinione augu- ror) nunc et animi quodam impetu concitatum, et vi naturae atque ingenii elatum, et recentibus "praeceptorum studiis flagrantem jam usus flectet, dies leniet, aetas mitigabit. Etenim isti ipsi mihi videntur vestri prae- ceptores et virtutis magistri fines officiorum 6 paullo lon- gius, quam natura vellet, protulisse : 9 ut, cum ad ultimum anima contendissemus, ibi tamen, ubi oportet, consiste- remus. "Nihil ignoveris." n lmmo aliquid, non omnia. " Nib.il gratiae causa feceris." 12 Immo resistito gratiae, cum officium et fides postulabit. " Misericordia com- motus ne sis." 13 Etiam ; in dissolvenda severitate : sed tdrtnen est laus aliqua humanitatis. 14 " In sententia per- maneto." Vero ; nisi sententiam alia vicerit melior. 66. Hujuscemodi 15 Scipio ille fuit, quern non poenitebat faeere idem, quod tu : habere eruditissimum hominem, et paene divinum domi : 16 cujus oratione et praeceptis, quamquam erant 17 eadem ista, quae te delectant, tamen asperior non est factus, sed (ut accepi a senibus) lenis- simus. Quis vero C. Laelio comior ? quis jucundior, eodem ex studio isto ? quis illo gravior, sapientior ? Pos- sum de 18 L. Philo, de O. 19 Gallo dicere haec eadem : sed te domum jam deducam tuam. Quemquamne exis- timas 20 Catone, proavo tuo, commodiorem, 21 comiorem, 124 ORATIO PRO L. MURENA, 'moderatiorem fuisse ad omnem ratioriem humanitatis \ De cujus praestanti virtute cum vere graviterque diceres, domesticum 2 te habere dixisti exemplum ad imitandum. Est illud quidem exemplum tibi propositum domi : sed tamen naturae similitude illius ad te magis, qui ab illo ortus es, quam ad unumquemque nostrum pervenire potuit : ad imitandum vero 4;am mihi propositum exemplar illud est, quam tibi. Sed, si illius 3 comitatem et facilitatem tuae gravitati severitatique adsperseris, non 4 ista quidem erunt meliora, quae nunc sunt optima, sed certe condita jucundius. XXXII. 67. QUARE, ut ad id, quod institui, revertar, 5 tolle mihi e causa nomen Catonis : remove ac praeter- mitte auctoritatem, quae in judiciis aut nihil valere, aut ad salutem debet valere : congredere mecum criminibus ipsis. 6 Quid accusas, Cato ? quid affers in judicium 7 quid arguis ? Ambitum accusas 1 Non defendo. 7 Me reprehendis, quod idem defendam, quod lege punierim 8 Punivi ambitum, non innocentiam. 9 Ambitum vero ip- sum vel tecum accusabo, si voles. Dixisti, senatus consultum, me referente, esse factum, 10 " si mercede "corrupti obviam candidatis issent, si conduct! secta- rentur, 12 si gladiatoribus vulgo locus tributim, et item prandia si vulgo essent data, contra legem Calpurniam factum videri." Ergo ita senatus judicat, contra legem facta haec videri, 13 si facta sint : decernit, quod niffil opus est, dum candidatis morem gerit. H Nam factum sit, necne, vehementer quaeritur. Si factum sit, quin contra legem sit, dubitare nemo potest. 68. Est igitui ridiculum, quod est dubium, id relinquere incertum : quod nemini dubium potest esse, id judicare. 15 Atqui id de cernitur omnibus postulantibus candidatis : ut ex sena- tiiscot.sulto, neque cujus intersit, neque contra quern sit, intelligi possit. Quare doce, a L. Murena ilia esse commissa : turn egomet tibi, contra legem com- missa esse, concedam. XXXIII. " 16 MuLTi obviam prodierunt de provincia ORAT10 PRO L. MUREXA 12i decedent!, consulatum petenti." Solet fieri. l Eccui au- tem non proditur revertenti ? 2 " Quae fuit ista multi- tude !" Primum, si tibi 3 istam rationem non possim reddere : quid habet admirationis, tali viro advenienti, candidato consulari, obviam prodisse multos ? quod nisi esset factum, magis mirandum videretur. 69. Quid ? si etiam illud addam, 4 quod a consuetudine non abhorret, rogatos esse multos ? num aut criminosum sit, aut mi- randum, qua in civitate 5 rogati infimorum hominum filios, prope de nocte, ex ultima saepe urbe, deductura venire soleamus, in ea 6 non esse gravatos homines prodire bora tertia in campum Martium, praesertim talis viri nomine rogatos ? Quid ? si 7 omnes societates venerunt, quarum er numero multi hie sedent judices ? quid ? si multi homines nostri ordinis honestissimi ? quid ? si ilia officiosissima, quae neminem patitur non honeste in urbem introire, 8 tota natio candidatorum 1 si denique ipse accusator 9 noster Postumius obviam cum bene magna caterva sua venit : quid, habet ista multitude admiratio- nis 1 Omitto 10 clientes, vicinos, tribules, exercitum totum Luculli, qui ad triumphum per eos dies venerat : hoc dico, "frequentiam in isto officio gratuitam, non modo dignitati ullius umquam, sed ne voluntati quidem defuisse. 70. 13 " At sectabantur multi." Doce, mercede : conced- am esse crimen. Hoc quidem remote, quid reprehendis ? XXXIV. 13u QUID opus est, inquit, sectatoribus ?" A me tu id quaeris, quid opus sit eo, 14 quo semper usi sumus ? 15 Homines tenues nnum habent in nostrum ordinem aut promerendi aut referendi beneficii locum, hanc in nostris petitionibus operam atque assectationem. 16 Neque enim fieri potest, neque postulandum est a no- bis, aut ab equitibus Romanis, ut snos necessaries can- didatos sectentur totos dies : 17 a quibus si domus nostra celebratur, si interdura ad forum deducimur, si uno I8 basilicae spatio honestamur, diligenter observari vide- mur et coli : 19 tenuiorum et non occupatorum amicorum est ista assiduitas, quorum copia bonis et beneficii 11* 126 ORAT1O FRO L. MURENA. deesse non solet. 71. Noli igitur eripere %un(- inferior! generi hominum fructum officii, Cato : sine eos, qui omnia a nobis sperant, habere ipsos quoque aliquid, quod nobis tribuere possint. 2 Si nihil erit, praeter ipso- rum sufFragium, tenue est : si, ut suffragentur, nihil valent gratia. Ipsi denique, ut solent loqui, 3 non dicere pro nobis, non spondere, non vocare domum suam pos- sunt : atque 4 haec a nobis petunt omnia, neque ulla re alia, quae a nobis consequuntur, nisi opera sua, com- pensari putant posse. Itaque et 5 legi Fabiae, quae est de numero sectatorum, et senatusconsulto, quod est 6 L. Caesare consule factum, restiterunt. 7 Nulla est enim poena, quae possit observantiam tenuiorum ab hoc vetere instituto officiorum excludere. 72. 8 " At spectacula sunt tributitn data, et ad prandium vulgo vocati." Etsi hoc factum a Murena omnino, judices, non est, ab ejus ami cis autem 9 more et modo factum est ; tamen admonitus re ipsa, recorder, quantum hae quaestiones in senatu habitae 10 punctorum nobis, Servi, detraxerint. Quod enim tempus fuit aut nostra aut patrum nostrorurn rnemor- ia, "quo haec, sive ambitio est, sive liberalitas, non fuerit, ut locus et in circo et in foro daretur amicis et tribulibus ? 12 Haec homines tenuiores primum, nondum qui a suis tribulibus vetere instituto assequebantur * * XXXV. 7$ *** 13 PRAEFECTUM fabrum semel locum tribulibus suis u dedisse : quid statuent in viros primarios, 15 qui in circo totas tabernas, tribulium causa, compara runt ? 16 Haec omnia sectatorum, spectaculorum, prandio rum item crimina, a multitudine in tuam nimiam diligen- tiam, Servi, conjecta sunt : in quibus tamen Murena ab senatus auctoritate defenditur. Quid enim ? Senatus num obviam prodire crimen putat? " Non ; sed mercede." J7 Convince. Num sectari multos ? " Non ; sed conduc- tos." 18 Doce. Num locum ad spectandum dare ? aut ad prandium invitare 1 " Minime ; 19 sed vulgo, passim." Quid est vulgo ? " Universes." Non igitur, si 20 L. Nat- ta, summo loco adolescens, qui, et quo animo jam sit, ORATIO PRO L. MURENA. J 27 et qualis vir futurus sit, videmus, Hn equitum centuriis voluit esse et ad hoc officium necessitudinis, et ad reliquum tempus, gratiosus, id erit 2 ejus vitrico fraudi, aut cri- mini : nee, si Virgo Vestalis, hujus propinqua et neces- saria, locum suum 4 gladiatoribus concessit huic, ^on et ilia pie fecit, et hie a culpa est remotus. 6 Omnia haec sunt officia necessariorum, commoda tenuiorum, munia candidatorum. 74. At enim agit mecum 7 austere et Stoice Cato. Negat verum esse, allici benevolentiam cibo : negat, 8 judicium hominum in magistratibns mandandis cormmpi voluptatibus oportere. Ergo ad coenam, petitionis causa, si quis vocat, condemnetur. 9 " Quippe," inquit, " tu mihi summum imperium, tu summam auctoritatem, tu guber- iiacula reipublicae petas fovendis hominum sensibus, et deleniendis animis, et adhibendis voluptatibus ? 10 Utrum lenocinium," inquit, " a grege delicatae juventutis, an orbis terrarum imperium a populo Romano petebas ?" n Hor ribilis bratio : sed earn usus, vita, mores, civitas ipsa respuit. Neque tamen Lacedaemonii, 12 auctores istius ritae atque orationis, qui quotidianis epulis in robore ac- cumbunt, neque vero 13 Cretes, quorum nemo gustavit umquam cubans, 14 melius, quam Romani homines, 15 qui tempora voluptatis laborisque dispertiunt, respublicas suas retinuerunt : 16 quorum alteri uno adventu nostri exercitus deleti sunt ; alteri nostri imperil praesidio disciplinam suam legesque conservant. XXXVI. 75. QUARE noli, Cato, majorum instituta, quae 17 res ipsa, quae diuturnitas imperil comprobat, nim- ium severa oratione reprehendere. Fuit 18 eodem ex studio vir eruditus apud patres nostros, et honestus homo et nobilis, Q. Tubero. Is, cum 19 epulum Q. Maximus, 20 African! patrui sui nomine, populo Romano daret, roga- tus est a Maximo, 21 ut triclinium sterneret, cum esset Tubero ejusdem Africani sororis filius. Atque ille, homo eruditissimus, ac Stoicus, ^travit pelliculis haedinis lectulos Punicanbs, et exposnit vasa Samia : quasi vero 12$ ORATIO PRO L. MURENA. esset Diogenes Cynicus moituus, et non divini hominis African! mors honestaretur ; quern cum supremo ejus die Maximus laudaret, gratias egit diis immortalibus, quod ille vir in hac republica potissimum natus esset ; necesse enim fuisse, ibi esse terrarum imperium, ubi ille esset. Hujus in morte celebranda graviter tulit populus Roma- nus %anc perversam sapientiam Tuberonis. 76. Itaque 2 homo integerrimus, civis optimus, cum esset L. Paulh nepos, P. African!, ut dixi, sororis filius, 3 his haedinis pelliculis praetura dejectus est. Odit populus Romanus privatam luxuriam, publicam magnificentiam diligit : *non amat profusas epulas, sordes et inhumanitatem multo minus : Mistinguit rationem officiorum ac temporum, vi- cissitudinem laboris ac voluptatis. Nam, quod ais, nulla re allici hominum mentes oportere ad magistratum man- dandum, nisi dignitate ; 6 hoc tu ipse, in quo summa est dignitas, non servas. Cur enim quemquam, ut studeat tibi, ut te adjuvet, rogas ? - Rogas tu me, ut mihi prae- sis, ut committam ego me tibi. Quid tandem ? istuc me rogari oportet abs te, an te potius a me, ut pro mea salute laborem periculumque suscipias ? 77. Quid ? quod habes 7 nomenclatorem 1 in eo quidem 8 fallis et decipis. 9 Nam, si nomine appellari abs te cives tuos honestum est, turpe est eos notiores esse servo tuo quam tibi. 10 Sin, etiam si noris, tamen per monitorem appellandi sunt, ai cur ante petis, quam insusurravit ? aut quid, cum admoneris, tamen, quasi tute noris, ita salutas ? quid, posteaquam es designatus, multo salutas negligentius ? 12 Haec omnia ad rationem civitatis si dirigas, recta sunt : sin perpendere ad disciplinae praecepta velis, reperian- tur pravissima. Quare nee plebi Romanae eripiendi 13 fructus isti sunt ludorum, gladiatorum, conviviorum, quae omnia majpres nostri comparaverunt : 14 nec candi- datis ista benignitas adimenda est, quae liberalitatem magis significat, quam largitionem. XXXVII. 78. l5 Ar enim te ad accusandum respublica adduxit. 16 Credo, Cato, te isto animo atxjue ea opinione ORATIO PRO I,. MURENA. 129 renisse. Sed tu imprudentia laberis. Ego quod facio t judices, cum amicitiae dignitatisque L. Murenae gratia facio, turn me pacis, otii, concordiae, libertatis, salutis, vitae denique omnium nostrum causa facere 1 clamo atque tester. Audite, audite consulem, judices, nihil dicam arrogantius, tantum dicam, totos dies atque nodes de republica cogitantem. Non usque co L. Catilina rem publicam despexit atque contempsit, ut ea copia, quani secum eduxit, se hanc civitatem oppressurum arbitraretur. 2 Latius patet illius sceleris contagio, quam quisquam putat ; ad plures pertinet. Intus, intus, inquam, est, 3 equus Trojanus : a quo nunquam, me consule, dormien- tes opprimemirii. 79. Quaeris a me, quid ego Catilinam metuam. Nihil ; et curavi, ne quis metueret : sed 4 copias illius, quas hie video, dico esse metuendas : nee tam timendus est nunc exercitus L. Catilinae, quam isti, qui ilium exercitum deseruisse dicuntur. Non enim deseru- erunt, sed ab illo in speculis atque insidiis relicti, 5 in capite atque in cervicibus nostris restiterunt. Hi et 6 ime- grum consulem, et bonum imperatorem, 7 et natura, et fortu- na cum reipublicae salute conjunctum, dejici de urbis prae- sidio, et de custodia civitatis 8 vestris sententiis deturbari volunt. Quorum ego ferrum et audaciam rejeci 9 in cam- po, debilitavi in foro, compressi etiam domi meae saepe, judices, his vos si alterum consulem tradideritis, plus multo erunt vestris sententiis, quam suis gladiis con- secuti. Magni interest, judices, id quod ego multis re- pugnantibus egi atque pcrfcci, esse 10 kalendis Januariis in republica duo consules. 80. Nolite arbitrari, medioc- ribus consiliis, aut usitatis viis, u aut * * Non lex im- proba, non perniciosa largitio, non auditum aliquando aliquod malum 12 reipublicae quaeritur. Inita sunt in hac civitate consilia, judices, urbis delendae, civium truci- dandorum, nominis Romani exstinguendi. Atque haec cives, cives, inquam, (si eos hoc nomine appellari fas est,) de patria sua et cogitant et cogitaverunt ; horum ego quotidie consiliis occurro, audaciam debilito, sceleri 130 ORATIO PRO L. MURENA. resisto. Sed vos moneo, judices : ] in exitu est jam meus consulatus : nolite mihi subtrahere 2 vicarium meae diligentiae : nolite adimere eum, cui rempublicam cupio tradere incoluraem, ab his tantis periculis defendendam. XXXVIII. 81. ATQ.UE ad haec mala, judices, quid accedat aliud, non videtis? Te, te appello, Cato : uuu- ne prospicis 3 tempestatem anni tui ? jam enim hesterna concione intonuit vox perniciosa Mesignati tribuni, col- legae tui : contra quern multum 5 tua mens, multuni omnes boni providerunt, qui te ad tribunatus petitionem vocaverunt. Omnia, quae per hoc triennium agitata sunt, jam ab eo tempore, quo 6 a L. Catilina et Cn. Pisone initum consilium senatus interficiendi scitis esse, in hos dies, in hos menses, in hoc tempus erumpunt. 82. Qui locus est, judices, quod tempus, qui dies, quae nox, cum ego non ex istorum insidiis ac mucronibus, non solum meo, sed multo etiam magis divino consilio eripiar atque evolem ? Neque isti me 7 meo nomine interfici, sed vigilantem consulem de reipublicae prae- sidio demovere volunt : nee minus vellent, Cato, te quoque aliqua ratione, si possent, tollere : id quod, mihi crede, 8 et agunt, et moliuntur. Vident, quantum in te sit animi, quantum ingenii, quantum auctoritatis, quan- tum reipublicae praesidii : sed cum 9 consulari auc- toritate et auxilio spoliatam vim tribuniciam viderint, turn se facilius inermem et debilitatum te oppressu- ros arbitrantur. Nam 10 ne sufficiatur consul, non tim- ent. n Vident te in tuorum potestate collegarum fore : sperant 12 sibi Silanum, clarum virum, sine collega, te sine consule, rempublicam sine praesidio objici posse. 83. His tantis in rebus tantisque in periculis, est tuum, M. Cato, qui non mihi, non tibi, sed patriae natus es, videre quid agatur, retinere adjutorem, defensorem, socium in republica, consulem 13 non cupidum, consulern (quod maxime tempus hoc postulat) fortuna constitutum ad Ainplexandum otium : scientia, ad bellum gerendnm : 14 ani mo. et. usu, ad quod velis negotium. ORATIO PRO L. MURENA. 131 XXXIX. QUAMQUAJI ^ujusce rei potestas omni* in vobis sita est, judices : totam rempublicam vos in hac causa tenetis, vos gubernatis. iSi L. Catilina cum suo consilio nefariorum hominum, quos secum eduxit, hac de re posset judicare, condemnaret L. Murenam : si interficere posset, occideret. 2 Petunt enim rationes illius, ut orbetur auxilio respublica : ut minuatur contra suum furorem imperatorum copia : ut major facultas tribunis plebis detur, 3 depulso adversario, seditionis ac discordiae concitandae. 4 Idemne igitur delecti am- plissimis ex ordinibus honestissimi atque sapientissimi viri judicabunt, quod ille importunissimus gladiator, hos- tis reipublicae judicaret ? 84. Mihi credite, judices, in hac causa non solum de L. Murenae, verum etiam de vestra salute sententiam feretis. In discrimen ex- tremum venimus : nihil est jam, unde nos reficiamus, aut ubi lapsi resistamus. Non solum minuenda non sunt auxilia, quae habemus, sed etiam nova, si fieri possit, comparanda. Hostis est enim -non 5 apud Ani- enem, quod bello Punico gravissimum visum est, sed in urbe, in foro : (dii immortales ! sine gemitu hoc dici non potest :) 6 non nemo etiam in illo sacrario reipub- licae, in ipsa, inquam, curia non nemo hostis est. Dii 7 faxint, ut 8 meus collega, vir fortissimus, hoc Catilinae nefarium latrocinium armatus opprimat ! ego togatus vobis bonisque omnibus adjutoribus, hoc, quod concep- tum respublica periculum parturit, consilio discutiara et comprimam ! 85. Sed quid tandem fiet, si 9 haec elapsa de manibus nostris, in eum annum, qui consqui- tur, redundarint ? Unus erit consul, et is non in ad- ministrando bello, sed in sufficiendo collega occupatus Hunc jam qui 10 impedituri sint, * * ilia pestis immanis, n importuna, prorumpet, qua poterit : et jam populo Ro- mano minatur : in agros suburbanos repente advolabit : 12 versabitur in castris furor, in curia timor, in foro conjuralio, in campo exercitus, in agris vastitas : on> ni autem in sede ac loco ferrum flammamque metu- 132 ORATIO PRO L. MURENA. emus Quae jamdiu comparantur, eadem ista omnia, a si ornata suis praesidiis erit respublica, facile et magistratuum consigns et privatorum diligentia compri- mentur. XL. 86. QUAE cum ita sint, judices, primum rci- publicae causa, qua nulla res cuiquam 2 potior debet esse, vos, pro mea summa et vobis cognita in rempublicam diligentia, moneo, pro auctoritate consular! hortor, pro magnitudine periculi obtestor, ut otio, ut paci, ut saluti, ut vitae vestrae et ceterorum civium consulatys : deiride ego fidem vestram, 3 defensoris et amici officio adduc- tus, oro atque obsecro, judices, ut ne hominis miseri, et cum 4 corporis morbo, turn animi dolore confecti, L. Murenae, recentem gratulationem nova lamentatione obruatis. Modo maxiino benencio populi Romani or- natus, fortunatus videbatur, quod primus in familiam veterem, primus in 5 municipium antiquissimum consu latum attulisset ; nunc idem 6 squalore sordidus, confectus morbo, lacrymis ac moerore perditus, vester est supplex, judices, vestram fidem obtestatur, misericordiam implo- rat, vestram potestatem ac vestras opes 7 intuetur. 87. Nolite, per deos immortales! judices, 8 hac eum re, qua se honestiorem fore putavit, etiam ceteris ante partis honestatibus atque omni dignitate fortunaque privare. 9 Atque ita vos L. Murena, judices, orat atque obsecrat, si injuste neminem laesit ; si nullius aures voluntatem- ve violavit ; si nemini, ut levissime dicam, odio, nee domi, nee militiae, fuit. sit apud vos 10 modestiae loo us, sit demissis hominibus perfugium, sit auxiliurn pudori. T1 Misericordiam spoliatio consnlatus magnam habere debet, judices. 12 Una enim eripiuntur cum con- sulatu omnia. Invidiam vero his temporibus habere consulates ipse nullani potest. 13 Objicitur enim con- cionibus seditiosorum, insidiis conjuratorum, telis Cat- ilinae : ad omne denique periculum, atque ad omnem invidiam solus opponitur. 88. Quare quid invidondum Murenae, aut cniquam nostrum sit u in hoc praecbro ORATIO PRO L. MURENA. 133 consulatu, non video, judices. Quae vero miseranda sunt, ea et mihi ante oculos versantur, et vos videre et perspicere potestis. XLI. Si (quod Jupiter omen avertat !) 'hunc vestns sententiis afflixeritis, 2 quo se miser vertet ? domumne ? ut earn imaginem clarissimi viri, parentis sui, quam paucis ante diebus 3 laureatarg in sua gratulatione conspexit, eandem deformatam ignominia 4 lugentem- que videat ? an ad matrem, quae 5 misera, modo con- sulem osculata filium suum, nunc cruciatur et sollici- ta est, ne eundem paullo post spoliatum omni digni- tate conspiciat ? 89. Sed quid ego matrem, aut domuin appello, quern 6 nova poena legis et domo, et parente, omnium suorum consuetudine conspectuque privat ? Ibit igitur in exsilium miser 1 Quo ? ad Orientisne partes, in quibus annos multos legatus fuit, et exerci- tus duxit, et res maximas gessit? 7 At habet magnum dolorem, unde cum honore decesseris, eodem cu"m ignominia reverti. An se in contrariam partem terra- rum abdet, ut Gallia Transalpina, quern nuper 8 summo cum imperio libentissime viderit, eundem lugentem, moerentem, exsulem videat? In ea porro provincia, quo animo 9 C. Murenam, fratrem suum, adspiciet ? 10 qui hujus dolor ? qui illius moeror erit ? quae utriusque lamentatio? "quanta autem perturbatio fortunae alque sermonis, 'quod, quibus in locis paucis ante diebus factum esse consulem Murenam, nuntii literaeque cele- brassent, et unde hospites atque amici gratulatum Ro- mam concurrerint, repente eo accedat ipse nuntius suae calamitatis? 90. Quae si acerba, si misera, si luctuosa sunt, si alienissima a mansuetudine et miseri- cordia vestra, judices, 12 conservate populi Romani bene ficium : reddite reipublicae consulem : date hoc ipsius pudori, date patri mortuo, date generi et familiae, date etiam Lanuvio, municipio honestissimo, quod in hac tota causa frequens moestumque vidistis. Nolite a sacris patriis 13 Junonis Sospitae, cui omnes consules 14 facere 12 134 ORATIO PAO L. HUHKNA. necesse est, 'domesticum et suum consulem potissimum avellere. Quern ego vobie, si quid habet momenti commendatio, aut auctoritatis 2 confirmatio mea, consul consulem, judices, ita 3 commendo, ut cupidissimum 4 otii, studiosissimum bonorum, accerrimum contra seditionem, fortissimum in bello, mimicissimurn huie ponjur^tioni, quae nunc rempublicaaa labefactat, futunun eat** Vro mittam et spondeam. EXPLANATORY NOTES. EXPLANATORY NOTES. Page 1. M. TULLII CICERONIS, &c. "First Oration of M. Tullius ] Cicero against Lucius Catiline, delivered in the Senate." Catiline's intention was to leave Rome, and join his army, then assembling in different parts of Italy ; while the other conspirators remained within the walls, to butcher the senators and fire the capitol. Cicero, hav- ing discovered this design, summoned the senate to meet in the temple of Jupiter Stator, with the intention of laying before it the whole circumstances of the plot. But Catiline having unexpectedly appeared in the midst of the assembly, his audacity impelled the consular orator to an abrupt invective, which is directly addressed to the traitor, and commences without the preamble by which most of his other harangues are introduced. In point of effect, this oration must have been perfectly electric. The disclosure to the criminal himself of his most secret purposes : their flagitious nature, threatening the life of every one present ; the whole course of his villanies and treasons, blazoned forth with the fire of incensed eloquence ; and the adjuration to him, by fleeing from Rome, to free his country from such a pest, were all wonder- fully calculated to excite astonishment, admiration, and horror. The great object of the whole oration, was to drive Catiline into banishment ; and it appears somewhat singular, that so dangerous a personage, and one who might have been so easily convicted, should thus have been forced, or even allowed, to withdraw to his army, instead of being secured and punished. From the language of Sal- lust, (Cat. c. 31,) this oration would appear to have been originally altogether extemporaneous, and to Lave been subsequently commit- ted to writing by Cicero. 2. Quoitsque tandem, &c. " How far, then, Catiline, wilt thou trifle with our patience 1 How long, too, will that frantic wicked- ness -rf thine bafHe our efforts 1 To what extent will thy unbridled 12* 137 138 THE FTRST ORATION Page. | a fecity insolently display itself!" We may suppose the whom senate to have remained, for a time, buried in the deepest silence, every eye directed towards Catiline ; and Cicero, at last, slowly rising from his curule chair, and pointing the finger of indignant scorn at the guilty intruder, to have burst forth into this startling and impassioned exordium. 3. Abutere. Literally, "wilt thou abuse." Cicero prefers the softer and more poetic termination re, in the imperfect and future indicative, and present and imperfect subjunctive. In the present indicative he rarely employs it. Patientia nostra. The reference in nostra is to himself and the senate generally. 4. Iste tuus. The pronoun iste is here employed to mark indig- nant scorn and contempt. It must be observed, with regard to iste, that it is, strictly speaking, used, together with its derivatives, in reference to the person addressed. Thus, iste locus, " that place where you are ;" ista verba, " those words which you uttered." When Cicero addressed his antagonist, in any instance, he often used iste, in accordance with the principle just laid down ; and, as he generally used it contumeliously, it acquired a reproachful mean- ing. But this is by no means universally the case. In the present passage, however, iste has this scornful meaning, and tuus is merely added in order to strengthen its general reference to the person addressed. 5. Eludet. A metaphor borrowed from the movements of gladi- ators, in avoiding a blow from an opponent. (Donat. in Ter. Eun. 1, 1, 10.) So Catiline is said, by the orator, to baffle every effort, on the part of good citizens, for preserving the public repose. Quern adfinem. Equivalent, in Ciceronian Latinity, to quousque or quam- diu. (Ernesti, Clav. Cic. s. \. finis. Schutz, Index Lat. s. v.) Jactabit. The student will mark the force of the frequentative. It is equivalent to insolenler se geret. 6. Nihilne te, &c. " Have the guards stationed nightly on the Palatine hill produced no impression upon thee 1 Have the watches planted throughout the city produced none 1 None, the consterna- tion that pervades all classes ] None, the thronging together of all good citizens 1" &c. Literally, " Has the nightly guard of the Pal- atium in no respect moved thee 1 In no respect have the watchea of the city 1" &c. 7. Palatii. The Palatine was the most central one of the seven hills of Rome, and the most important to be guarded in case any public disturbance arose, since a foe, in possession of it, might easily make himself master of the rest of the city. Hence the necessity of its being secured on the present occasion. The Palatine hill wan AGAINST CATiLINK- 139 '; Pace. the residence of Romulus, and in fact, the first part of the city that I was inhabited. Here, in a later age, stood the imperial mansion of Augustus and his successors, and hence the origin of the modern term " palace." 8. Urbis vigiliae. When there was any alarm or disturbance in the city, or when any suspicion was entertained of public commotion or secret conspiracy, the inferior magistrates (the aediles, quaes- tors, and tribunes,) were entrusted by the senate with the care of the public peace, and planted guards and watches in proper places. Compare Sallust, (Cat. c. 30,) " Ut Romae per totam urbem vigi- (ine haberenlur, Usque minores magistratus praeessent." 9. Coiicursus. Several editions have consensus (" the union,") which is also given by Quintilian (9, 3, 30) in citing from this passage. The more spirited reading, however, is undoubtedly concursus. 10. Munitissimus. In dangerous emergencies, the senate were usually convened in the temple of some tutelary divinity, and not in a curia, or senate-house. The place selected, on the present occa- sion, was the temple of Jupiter Stator, at the foot of the Palatine hill ; and it is hence called " munitissimus locus," from the circum- stance of there being a guard, at the time, on the Palatine. With respect to the true position of the temple of Jupiter Stator, (which some editors very erroneously make to have been in the capitol,) consult Lin. 1, 12. Ovid. Fast. 6, 794. Nardini, 6, 12. 1 1 . Horum ora vullusque. " The looks and countenances of these who are here assembled." Ora refers to the looks of aversion directed at Catiline by the great majority of those present ; vultus to their countenances, in which were depicted anxiety and alarm. Muretus refers the words to the aversion manifested by the senators on the entrance of Catiline into the assembly, when all quitted that part of the benches where he had taken his seat. They would rather seem to refer to the deportment of the senate during all the time that he had been present. 12. Patere. " Lie open to view," i. e. are brought fully to light. Cons trie tarn jam horum omnium teneri. Literally, " is now held firmly grasped by the knowledge of all of these," i. e. is now become a matter of firm conviction to all who are here assembled. Con- ttrictus is elegantly applied to whatever is firmly held in, and can no longer escape, our grasp. While the compound term conssientia (instead of the simple scienlia} is employed to denote that many are acquainted with the conspiracy. Compare the explanation of Schwtz, (Index Lat. s. v.,) " Communis inter complures rei alicu- jus notitia." We have given horum omnium with Graeviua. instead of the common reading omnium horum. 140 HE FIRST ORATION Page. ' 13. Proximo.. Cicero delivered this oration on the 8th Novem- ber. . A meeting of the conspirators had taken place on the night of the 6th, at the house of Laeca. This is what Cicero calls noz superior . The morning of the 7th was the time fixed for his assas- sination by the two Roman knights. During that day, Cicero caused all the movements of the conspirators to be closely watched, and ascertained also, by his secret agents, all that was done on the night of the 7th. This was the nox proximo,. Compare chapter 4th, and Pro Sull. c. 18. 14. Immo vero. " Nay, indeed." Graevius omits vero, but its presence imparts additional strength to the clause. Compare Ep. ad Att. 12, 42: " F erendus tibi in hoc error: ferendusl immo vero etiam adjuvandus." And also Tursellinus de Part. Lat. s. v. Immo. 15. Pullici consilii particeps. " A sharer in the public delibera- tions." Cicero's object is to excite the indignation of the senate against Catiline, for his having come into that assembly, not to inquire or seek for any thing, but actually to take part in their de- liberations, v 16. Viri fortes. Spoken ironically. " Men, full of courage." Cicero charges himself and the senate with cowardice, in not having before this brought Catiline to punishment. Satisfacere reipublicae. " To be doing our duty to the state." Istius. " Of that wretch." Pointing at Catiline. Compare note 4, page 1. 17. In tc conferri, &c. Understand jampridem, from the previ- ous clause. " Long since ought that ruin to have been heaped upon thy own head," &c. The pronoun istam tacitly implies that the ruin in question is the work of Catiline, and this idea is immediately enlarged upon in what follows, quam tit in nos omnes, &c. 18. An vero. The primitive meaning of an is "or," and, when used interrogatively, the sentence is always elliptical. Thus, an decertare mecum voluitl " Did he wish to contend with me.?' This, when resolved, is nothing more than, " Am I wrong in my surmise, or did he wish to contend with me!" So, in the present instance, an vero vir amplissimus, &c., which we translate, "Did, in fact, that very illustrious individual," &c., is, in reality, when fully expressed, "am I wrong in my assertion, or did, in fact," &c The same explanation will apply to the Greek "/, when used as an interrogative particle. 19. P. Scipio. The reference is to P. Scipio Naslca. He ia called privatus because the office of pontifex maximus was not a magistracy ; and hence the same person could be pontifex and also consul or praetor. Compare the remarks of Muretus, ad loc. The AGAINST CATILINE. 141 Page. term privatus may, therefore, be rendered, " although filling no J office of magistracy." As regards Scipio Nasica, consult Historical Index, s. v. Scipio. Giacchum. Consult Historical Index, a. v. Gracchus, and Legal Index, s. v. Sempronia Lex. 20. Mediocriter labcfoctantem, &c. " When only disturbing, in a moderate degree, the settled order of things in the state." The idea literally involved is the causing what was before firmly fixed to totter, and swerve from its place. Status is here figuratively employed, in allusion to the posture or attitude of a gladiator in combat. It will be observed, that Cicero designedly extenuates the offence of Tiberius Gracchus, in order that the rigour, with which he was punished, might be conuasted the more strongly with the impunity enjoyed by Catiline. 21. Catilinam. The common text has vcro after CatUinam; but since this already occurs with an, in the previous part of the sentence, and does not appear in the present passage as cited by Quintilian, (8, 4, 13,) we have rejected it with Manutius, Lambi- nus, and other editors. We have also given, with Schiitz, terrarum, in place of the common reading terrae, the former likewise occurring in Quintilian. 1. Nam ilia, &c. Cicero here assigns a reason for other exam- g pies not being cited, in preference to that of Tiberius Gracchus. They were of too remote a date ; whereas the movements of Grac chus had occurred at a comparatively recent period. 2. C. Servilius Ahala. Consult Historical Index, s. v. Ahala. He was magister equitum to the dictator T. Q. Cincinnatus. Emesti first gave the true reading C. Servilius, for the common lection Q. Servilius. Sp. Maelium. Maelius was the richest pri- vate man in the commonwealth, and more than suspected of aiming at the sovereign power, in consequence of his liberal donations of corn among the lower orders, during a season of great scarcity. Consult Historical Index, s. v. Maelius. Novis rebus shtdentem. " Aiming at a change in the government," i. e. plotting a revolution. 3. Ista virtus. " That degree of public virtue," i. e. of true patriotism. In our remarks on the pronoun iste and its usage by Cicero, we observed that the distinction there laid down did not hold good universally, (note 4, page 1.) The present passage furnishes a case in point. Ista is here used simply in the sense of ilia, and the latter pronoun itself would no doubt have been actually employed, had it not occurred just before, in the erpresaiori " nam ilia nimis," &c. Compare, as regards the exceptions to the rule about iste, the remarks of Manutius, ad. Cie. Ep. Fam. 3, 10, (vol. 1, p. 161, ed. Graer.) and Lanr. Valla, de L. L. Eleg. 2, 4, p. 51. 142 THE FIRST ORATION Page. *J 4. Habcmus. We have rejected enim after habftnus, with Grae- vius, Ernesti, Schiitz, &c., on the authority of some of the best MSS. It appears to have found its way into the text from habemus enim, in the next chapter. 5. Senatusconsultum. By which the consuls were enjoined, " ut vi&erent ne quid detrimenti respublica caperet." A decree of this nature armed the consuls with dictatorial power for the time being, and, by virtue of it, they could put to death whomsoever they pleased, without the formality of a trial. (Compare Sallust, Cat. c. 29, and Plutarch, Vit. Cic. c. 15.) Catiline and his accomplices might have been seized and punished under this decree, but Cicero purposely abstained from such a course, and sought rather to induce them to quit the city. 6. Non deest reipublicae, &c. " Neither the counsel nor the sanction of this order is wanting to the republic," i. e. the decree which the senate had passed against Catiline contained " counsel," or consilium, and was a " sanction," or auctoritas. Compare Taci- tus, Germ. 12. " Centeni singulis ex plebe comites, consilium et auctoritas, adsmtt." 7. Nos consules desumus. " We consuls are wanting in our duty." We have inserted a third nos before desumvs, as given by Priscian, lib. 17, p. 1076, ed. Putsch. (Op. ed. Kreld. vol. 2, p. 53.) Cicero means, that the consuls have not done their duty in allow- ing Catiline to go so long unpunished. His object is to intimidate him, and induce him to leave the city. 8. Quondam. A. U. C. 633, B. C. 121. Fifty-eight years be- fore the time when Cicero uttered this- L. Opimius. He was consul, with Fabius Maximus, A...U. C. 633. Consult Historical Index. 9. Videret, &c. A decree of this kind was called decretum ulti- mum, or ultimae necessitatis. Consult note 5, page 2. Sfometimes both consuls were named in it, at other times only one. 10. Quasdam seditionum suspiciones. " Certain suspicions of seditious projects." Cicero here purposely uses mild language, as in the instance of the elder Gracchus. (Note 20, page 1.) Consult Historical Index. 11. Clarissimo patre, &c. The Gracchi had for their father Sempronius Gracchus, who had been once honoured with the censor- ship, twice with the consulate, and had enjoyed two triumphs. Their maternal grandfather was the elder Scipio Africanus, the con- queror of Hannibal. 12. M. Fulvius. One of the three commissioners named for carrying into effect the agrarian law, by dividing the public lands AOAUNST CATILI.M; 143 .. / Page. lie was the particular friend of C. Gracchus. Consult Historical *> Index. The eldest son of Fulvius was skin with his father during tae airray ; the younger after the conflict. 13. C. Mario. This occurred during the sixth consulship of Marius. The crime of Saturninus and Servilius was seditious and turbulent conduct, and especially the having assassinated C. Mem- mius, a candidate for the consulship, in the Campus Martius. Con- sult Historical Index, s. v. Saturninus. The individual, whom Cicero here calls C. Servilius, is elsewhere styled C. Servilius Glaucia. Cicero purposely employs the women merely, as it be- longed to a family of distinction, and he adds to it the title of prae- tor, in order that it maybe seen, that neither birth nor official dignity could save him from the prompt vengeance of the laws, which Cati- line had for so long a time been braving. 14. L. Saturnini, &c. The true reading of this passage is in- volved in considerable doubt. The conjectural emendation, which we have given in the text, appears the least objectionable, and was first suggested, we believe, by E. H. Barker. " Did the punish- ment due to the republic, delay, for a single day thereafter, the death of L. Saturninus," &c., i. e. did L. Saturninus, though a tribune of the commons, and C. Servilius, although invested with the praetor- ship, escape the punishment of death, so justly their due, for a single day after the decree in question had been passed 1 The common text has, num unum diem postea L. Satuminum tribunum plebis, et C. Servilium praetorem, mors ac reipublicae poena rem.ora.ta. est ? " Did death, and the punishment due: to the republic, fail, for a single day thereafter, to overtake L. Saturninus," &c. It is ei- tremely questionable, however, whether we can say, in correct La- tinity, poena rcmoratur homincm, " punishment fails to overtake the man." Cicero, elsewhere, uses rem.oro.ri in its ordinary sense, " to delay," or " retard." Thus : " hoe res quae caeteros remorari solent ilium non retardarunt." (Pro. Leg Manil. 14.) Although Propertius, on the other hand, has a passage which seems at first view to favour the common explanation, " Quamvis te longae remo- rentur fata senectae." (1, 19, 17.) But there is nothing here, in reality, to prevent our making remorentur equivalent to retineant. Ernesti gives the ordinary reading, in the passage of Cicero under consideration, but recommends L. Saturnini, tribuni plebis, et C. Sercilii, praetoris, retaining, however, mors ac, (which we have changed to mortem,') and giving to remorata est the intransitive meaning, " to delay," or " linger." But mors ac poena is extremely frigid. As regards the reading which we have adopted, it will be borne in mind, that proper names, and titles of office, are frequently 144 THE FIRST OftATlON Page. 2 written in the MSS. with more or less abbreviation, and that, in consequence of this, the grammatical case can oftentimes be discov- ered only from the context. So that, in fact, mortem for mors ac is the only alteration that appears at all violent, if it even be so in reality. 15. Nos. " We consuls." Referring to himself and colleague. Vicesimum diem. It was, in fact, only the 18th day since Ihe senate had decreed that Cicero and Antonius should see that the republic received no injury. The orator, however, calls it, in round numbers, the 20th. So, in the oration against Piso (c. 2), in place of thirty-six years, he says forty. In the same way, the one hun- dred and five judges at Rome were called centumviri, " the hundred." Compare the remarks of Asconius, in Pison. I. c., and those of Muretus on the present passage. Consult also Manutius, in loc. (Vol. 1, p. 441, ed. Richter,) "Integrum numerum amat orator," &c. 16. Gladium. Omitted in many MSS. and editions ; but de- fended by Ernesti, because inclusum precedes. 17. Confeslim interfectum, &c. " You ought, Catiline, to have been immediately put to death." Convenit is here the perfect tense. Muretus doubts, whether this usage of convenit be in accordance with correct Latinity ; but many examples might be adduced in confirmation of it. One alone will here suffice : " Quo nomine mirart convenit eos." (VelLPaterc. 1, 3.) Compare Boecker, and Bur- mann, ad loc. 18. Cupio. Render the first cupio, " I am desirous, on the one hand," and the second, " I am anxious, on the other." If expressed in Greek, the first of these clauses would have piv, and the second, <5s 19. Dissolutum. " Culpably negligent," i. e. too indulgent. Compare the remark of Ernesti, s. v. " Dissolutus, nimis negligens, opponitur severe et justo," (Clav. Cic.,) and the words of Cicero himself, on another occasion : " Maluisse Domitium crudelem in animadvertendo, quam in praetermittendo dissolution! videri." (in Verr. 5, 3.) 20. Nequitiaeque. The term neqmtia, though generally employed to denote, " worthlessness," "wickedness," "depravity," &c., is here used in a milder sense, for "utter remissness." Compare the language of Cicero, in the eleventh chapter of the present oration : "num est vehementius severitalis ac fortiludinis invidia quam inertiae ac nequitiae pertimescenda ?" Here nequitia is opposed to severitas. 21. In Etruriae faucibus. " In the mountain-defiles that open on Etruria." Cn. Manlius had then near Faesulae, in Etruria, an army, which he had collected from the veteran soldiers of Sylla, AGAINST CATILINE. 145 Pc. ander whom he had himself served. Faesulae stood at the foot of > the Appenines, not far from what is now the city of Florence, and the camp of Manlius was pitched near a narrow defile leading into Etraria. The term fauces is often employed to denote a moun- tain-pass, defile, strait, &c., leading to some place or region. Compare Livy, (42, 54,) " ultraque oppida in faucibus sunt, quae Tempe adeunt." 22. Eorum autem imperatorem. Alluding to Catiline. Atque adea, &c. " Aye, and even in the senate." Credo. " I presume," ironically. Serins. "At too late a period." 23. Certa de causa. " For a certain reason." Cicero is more explicit on this head, at the close of the present oration (c. 12.) His fear was, lest, if Catiline were punished at an early stage of the pro- ceedings, before his guilt became fully developed, he might pass with many for an injured man ; since there were not a few in the city, and even some in the senate, who believed Catiline innocent, and who would have called Cicero a tyrant if he had put him to death. And then, again, even if Catiline himself were capitally punished, the conspiracy would not be crushed, since so many of the guilty participators in it would still remain alive. Cicero's object was to compel Catiline to leave the city, and carry with him all his abandoned confederates ; and hence, in order to intimidate, and drive him to this course, he speaks immediately after of soon putting him to death : " Turn denique interficiam te," &c. 24. Tarn tui similis. " So like thee in character," i. e. so like thee in utter want of principle. Similis and dissimilis, generally speaking, are used with a dative of external resemblance ; but with a genitive of resemblance hi nature or internal constitution. (Zumpt L. G. p. 270. Kenrkk's transl.) 1. Obsessus. " Beset." From obsido, ere. Cicero had numer- Q ous guards on the alert, both from the free towns of Italy and from the capital itself. Ne commoccre te possis, &c. A metaphor bor rowed from the situation of a combatant, who is hemmed in so closely by his opponent as to be unable " to make any farther movement." 2. Prieata domus. Alluding particularly to the house of Laeca. Vocem conjurationis. Cicero obtained full information of the secret meetings and plans of Catiline, through Fulvia and Curius. Consult Historical Index. Graevius and others read voces instead of vocem, but this destroys the personification in conjurationis. If Cicero had written voces, he would have put conjuratorum in place of conjurationis. 3. Si iUustrantur, si erumpunt omnia. " If all your secret plan* 13 146 THE FIRST ORATION Page. Q are made manifest, if they all burst forth into public view." IKus trantur refers back to tenebris, and erumpunt to parietibus. 4. Islam mentem. " That detestable purpose of yours." Cviti- pare note 4, page 1. Mihi crede. "Take me for your adviser." Rely on what I tell you. Quae etiam mecum, &c. " And these you may even review along with me." The student will observe that we have rendered quae by et haec. Wherever the connexion is slight between the antecedent and relative, the latter may be resolved into the conjunction and demonstrative or personal pronoun. (Com- pare Crombie, Gymnasium, vol. 1, p. 162.) 5. Ante diem duodccimum, &c. " On the twelfth day before the kalends of November," i. e. on the 21st of October. This ap- parently anomalous mode of expression" probably arose from a trans- position of ante. Having once written ante die duodecimo kalendas, they would easily be led to change die into diem, as if it had been governed by ante. (Zumpt, L. G. p. 428. Kenrick's trartsL) The date alluded to in the text requires some explanation. On the 20th October, Cicero gave notice to the senate of the existence of a con- spiracy against the state. The consular election was to have been held the next day, the 21st ; but the senate, in consequence of the impending danger, put off the comitia, and resolved to meet on that day for the purpose of deliberating more fully on the subject ; for. otherwise, they could not have done any business on a comitial day. On the 21st, therefore, Cicero, in a full house, called upon Catiline to clear himself from the charge alleged against him ; whereupon the latter, without denying or excusing it, bluntly replied, " that there were two bodies in the republic," meaning the senate and people, " the one of them infirm, with a weak head, the other firm, without a head ; and that this last had so well deserved of him, tliat it should never want a head while he lived." This declaration startled the senate, and they immediately decreed, that the consuls should see that the republic received no injury. The next day, the postponed comitia took place, and Silanus and Murena were elected consuls for the year 691, Catiline being one of the unsuccessful competitors. 6. Ante diem sextum, &c. " The sixth day before the kalends of November," i. e. the 27th October. 7. Id quod multo magis est admirandum. Ernesti regards thcs words sa a gloss, but without sufficient reason. It was, in fact, a sufficient matter of surprise and wonder, that Cicero should have been so well informed, as to be able to predict, in the senate, the very day on which Manlius would be in arms. 8. Te contvlisse. " That you had conspired," i. e. conferred AGAINST CATILINE. 147 Pagei tbout. Conferre is ' to deliberate along with others," not simply Q "to deliberate." Compare Cic. ad Att. 16, 3: " Coram hoc con- feremus, atque de hoc delibcrabimus." 9. In ante diem quintum, &c. " For the fifth day before the kalends of November," i. e. had set down the intended massacre far that day. The phraseology ante diem, &c., has already been noticed, (note 5.) The preposition in is here employed to govern the entire clause, and designates the time for which the intended action is set down, and on which it is to be performed. 10. Principes chitatis. " Leading men of the state." By principes civitalis, Cicero here means principes optimatium. (Com- pare Pro Sext. 45, 48, &c. Pro red. 3.) The term optimates with Cicero generally designates persons distinguished by rank, or politi- cal merit, and sometimes the former only. 11. Reprimendorum. Used here in the sense of impcdiendorum. Profugerunt. Among those who quitted Rome, was M. Licinius Crassus, who had received a letter from Catiline, warning him to depart, which letter he showed to Cicero. (Plut. Vit. Cic. c. 15.) - 12. Nostra qui remansissemus caede. " With the blood of those of us that had remained." The elegant construction here employed is deserving of being noted. The relative is made to refer to an antecedent implied in the possessive. Compare Terence, (Andr. 1. 1. 70,) " Omnes laudare fortwnas meas, qui gnatum haberem tali ingenio praedilum." 13. Praeneste. Neuter accusative singular. This place was situate in Latium, about 23 miles S. E. from Rome. Its citadel is described by Strabo as remarkable for its strength of position, and was therefore an important place for Catiline to seize upon, and for Cicero to endeavour to secure. Consult Geographical Index. Ka- lendis ipsis Novembris. " On the kalends of November," i. e. on the first day of the month. Occupaturum. Muretus says, that no other writer makes mention of this attempt. 14. Praesidiis. These praesidia, custodiae, and mgiliae were composed of the inhabitants of Praeneste, but the whole arrange- ment was Cicero's. 15. Non modo non, &c. We have here the full expression. It is very common, in this construction, for the second non to be omitted. Compare Cor tins, ad Plin. Ep. 8, 7. Muret. Var. Lect. 10, 7. 16. Noctem illam superiorem. "The transactions of the night before the last." The night here meant was that of the 6th Novem- ber, when the meeting was held at the house of Laeca. Compare note 13, page 1. Priori node. "On that former night." Refer- ring again to the night of the Oth. 148 THE FIHST ORATION Page. A 1. Inter Jalcarios. " Into the scythe-makers' street." Th was a street, or district, of Rome, most probably the former, taking its name from the residence of these artisans. The explanation of Priscian is in accordance with this. " Dico te -oenisse inter /alca- nas, id est, in locum ubi sunt falcarii." (Op. cd. Krehl, vol. 2. p. 203.) Livy, somewhat in the same way, uses the term lignarios, (35,42.) " Porticum extra trigeminam inter lignarios fecerunt," where Crevier understands opiftces, but Emesti (Clan. Cic.) nego- tia tores. 2. Complures. Sallust (Cat. 17) gives the names of eleven senators, who were present on this occasion. Compare Pro Sulla. c. 18, seq. Convincam. " I will prove the truth of what I say." 3. In hoc orbis terrae, &c. " In this, the most venerated and august assembly of earth." Cogilent. " Are plotting." The sub- junctive mood is used in this construction for the sake of perspicuity, since the indicative would be ambiguous, and would present a dou- ble meaning. Thus, sunt qui cogitant, means not only, " there are those who plot," but also, "they who plot exist." The subjunctive, therefore, is preferred for the former of these meanings. So, sunt qui dicant, sunt qui legant, &c. 4. Distribuisti -paries Italiae. Sallust (Cat. 27) informs us, that C. Manlius was sent to Faesulae and the adjacent parts of Etruria ; Septimius, a native of Camerinum, into the Picene terri- tory ; C. Julius, into Apulia. 6. Quos Romae relinqueres. According to Sallust, (Cat. 43,) Statilius and Gabinius were to fire the city, and Cethegus to assas- sinate Cicero. Lentulus was to have had, according to Plutarch, a general superintendence of the whole affair, and was to have spared none, in the general massacre, but the sons of Pompey, whom he intended to seize, and hold as hostages for a peace with that com- mander. For there was a report, about this time, that Pompey was returning with his army from the Mithridatic war. (Plut. Vit. Cic. c. 18.) 6. Descripsisli urbis partes, &c. Sallust states, (Cat. 43,) thaf the conspirators were to fire twelve parts of the city at one and the same time. Plutarch, however, informs us, that they had divided Rome into a hundred parts, and had selected the same number of men, to each of whom was allotted his quarter to be set on fire. As this was to be done by them all at the same moment, they hoped that the conflagration would be general. Others were to ntercept the water, and kill all who went to seek it. (Plut. Vit Cic. c. 18.) 7. Confirmasti. " You assured them." Dixitti paullulum, &c. AGAINST CATILINE. 149 Page " "Vnu told them that you still, even then, were in some little degree A hindered from departing." Literally, " that there was still, even then, some little cause of delay -unto you." 8. Duo equites Romani. Sallust (Cat. 38) gives the names, C. Cornelius and L. Vargunteius, but he calls the latter a senator. Vargunteius was probably of equestrian origin. 9. Ilia ipsa node, &c. They were to pay their intended visit early in the morning, a time when the distinguished Romans, and higher magistrates, held their levees, and when clients used to wait upon their patrons. Compare Martial (4, 8, 1,) " Prima salutan- tes, atque alter a conterit hora." 10. Comperi. He obtained his information from Curius through Fulvia. (Sail. Cat. 28.) Exclusi eos, &c. Plutarch informs us, that the assassins came as soon as it was light, and, being denied entrance, grew very insolent and clamorous, which made them the more suspected. He calls them Marcius and Cethegus ; but Cicero, Sallust, Appian and Plutarch are too much at variance with each other, to enable us to give, with precision, all the minor features of the conspiracy. Why the two individuals in question were not ad milled, and then disarmed and put in custody, is difficult for us to imagine, the more especially as Cicero had predicted then- arrival to many of his friends. '-.'- 11. Quae quum ita sint. " Such being the case." Cicero's usual form of expression, in reference to things that have been explained bv him, and may now be regarded as settled and clear ; as, for ex- ample, in the present instance, the existence of a treasonable design on the part of Catiline. 12. Ilia tua Manliana castra. Compare note 21, page 2. 13. Si minus, quam plurimos. " If not all, as many as possible." Murus, strictly speaking, the wall of a city ; moenia, battle- ments, or fortifications; paries, the wall of a house. (Crombie Gymn. vol. 1, p. 2.) Nobiscum versari dintius. " To remain any longer among us." Literally, " to be occupied," or, " engaged, - along with us," &c. 14. Nonferam, &c. " I will not endure, I will hot suffer, I wfll not permit this." The gradation here is worthy of notice. As a man I will not endure thy presence ; as a good citizen, I will not suffer thee to remain unopposed ; as a magistrate, I will not permit thee to continue among us. 15. Atque huic ipsi, &c. " And to Jupiter Stator, in particular, in whose temple we are here assembled." The student will observe the force of huic in designating the place. With regard to ipsi, it may be remarked, that this pronoun is not, in fact, reflective, bu 13* 150 THE FIRST ORATION Page. A serves emphatically to distinguish that to which it is applied from all others. Statori. Jupiter Stator was so called from his having stopped the flight of the Romans, when hard pressed by the Sabines. In the memorable action which was brought to an end by the heroic conduct of the Sabine females, Romulus and his followers had been driven back to the base of the Palatine hill, when he invoked, in his extremity, the aid of Jupiter, and vowed a temple to him on the spot where he was standing, if that god would stop the disgraceful flight of the Romans. The action took a favourable turn, and a temple was accordingly erected, at the foot of the Palatine, to Jupiter, sur- named, from the circumstances of the case, Stator, because he had caused the Romans to make a stand (Stare fecit) in this quarter, against their pursuers. (Liv. 1, 12.) Some editors indulge in the singular error of making the temple of Jupiter Stator to have been in the capitol, thus confounding it with that of Jupiter Capito'.inus. Jupiter Stator is called by Plutarch Erfjo-ioj, and by Dio Cassins OpBiZaios. 16. Habenda est gratia. The common text places habenda est gratia after diis immortalibus. Graevius, on the authority of some of his MSS., removes gratia, and places it after hujus urbis. We have adopted the arrangement recommended by Schiitz, as the more elegant and forcible. 17. Tamque infestam reipublicae. " And so fraught with ruin to the republic." Toties. There is something of the exaggeration of oratory in this, since Catiline had only once before conspired against the state along with Cn. Piso. (Sail. Cat. c. 18.) The reference, however, may also be a general one to his activity in wickedness. g 1. In uno homine. " In the person of a single individual." Ci- cero means that the public weal is no longer to depend on his own life. Some commentators apply these words less correctly to Cati- line. Summa salus. The best MSS. have this order, in place of the common salus summa, and so Graevius and others read. 2. Consult designate. The consuls elect were so called during the interval that elapsed between the period of their election and that of then: entrance upon office. These magistrates, from A. U. C. 600, were elected about the end of July, or beginning of August, and installed on the first of January. Cicero and Catiline had both, been candidates for the consulship, and, when the former succeeded, Catiline endeavoured to murder him in the Campus Martius, and . elsewhere, by his private emissaries, ("omnibus modis insidias parabut Ciceroni." Sail. Cat. c. 26.) 3. Proximis comitiis consularibus. Referring to the 22d of AGAINST CATILINE. 151 Pate. October, the previous month. (Compare note 5, page 3.) On the fj day of election here alluded to, Cicero, as Plutarch informs us, put on a coat of mail : the principal persons in Rome conducted him from his house, and great numbers of the youth attended him to the Campus Martius. There he threw back his robe, and displayed part of the coat of mail, on purpose to point out his danger. The people were incensed, and immediately gathered about him , the consequence of which was, that Catiline was again rejected, and Silanus and Murena were chosen consuls. ( Vit. Cic. c. 14.) 4. Campo. The consular comitia were held in the C impus Mar- tius. Competitares. Silanus and Murena. Amicorum praesidio, &c. Consult note 3. Me pelisti. " You aimed a thrust at me." A gladiatorial term. Compare Cicero's language towards the close of chapter 6. " Quot ego tuas petitiones" &c. 5. Esse conjunctam. " Was intimately connected." Petit. " You aim a blow at." Compare note 4. Ad exitium et vastita- tem vocas. " You summon to ruin and desolation." Elegantly used instead of the more common phraseology, " Evertere et solo aequare machinaris." 6. Quoniam id, quod primum, &c. " Since I dare not yet pur- sue that course which first suggests itself, and is in strict accord- ance with the principles of this government, and the administration of our forefathers," i. e. inflict capital punishment upon you. Some commentators refer the erpression hujus imperil to the consular office, (" and is in strict accordance with the nature of that office which I now fill,") but the other interpretation seems preferable. 7. Ad severitatem. " In point of severity." Et ad communem, &c. " And, as regards the common safety, productive of more de- cided advantage." 8. Reliqua conjuratorum manus. Ernesti thinks reliqua too frigid, and suggests aliqua, which appears to us still more frigid than reliqua. 9. Exhaurielur ex urbe, &c. " That foul gathering of thy fol- lowers, large in point of number, and fraught with ruin to the state, will be drained away from our city," L e. that worthless crew of thy abandoned followers, so large in number, and who are plotting only ruin to the state, will be driven far away from our city. Sentina, properly means that part of the ship where the bilge-water collects. It is then taken to denote the bilge-water itself ; and finally any worthless and impure collection of persons. Cicero, in the following passage, employs the term in speaking of the lowest of the people, the very dregs of the city : " Hoc enim verbo est usus, quasi de aliqua tentma. ac non de optimorum civium genere loqueretur." It will ] 52 THE FIRST ORATION Page. be perceived from an examination of the text, that we have made a 5 change in the arrangement of the latter part of the clause. The common reading is perniciosa sentina reipublicae, and reipublicae -is thus regarded as a genitive, forming with comilum a double geni- tive, in imitation of the Greek. (Goerenz, ad Cic. Leg. 2, 17, 42, p. 169. Matthiae, G. G. 380, vol. 2, p. 608, Kenrick's transl.) Ernesti, however, with very good reason, suspects this genitive rei- publicae to be a mere interpolation, since ex urbe, which is suffi- cient for the sense, precedes. He retains it, notwithstanding, in his text. We have also retained reipublicae, but have placed it be- fore sentina, and have made it depend, as a dative, on perniciosa. It may be that sentina reipublicae, was written originally by some copyist for reipublicae sentina, (a common error in MSS.,) and the true position of the words may at first have been designated by small numbers placed over them, which numbers were omitted by subsequent copyists, and the erroneous order allowed to remain. (Compare Parson's Letter to Dalzel, Mus. Crit. vol. 1, p. 336.) 10. Tua sponte faciebas. " You. were inclined to do of your own accord." Faciebas is here equivalent tofacere volebas. Exire ex urbe, &c. How much stronger than if he had said, " exire ex urbe Cicero Catilinam jubet." 11. Num in cxsilium ? Cicero purposely avoids ordering Cati- line to go into exile. This would have been, in the present stage of the case, a hazardous experiment, as it might have exposed him to the charge of an odious and tyrannical exercise of authority. The Romans were averse to the using of the word exile, even in their judicial sentences, and hence the punishment of expatriation was called ignis et aquae interdictio, " interdicting from fire and water," by the force of which a person was compelled to leave Italy. It was a settled principle, that no Roman citizen could lose, without his own consent, the right of citizenship, and hence, when a person was to be banished, he was, by a fiction of law, interdicted from fire and water. (Heinecc. Antiq. Rom. 1, 16, 10, ed Haubold, p. 184.) 12. Extra istam conjurationem, &c. " Unconnected with that conspiracy of yours and your abandoned followers." The pronoun iste here marks the person, and also denotes scorn and contempt on the part of the speaker. Compare note 4, page 1 . 13. Quae nota, &c. " What mark of domestic turpitude has not been branded on your character 1 !" Nota was applied by the Ro- mans to the mark branded on a fugitive slave when retaken, (Cic Off. 2, 7,) and also to the stigma imposed by the censors for im- moral conduct. (Pro. Cluent. 46.) So the voice of public scorn had branded, with infamy, the character of Catiline. According to Plu- AGAINST CATILINE. 153 Page. larch, Sallust, and Asconius, Catiline had slain his own brother, Q had murdered his own son, that there might be no obstacle to his marriage with Aurelia Orestilla, and had indulged in incestuous intercourse with an illegitimate daughter of his. 14. Quod privatarum renim, &c. " What shameful conduct in private life clings not to you for your lasting infamy 1" Literally, " adheres not to your infamy." This clause is strongly suspected of being a mere interpolation, since the same idea is already ex pressed by the words " Quae nota," &c. It was very probably, at first, a mere marginal interpretation, given by some scholiast to the words quae nota, &c., and gradually found its way into the text. The Latipity of non haeret infamiae is very questionable, and savours strongly of the style of a scholiast. 15. Quae libido. " What scenes of impurity." Compare the remark of Doering, ad. loc. : " Oculis nempe homines libidinosi vcnari solent libidinis alimenta." 16. Quod facinus. "What daring deed." Quod flagitium. ''What infamous pollution." The distinction between facinus and flugitium should be noted. Facinus denotes a bojd or daring action, and unless it be joined with a favourable epithet, or the action be previously described as commendable, the term is always to be un- derstood in a vituperative sense. Flagitium refers chiefly to dis- graceful and lustful excess, though it sometimes denotes any fault, error, or crime, that reflects dishonour on the offender. (Crombie Gymnasium, vol. 2, p. 162.) 17. Quern corruptelarum illecclris irretisses. " Whom you had entangled amid the allurements of your corrupting arts." Compare Sallust Cat. c. 14. " Sed maxume adolescentium familiaritates adpetebat" &c. 18. Facem praetulisti. -Alluding to Catiline's initiating the young into the revels of the night, and being, as it were, their guide to scenes of debauchery. 19. Vacuefecisses. Catiline was said to have poisoned his first wife, in order to make way for Aurelia Orestilla, and, beside this, to have murdered his SOB by the former marriage, that he might no be an obstacle to his second union. Alio incredibili scelere. The murder of his son. Compare Catullus, (64, 402,) " Optavit genitoi primaevi funera gnati" &c. 1. Tanti facinoris immanilas. " So monstrous a piece of wick- f! edness." Literally, " the enormity of so great a crime." 2. Proximis idibus. His creditors would then be entitled to call for the interest on their advances. Among the Romans, the Calends and Ides were the two periods of the month, when money was either 154 THK FIRST ORATION Pe. Q laid out at interest or called in, or else the interest demanded lor what was on loan. Compare Horace, (Sat. 1, 3, 87,) " Quum tristes misero venere kalendae," and also, (Epod. 2, 69,) " Omnem redegit idibus pecuniam, &c. The present oration was delivered on the 8th of November, and the next Ides would be on the thir- teenth. The Ides fell on the 15th of March, May, July, and Octo- ber, and the 13th of the other months. 3. Domeslicam tuam difficultatem. " Your domestic difficulties," i. e. your debts. Compare Verr. 2, 28 : " Ostendit se in summa difficultate esse numaria." 4. Hujus vitae lux. Graevius and others read merely haec lux, but then, as Ernesti correctly remarks, the whole relation is lost between hujus vitae lux, and hujus coeli spiritus. 5. Pridie kalendas Januarias. The time here meant is the 31st December. Sallust gives a brief account of this earlier conspiracy, (Cat. 18.) The plan was, to murder the consuls in the capitol, and then, for Catiline and Autronius to seize upon the consular author- ity. Suetonius (Vit. lul. Caes, c. 9) informs us, on the faith of contemporary writers, that Caesar and Crassus had taken part in this conspiracy, and that it failed from Caesar's not having given the preconcerted signal, in consequence of Crassus's not appearing at the appointed time. According to Sallust, the plot failed a second time, on the nones (5th) of February, in consequence of Catiline's having given the signal for action before a sufficient number of con- spirators had assembled. 6. Lepido et Tullo consulibus. A. U. C. 687. Catiline, being accused of extortion, was unable to stand candidate for the consul- ship, and hence, inflamed with hatred and disappointment, he resolved to murder the new consuls. 7. Stetisse in eomitio cum telo. " Took your station in the comi- tium with a dagger." The comitium was that part of the forum where the comitia met. It was forbidden by one of the laws of the twelve tables, to carry any weapon within the city. The allusion in the text has already been explained under note 5. 8. Non mentem aliquam. " That no change of mind." This is the interpretation commonly given to the clause. It is susceptible, however, of a different meaning, " that no return of mind," i. e. no glimpse of reason, and consequent remorse, amid his phrensy. 9. Fortunam. " The wonted good-fortune." Compare Sallust, (Cat. c. 41,) " Tandem ricit fortuna reipublicae." 10. Neque enim sunt, &c. "For neither are they concealed from the knowledge of all, nor have only a few been committed by thee subsequent to that event." The common text has multo post. AGAINST CATILINE. 153 v _ an erroneous reading. The best editions give multa instead of ft multo. 11. Quot ego tuas petitiones, &c. " How many thrusts of thine, aimed in such a way that they seemed impossible to be shunned, have I avoided by a slight turning away, as it were, and, to borrow the language of the gladiatorial schools, by the movements of my body." Petitio, declinatio, corpus, and effugio, are all gladiatorial terms, purposely employed by Cicero, that he may seem to regard Catiline as no better than one of this class of persons. Compare the language he uses in the second oration against Catiline, (c. 11,) " Gladiatori illi confecto et saucio consules opponite," &c. 12. Nihil agis, &c. "You do nothing, you contrive nothing, you meditate nothing." The student will observe the regular grada- tion of ideas. We have retained the common reading with Ernesti. Some editors reject nihil moliris, quod mihi latere valeat in tern- pore, but without any propriety. The words from quod to tempore, both inclusive, are wanting in some manuscripts. 13. In tempore. " At the very moment when it is of advantage to me to know them." Equivalent to illo tempore quo ilia scire mihi utile sit. Compare the Greek form ev xaipy, and Drakenb. ad Liv. 8, 7. 14. Quoties jam, &c. " How often before this has that dagger of thine been wrested from thy grasp 1" 15. Tamen ea carere diutius non poles. These words are omit- ted by some editors, as not required by the context, and savouring, therefore, of interpolation. They are susceptible, however, of an easy defence : " Still you cannot be deprived of it for a longer period than the mere instant," i. e. no matter how often it be wrested, or fall, from your grasp, it is sure, the very next instant, to be in your hands again. They who reject this clause do not seem to have paid sufficient attention to the force of the comparative diutius. 16. Quae quidem, &c. As the relative begins the clause, and the connexion between it and the antecedent is comparatively slight, it must be rendered by the pronoun ha.ec. (Compare note 4, page 3.) " With what unhallowed rites this same dagger has been consecrated by tb.ee and devoted to its purpose, I do not know, that you deem it a matter of solemn obligation to plunge it into the bosom of a consul." Cicero is thought to allude here to the horrid sacrifice of a human being, at the house of Catiline, an account of which is given by Sallust, (Cat. c. 23,) and Dio Cassius, (37, 30 vol. 1, p. 131, ed. Reimar.') The sacrificial knife was consecrated to that purpose alone : Cicero insinuates that Catiline had a weapon dedi- cated to the sole purpose of slaying the consuls. 156 THE FIRST ORATION Page. (J 17. Odio. "By the detestation." Quae tibi nulla dcbetur. "No portion of which is justly your due." '18. Paullo ante. " A moment ago." Ex hac tanta frequentia. " Of this so crowded a house." Referring to the full numbers of the senate, whom thb intelligence of the conspiracy had drawn together. 19. Salutamt. When Catiline came into this meeting, and took his seat, all the senators abandoned that part of the subsellia, or benches, where he had placed himself, and not one of his private friends dared to salute him. 20. Vocis exspectas contumetiam, &c. " Do you wait for an open affront conveyed to your ears by the voices of these present, when you have been overpowered by that most expressive sentence which their very silence has passed upon you 1 ?" A paraphrase has been here employed, to give what a literal translation would only serve to obscure. The contumelia vocis is the same as if the sena- tors had openly called Catiline a public enemy ; the judicium taci- lurnitatis refers to the manner in which he was received on coming into the senate. The student will mark the force of the subjunc- tive oppressus sis, as denoting what is, to all appearance, passing in the mind of Catiline. 21. Ista. The orator here points to the place where Catiline is seated. Compare note 4, page 1. Subsellia. The seats of the senators are here called subsellia, in opposition to the elevated place , where the consul had his curule chair. Subsellium properly means a low bench or seat. 22. Nudam atque inanem. " Completely bare." The [Latin writers frequently employ two epithets, of almost the same import, to give additional strength to the idea. "7 1. Servi mehercule, &.c. Muretus passes a high and richly-de- served encomium on the force and skill which characterize this pas- sage. It is, in truth, an excellent illustration of the argument a fortiori. 2. Injuria. ''Without just cause." Offensum. "Odious." Compare Casaubon, ad Suet. Jul. 19. Omnium oculis. We have adopted the order of Graevius, as more in accordance with euphony. The common text has oculis omnium. 3. Vulneras. " You are every day wounding." Vulnero is here used somewhat in the sense of laedo. Compare chapter 4. " Eo* nondum voce vulnero." 4. Omnium nostrum parens. Compare the beautiful passage 111 the treatise de Ojficiis : " Cart sunt parentes, cari liberi, propinqui, familiarcs, sed omne* omnium caritatet f atria, una complexa est ' AGAINST CATILINE. 157 Page. 5. Et jamdiu te nihil judicat, &c. The common text has de te. "y We have rejected the preposition, according to the suggestion of Lambinus, which is approved of by Muretus ana Graevius. If de be retained, the sense requires the insertion of another te, in the accusative, before cogitare, which would be extremely awkward and inelegant. 6. Parricidio suo. " Her ruin." The term parricidium, among he Roman writers, indicates not merely the murder of parents, but also, of those with whom one stands in any near and intimate rela- tion. Compare the language of one of the old lawyers : " Lege Pompeia dc parricidis tenetur, qui patrem, malrem, avum, aviam, fratrem, sororem, patronum, patrtmam occiderit." (Pauli Sentent. lib. 5, tit. 24.) 7. Hujus tu nequc, &c. " Will you neither respect her authority, nor be guided by her opinion, nor stand in awe of her power 1" Ju- dicium is here equivalent to sententiam. His country had come to the conclusion, that Catiline ought to depart from her and go into exile. 8. Tacita loquitur. What the grammarians call an oxymoron, an apparent contradiction in terms. So in the following chapter, " quum tacent clamant." 9. Mvltorum civium neces. Alluding to the murders committed by Catiline, as a partisan, and during the proscriptions, of Sylla. Consult Historical Index. 10. Sociorum. Catiline had, as praetor, obtained Africa for his government, where he was guilty of great extortion and rapine. On his return to Rome, he was accused by Publius Clodius, but escaped by bribing his accuser and the judges who tried him. 11. Quaestiones. " Public prosecutions." Consult Legal Index. 12. Quidquid increpuerit, &c. "For Catiline to be feared, on every alarm." Literally, quidquid increpuerit, " Whatever noise may have been made." Compare Livy, 4, 43 : " Si quid increpet terroiis." 13. Quod a tuo seder e abhoneat. "That is free from your guilty paiuicijjation." In which you do not bear a part. 14. Si est verus, &c. What Hermogenes calls a o^pa uAaici) HScajnof. Compare Lipsius, ad. Tacit. Ann. 6, 4. 18. M\ Lepidum. We nave given the praenomen as M\, (i. c. Manium) instead of the common reading M. (Marcum.) The Lepi- dus here meant was Manius, not Marcus, Lepidus, who held the consulship with Volcatius Tullus. Compare Manutius, ad. loc., and also the remarks of Morgenstern and Beck. 19. Habitare. " To take up your residence." Q 1. Parietibus. The term paries most commonly denotes tho wall of a house. Its primitive meaning appears to have been a party, or separation, wall. In the following passage it signifies a wall for upholding or supporting. " Parietes fornicum perfossi urbem patefecerunt." (Liv. 44, 11.) 2. Qvi essem. " Since I was." Qui is joined to the subjunc- tive mood, when the relative clause states some circumstance r>e- longing to the antecedent, as accounting for the principal fact, or as contributing to its production. (Crombie, Gymnasium, vol. 2, p. 26.) 3. Q. Metellum. Cicero refers to Q. Caecilius Metellus CeHr, who was subsequently despatched by him to raise an armed fore against Catiline in the Gallic and Picene territories. (Compaq Oral. 2, in Cat. chapters 2, and 12.) He was consul with L Afranius, two years afterward. 4. Virum optimum. Used ironically. Compare Quintilian (9, 2. M. Marcellum. The father of Marius Marcellus, one of the ac complices of Catiline. (Pro Sexl. 4.) Orosius, in the following AGAINST CATILINE. 159 Page. passage, makes mention of both father and son : " Molus etiam in W Pelignis ortus a Marcdiis, patre ctfdio, per L. Vcclium proditus, palefacta Calilinae conjuratione, quasi succisa radice, conipressus cst," &c. (6, 4.) We must be careful, however, not to confound the Marcellus here mentioned with the one named by Cicero a little after, and whom he styles vir fortissimus. This latter was the one whom he defended before Caesar. 5. Videlicet. Ironical. " No doubt." Ad suspicandum. " In spying out your secret movements." Ad viudicandmn. "In bring- ing you to justice." 6. Morari. We have retained the common reading. Many editions have emori, and they who give this lection think that Cicero probably meant to warn Catiline, that his remaining in Rome would but lead to a speedy death. Cicero, however, is not speaking of a death to be patiently endured by Catiline, but of the utter impossi- bility of that individual's remaining aruj longer in a city, where every object must remind him of his own guilty schemes, and of the hatred and contempt which these had brought upon him. Besides morari and afore are in direct opposition, and the presence of the latter requires the former as a matter of course. 7. Refer, inquis, ad scnatum. " Lay the matter, you say, before the senate." Referre ad senatum was the usual phrase for the laying of any matter before the Roman senate. If the consuls were in the city at the time when any such reference was to be made, they, by virtue of their office, consulted the senate on the matter in question. If they were absent, the reference was made by the other magistrates, according to their respective rank. (Aul Gell. 14, 7.) 8. Quod alhorret a meis moribus. " Which is repugnant to my character." As Cicero was naturally averse to harshness and severity, he was unwilling to lay the affair of Catiline formally before the senate, since he knew that the latter would, most certainly, condemn him. His object was to induce him to quit the city. 9. Faciam, ut intelligas. " I will act in such a way that you may clearly perceive." He means, that he will tell him openly to go into exile, and that the senate will sanction this bold step on the part of Cicero, by their total silence. 10. Hanc vocem. "This word." Consult note 11, page 5. 11. Quid est, Catilinal Cicero probably made a pause at the end of the previous sentence, that Catiline might observe the more clearly, from the total silence of the assembled senators, how com- oletely their sentiments accent with those of the speaker. He 160 THK FIRST ORATION Page. g then exclaims, in reference to the silence which prevails on ail sides : "What is this, Catiline 1" 12. Paliuntur, taccnl. " They suffer me to address you in this language, they are silent," i. e. they permit me to use this bold language towards you, and to bid you go into exile, because they believe, with me, that you are an enemy to your country ; and no one raises his voice in your behalf. 13. Quid cxspectas auctoritatem, &c. "Why do you wait lor their authorizing this by their voices, when you clearly perceive their wishes although they are silent " Cicero refers to their con- firming, by word of mouth, the order which he had given Catiline to depart into exile. 14. P. Sextio. P. Sextius Gallus, who was quaestor to tha consul Antonius, and whom Cicero subsequently defended in an oration which has come down to us. 15. M. Mar cello. This is the Marcellus whom Cicero after- wards defended before Caesar. Consult Historical Index. 16. Jam. "Ere now." Vim ct manus. "The hand of vio- lence." Literally, " violence and their hands." A species of hen diadys. 17. De te. "With regard to you." Cum quicscunt, &c. " When they remain quiet, they actually approve of my conduct ; when they permit me to use this language, they, in truth, decree to that effect ; when they keep silence, they, in fact, proclaim loudly their sentiments." Probant. The senate approve of the course which Cicero has just pursued towards Catiline, in ordering him into exile. Decernunt. They actually decree that he go into exile. Clamant. They loudly proclaim, as it were, their decided convic tion of Catiline's being a foe to his country. 18. Quorum tibi auctoritas, &c. " Whose authority, it seems, is highly respected by you ; whose lives are most cheap in your eyes." Catiline pretended great respect for the authority and sanc- tion of the senate, but held their lives, in fact, so cheap, as to have marked out the majority of them for destruction. 19. Sed etiam Mi equites Romani. " But even those Roman knights do the same," i. e. silcntio probant. 20. Qui circumstant senalum. A body of Roman knights, and otner patriotic citizens, were in arms around the temple in which the senate were convened, in order to protect them from any sudden attack on the part of the conspirators, in case such, a? was strongly apprehended, should take place. Voces. Referring to the patriotic cries of those assembled without the temple. 21. Usque ad portas proseguanlur. Those who went into volun- AGAINST CATILINE. 161 Page. eary exile were generally accompanied to the city gates by large Q numbers of their friends. Cicero promises an escort of knights to Cati- line, if he will abandon Rome. The orator means, that, through joy to rid themselves of him. they will see liim safely to the gates of the city. 22. Quamquam. " And yet." Compare the remarks of Forcel- lini, on this usage of quamquam : " Venustatem habet, cum quis se ipsum corrigit ;" and consult the following passages where it occurs in the same sense : Cic. N. D. 3, 16 : Virg. Aen. 5, 195. 23. Te ut ulla. res frangat 1 &c. " Is it to be expected that any thing can ever break that obstinate spirit of yours 1 that you can ever reform 1" We must supply before ut, in this passage, the words sperandumne sit fore, or something equivalent. Drakenborch (ad Liv.. 4, 2, 12) has collected examples of this elegant and ellip- tical usage of the particle ul. Frangat. As regards the peculiar force of this verb in such passages as the present, compare Liv. 2, 23; and consult Brouckhous, ad Tibull. 1, 9, 71. 1. Duint. An archaism for dent. This form occurs also in O Livy, as forming part of the language of a vow : " Bellona, si hodie nobis victoriam duis, ast ego templum till voveo.'' (10, 19.) Be- sides being used on such solemn occasions, it is frequently met with among the comic writers. 2. Sed est mihi tanti. " But it is worth this sacrifice." As if he had said : " Reipublicae solus est mihi tanti momenti, ut huic impendenti invidiae tempestati me objiciam." 3. Privata sit. " Be private in its character," i. e. concern me individually ; fall only on my head. 4. Sed tn ut mtiis tuis commoveare. " But that you can be at all affected by the consciousness of your crimes." Vitia is here used to denote any evil deeds. 5. Ut temporibus reipublicae concedas. " That you can yield to the interests of the republic." It is the same as if Cicero had said: " Ut a consilio luo recedas, et ea, quae praesens reipublicae status postulat, fari patiaris." We have given concedas with the greater number of editions. Graevius, Lallemand, Beck, and Schiitz, prefer cedas, which is found in some manuscripts, and this reading is also defended by Goerenz, ad Cic. de Leg. 3, 11, 26, p. 251. But con- cedo is often used by Cicero for the simple cedo. Compare, Ep. ai Fam. 4, 3: ad Alt. 14, 18 : Verr. 2, 44 : Rose. Am. 40. 6. Pud or. "A sense of shame." Unquam. This word does not appear in the common text. Quintilian, (9, '3, 62,) in quoting the passage inserts it after pudor, a reading which Schiitz and Mat- thiae adopt. We have removed it to its present place as giving a fuller sound to the sentence. 14* 162 THE FIRST OKATION Page. Q 7. Recta. Supply via. Thus Terence, Andr. 3, 4, 21 : " Quin hinc recta in pislrinum proficitcar via." 8. Sermoncs hominum, " The remarks of men," i. e. the cen- sures that will be heaped upon me for my tyrannical conduct. Compare Cic. Vetr. 4, 7 : " In scrmoncm hominum atque mtupera- tionem venire" and Ep^ ad Alt. 2, 14: " Vapulare sermonibus." 9. Molem istius invidiae. " The weight of that odium which you will thus bring upon me." The student will mark the force of the pronoun iste, and consult note 4, page 1. 10. Scrvire meae laudi et gloriae. " To subserve the purposes of my praise and my glory," i. e. to advance my reputation and glory. Cicero resorts to an artful dilemma. Catiline may entertain either hostile or friendly feelings towards Cicero, just as he pleases, for the purpose either of exposing him to odium, or contributing to his renown, but in either event he must leave the city. 11. Cum importuna sceleratorum manu. "With thy lawless band of miscreants." Importunus here denotes a total disregard for what time, place, circumstance and person demand. Hence it obtains the signification of " unbridled," " outrageous," " intolera- ble," &c. Compare Verr. 6, 50 : " Tmportunissimae libidines," " the most unbridled desires," and Cat. 2, 6 : Importunissimut hostis." 12. Impio lalrocinio. " In your impious scheme of robbery." It is called " impious," or unhallowed, because directed against his native country. Latrocinium, in its earliest acceptation, meant merely the service of a soldier, and the primitive meaning of latro itself was the same as miles. The idea of robbery and plunder was associated with it at a later period, from the plundering habits of disbanded soldiers. Festus derives latro from the Greek Aa^a'a. " service," where others, however, by a change of reading, make \drpov, " pay," the root. (Lindemann. Corp. Gram. Lat. vol. 1 p. 88.) Varro's derivation of the term from latus, because the latrones, at first, like a kind of body-guard, protected the side of the king or commander, (" circum late.ro. crant regi") or, because they wore swords by their sides, (" ad latera habebant ferrum .'") is now deservedly rejected. 13. Quamquam. " And yet." Compare note 22, page 8. 14. Qui tibi ad Forum Aurelium, &c. "To wait for thee in arms near Forum Aurelium." The preposition ad, with the name of a place, denotes immediate proximity, but not the being in the place itself. Towns were called Fora by the Romans, where the praetor held what we would term his circuits, for administering jus- ice, and where also markets were established. The town of Forum AGAINST CATILINE. 163 Page. Aurelium, (now Monte Alto,) \vas situate in Etruria, and took the O fctter part of its name from the Via Aurelia on which it stood, and which led from Rome to Pisa. The Aurelian way was con- tinued from this latter place, A. U. C. 639, by the consul Aemilius Scaurus, under the name of Via Aemilia, as far as Dertona, (now Tortona,) and at a later period was carried from Vada Sabata (where it had left the coast for Dertona) to the Maritime Alps, and even beyond them into Gaul as far as Arelate (now Aries.) Consult Cramer's Anct. Italy, vol. 1, p. 35, and Anton. Itin. p. 288, ed. Wesseling. Sigon. Ant. Jur. Ital. 2, 5. 15. Cut sci&m. The common text has quum sciam, Emesti merely sciam. We have inserted cat with Beck and Schutz, " conncinnitatis gratia." 16. Aquilam illam argenteam. The same which Marius had in his army in the Cimbric war. Catiline fell beside it in the battle which ended the conspiracy. (Sail. Cat. 59.) Among the Romans, a silver eagle, with expanded wings, on the top of a spear, some- times holding a thunderbolt in its claws, with the figure of a small chapel above it, and occasionally also having the chapel over it, was the main standard of the legion. It was anciently carried before the Triarii, or third rank, composed of the oldest soldiers ; but, after the time of Marius, in the first line, and near it was the ordinary place of the general. The reason of this change of place appears to have been, because, in the time of Marius, the best troops began to be placed first. Consult Salmas. de Re Milit. c. 6. Lips, de Mil. Rom. lib. 4, dial. 3 and 5. Rascke, Lex. Ret. Num. s. v. Aquila Legionaria. 17. Cui domi tuae, &c. " For which a shrine was established at your own home, where your crimes were offered up as appropriate incense." We have been compelled to resort to a paraphrase, in order to express more clearly the meaning of the orator. It has been stated in the previous note, that the eagle of the legion was sometimes placed in a kind of chapel, or acdicufa, and at other times was represented either without any such chapel, or as having it above the wings. Dio Cassius (40, 18) is very explicit respecting the first of these : la-n ft. vtas /jiitpdf, nai iv O.VTM dcros ^.otxrofij ivli- pvrai. So Catiline, in the figurative language of Cicero, had, by keeping the Marjan eagle at his own home, established there, in fact, a kind of sanctuary for it ; and, as the Roman soldiers were accus- tomed to pay adoration to their standards, so he, according to the orator, might be said to have adored the one in his possession, and to have invoked it as the tutelary deity of intended violence and *apine. With regard to the different forms of the legionary standard, 164 THE FIRST ORATION Page. <) already alluded to, consult Slewech. ad Veget. R. M. lib. 2, c. 6, PL 121, and the authorities cited by Reimar, ad Dion. Cass. 1. c., where the error of Lipsius is corrected, who confounds the smal? temple mentioned by Dio with the sanctuary of the camp where all the standards were worshipped. 18. Tu ut ilia, &c. "Is it to be believed that you can any longer," &c. Supply credendumne si/, fore, and consult note 23, page 8. Islam impiam dexteram. " That impious right hand of thine." 19. Haecres. i.e. hoc helium contra patriam, haeccivium caedes. It is incorrect to apply these words to Catiline's forced departure from the city. Ad hanc te amentiam, &c. " It was for this mad career of crime that nature gave you being, inclination trained, fate reserved you." 20. Nisi nefarium. "Unless of an unhallowed character." Bellum nefarium means a war against his native country, and hence impious and unhallowed. Nactus es. " You have got together." Atque ab omni, &c. The order is, atque (ex) derelictis ab nort modo omni for tuna, verum etiam (a) spe. |jfj 1. Hie. i. e. inter ejusmodi hominum gregem. Qua laetilia pcrfmere, &c. " What gratification will you experience, with what joy will you exult, in what delight will you revel." Cortius, ad Plin. Ep. 4, 15, conjectures perfiuas in place of perfruere, bu; the emendation is of no great value. If any change be needed, it would be to reject the words qua laetitia perfruere, as an explana- tory gloss of what follows, viz. : quibus gaudiis exsultabis 1 2. Ad hujus vitae studium, &c. " It was to prepare you, no doubt, for the zealous pursuit of such a life as this, that all those labours of yours, as they are called, were gone through with." Meditari is here used passively, in the sense of agi or exerceri. The whole passage is full of irony and bitter scorn. 3. Ad obsidendum stuprum. " For the purpose of watching an opportunity for debauchery." The literal meaning is, " to He in wait for debauchery." Compare Verr. 1, 2 : " Qui meum tempus ebsideret." Ad facinus obeundum. " For the execution of some daring and wicked enterprise." 4. Bonis occisorum. Graevius and some other editors give otiosorum from a few MSS. But this destroys the force of Cicero's remark. The orator means, that Catiline enriched himself by plun- dering the property of those who had been proscribed during the civil contests of Sylla and Marius, he being a partisan of the former Consult Historical Index, s. v. Catilina. 5. Habes ubi ostentes. " You have now i glorious field for di- AUA1XST CATILINE. 105 Page playing." Ironical. Patientiam famis, &c. Compare Sallust, 1ft Cat. 5, and Or. pro. Cod. 6. 8, Confectum. "Undone." Cum te a consulatu repuli. Cicero means, when his influence prevented Catiline from being elected to the consulship. 7. Exul. We have given this, and also consul, in Italics, to mark the paronomasia. So likewise latrocinium and bellum. 8. Nunc, ut a me, &c. " Now, Conscript Fathers, that I may, in the most earnest and solemn manner, remove from me what seems, as it were, an almost well-grounded complaint on the part of my country." Quamdam (literally, " a certain") is purposely em ployed to qualify prope justam. The verb detestari here denotes, " to seek to remove any thing from one, such as blame, accusation, &c., by the utmost earnestness of manner, adjuring, calling to wit- ness all that one holds dear;" while deprecari rises upon it in meaning, " to pray in the most solemn manner, to entreat fervently to supplicate, that one may be freed from certain consequences.' Compare Erncsti, Clav. Cic. s. v. 9. Percipite quaeso, quae dicam, &c. The oratorical skill with which Cicero brings this oration to a close, is admirable. He had, already, in the earlier part of the discourse, repeatedly asserted, that it was fully in his power to put Catiline to death if he felt inclined. In order to support this assertion once more in the strongest manner he introduces the striking personification of his own country, com- plaining that he had not removed Catiline from existence, when it was his duty to have done so. The three grounds of excuse, which might have exonerated him from censure in the case of an ordinary offender, his country here pronounces utterly insufficient to excuse his inaction. 1. The custom of early days. Why, in earlier days, replies his country, even individuals uninvested with magistracy, as, for example, Scipio Nasica, put to death with their own hands the disturbers of the public repose. 2. The law which forbade any Roman citizen's being put to death. But, replies his country, no man who fails in his duty as a citizen, can claim the privileges of on e. 3. The dread of public odium, for what might seem too harsh an exercise of authority. A man, like Cicero, whom the republic had elevated, in so extraordinary manner, to the highest office in her gift, is bound, when the safety of that republic is at stake, to consid er personal odium or danger as of only secondary importance. All this forms, as Muretus remarks, " ovalionem moratam." ] 0. M. Tulli, quid agis 1 Compare the address of his country to Socrates, in the Crilon of Plato, ( 11,) eiiri poi, o> Eco*oar, ri i OJ ?<$ tOU.IV J C. T. \. [66 THE FIRST ORATION Page. 1Q 1 1 . Evocalorem scrvorum. Those soldiers who had served out their time, (emeriti,') and those who, from Sylla's time downward, had received, instead of a military pension, a piece of ground to cul- tivate and dwell on, were always, in case of any sudden and danger- ous emergency, compelled again to enter the ranks and perform military service. When this was to be done, persons were sent to summon them, called conquisitores or cvocatores. (Dio Cass. 44, 12. Lips, de Mil. Rom. 1, 8. Turneb. Adverg. 1, 9. Stewech. y.d Veget. 2, 3.) We see from this, with what bitter scorn Catiline is called evocator servorum, as if he had gone into their very work- shops and summoned them forth to insurrection and deeds of blood. 12. Non cmissus ex urbe, &c. On the principle, that, if allowed to escape, he will only return with surer means of destruction. 13. Mactari. " To be visited." Used here for affici. The verb mactare is the official term, properly, for slaying a victim at a sacri- fice, after the salted meal had been sprinkled between the horns, and all the other ceremonies performed. In its primitive sense, however, it is equivalent merely to magis augere, and hence, when applied to a sacrifice, means in strictness, to go on and consummate what has been already begun, i. e. to slay the victim. It is in this way only we can explain such phrases as the following : " mactant honoribus," " they advance with honours," i. e. heap fresh honours upon: (Cic. de Repub. ap. Non. c. 4, n. 291.) " Li berum pair em fanorum consecratione mactatis." "Ye do honour to father Bac- :hus," &c. (Arnob. 1, p. 24.) Compare also the forms macte vir- tute, macte ingenio, &c. The propriety of Cicero's phrase will now be fully apparent. His country tells him that something more must be done ; the last act, the finishing blow to the conspiracy, must now be attended to, in putting Catiline to death. 14. Mosne majorum. Their forefathers would not put a Roman citizen to death without the order of the Roman people. At per- saepe etiam privali, &c. Cicero alludes particularly to the case of P. Scipio Nasica, who headed the party of the nobility when Tibe- rius Gracchus was slain. The expression persaepe falls under the head of what may be denominated oratorical exaggeration, since justifiable instances of this nature were by no means frequent. 15. An leges. The Porcian and Sempronian laws in particular. The former ordained, that no Roman citizen should be bound, scourged, or put to death. (Pro. Rab. 4. Verr. 5, 63. Liv. 10, 9.) The latter enjoined, that no Roman citizen should be put to death without the express order of the Roman people ; which was only reviving one of the provisions of the twelve tables. It was ^ntended, however, in fact, as a revival of the Porcian law, which AGAINST CATILINE. 167 Pg. had grown in some degree obsolete. Consult Sigon. dc A titiq. Jur. 1A no. Rom. 1, 6, and Heincccius, Antiq. Rom. Append. 1, 1, 27, p. 247, ed. Haubold. 16. Rogatae sunt. "Have been enacted." lire people, at the comitia, were asked their pleasure respecting the passage of laws. The usual form of application, on the part of the presiding magis- trate, was, "vclitis, jubeatis Qitiritesr' "Hence rogare legem which would -fl(|jctly mean, " to ask the people about the passage of a law," gets the 'meaning of " to enact a law," and so also rogare magistrates, '' to elect magistrates." On the same principle, before a law was carried through, and while it was still pending, it was termed rogatio, " a bill." Hence, too, when the people were to vote about a law, two ballots were given them, on one of which were the letters U. R. (i. e. uti rogas,) and on the other A. (i. e. antique, antiqua probo.) The former was the affirmative ballot, and was equivalent to, " volo legem esse uti rogeu." 17. Tenuerunt. " Have retained." i. e. have been allowed to retain. Invidiam posteritatis. " The reproaches of posterity." Literally, " the odium," or " dislike." 18. Praedaram vero, &c. " You are making a fine return, indeed, to the Roman people." Ironical. Hominem per te cogni turn. " A person brought into notice by your own exertions merely," i. e. what the Romans were accustomed to call " a new man," novus homo ; meaning one who had been the first of his family to raise himself to any curule office, or, in other words, to enroll himself by his personal merits among the nobility. Cicero was fond of alluding to this feature in his history, and it was cer- tainly a most pardonable kind of pride. 19. Tarn mature. Cicero was elected consul the very year he was first permitted, by law, to offer himself as a candidate. No one could present himself as an aspirant for the consulship, until he had completed his 43d year. The orator boasts of having obtained all the inferior offices in the same way ; each in the year when he was first allowed to apply for it. Hence the expression in the present passage, per omnes honorum gradus, " through aL tne gradations of office." 1. Severitatis ac fortitudinis invidia. " The odium arising from J J a strict and firm discharge of duty." Quam inertiae ac nequitiae. " Than that which is attendant upon indolence and remissness." Compare note 20, page 2. 2. Turn, te non existimas, &c. A beautiful figure, best expressed by a paraphrase : " Do you not imagine that you yourself will be then enveloped amid the flames which the indignation of your 168 THE FIRST ORATION Page. | J country shall have kindled against you !" Literally, ' Do you not think that you will then blaze amid the conflagration of odium 1" The figure arises very naturally from the previous expression, " tecta ardebunt." 3. His ego sanctissimis vocibus. " To these most revered ex- postulations on the part of my country." Sanctissimis is here equivalent to sanctissime colendis. Mentibus. " To the secret thoughts." 4. Si judicarcm. " Could I have thought." In conditional propositions, it is not uncommon for the consequent clause to con- tain the pluperfect subjunctive, while the conditional clause contains the imperfect subjunctive with si or nisi. Thus in the present instance we have judicarem and dedissem. The probability is thus spoken of generally, without being strictly referred to the time at which it existed. (Zumpt. L. G. p. 331.) 5. Unius usuram horae ad vivendum. " The enjoyment of a single hour for the purposes of existence." Gladiatori isti. Com- pare note 11, page 6. Etenim. "And well may I make this assertion, for." Compare the Greek form of expression 7r\oij>6fiui>, K. T. X. He also had with him the fasces and other badges of authority. (Compare Sallust, Cat.c. 37. Appian, B. C. 2, 3. Dio Cassius, 37, 33.) 8. Tongilium mihi eduxit. " He has led out with him my Tongilius." The pronoun mihi is here of peculiar and idiomatic elegance, and is made to answer the purpose of bitter irony. Ton- gilius was, as may readily be inferred from the context, an infamous character, and a bosom-friend of Catiline. 9. Quern amare in praetexta coeperat. " To whom he had begun to be attached in early youth." The praetexta was the gown, which the Roman youth wore until they were 17 years of age : it is here put, therefore, for that period of life. The common text has calumnia added after praetexta. It is, however, a mere marginal note, which found its way, at last, into the text. It appears to have been inserted in the margin of a manuscript, by some person dis- puting the truth of the charge. If to be translated, it must be ren- dered by a kind of parenthesis, " a mere calumny," and must be regarded as ironical. Lambinus, Manutius, Heumannus, Schiitz, and others, reject it from the text, and we have followed their authority. Garatoni, in the Naples ed. proposes the following : " quern armare in praetexta calumnia coeperat," making armare calumnia go together in construction, and giving the phrase the meaning of " ad. omnem calumniandi artem formare," but this is not Ciceronian phraseology. (Compare Odin. Misc, Obs. Bat Nov. vol. 12.) 10. Publicium et Munacium. Supply pariter eduxit. The individuals here mentioned were two of the worthless companions of Catiline. Qv.orum aes alienum, &c. " Whose debts contracted in a tavern." Popina is a tavern, or eating house, the resort of intemperate and gluttonous persons. Compare the language of Plautus, (Pocn. 4, 2, 13,) " Bibitur, estur, quasi in popina.^- AUAINST CATIL1.NE. 175 Page. Cicero refers to the tavorn-debts of Publicius and Munacius, not, 1 A as some explain it, to money borrowed from them by Catiline, and spent by him in riot and debauchery. The orator stigmatizes them as mere tavern-brawlers, and in no respect dangerous to the state. 11. Reliquit quos viros, &c. Cicero means, that the persons left behind by Catiline were much more to be dreaded than those whom he had carried forth with him, since they possessed great influence, were men, in general, of good families, and by reason of the pressure of debt were reckless of consequences. 12. Prae Gallicanis legionibus. " In comparison with our Gallic legions." The orator refers to the regular forces in Transalpine Gaul, which, as Muretus thinks, were at that time in winter-quar- ters. The usual reading is et Gallicanis legionibus, but in place of et we have adopted prae, the emendation of Lambinus. In agro Piceno et Gallico. Consult Geographical Index. The Gallic ter- ritory meant here, is that of Cisalpine Gaul. As regards Q. Metel- lus, whose full name was Q. Metellus Celer, and who was one of the praetors of this year, consult Historical Index, and also the 12th chapter of this oration, and Sallust, Cat. 30. 13. Collectum ex senibus desperatis, &c. "An army composed of desperate old men, of debauched rustics, of bankrupt farmers." The senes desperati consisted principally of the veterans of Sylla. By decoctor is properly meant one who has run through his property and become bankrupt ; or, in other words, a ruined spendthrift. 14. Vadimonia deserere. "To abandon their bail." To forfeit their recognisance. Vadimonium is the bail-bond, or recognisance, Dy which a person binds himself to appear in court at a certain day. If one abandoned his bail, he was adjudged infamous, and his creditors were put in possession of his property by an edict of the praetor. 15. Aciem exercitus nostri. "The array of our army," i. e. our army drawn up in array against them." Edictum praetoris. " The mere edict of the praetor." Cicero ironically asserts, that they will be overcome by the mere sight of the praetor's decree ? by which, in consequence of their non-attendance, their creditors had obtained judgment against them. Concident. " They will, to a man, fall prostrate to the ground." 1. Has quos video, &c. These are thought to be the same 1 K whom Sallust calls " JUii familiarum." (Cat. c. 43.) Volitare in foro. " Flitting about in the forum." i. e. seeking for loans of money which they may expend in their career of extravagance. 2. In senatum venire. There were eleven senators implicated in the conspiracy. 176 THE SECOND ORATTON Page. IK "3. Qui nitent unguentis. "Who are sleek with perfumes." The Roman, like the Grecian, perfumes, were generally unguents, not oils as with us. Perfuming the hair and person was regarded as a mark of great effeminacy. 4. Qui fulgent purpura. Another allusion to the senators who were implicated in the conspiracy. The senatorian tunic, called latus clavus, had a broad purple border, (clavus,) whence its name. The tunic of the Equites had a narrow border, and was called angustus clavus, or tunica angusticlavia. 5. Suos milites. "As his soldiers." 6. Video cui sit Apulia attributa. Compare Sallust, Cat. 27, who informs us, that Apulia was " assigned" to Caius Julius, Etruria to Manlius, the Picene district to one Septimius, a Camertian. The name of the individual to whom the Gallic district was assigned, is not given by him. 7. Superioris noclis. Not the night which had just gone by, but the one on which the conspirators met at the house of Laeca, or, in other words, the last night but two. 8. Nae illi vehementer errant. " They are indeed much mis taken." Nae from the Greek vat. 9. Nisi vero si quis est. " Unless in truth there be any one." The use of si after nisi often occurs. Compare Drakenlorch ad Liv. 6, 26, vol. 2, p. 376. Si quis in general implies the possi- bility of a fact not existing. 10. Catilinae similes. " Are like Catiline in character." Cati- linae is here the genitive. Similis, as has already been remarked, is used with a dative of external resemblance, but with a genitive of resemblance in nature or internal constitution (Zumpt, L. G. p. 270.) 11. Desiderio sui tabescere. " To pine away through regret for their absence." Aurelia via. Compare note 14, page 9. 12. Si quidem hanc sentinam, &c. " If it shall have cast forth this foul crew that are polluting our city." Compare note 9, page 5. 13. Exhausto. " Being removed." Exhausto is here employed figuratively in allusion to sentina. So, Or. in Cat. l,c. 5. " Ex- haurielur ex urbe," &c. 14. Veneficus. " Poisoner." Secret poisoning was much prac- tised at Rome. Consult Beckmanrfs History of Inventions, vol. 1, p. 74, seqq. There was a special law against this practice, and other modes of assassination, entitled Lex Cornelia. (Pro Cluent. 56.) 15. Quis testamenlorum s:\bjector. " What forger of wills M AGAINST CATILINE. 177 Page. Literally, one who substitAi.es a false will, " testamentum suhjicit." Jg Such an offender is called by Cicero, testamentarius (Off. 3, 18. Pro Sext. 17) ; by Sallust, signator falsus (Cat. c. 16) ; by Sue- tonius, falsarius, (Vit. Ner. c. 17.) There was a law against this practice also, entitled Lex Cornelia Testamentaria. 16. Quis circumscnptor. "What fraudulent person." Circum- scriptor is properly one, who, under cover of the law, defrauds another by any artfully-worded writing. Compare the words of Seneca, (Excerpt. 6, contrav. 3.,) " Circumscriptio semper crimen sub specie legis involvit." It is then taken generally for any fraudu- lent person, or cheat. The lex Laetoria was enacted against such offenders. 17. Quis nepos. " What spendthrift." This meaning of nepos appears to have arisen, from the circumstance of grandchildren, when brought up by their grandparents, being generally spoiled, either from too much indulgence, or else from too little care being taken of them. , 18. Quae caedes, &c. " What deed of murder has been com mitted during these latter years, without his participation 1 What act of abandoned lewdness has not been perpetrated by him 7" 19. Jam vero. "Nay, too." Equivalent to two vero etiam.- Quae tanta juventutis illecebra. " What so great talent for alluring the young to their ruin." Compare Or. in Cat. 1,6: " Cui tu adolescentulo, quern corruptelarum illecebris irretisses," &c. 1. In dissimili rations. " When contrasted with each other." 1 (J 2. In ludo gladiatorio. " In any school of gladiators." These schools were each under the charge of a person called lanista, who purchased and trained up slaves for this employment. 3. Nemo in scena, &c. " No one on the stage, more worthless and profligate than ordinary." As regards the force of levior in this passage, compare the remark of Aulus Gellius, (7, 9,) " Veterum hominum, qui proprie atque integre locuti sunt, leves dixerunt, quos vulgo mine viles et nullo pretio dignos dicimus." Players, unless very eminent, were not much respected among the Romans. The Greeks held them in higher estimation. Among the Athenians, hey were not unfrequently sent, as the representatives of the repub- l ic, on embassies and delegations. As a body of men, however, they were, even among the Greeks, of loose and dissipated charac- ter, and as such were regarded with an unfavourable eye by moralists and philosophers. Aristotle stigmatizes the players of his day as ignorant, intemperate, and unworthy of a respectable man's com- pany. (Theatre of the Greeks, p. 123.) 4. Stupronim et scelerum, &c. " Accusto.ned to the continual 178 HE SECOND ORATION Page. | g exercise of lewdness and crime." Assuefactus occurs, in like man- ner, with the ablative, in Cic. de Oral. 3, 10, and frequently in Livy. Consult Gronovius and Duker, ad Lin. 24, 48, and 48, 31, and compare the remark of H. Homer, in his Gloss. Liv. a. v. 5. Frigore et fame, &c. Compare Sallust, Cat. 5 : " Corpus patiens inediae, vigiliae, algoris, supra quam cuique credibile est." 6. Cum industriae subsidia, &c. " When all this time the aids of honest industry, and the means of virtue, were only wasted by him in debauchery and daring wickedness." The subsidia indus- triae are those powers of patient endurance, which, if properly di- rected, would have enabled their possessor to lead a life of active utility ; the instrumenta virtutis are the means for performing dis- tinguished and praiseworthy actions, which Catiline possessed in abundance, but which, in his case, were only perverted to purposes of a directly opposite nature. Muretus, Lambinus, Graevius and Schu'tz read consumeret for consumer entur. 7. O nos bealos, &c. More expressive than the common form would have been : " Quam beati nos erimus, quam fortunala erit respublica, quam piaeclara laus consulates met." 8. Libidines. " The impure desires." Audaciae. " The dai- ing excesses." 9. Fortunas suas abligurierunt. " Have wasted their fortunes in luxurious living." Ligunre is said of those who eat nicely, pick out the choicest bits, feed delicately, &c. And hence its general reference to luxurious living. Thus, in Terence, Parmeno, in de- scribing the manners of dissolute females, (Eunuch. 5, 4, 14,) says, " Quae cum amatore suo quum coenant, liguriunt," which is the same as if he had said, " suaviora et delicatiora tantummodo deguslant." Donatus has the following remark on this passage of Terence : " Liguriunt, dird TOV \iyvpoi>, quod sccundum Graecos suave intelligitur. Ligurire dicitur, qui eleganter et more senum multo fastidio suaviora quaeque degustat." The primitive mean- ing of ligurio is well kept up also in the following passage from Cicero, (In Verr. 5, 76,) " Non reperietis hominem timide, nee leviter hacc improbissima lucra ligurientem: devofare omnem pecuniam publicam non dubitavit." 10. Fides. " Credit." In abundantia. " In the days of their abundance." i. e. while then- property still remained. 11. Comissationes solum quaercrent. " They had merely revel- lings in view." Comissatio properly denotes a making merry after supper, a nocturnal revel. It sometimes refers to the movements of young men, who sally forth into the streets during the night, after being heated with wine, and serenade the objects of their affections. AGAINST CATILINE. 179 Page. Compare the Greek KW/JOJ, and the remarks of Spanheim, t.d Aris- ~\fi toph. Plut. v. 1040. In the present instance it appears to te con- fined to in-door revellings. 12. Ebriosos. " The intemperate." Some manuscripts give ebrios, which Graevius prefers. But the habitually intemperate are here referred to, not merely the intoxicated. Dormientes. " The drowsy." Dormientes is here equivalent to negligentes, or incu riosi. 13. Mihi. Elegantly redundant, and indicative of strong con- tempt. Compare the remark of Manutius : " Mihi, quod ad senten- tiam attinet, abundat : sed ornalum quemdam, et mm habet, a con temnente prfftmnciatum." 14. Accubantes. " Lolling." The term refers in strictness to the Roman mode of " reclining" at banquets. Our word " lolling" conveys its meaning better to an English ear. Compare the Greek forms, dvaxci/jiai and KaraKtipai. On each couch there were com monly three. They lay with the upper part of the body reclined on the left arm, the head a little raised, the back supported by cushions, and the limbs stretched out at full length, or a little bent ; the feet of the first behind the back of the second, and his feet behind the back of the third, with a pillow between each. "When they ate they raised themselves on their elbow, and made use of the right hand, sometimes of both hands, for we do not read of their using knives or forks. Consult Ciacconius de Triclinio, and TJrsinus, Append, ad dace. 15. Confecti cibo. " Overloaded with food." Compare the ex- olanation of Doring : " Confecti cibo ita dicunlur, qui tanta cibo- rum se ingurgitaverunt copia, ut neque mente neque corpore libere uti possint." Muretus prefers conferti, "gorged," but confetti ie more forcible. 16. Sertis redimiti. The Romans were accustomed, Kke the Greeks, to wear garlands of flowers at their festive meetings. They were thought to be preventives against intoxication. Unguentis obliti. " Perfumes," in the shape of unguents, were profusely used at the ancient entertainments. 17. Eructant. " Belch forth." This term is purposely used in reference to vino languidi, confecti cibo. 18. Fatum aliquod. " Some dreadful fatality." Improbitati, ntquitiae. " Their worthlessness, their abandonment of all duty." 19. Sanare. " Bring back to a sound mind." 1 . Non breve nescio quod, &c. " It will add, not some short I "7 period or other, but many ages of duration, to the republic." Pro- pagarit is here equivalent to prorogaverit, continuaverit. Thus lav 180 THE SECOND OH A TION Page. "7 23, 25 : " C. Terentio consuli propagari in annum imperium." Compare Gronovius ad loc. and Ernesti Clav. Cic. a. v. 2. Unius. Referring to Cn. Pompeius, who had very recently conquered Mithridates. 3. Quae sanan poterunt, &c. " Whatever shall be capable of being healed, I will heal by all possible means : what ought to be cut off, I will not suffer to remain for the ruin of the state." The body politic is here compared to the human frame. Cicero promises to treat the more dangerous members of the conspiracy as the sur- geon does those parts of the body which are diseased, and which, if not amputated, will spread disease throughout the whole system. A similar passage occurs in the Second Philippic, c. 5 : " In cor pore si quid ejusmodi est, quod reliquo corpori noceat, uri secarique patimur, ut membrorum aligned potius, quam totum corpus intereat ; sic in reipublicae corpora, ut Mum salvum sit, quicquid esl pe- stiferum amputeliir." 4. A me. " By me individually." i. e. by my threats. Quod ego si verbo, &c. " If I could, indeed, effect this by a mere word." Quod, beginning the clause, is to be rendered as if written hoc. 5. Homo videlicet, &c. " The timid and very modest man, to be sure, could not endure the mere accents of the consul." Videlicet is ironical. Some editions have enim after homo, which Ernesti very properly rejects. 6. Ivit. This reading is adopted by Graevius, Ernesti, and many other editors, instead of the common quievit, which is here entirely out of place. The MSS. and early editions vary in this part to a considerable degree. For wit some read quid, others quod and quievit. So also after hesterno die Graevius and many other editors insert Quirites. 7. Quo cum Catilina venisset. Compare 1, 6, 19. 8. Quis denique, &c. " Who in fine regarded him as an aban- doned citizen, and not rather in the light of a most intolerable ene- my ?" Importunissimum is here equivalent to minime ferendum Compare 1, 9, 11 : " Egredere cum importuna sceleratorum manu." 9. Vekemens illc consul. " That violent consul." So he was called by the partisans of Catiline. Verbo. " By a single word." 10. Homo audacissimiiA. " Although a man of the most con summate effrontery.'' 11. Quid ea node egisset. After these words the common text has ubi fuisset, which Muretus did not find in his best MS., and which is here not at all needed, as it has already been comprehended under the words " an nocturno convent u. a.pud M. Laecam fuitset, AGAIXST CATILINE. 181 Pa. nccnp." The expression appears to have crept in from the first "I . and theii debts paid with the proceeds. Ernesti objects to the presence of novae in the text, as not proper to be connected with auctionariae tabulae, remarking, " auctionariae tabulae nullo modo ac sensu novae did possum, ut opinor." He appears, however, to forget that Cicero is here indulging in a piece of pleasantry, or what may be denominated a species of pun. The tables, which he promises, are to be new, in another sense, and one for which they were not prepared. It is what the grammarians term an unexpected witti- cism, a " lusus naoa irpovSoKiav." 14. Quod si maturius facere voluissent. " Had they been willing to pursue this course sooner." Quod is here to be rendered by hoc, as it commences a clause. 15. Neque, (id quod stultissimum est,) &c. "And not, what is most foolish, struggle against heavy payments of interest by the rents and profits of their estates." Cicero means, that they ought to sell a portion of their landed property, and pay their debts at once, and not adopt the ruinous measure of paying the interest of the large sums they had borrowed with the produce of their estates. This latter course would keep them always poor. In other words, they must not let heavy mortgages eat up their estates. 16. Et locupletioribus, &c. " We would find in them both wealthier and better citizens " 17. Magis mihi videntui &.c. They appear to Cicero more likely to entertain hostile sei; aients against their country, than to carry out those sentiments int ction. AUAI.NST CATILINE. 185 Page. 18. Dominali&nem exspectant, &c. "Hope for rule, wish to ^CJ become possessed of the management of affairs," i. e. to get the government in their hands and exercise unlimited authority. 1 . Quibus hoc praecipiendum videtur. " To this class the fol- 2Q lowing piece of warning seems proper to be given." Quibus to bo renck.ied as his. Quod ceteris omnibus. Supply praecipiendum est. 2. Ut desperent, &c. " To give over hoping that they can accomplish what they are endeavouring to effect." 3. Primum omnium me ipsum, &c. One MS. inserts sciant before me, but there is no need of this, as the clause depends on the general idea of warning implied in praecipiendum. 4. Magnos animos. " Great courage." Maximam multitudi- nem. Understand eorum. There appears to be something wrong in this part of the sentence, since neither maximum muldtudinem nor magnas capias militum can well be referred back to bonis viris. Schiitz suggests the placing of a semicolon after concordiam, and the reading maximam equitum multitudinem, &c.,the Equites being numbered by Cicero among the safeguards of the republic in the f ourth oration against Catiline, c. 7. 5. Tanlam vim sceleris. " Such daring wickedness." Prae- sentes. " By their immediate interposition." Equivalent to "praesenti auxilio praesentiam suam declar antes." Compare the Greek im^avcls. 6. Quae. " A state of things, which." Literally, " things which." Consules se. We have altered the arrangement of thesfc words with Lambinus. The common text has se consules. 7. Concedi necesse sit. The orator means, that, if the conspir acy succeeded, the more active partisans would drive into the back- ground those who had merely aided them by their wishes, and not by their personal co-operation. 8. Est oetate jam affectum. "' Is by this time somewhat advan- ced hi years." Several MSS. and early editions have confectum, which is too strong. 9. Quas Sulla constituit. The common text has Fesulis inserted after quas, but it appears to have crept in from the 6th chapter of the third oration. It is altogether erroneous here, as Fesulae was only one of the places where Sylla had planted a mili- tary colony. Upon the conclusion of the civil contest between his own and the party of Marius, Sylla settled many of his officers and soldiers, in different parts of Italy, on lands which had belonged to the opposite faction. Not a few of these colonists soon squandered away their ill-gotten property, and hence were anxious for another civil war, in which to enrich themselves anew. 16* 186 THE SECOND ORATION Page. "20 10. Quas ego universas, &c. " Which, taken collectively, 1 am well aware contain very excellent citizens and very brave men : and yet these are some of the members of those colo- nies, who, amid the unexpected and sudden possession of wealth, have ostentatiously indulged in too expensive and extravagant a mode of living." More literally, " have boasted themselves in too expen- sive and unusual a manner." 11. Tamquam leati. " As if they were possessed of opulence." Bcatus frequently has the signification of dives in the Latin writers, especially in Horace, and the other poets. Compare the remark of Varro, L. L. 4, 17, " Beatus, qui multa bona possidet." 12. Dum praediis, &c. " While they take delight in extensive domains, in litters, in large households of slaves, in sumptuous enter- tainments." The lectica was a species of litter, or sedan, supported on the shoulders of slaves. The use of this conveyance is said to have come in from Bithynia. (Schol. ad Juv. 1, 121.) Muretus, in place oflecticis, reads lectis,to be joined in construction with praediis ; others propose latis. The change is altogether unnecessary. 13. Salvi. " Saved from ruin." Sit excitandus : " Must be evoked." 14. Homines t.enues atque egentes. " Indigent and needy men." 15. Spem rapinarum veterum. They hoped to see, under Catiline, a revival of those scenes of plunder and misrule which had prevailed during the ascendency of the party of Sylla. In eodem genere. " In one and the same class." 16. Proscriptiones et dictaturas. Cicero warns them to give up all hopes of ever seeing those scenes renewed which marked the career of Sylla, a proscription namely of the estates of all who had taken the opposite side, and a perpetual dictator and second Sylla appearing once more in the person of Catiline. 17. Tantus enim illorum temporum, &c. " For so deep a feeling of indignant grief, at the excesses of those times, has been burnt into the very state." The use of the verb inuro, in this passage, is beautifully figurative, and involves an allusion to the process of enamelling, or painting by means of fire, which serves to fix the colours. The ancients called it Encaustica, iyxavaTiKfi The horrors of the sanguinary period alluded to were burnt, in living colours, into the very soul of the state. 18. Ne pecudes quidem. " Not even the very beasts." Strongh figurative. Weiske offends in a very singular manner against good taste, in supposing, that the orator here refers to some incident during Sylla's proscriptions, where great barbauty was practised towards animals ! AUAINST CATILINE. 187 Page. y. Quartum genus est, &c. " The fourth class is varied, and gQ mixed, and turbulent in its character." Varium alludes to the various causes which had reduced them to ruin ; and turbulentum to their being no better than a mere noisy mob. 20. Qui jampridem premuntur, &c. " Who have long since oeen weighed down by ruin, who will never emerge from it." There is commonly supposed to be an ellipsis here of acre alieno, (" by debt,") but we have an allusion to debt immediately after. It is better to make malo, or some other equivalent term, understood. 21. Partim male gerendo negotio. " Partly through the ill- management of their private affairs." Negotio is here a general term for business or employment of any kind. Compare the remark of Doring : " Male negotium gerere dicuntur, qui in re familiari et domestica administranda negligentiores sunt." 22. In rsetere acre alieno vacillant. " Stagger under a load of long-contracted debts." 1. Vadimoniis, judiciis, &c. " Wearied out with the giving of bail, 21 with judgments, with confiscations of their property." The regular legal order of proceeding against debtors, in Rome, is here observed. The debtor is arrested and compelled to give bail for his appear- ance (vadimonium dare). The case comes on and judgment (judi- cium) is given against him. The creditor is put in possession of his property as security for the judgment rendered ; and after he has thus held possession for thirty days the property is sold and the debt paid from it. 2. Infitiatores lentos. " Dilatory and lying deb tors." Initiator means one who denies a just debt. Lentos is here equivalent to ta.rd.os. Compare the explanation of Ern. Antonius : " Lentus de to dici, qui non facile possit adigi ut sol-eat pecuniam debitam, docet Casaubonus. Infitiatores vocantur, qui, cum debeant pecuni- am, nega.nl hoc tamen, nee volunt solvere." Schutz, without any necessity, recalls the old reading insidiatores, for infitiatores. 3. Primum. We have here an anacoluthon, as Muretus remarks, since, after primum, we have not deinde, as we would naturally expect to have. Some editors recommend that cormanl be changed to corruent, and primum joined with it in construction : primum corruent, " will be the first to fall ;" but then the rest of the sen- tence comes in very tamely. 4. Si stare non possunt. Alluding to what ha just preceded. " in vetere &cre alieno vacillant." 5. Si vivere honeste non possunt. " If they cannot live honoura- bly here," i. e. by reason of their debts. Compare the explanation f Manutius, " in urbe, propter aes alienum, quo nunquam emergent " 188 THE SECOND OR AT TON Page. ^1 6. Nonrevoco. " Seek not to recall." In latrocinio. " In tkcii career of robbery." 7. Postremum *utcm, &c. "The last class, however, is so, in fact, as regards not only number," &c. Cicero uses the word pos.- tremum in the first clause, as merely numerical, while in the latter part of the sentence it has the force of lowest, vilest, &c. This last class is the feeblest in number, and the vilest in character and mode of life. The full construction will be "postremum autcm genus est postremum, non solum numero," &c. 8. Quod proprium est Calilinae. " These are Catiline's own." Literal!' \ " this is Catiline's own," i. e. class. The language in the text reminds us of the modern form of expression, when speak- ing of a particular regiment or body of troops, " the king's own," though, of course, in a very different sense. 9. De complexu ejus ac sinu. " Of his very embrace and bosom," i. e. consisting of his most intimate friends, and the companions of his debauchery. The expression, " bosom-friend," is to be explained by the Roman custom of reclining at meals, already alluded to in a previous part of this commentary (note 14, page 16.) As the guest* Lay on the couch, the head of the second was in a line with the breast of the first, so that if he wanted to speak with him, especially if the thing was to be secret, he was obliged to lean upon his bosom, or, as Pliny expresses it, "in sinu recumbcre." (Ep. 4, 22.) The same may be said of the third and second guests on the couch. Hence the figurative allusion of Cicero in the text. 10. Bene barbatos. " Well supplied with downy beards." By this expression are to be understood the younger class of persons, who had already a tolerably-sized beard, which they were fond of displaying. Until A. U. C. 454, all the Romans wore beards, but from this period, which marks the time when P. Ticinius Mena first brought barbers (tonsores) from Sicily, they began to remove the hair from the chiu. (Plin. H. N. 7, 59. Varro, R. R. 2, 2.) The young, however, still retained their beards until they reached the age of twenty-one, (Macrob. in Somn. Scip. 1, 6,) sometimes merely until they assumed the toga virilis at the age of seventeen. And the day on which they first shaved was regarded as a festival by the members of the family. (Juv. 3, 18G.) The first growth of the beard was consecrated to some god. We see then from all this, that by bene barbati in the text are meant those of the young who had nearly reached the period of manhood, and were supplied with tolerably-sized beards, while by the imberbes are meant those who were as yet too young to have any. In other words, the bene barbati are they who have a *\"\% and curly down, the imbeibes they AGAINST CATILLXK. 189 Page. who either ha"T none, or on whose chins it is just making its ap- O| pearance. Honce, too, we see how erroneous it is to translate the words bene barbatos, as some do, " with beards nicely trimmed," or " sprucely fashioned," since this would imply that they had been already partially subjected to the hands of the tonsor. 11. Manicatis et talaribus tunicis. " With tunics having long sleeves, and reaching to the ankles." Tunics of this kind were deemed effeminate by the Romans, and seemed better suited for vromen than men. The ordinary tunic had no sleeves, and came down a little below the knees before, and to the middle of the legs behind. Consult Aul. Gell. 7, 12, and compare Virg. Aen. 9, 616 Catull. 2, 10. Salmas. in Hist. Aug. 2, 556. 12. Vehs amictos, non togis. " Covered with veils not with togas." The allusion is to togas made so full, and of so fine and transparent a texture, as to resemble veils wrapped around the person. 13. Antelucanis coenis. " Suppers protracted till the dawn." 14. Seminarium Catilinarum. " A nursery of Catilines." Some read Catilinarium, but seminarium Catilinarium would rather sig nify " a nursery established by Catiline." 15. Apenninum, &c. " The Apennine range, and the frost and snows they will find there." The student will note the force of illas. With Apenninum understand montem. This oration was delivered on the sixth day before the ides of November, or the 8th of tho month. 16. Nudi in conviviis, &c. Dancing itself was deemed dishon- ourable among the Romans, much more so the dancing in a state of nudity. Compare Or. pro Deiot. c. 9. 17. Magnopere pertimescendum. Ironical. Hanc scortorum cokortem praeloriam. " This body-guard of infamous wretches." Among the Romans, the general was usually attended by a select hand, called cohors praetoria. This differs essentially, however, from the praetorian cohort in the history of the empire. 18. Confecto et saucio. "Worn-out and wounded." The allu- sion is to Catiline. Compare note 11, page 6. 19. Ulam naufragorum, &c. " That outcast and enfeebled band of men, shipwrecked in hope and fortune." More literally, " of shipwrecked wretches." Compare Or. 1, 12. 1. Jam vero, &c. "Nay, indeed, the very cities of your colonies, p6i>r]ats, (miftia, t'ovf,) dvopia, Sixaioavvrj. 9. Copiae. "Abundant resources." Compare de Inv. 2, 1, " Crotoniatae quum fiorerent omnibus copiis," and pro Rose. Am. 15, " Copiis ret familiaris locupletes et pecuniosi." 10 Bona ratio cum perdita. " Judgment with folly." With perdita supply ratione. Bona deniquc spes, &c. " In fine, well- grounded h>pe with utter despair." AUAINST CATILINE. 191 4 Page. 11. Hominutn studio.. "The zealous efforts of men." i.e. 22 'neir zealous co-operation in the cause of virtue. 12. Quemadmodum jam antes.. The common text has dixi after antea, which is erroneous, as he has nowhere before said so in the course of the oration. Emesti and others consequently throw it out. 13. Urbi. Tbe city collectively (urbs) is here opposed to the individual dwellings composing it (singula tecta.) The latter their respective possessors are to guard, the former will be watched over by the consul himself. The emendation of Graevius is therefore unnecessary, mihi et urbi. 14. Mutucipesque vestri. " And the inhabitants of your muni cipal towns." The municipes enjoyed different privileges. Some possessed all the rights of Roman citizens, except such as could not be obtained without residing at Rome. Others had only the right of serving in the Roman legion. 15. De hoc nocturna excur stone. Referring to the departure of Catiline on the previous night. 16. Quamquam meliore animo sunt, &c. "Although they are, in fact, better disposed towards the state than a part of the patri- cians, still will be kept in check by our power." The very gladi ators, according to Cicero, are better affected than some of the nobility. Still no unguarded reliance will he placed even upon these, but, in order to ensure perfect safety, they will, even if em- ployed in the service of the state on this occasion, he subjected themselves to strict watching and control. Ernesti thinks that the reading should be Quamquam non meliore animo sunt, the negative being required in his opinion by the presence of tamen in the latter clause of the sentence. From the explanation we have given it will clearly appear that the emendation is unnecessary. The gladi ators were distributed by Cicere throughout the municipal towns (Sail. Cat. 30.1 17. Q. Metellus. Mentioned already in the 3d chapter. Consult Historical Index. Agrum Gallicanum Picenumque. Consult Ge- ographical Index. 18. Aut opprimet hominem. " Will either crush the man." Hominem refers to Catiline, and is purposely used, instead of virum, to denote contempt. Prohibebit. " Will frustrate." 19. Reliquis nutem de rebus, &c. " While as regards the determining upon, the expediting, the performing of what remains to be done, we are now going to consult the senate, which you see is in the act of being summoned." The senators were seen passing long, at the time, to their place of meeting. 192 THE SECOND OKATIOM Page. 23 1* Nunc iltos. " Now, aa far as concerns those." Supply quod ad or something equivalent. The eos after momtos has been restored to the text by Beck, from several MSS. and editions. It is added in order to give greater force to the clause. Consult the remarks of Manutius, ad Epist. Fam. 13, 28. It is not inserted : n the edition of Ernesti, and he is quite silent about it. 2. Atqae adeo. " Or rather." Equivalent to sive potius. Con- sult Ernesti, Clav. Cic. s. v. atque. 3. Monitos eos, &c. " I wish them again and again to be re- minded." Consult note 1 . 4. Solutior. " Too remiss." i. e. to savour too much of remiss- ness. Hoc exspectaml. " It has had this in view." i. e. it has been only waiting for this. Erumperet. " Might burst forth into open day." 5. Quod reliquum esl. " As to what remains." Jam non, &c. " I can no longer forget," &c. 6. Qui se commoverit. " Who shall make the least stir." Cujus. " On whose part." Factum " Any open act." Sentiet. "Shall feel." 7. Magistratus. Referring to the inferior magistrates, but espe- cially to the tribunes. Fortem seiialum. " A resolute senate." Majores nostri. According to Livy, the first Roman prison was built by Ancus Martius. (1, 33.) It was afterward enlarged by Servius Tullius. Compare Sallust, Cat. 55. 8. Me uno togato, &c. " Byrne your only leader and commander arrayed in the robe of peace." When the consuls set out on any military expedition, they changed their gowns or togas, for the robe of war, or sagum. This conspiracy, however, Cicero promises, shall be quelled whilst he wears the garb of peace. 9. Deduxerit. This is undoubtedly the true reading, as given by Schutz and others, instead of the common lection dedaxerint. It is advocated also by Goerenz, ad Cic. Acad. 2, 1. The rule zppears to be as follows : " When several nouns are employed for the purpose of expressing one and the same idea the verb should bo put in the singular number." Or, as Goerenz expresses it, " Plura. substantiva, ad unam velut notionem juncta, simplici vcrbi numero comprehendunlur." Instances of the application of this rule would be more frequent in the ancient writers, were it not for the ill-judged corrections of editors. 10. Significationibus . " Declarations." Equivalent to ominiuus, or prodigiis. Broukhusius (ad Tibull. 2, 1, 10) shows, that signi~ ficatio and significare are terms borrowed from the language ol Aivination, and peculiar to the haruspices, &c. Compare the words AGAINST CATILINE. ] 93 Pa?e. ol Cicero, (de Harusp. resp. 12,) " Quod igitur ex aliquo O*^ monstro signification caveremus," &c., and those of Ovid, (Met. 15, 576,) " Quid sibi significent, trepidantia consulit cxta." 11. Ab cxterno hosts. The common reading is extern. We have given externo with Ernesti, who remarks, " Hostis exterus nemo dixit, at nationes exterae, regna extera, recte dicuntur." The allu- sion in externo hosts appears to be particularly to Mithridates. 12. Praesentes. "As present deities." Suo numine. "By their express interposition." 13. Quos. Equivalent to Ethos. "And these." Omnibut *cstium copiis, &c. " Now that all," &c. A nefario scelere, ''rom the execrable wickedness." THIRD ORATION AGAINST CATILINE, Page. 25 ! ML TDLLII CICERONIS, &c. " Third Oration of Marcus Tullius Cicero against Lucius Catiline, delivered before the Roman peopje." Catiline having joined the army of Manlius. the conspira- tors who remained at Rome, consisting of Lentulus, then praetor, Cethegus, and others, prepared to execute the instructions which had been given them. It happened that the Allobroges, a Gallic nation, had some envoys, at this period, in the capital, sent thither to complain of, and obtain redress for, injuries inflicted by Roman commanders. Lentulus tampered with these ambassadors, and solicited them to join the conspiracy, but they revealed to Q. Fabius Sanga the overtures which had been made to them. The letters written to the senate and people of the Allobroges, and to Catiline himself, by the conspirators, were, by a subsequent arrangement of Cicero's, intercepted, and the writers apprehended. They were aftervyard confronted with the Gallic delegation before the senate, and committed to safe custody. Cicero then assembled the Roman people, and, in the following oration, apprizes them of the occurrences which had taken place during the twenty-four days that had intervened since the delivery of his last speech, particularly those of the last day and night. He invites them to join in celebrating a thanksgiving, which had been decreed by the senate to his honour, for the preservation of his country, and congratulates them on their escape from so dire calamity as had nearly befallen them. 2., Bona, for tunas. " Your property, your fortunes." By bona are here meant possessions, by fortunae personal property. 3. Hoc domicilium, &c. " This dwelling-place of a most illus- trious empire." Compare the language of Nepos, (Attic. 3,) " Quod in ea potissimum urbe natus cst, in qua domicilium orbis terrarum csset impcrii.'" I'M THIRD ORATION AGAINST CAT1LIN B . 195 Page. 4. Hodierno die. On the day when this oration was delivered, 05 the disclosures of the Allobit)ges had been made in the Roman senate, and the conspirators implicated by them consigned to cus tody. 5. Et, si, &c. Et is here more of an inceptive than a connective particle. Compare Terence, Phorm. 1, 3, 19, and the remark of Donatus, (ad loc.,) " Et modo non connexiva, sed ineeptativa par- ticula est." 6. lUitstres. " Memorable." Salutis laelitia. " The joy at- tendant upon deliverance." 7. Sine sensu. "Withoit consciousness." Cum voluptatc. " With positive pleasure." 8. Ulum. After the words urbem condidit, the common test has Romulum inserted, which we have thrown out as a mere gloss. It is not found in several of the best MSS., and is rejected by Manu- tius and Graevius. 9. Benevolentia famaque. " By our grateful feelings, and the voice of tradition," i. e. our grateful forefathers deified him, and we their descendants, equally grateful, have confirmed the voice of tradition. 10. Is. Alluding to himself. We have a double comparison : one between the days on which we are born, and those on which we are preserved from danger ; and the other between Romulus, the founder of Rome, and Cicero its preserver. 11. Templis, ddubris. "Its temples, its shrines." Templum is properly the whole edifice : delitbrum, the place where the statue is erected. Compare the words of Noltenius, (Lex. Antibnrb. vol. 1, p. 901, :) " Delubrum proprie est aedicula, in qua slat dei cujus- dam simulacrum. Templum vero est aedijicium Deo sacratum. Ita delubrum est parvum tempium, vel pars templi : ut Capitnlium fuit tempium in quo tria delubra communi pariete dtiudehantur, Jovis, Junonis, et Minervae." 12. Quac quoniam, &c. " And since these things have been made manifest, laid open to view, fully ascertained, in the senate, through my means, I will now proceed, Romans, to unfold them briefly to you." The expressions illustrata, peUefacta, comperta. sunt. form what is called an inverted gradation ; for Cicero first ascertained the deadly designs of the conspirators, then laid them open to the view of the senate, and by this means rendered them perfectly apparent and clear. 13. Quam manifesto.. " How palpable." Investigata et com- prehensa sint. " They have been tracked out and completely detected " ..96 THE THIRD ORATION Page. 25 14. Ex actis " From what has been done," i. e. on the part of the senate, as about to be related by me. Considerable doubt exists with regard to the true reading here. The MSS. vary, some giving et exspectatis in place of ex actis. We have adopted the latter, however, with all the early editions, and as approved of and received by Ernesti. Weiske also regards ex actis as the true lec- tion, but he alters the punctuation, placing a comma after actis, and removing the one before ex, so that ignoratis ex actis will be joined in construction, " you, who have not the means of ascertaining the facts, by reference to the senate's recorded proceedings." 15. Ut. "Ever since." Twenty-four days had elapsed since Catiline's departure. 2(5 1- Cum ejiciebam. " When I was seeking to drive out." The student will note the force of the imperfect. Hujus verbi invidiam. " The odium attendant upon this word," i. e. the odium into which I may fall with some, for openly avowing that I wished " to drive him out" from Rome. 2. Ula. Understand invidia, and render the clause as follows : " Since that other is the more to bo dreaded by me, because he has gone forth alive," i. e. since I deserve more censure, I am afraid, for not having arrested and punished Catiline on the spot. 3. Exterminari. " To be expelled from Rome." More literally, " from our borders." Compare, as regards the meaning of this verb, Phil. 13, 1 : " Hunc ex finibus kumanae naturae exterminandum puto," and 2V. D. 1, 23 : " Protagoras Atheniensium ju.isu urbe atque agro exterminatus est." 4. At ego. The common text has Atque ego, which we have changed to at ego, as required by the sense, and as found in one of his MSS. by Graevius. Ernesti also considers at ego preferable, though he retains the common reading. Ut vidi. " When I saw." 5. Quid agerent, quid molirentur. " What they were doing, what they were planning." 6. Rem ita comprekenderem. " I might get possession of the whole affair so clearly." 7. Ut comperi. " When I ascertained." He received his informa- tion from Fabius Sanga, to whom the ambassadors of the Allobroges had communicated it. Legates Allobrogum. It appears from Sallust (Cat. 40) that these ambassadors had come to Rome to complain of the oppression and exactions of their governors, which had brought upon them a heavy burden of debt. As regards the Allobroges, consult Geographical Index. 8. Belli Transalpini. " Of a war beyond the Alps," i. e. in Transalpine, or Farther Gaul. The country which was afterward AGAINST CATILINE. 197 Pago. the scene of Julius Caesar's operations. Et tumultus Gallici. *>/ " And also of a Gallic tumult," i. e. in Cisalpine Gaul, or Gaul lying to the south of the Alps. -The Romans meant by tumultus any sudden and dangerous war, when the enemy were near at hand, and the safety of the capital at stake. Strictly speaking, this involved only two cases, a war in Italy, or one with the Gauls, their immediate neighbours. Compare Phil. 8, 1 : ' Majores nostri tumult um Italicum, quod erat dotnexlicus, tumuttum Gallicum, quod erat Ittliac finitimus, praetcrea nullum tumullum nomina- bant " A tumult was regarded as of far more threatening character than a war, and, therefore, when one occurred, no excuses from serving were allowed to be valid. 9. A P. Lentulo. lie employed as his agent, in sounding the Allobroges, one P. Umbrenus, before he met them in person. (Sail. Cat. 48.) 10. Eodemque itinere. The ambassadors intended to return home through Etmria, and of course would meet with Catiline, who was with Manlius near Fesulae. (in Cat. 1, 2.) 11. Cum literis mandatisque. " With letters and instructions." Vulturcium. Sallust calls him P. Vulturcius, and makes him to have been an inhabitant of Crotona. (Cat. 44.) 12. Optabum. Ernesti thinks oplaram preferable. But optabam must be retained, as it expresses the action going on at the time specified, " I was accustomed to hope." 13. L. Flaccum, et C. Pomtinum. Consult Historical Index. 14. Qui omnia, &.c. "Inasmuch as they entertained every noble and exalted sentiment respecting their country." The rela- tive pronoun is joined to the subjunctive mood, when the relative clause expresses the reason, or cause, of the action, state, or event. 15. Cum advesperasceret. " When it was beginning to draw towards evening." This is not an impersonal verb, but a verb used impersonally. The nominative, in fact, is dies, which is understood. Compare Tacitus, Hist. 2, 49, 3 : " Vesperascente die, sitim haustu gelidae aquae sedavit," and Cornelius Nepos, 1 6, 2, 5 : " Ut, ves- perascente coelo, Thebas possent pereenire." 16. Pontem Mulvium. Now Ponte Molle, one of the bridges over the Tiber, about three miles from Rome. It was built by M. Aemilius Scaurus, from a conniption of whose no/men (Aemilius) the appellation of Mulvius is thought to have originated. At this bridge commenced the Via Flaminia, which led from Rome to Ariminum. Compare Aurel. Viet, de Vir. Til. c. 72, and Amtze- nius ad loc. 17 Bipartite. The common text has bipartiti which is not t 17* 198 THE THIRD OliA'l IOK *lge. 2g Latin word, although bipartiri is inadvertently admitted into some dictionaries. 2*7 1- Ex praefeclura Keatina. " From the praefecture of Reate.' Praefecturae were those cities and territories in the Roman jurisdic- tion, which had neither magistrates nor laws of their own, but were governed by a Roman praetor, or, in his stead, by a praefectus. They did not enjoy the rights either of free towns or colonies, but differed little from the form of provinces. Their private rights depended on the edicts of the praetor or praefect, and their public rights on the senate, who imposed on them taxes and service in war at pleasure. Some praefecturae, however, possessed greater privi- leges than others. Towns were commonly reduced to this form, which had been ungrateful to the Romans, as for example Capua, after the second Punic war. With regard to Reate, consult Geo- graphical Index. 2. Tertiafere vigilia exacfa. " Nearly at the close of the third watch," i. e. near three o'clock in the morning. The Romans divided the night into four watches of three hours each, commencing at six o'clock in the evening. The third watch, therefore, would be from twelve to three. 3. Magno comitatu. " With a large retinue." We have rejected cum with Ernesti and others. Matthiae, however, adduces, in its support, pro. Mil. 10, 28. Compare Drakenborch, ad Liv. 1, 14,7. 4. Interventu. " On the intervention." Integris signis. " With the seals unbroken." Letters, among the Romans, were tied round with a string, the knot of which was sealed. The seal was generally a head of the letter-writer, or of some one of his ancestors, impressed on wax or chalk. Hence the phrases for " to open a letter," are incidere linum, mnculum solvere, epistolam tolvere. 5. Ipsi. "The persons themselves composing it." i. e. the retinue, including of course the ambassadors themselves who had been thus escorted. 6. Cum jam dilucesceret. " When it was now beginning to be dawn." Compare note 15, page 26, and PalaireCs Latin Ellipses. p. 60, ed. Barker. 7. Improbissimum machinatorem. " That most infamous con- triver." Cimbrum Gabinium. Consult Historical Index. 8. Lentulus. He was then praetor, and a man of slothful and Vixurious habits. Consult Historical Index. 9. Credo quod, litteris dandis, &c. " I suppose, because he had t>een up late the previous night, contrary to his usual custom, for the AGAINST CATILINE. 199 Page. purpose of giving the letters," i. e. for the purpose of making out 2*7 and delivering the despatches." Literally, " in giving the letters." By proximo node is meant the night which had just gone by, and on the morning after which the arrest took place. 10. Practer contuetudinem. Cicero speaks, in the seventh chapter of this oration, of the somnum Lentuli, " the drowsiness (>f Lentulus." 11. Deferri. The common text has referri, which is erroneous. There was no formal reference, but the letters were merely to be laid before the senate. Their opinion respecting them would be asked in a subsequent stage of the proceedings. 12. Si nihil esset inxentum. Understand in Hits, referring to the letters. Tantus twmultus. " So great alarm." Negavi me esse facturum, &c. With facturum supply ita. " I declared that I would not act in such a way as not to lay," &c. ; i. e. I expressed my firm determination of laying, &c. 13. Quae erant ad me delata. " Which had been communicated tome." Reperta non essent. "Had not been found in the let- ters." Nimiam diligentiam. " That any excess of vigilance," i. e. the blame of having been over-vigilant. 14. Coegi. The senate was convened on this occasion in the temple of Concord. (Sail. Cat. 46.) This building was situate on the lower slope (in radicibus) of the Capitoline hill, overlooking the forum, and was a place of great security from its natural situa- tion. The Equites, moreover, stood guard around it. This temple of Concord had been erected by the consul Opimius, after the death of Caius Gracchus. (Plut. C. Gracch. 17.) 15. Si quid telorum esset. " Whatever weapons might be there," i. e. might be found there on searching the building. 16. Fidem ei publicam dedi. " I pledged unto him the public faith for his safety," i. e. I assured him of impunity in the name of the senate and the people. Ea quae sciiet. " All that he knew." 17. Recreasset. Gruter and some other early editors prefer recepisset, which occurs in one of the MSS. of Muretus. The present reading, however, is more forcible. Reereare se is " to regain courage," recipere se merely " to recover one's self." 18. Momdata et litteras. " A verbal message and a letter." 1. Uteretur. " Should avail himself." As regards the circum- OQ etance here mentioned, compare the language of Sallust : " Ad hoc mandaia verbis dat : Quum ab senatu hostis judicatus sit, quo cmisilio servitia repudiet 1 in urbe parala esse quae jusserit ; ne cunctetur ipse propius accedere.'" (Cat. 44.) 2. II auttm. Supply facertt. Omnibus ex pariibuf. Accord- ~ THE THIRD ORATION Page. 28 > n g to Sallust, (Cat. 43,) the city was to be fired in twelve different quarters at the same time. Plutarch, however, states, that the conspirators had divided Rome into a hundred parts, and selected the same number of men, to each of whom was allotted his quarter to be set on fire. Others were to intercept the water and lull ail that went to seek it. (Vit. Cic. c. 18.) 3. Praesto esset ille. " He might be near at hand." Referring to Catiline. Qui et fugientes exciperet. " Both to intercept those who fled," i. e. from the city. Excipere is here borrowed from the movements of the chase, and is beautifully figurative. Compare the Greek IxSi^caQai. 4. Jusjurandum. This was in writing, and had the seals and signatures of the leading conspirators annexed. (Sail. Cat. 44.) 5. L. Cassia. Competitor with Cicero for the consulship. As regards the proper names mentioned in this sentence, consult Historical Index. 6. Pedcstres sibi capias, &c. " That foot-forces would not be wanting to them," i. e. that they would be joined, when they had crossed the Alps, by a sufficient number of infantry." 7. Sibi confirmasse, &c. " Had assured them, that, in accord- ance with the Sibylline predictions, and the answers of the diviners, he was that third member of the Cornelian line, unto whom it was fated for the sovereignty of this city and the whole empire to come." The Sibylline prediction alluded to was as follows, that " C C C would reign at Rome." These three capitals were thought to denote three Cornelii. As regards the Sibylline oracles, consult Historical Index, s. v. Sibyl. The aruspices examined the entrails of the victims, and from the appearance of these as well as from the flame, smoke, and other circumstances, pretended to draw omens of what was to happen. Roman divination was of Etrurian origin. 8. Tertium ilium Cornelium. The pronoun ilium has here the foice of the Greek article. The full name of Lentulus was Publius Cornelius Lentulus Sura. By his nomen therefore he belonged to the gens Cornelia, the Cornelian line, clan, or house. There appears to have been no affinity between the different members of a Roman house or g-zns. It bore this latter name only from its union. The Cornelii, as a gens, had common religious rites ; but we are not, on that account, to assume that an original kindred existed between, for example, the Scipios and the Syllas. The analogy of the Athenian constitution confirms this opinion. Nieluhi , Rom. Hist. vol. 1, p. 270 and 267, Cambridge transl. 9. Cinnam ante se et Sullam fuisse. Both Cinna and Sylla were Cornelii. Consult Historical Index and compare the words AGAINST CATILINE. 201 Page. Of Plutarch, ( Vit. Cic. 17,) cifiappcrovs clvai ry 'Pufiri rpsTs repMvovt, J>8 tav io piv rilr] ireir\ripta'civai TO xpiw, Kivvav re flier phenomena here alluded to by Cicero displayed themselves during his consulship, and were regarded as portending the con- spiracy of Catiline. The orator makes mention of them in his poem de Consulatu, a fragment of which has come down to us, (de Div. 1, 11): <: Quid vero Phoebi fax tnstis nuntia belli, Quae magnum ad culmen flammato ardore volabat, Praecipites coeli paries, obitusque petisset," &c. Compare the account of Dio Cassius, (37, 25,) Aa^iruJ avexas is TOV oiipavov dird rcoi/ fv^fiwv aviioa^ov. So also Julius Obsequens, (c. 122, p. 205, seqq. cd. Oudend.,) in enumerating the prodigies that made their appearance at this period, speaks of a " trabs ardens ab occasu ad coelum extenta" which suits very well one of the aspects of the Aurora Borealis. (Compare Senec. Qitaest. Nat. 7, 5, and Hardouin, ad Plin. H. N. 2, 26.) As regards the Aurora Borealis in ancient times, consult the work of Ideler, " Meteorologia Vet. Grace, ct Rom., 1 ' c. 10, p. 49 : " Aurorae Borealis apud vete- ~es vestigia." 6. Ut fulminum jaclus. " Not to dwell upon the thunderbolts hurled from on high." Supply omittam. The allusion is to thun- der heard from a serene sky, which the ancients always regarded as a very special omen. Compare Cic. de Div. 1. c. : " Aut cum terribili perculsus fulmine civis Luce serenanti mta.Ua, lumina linquit." So Dio Cassius, (1. c.) in alluding to this same occasion, remarks, xepavvol iv alfipia roAAoi ciretrnv, and Julius Obsequens, (1. c.) " Fill- mine pleraque decussa. Serena Vargunleius Pompeius de coelo exanimatus." Compare Horace, Od. 1, 34, 7. 7. Ut terrae motus. So Dio Cassius (1. c.) remarks, Kat 1} yij Itr^vpws iadvdr], and Julius Obsequens (1. c.) " Terrae motu Spole- tum totum concussum, et quaedam corruerunt. 8. Canere. " To foretell ;" a term borrowed from the language of prophecy, and deriving its meaning in the present instance from the early custom of predicting in verse. 9. Cotta et Torquato consulibus. Two years previously. 10. Complures res. The comrmm tezt has turres in place of res, oifc ids latter reading is adopted by Ernesti, Schiitz, and others. Among the objects afterward enumerated as struck with lightning, towers are not named. Neither is any mention made ol them in the verses of Cicero, where he describes the events of his consulship. There were, in fact, no towers in the Capitol. Botti- aer lso assents to the propriety of Ernesti's emendation, (which ; 18* 210 THE THIRD ORATION Page. 32 sanctioned besides by several MSS.) in the Magazinfur o/eniliclun Schulen and Schullehrer, vol. 2. p. 2. \\.Decoelo. " With lightning." 12. Simulacra deorum, &c. Compare Cic. 1. c. " El divum simulacra peremit fulminis ardor." Not only the statue of Jupi- ter, but the images also of other deities were struck on this occasion. Compare DlO Cassius, xai dyaX^ara uAAa TE, xal Aids, eiri Kiovoi ISpVflCVOV. 13. Depulsa sunt. " Were dislodged from their pedestals." Statuae veterum hominum. Cicero, in the verses already alluded to, makes mention of the statue of Natta, one of the Pinarii, a priest of Hercules. 14. Legum aera liqvefacta. " The brazen tables of the laws were melted." The laws were engraven on brazen tablets, which were kept in the Capitol. 15. Quern inauralum, &c. " A gilded image of whom you remember was in the Capitol, small of size, and in the act of being suckled, opening wide its lips to receive the dugs of the she- wolf." This group was thrown down from its base. Compare the language of Cicero, 1. c. : " Hie silvestris erat, Romani nominis altrix, Martia, quae parvos Mavortis semine natos Uberibus gramdis vitali rare rigabat ; Quae turn cum pueris ftammalo fulminis ictu Concidit, atque avulsa pedum vestigia liquit." The term inauralum very probably refers to a statue or image ol bronae gilt. As regards the mode of representing Romulus and Remus, here referred to, consult Rasche, Lex. Rei. Num. (vol. 2. p. 1886-90 16. Ex tola Elruria. The Romans derived all their knowledge of divination from Etruria. This became, of course, a very usefuJ engine of state with the patricians, as it augmented the sub- servience of the multitude to those who claimed the exclusive knowledge of the methods by which the gods might be propitiated Compare Cic. de Div. 1, 41. 17. Suo vumine prope fata, &c. " Should by their express interposition almost bend the fates themselves." According to the pagan creed, the decrees of fate were either conditional or uncondi- tional. The former could be altered and softened down,*the latter could not be changed, (Virg. Aen. 3, 76,) but merely delayed or put off for a season. (Aen. 10, 622, and 7, 315.) 18. Ludi. Public games and scenic exhibitions were the usual modes of propitiating the gods. Compare Livy, 7, 2 " Lwti AGAINST CATILINE. 211 Page. juoque scenici inter alia coelestis irae placamina. instituti dicun- *5O tur." 19. Ad placanditm deos. Most MSS. have placandos for pla- candum, and Ernesti inclines to give it the preference. The gerund, however, is well defended by Beck, and is more direct than the passive participle, or gerundive, would have been. 20. Majus. " Larger than the former one." Quod videtis. " Wh ch you now see erected." 21. Illuslrarentur. " Would be brought so clearly to light." Atque illud, &c. " Now the consuls of that year made arrange- ments to have this statue placed in the manner directed." Locare is " to bargain," or, " make arrangements," to have a thing done, conducerc, " to contract to do a thing." The persons who under- took any such task or employment were called redemplcrts. The verbs suscipere and redimere are also employed in the sense of condur.ere, especially the latter. 1. Locaverunt. Some MSS. read collocaverunt, but incorrectly. 33 The true lection was first suggested by Gruter, and adopted by Graevius, whom Ernesti and others follow. 2. Superioribus consulitius . L. Caesar and C. Figulus. A nobis. Referring to himself and C. Antonius his colleague in the consulship. 3. Tarn aversus a vero. " So great an enemy to the truth." An expression borrowed from the custom of showing aversion by turning away from an object. Tarn praeceps. " So inconsiderate." Tarn mente captus. " So blind." So deprived of all mental vision 4. Et ea. " And that too." The Greek usage is similar in actions." Virtute. " From patriotic motives." From the dictate* of public virtue. Compare Ep. ad Fam. 5, 2 : " Hujus ego temeri tail si virtute atque animo non restilissem, quis esset qui me nor casu potius existimaret, quam consilio fortem fuisse ?" 8. Ilium Jovem. " Yon Jove." Pointing in the direction of the temple of Jupiter Stator, in which he had delivered his first oration against Catiline. Procidebo. Whatever the decree of the senate shall be, he will, as consul, see it fully executed, and will place the safety of his fellow-citizens beyond the reach of the wicked, by inflicting on the latter a well-merited punishment. FOURTH ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. Page 37 1. M. TOLLH CICERONIS, &c. " Fourth Oration of M. T Cicero against L. Catiline, delivered in the Senate." This oration was pronounced in the course of the debate concerning the punish- ment to be inflicted on the conspirators. Silanus had proposed the infliction of instant death, while Caesar had spoken in favour of the more lenient sentence of perpetual imprisonment. Cicero does not precisely declare for any particular punishment, but he shows that his mind evidently inclined to the severest, by dwelling on the enormity of the conspirators' guilt, and aggravating all their crimes with much acrimony and art. His sentiments finally prevailed ; and the conspirators were strangled under his immediate superin tendence. 2. Ora atque oculos. Every eye was fixed upon Cicero in anxious expectation, to see whether he would advocate the opinion of Silanus. The senate was convened, on this occasion, in the temple of Jupiter Stator. 3. Si id depulsum sit. " If that be warded off," i. e. by the punishment of those in custody. De meo periculo. Especially if Cicero should have adopted the opinion of Silanus. 4. Vestra ergo, me voluntas. " Your kind wishes in my behalf." The generous interest you take in my welfare. Voluntas is here used for favor, benevolentia, or caritas. Compare Cic. Ep. ad Q. Fratr 3, 11, 6 : ad Fam. 5, 12 : pro Lig. 2. Jin. 5. Deponite. He is afraid lest, prompted by a wish to relieve him from the burden of public odium, for the summary steps he may have taken against the accused, the senate pursue some course prejudicial to the state. 6. Hacc conditio consulatus. " This condition of enjoying u.o consulship." Omncs acerbitates. "Every bitter infliction." 218 FOURTH OETIO.\ AGAINST CATIf INfc. 219 Page. 7. Digmtas salusque. " Dignity and safety." By dignilas is Q 1 } here meant that exercise of authority which is worthy of a people enjoying a regular form of government. Compare Cicero's defini- tion, (Dt Inv. 2, 55,) " Dignitas est ahcujus honesta auctoritas, et cultu, et honore, et verecundia dig-no.." 8. Non forum. He had been in danger from Catiline even in the forum. In quo omnis aequitas continetur. In the forum the courts of law were held, and justice, according to Cicero, had here her abode. As regards the distinction between justitia and aequitas, it may be remarked, that the latter is the generic term, including what we owe to God and man. Cicero considers it, in its principle or foundation, as tripartita, divisible into three parts, (Topica, c. 23,) " Una pars legitima est," " what is founded in law ;" " alt era aequitati convenient," " what is consonant with equity, or founded on our own natural perceptions of what is right and wrong ;" " tertia moris vetustate conftrmata," " what is founded in long and established usage." 9. Non campus. Cicero had appeared in the Campus Martius, during the consular election, when Silanus and Murena were chosen, with a coat of mail under his robe, to guard against the risk of assassination from Catiline. (Plut. Vit. Cic. c. 14.) 10. Consularibus auspicns consecralus. At the comitia cen- turiata, the auspices were always first taken before they proceeded to the election of the consuls and the higher magistrates. Hence the Campus Martius is said to be " hallowed" by the " consular auspices" taken in it. 11. Summum auxilium. " The chief refuge." 12. Non domus, commune perfugium. " Not my own home, a man's common asylum." According to the principles of the Roman law, it was unlawful to enter any man's dwelling for the purpose of forcing him to court, because his house was esteemed his sanctuary. But if any one lurked at home to elude a prosec" tion, he was summoned three times, with an interval of ten day* between each summons, by the voice of a herald, or by letters, or by the edict of the praetor, and if still he did not appear, the prose- cutor was put in possession of his effects. (Heinecc. Anliq. Rom. 4, 6, 16, p. 671, ed. Haubold.) As regards the sanctity of a man's home, compare the eloquent language of Cicero, (pro. Don. c. 41,) " Quid est sanctius, quid omni religione munitius, quam domu uniuscujusque civium ? hie arae sunt, hie foci, hie dei Penates, hie tacra, religiones, caerimoniae continentur, hoc perfugium est it* lanctum omnibus, ut inde abripi neminem fas sit." 13. Non lectus. Alluding to the attempt made to assassinate him 220 THE FOURTH ORATION Page. ^T" a t hi 8 own home, early in the morning, and before he had yet risen Compare Sallust, Gat. c 28, and Or. in Cat. 1, 4. 14. Haec sedes honoris. After these words follow sella mrulis, which, though found in all MSS. are nevertheless rejected with great propriety by Ernesti, as a mere gloss. Neither is it a very correct interpretation itself of the expression haec sedes honoris, since by this latter is meant not so much the curule chair, as the place in the senate where he sat as consul, and which was some- what elevated above the other seats. 15. Multa tacui. Muretus very correctly supposes, that this prudent silence, on Cicero's part, might be dictated by the suspi- cion, that many persons of rank, such as Caesar and Crassus, for example, were implicated in the conspiracy. 16. In vestro timore. " In the midst of alarm on your part," i. e. whilst your alarm prevailed. Lipsius ( V. L. 3, 22) conjec- tures, " sine vestro timore," of which Heumannus approves. 17. Miserrima. We have given this, on the authority of some MSS., in place of the common reading miser a. The emendation is approved of by Goerenz, ad Cic. defin. 1, 4. 18. Ex accrbissima vexalione. " From the most cruel outrages " Te.mpla atque delubra. Compare note 1 1 , page 36. OQ 1. Quaecunque fortuna. " Whatever lot." 2. Inductus a various. Referring to the Sibylline books and the interpretation of the aruspices. Compare Or. in Cat. 3, 4. 3. Fatale. " Fated." The fated name was Cornelius, which was the women of Lentulus, his full appellation being Publius Co - nelius Lentulus Sura. Consult note 7, page 28. 4. Prospicitc patriae. " Provide for the welfare of your coun- try." 5. Omnes deos, &c. Every city, in ancient times, had its peculiar deity or deities, who presided over it, and under whose special protection it was considered to be. Hence, when a town was besieged, and on the point of being taken, the besiegers always used to call out (evocare) in solemn form the god or gods who exer- cised a guardianship over it, while the besieged, on their part, in order to prevent this, were wont to chain the statue or statues to the pedestal. (Consult Macrobius, Sat. 3, 9.) 6. Pro eo mihi, &c. " Will reward me according to my deserts." In point of Latinity, ut would be better here than ac, and perhaps we ought to read so. 7. Si quid obtigerit. " If any thing adverse shall befall me." An euphemism, for si moriar. The preposition ob here denotes literally " against," and the strict meaning of the phrase is, " if AGAINST CATILINE 221 Page. my thing shall happen against, or adverse to, my wishes." Cora- 3g pare Plautus, Menacchm. 5, 5, 1, " Aedepol nae hie mihi dies pervorsus atque adversus obtigit." Ernesti regards obtigerit, in the text, as of doubtful authority, the more usual form being accident. But our explanation of obtigerit is a sufficient answer to the objec tion, and besides all the MSS. give this latter form. 8. Neque cnim, &c. Death can bring with it no disgrace to n brave man, since even in death he will find only additional glory. Some, on the authority of Quintilian, (6, 3, 109,) read grams instead of turpis, but it is too general an epithet. 9. Neque im.ma.tura consulari. " Nor a premature one to a man who has been gifted with the office of consul." The consulship was the highest of all the offices in the gift of the people, and hence one, who enjoyed it, might be said to descend to the grave ripe in public honours. 10. Sapienti. " To one acquainted with the lessons of philoso phy," i. e. those lessons which teach us to regard death as the road merely to a better and happier land. This idea is beautifully fol- - lowed out in the first book of the Tusculan disputations. 11. Ele ferreus qui. " So iron-hearted as," i. e. with a heart so steeled against every gentle emotion. Ille is here used for talit or ejusmodi, which is more commonly the case with the pronoun is. 12. Fratris. His brother Quintus. Amantissimi. " Most affectionate." 13. Circumsessum. The reference here is to some of the Equites, and other friends of Cicero, who stood around his chair, and in fact encompassed the whole senate both within the temple as well as without, for the sake of their personal safpty while debating on the punishment of the conspirators. 14. Exanimata uxor. " My wife half dead with terror." The allusion is to Terentia, whom he subsequently divorced for infidelity during his banishment, and who married the historian Sallust. 15. Abjecta metu JUia. " My daughter dismayed by fearful apprehensions." Alluding to Tullia. 16. Purvulus jilius. Marcus Cicero, then two years old. He was born in the consulship of Cotta and Torquatus. (Ep. ad. Alt. I, 3.) 17. Amplech. " To hold in its arms." The term is beautifully applied to the case of a young child, and is used for the commoa tenere. Tamquam obsidem, &c. " As the pledge of my consul- ship," i. e. as a pledge, that I will do every thing in my power for preserving the public safety, if not on my own, yet on my son't account. 19* 22'2 THE FOURTH ORATION Page. 38 18. Gener. C. Calpurnius Piso. He had been united to Tulha two years before, and was the first of three husbands whom she married. 19. Moveor his rebus omnibus, &c. " I am moved by all these things, but it is to this effect merely, that they whom I have men- tioned may all be saved along with you, even though some act of violence may have crushed me," &c. 20. Incumbite. " Bend all your energies." Circumspicite. " Look around and behold." 21. Non Tib. Gracchus, &c. "It is no Tiberius Gracchus, who has wished to become a second time tribune of the commons : no Caius Gracchus, who has endeavoured to excite the partisans of his Agrarian law : no Lucius Saturninus, who has slain a Caius Memmius, that is now exposed to the risk of a prosecution, and to the sentence which you in your just severity may inflict." For an account of the individuals here alluded to consult Historical Index. 22. Tenentur ii. " They are held in custody." Tenentur litterae, &c. " Their letters, their seals, &c., are in our posses- sion." 23. Sollicitantur Allobroges, &c. "The Allobroges are tam- pered with, our very slaves are excited to insurrection." 39 1- Rei confessi sunt. " The accused have themselves confess- ed." Vos multis, &.c. "You yourselves have already decided upon by many expressions of opinion." We have adopted indiciis, the reading of Badius, and which is approved of by Bynkershoek, (Obs. Jur. Rom. 1, 6,) and Vonk, (Lect. Lat. 1, 7.) The common text has judiciis, referring to the " determinations" of the senate on the several occasions enumerated immediately after. But Cicero had too nice an ear to say judiciis judicastis. 2. Singularibus verbis. " In language singularly honourable." Alluding to the supplicatio decreed in his name, " Quod urbem incendiis, caede ewes, Italian, hello liberasset." (7w Cat. 3, 6.) 3. Mea virtute atque diligentia. " By my public spirit and vigilance." 4. Deinde quod P. Lcntulum, &c. A very dangerous assump- tion of authority on the part of the senate, and only to be resorted to in extreme cases like the present. 5. De quibus judicastis. " On whose cases you have pro- nounced an opinion." 6. Togato. Consult note 15, page 30. 7. Damnati esse videantur. Compare Sallust, ( Cat. 50,) "Eos paulo antefrequens senalus judicarerat contra rempublicamfecisse." %. Sed ego insfitiii, &c. " I have resolved, however, Conscrip* AGAINST CATILINE. 223 Page. Fathers, as if the matter were still untouched, to consult you JJQ in relation both to the affair itself, what you may determine respecting it, and the punishment to be inflicted, what you may think that ought to be." 9. Ilia praedicam, quae sunt consulis. " But before I do this, I will state what it is the duty of a consul to mention." The student will observe the force of prae in composition with dico. 10. Versari. " To be prevalent." Et nova quaedam, &c. " And that certain evils, before unknown, were aroused and called into action." He alludes to the prevalence of disaffection, and the introduction of principles of insubordination hostile to the well-being of the state. 11. Quocumque vestrae mentes inclinant, &c. Ernesti thinks that quocumque is here put for quo, and that for inclinant we ought to read inclinent. It is much simpler, however, to consider the - words quocumque vestrae, &c. as merely explanatory of quidquid est, and requiring of course the indicative inclinant. 12. Statuendum vobis ante noctem est. Both because no decree of the senate was legal if pronounced before sunrise or after sunset, (Aid. Gell. 14, 7,) and because the risk was also greater of a forcible rescue, or of an escape of the prisoners, by night than by day. 13. Huic si paucos, &c. " If you imagine that only a few are implicated in this." For other instances of affinis with the dative, compare Or. pro Cluent. 45. " affinis turpitudini ;" de Inv. 2, 10, " honestae rationi affinis." 14. Manavit non solum, &c. " It has not only spread slowly throughout Italy." Manavit beautifully expresses the slow but steady progress of the conspiracy, like a slowly-rolling stream. 15. Obscure serpens. " Creeping onward unperceived." 16. Sustenlando ac prolatando. " By delay and irresolution." Literally, " by still enduring it, and still putting off (the moment of action.") 17. Esse. " Are before you," i. e. have been proposed. (Jnam D. Silani. " The one, that of Decimus Silanus." Con- sult Historical Index. 18. Qui haec delere, &c. " Who have endeavoured to blot out this fair state of things from existence." Haec refers to the Roman city and state, and the gesture of the orator corresponds as he points slowly around. Emesti is in favour of conati sint, and Beck has adopted the emendation, but the true reading is undoubtedly conati runt, since there was no longer any doubt respecting the crime itself or its intended perpetrators. Compare Heusinger, praef. ad dr.. de Off. p. 53, seqq. 224 THE FOURTH ORATION Page. 39 19- C. Caesaris. Julius Caesar. 20. Qu,i mortis poenam removet, &c. " Who puts aside the punishment of death, but embraces all the severities of remaining punishments," i. e. who is against the punishment of death, but in favour of the severest one that remains after this is excluded. 21. Pro sua dignitate, &c. "Consistently with his own high rank, and the importance of the crisis." Versatur. " Insists." 22. Alter. Silanus. Conati sunt. Ernesti here again recom- mends conati sint. But consult note 18. 40 ! Hoc communi spiritu. " This air that we all breathe." Recordatur. " He reminds us." 2. Alter intelligit. " The other is clearly of opinion." Julius Caesar maintained, in his remarks before the senate on this occasion, that the soul was mortal, and death an eternal sleep ; consequently, that loss of life was a blessing rather than a punishment, since it freed us from all the evils of existence. Compare the speech which Sallust assigns him in the debate on this same question relative to the conspirators. 3. Necessit.atem naturae. " As a necessary law of nature." 4. Sapientes. By the " wise" are here meant those imbued with what Caesar regards as the true principles of philosophy ! The Stoics, especially, although they believed in a future state, regarded death as any thing rather than a source of terror. According to them, a wise man might justly and reasonably withdraw from life whenever he found it expedient ; not only because life and death are among those things which are in their nature indifferent, but also because life may be less consistent with virtue than death. Caesar, who was an Epicurean, if he was any thing at all, artfully avails himself of the fact of many of the Stoic sect having actually put an end to their existence, and applies it to the establishment of his peculiar doctrine. 5. Oppetiverunt. " Have courted it." Among the "fortes" may be enumerated Codrus, the Athenian, the Roman Decii, Curtius, &c. 6. Vincula vero, &c. " Imprisonment, however, and that too for life, was invented in his opinion for the express punishment of abandoned guilt." 7. Municipiis. " Throughout the municipal towns." Equiva- lent to in municipia. Caesar's proposition was, that the conspirators who had been arrested should be " distributed" throughout these towns, and there confined for life. His true object was to save their lives, and trust to some future chance for their pardon. 8. Habere videtur, &c. The use of ista in this sentence shows tbe gesture of the orator, who in making the remark turns toward* AGAINST CATILINE. 225 Page. Caesar. * Thai proposition of yours seems to rarry with it an ^Q unjust burden, if you wish to demand it of them ; a difficulty if you are only inclined to ask it as a favour. However, let a decree be passed to this effect, if such be your pleasure." Cicero's meaning is this : if you exercise your power and demand of the free towns, that they receive these prisoners and keep them in confinement, you will be imposing an unjust burden upon them ; while, on the other hand, if you only request it as a favour, you may meet with a difficulty in their declining to accede to your request. 9. Ego enirn suscipiam, &c. " For I will take it upon myself to see, that what you wish shall be accomplished, and I will find, as I hope, those who will not think it consistent with their dignity to refuse," i. e. I will find municipal towns that will have no objec- tions, I trust, to receive them. With suscipiam understand rem, so that the literal translation will be, " I will undertake the affair," alluding to the execution of the decree which shall be passed. 10. Ad.ju.ngit. The orator returns to Caesar, and gives the rest of his opinion. " He is for adding a heavy penalty on the inhabi tants of the municipal towns." Eorum. " Of the criminals." Referring to the conspirators. 11. Horribiles custodias circumdat. " He is for throwing around them a frightful imprisonment, for decreeing in solemn form what- ever is worthy of the guilt of abandoned wretches, in order that no one may hereafter be able, either througjj the senate or people, to mitigate the punishment of those whom he is in favour of condem ning." 12. Eripit etiam spem. " He even deprives them of hope," i. a by making their confinement one for life. Quae sola hominum, &c. Compare the beautiful language of Tibullus (2, 6, 25) " Spes etiam valida solatur compede mnctum, Crura sonant ferro, scd canit inter opus." 13. Bona praetcrea, &c. As regards Cicero's account of the opinion held by Caesar, on this occasion, before the Roman senate, compare the language of Sallust, (Cat. c. 51,) " Sed ilia censeo, publicandas eorum pecunias, ipsos in vinculis habendos per munici- pia, quae maxime opibus talent, ne quis de his postea ad scnatum. referat, neve cum populo agat" &c. 14. Quam si eripuisset. " For had he taken away this. " Md. :os, uno dolore, &c. " He would have ended, by a single pang many sufferings of mind and body, and all the punishments due to their crimes." There is some doubt as to the true reading of this passage. Ernesti gives multas in place of multos, making the geni- tives animi and corporis depend upon poenas understood, in the 226 THE FOURTH ORATION Page. /JQ sense of " sufferings." This, however, appearu extremely harsh. The MSS. in general give multos, which induced Graevius to sug gest, as an emendation, multos, uno dolore, dolores animi atque corporis, et, &c. This correction has been received by Matthiae, Schiitz, Orellius, and others, but in truth the juxtaposition of dolore dolores sounds like any thing else rather than Ciceronian Latinity. We have adopted, therefore, a middle course, and have supposed dolores to be understood with animi atque corporis, as may easily be implied from multos, and the presence of dolore. 15. Itaque ut aliqua, &c. " Hence, on this account, that there might be some fear remaining for the wicked in life, the men of earlier times favoured the idea, that certain punishments, of a nature calculated to produce this effect, were appointed for the wicked in the lower world." We have given ejusmodi (" of that kind,") a free translation, as more directly explanatory of the meaning of the orator. It is evident, from what we see here, that Cicero himself gave no credit to the popular belief respecting the nature of the punishments in another world. And this is apparent also from many other parts of his writings. He was a believer, however, in a future state ; and, without directly attacking the scepticism of Caesar, he here in fact censures it, by expressing his opinion, that a belief in the punishments of a future world had the advantage at least of curbing in this life the evil passions of the wicked. It is this which will give us the true connfpion between Itaque, &c., and the close of the last sentence. 16. Videlicet. " No doubt." There is a slight tinge of irony in the use of this word, on the present occasion, but it is an irony directed against the fables of the vulgar respecting the punishments of another world, not against a future state itself. 17. Mea quid inter sit. "How my interests are concerned." More freely, " on which side my true interest lies," i. e. as regards the conflicting opinions of Silanus and Caesar. 18. Hanc in republica viam. " Such a career in public affairs." Popularis. "A' popular one," i. e. calculated to gain the favour of the people. There is here a lurking sarcasm against Caesar's love of popularity. 19. Hoc auctore et cognitore, &c. "With him as the author and supporter of this opinion." By auctore senlent.iae is meant the original proposer of a measure ; by cognitor, one who ac- knowledges it to be his, and exerts himself to defend and substan tiate it. fcO Populares impetus. " Any onsets of the people," i. e. any out- breakings of popular \iolence, through sympathy for the comli mnrd AGA1-VST CATIMXE. 227 Page. Cicenrs meaning is, that Caesar's popularity will shield him from /|(j this risk, and that on this side his true interest lies. 21. lllam alteram. "The other." Ille here answers to oui definite article. Literally, " that other one," i. e. the opinion of Silamis. 22. Nescio an, &c. " I know not whether additional trouble will not in that event be incurred by me." Amplius negotii, liter- ally "more trouble." It is a very rare thing for amplius to have after it a genitive case. A similar construction occurs in Cues. B. G. 6, 9 : " Amplius obsidum." Cicero apprehends some trouble on the part of the lower orders if the opinion of Silanus be adopted, but still he is in favour of it. As regards the expression nescio an, (otherwise, and more commonly written haud scio an,) it may be remarked, that the "usus loquendi" among the Romans made it equivalent to nescio an non. It is employed to express a modest degree of doubt, &c., and may often be rendered by our English term " perhaps." Ernesti goes too far when he makes it equivalent to a simple affirmation (Clav. Cic. s. v. hawl.) The more correct doctrine is laid down by Scheller (Praecept. Styl. vol. 1, p. 490.) 23. Sed tamen meorum periculonim, &c. " Still, however, let the interests of the state overcome all considerations of my own individual danger," i. e. let the welfare of the state triumph over every personal consideration. The common expression would be. " attamen solus reipuUicae anteponenda est meis periculis." 24. Habemus enim, &c. The connexion in the train of ideas is as follows : Cicero has just been remarking, that considerations of personal safety, on his part, must yield to the public good. Now, as his personal safety would have been in a great measure secured by adopting the opinion of Caesar, it might be inferred by some, although very erroneously, that he regarded Caesar's opinion as clashing, hi some degree, with the public welfare. In order, there- fore, to avoid such an inference, he immediately adds, that the opinion expressed by Caesar, although the public interests will not allow him, peculiarly situated as he is, to embrace it, yet seems m h .m worthy in every way of the high rank of its author, and a sure proof of his sincere attachment to the state. The compliment is very artfully turned, and shows great policy on the part of Cicero. 25. Ipsius dignitas. " His own high rank." Amplitude. " The illustrious character." Tamquam obsidem, &c. " As a pledge of his lasting attachment to the state." 1. Intellectum est, (Sec. " By this has it been rendered fully A I apparent, what difference there is between the insincerity of mere public declaimers, and a bosom truly attached to the people, and 228 THE FOURTH ORATJON Page 4 J consulting for their welfare." Another artful compliment. Cicero remarks, that Caesar's opinion shows the true friend of the people, and not the hollowness of the demagogue, who is merely seeking their favour for his own private ends. It will readily be perceived that Cicero's object is to avoid irritating Caesar, and thereby to pre- vent fresh difficulties. The praise bestowed, however, is of a very peculiar character, since, to us at least, a vein of sarcasm appears to run beneath, and yet it is one so artfully managed that Caesar could not make it a cause of offence. 2. 1st is. The pronoun here denotes contempt. Populares. In the wrong sense of the term. 3. Non neminem. " A certain person." He means some senator, who, in order not to vote upon the capital punishment of Roman citizens, and from the wish of becoming popular with the lower orders, had absented himself from this meeting of the senate. To this one he opposes Caesar, as a true friend of the people and anx- ious for their welfare and the safety of the state. The name of the senator in question is unknown ; some make him to have been Q. Metellus. 4. Nudiustertius. " The day before yesterday." A contraction for nunc dies tertius, (i. e. est..) 6. Dedil. " Consigned," i. e. was in favour of consigning ; voted to that effect. Gives Romanes. The conspirators who had been arrested. 6. Indices. The Allobroges and Vulturcius. Affecit. " Recom- pensed," i. e. voted for recompensing. 7. Jam. Marking the conclusion to which Cicero fairly arrives, that one, who had gone as far as this particular senator, had already expressed his opinion, in fact, on the merits of the case at large, and ought, therefore, to have been present, since he gained nothing by absence. 8. Quaesitori gratulationem. " A vote of thanks to the individ- ual who first instituted an inquiry," i. e. who first inquired into, and ascertained, the existence of a conspiracy. Cicero uses the term quaesitor, here, in an unusual sense. It generally signifies, when applied to a public officer, a person appointed by the senate or people to preside at public trials of a capital nature, 9. At vcro, &c. " Caius Caesar, however, plainly perceives, that the Sempronian law was enacted for the benefit of Roman citi- zens," &c. Cicero sets the conduct and sentiments of Caesar, on the present occasion, in opposition to those of the senator just men- tioned, and, in so doing, very artfully turns a part of Caesar's ora- tion against the speaker himself. Caesar had laid great stress vipon AGAINST CATILINE. 229 Page Jfte Porcian and Sempronian laws, the latter of which ordered that A 1 no Roman citizen should be capitally punished without the command of the people, and the former, that no citizen should be put to death at all, but that the alternative of exile should be allowed him. This part of Caesar's speech becomes completely refuted, if the latter can be made to confess, that a public enemy is no longer a citizen, and Cicero, therefore, brings forward this proposition in so artful a \vay that Caesar cannot possibly contradict it. 10. Ipsum latorem, &c. " That the very proposer himself of the Sempronian law rendered atonement to the state by the order of the people." The meaning of Cicero is this, that even Caius Gracchus himself, who brought in the Sempronian law, was not allowed to avail himself of the provisions of that law, but suffered the punish- ment due to the violation of public order, on the ground of his being a public enemy, and that too by an express decree of the state. The principal force of the remark lies in the expression jussu popvli, the people themselves having, according to Cicero, sanctioned by thsir order, in the case of Caius Gracchus, the distinction drawn by him between a citizen and a public foe. All the MSS., and all the early editions, without a single exception, read jussu, and so the text remained until Ernesti thought fit, on mere conjecture, to substitute injussu. His argument is, that Gracchus, the proposer of the Sem- pronian law, was not put to death by the order of the people, but by an act of violence on the part of the nobility headed by Scipio Nasica. In this remark, however, there is an historical error, since Caius Gracchus was slain by the party of the consul Opimius, after a decree of the senate had been passed, entrusting the republic to his care. The only difficulty is, to ascertain in what way the sen- tence of the senate may be said to have been ratified by the people, or how their assent was in any form obtained. Cicero appears to have inferred this assent from their not having interfered to preserve the life of Gracchus, and perhaps from other circumstances to us unknown. At all events, it is too bold a proceeding to alter what has thus far been regarded as the established text, and make it speak a directly opposite meaning. The best editors, since Ernesti's time, namely, Schutz, Weiske, Matthiae, Wetzel, &c., have rejected the emendation. 11. Idem ipsiim, &c. " The same individual is of opinion, that T,ent-ilus himself, though lavish and prodigal in his expenditures upo - the people, cannot be called their true friend, when he has with so bitter cruelty been plotting the destruction of the Romaa people, the ruin of this city." The reference in largitorem and prodisriim is to public shows, and other entertainments, given for 20 230 THE FOURTH ORATION' Page. 4. | the purpose of securing popularity. Compare, as regards the force of prodigus, the definition of Cicero, de Off. 2, 16. 12 Homo mitissimus atque lenissimus. "Although a very mild and merciful man." Referring to Caesar. Non dubitat. " He hesitates not." 13. Et sancit in posterum. " And he is in favour of guarding, by an express decree, against the time to come." Se jactare. " To exert himself." More literally, " to busy himself." Equiv- alent here to commovere se. Consult Ernesti, Clav. Cic. and Schxitz, Index Lat. ad Cic. Op. s. v. 14. In pernicie populi Romani. " In a matter that involves the ruin of the Roman people." 15. Adjungit etiam, &c. Cicero purposely lays great stress on the severity of Caesar. The latter had said that he was in favour of the most rigorous punishment. The consul understood him well, and takes him at his word. Caesar cannot retract, and if a still more severe punishment can be discovered than that already thought of, the senate may decree to that effect, and Caesar must of course approve. Cicero adroitly manages to draw this inference from the words of Caesar, and involves the latter in his own subtle- ties. 16. Quamobrem sive hoc, &c "Either then, if you shall have decreed what Caesar recommends, you will have given me, in him, a companion for the public assembly, dear and acceptable to the people," i. e. you will have adopted an opinion, which will find a zealous and successful advocate, before the assembled people, in the person of the one who proposed it. 17. Atque obtinebo, &,c. " And I will make it appear to have been the far milder opinion of the two." 18. Ego enim de meo sensu judico. " For I judge from my own feelings," i. e. in what I am going to say, I will give utterance frankly to my real and honest feelings. 19. Nam ita mihi, &c. " For so may it be allowed me to enjoy, along with you, the republic in a state of safety, as I am now, because t show more severity than usual in the present affair, not influenced by any cruelty of spirit, (for who is in fact miiuer than myself?) but by apeculiar feeling as it were of humanity and pity." i. e. may I never enjoy, in common with you, the benefits resulting fvom my country's safety, if the eagerness which I display in this affair pro- ceeds from any cruel spirit, (for no one has less of that than myself,) but from a feeling of humanity and pity towards my countrymen. 20. Videor mihi videre. " Methinks I see." The orator is here entering on the figure which grammarians call dialyposis. AOAIXST CATIL1XK. 231 Page. 21. Arcem omnium gentium. "The capital of all nations."^! Arcem is here equivalent to caput. Subito uno incendio eonciden- tem. " On a sudden sinking amid one universal conflagration " 1. Sepulta in patria. " In my ruined country." Sepulta is ^2 here equivalent to evcrsa or vastata. Miser os atque insepultos. No article of popular belief was more strongly established in the ancient world, than that the soul wandered for a hundred years around the banks of the Styx or the dead body itself, whenever the latter was deprived of the rites of burial. Hence the peculiarly mournful ideas attached to the circumstance of a corpse remaining neglected and unburied, and of which Cicero here happily avails himself, in order to heighten the effect of the gloomy picture which he draws. 2. Versatur mihi ante oculos. " Is often present before my view." Et furor in vestra caede bacchantis. " And his wild fury as he revels amid your blood." 3. Mihi proposvi. " I have pictured to myself." Ex falls. " From the Sibylline predictions." 4. Purpuratum esse, &c. " That this Gabinius here is arrayed in purple." Hanc refers to Gabinius as havirg been before them on a recent occasion, not as actually present at the time. Compare Or. in Cat. 3, 3, init. Gabinius is called pwrpuratus, as one of the titled attendants in the future royal court of Lentulus. Com- pare Cic. Tusc. Quaest. 1, 43, Flor. 1, 10, Liv. 30, 42. 5. Vexationem virginum Vestalium. " The outrages offered to the vestal virgins." 6. Vehementer misera ctque miser anda. " In the highest degree deplorable and worthy of compassion." Ea perjicere. " To bring them to pass." 7. Praebebo. We have here given the reading which Graevius adopted from some of his MSS. and which Gruter found in three of his. It imparts a more sonorous and Ciceronian ending to the sentence. The common text has praebeo. 8. De servis. We would naturally expect here de servo, since the singular scrm precedes. But the allusion here is to the Ro- man law, by which it was ordained, that if the master of the house or any member of his family were murdered, and the murderer not discovered, all the slaves composing the household should be put to death. Hence we find in Tacitus (Ann. 14, 43) no less than 400 in one family punished on this account. 9. Mihi ve.ro, &c. What Cicero here justifies, viz. , to seek to les- sen the smart of anguish by the sufferings and torture of him who has -ccasioned it, he would on another occasion, where greatness of 4AJ. THK FOURTH ORATION Pge. 42 so "' was the theme, have openly condemned. Here, however, ; t suits his purpose to assert what he has in the text. 10. Nocentis. This would appear at first view to clash with de servis. But it in fact confirms that reading, since " the guilty one" would be sure of being punished, if all the slaves composing the household were put to the torture. 11. Hoc universum, &c. "And this common dwelling-place of the republic," i. e. this city, the dwelling-place of a whole people. 12. Qui id egerunt ut collocarent. " Who have aimed at estab- lishing." Si. "Even if." Misericordes. Because no punish- ment is adequate to their crime, and any infliction of it therefore will only appear mercy. 13. In patriae, &c. " In a case that involves the ruin of our country and fellow-citizens." Fama. " The imputation." 14. L. Caesar. L. Julius Caesar, who was consul with C. Marcius Figulus, A. U. C. 689. He was uncle to Julius Caesar. 15. Crudelior. " Too cruel." 16. Sororis suae. Julia, who had married Lentulus, after hav- ing been the widow of M. Antonius Creticus. By her first mar- riage she had become the mother of Mark Antony, the triumvir. The punishment of her second husband, Lentulus, was the origin, according to Plutarch, of the enmity that prevailed between Antony and Cicero. (Vit. Anton, c. 2.) 17. Virum. Lentulus. 18. Cum avum, &c. L. Caesar, in his remarks, before the senate, on the occasion alluded to by Cicero, in order to shield himself from the imputation of undue severity in voting for the punishment of Lentulus, had observed, that " his own grandfather" was once put to death by order of a Roman consul, and the son of the former, although sent to sue for peace, was imprisoned and slain. Caesar alluded to M. Fulvius Flaccus, who was his grand- father on the mother's side, and who was slain by order of the con- sul Opimius, together with his son, during the affair of Caius Grac- chus. Consult Veil. Paterc. 2, 7, 2, Vol. Max. 9, 12, 6. Plut. Vit. C. Gracch. c. 16, seqq. 19. Quorum quod simile factum ? "And yet what act on their part was at all like the conduct of these conspirators'!" Literally, " Of whom, what act was similar?" i. e. what comparison will the offence of Fulvius Flaccus and his son bear with that of Lentulus and his colleagues 1 20. Initum. " Was formed by them." Referring to Flaccus and his son. 21. Largitionis voluntas, &c "Adosireto gratify the people AGAINST CATILINE. 233 Page. by largesses, and a certain violence of parties, were then preva- Aft lent in the state." The allusion in largitionis voluntas is to tho novements of the Gracchi, in conciliating the favour of the people. C. Gracchus, for example, was the author of a lex frumentaria, for i distribution of corn among the people, and he and his elder Brother Tiberius were the well-known advocates of the Agrarian law. Consult Legal Index. 22. Hujus avus Lentuli. Alluding to P. Lentulus, whose image was on the seal of his grandson, and to whom Cicero also refers in the third oration, (c. 5,) " Est vero, inquam, signum notum, imago am tui," &c. As regards the occurrence mentioned in the text, compare the words of Valerius Maximus, (5, 3, 2,) " P. Lentulus, clarissimus et amantissimus reipublicae civis, cum tn Aventino C. Gracchi nefarios conatus, et aciem, pia et fortt pugna, magnis vulneribus exceptis, fugasset," &c. 1. Ne quid de summa, &c. "That no portion of the public ^Q safety might be impaired." Summa republica is here equivalent to what is elsewhere given as summa reipublicae, and this latter phrase is the same as " res a qua solus universae reipublicae pendet." Compare note 16, page 29. The common text has de summa reipublicae dignitate. Our reading is that of Graevius, Ernesti, Beck and Schiitz, supported by good manuscripts. 2. Hie. " This his descendant." Attribu.it nos. " Gives us over." 3. Veremim censeo. " You are afraid, I suppose." The com- mon text has vereamini. Our reading is that of Emesti, who found the words vere enim censeo in one of the MSS., from which he con- jectured veremini. This would be rather feeble authority, it is true, for the emendation, did not the sense require the indicative. 4. Aliquid severius. The common text has nimis aliquid severe, for which we have adopted one of the emendations of Ernesti. 5. Remissione poenae. " By any relaxation of punishment." Severitate animadversionis. " By any severity of infliction.'' 6. Quae exaudio. Ernesti remarks, that exaudio is rarely em- ployed when speaking of rumour or mere report. Cicero, however, expressly uses the compound form on the present occasion to impart additional strength to the clause. It is the same as saying, that he hears the reports alluded to so distinctly as to be incapable of any longer misunderstanding them. 7. Jaciuntur cnim voces. " Remarks are thrown out." Some editions have jactantur, but Graevius altered this to Jaciuntur, on the authority of many MSS., and as required by the context. Jar.tanlur would denote a frequent and active circulation of rumours, 20* 234 THE FOURTH ORATION Page. ^3 sue h as would suit the enemies, not the friends, of Cicero ; jaciun- tur, on the contrary, refers to what is said by the well-disposed but timid. 8. Eorum, qui, &c. " On the part of those, who seem to be apprehensive that I have not a sufficient force," &c. After the verbs metuo, timeo, vereor, ne is used when we are afraid lest a thing may take place which we do not want to happen, and ut when we wish it to happen, but are afraid it will not. Thus, metuo ne facias is, " I am afraid lest you will do it," but metuo ut facias, " I am afraid you will not do it." The solution of this apparent anomaly is as follows : metuo ne facias is the same as metuo ut non facias, " I am afraid in order that you may not do it," i. e. I do not wish you to do the thing in question, but fear lest you will ; whereas metuo ut facias is literally, " I am afraid in order that you may do it," i. e. I wish it done, but am afraid you will not do it. 9. Et provisa, &c. " Have been both provided for, and prepared, and fully settled." Cum. " As well." Diligentia. " Vigilance." 10. Turn multo etiam, &c. " As by the still greater zeal, dis- played on the part of the Roman people, for," &c. 11. Hajus loci ac temph. The senate was assembled in the temple of Jupiter Stator. 12. Praeter eos, qui, &c. He refers to those whom in the 10th chapter of the second oration he comprehended in tne fourth class of disaffected persons, men who are weighed down by debt, and who see but too clearly that these debts will prove their ruin. 13. Quavirtute. " With what courage." Consenliuntl "Do they all unite V 14. Qui vobis ita, &c. " Who yield to you the precedence in rank and counsel, only to vie with you in love for the republic." Consilii reff rs to the administration of public affairs. The use of summam, in this passage, in the sense of superiority, or taking the lead, is of very rare occurrence. Hence Scheller suspects, that per haps auctoritatem has been dropped from the text. 15. Ex multorum annorum disst 'sione. Judges were first selected from the senate. In consequence, however, of the venality of that order, the right of judging was taken from them by the Sem- pronian law, and given to the equites. It was restored to the senate by a law of Sylla's, and subsequently, by a law of Cotta, the praetor, in the consulship of Pompey and Crassus, it was shared between the senate, equites, and tribunes of the treasury. This latter ordi- nance produced a very powerful effect, in healing the differences which the others had caused between the two orders, and Cicero exerted himself very zealously in completing the reconciliation. On AGAINST CATILINE. 23j Pago. the present occasion, the two orders appear once more uuiuxi, and Q that too in the best of causes, the preservation of their country. (Consult Legal Index, s. v. Lex Aurdia, and also Hcinecr. Anllq. Rom. 4, 18, 16, p. 754, ed. Haubold.) 16. Ad kujus ordinis, &c. " To an alliance and union with this order." Alluding to the change of feeling which had been produced by the Aurelian law of Cotta. 17. Haec causa. Alluding to the conspiracy. Conjungit. "Re conciles." 18. Conftrmatam. " Placed on a sure basis." Confirmo vobis. " I confidently declare to you." 1. Nullum poslhac malum, &c. Cicero imagined that he had ^^ placed the authority of the senate on a solid basis, by uniting it with the equestrian order, thus constituting what he calls " optima res- publica," and he ascribes the ruin of the republic to that coalition not being preserved. The cause of the rupture, which was a very speedy one, was the senate's refusing to release the equites from a disadvantageous contract concerning the Asiatic revenues. (Cic. ep. ad Alt. 1, 17.) 2. Tribunes aerarios. These were of Plebeian origin, and through them the pay passed to the army, (pro Plane. 8.) Compare Varro, L. L. 4, (5, 180, sp.) " Tribuni quoque quibus attributa. erat pecunia, ut militi redderent, Tribuni aerarii dicti." 3. Scnbas item universos. " And likewise the whole body of scribes." Among the Romans there were two kinds of scribes, private and public : the former were the slaves of private individuals ; the latter were free, but of plebeian rank, and generally freedmen. These last were divided into decuriae, and received pay from the public treasury. They were distributed by lot among the different magistrates, and hence were called, consulares, praetorii, aedilitii, quaestorii, &c. 4. Cum casu haec dies, &c. " When this day had, by chance, assembled them in great numbers," i. e. at the public treasury. Frequentare is here employed in an unusual sense, for frequenteg convocare. Compare pro Dom. c. 33. The scribes were assem- bled on this day, the nones of December, or 5th of the month, at the public treasury, to divide among themselves, by lot, the offices of the ensuing year, that is, to determine who should be secretaries to the consuls, who to the praetors, &c. This was done annually. "While thus employed, they saw the prisoners led by to the senate- house, and immediately, abandoning all their private concerns, they came and made an offer of their assistance, for securing the public safety. 'J36 THE FOURTH ORATION Page. ^.^ 5. Ab exspectatione sortis. " From all expectation of the office* to be allotted to them." Consult preceding note. 6. Ornnis ingenuorum, &c. " The whole body of frceborn citizens is here, even those of the humblest degree." By ingcnui the Romans meant those who were bom of parents that had always been free. Such at least seems to have been the case originally. In the Institutes of Justinian, however, the strictness of the ancient rule on this subject is very considerably modified : " Ingenuas est is, qui, stadm ut natus est, liber est ; sive ex duobus ingenuis matrimonio editus est, sive ex libertinis duobus, siee ex allero libertine, et altero ing-enuo. Sed et si quis ex matre nasciiur li'/cra, patre vero servo, ingenuus nihilominus nasciiur : quemadmodum qui ex matre libera et incerto patre natus est, quoniam vulgo conceptus est. Sttfficit autem liberam fuisse matrcm eo tempore quo nasciiur, licet ancilla conceperit," &c. (Inst. 1, tit. 4.) 7. Libertinorum hominum, &.c. The Romans distinguished be- tween the terms libertus and libertinus as follows : when referring to the patron or former master, they used libertus, thus, libertus Caesaris, " Caesar's freedman," libertus Ciceronis, &.c., but when they meant to designate a freedman generally, they employed liber- tinus, as libertinus erat, " he was a freedman," liber tinum vidi, &c. Compare the remarks of Ernesti, Clav. Cic. s. v., and Taylor, Ele- ments of the Civil Law, p. 430. 8. Qui virtute sua, &c. " Who, having by their merit attained to the condition which the right of citizenship bestows." By virtute is meant their fidelity and attachment to their masters. There is great variation here in the MSS. We have adopted the reading of Gruter, Graevius, and Ernesti. Muretus prefers, " qui fortuna sua hujus civitatis )us consecuti," which is supported by some MSS. Lambinus gives, "qui sua virtute ac fortuna hujus cimtatis jus consecuti." 9. Quidam. Referring not only to Lentulus, Cethegus, and their colleagues, but to other and more secret partisans of the conspiracy, whose names he could mention if he felt inclined. Quidam differs from aliquis, by implying that the object designated is definitely known, though indefinitely described. This indefinite description is sometimes resorted to for the purposes of oblique sarcasm (Zumpt. L. G. p. 247 ) 10. Quid commemorem. " Why need I mention," i. e. why waste time in speaking of. Matthiae, Weiske, Schutz, &c., read eommemoro, on the authority of some MSS. 11. Qui modo tolerabili, &c. " Provided he enjoy only a tolera- ble condition of servitude." Cicero means, that no slave, who AGAINST CATILINE. 237 Page. hurden of servitude is in any way tolerable, will feel inclined to A-t abandon his present state, and obtain freedom under the auspices of Catiline, since universal ruin must result from the success of his daring schemes. 12. Voluntatis. The choice of words here is extremely appro- priate. It belongs not to slaves to intermeddle in the affairs of citizens ; they can, therefore, only indulge in good-will (coluntatis) for the preservation of the state. And they dare not even indulge in this feeling, without bearing in mind, at the same time, their real condition, (quantum audet,) for they well know how little they can effect by their own unaided resources, (quantum potest.) 13. Forte commoret. " Happens to alarm." Lcnonem quendam " That a certain worthless tool." 14. Concursare, &c. " Is running around among the shops of the artisans." Compare Sallust, Cat. c. 50 : " Libcrti et pauci ex clicntibus Lentuli, diversis itineribus, opifices et sercitia in vicis ad cum eripiendum sollicitabant," &c. * 15. Nulli sunt inventi, &c. Appian, on the contrary, states, *hat the slaves and freedmen of Lentulus and Cethegus, having been joined by a large number of working-people, (^Etpori^vas m>\- XoOj xpoaXa06vTts,) endeavoured to break into the houses of the praetors, by the rear, and rescue their masters who were confined within. The moment Cicero was informed of this, he hastened from the senate-house, stationed guards in different quarters of the city, where any attack was to be apprehended, and then returned to the senate and expedited the debate. (Appian, B. C. 2, 5.) IP Ipsum ilium, &c. " That same spot where his seat is fixed, and his labours are performed, and his daily bread is earned." Cubile ac lectulum suum. " His dormitory and humble couch." Cubile is here equivalent to cubiculum dormitorium. 17. Cursum hunc, &c. " The peaceful life which he at present leads." More literally, " this his peaceful course of life." 18. Omne eorum instrumentum, &c. " Every thing with which they pursue their daily employment, all their industry and daily gains, are supported by a crowded population, are fostered by a state of public repose." For sustinetur some editions have susten tatur, which amounts to the same thing. 19. Occlusis tabernis. " When their shops are closed." The shops at Rome were closed during times of public confusion and alarm, and also of public sorrow, by an edict of the consul. Con- sult Ernesti, Clav. Cic. s. v. Taberna. 1. Quid tandem, &c. "What then will be the result when they ^5 re burnt?" If Catiline succeed, the whole city will be wrapped 238 THE FOURTH ORATION Page. A 5 in flames, and the shops of the artisans, even though they lavoui his cause, will share the common ruin. Some MSS. and editions have futurum fuit. Ernesti prefers futurum esset, but retains futu- rum est. Beck thinks that Cicero wrote merely futurum, and hence he encloses est in brackets. The form futurum cst 3 undoubtedly preferable, and is used for the purpose of strengthening what is said, as if the fire were now actually about to be applied. 2. Consulem. Meaning himself. Atque ex media, &c. Alluding in particular to the attempt made to assassinate him at his own house. 3. Mente, voluntate, &c. " In sentiment, in inclination, in zeal, in courage, in open declarations of attachment." 4. Vobis supplex, &c. To produce a stronger impression on the minds of his hearers, the orator has recourse to a most beautiful and striking personification. 5. Aras Penatium. The Lares were the ordinary household deities, the Penates were gods of a higher class. The latter were of two kinds, public and private ; but in fact the same deities, that is, the same gods, were worshipped as Penates by both an entire city, with public honours, and by the individual families in that city, with private or domestic offerings. The Lares were worshipped in the atrium, or hall, the Penates in an inner part of the dwelling, called impluvium, and, for the most part, open to the upper air. 6. Ilium ignem, &c. A sacred fire was always kept burning in the temple of Vesta, and it was one of the offices of the Vestal virgins to watch this fire day and night. Whoever allowed it to go out was scourged by the Pontifex Maximus. This accident was always esteemed unlucky, and expiated by offering extraordinary sacrifices. The fire was lighted up again, not from another fire, but from the rays of the sun. Consult Lipsius, " De Vesta et Ves- tatibus Syntagma," c. 8, seqq. 7. Sempiternum. Many MSS. have merely this word, omitting perpetuum ac which precede, and Lambinus and Graevius have adopted the reading. But perpetuus and sempiternus are not here synonymous. Ignis perpetuus denotes a fire that is fed by a con- stant succession of fresh fuel ; whereas by ignis sempiternus is meant' one which is to be continued to future ages. We may therefore render the two epithets in question by " ever-burning and ever-abiding." 8. Defocis. By focus is here meant the domestic hearth, that is, the hearth in the atrium, or place where the family generally assem- bled, and around which stood the images of the Lares. When focus and ara are joined in the same sentence, as in the phrase, AGAINST CATILINE. 239 Page pro ans et facts pugnare," then ara denotes the al:ar ol the Pen- Aft ales, while focus still refers to the Lares. 9. Ducem. Referring to himself. 10. Quae non semper, &c. " A privilege that is not always afforded." Compare the explanation of Heumannus, " cujus generis ducem non semper habere contingit." 11. In civili causa. "In a case of a public nature," i.e. in which all citizens are more or less concerned. 12. Auctas exaggeratasque. " Increased, aye, and even heaped up." 13. Una nox. That of the Saturnalia. Compare chapter 4 of the 3d oration. Paene delerit. Cicero uses delerit not delevisset, because if he had employed the direct form of expression, what the grammarians call the oratio directa, he would have said delevit, not dclevcrat. 14. Esse princeps. " To be the first heard," i. e. to take the lead. OJficio consulari. It being the duty of a consul to watch over the public safety, and to be the first to give the alarm when that safety is threatened. 15. Ego video. " I am well aware." Quim videtis, &c. " Which you see in fact is very great." 16. Turpem. "Base." Alluding to their flagitious course of life. 17. Quod si aliquando. The grammarians lay it dovvn as a rule, that the syllables ali should never follow the word si. The reason of the rule they do not give us. It appears, however, to be a good one, with this exception added to it, that whenever emphasis is required we are to write si aliquid, for example, but to adhere to the main rule on other occasions. 18. Concitata. " Aroused into action." Ista. Denoting con- tempt. Plus value rit, quam. " Shall triumph over." '1. Vitae tantam laudetn. " So glorious an existence." Afi 2. Semper. Gruter thinks that this word ought to be rejected, and Graevius actually omits it. Ernesti, however, successfully defends its presence in the text, by showing that it stands opposed to uni. 3. Gestae. Gruter recommends gesta and conservata repubaca, which Graevius adopts. But the ablative, as Ernesti correctly remarks, would only be proper here, if Cicero were expressing his own sentiments. He avoids this species of vain-boasting, and uses the genitive, as conveying merely the sentiments of the senate, respecting the result alluded to, not his own. 4. Scipio. The elder Africanus, who defeated Hannibal in the 240 THE FOURTH ORATION Page. 4g battle of Zama. Atque ex Italia decedere. Hannibal had main tained a footing in Italy for nearly sixteen years. The invasion 01 Africa by Scipio compelled him to return home. 5. Alter Africanus. The younger Scipio, or Africanus Minor. He was the son of Paullus Aemilius, and was adopted into the Scipio family by the son of the elder Africanus. 6. L. Paullus. Referring to Paullus Aemilius, who reduced Macedonia to a Roman province, after having conquered Perscs the last king of that country, in the battle of Pydna. 7. Cujus currum, &c. An account of this triumph is given b) Livy, 45, 35, seqq. 8. Bis Italiam, &c. By his two victories, one over the Teu tones and Ambrones, at Aquae Sextiae in Gallia Narbonensis, and the other over the Cimbri, at the Raudii Campi, in Cisalpine Gaul. Consult Veil. Paterc. 2, 12, Flor. 3, 3. 9. Pompeius. The exploits of Pompey are enlarged upon in the Oration for the Manilian Law. 10. lisdctn quibus solis, &c. Equivalent to "per totum teria- rum orbem celebrantur" 11. Ahquidloci. " Some room." 12. Quo victores revertantur. In illustration of what is here said we may cite the remark of Cicero, in the treatise de OJficiis, (1, 22,) " Mihi quidem Pompeius hoc tribuit, ut diceret, fustra se triumphum tertium deportaturum fuisse, nisi meo in rempublicam beneficio, ubi triumphant, esset habiturus." 13. Una loco. " In one respect." Externae. " In foreign lands." Domesticae. " At home." 14. Aut oppressi serviunt, &c. "Either have been completely crushed and are become slaves, or have been admitted to favourable terms of surrender, and consider themselves bound to us by the Kindness thus conferred." 15. Tantam conspirationem bonorum omnium. " So great una- nimity on the part of all good men." Conspiratio is used by Cicero in both a good and a bad sense. In the former meaning, it occurs, besides the present instance. Ep. ad Fam. 12, 15 : de Of. 2, 18: de Fin. 1, 20 : in the latter, Ep. ad Fam. 11, 11 : " Seder atissi- ma conspiratio." 16. Pro impcrio, &c. Alluding to the province of Macedonia, to the government of which he was entitled on the expiration of his consulship, but which he had surrendered to his colleague Antonius, in order to keep him firm in his attachment to the state. Compare Sallust, Cat. c. 26. Cisalpine Gaul had fallen to the lot of Anto- oius, but Macedonia was by far the richer province of the two. AGAINST CATILINE. 241 Page. Cicero afterward laid down the government of Cisalpine Gam, Aft which he had thus received in exchange, and Q. Metellus Celer, at that time praetor, was chosen in his place. (.Ep. ad Fam. 15, 4. Or. in Pis. 11.) 1. Pro exercitu. The army which he would have commanded in ^."J the province of Macedonia. 2. Pro provincia, &c. Alluding, not to Cisalpine Gaul, as Ma- nutius remarks, but to Macedonia. 3. Pro triumpho. He means the public chances of a triumph for operations abroad. 4. Pro clientelis, &e. " In return for the numerous c'ientships and connexions of friendship which I might have formed in my province, and which, notwithstanding, I here support with no less labour, by means of those resources which the city affords me." To prove the value of the sacrifice, he confesses how eager he is to establish clientships and connexions of friendship at home, by every means which his standing and influence in the city enable him to employ. 5. Pro meis in vos singularilws studiis. " In return for my conspicuous proofs of zeal in your behalf." 6. Quae dum erit infixa. " For as long as it shall be firmly fixed." Firmissimo muro. " By one of the strongest of ramparts." 7. Fefellerit atque superaverit. " Shall have disappointed and triumphed over." Pareum meumfilium. His son Marcus. 8. Cui profecto, &c. " Who will find in you assuredly sufficient aid, not only as regards his personal safety, but also his future ad- vancement, if you shall bear in mind that he is the son of that man, who preserved from ruin, at his own individual risk, all these things by which you are now surrounded." 9. De summa salute vestra. " In a case that concerns your very existence." Literally, " your highest safety." 10. De aris ac focis. "That concerns your homes." Ernesti correctly remarks, that, in the expression arae ac foci, both terms have a united reference to private dwellings, the ara referring to the altar of the Penates, and the focus to the hearth of the Lares, in each dwelling. Our English phrase, " altars and homes," is alto- gether inapplicable, in the sense that we attach to it, by " altars" being meant public places of worship. Compare Ernesti, Clav Cic. s. v. ara. 1 1. Universa republica. " Your country at large." 12. Diligenter, ut instituistis, &c. " Promptly and firmly, as you have already begun to do." The expression ut instituisti* refers as well to the prompt7iess and energy displayed bv Silanus 21 242 FOURTH ORATION AGAINST CATILINE Page. J and other senators in the course of the present debate, as to ttiu opinions of certain members of that body during their deliberations at the previous meeting. Compare Or. in Ca-t. 3, 6 : " Dictac sunt a. principibus acerrimae ac forti/tsiniae sententiae," &c. 13. Per se ipsum praestare. " Take on himself and execute." Quoad is introduced before possit in some MSS., and Gracvius and Ernesti both approve of it, on the ground of its being more modest than the ordinary reading, and displaying more of the " concinnitas Ciceroniana." Both reasons are weak. The language of Cicero, as we have given it, shows the firm resolve and conviction of an undaunted and patriotic mind, sure of accomplishing its object, and encouraging others by this very appearance of decision. And as for the " concinnitas Ciceroniana,'" it may be merely remarked, that there is no direct relation whatever between quoad vivet and quoad possit, the connexion is between dubitet and possit. NOTWITHSTANDING the strenuous efforts of Cicero, in this oration, *o have prompt and vigorous measures taken against the conspirators who were in custody, a large majority of the senators, and among them Cicero's own brother, Quintus, were disposed to side with Caesar, prob- ably from the fear, lest severe measures might prove injurious after- ward to Cicero himself. At last, Lutatius Catulus, Caesar's inveterate foe, and Cato, who was then tribune of the commons elect, interposed Iheir efforts. The eloquence of the latter proved triumphant, and the course he recommended was almost unanimously adopted. (Consult Plutarch, Vit. Cic. c. 20, seq. Id. Vit. Caes. c. 7, seq.Id. Vit. Cat Afi. c. 22. Suet. Caes. 14. Appian. B. C. 2, 5, teqq.) ORATION FOR THE POET ARCHIAS. Page. 1. M. TULLII CICERONIS, &c. " Oration of M. Tullius Cicero AQ in defence of the poet Archias." This is one of the Orations of Cicero on which he has succeeded in bestowing the finest polish, and it is perhaps the most pleasing of all his harangues. Archias, a native of Antioch, came to Rome when about eighteen or twenty years of age. He was rewarded, for his learning and genius, with the friendship of the first men in the state ; and, under the patronage of Lucullus, with whom he travelled, he obtained the rights of citizenship at Heraclea, a confederate and enfranchised town of Lucania. He assumed upon this, as was customary, his patron's family-name of Licinius. A few years afterward, a law was enacted, conferring the rights of Roman citizens on all who had been admitted to the .freedom of federate states, provided they had a settlement in Italy at the time when the law was passed, and had asserted the privilege, before the praetor, within sixty days from the period at which it was promulgated. With this form Archias complied, and for more than twenty years his claims were never called in question. At length, a certain individual, named Gratius, accused him of not having any just title to the character of a Roman citizen, and attempted to drive him from the city, under the enactment expelling all foreigners who usurped, without due right, the name and attri- butes of Roman citizens. The records of Heraclea having been destroyed during the Social war, and the name of Archias not appearing in any census of Roman citizens, certain doubts were thrown on the legal rights of his client. Cicero, therefore, enlarges on the dignity of literature and poetry, and the various accomplishments of Archias, which gave him so just a claim to the privileges he enjoyed. He beautifully describes the influence which study and a love of letters had exercised on his own 243 244 ORATION FOR THE Page. ^g character and conduct. He had thence imbibed ihe princ'ple, thai glory and virtue should be the darling objects of life, and that, to attain these, all difficulties and dangers were to be despised. The praetor who presided on this occasion had been supposed to be Quintus Cicero, brother of the orator : the ancient commentary on this oration, discovered by Maio, fully establishes this point. The date of the speech is A. U. C. 692, B. C. 62, and Cicero was then in the forty-sixth year of his age. 2. Si quid est in me ingenii, &c. " If there be aught of talent in me, Judges, and I am well aware how scanty that is ; or if any experience in public speaking, in which I do not deny that I am moderately versed ; or if any acquaintance with the theory of this same art, resulting from the zealous cultivation and disciplining influence of the most liberal studies, from which I acknowledge that no portion of my life has ever been estranged," &c. Menage tells a curious story, that the first sentence of this oration cost Patru four years to translate, and that, after all, he omitted " quod sentio quam sit exiguum." (Menagiana, 2, 19.) 3. In qua, &c. " Cicero, as Hottoman remarks, has here acci dentally fallen upon an hexameter, from in qua to esse inclusive. 4. Hujusce rei ratio aliqua. The expression kujusce rei refers to public speaking ; while by ratio is meant theoretical and critical skill. Compare the definition of the latter term, as given by I. C. Ernesti, in his Lexicon, Technol. Lat. Rhet. p. 320 : " Ratio dicendi, omnium earum rerum, quae ad artem dicendi vel eloquen- tiam tradendam pertinent, accuratam doctamque institutionem complectitur." 5. Hie A. Licinius. " My friend Aulus Licinius here." The student will note the force of the pronoun hie in this clause. Two MSS. subjoin Archias, but the one which we have given is undoubt- edly the true reading, since Cicero would purposely, at the com- mencement of his speech, employ only the Roman part of his client's name. 6. Repetere. " To claim in return." As the farmer seeks a return of produce, for the labour of cultivation. Prope suo jure. " By a right almost peculiarly his own." 7. Nam quoad longissime, &c. " For as far back as my mind can possibly look over the period of the past, and recall the most distant reminiscences of boyhood, reviewing my career even from that early day, I see this one to have been my chief adviser and guide for attempting, and for entering on the path of these oratorical studies." The meaning of principem here is best given by Ihe two POET ARCHIAS. 245 Page. English terms, " adviser and guide." By rationem studiorum is ^Q meant the theoretical pursuit of private studies. 8. Ad mgrediendam, &c. Cicero here means to allude to his earlier studies, since his later ones were pursued under other insiructers. 9. Pueritiae. Cicero was about five years old, when he was first placed under the care of Archias. 10. Conformata. " Moulded." Compare Ernesti, Lex. Techn. p. 82, " Conformatio dicitur, cum res informis Jit elegans et for- mula." 11. A quo id accepimus, &c. " From whom we received that, by which we might be enabled to lend aid to the rest of our fellow creatures, and preserve others from injury." 12. Ac ne quis a nobis, &c. " And lest any one may chance to wonder, that such a remark as this is made by me, because there is in this individual a different kind of genius, and not that theoretical or practical acquaintance with public speaking to which we aspire, not even we ourselves have ever been exclusively devoted to this one pursuit." Since Archias was a poet and not an orator, Cicero thought it might perhaps appear strange to some of his auditors, to hear him assert that he had derived so much benefit from the former. 13. Haec dicendi ratio, &c. Observe the peculiar force of haec, and consult, as regards the meaning of ratio, what is remarked under note 4. 14. Ne nos quidem uni, &c. The MSS. and early editions have cuncti in place of uni. This latter reading is an emendation of Ernesti's, and has been very generally adopted by subsequent editors. It is evidently required by the context, and stands opposed to penitus. By huic uni studio is meant oratory. 15. Etenim omnes artes, &c. " For all those arts, that have relation to liberal knowledge, possess a kind of common bond of union, and are connected together by a species of natural affinity." The liberal arts are meant. 16. Humanitatem. The term humanitas is applied by the Latin writers to liberal and polite studies, from their humanizing influence on the mind. Compare the language of Aulus Gellius, 13, 16 : " Quiverba Latino, feccrunt, quique his prole usi sunt, humanita- tem appellaverunt id propemodum quod Graeci vadefav vacant, nos eruditionem instiiutionenique in bonas aries dicimus ; guas qui sinceriler cupiunt appetuntquc, hi sunt vel maxime humanissimi.' 1 '' 1. In quaestione legitima. " In the discussion of a mere legal AQ question." The point involved in the present case, respecting tlw 21* 246 ORATION FOR THE Page. 4Q citizenship of A/chias was a strictly legal one. In judicio publico. It was in fact only a case about the private right of citizenship, but then the question turned on the interpretation of a public law, which consequently gave the trial a public aspect. 2. Cum res agatur, &c. " When a case is plead before a praetor of the Roman people, a most accomplished individual, and before judges of the gravest character." Severissimos, in this sen- tence, is regarded by some commentators, as referring to the strict impartiality of the bench whom Cicero is addressing. It certainly has this meaning elsewhere, but in the present instance the one which we have assigned to it is undoubtedly preferable. Cicero means, that the mode of defence, which he is going to adopt, may perhaps, at first view, seem unsuited to the grave character of the judges before whom he is to speak, who would expect merely a formal and technical discussion of a dry legal point, and not a flight. of oratory about the beneficial effects of liberal studies. 3. Praelorem. It used to be a warmly-contested point who the praetor was that presided on this occasion. The old commentary discovered by Maio settles the question. The praetor was Cicero's brother, Q. Cicero, himself an epic and tragic poet. The words of the commentary are : " Hanc enim causam, lege Papia, de civitate Romana, apud Quintum Ciceronem dixit" &c. 4. Judices. In conformity with the Aurelian law of L. Aurelms Cotta, passed during the consulship of Pompey and Crassus, the judges on public trials were selected, at the time this case was plead, from the senators, equites, and tribunes of the treasury'. (Consult note 15, page 43.) These judices formed a select coun- cil, who assisted the praetor with their advice. They sat by him on subsellia, or benches, and are hence often called his as.iessores. 5. Quod non modo, &c. " Which is at variance with not only the custom of public trials, but even with the mode of pleading that is usual at the bar." Hence he fears, lest it may not seem to comport with the grave character of the court before which he is speaking. 6. Ut in hoc causa, &c. " To grant me this indulgence in the present case, an indulgence well-suited to the character of the accused, and, as I hope, not disagreeable to yourselves ; that you permit me, namely, when pleading in behalf of," &c. 7. Hoc vestra humanitate, &c. " Before a bench as distin- guished as yourselves for liberal knowledge, and while such a praetor, in fine, as the present one, presides at this trial." Hoc praetore suits well the language of one brother to another ; a higher strain of compliment would have been out of place. POET ARCHIAS. 247 Pago 8. De studies humanitatis, &c. " To enlarge, with somewhat Q more freedom than is usual here, on liberal studies and literature in in general, and, in the case of such an individual as this, who, on account of his retired and studious mode of life, has been by no means conversant with public trials, and the risks that attend them, to employ a novel and unusual mode of speaking." Tractata esl is here equivalent to exercitata esl. Compare the explanation of Doring . " Tractamus rem, quam attingtmus,vel in qua nos exer- cemus ; et sic ipsae res, site personae, quae in aliqua re exercen- tur, in ea tra.cta.ri dicuntur. Consult also Ernesti, Clav. Cic. s. v. tractare. 9. In ejusmodi persona. Referring to Archias. Passeratins makes the allusion to be to the orator himself, of which explanation Burmann (ad On. Rem. Am. 381) approves. Both, however, are wrong. Consult Ernesti, Clav. Cic. s. v. tractare. 10. Nova quodam, &c. The novel kind of speaking, to which Cicero alludes, is the introduction of literary topics into the discus- . eion of a legal point. 11. Perficiam profecto, &c. " I will assuredly cause you to entertain the conviction, that my friend Aulus Licimus here, not only ought not, as he is a citizen, to be preluded from their number, but even ought, if he were not a citizen, to be admitted among them." 12. Nam ut primum, &c. From his being subsequently called praelextatus, Archias must at the time here alluded to have been about 14 or 15 years of age. 13. Ad humanitatem informari. " To be trained up to liberal knowledge." More literally, " to be moulded." Compare the explanation of Manutius, " Quasi formae initium a literis accipiat puerilis aelas, quae per se informis esset." 14. Ad scribendi studium. " To poetic composition." More literally, " to the study of composition." Some of the epigrams of Archias are preserved in the Anthology, vol. 2, p. 80, seqq. ed. Jacobs. His poetical merits are evidently overrated by Cicero. 15. Loco nobili. " Of a distinguished family." Celebri quon- dam ur be. "A city once populous and flourishing." As regards the force of celeber compare Ernesti, Clav. Cic. s. v. " Abundann incolis et frequens." So ad Hcrenn. 2, 4, " Locus Celebris an descrtus." The words urbs, oppidum, locus, when in apjwsition to names of towns, as the place where any thing occurs, may be in the ablative without in, though the name of the place be in the genitive. 16. Eruditissimis kominibus, &c. "Abounding in the most learned men, and conspicuous for an attachment to the most liberal 248 OKAT10X FOR THT, Page. 49 studies." What the grammarians call a zeugma opeiates in iij/lii' enti, that is, our idiom requires a different meaning for each clause. 1 7. Ei. We have inserted this pronoun into the text on the suggestion of Lambinus and Ernesti. It is also given by Schiita 18. Sic ejus adeentus celebrabanlur, &c. " His arrivals were attended with so much eclat, that the expectation formed of the individual exceeded the fame of his talents, his arrival itself, and the admiration it excited, surpassed the expectation to which he himself had given rise." 19. Graecarum artium ac disciplinarum. " Of Graecian arts and culture." Studiaque haec. Referring to liberal studies in general. Vehementius. " With more ardour." 20. lisdem in oppidis. He uses the term oppidis purposely, as indicating places of inferior rank to the capital, Rome, which was properly called urbs. 21. Non negligebantur. A litotes, for maxima fiorebant. 22. Qui aliquid de ingeniis, &c. " Who were able to form any estimate of talents," i. e. who were intelligent enough to mark the existence of talent in another. 23. Hac lanla celebrilale famac. " Amid this so brilliant a reputation." Absentibus. Referring to those who were absent at the time, and, of course, personally unacquainted with him. jjQ 1. Mario consule et Catulo. C. Marius was seven times consul ; this was his fourth consulship, A. U. C. 650. Of Catulus Cicero speaks in high terms, Oral. 2, 7, and elsewhere. 2. Nactus est primum, &c. " He found, in the first place, those individuals in the consulship, of whom, the one could furnish the noblest subjects for poetic composition, the other both memorable actions, and also an attachment to liberal studies and a practised ear." By the first of these is meant Marius, whose exploits over the Teutones and Cimbri were celebrated in verse by Archias : the other is Catulus, who shared with Marius the glory of the Cimbrian victory, and was also, as Cicero styles him, (Brutus, c. 35,) " vir doctus et disertus." He wrote the history of his consulship, after the manner of Xenophon, and dedicated it to A. Furius, the poet. Cicero, elsewhere, (de Off. 1, 37,) ascribes to the Catuli, father and son, " exquisitum lilterarum judicium." 3. Aures. Referring, not merely to his listening with attention to the recitations of Archias, but also to his being enabled, by good taste and a practised ear, to pass an accurate opinion on the pro- ductions of the bard. Compare the remark of Manutius : " Aures : Quae, quod audirent, judicare possent," and also that of Do'ring POET ARCHIAS. 249 Page. " Awes adhibere, h. e. perripere et dijudicare carminum pulchritu- gQ dtncm." 4. Adhibere, We have rendered this verb by our English terra " to furnish," i. e. exhibit or display, rather than have recourse to an awkward zeugma, as recommended by Doling. 5. Luculli. The two brothers, L. Licinius and Marcus Lucullus. The former was the eminent commander, whose biography is given by Plutarch. 6. Praetextatus. " A mere youth." A Roman term applied to a foreigner. Among the Romans, young persons wore the toga praetexta until they were seventeen years of age, when they assumed '.he toga mrilis. Cicero, most probably, does not mean to designate very closely the age of Archias, and the latter perhaps may, at the time here alluded to, have actually passed the period of seventeen : 10 only means to speak of him as possessing attainments the more remarkable on account of his extreme youth. 7. Non solum ingenii, &c. " Was owing, not only to his genius ind literary acquirements, but also to his amiable temper and virtu- ous disposition." Domus. Referring to the family of the Luculli. 8. Illi Numidico. " The celebrated Numidicus." The pronoun tile has here the force of the Greek article when used emphatically. Metellus received the title of Numidicus, from his having defeated Jugurtha in two battles, and made himself master of nearly all Numidia. Jugurtha, however, was finally taken captive and the war ended by Marius. Still Metellus was, in fact, the true victor, having been recalled when on the eve of terminating the contest. 9. Et ejus JUio Pio. " And to his son Pius." The son of Q. Metellus Numidicus received the cognomen of Pius, from his having obtained, by his entreaties, from the Roman people, the recall of his father from exile. Compare Cic. Or. in Senat. post red. c. 15 : " Pro me non ut pro Q. Metello, sum mo et clarissimo viro, fpeclata jam adolescentia filius deprecalus est." Among the Ro- mans, the terms pius and pietas indicated not only duty towards the gods, but also to one's country, parents, relations, friends, &c. Hence, in the present instance, the appellation Pius conveys the idea of filial duty. Compare Cic. de Off. 3, 23 : " Ipsi patriae conducit pios habere cives in parentes." 10. Audiebatur a M. Aemilio. " He found a hearer in M. Aemilius," i. e. M. Aemilius was one of his hearers. The allusion is to the poet's recitations in private circles. The Aemilius here meant is the famous M. Aemilius Scaurus. Consult Historical Index. 11. Vivebat. " He lived on terms of intimacy." -" * ' ' 250 ORATIOV FOR THE ?age. ^Q 12. Colebatur. " He was highly esteemed." 13. Lucullos vero, &c. " Whil , holding as he did the T .uculli, and Drusus, and the Octavii, and Cato, and the whole family of the Hortensii, attached to himself by habits of intimacy, he was hon- oured by them with marks of the highest regard." 14. Drusum. M. Livius Drusus, tribune of the commons, who had promised the people a law about admitting the Italian allies to the rights of citizenship. He was slain at his own home by Q. Va- rius. Consult Historical Index. 15. Octavios. The two Octavii, Cneius and Lucius. Catonem. Probably, M. Cato, the father of Cato Uticensis. Compare Manu- tius, ad loc. 16. Colebanl. " Courted his acquaintance." Qui aliquid, &c. " Who were really desirous of making some literary acquisitions and becoming his hearers," i. e. of improving themselves by becom- ing his auditors. Si qui forte simulabant. " Whoever chanced to affect this desire." 17. Interim satis longo intereallo. " Some considerable urne after this." 18. In Sicilian. Some of the early editors have Ciliciam, and Ilgen attempts to defend it as the true reading. Most of the MSS., however, give Siciliam. This journey of Lucullus does not appear to have been made in any public capacity. Ilgen, in attempt- ing to prove Ciliciam the true reading, thinks it probable that Lu- cullus, in order to qualify himself for public affairs, followed in the train of Sylla, when the latter was sent as propraetor to that country. This is all, however, a purely gratuitous supposition. (Ilgen. Animadv. Hist et. Grit, in Oral, pro Arch. p. 12, seqq.) 19. Heraclcam. In Lucania, between the rivers Aciris and Siris. Consult Geographical Index. 20. Quae cum esset, &c. " And since this state enjoyed very favourable privileges, and a very advantageous alliance with us," i. e. very favourable privileges by reason of an advantageous alliance with us. The alliance here referred to was made with Rome, at the lime that Pyrrhus was in Italy, A. U. C. 475. A zeugma, a* will be perceived, operates in acquissimo. 21. Data est civitas, &c. " By the law of Silvanus and Carbo, the rights of Roman citizenship were granted to strangers, in case any of them had been enrolled as citizens by the states in alliance with Rome, provided they had a domicil in Italy at the time when the law was passed, and provided also they made their claim under the law, before the praetor, within sixty days after the passage of the same." Cicero quotes here, in part, the vory language of the POET ARCH1AS. 251 Page. law, with the change merely from the present to the past tense on g() account of data est which precedes. The two quotations are com- monly printed in capitals, but incorrectly, since the change of tense precludes, of course, the idea of their being the ipsissima vc'la. of the law. 22. Silvani lege et Carbonis. The individuals here meant were M. Plautius Silvanus and C. Papirius Carbo. They were tribunes of the commons when the law in question was proposed by them, A. U. C. 664. It is sometimes called lex Plautia, from the nomen of Silvanus. Consult Legal Index. 23. Multos jam annos. " Many years before this." He came to Rome A. U. C. 652, and hence had been residing there twelve years before the passage of the law. Q. Mctellum. Manutius thinks that Q. Metellus Creticus is here meant, but Ferratius, with more probability, Metellus Pius. 24. Si nikil aliud, &c. " If we are to treat, on the present occasion, of nothing else except of his citizenship at Heraclea, and the application of the law in that case, I have nothing farther to say ; my cause is plead," i. e. if I am to confine my remarks, on the present occasion, to the fact of his being an admitted citizen of Heraclea, &c. The law referred to is that of Silvanus and Carbo. 25. Grati. Some editions read Graccke, but Grati rests OH better MSS. authority, and is given by Ernesti, Orellius, &c. Hgen thinks, that, as the gens Gratia is unknown to us, the individual here meant was most probably Numerius Quinctius Gracchus, tribune of the commons, A. U. C. 697. But does it follow, as a matter of course, that the accuser, in a case like the present, must be a mem- ber of a family that is known to us 1 26. Turn. " At the time already mentioned," i. e. the period of his visit to Heraclea in company with Lucullus. 27. Summa, atictoritate, &c. " Of the highest credit, the most scrupulous regard for truth, and the strictest integrity." Religio here refers to the scrupulous caution that ought to be observed in giving testimony, so that the whole truth may be told but nothing beyond. Compare the general definition of Ernesti, " Religio est snmma in quacunque re diligentia, ne quid minus recte fat." (Clai). Cic. s. v.) 28. Qui se non opinari, &c. " Who states, that he does noi think it was so, but knows it as a fact ; that he did not hear it from otheis, but saw it with his own eyes ; that he was not present merely, but was himself an actor in the affair," i. e. aided Archias in obtaining the rights of citizenship at Heraclea, by his personal interference. 2.V2 ORATION FOR THE Page. J0 29. Cum mandatis, &c. " With written documents and pubht testimony." The deputies from Heraclea brought with them such written documents and proofs as might, in the absence of the origi- nal registers, tend to furnish the next best means for substantiating the claims of Archias. 51 1- Heracleensem. " As a citizen of Heraclea," i. e. the freedom of the city had been conferred on him, not being a citizen by birth. Lambinus and Emesti propose Heracleae csse, considering adscrip- tum as a mere gloss. 2. Tabulas publicas. " The public registers." The lists con- taining the names of the citizens. 3. Italico bello. The war made by the Italian allies (hence called likewise the social war) upon the Roman republic, in order to extort from it, by force of arms, the rights of citizenship. From the Marsi having begun it, this war is sometimes denominated the Marsic. 4. Tabuhirio. " The registry." The office where the public records were kept. Compare note 2. 5. Ad ea, quae habemus, nihil dicere. " To say nothing with regard to the evidence that we have." Quae habere non possumus The public register which has been destroyed. 6. l)f. hominum memoria tacere. " To be silent as to the testi- mony of men," i. e. as to what is testified, in the present case, by Lucullus and the Heracleans. 7. Literarum memvriam Jlagitare. "To insist on that of re- cords." 8. Cum habeas. " Although you have." Integerrimi municipii. " Of a free city of the strictest honour." When this oration was delivered Heraclea was a municipium ; when Archias obtained from it the rights of citizenship, it was a civitas foederata. 9. Quas idem diets, &c. " Which even ydu yourself confess are accustomed to be falsified." 10. At domicilium, &c. " But, you will say, he had not his domicil in Italy. 1 ' Cicero nere anticipates a frivolous objection of Gratius, that Archias had not fulfilled the first requisite of the law. The common text has Romae, for which we have substituted in Italia, a conjecture of Lambinus, which Ernesti and others adopt. The law required a domicil in Italy, not at Rome : this latter pro- vision would have been absurd. Cicero's argument, therefore, is oriefly this : if Archias lived at Rome many years before he was enrolled as a citizen of Heraclea, he must necessarily have had a domicil in Italy. Now, that he so dwelt at Rome is well ascertained ; consequently he fulfilled, as regarded a domicil, all the provisions of the enactment. POET ARCHIA3. 2j)3 Page 11 Ante ciritatem datam. Namely, at Heraclea. Sedtm otn- Fl ttium rerum, &c. " The seat of all his efforts and all his fortunes." 12. At non est professus. " But he did not make his claim under the law." Anticipating a second objection from his opponent. 13. Immo vero, &c. " Nay, indeed, he did do so, in those very registers, which are the only ones connected with that claiming of the rights of citizenship, and with the college of praetors, that possess the authority of public documents." Cicero means, that Archias not only claimed in due season the rights of citizenship, bvit had his name enrolled in those registers which were considered the most accurately kept. These were the registers of Metellus, those of Appius and Gabinius being regarded, for the reasons which he specifies, as of little or no authority. 14. Nam cum, &c. " For, whereas the registers of Appius were said to have been kept in too careless a manner, while the corrup- tion of Gabinius, as long as he escaped impeachment, the ruin that overtook him after condemnation, deprived his registers of all credit ; Metellus, on the other hand, of all men the most scrupelous and the most observant of the laws, displayed so much exactness in his own, as to have come before Lucius Lentulus, the praetor, and the judges who were sitting with him, and to have declared that he was rendered uneasy by the erasure of a single name." Cicero hero places the registers of Metellus in direct opposition to those of Appius and Gabinius, ar.d cites a little anecdote to show how care- ful and scrupulous a man the former was. His argument then be- comes a very strong one. If the name of Archias be found in the registers of a praetor so famed for his exactness as Metellus was, this circumstance furnishes the best possible proof in support of the poet's claim. 15. Appii. Appius Claudius and P. Gabinius Capito were prae- tors along with Metellus, in the year when Archias was registered. Gabinius, after returning from his government of Achaia, was ac- cused of extortion by Lucius Piso, and condemned, and henee his disgraceful fall destroyed the credit of his register, which his previ- ous corruption had already greatly impaired. 16. MoAestissimus. Equivalent here to legum observantissimus. Compare the remark of Doring, " homo enim moAestus vel maxims modestiam suam probat dilig enter observando ea, quae eum obser rare decet." Hence, Or. post red. in Sen. c. 2, the expression modcsti consules is applied to magistrates who shrink from the idea of doing any thing in violation of the laws." (Ernesti, Clav. Cic. s. v.) 17. Judices. The ass f stores of the praetor. Consult note 4 page 49. ' ,' ; 254 ORATION FOR THE Page. Si 18. His igitur tabulis. The student will observe the force of the pronoun his in this clause, referring to the great care and dili- gence with which the register of Metellus was kept. 19. Nullam lituram, &c. " You see no erasure in the name of Aulus Licinius." We have considered in nomen, with Ernesti, as equivalent here to in nomine. It may also be differently construed by supplying inductam. Cicero's argument is a simple but conclu- sive one. If the name of Archias was contained in the register of Metellus ; if there was no erasure about this name ; and if Metellus was so scrupulous a man as to have been rendered uneasy, on one occasion, by an actual erasure, and to have openly stated this in court before the praetor and his associate judges, all this forms the strongest possible argument in favour of Archias. 20. Mediocribus multis, &c. " On many individuals of merely moderate abilities, and having either no profession at all, or else Borne humble one." 21. In Graecia. Referring to Magna Graecia, in Southern Italy, as appears at once from the names immediately after subjoined, Rhcginos, Locrenses, &c., denoting communities in that quarter. 22. Rheginos, credo, &c. " I am to take it for granted, that the inhabitants of Rhegium, or of Loen, or of Neapolis, or Tarentum, were unwilling to bestow that favour on this individual, though enjoying at the same time the highest reputation for talents, whicn they were accustomed to lavish on mere actors." The whole sen- tence is ironical, of which credo is the index. The favour alluded to is the right of citizenship. 23. Scenicis artiflcibus. Equivalent to histriombus. So the Greeks sometimes denominated actors, 01 Trcpi rdv Ai6w the Roman laws, which none but a Roman citizen could do. i. From his succeeding to inheritances left by Roman citizens, which a foreigner could not do. 3. From his having obtained a recom- mendation to the state for good conduct. 10. Et in beneficiis, &c. " And his name was carried to the public treasury, in the list of the beneficiaries, by L. Lucullus the proconsul." Whenever any individual had distinguished himself in the public service, he was recommended by the magistrate, or governor, under whom he acted, to the government at home. A list, containing the names of suoh persons, was made out by the one who recommended them, and was deposited by him in the public treasury, or archives of the state. The persons thus noticed were called beneficia, (i. e. beneficiarii,) because advantages of some kind or other were always sure to be reaped by them. This hon- our, however, could of course only be enjoyed by Roman citizens, and hence Archias must have been one of the latter. (Consult, as regards the be.neficia of the Romans, the remarks of Gronovins tie Pecun. vet. 3, 17, and Manutius ad loc.) 11. Proconsule. The common text has praetore et conxule. foi which we have given proconsule with Graevius. The reason of the change is simply this ; the lists referred to in the text were made almost always by the provincial magistrates, and as one of the MSS. collated by Graevius has P. R. consult instead of praetore cl consuie, the change to proconsule seems a very rational 'ine. Ernesti observes of it, " Verissime Graevius corrigit Proconsule.'' 12. Quaere argumenta, &c. " Seek for other proofs of Archias's not being a citizen, if you can find any. For never will he ho refuted by any thing appearing either in his own conduct or that of his friends." The common text has ivdifio, for which \ve have POE'l ARCHIAS. 257 , ?e. given indicia, on tne conjecture of llgen. &o refers to Archias's g*J tiaving fulfilled all the requisitions of the law, and amicorum to the conduct of Lucullus in particular, in having added the name of the poei to the list of the public beneficiaries. Nothing, argues Cicero, can be derived from these two sources unfavourable to the claim of Archias, but, on the contrary, every thing in support of it. 13. Quia suppeditat nobis, &c. " It is because he supplies us witb that, by which both our minds can be refreshed after emerging from this din of the forum, and amid which our ears, stunned by the wrangling of litigation, may begin to taste of repose." A beautiful allusion to the charms of literary society and leisure, after labo- rious professional labours have been brought to their daily close. Vbi is to be repeated with et aurcs, and takes a new meaning in this latter clause, being here equivalent to in quo, whereas in the bf-ginning of the sentence it has the force of a quo, or rather the simple case of the instrument, quo. 14. Suppetere nobis posse, &c. " That we can have what to say," &c. Rerum. " Of matters that present themselves," i. e. cases, subjects for pleading. 15. Nisi excolamus. "Unless we assiduously cultivate." Ta.nta.rn contenlionem. " So long-continued exertion." More literally, " to be kept so long upon the stretch." A metaphor taken from the bending of a bow, or any. thing of a pliable nature, which lo;;es its pliability in some degree by being too long bent. 16. Nisi relaxemus. "Unless we unbend them." Relaxo is here directly opposed to contentio, and is elegantly employed for reficio or recreo. The cramping and narrowing effect of mere professional studies is very pithily alluded to in the well known saying, ot airo! TTfol T&'j aiiTMV roTj avrois ru awra, as well as in the i; icpd:i3rt Bavarof. 17. His sludiis. Referring to literary " pursuits." Ita se liiteris abdiderunt. " Have buried themselves to such a degree amid literary studies." Cicero means, that they only are to be censured for their attachment to literary pursuits, who allow the world to reap no benefit from their labours ; that in his case they form a source of advantage to his fellow-men, and one of the purest and truest delight to himself, calling off his mind from all the blandishments ot pleasure. 18. Ul nihil possint, &(iO ORATION FOR THE Pag. 5'3 the bravest of men, wrought out not only for our contemplatran, but also for us to imitate, have both the Greek and Latin writers left behind them !" Imagines refers to the delineations of moral character. 11. Mil'i proponens. " Placing before my view." Animum et mentcm m,'am, &c. " Strove to mould my feelings and my thoughts, by reflecting on the characters of those illustrious men." 12. Eli ipsi summi viri, &c. " Were those great men them selves, whose merits have been handed down to remembrance by the aid of letters, versed in that learning which you extol by youi encomiums 1" Literally, " learned in that learning." The allusion s to liberal and polite acquirements. ) 3. Difficile cat hoc, &c. Cicero will not undertake to say, that all the eminent men alluded to by him were trained up in the paths of literature. On the contrary, he acknowledges, that many of them were self-taught men, and owed their success, in a great degree, to he unaided force of natural talents. Yet he is convinced, that these native powers would have produced still fairer results vindei he fostering influence of liberal studies. 14. Sed tamen est cerium, &c. " And yet what I am going M answer may be relied upon with certainty," i. e. is mos certain. 15. Excellenti animo ac virtute. " Of superior ability and merit." Et sine doctrina, &c. " And that, without the aid of learning, by the almost divine influence of nature itself, they have become, by .heir own exertions, discreet and influential men." 16. Naturae. Referring to natural abilities. Moderates. Goiii pare the explanation of Doring : " Moderates, h. e. tempcrantts, continentes, qui animum ad normam recti moderari et temperars 17. Ad laudem atque virtutern, &c. "That natural abilities, without the aid of learning, have oftener availed more for the pur- poses of fame and of virtue," i. e. for establishing a reputation for what is honourable and virtuous. 18. Atque idem ego contendo, &c. " And yet I at the same tima contend, that when to natural abilities of an exalted and brilliant character there are added the directing influence, as it were, awl moulding power of learning, then something or other great and ex traqrdinary is accustomed to result." Ratio refers to the method which learning generally imparts, and by which our mental move- ments become systematized. Illud ncscio quid. Literally, " That I know not what." Something or other. Compare, as regards the meaning of Cicero in this passage, the remarks in note 13. POET ARCHIAS. 261 4U* 19. Ex hoc esse, &c. " That of this number was." Contendo extends its force to this and the succeeding clauses. 20. Africanum. The younger Africanus. Consult Historical Index, and compare Cic. de Off. 1, 32: " Hie idem Africanus elo- quentia rumulavit bellicam gloriam." 21. C. Laelium. Well known from Cicero's treatise on Friend- ship. L. Furium. L. Furius was consul A. U. C. 617, and, ac- cording to Cicero, (Brut. 28,) " perbene latine locutus est, et liter- atius quam ccteri." 22. Moderatissimos homines, &c. "The most discreet and continent of men." Consult note 16. 23. Et illis temporibus doclissimum. " And a very learned man for those times." 24. M. Catonem ilium senem. " Marcus Cato, the elder." More commonly known as Cato the censor, and the great grand- father of Cato Uticensis. 25. Ad percipiendam, &c. " As regarded the knowledge and practice of virtue." Adjuvarentur. For adjuti fuissent. 1. Quod si, &c. "But even if so great advantages as these were shown not to result." Hanc animi adversionem, &c. " You would regard this employment of the' mind as most worthy the dig- nity of a thinking being, and most liberal in its character." Com- pare, as regards humanissimam, note 16, page 48, and also the ex- planation of During : " Humanissimam, h. e. homine dignissimam et honestissimam." 2. Nam ceterae, &c. " For other mental employments are not suited either to every period, or to every age or place ; these studies, however, foster our earlier years, afford delight to our declining ones." The MSS. all agree in reading agunt for alunt, but we have given alunt with Lambinus, Manutius, Orellius, and others, as more in accordance with the spirit of the passage. Ernesti has agunt, and explains it by acuunt, i. e. excitant. 3. Delectant domi, &c. "They impart gratification at home, they embarrass not abroad, they are with us during the vigils of the night, they roam with us in foreign lands, they are our companions amid the retirement of rural scenes." Non impediunt foris. Lit- erary studies form no impediment to the successful discharge of public duties, but rather an aid. Rusticantur. The attachment of the Romans to a country life, and their resorting to their villas dur- ing the heats of summer, are too well known to need comment. 4. Quod si ipsi, &c. " And even if we could neitler ourselvea prosecute them, nor taste the pleasures they afford by our own per- ceptions." Atlingcre is here used in the sense of tractare. 26'J ORATION FOR THE Page. FiA 5. Tarn animo agresti ac durofuit. " Was possessed of a bosom so rude and so devoid of all feeling." Agresti is here equivalent to inhumano, i. e. if the term be allowed, " unhumanized." 6. Roscii. Roscius, the celebrated actor. Consult Historical Index. 7. Qu,i cum esset, &c. " Who, although he died advanced in years, yet seemed, on account of his surpassing skill and grace, to have been altogether undeserving of death," i. e. to have been worthy of living for ever. Venustatem is here equivalent to " elc- gantem corporis agilitatem, concinnos corporis motus." 8. Corporis motu. " By the mere movements of his person." Nos animorum, &c. " Shall we treat with neglect the movements of the mind, surpassing all belief, and the rapid play of talent 1" i. e. shall we praise Roscius for the mere movements of his person, and neglect Archias when so much more conspicuous for the movements of the mind 1 Ernesti thinks that we ought to read has for nos. But the latter is far more emphatic. 9. Utar enim vestra benignitate. " For I will avail myself a little farther of your indulgence," i. e. I will trespass a little longer upon your attention. In hoc novo genere dicendi. Compare note 2, page 49. 10. Cum literam scripsisset nullam. "Although he had not committed a single character to writing," i. e. without using his pen. 11. Dicere ex tempore. " Uttering on the spur of the moment." Archias, in this, resembled the Italian improvisatori. Revocatum. " When requested to repeat." Literally, " when recalled," a met- aphor borrowed from the custom of theatres, when an actor is recalled by the audience, and requested to repeat his part. 12. Cvmmutatis vcrbis atque senlentiis. " With a total change of words and ideas.'' 13. Accurate cogitateque. " With care and on reflection." Ut ad veterum, &c. " As to have attained to the praise bestowed on the writers of old," i. e. to have equalled the productions of the best days of Grecian literature. 14. Atqui sic accepimus. " Why, we have received this," i. e. have learnt this. Ilgen reads atque on conjecture. But atqni suits better what precedes, and is more spirited. 15. Ceterarum rerum studia, &c. " That the successful pursuit of other matters depends on acquirements, and precepts, and art ; that the poet, on the contrary, derives his power from nature herself, and is roused into action by the energies of the mind, and breathed into, as it were, by a kind of sacred influence." POET ARCMIAS. 263 Page. 16. Infiari. Compare the Greek hQovaiafa, i/wiia, &0., as ap- ZA plied to poets, and also the language of Ovid, (Fast. 6, 5) : " Est deus in nobis, agitante calescimus illo ; Impetus hie sacrae semina mentis kabet." 17. Suojure. " By a right peculiarly his own," i. e. on account of his own eminence as a votary of the muse. 18. Sanctos. " A hallowed race." 19. Quod quasi, &c. " Because they seem to come recom mended to us in the light as it were of a rich favour from the gods." The Latin writers, in order to convey an emphatic meaning, frequently join two words, that are exactly or nearly synonymous, in the compass of the same sentence, as, in the present instance, donum and munus. Some writers, indeed, on Latin style, endeavour to draw a distinction between these two terms, making donum a pure gift, no obligation being implied on the part of the giver, and munus, a present which usage or obligation requires. (Crombie, Gymnasium, vol. 1, p. 97.) But no such distinction operates in the present case, and certainly none in the following passage of Ovid, (A. A. 3, 653) : " Munera, crede mihi, capiunt hommesque deosque. Placatur donis Jupiter ipse datis." In the Pandects, also, donum and munus are frequently joined with each other, as, for example, lib. 38, tit. 1, leg. 7, 37, 47. Ulpian, however, insists, that donum is the generic term, and munus the special. (L. 194, D. de verb, signif.) 20. Humanissimos homines. " Men most conspicuous for the culture of liberal knowledge." Nulla barbaria. " No barbarous nation." 1. S&xa. ef solitudines, 3", & xSt/rdtAfif, fiyov^ai xa\a piv ill/ nt pvityiaa xal raj rart in public affairs, and mingling in the debates of the senate, since the period of his return to Rome, after having been pardoned by Caesar. The reason of this silence he gives us with more openness in a letter to Sulpicius, (Ep. ad Fam. 4, 4,) " I had resolved to observe a perpetual silence, not from any feeling of indo- lence, but from one of regret at the loss of my former dignity." 3. Quo tram his temporibus usus. " In which I had indulged during these latter times." 4. Nan timore aliquo. Complimentary to Caesar, and implying that even if Cicero had felt inclined to express his sentiments on public affairs, with boldness and freedom, he would have been allowed by Caesar so to do, without any interruption. 5. Partirn dolore. Grief for the absence of his friend Marcellus. Compare what follows a little after : " Dolebam enim," &c. 6. Partim verecundia. " Partly from a feeling of self-restraint." Cicero means to express by verecundia the awkwardness he felt at speaking in the presence of one whom he had opposed in the civil contest. Compare the explanation of Manutius : " Contra quern, enim armis pugnassem, eo praesente in senatu verba facer e vere cundia prohibebat." 7. Quae vellem, &c. " Of giving utterance, with my former wonted freedom, to my wishes and my sentiments." Compare Manutius : " ut, pro meo scnsit, quemadmodum antea solebam, libere loquar." 8. Mansuefudinem. " Humanity." As displayed by Caesar in pardoning Marcellus. Compare, as regards the force of matisue- tudo, the oration for the Manilian law, c. 14, where Cicero, speak- ing of Pompey, remarks : " Humanitas jam tanta est, ut difficile dictu sit, vtrum hosles magis virtutem ejus pugnantes limuerint, an mansueludinem victi dilexerint." 9. Tantum, in summa potestate, &c. " Such boundless moder- ation in the midst of unlimited power." s 10. Sapientiam. As shown by its controlling the dictates of private animosity, and restoring a useful citizen to his country. 11. Auctoritatem. Compare his words to Sulpicius, already referred to, (Ep. ad Fam. 4, 4,) " Statueram, non mehercule iner- tia, sed desiderio pristinae dignitatis, in perpetuum lacere." Cicero begins now to perceive a restoration in some degree of his former "influence," in consequence of the mildness and generosity of Caesar towards his friend. 12. Dolebam. " I used to grieve." Virum taltm. Referring to Marcellus. 280 ORATION FOR Page. gQ 13. In cadem causa, &c. " Who had been engaged in the same cause with myself," i. c the party of Pompey. Non in eademesse forluna. " Was not enjoying the same good fortune.'' Cicero, after the battle of Pharsalia, accepted pardon from Caesar, and returned to Rome ; Marcellus, on the other hand, too stubborn a republican to acknowledge a master, retired to Mitylene in the island of Lesbos, where he was residing when the news of his par- don reached him. 14. Nee mihi persuadere poteram, &c. " Nor could I prevail upon myself, nor did I deem it in accordance with the hallowed law of friendship, that I should engage in our old career, when he, the rival and the imitator of my pursuits and labours, my associate and companion as it were, was torn from me." The use of fas is here strongly emphatic, which must - be our apology for giving it a paraphrase rather than a translation. Fat has reference to the gods and things of a sacred nature, jus to what is of human origin or character. (Serv. ad Virg. Georg. 1, 269.) 15. Nostro veteri curricula. Forensic pursuits and public speaking in general. Aemulo atque imitator e> &c. Marcellus w&i distinguished for his ability as a speaker Consult Historical Index. 16. Meae pristinae vitae, &c. " The habits of my former life, which had been long closed upon me." We have adopted the read- ing of Lambinus, Wolf, W T eiske, &c. The common text has el mihi el meae pristinae, &c. 17. Et his omnibus, &c. " And have raised a signal, as it were, for all who axe here present to entertain favourable hopes of the state at large," i. e. of all that is connected with the welfare of their country. Signum aliquod extulisti. A metaphor borrowed from military operations. 18. Intellectum esl enim, &c. " For it was rendered plainly apparent, to myself, indeed, in many instances before u- and especially in my own case, but, a moment ago, to all who are here present, that, when you granted Marcus Marcellus to the senate and people of Rome," &c. 1. 0/ensionibus. Marcellus, when consul, had moved in the senate, that Caesar's command in Gaul be abrogated, when the latter, after having put an end to the Gallic war, though his com- mission was near expiring, sought to retain his command, pretend- ing that he could not possibly be safe, if he parted with his army, whi'e Pompey held the province of Spain. Marcellus afterward endeavoured to get Caesar proclaimed an enemy to his country ; in a public speech he called him a robber ; and finally fought against M. J1ARCELLC&. 281 Page him in the civil contest. These were among his " offences" against ft I Caesar. 2. Tuis vel doloribus vel svspicionibus. " To your ovvn feelings, whether of resentment or suspicion." Resentment for the past, suspicion with regard to the future conduct of Marcellus. Caesar feared lest Marcellus might plot against his life. 3. Ille quidem fructum, &c. " He, indeed, has this day received ihe richest recompense for all his past life, both in the unanimous intercession of the senate, and also in your most solemn and gener- ous determination." Cicero means, that this day has fully repaid the services which the past life of Marcellus had bestowed upon his country. He now obtains glory together with safety, because the unanimous intercession of the senate, and Caesar's generous con- duct, prove conclusively that Marcellus is a truly virtuous man. 4. Laws. Supply tibi. Gloria. Supply illi. 5. Est vero forlunatus ille, &c. " Fortunate in truth is he, since hardly less joy will accrue unto all from his safety, than is likely to be felt by himself." The relative, from its assigning the reason, takes here the subjunctive mood. Compare note 14, page 26. 6. Ventura sit. Because Marcetlus is at a distance, and Cicero can only surmise what his feelings will be on the receipt of the intelligence. 7. Nobilitate. " For birth." The line of the Marcelli was dis- tinguished in Roman history. Optimarum artium studio. " For zealous attachment to the most liberal pursuits." Innocentia. " Blamelessness of life." Moral purity. 8. Nullius tantum, &c. " In no one is there so great a flow of genius, in no one so great power, so great copiousness, of speaking or of writing, as can, I will not say, fully embellish, but even fairly recount, (Jams Caesar, your exploits," i. e. all the creative power of the finest geniuses, all the efforts of eloquence and history, will be found inadequate even to give a simple and unadorned narrative of your achievements. 9. Pace tua. " With your permission," i. e. with all deference. Ampliorem. " More glorious." Ea. We have here adopted the emendation of Ernesti. The common text has earn. 10. Idque iibcnter, &c. " And to make it a theme of frequent conversations." Weiske reads idemque for idque. 11. Numero proeliorum . Pliny (H. N. 7,25) states, that Caesar fought fifty pitched battles, the nearest approach to which number was in the case of Marcellus, who fought thirty-nine. He also informs us, that, independently of the carnage of the civil wars, he had slain 1,192.000 men. " Idem signts collatis quinquagie* 24* 282 ORATION FOR Page. fll dimicavit solus M. Ma.rceU.um transgrcssus, qui undequadragtes dimicaverat. Nam praeter civiles victorias, undecies centena ct nonaginta duo millia hominum occisd praeliis ab eo." 12. Nee varietate regionum. Caesar had carried on war in Gaul, Britain, Spain, Germany, Greece, Egypt, Africa, and Asia. He overcame Pompey at Pharsalia ; Ptolemy in Egypt ; Pharnaces, son of Mithridates, in Pontus ; and the sons of Pompey in Spain. 13. Celeritatc conficiendi. This is well illustrated by his famous despatch to the Roman senate, after his victory over Pharnaces, " Veni, vidi, vici." The commentaries on the Gallic war are also full of examples. 14. Nee dissimilitudine bellorum. " Nor in the unlike character of the wars themselves." Occasioned by the unlike characters of the nations with whom, and the countries in which, they were 15. Nee vero, &c. "And that, in truth, lands the most widely remote from each other could not have been travelled over with more rapidity by the footsteps of any one, than they have been traversed, I will not say by your marches, but by your victories." A somewhat similar measure of praise had already been poured out by Cicero upon Pompey, in the oration for the Manilran war, (c. 10,) " Qui saepius cum hoste conflixit, quam quisquam cum inimico concertavit : plura bella gessit, quam ceteri legerunt : plures pro- vimcias confecit, quam ceteri concupierunt." 16-.' Lustratae sint. Compare the remark of Manutius : " IMS- trare plus est quam peragrare : nam qui peragrat transit ; qui lustrat ambit : quo plus temporis requiritur." 1 7. Quae quidem ego, &c. " Now, were I not to confess that these things are so extraordinary," &c. Amens sim. " I would be a madman," i. e. it were madness not to confess, &c. 18. Alia majora. Alluding to the glory he has acquired by his generous conduct in pardoning Marcellus. 19. Extenuare verbis. " To depreciate by their remarks." Communicare cum mullis. " To share it with the many," i. e. with the great body of the soldiery. Propriae imperatorum. " Tho exclusive property of commanders." 20. In armis. " In military operations." Locorum opportuni- tas. " The advantage of situation." Auxilia sociorum. " The aid of allies." 21. Commeatus. " Convoys," i. e. supplies of military stores, &c. 22. Quasi suo jure. " As if by a right peculiarly hers." Paene omne suum. " As almost entirely her own." Compare, as regards the idea intended to be conveyed by the whole passage, the language H. HAKCELLU8. 283 Page Of IsOcrates, (Tlapayp. irpeij KaAAt/<. C. 12,) Tail/ pin TOtovrwv cpyuoi', Q 1 6aa ficra KivSvvwv iriirpaKTau, rd vXeTarov aV rij ptpos fy rf^i? /JETO^OI'I;, . r. A. 1. Hujus gloriae. The glory of pardoning a violent political fjo enemy. 2 Quantumcunque est, &c. " How great soever it is, (and it certainly is most great,)" i. e. and nothing certainly can be greater. 3. Nihil sibi, &e. " No centurion, no prefect, no cohort, no troop, take unto themselves any portion of this praise of thine," i. e. no commander of infantry or cavalry, no body of foot or horse. Centurio properly means a commander of one hundred infantry. Praefectus denotes a leader of cavalry. Both terms are used here, however, in a general sense. So again, cohors arid turma are em- ployed, in this sentence, with a general reference to any body of foot or horse. In strictness, cohors means a band of 600 foot-sol- diers ; and turma, a troop of 30 horse. 4. Decerpit. The peculiar force of this verb is best expressed by a paraphrase : " Pluck for themselves a single leaf from thy garland." 5. Qwn etiam, dec. " Nay, even fortune, that very mistress of human affairs, presents not herself for any share of this thy glory," >. e. lays claim to no share in this thy latest and most glorious act. 6. Tuam esse totam et propriam. " That it is all and peculiarly thine own." 7. Nee ad consilium, &c. "Nor is chance admitted to the counsels of prudence," i. e. nor do thy plans ever look to chance to aid them in their fulfilment. If, therefore, fortune contributes no- thing to the success of thy plans, in general, but if they all owe their completion to thy sagacity and prudence, she must surely be ex- cluded also from this last act of thine, in which wisdom and foresight are so happily blended. 8. Immanitate barbaras. " Fiercely barbarous." The Gauls, Germans, Britons, &c. With respect to the Germans and Britons, however, it was a mere idle boast. 9. Locis infinitas. " Spread over an infinite variety of regions." -Omni copiarum genere. " In all kinds of resources." 10. Quae naturam et conditionem, &c. "Which possessed the nature and condition of being able to be overcome," i. e. which by their very nature, and the condition connected with them, were capa- ble of being overcome. The common text has vinci vi, but the latter word is omitted by Lambinus, Graeviua, Wolf, and others. H. Animum vincere. "To conquer one's feelings, however." - Victoriam temperare. " To make a moderate use of victory." iitii ORATION FOR Pape. gJ2 12. Adeeisanum non modo extollere jacentem. "Not only r raise a fallen foe." Jacentem, literally, " lying prostrate.' Am- plificare cjus pristinam dignitatem. " To enlarge his former dig- nity," i e. to elevate him to a still higher rank than he previously enjoyed ; to heighten and increase his personal consideration. 13. Simillimum Deo judico. This sounds to modern ears as the grossest flattery. Middleton, however, undertakes Cicero's defence against the charge of insincerity. " It must be remembered," re- marks he, " that the orator was delivering a speech of thanks, not only for himself, but in the name and at the desire of the senate, where his subject naturally required all the embellishments of elo- quence ; and that all his compliments are grounded on a supposi- tion, that Caesar intended to restore the republic, of which he entertained no small hopes at tliis time, as he signifies in a letter to one of Caesar's principal friends. (Ep. ad Fam. 13, 68.) This, therefore, he recommends, enforces, and requires from him in his speech, with the spirit of an old Roman ; and no reasonable man will think it strange, that so free an address to a conqueror, in the height of all his power, should want to be tempered with some few strokes of flattery." (Life of Cicero, sect. 8. vol. 2, p. 259.) 14. Bellicae tuae laudes illae. " Those warlike praises of thine." Literis atque linguis. " In the literature and languages." 15. Ejusmodi res. The praises attendant upon warlike achiev- ments. Obslrepi clamors militum t &c "Seem to be drowned amid the shouts of the soldiers, and the blast of the trumpets. " 16. Iracundia praesertim, quae est inimica consilio. Compare the language of Horace, Ep. 1, 2, 62, " Ira Juror brevis est." 17. Non modo in gestis rebus, &c. " Not only in the case of real occurrences, but even in those of a fictitious nature." 18. Cujus menlem, &c. " Whose sentiments and feelings we see plainly to be of such a nature, that," &c. The common text has cujus menlem sensusque et os cernimus. For et os (" and whose very look,") we have adopted the elegant emendation oi Faernus, eos, in the sense of tales, and which has the additional advantage of rendering the connexion of tit more apparent. Weiske makes the same change. 19. Salvum. " Secured to her." Compare Middleton's re marks, under note 13. 20. Quibus studiis, &c. " With what demonstrations of zeal shall we honour ; with what grateful feelings shall we clasp to our bosoms 1 I do assure you, the very walls of this eeHate-house are desirous, as they seem to me, of returning thanks to you, because the authority of this body is soon about to be re-established in these >l. MARCELLUS. 285 Page. their fathers' seats as well as their own." We have given the fJJ2 latter part of this passage according to the common text, although Manutius and others suspect some corruption. Our interpretation is that of Ernesti, who remarks : " Sensus est, quod ilia pristina auctoritas senatus max rursiis habitatura sit in hoc curia, in qua et apud majores et nuper senatores plurimum auctoritate valu- issent." 21. Me dius Julius. The term dius is the same as deus or divus, andfidius is an adjective formed from fides. Hence, dius fidius, " the god of honour," or " good faith," will be the same as the ZEWJ iriorioj of the Greeks ; and, if we follow the authority of Varro, (L. L. 4, 10,) identical with the Sabine Sancus, and Ro- man Hercules ; so that me dius fidius is nothing more than me deus fidei (i. e. Hercules) adjunct, or, in other words, mehercule. 1. Caii Alarcelli. Caius Marcellus was the brother of Marcus AJJ Marcellus. This appears to be the proper place for introducing Cicero's account, in his letter to Sulpicius, (Ep. ad Fam. 4, 4,) of what took place on this occasion : " Caesar, after having complain- ed of the moroseness of Marcellus, for so he called it, and praised, in the strongest terms, the equity and prudence of your conduct, presently declared, beyond all our hopes, that, whatever offence he had received from the man, he could reluse nothing to the inter- cession of the senate. What the senate did was this ; upon the mention of Marcellus by Piso, his brother Caius having thrown himself at Caesar's feet, they all rose, and went forward, in a sup- plicating manner, towards Caesar. In short, the proceeding of this day appeared to me so fair and becoming, that I could not help fancying I saw the image of the old republic reviving as it were. When all, therefore, who were asked their opinions before me, had returned thanks to Caesar, except Volcatius, (for he declared that he would not have done it, though he had been in Marcellus' place,) I. as soon as I was called upon, changed my mind ; for I had resolv- ed with myself to observe an eternal silence, not from any feelings of indolence, but from regret for the loss of my former dignity ; Caesar's greatness of mind, however, and the laudable zeal of the sonate, got the better of my resolution. I gave thanks, therefore, to Caesar, in a long speech, and have deprived myself by it, I fear, on other occasions, of that honest quiet which was my only comfort in these unhappy times," &c. 2. Et commemorabili, &c. " And possessed of a degree of fraternal affection that is deserving of all mention." Compare, aa regards pietas, note 9, page 50. 3 Pectus obfudit. " Came gushing over me.' 1 The common 286 ORATION FOR Page. fJQ text has effodit, which is far inferior. The greater number of MSS. give the latter, but the better class the former reading. 4. Nobilissimamque familiam. Cicero uses the term familia to denote the individual family of the Marcelli. They formed a branch of the gens Claudia, or Claudian house. 5. Tuis maximis, &c. " To the greatest of your countless felicitations," i. e. to the greatest of those many victories, on which you have been felicitated by others. Some commentators confound gratulatio here with the same term when denoting a thanksgiving to the gods. It refers, on the contrary, merely to the private feel- ings of Caesar, and the felicitations offered him by friends for his numerous and eminent successes. For Cicero to have said, that Caesar would regard this day as a source of higher pleasure than the greatest of the many thanksgivings which had been decreed in his name, would have shocked the religious feelings of his auditors. 6. Est propria Caesaris. " Is the act of Caesar alone." Lat- erally, " is peculiar to Caesar." 7. Duce te gestae quidem, &c. We have rejected, on the sug- gestion of Ernesti, the words magnae illae, which appear in the common text between gestae and quidem. 8. Hujus autem rei. " In the present affair, however," i. e in the act of this day, the pardoning of Marcellus. 9. Quae quidem tanta est. " And so great indeed is it." Tropacis monumcntisque tuts. " To your other trophies and mon- uments." 10. Opere ant manu. " By the labour or the hand of man." Vetustas. " Length of days." 11. Justitia et lenitas animi. The term justitia has reference nere to the rank and merits of Marcellus. It would have been unjust in Caesar to have kept such a man any longer away from his country. Lenitas animi, and not dementia, is employed, in order that Caesar may not appear to have been sparing a foe, and the remembrance of former enmities be in this way renewed. 12. Ut quantum, &c. " That as much as length of time shall take from your monuments, so much will it add to your glory." Operibus refers back to tropaeis monumentisque. 13. Victores bellorum civilium. " Victors in our civil wars." Alluding to Sylla, Marius, Cinna, &c. 14. Vereor ne. We have adopted the emendation of Ernesti. The common text has vereor ut, but this can only be allowed if non be thrown out before perinde. Consult note 8, page 43. 15. Non perinde, &c. " May not be understood, on the mere hearing of it to the same degree that I, reflecting upon it, feel it M. MAIiCELLUS. 287 Page. m miiid to be," i. e. lest what I say may fall far short of what I feel. g^J Pcrinde is here equivalent to aeque. Compare Tursellinus, de Part. Lat. c. 176. 16. Qu&e ilia adepta erat. " Which it had obtained for you," i. e. the absolute power which it gave him over his political oppo- rfents, and the means which it afforded him of gratifying private animosity. 17. Omnes vieti occldissemus . " All of us the vanquished might have fallen," i. e. been cut off by the sword. Cicero means, that this would have been the case if Caesar had followed the usual course, and taken Marius or Sylla for his models. 18. Clementine tuae judicio. "By the decision of your clem- ency," i. e. by your merciful determination, dementia, is now em- ployed because occidissemus precedes, and more besides Marcellus are meant. Consult note 11. 19. Atque hoc C. Caesaris, &c. " And mark, Conscript Fa- thers, how widely this determination on the part of Caius Caesar extends in its influence," i. e. Marcellus alone is not the only one benefited by this generous conduct of Caesar. 20. Qui ad ilia arma, &c. " Who were driven by some wretched and lamentable fatality or other, on die part of the republic, to take up arms in that contest." The contest referred to is the civil war, and the opposition made to Caesar, by his political antagonists, is flatteringly ascribed by the speaker to mere blind fatality ; implying, of course, that, had they exercised any judgment or reflection, they would never have resisted him. 21. Nescio quo. Equivalent to quo fato id faclum fuerit nescw. In translating, however, it is to be regarded as analogous merely to OUT phrases, " or other," " I know not what," &c. Nescio quis, and its other forms, nescio quid, nescio quern, nescio quo, &c., are employed to denote something more or less obscure, or over which we wish to pass by considering it as such. It is used also, espe- cially in the case of persons, to indicate contempt. The ellipsis is worth noting. Thus, nescio quis fecit is put for, aliquis fecit, nescio quis sit ; and again nescio quern nidi is equivalent to, aliquem vidi, nescio quern viderim," &c. Consult Scheller, Praecept. Slyl. vol l,p. 329. 22. Etsi aliqua culpa, &c. " Although we are in some degree liable to the imputation of human infirmity," i. e. blindness in not perceiving the true course which we ought to have pursued. 23. A seelere certe liberati sumus. " Have, by this act of Caesar's, been evidently acquitted of any wicked intentions," i. e. m pardoning Marcellus, Caesar has clearly shown, that he acquits 2S8 ORATION J'Oll Page. go not only that individual, but all of us who followed the standard of Pompey, of any evil feelings towards himself, and only considers us to have been actuated by an honest though mistaken love of country. 24. Et ilerum. " And once more." The earlier reading ia et item, for which Graevius first substituted et iterum, on the authority of a MS. He is followed by Erncsti and others. 25. Reliquos amplissimos viros. " Those other very illustrious men." Referring to ;ho other individuals of the old Pompeian party, who, like himself, had been pardoned by Caesar, and restored to their rank and privileges as senators. Q4 1. Non ille hastes, &c. " He has brought no enemies into the senate," i. e. the individuals, whom he has thus restored, he has acquitted of all hostile feelings towards himself. Had he thought that they cherished such feelings, he would never have re-admitted them. All which is clearly shown, if it need additional confirma tion, by the pardon of Marcellus. 2. Judicavit. " He concluded." Ignoralione, &c. " From an ignorance rather of his real intentions, and from a false and ground- less fear." The flattery here begins to be very apparent. Just as if Caesar's real intentions were for the good of his country, and as if the fears of all good patriots for the safety of the republic were visionary and groundless ! 3. Quam cupiditale. " Than from any feelings of cupidity," i. e. any desire of gratifying a rapacious spirit, and seizing upon the prop- erty of others. 4. Crudelitate. " A spirit of revenge." A feeling of cruel hatred. 5. Semper de pace, &c. " I always was of opinion that propo- sals of peace ought to be listened to." Cicero had done every thing, in the beginning of the civil troubles, to prevent a rupture between Caesar and Pompey. He was convinced that an intestine war would inevitably end in the establishment of absolute power. His letters, which make us acquainted with his secret thoughts, fully substantiate this : "Pace opuscst; ex victoria quum multa mala, turn certe tyrannis exsistet." (Ep. ad Alt. 7, 5.) So again : " Equidem ad pacem hortari non desino, quae, vel injusta, utilior est quam justissimum bellum." (Ad. Alt. 7, 14.) He foresaw all that happened, and it is with this view before him, that he writes to Atticus and his other friends. Caesar, who affected great modera- tion, made some very plausible proposals of peace, and Cicero was desirous that they should be listened to, but Pompey absolutely refused. When the latter had been compelled to quit Ro.ne as a fugitive, Cicero, after some delay, followed him from attachment and gratitude, but still full of gloomy forebodings, and foreseeing M. MARCELLUS. 289 Page. nought but lamentable results, since on one side was all the right fiA and on the other all the power : " Valuit apud me plus pudor meus, quam timor. Veritus sum deesse Pompeii salutt. Itaqv.* vcl qfficio, vel fama bonorum, vel pudore victus, ut in fabulia Amphio.ro.us, sic ego,prudens et sciens, ad pestem ante oculos posi- lam sum profectus," (Ep. ad Fam. 6, 6.) 6. Oratimem etiam civium, &c. " That even the entreaties of those citizens who earnestly begged for peace, were totally reject- ed," i. e. by Pompey. Consult preceding note. 7. Neque enim ego ilia, &c. " For I never took an active part either in these or any other civil commotions. 8. Socta. " Allied to," i. e. in favour of. Compare the En- glish form of expression, " went hand in hand with." 9. Hominem sum secutus, &c. " I followed a certain individual from a sense of private, not of public, duty." The allusion is to Pompey, who is mentioned in guarded terms, not from any fear >{ the consequences in case he had called him by name, but rom a becoming sense of propriety. Cicero means to convey he idea, that he followed Pompey rather as a friend than a "leader. 10. Tantumque apud me, &c. " And so powerful an influence did the faithful remembrance of a grateful mind exercise over me," i. e. so strongly was I influenced by gratitude for the various favours I had received from him. 11. Ut nulla, &c. " That not only without any desire of per- sonal advancement, but even without any hope, although fully aware of my situation and well knowing what was about to happen I rushed on as it were to voluntary ruin." 12. Quod quidem meum consilium. " And these views of mine indeed." Integra re. " Before hostilities broke out." Laterally, " the affair being as yet entire," i. e. no part having as yet been acted upon, no hostile steps having as yet been taken. The primi- tive meaning of integer is " untouched," from in and tago, the old form of tango. 13. Eadem sensi. "I entertained the same sentiments." Etiam cum capitis periculo. When Cato the younger, who had been left at Dyracchium, by Pompey, to guard the arms and treas- ures deposited there, had, after the battle of Pharsalia, passed over into Corcyra, where the fleet was stationed, he there offered Cicero the command of the force which he had brought with him, consist- ing of fifteen cohorts. Cicero, however, declined it ; which so iiasperated the younger Pompey, that he was about to lay violent hands upon the orator, when Cato interfered and saved his life. 25 290 ORATION FOR Page. QA (Pint. Vit. Cat. Min. c. 55.) It is to this circumstance very prob- ably that Cicero alludes in the text. 14. Ex quo. " And hence." Tarn mjustus rerum cxistima-tvr. " So unfair a judge of passing events," i. e. so unfair and biassed in the conclusions which he draws from events. Graevius first gave existimatm; from MSS., in place of aestimator, the reading of the common text. It is adopted by Ernesti and others. 15. Pads auctores. "The advisers of peace." Stalim. " From the very first," i. e. from the very commencement of hos- tilities ; in the very beginning of the civil war. 16. Caeteris fuerit iratior. " But displayed increased resent- ment towards the rest." The object of the whole argument is to show, that Caesar's wishes were always in favour of peace, and that, in consequence of this, he was always well disposed towards those of the opposite party who endeavoured to bring about a recon- ciliation, while he displayed encreased resentment against those who were bent on continuing hostilities. This, of course, is the mere language of flattery. 17. Victor. " When victorious," i. e. as Caesar now is. Pacts auctores. Alluding to himself, among others, and to the kind treat ment he had received from Caesar. 1 8. Se maluisse, &c. " That he would rather not have con- tended at all, than have come off victorious," i. e. that great as the glory of the victory had been, he would rather have had no civil contest at all, as his feelings had always been in favour of peace. It is needless to comment on the insincerity of Cicero in making this assertion of Caesar. 19. Atque hujus quidem rei, &c. " And on this particular point I am evidence in favour of Marcus Marcellus." The point referred to is the wish for peace during the civil contest, which Cicero asserts Marcellus felt in common with himself. 20. Nostri enim sensus, &c. " For our sentirrents, as they always had in the season of peace, so then also coincided during the war," i. e. our sentiments, namely mine and those of Marcellus were always in unison during both the civil contest and the times which immediately preceded it. 21. Certorum hominum. " Of certain individuals among us." Certus mr is generally used to denote " a sure," or " trusty per- son " Here, however, certus has the force of quidam. Com- pare note 9, page 31. The individuals alluded to are thought, by Manutius, to have been, m particular, L. Lentulus and L. Domitius Ahenobarbus. Compare Ep. ad Fam. 6, 21. 22. Victoriae feroalatem. "The cruel excesses of victory M. MARCELLUS. 291 itself," i. e. the ferocious spirit that would, in all probability, char- fiA acterize the party of Pompey, if success were to crown their efforts. Had Pompey proved victorious, the proscriptions of Marius and Sylla would inevitably have been renewed. Compare the language of Cicero's letter to Marcellus, (Ep. ad Finn. 4, 9) : " An tu mm videbas mecum simul, quam ilia crudelis esset futura victoria ?" 23. Tua liberalitas. " Your generosity," i. e. your generous conduct towards your former foes. Ula. Alluding to the insolent conduct and the menaces of Pompcy's followers. 24. No-n enim jam causaef &c. " For the two causes are no longer to be compared, but the consequences of victory on either side." Cicero means to say, that he will be silent now respecting the merits of the two causes, namely that of Caesar and that of Pompey. The time for discussing this point has passed away. He will merely institute a comparison between the very different modes in which either party would have made use of victory. He then proceeds to show, how Caesar has acted since his success, and then briefly sketches what would have been the results of victory on the side of Pompey. 25. Martis vis perculit. " The violence of war smote down." Ira victoriae. " The angry feelings generally attendant upon vic- tory." Cicero means, that whoever fell in that conflict, fell with arms in their hands. No one was put to death, after the victory, by any mandate or proscription. 26. Ex cadem acie. " From that same army," i. e the army of Pompey. 27. -Altering vero partis. " As regards the opposite party, how- ever." The genitive is here used in imitation of the Greek idiom. The Greek rule is as follows : " To words of all kinds other words are added in the genitive, which show the respect in which the sense of those words must be taken, in which case the genitive properly signifies ' as regards,' or ' with regard to.' " (Matthiae G. G. vol. 2, p. 555, Kenrick's transl.) 1. Nimis iracundam, &c. "That victory would have been ac- Q^ companied by too much of angry feeling," i. e. that they would have made an angry and cruel use of victory. 2. Armatis. " Those who were actually in arms." Referring to the followers of Caesar. Compare Manutius : " Armatis, h. e. Caesarianu. 3. Otiosis. " Those who took no part in the conflict," i. e. who wished to remain neutral. Compare the language of Cicero's letter to Varro, (Ep. ad Fam. 9,6): " Crudditer otiosis minabantur : eratque Us et tua invis.i voluntas et mea oralio." And again, Ep. 292 ORATION 10R Page. grj ad Alt. 11, 6 : " Omnes, qm in Italia manserant hoslium nume.it habebantur." 4.' Quid quisquc sensisset, &c. " What sentiments each had entertained, but where he had been during the contest," i. e. whethei with the army, and taking an active part against the foe, or remain- ing inactive and neutral at home. 5. Etiamsi poenas, &c. ' Even though they may have sought a heavy atonement from the Roman people, on account of some offence, by their having raised so great and so mournful a civil war," i. e. even though they may have raised this destructive and mourn- ful war to punish the Roman people for some aggravated offence. We have given expetiverint, with Ernesti, in place of expetiverunt, the reading of the common text. The relative qui, it will be per- ceived, takes the subjunctive excitaverint, because equivalent here to " since they," or " inasmuch as they." 6. Omnem spem salutis, &c. " To have referred our every hope of safety to the clemency and wisdom of the conqueror," i. e. to have made all our safety depend upon, &c. 7. Quare gaude, &c. " Rejoice then in this so exalted a privi- lege," i. e. the privilege of having the safety of the whole Roman people dependant on thy clemency and wisdom 8. Fortuna. "Your good fortune." Nalura et moribus tuis. " Your kind disposition and noble character." Ex quo quidem, &c. " From all which a wise man derives his highest recompense and pleasure." 9. Caetera. " The other actions of your life." Virtuti. "Upon vour valour." Congralulabere. " You will have occasion to feli- citate yourself.'' Some read gratuldbere, which is much inferior. 10. De maximis tuis beneficiis. " Of the boundless favours you have bestowed upon us." 11. Quae non modo, &c. "Virtues which, I will venture to affirm, constitute not only our highest, but in fact our only true source of gratification." Literally, " which, I will venture to say. are not only the greatest, but in fact even the only goods." 12. In laude vera. " In well-merited applause." Donata. " Bestowed," for a lasting possession ; commodata, " lent," only for a season. 13.' Lapsis. "Who have been led astray." Literally, "who have slipped." Aut pravitate aliqua. " Or by any corript motive." 14. Sed opinione, &c. " But by an idea of duty, foolish perhaps, certainly not criminal, and by what appeared to be the public good." More literally, " by a certain appearance of public benefit. Compare the language of Cicero's letter to Torquatus, (Ep. ad Fam. 6, 1 M. MAR CELL US. 293 Page. " Quuddam ncbis officmm tustum, et pium, et debitum reipublicae gjj nostraeque dignitati tideoamur sequi." 15. No:i enim tua, &c. " For it is no fault of thine." Because they have mistaken thy character. The fault is theirs for not know ing thee better. Senserunt. "Have felt," i. e. after having beeu conquered by thee. 16. Nunc tero vemo, &c. " But now I come to that most heavy complaint and horrid suspicion of thine." Caesar had complained before the senate of the hostile feelings and moroseness (acerbitas) of Marcellus, and had expressed his suspicions that the latter still harboured evil designs against his personal safety. 17. Quae non tibi ipsi, &c. " A suspicion, the realizing of which ought to be guarded against not more by your own self," &c. Com pare Manutius : *' Providenda est, ne ve.ro, sit : providenda, autem cur is, consiliisque nostris." 18. Nunquam lamen verbis extenuabo. Cicero's meaning is this : Although I trust that your suspicion is a groundless one, still I will not seek to " lessen" it by any tiling that I can say. For were I to lessen it, I would at the same time be throwing you more off your guard, \\hereas we all wish you to be careful about your own safety, since ours is closely connected, and in fact identified, with it. 19. Ut si in alterutro peccandum sil. " So that if I must err in one or the other extreme," i. e. of too much or too little precaution. Parum prudens. " Not sufficiently prudent." Or simply " im- prudent." 20. Sed quisnam est isle, &c. " But who is that one so lost to all judgment 1" i. e. who is the infatuated man whom you suspect of harbouring this design against you. The student will mark the force of isle. Compare note 4, page 1 . 21. De tuisne 1 " Is he one of your own 1" i. e. one of your own friends. Qui magis sunt tui 1 " Who are more your own 1" 1. Qui una tecum fuenint. " Who were with you in the war." flfi Referring to his followers generally. 2. Tantus furor. " So great madness." Omnia summa " Every thing that was most desirable," i. e. the full completion of bis wishes. 3. Cavendum est. " You must take care, I suppose." Qui ? " Who are they 1" i. e. where are they now to be found ] 4. Supersunt. We have adopted here the conjecture of Lambi- nus, which is approved of by Ernesti. The common text has super fuerunt. 5. Tantae latebrae, &c. " Lurking places so deep, and recesses o hidden in their nature." Diligenliam " Your circumspection " 25* 294 ORATION FOR Page. QQ 6. 7am ignarus rerum, &c. " So ignorant of the course of events, so total a stranger to the state of public affairs." 7. Ex unius tua vita. " On your individual existence." Liter- ally, "on the life of thee alone." The genitive unius is put in opposition with the genitive implied in the possessive tua. Omnium. Supply vitas. 8. Ut debeo. " As I ought to do," i. e. as I am in duty bound, considering the many favours you have hitherto bestowed upon me 9. Casus duntaxat humanos, &c. " I dread merely the common accidents of life, and the uncertain issues of health," &c. 10. Doteoque cum respublica, &c. The republic, remarks Cicero, ought to be immortal ; but it depends entirely on your existence . vou, therefore, ought to be as immortal as the republic ought to be. But you are a mortal, and I mourn, therefore, as well on account of its destinies as the shortness and limitation of your own career. The language of flattery can hardly go farther. 11. Sceleris insidiarumque consensio. "The conspiring force of guilt and treachery." 12. Excitanda. " Are to be raised to their former state." An adroit exhortation unto Caesar to restore the former state of things, and one, too, so managed as to render it impossible for him to take offence. Jaccre. " Lie prostrate." Belli ipsius impetu, &c. " Struck down and laid low, as was of necessity to be expected, by the very shock of the war." 13. Conftiluenda judicia. "Justice is to be re-established. " Literally, " trials," i. e. the dispensing of justice must be placed upon a sure basis as formerly. Revocanda fides. " Public credit is to be re-instated." Literally, " is to be recalled," i. e. to the position it formerly occupied in the opinions of all. 14. Comprimendae Hbidines. " Licentiousness must be re- pressed," i. e. the license attendant upon a state of warfare. 15. Propaganda soboles. " Population be increased." Literally, " offspring be propagated," i. e. an increase of population encour- aged, to repair the losses occasioned by the carnage of the civil wars. Compare Dio Cassius, (43, 25,) iireitifj re Seivfi dXiyavBponria, Sia rd TcSv dTroAuXtfrwy Tt\rj6os, Tro\maiSia; a0Xo eircdriKSV. So also Augustus, at the close of the civil contest between himself and Antony, caused the famous Lex Julia, de maritandis ordinibus, to be enacted. Consult Legal Index. 16. Omnia quae dilapsa, &c. "All those things, ,-iyhich have fallen away and are now going fast to ruin, are to be bound firmly in their former places by rigorous laws.'' A metaphor taken from the component parts of a thing becoming disunited, and t> c whole M. MARCELLUS 295 Page falling to ruins. Such, according to the orator, has been the influ- QQ ence of civil war on the institutions of Rome, an evil which Caesar is entreated to remedy by vigorous and salutary ordinances. 17. Non fuit recusandum quin. " It was not to be denied but that." Ardore. " Excitement." Quassata respublica. " The shattered republic." Praesidia stabilitatis suae. " The supports of its stability," i. e. its stable supports. 18. Armatus. " When in arms." Togatus. " If arrayed in the robe of peace," i. e. if acting in a civil capacity and if no intes- tine war had been raging. Compare note 15, page 30. 19. Quibus praeler te, &c. "For no one can heal them save you," i. e. the power, which you now enjoy in the state, makes you the fittest person to restore peace and happiness to your country. 20. Itaque illam tuam, &c. " And hence it was with a feeling of concern I heard that very remarkable and philosophic saying of yours, ' I have lived long enough for the purposes either of nature or of glory.' " The remark here alluded to formed part of Caesar" observations in the senate, when the affaiz of Marcellus was brought before them. After having complained of the undiminished hostil- ity of that individual towards him, and stated his own suspicions of secret treachery from Marcellus in case he were pardoned, he went on to remark, that, after all, this last was a matter of little moment to himself, since he had already lived long enough and enjoyed sufficient of glory. When he made this remark he was in the 54th year of his age. 1. P atria, certe parum. " Not long enough certainly for your g 1 ^ country." His country still wants the presence of Caesar to give her tranquillity and a settled order of things. 2. Quare omitte, &c. " Discard then that pretended wrisdom shown by some philosophers in contemning death ; do not wish to be wise at our risk," i. e. leave to its authors that stoical indiffer- ence which would inculcate the contempt of death ; such pretended wisdom would be fraught with the most ruinous consequences to ourselves, whose lives depend on yours. Islam here denotes con- tempt, and, in accordance with this idea, we have rendered it by the words " that pretended." 3. Doctorum hominwm. Literally, " 61 the learned." Docti homines is here, however, only a periphrasis for philosophi, and the stoic sect are particularly meant. The followers of this school taught that life and death are among those things which are in their nature indifferent. (Enfield's Philosophy, vol. 1, p. 350, seqq.) 4. Nimis crebro dicei-e, &c. , Suetonius informs us, that Caesar 296 ORATION FOR Page. ^"J" had, m fact, led some of his fnends to entertain the opinion, that he did not wish to live any longer, and did not regret the feeble health under which he was then labouring : " Suspicionem Caesar quibusdam suorum reliquit, neque voluisse se diutius vivere, neque curasse quod valetudine minus prospera uteretur." (Suet. Vit. Jul. c. 86.) 5. Tili. " For yourself," i. e. for all that you care to live for , for all that your own feelings told you was worth enjoying in life. 6. Credo. " I believe it," i. e. I have no doubt that such is the state of your present feelings, and that you frequently indulge in such remarks as these. 7. Si till soli viveres. " If you were living for yourself alone," i. e. for yourself alone and not for your country also. 8. Nunc. " But now." Equivalent to sed. Compare pio Arch. c. 11 : " Nunc insidet quaedam in optima quoque virtus," &c. 9. Res litae gestae complexae sint. " Your actions have em- braced," i e. have been and continue to be closely identified with. Faernus rejects gestae, of which emendation Ernesti approves, on the ground that res tuae gestae ought to be at least res a te gestae. He retains, however, the common reading res tuae gestae, because the same form occurs again in the 9th chapter. 10. Tantum abes a, &c. "You are so far from the completion of your greatest works, that you have not yet laid the very founda- tions which you think you have." Quae cogitas may also be ren- dered more freely, "as you think you have." So again the phra- seology tantum abes ut, may be also translated, "you not only have not completed, &c. but have not even laid," &c. Com- pare, as regards this form of expression, the remarks of Scheller, Praec.ept. Sty I. vol. 1, p. 65. 11. Hie to. rn.od.nm. tuae vitae, &c. " Will you here hound your existence not by the safety of the state, but by the moderation of your own feelings." Compare the explanation of Budaeus : " Putasne te propterea satis vixisse, quod aequo animo et ci'ra indignation em mori poles, et antios praeteritos non rcquiris ?" 12. Istud. " That portion of existence which you have thus far enjoyed." With istud we may supply vitae. Literally, " that ol life which is yours." 13. Parumne igitur, &c. " WiJl we then, you will ask, leave behind us, at the present moment, no great degree of glory ?" i. e. will I, if my existence now terminate, leave behind me no great degree of fame for posterity. 14. Aliis, quamms muitis, &c. " Enough for others, howsoeyer M. MARCELI.US. 297 Page. numerous they may be ; for yourself alone not enough," i. e. the g'J glory you have thus far acquired might suffice for any other but Caesar.- His destinies, interwoven as they are with those of his country, demand a larger share. 15. Quidquid enim est, &c. " For whatever there is, huw extensive soever it may be, this certainly is but small, when there is any thing still more extensive than itself," i. e. your glory, Cae- sar, is now undoubtedly great, but still it sinks into comparative insignificance when compared with that higher glory to which you have it in your power to attain. 16. Rerum tuarum immortalium. " Of thy immortal achieve- ments." 17. Vide, quatso, &c. " Beware lest your divine virtues be likely to enjoy more of admiration than of glory," i. e. be likely to excite the admiration of others, rather than add to your own glory. 18. Siquidem gloria est, &c. " Since glory is the brilliant and wide-spread renown arising from many and important services, either to one's friends, or country, or the whole human race." Some MSS. have vel in suos cives, but this would be pleonastic as m patriam follows. 19. Haec igitur tibi reliqua pars est. " This character, there- fore, yet remains for you to sustain." A metaphor borrowed from the language of the stage. Compare Ernesti, Clav. Cic. : " Pars in scena est persona quam quis suscepit agendam." Hence the expressions in the Latin writers : " adores primarum partium," " adores secundarum partium," &c., i. e. first-rate actors, second- rate," &c. 20. Hie restat actus. " This act remains to be performed," i. c this act in the drama of your glory. 21. In hoc elaborandum est, &c. "For the attainment of this end must you exert your best endeavours, that you may place our republic on a firm basis, and may be among the first to enjoy it, in its settled state, amid perfect tranquillity and retirement." In some good MSS. the word composita does not appear, and hence Faernus, Lambinus, and Graevius have expunged it from the text. It i? retained, however, by Ernesti, who thinks composita too good a term to have owed its origin to a mere gloss. 22. Cum summa tranquillitate ct otio. Of which Caesar had thus far enjoyed so little. Compare Manutius : " Nam adhuc tran- quillitate Caesar et otio caruerat, perpetuis bellis, Pharsalico, Alex- andrine, Africano vexatus." 23. Et naturam tpsam expleveris, &c. " And shall have satis- fied Nature herself with a sufficient term of existence," i. e. when 298 ORATION FOR Page. g^ Nature herself is sated with living ; when you shall have reached a good old age. 24. Quid est enim, &c. " For, after all, what is this same liviny long, in which there is always something that closes the scene, and, when this has arrived, all past pleasure goes for nothing, because there is none to be thereafter 1" Cicero's argument is this. What is a jjng life, considered merely as such 1 It is only a space of time which eventually is to have an end, and, when this end arrives, all that went before passes for a mere blank, because a mere blank comes after. How much better is it to lead a glorious life, which knows no limits, but will be perpetuated amid the praises of pos- terity. Say not then, Caesar, that you have now lived for a suffi- cient period, but rather turn your view to the career of glory which awaits you. When you have completed this, then say that you have lived long enough, for then your fame will be immortal. 25. Quanquam iste, &c. Cicero here corrects himself, in order that Caesar may not take offence at what precedes. 26. His angustiis, &c. " With these narrow limits which nature has prescribed unto us for the mere purposes of existence," i. e with the narrow limits of life which nature has prescribed. gg 1. Nee vero haec lua vita, &c. " Nor, in truth, can this be re- garded as your life which is bounded by the body and the soul,' 1 i. e. by the union of the soul with the body. Some MSS. have dicenda est in place of ducenda est, and it is adopted also by Lambinus, Wolf, Schutz, and others. 2. Vita est tua. " Is your true existence." Saeculorum omni- um. " Of all coming ages." Alet. " Shall cherish." Tuebitur. " Shall guard as its own," i. e. shall preserve. Equivalent to con- servabit or sustinebit. 3. Huic tu inservias, &c. " It is for this existence that it be- hooves you now to labour, for this to show forth your glory to the world : an existence, which has long since possessed many things at which to wonder, which now looks for those that it may praise," i. e. an existence which already possesses many claims to our won- der, which now looks for claims to our applause. 4. Imperia, provincias. " Your commands, your provinces," i. e. the variety of important military commands which you have filled, the numerous countries which have been the theatres of those com- mands. 5. Rhenum. Referring to Caesar's victories over the Gauls and Germans. Oceanum. Alluding to his invasion of Britain. Nilum. His operations in Egypt. 6. Monumenta tnnumcra. " The countless monuments that M. MARCELLTJK. 299 Page. perpetuate those victories.' We have adopted innumern, the read- (1Q mg of several good MSS. and early editions, in place of the common lection, -monumenta, munera. The term munera, as referring to mere gladiatorial shows, and public exhibitions, seems out of place here, the more especially as triumphos follows. 7. Stabilita tuis consiliis, &c. " Shall be placed on a sure basis by your counsels and laws." 8. Magna dissensio. " A great difference of opinion." 9. Alii fortasse cdiquid requirent. "While others, perhaps, will miss the presence of something else." Literally, "will seek for," i. e. will seek but find not. This " something" is explained imme- diately after. It is the extinguishing of the flames of civil war, by giving peace and safety to his country ; or, in other words, the re- moving of every trace of former dissension, and the introduction of good order and public prosperity. In order to bring about these desirable results, the presence of Caesar is necessary, and he has, therefore, not yet lived long enough. If he stop now, there is a chance lest posterity may assign his successes to the mere operation of the decrees of destiny. He must do something still, which shall render his wisdom and sound policy conspicuous to after-ages. 10. Salute patriae. " By the safety of your country," i. e. by placing on a firm basis the safety and happiness of the Roman state. 11. Utittud,&,c. " That the former may appear to have been the work of fate, the latter of wisdom." Illud refers to Caesar's previous achievments, hoc to what Cicero and posterity expect from him, in securing the repose of his country. 12. Serei igitur, &c. " Have regard then for the opinions of those judges, who, many ages after this, will decide concerning thee, and perhaps, indeed, more impartially than we ourselves." Sereire is here equivalent to rationem habere, and carries with it the idea of labouring strenuously to secure some advantage, or to gain the good opinion of another. (Compare Schutz, Index. Lat. s. v.) The judges to whom Cicero alludes are posterity, and their tribunal will be any but a partial one. 13. Hand scio an. Consult note 22, page 40. Et sine amore et sine cupiditate, &c. " Unbiassed by both affection and a love of self, and free on the other hand from hatred and envy." Cupiditaa refers here to schemes of personal advancement, which may be furthered by flattering the feelings of the powerful. 14. Id autem etiam, &c. " And even if this shall, (as some falsely imagine,) in no respect concern you then ; it certainly con- cerns you now," &.c., i e. and even if the praises of posterity shall in no respect affect you, (supposing that erroneous doctrine to be 300 ORATION FOR Page. Qft true which teaches that there is no existence beyond the grave,) still, &c. The expression ut quidam falso putant expresses Cicero's disbelief in the doctrine of materialism which was then prevalent at Rome among the upper classes. The remark comes in here with great beauty, and still greater force, since Caesar himself was a believer in the non-existence of a future state, and had openiv avowed this opinion, on a former occasion, during the debate in the senate respecting the punishment of the accomplices of Catiline. The future glory of Caesar, as far as he himself shall be sensible of it, is here placed in full opposition to his own dark and chilling belief. 15. Diversae voluntates, &c. " The inclinations of the citizens were various, and their opinions wholly divided." Alluding to the period of the civil contest. 16. Consiliis et studiis. " In sentiments and wishes." Com- pare Manutius : " consiliis ad senterilias refertur, studiis ad volun- tates." 17. Erat autem obscuritas quaedam. " There was also an air of obscurity thrown, as it were, over the whole affair," i. e. the merits of the cause were dubious, and it was hard to say, on which side the justice of the contest lay. An adroit extenuation, on the part of Cicero, of his own error and that of his friends m espousing the cause of Pompey. 18. Inter clarissimos duces. " Between two most illustrious leaders," i. e. Caesar and Pompey. 19. Multi dubitabant, &c. " Many were in doubt, what one of the two causes might be the most just ; many, what might be mos expedient for themselves ; many, what might be becoming in their case ; some even, what it might be permitted them to do." Cicero here gives us four distinct classes of persons, all engaging more or less in the civil contest, and all actuated by different sentiments. In the first class are the true patriots and lovers of their country, whose only object is to ascertain what may be most conducive to her welfare. In the second class are the pretended patriots, who have a single eye to their own interests. The third class consists of those who are under personal obligations to one or other of the two leaders, and who, in selecting a side, are to be governed in a great measure by the claims of previous attachment, or, in other words, by what is becoming in their case. The last class are the plunderers of party, whose only object is to ascertain how far they may go with impunity. 20. Perfuncta est. " Has at last gone through with," i. e is at last iiw>A from. Arcordinar *f> f -be rale of the ancient sn-amrnarians. M. MARCEI.I.US. 301 Page defungor is generally said of what is bad, and perfungor of what is fJS good. We have here, however, an exception to the remark. Com pare Har. Resp. 8, and ad Fam. 5, 13. 21. Qm -non fortuna, &c. " Who would not inflame his resent- ment by success," i. e. who would not act as victors are accus- tomed- to act, and make victory the occasion and means for indul- ging in fiercer resentment than ever against his political foes. Sed bonitate Icniret, " But would soften it down by clemency," i. e. would make a mild and merciful use of it. 1 . Morte. Caesar, after proving victorious, is said to have put gQ none to death except Faustus Sylla, Afranius, and L. Caesar. (Sue- ton, Vit. Jul. c. 75.) 2. Arma ab aliis, &c. " Their arms were laid down by some, were forced from others." Graevius condemns the use of ab in this sentence as violating correct Latinity : but it is employed in a similar way by the best writers, and by Cicero himself in the fol- lowing instances : in Verr. 3, 48, in' Vatin. 12, 5. Compare Er- nesti, ad Ice. and Duker, ad Liv. 41, 14. 3. Armorum periculo liberates, &c. " After having been freed from the danger of war, retains a spirit of warfare," i. e. who after having been forgiven, still cherishes hostile feelings. 4. Ut etiam ille sit melior. " So that even he is more worthy of excuse." In causa. "In defence of the cause which he has espoused. 5. Sed jam oiunis, &c. " Now, however, all civil disunion has been completely overcome by arms." Compare Manutius " Frac- ta, h. e. sublata, spoliata viribus." 6. Unum velint. " Unite in their wishes." Nisi. " For un- less." Qua usus es. " Which you have expressed." 7. Ut vilue, &c. Because on Caesar's safety, and on the con- tinuance of his life, depend the lives and safety of all. 8. De me. "As far as regards myself." 9. Subesse aliquid. " That something lies concealed." Subcsse is here equivalent to latere. Compare Ep. ad Fam. 10, 18 : " Non possum non ezhorresccre, si quid intra cutem subest -vulneris, quod prius iiocere potest, quam sciri curarique possit." 10. Laterum noslrorum oppositus, &c. "The intervention of our sides and of our bodies," i. e. we are willing to present our own bodies as a rampart between you and your foes. 11. Sed unde est orsa, &c. " But let my remarks terminate as they began." Literally, " let my speech be ended in the same place whence i; began," i. e. let me end as I began with an expres sion of thanks. sc 302 ORATION FOR Page. QQ 12. Majores etiam habemus. " We have still greater ones, which language cannot express." Compare Manutius : " Plus enim ammus comprchendit, quam quod exsequi verbis liceat." 13. Stantibus. When any senator spoke he stood up, except when he merely assented to another. Cicero means, therefore, that it is not necessary for all the assembled senators to address Caesar " standing," i. e. personally or individually. Some of the early editions have astantibus, which appears in a few MSS. 14. Dicere. " To give utterance to those feelings in words." A me certe did volunt. " They wish them to be expressed by mo at least." Et quod. " Both because." 15. Praecipue id, &c. Ernesti rejects praecipue id a me fieri, and changes debere to deberi. But this is too bold, although resting in some degree on MS. authority. 16. Non ut. " Not as it were." 17. Quod autem summae, &c. " What constitutes, moreover, a proof of the most intimate friendship, (such as mine towards him was known by all on every occasion to have been, so that I scarcely yielded to Caius Marcellus, his most excellent and affectionate brother, except him, indeed, to no one,) this, after having displayed it as long as there was any doubt about his personal safety, by my solicitude, my care, my exertions in his behalf, I certainly ought to exhibit on the present occasion, freed as I now am from anxieties, troubles, sorrows of no ordinary magnitude." In the regular gram- matical construction of this sentence the antecedent id, understood before quod, is governed by praestare. We have preferred, how- ever, in order to render the whole more intelligible, to consider quod as elliptical for quod attinet ad id quod, and to understand another id before praestare. 18 Itaque Cai Caesar, &c. The elegance of the idiom sic ut, in this passage, is worthy of particular notice. It is the same, in effect, as ob hoc, quod. " Wherefore, Caius Caesar, I return you my thanks for this, because, after having been not only restored by you in all respects to a state of safety, but even graced with honours, a crowning favour has nevertheless been added, by your conduct on this occasion, to your countless acts of kindness already conferred upon me individually, a circumstance which I thought no longer able to be brought about." It remains but to add a few words relative to Marcellus. The story of his fate is a singular one. After being pardoned by Caesar, he left Mitylene, and had come as far as the Piraeus, or harbour of Athens, or M. MARCELLUS. 303 his way to Rome. Here he spent a day with his old friend and col- league, Servius Sulpicius, intending to pursue his journey the following day by sea. But in the night, after Sulpicius had taken leave of him, the 23d of May, he was killed by his friend and client Magius, who stabbed himself instantly with the same poinard. Sulpicius sent an account of the whole affair, to Cicero, (Ep. ad Fain. 4, 12,) of which the following is an extract : " On the 22d of May, I came by sea from Epidaurus to the Piraeus, to meet my colleague Marcellus, and, for the sake of his company, spent that day with him there. The next day, when I took my leave of him with the intention of going from Athens into Boeotia, to finish the remaining part of my jurisdiction, he, as he told me, intended to set sail, at the same time, for Italy. The day following, about four in the .morn- ing, when I was preparing to set out for Athens, his friend P. Postu- mius came to let me know that Marcellus was stabbed by his companion, P. Magius Cilo, after supper, and had received two wounds, the one in his stomach, the other in his head near the ear ; but he was in hopes still that he might live ; that Magius presently killed himself ; and that Mar- cellus sent him to inform me of the case, and to desire that I would bring some physicians to him. I got some together immediately, and went away with them before break of day. But when I was come near the Piraeus, Acidinus' boy met me with a note from his master, in which it was signified, that Marcellus died a little before day." Magius, who killed him, was of a family which had borne some of the public offices, and had himself been quaestor. Having attached himsell to the fortunes of Marcellus, and followed him through the wars and his exile, he was now returning with him to Italy. Sulpicius gives no hint of any cause that induced him to commit this horrid act, which, by the immediate death of Magius, could never be clearly known. Cicero's conjecture was, that Magius, oppressed with debts, and apprehending some trouble, on that score, upon his return, had been urging Marcellus, who was his surety for some part of them, to furnish him with money to pay the whole, and, on receiving a denial, was provoked to the madness of killing his patron. (Ep. ad. All. 13, 10.) According to others, however, he was prompted to the deed, bv seeing other friends more favoured by Marcellus than himself. (Val Max. 9, 11.) ORATION IN FAVOUR OF THE MANILIAN LAW t'age. iy-1 1. M. TULLII CICERONIS, &c. "The Oration of Marcus Tul- lius Cicero in favour of the Manilian law." This oration, which is accounted one of the most splendid of his productions, was the first in which Cicero addressed the whole people from the rostra. It was pronounced in favour of a law proposed by Manilius, a tribune of the commons, (A. U. C. 687,) for constituting Pompey sole general, with extraordinary powers, in the war against Mithridates and Tigranes, in which Lucullus had previously commanded. The Mithridatic war had now continued for the space of twenty-three years, with some intermission, and with great alternations of fortune on both sides. The chiefs of the senate regarded the law in question as a dan- gerous precedent in the republic ; and all the authority of Catulns, and eloquence of Hortensius, were directed against it. Cicero, in advocating its passage, divides his discourse into two parts, show- ing, first, that the importance and imminent dangers of the contest, in which the state was engaged, required the unusual remedy pro- posed, and secondly, that Pompey was the fittest person to be entrusted with the conduct of the war. This leads to a splendid panegyric on that commander, in which, while he does justice to the merits of Lucullus, he enlarges on the military skill, valour, authority, and good fortune of his favourite chief, with all the force and beauty which language can afford. By dwelling on these topics, and by adducing examples from all antiquity, of the state's having been benefited, or saved, by entrusting unlimited power to a single person, he allays all fears of the dangers, which, it was apprehended, might result to the constitution f rom such extensive authority being vested in one individual. 304 THE MAMLIAN LAW. 305 Page. The Mauilian law was passed, and the success of Pompey was y 1 orilliant aYid decisive, without any of those evil effects resulting to the state which the foes of the measure had predicted. 2. Quamqiiam mihi, &c. " Although, Romans, the sight of your crowded assemblies has always appeared to me by far the most pleasing of spectacles, and this place, moreover, the most dignified for treating with you, the most honourable for haranguing." 3. Hie autem locus. Alluding to the rostra, where he was standing at the time. The rostra (more commonly, but less correctly called rostrum) was a pulpit or tribunal, in the Roman forum, where those who addressed the people stood. It was so called, because adorned with the beaks of the vessels said to have been taken from the Antiates. (Liv. 8, 14. Varro, L. L. 4, 32.) There were at Rome the old and new rostra, (cetera et nova,) the former, which are here meant, stood in the centre of the forum, (Appian, B. C. 1, 94,) the latter at the base of the Palatine, in the southern angle of the forum. This last was erected by Caesar. (Nardini, R. V. 5, 3. Rasche Lex. rei num. vol. 7, col. 1286.) 4. Ad agendum. The phrase agere cum populo signifies, " to treat with the people," i. e. to address them, soliciting their votes for or against a particular measure. Thus Aulus Gellius remarks, (13, 15) : " Cum populo agere est rogare quid populum quod suf~ fragiis suis out jubeat aut vetet." 5. Amplissimus. This epithet is here applied to the rostra, from the circumstance of magistrates alone, or those whom they per- mitted, being allowed to address the people from this place. So also, the expression ad dicendum ornatissimus indicates how hon- ourable it was considered to harangue the people from the rostra. Compare the explanation of Hotomannus : " Ad agendum amplissi- mum appellat, quod nullis nisi amplitudine praeditis viris agere cum populo liceret ; ad dicendum ornatigsimum autem, quod orna- mento esset iis qui concionabantur."* 6. Hoc aditu laudis, &c. " From this avenue to praise, wnich has always lain freely open to each most meritorious individual." .More literally, " which has always lain open in particular," &c. By optima cuique are meant the wise and good. With a magistrate's permission, private persons were allowed to address the people from the rostra. 7. Mea voluntas. " My own inclinations." 8. Mcae vitae rationes, &c. " The rules of conduct formed by me from the very commencement of my career." More literally, 26* 306 ORATION IN FAVOUR OF Page. y J " my way of life," &c. Cicero here refers to the rule, which he had laid down for himself, of attending to the private concerns and cases of his friends, until age and experience should qualify him for ap- pearing in public and addressing the people from the rostra. By aetate in this sentence is meant, not boyhood, but the period of Cicero's entering on active and professional pursuits. 9. Per aetatem. Cicero had already held the offices of quaestor and aedile before he addressed the people on this occasion. He was now in his 41st year. 10. Hujus auctoritatem loci attingere. "To have aught to do with the authority of this place," i. e. to aspire, in the slightest degree, to the honour of addressing you from such a place as this, where none but the most eminent individuals ought to be heard. Attingere properly means, " to touch gently," " to come in slight con- tact with," and is, therefore, the very term to employ in the present case. It is sanctioned by the authority of many MSS., and is adopted by Graevius, Ernesti, and others. The common reading contingere is too strong, implying, " to come in full contact with," " to reach," &c. 11. Nisi perfectum ingenio, &c. " But what had been perfected by maturity of talent, carefully wrought out by assiduous applica- tion." Cicero assigns three reasons for his not ascending the rostra at an earlier period : first, the rule of conduct which he had pre- scribed to himself, in devoting his chief attention, at first, to the private cases of his friends : secondly, the modesty and diffidence arising from his consciousness of the want of experience ; and thirdly, the conviction, that no one ought to address the people from the place where he then stood, except after his abilities had become matured by age, and sharpened by application and extensive expe- rience. 12. Omne meum tempus, &c. " I thought that all my time ought to be devoted to the concerns of my friends," i. e. to my friends standing in need of mv assistance and advice. As regards the peculiar force of temporibus, in this passage, consult note 19, page 52. Transmittendum. More literally, " ought to be trans- ferred." 13. Vestram causam. " Your interests." Compare the remark of Manutius": " Rostra enim nemo nisi pro papula diclurus as- ccndit." 14. Et meus labor, &c. " And my exertions, fairly and faithfully employed amid the dangers of private individuals, have reaped from your suffrages a most ample reward," i. e. employed by me in ward- ing off the dangers which threatened my clients. Some commenta- THE MANILIAN LAW. 307 Page. tors consider the expressions caste integreque as having reference ^ J to the Cincian law, by which advocates were not allowed to take any fees or presents from their clients, (vid. Legal Index.) The allusion, however, seems rather to be a general one, to professional fidelity and care. 15. Proplcr dilationem comitiorum. ' On account of the adjourn- ment of the comitia." The comitia were adjourned, i. e. stopped, and put off to another day, for various reasons. Any magistrate of equal or greater authority than the one who presided, might, as well as the latter, take the auspices before the meeting was held, espe- cially if he wished to hinder an election, or prevent a law from being passed. If such magistrate, therefore, declared that he had heard thunder or seen lightning, the comitia were broken off, and deferred to another day. The same result was produced if any person, while they were holding, was seized with epilepsy, if a tem- pest arose, if a tribune of the commons interposed his veto, &c. 16. Ter praetor primus, &c. " I was thrice declared first prae- tor by all the centuries," if. e. twice at the two comitia that were broken off, and where the people had already manifested their good wishes towards him, and the third time when he was actually elected. The number of praetors at this time was eight. He was called praetor pimus, or first praetor, who had the largest number of votes, and the result of the election was always proclaimed by the voice of a herald, who was said renunciare, " to declare" the result, just as the successful candidates were said renunciari. Plutarch in forms us, that, on this occasion, Cicero had many persons of dis tinction for competitors, and yet he was returned first. (Vit Cic. c. 9.) 17. Centuriis cunctis. The praetors were chosen at the Com itia centuriata, as were also the consuls, censors, &c. The inferior magistrates, such as the aediles, tribunes, quaestors, &c were elected at the comitia tributa. At the latter of these comitia, the vote of each citizen counted, whereas at the centuriata the centuries of the different classes voted as such. Thus, there were 193 centuries, forming six classes, and of these the first and richest class consisted of ninety seven centuries. If the centuries of the first class agreed, the affair was decided. This arrangement, which dated back as far as the time of Servius Tullius, was intended to place all the power in the hands of the upper classes. 18. Et quid aliis praescriberctis. " And what course of conduct t-)u prescribed to others," i. e. in case they wish to attain to your favour in as signal a manner as I had. The course prescribed was the one which Cicero had pursued, namely to devote their earlier ,108 ORATION IN FAVOUR OF Page. J 1 ! efforts to the concerns of friends and clients, until the experience which this brought along with it entitled them to come forward with strong claims on the favour of the people. 19. Quantum vos konoribus, &c. "As you have willed there should be in the circumstance of your conferring honours upon me," i. e. as you have willed should be annexed to the offices which you have bestowed upon me. Honoribus mandandis. Literally, " in assigning honours." Compare the explanation of Fabricius : " dum konores mihi mandatis." The common text has mandan- dum, for which we have given mandandis with Fabricius, Ernesti, and others, on the authority of several MSS. 20. Et ad agendum, &c. " And as much fitness for addressing you, as the almost daily exercise of speaking has been able to bring with it to a man of industrious habits, from the practice of the bar," i. e. to one who has thus far been merely a pleader at the bar. Ad agendum. Literally, "for treating with you." Compare note 4, page 71. 21. Ea apud eos utar, &c. " I will exert it with those," &c. i. e. "in the presence of," or, " before \hose," The allusion is to the Roman people assembled in comitia. 22. Dicendo. This serves to explain ad agendum, in the previ- ous part of the sentence, with which it is synonymous. Y2 ! Q u * f i quoque rei, &c. "Who have thought that some recompense for this also should be awarded me by their suffrages." By the expression ei rei, Cicero means, not so much the mere habit of speaking at the bar, considered in itself, as the fact of his having always exerted himself there in defending the welfare and interests of his friends and clients. Fructum. The recompense alluded to was the praetorship, which he had obtained that very year. A. U C. 687. 2. Atque illud, &c. " And I see that the following circum- stance, in particular, ought with good reason to afford me a ground of rejoicing," i. e. that I ought, with good reason, to congratulate myself on the following account. 3. In hoc insolifa mihi, &c. " In this, to me unusual, mode of speaking from the place where I now stand," i. e. unaccus- tomed as I am to harangue in this manner, and from this place. The pronoun hoc, with loco, indicates the gesture of the orator. 4. Oratio. " An eloquent appeal." Literally, " an oration," 01 ' harangue." 5. Dijficilius est exitum, &c. On account, namely, of the rich abundance of materials, with which the merits of Pompey cannot fail to supply the speaker. Cicero's harangue here will remind the THE MAML1AN LAW. 309 Page. student of tne exordium of Lysms, in the speech against Eratos- *J r *> thenes : Oix ap^aadai ^01 SOKCI avopov tlnft, cj avSpes iiKOUrral d/XAu TtavtraaOtii XtyovTt, 6. Copia. " An abundant supply of materials." Modus. " some limit." 7. Unde ha-ec omnis causa ducitur. " Whence the whole of the affair now under consideration is derived." We have adopted ducitur, the reading of the best editions, in place of dicitur, which is exhibited by the common text. 8. Vestris vectigalibus atque sociis. ''Against your tributaries and allies." The vectigales were they who paid taxes or tribute in the produce of their lands ; the stipendiarii, on the contrary, in money. The former were in a better condition than the latter, since the proportion of produce paid by them depended always on the nature of the crop, being less in years of scarcity than in those when the harvests were abundant ; whereas, in the case of the stipendiarii, the amount was always the same one year with another. Consult Ernestj, Clav. Cic. s. v. stipendiarius, and the authorities there cited. 9. Mithridate et Tigrane. The former, king of Pontus, the latter of Armenia. Tigranes was son-in-law to Mithridates. Con- sult Historical Index. 10. Quoi-um alter relictus. " The one of whom being left unmo lested after defeat," i. e. not being pushed after defeat ; the victory on the part of the Romans not being followed up. The allusion is to Mithridates, who, after being repeatedly overcome by Lucullus, had again become powerful, the Roman general not being able to follow up his successes, in consequence of the mutinous spirit of hia troops. Part of his army had been discharged and disembodied, ihe remainder transferred to Glabrio. Compare the end of chapter 9 : " Hie in ipso illo malo," &c. 11. Alter lacessitus. " The other provoked by your arms," i. e roused to action by the movements of Lucullus. This is a mere piece of oratorical exaggeration. The truth was, Mithridates and Tigranes were on the point of entering Lycaonia and Cilicia with their whole force, when Lucullus marched into Armenia. (Plut. Vit. Lucull. c. 24, seq.) 12. Asiam. The Roman province of Asia is here meant, com- prehending Mysia, Lydia, Caria, and Phrygia. Consult Geograph- ical Index. The revenues of this province were extremely rich, aid hence the tempting nature of the prize. Compare the remark of Manutius : " Asiam, cujus certissima et magna vectigalia." 13. Equittbus Romanis The Roman knights, or equuea, S10 ORATION IN FAVOUR OF Page. y^ farmed the public revenues from the censors. Honestissimis mn. " A very honourable class of men." Cicero, himself of equestrian origin, always uses this and similar language in speaking of the equites. 14. Quorum magnae res aguntur, &c. " Large sums belonging to whom are now at stake there, being laid out by them in the farming of your revenues." The equites, or, as they were more commonly called, publicani, had purchased the revenues of the province of Asia from the censors, for a large amount, and were to look to the actual collection of those revenues for reimbursement and profit. The large sums of money, thus advanced by them to the state, were endangered by the prospect of war, since success on the part of the foe, and the consequent ravaging of the fields, would impair of course the productiveness of the province, and lessen materially the chances of repayment. 15. Occupatae. Equivalent here to collocatae. Compare pro Place 21: " Pecuniam adolescentulo, grandi fenore, fiducia, tamen accepta, occupavisti :" and also, in Verr. 1, 36 : ".Pecwwm* occu- parat apud populos, et syngraphas fecerat." 16. Qui. " These." Pro necessitudine, &c. " On account of the intimate connexion which exists between me and that order." Cicero, as we have already remarked, was himself of equestrian family. Compare pro Rob. 6 : " Vos equites Romani videte : scitis me ortum a volis." 17. Periculaque rerum suarum. " And the dangers to which their own private fortunes are exposed." 18. Bithyniae. Consult Geographical Index. Quae nunc vestra provincia est. " Which is now a province of yours." Nicomedes, the last sovereign of Bithynia, had, by his will, made the Roman people his heirs. The ostensible cause of this bequest was grati- tude to the Romans, for having been restored to his dominions by Sylla after having been driven out by Mithridates. (Eutrop. 6, 6. Appian. B. M. 7.) 19. Regnum Ariobarzanis. Cappadocia, Ariobarzanes was thrice driven from his throne by Mithridates. The first and second time he was restored by Lucullus, the third by Pompey. The period, alluded to in the text, is that which intervened between his second expulsion and final restoration, and during which Mithridates had again become powerful in consequence of the recall of Lucullus. (Appian, B. S. 48. Id. B. M. 10 seqq.) 20. Abeolcllo discedere. It was now about eight years since Lucullus was sent to the Mithridatic war, and he had during this period, by a series of brilliant successes, acquired for himself a high THE MANILIAN LAW. 311 Page. military reputation. He had driven Mithridates out of his kingdom ^2 of Pontus, and gained several memorable victories over him and his son-in-law Tigranes. His suet -ss, however, occasioned envious feelings at Rome, and it was a leged against him, that he had not pushed the war with vigour against either Mithridates or Tigranes, that he might furnish a pretext for his being still continued in com- mand. His army, besides, had become restless and mutinous, from the perpetual fatigues to which they were exposed, but principally from the factious arts of Clodius, brother-in-law to Lucullus, who was an officer in the army, and conceived himself neglected by the commander. The disaffection of the troops was still farther increased by an unlucky defeat of Triarius, one of the lieutenants of Lucullus, who, in a rash engagement with Mithridates, was destroyed, with the loss of his camp and the best of his troops. As soon, therefore, as they heard that Glabrio, the consul of the previous year, was appointed to succeed him, and had actually arrived in Asia, they broke out into open mutiny, and refused to fol- low Lucullus any longer, declaring that they had ceased to be his soldiers. 21. Huic qui successerit, &c. "That the individual who has succeeded him is but ill prepared for the management of so impor- tant a war." The allusion is to Glabrio, who was appointed to succeed Lucullus. The words nan satis esse paratum ostensibly refer to the inadequate state of his resources ; but they contain also a covert allusion to his mental incapacity. Cicero (Brut. 68) de- scribes Glabrio, as " Socors ipsius nalura, negligensque." The student will mark the force of the subjunctive mood in successerit. The speaker gives merely the language of rumour, and does not state, as a fact within his own knowledge, that Glabrio has, by this time, actually assumed the command. So that qui successerit means in truth, " who is said, by this time, to have succeeded him." In place of successerit some read succurrerit, which last Hoto- tnann endeavours to defend, as expressing the eagerness with which Glabrio seized the command, when superseding Lucullus. But successerit is every way preferable. 22. Unum. " That one individual." Alluding to Pompey. Eundem hunc unum, &c. " That this same one individual is feared by the enemy, no one besides." 23. Causa quae sit. " What is the nature of the affair before you," i. e. what is the nature of the discussion which now claims four attention. 24. De genere belli. " Of the character of the war." 85 Ad studium pcrsejuendi. "To the desire of inflicting a 312 ORATION IN FAVOUR OF Page. "72 severe retaliation." These words are omitted m the common text, but supplied by Graevius and Ernesti from MSS. 26. In quo agitur, &c. " For in it the glory of the Roman peopl* is at stake." In quo, beginning the clause, is equivalent to nam in eo "73 1- Certissima vectigalia et maxima. " The surest and most important revenues." We have here another specimen of oratorical exaggeration, since elsewhere (de leg. agr. 2, 29) Cicero speaks of the Campanian vectigalia as the surest and best : " An ignoratis, cetera ilia magnifica populi Romani vectigalia, perlevi saepe mo- menta fortunae, inclinatione temporis penderel Quid nos Asiae portus, quid Syriae rura, quid omnia transmarina vectigalia juva- bunt, tenuissima suspicione praedonum aut hostium injecta 1 At vero hoc agri Campani vectigal cum ejusmodi est, ut domi sit, et omnibus praesidiis opjridorum tegatur : turn, neque bellis infestum, nee fructibus varium, nee coelo ac loco calamitosum esse solet." 2. Et pjicis ornamenta, &c. " You will have to seek anew for both the ornaments of peace, and the sinews of war," i. e. you will miss, you will feel the want of what constitute the ornaments of peace, &c. The same idea is expressed in the second oration against the agrarian law of Rullus, (c. 29,) already referred to in the previous note : " Pads ornamentum, subsidium belli, fundamentum vectigalium." Compare chapter 6, of the present speech : " Si et belli utilitatem et pads dignitatem sustinere vultis." 3. A vobis et ipsorum, &c. In the early editions, and in most MSS., we find a vobis et imperatoribus reipublicae consulendum Lambinus obtained the reading in the text from three MS.S., and it has been adopted by Graevius, Ernesti, and others. Ernesti re- marks : " Ego vero nullam causam idoneam video quare hie impera tores populi Romani commemorentur, cum de uno deligendo agatur, et quidem per populum Romanum. 4. Delenda vobis, &c. " That stain, contracted in the previous Mithridatic war, must be effaced by you, which has now sunk deeply in, and become identified by lapse of time with the name of the Roman people." Inveterasco, which we have here rather paraphrased than translated, means literally, " to grow old in," " to gather strength by age or time," " to become deeply rooted," &c. 5. Quod is, &c. " That he," &c. Referring to Mithridates, and his indiscriminate slaughter of the Romans in Asia. This monarch sent secret orders to all the governors of his Asiatic prov- inces, enjoining on them to massacre, on the thirtieth day after the receipt of these instructions, all the Romans and Italians in their several districts, without regard to age or sex, and to leave their bodies without the rites of burial. (Appian. B. M. 22.) Plutarch THE MANILIAN LAW. 313 Page. maites the number slain on this occasion to have been 150,000. ^f*^ ( Vit. Syll. c. 24.) Valerius Maximus (9, 2, 3) gives it as 80,000, which is probably nearer the truth. This event occurred in the consulship of Sylla and Q. Pompeius Rufus, A. U. C. 666, B. C. 88. 6. Una die. The massacre took place on the same day through- out the cities of Asia. The interval of thirty days was prescribed, in order that the secret intelligence might be communicated in time to the more distant cities. The messenger would have time to visit all in thirty days, and all would then be prepared to act in concert. 7. Tot in civitatibus. Appian (B. M. 23) enumerates several of the Greek cities of Asia which obeyed the cruel directions of Mithridates, and mentions also the different ways in which the order was executed. Temples and altars afforded no refuge. The only two states that remained faithful to the Romans,' amid the general defection which followed this disaster, were Magnesia and Rhodes. 8. Atque una literarum significations . " And by the import of a single letter." The confidential messenger had a letter, or general circular, which he showed to each of the governors of the cities. 9. Gives Romanos, &c. " Marked out Roman citizens for butchery and death." We have altered, in translating, the position of trucidandos and necandos, in order to adapt the meaning more to the English idiom. Trucido is to put to death with circumstances of cruelty, to butcher, &c. 10. Sed ab illo tempore, &c. " But is now reigning for the twenty-third year from that period." This oration was delivered A. U. C. 687. The massacre took place A. U. C. 666. 11. Neque Cappadociae latelris. " Nor in the lurking places of Cappadocia." The term latebrae refers to the inland situation of this country, compared with the other regions that border upor Pontus. Compare the remark of Manutius : " Quia gentium uni- versarum, quae Pontum accolunt, una maxime introrsus recedit :" and also Cicero, (Agr. 2, 21,) " In Paphlagoniae tenebris, atquein Cappadociae solitudine." 12. E patrio regno. Pontus. Mithridates was the seventh monarch of the name that ruled over this country. Atque in vestris vectigalibus, &c. " And to carry on his operations in the midst of your tributaries, that is, under the very eyes of Asia." The force of luce, in this clause, is apparent from its being contrasted with latelris occultare. Compare Ep. ad Quint, fratr. 1,1,2: " Istam nirlutem non latere in tenebris, neque esse abditam, sed in luce Asiae, in oculis darissimae provinciae, atque in auribus omnium gentium esse positam." 314 ORATION IN FAVOUR OF Page. ^J 13. Insignia victor lae. " The badges of victory," i. e. standards and other emblems of success. Some commentators consider the allusion to be to triumphs, but erroneously. Non victoriam. " Not victory itself." 14. L. Murena. L. Licinms Murena was the lieutenant of Sylla. Consult Historical Index. 15. Pulsus superatusque regnaret. " Though repulsed and vanquished still reigned." 16. Quod egerunt. " For what they did," i. e. proptcr id quod egerunt. Quod reliquerunt. " For what they left undone." Mat thiae considers quod a conjunction here, and after reliquerunt under- stands Mithridatem. The construction we have adopted is much simpler. If quod.be a conjunction with reliquerunt, it must also be a conjunction with egerunt, than which nothing can be more awk- ward. 17. Respublica. " The state of public affairs at home." The successes of the Marian faction at home induced Syila to return to Italy. He made one treaty with Mithridates ; and Murena, his lieutenant, when recalled by him, made another. Hence, in strict- ness, the present was the third Mithridatic war. 18. Murenam -Sulla revocavit. Sylla had pressing occasion, very probably, for all these troops in Italy. According to Plutarch, (who obtains his information from the commentaries of Sylla,) he had to encounter on his return home, upon this occasion, fifteen generals, who had under them not less than twenty-five legions. (Vit. Sull. c. 27.) 19. Omne reliquum tempus. Referring to the interval between the departure of Murena and the renewal of hostilities by the Ro- mans. Ad comparalionem novi. " To preparations for a new one." 20. Qui posteaquam, &c. " For after he had built and equipped," &c. Qui beginning a clause is here equivalent to ille. 21. Bosporanis. " Against the inhabitants of the Bosporus." The people of the 'Thracian Bosporus (straits of Constantinople') are meant, who had revolted from him to the Romans 22. Legates. L. Magius and L. Fannius, expatriated citizens of Rome, and belonging to the Marian faction, who had fled to Mithridates, and had persuaded him to send them as ambassadors to Sertorius, the head of the Marian party, who was now very power- ful in Spain. (Appian. B. M. 68.) Asconius, in his comments on the first oration against Verres, (c. 34,) remarks as follows : " Hi transfugae facti, a Mariano exercitu, apud Milhridatem agentes, ab eodem. rege ad Sertorium missi crant de paciscenda, societate belli adversus Romanes : quos in Italia jam positos, et ad Serlonum THE MANILIAN LAW 315 Page. festinantes, et hastes judicaverat, et tnquircndos mandate rat ^^ e natus." 23. Ac literas. " And letters," i. e. proposals or despatches. The MSS. vary considerably here. Some have Ecbalanis, which is the reading adopted in the common text, others Electanis, Elec- tariis, e Lebetanis, ac literas. This latter reading has been adopted by Matthiae, Orellius, and others. It is certainly far preferable to Ecbatams, since Ecbatana, in Media, does not appear to have been visited by Mithridates, or even Tigranes. 24. Ad eos duccs. Referring to Sertorius and his followers. This commander had formed a senate, composed of the senators proscribed by Sylla, as well as others of his own choosing, and endeavoured, in every possible respect, to imitate the form of gov- ernment at home. The leaders referred to were, besides himself, his Lieutenants and other officers. Duobus in locis. Pontus and Spain. 25. Uno ccmsilio. " In accordance with one common plan of operations." A binis hostium copiis. The distributive numerals are used with words which have no singular, or whose singular, as in the present instance, has a different signification from the plural. (Zumpt, L. G. p. 72.) This rule is of use in translating: thus, duae literae, " two letters of the alphabet," but binae literae, " two epistles." Tria vestimenta, " three pieces of clothing," but terna vestimenta, " three suits of clothing." Quatuor castra, " four for- tresses," or " castles," but quaterna castra, " four camps," &c. 1. Vos, ancipiti contentiqpe districti, &c. "You, embarrassed ^A by a contest pressing you on both sides, might have to contend for empire itself," i. e. for the very existence of your empire. Distncti is here equivalent to in angustias redacti. Some read destricti, others distracti, but both are inferior. 2. Sed tamen alterius partis, &c. "The danger, however, which threatened on one side, from Sertorius and Spam." Manutius suspects the words Sertorianae atque Hispaniensis of being a mere gloss 3. Firmamcnti ac robons. " Of enduring strength." Literally, " of stability and strength." Owing, namely, to the military talents s( Sertorius. 4. Cn. Pompeii divino consilio, &LC. " Was warded off by the godlike wisdom and unequalled valour of Cneius Pompeius." This is the language of gross adulation. Sertorius was incomparably the better general of the two, and, had he not lost his life by the treachery of some of his followers, would most certainly have proved superior in the contest. Cicero had the consulship in view, and hiu 316 ORATION IN FAVOUR OF Page "J 1 ^ object, therefore, was to gain the good will of the people by extolling their favourite, and secure also by this means the friendship of Pompey. 5. In altera parte. " In the opposite quarter." Referring to Asia. Ita. res a L. Lucullo, &c. Cicero's object is to depreciate Lucullus, in proportion as he seeks to elevate the character of Pompey. He manages this, however, with great adroitness, foi ae apparently allows great praise to Lucullus, but then there is always something added which diminishes its force. Whereas, in Pompey's case, his commendations are unbounded, and even fulsome. Lucul- lus, like Sertorius, was far superior to Pompey in military talents. 6. Initia gestariim rcrum. " Beginnings of exploits." Alluding to the earlier movements of Lucullus in the Mithridatic war. 7. Haec autem extrema. "These latter reverses, however?' Mithridates had, on the departure of Lucullus, not only regained possession of Pontus, but had even made an inroad into the Roman province of Asia. He had defeated also the lieutenants of Lucullus, and made himself master of a large part of Asia Minor. Compare chapter 9. 8. Non culpae, sed fortunae. "Not to any fault of his, but to his ill-fortune." This, though apparently fair, is in fact very invidi- ously uttered. Cicero afterward, in enumerating the qualifications of an able general, gives good fortune a very conspicuous place, and finds, of course, a very great abundance of it in his favourite Pompey. 9. Alio loco. He returns to Luculb^s in the 8th chapter. Cha hone noslra. " By any remarks of mine." 10. Afficta esse. " To be bestowed upon him." Affingere liter- ally means, to add by framing, devising, or inventing. Compare fro CLuent, c. 4 : " Faciam ut intdligatis quid error affinxe- rit, quid invidia conflarit." 11. Exorsus. " The true beginning." Quern vobis, &c. "What feelings you are to think ought to be entertained by you." 12. Mercatoribus ac naviculariis, &c. " Because their traders and proprietors of vessels were treated in too wrongful a manner." The mercatores, among the Romans, remained a very short time in a place, visited many countries, and were almost constantly occu- pied with exporting and importing articles of merchandise. The negotiator 'es, on the other hand, remained for some consideraole time in a particular spot. Naviculariis. This is the reading of Lambinus, and is adopted also by Graevius, Ernesti, and others. It is found in good MSS. The early editions have naviculatoribus, which occurs nowhere else in the ancient writejs. THE AIAN1LIA.K LAW. 317 Page. 13. Tot millibus. Plutarch, as we have already remarked, makes ^ the. number 150,000, but Valerius Maximus 80,000. 14. Legati quod, erant appellati superbius. " Because their ambassadors were addressed in too haughty a manner." Cicero purposely lessens the nature of the offence, that it may be contrasted the more forcibly with the conduct of Mithridates. He makes it to have been merely an employment of haughty language on the part of the Corinthians. What the insult really was is differently repre- sented by the ancient writers, and nowhere clearly appears. Strabo (8, p. 381, Casaub.) says, that filth was thrown upon the Roman ambasssadors from one of the houses of the city, as they were pas- sing by : riffs icai -rwv TTpcaSc'jiv, -napiovTWV ritv olniav avrSiv, iQappricrav KaravrXijirai (!6p/3opov. 'Livy, on the other hand, (Epit. lib. 52,) states, thaP personal violence was offered them : " Corinthum ex senatus- consulto diruit t quod Hi legati Romani violafi erant." 15. Exstinctum. Referring grammatically to lumen. Some read exstinctam, agreeing with Corinthum. Corinth was destroyed by Mummius, the Roman consul, and with it fell the Achaean league. Consult Geographical Index. 16. Legatum populi Romani, &c. The allusion is to Manius Aquilius, who had defeated the slaves in Sicily. He was sent at the head of the Roman commissioners to restore to their kingdoms Nicomedes and Ariobarzanes, who had been driven out by Mithri- dates. His haughty demeanour soon brought matters to an open rupture with that monarch, who defeated and took him prisoner. The conqueror led him about the country on an ass, and obliged him by blows and scourging to proclaim, from time to time, to the assembled spectators, that he was Manius Aquilius. At length he brought him to Pergamus, where he caused melted gold to be poured down his throat, as a sarcasm upon the cupidity of the Romans (Appian. B. M. 2l.Plin. H. N. 33, 14.) 17. Eli libertatem civium, &c. " They brooked not even an infringement of the personal privileges of Roman citizens." 18. Verbo. " Only by word." Compare the language of the peaker just above : " Legati quod erant appellati superbius." Illi pcrsecuti sunt. " They avenged." 19. Vos legatum, &c. " "Will you leave unnoticed an ambassa- dor put to death by every species of torture T' Before relinquetis some editions have inultum expressed, but it arose probably from a marginal gloss. Relinquetis is far better without the presence of inultum, and is elegantly opposed to persecuti sunt. 20. Quid, quod salus sociorum, &c. " What shall I say of this, that the safety of your allies is involved in the most imminent dan- 27* 31 b ORATION IN FAVOUR OF Page. 74 S" 1 '" The terms penculum and discnmen (" dangei" and " hazard") being nearly synonymous, are employed by Cicero, according to the custom of the Latin writers, to indicate a high degree of danger, and we have rendered them, accordingly, as one word. The ellipsis in quid, quod, is to be supplied as follows : Quid dicam de hoc, quod. 21. Duo reges. Mithndates and his son-m-law Tigranes. 22. Cuncta Asia atque Graecia. Weiske considers Asia and Graecia as ablatives, " throughout all Asia and Greece." The nominative, however, appears neater, " the whole of Asia and of Greece." 23. Imperatorem cerium. " A particular commander." Pompey. Alium. Glabrio, the consul of the previous year, now, of course, proconsul. 'J'f-J I. Summo sine pcriculo. The risk alluded to is that of offending the commander actually appointed. 2. Unum virum. Pompey. In quo summa sint omnia. " In whom the highest qualities centre," i. e. the highest qualifications for the successful management of the war. 3. Prope. Pompey had just brought the war with the pirates to a successful issue, settling many of them in the little towns of Cili- cia. He was now employed in visiting some of the cities of the east. 4. Quo etiam carent aegrius. " On which account they even feel the want of him the more sensibly." Literally, " they want him the more painfully." 5. Maritimum bellum. " The war with the Cilician pirates." The power of the pirates, as Plutarch remarks, ( Vit. Pomp. c. 24) had its foundation in Cilicia. Their progress was the more dangerous, because at first it was little noticed. In the Mithridatic war they assumed new confidence and courage, on account of some services which they had rendered the king. Afterward, in the interval between the first and second Mithridatic wars, the Romans being engaged in civil contests at the very gates of their capital, the sea was left unguarded, and the pirates by degrees attempted higher things ; not only attacking ships, but islands, and maritime towns. They had, in various places, arsenals, ports, and watch-towers, all strongly fortified. The number of their galleys amounted to a thousand, and the cities taken to four hundred. They not only insulted the Romans frequently, but also intercepted their convoys, and made prisoners of their generals. Nay, they not only attacked the Romans at sea, but infested the great roads, and plundered the villas near (ho coast Two praetors, Sextilius and Bellinus, were THE MANILIAN LAW. 319 Page. rarried off with all their servants and lictors ; and the daughter of "^5 Anton ius, a man who had been honoured with a triumph, was seized by them as she was going to her country-house near Misenum, and the father was forced to pay a large ransom for her release. At length, by the Gabinien law, Pompey was sent against them, and speedily reduced them to subjection and broke up their haunts. 6. Impetus hostium. Referring to the forces of Mithridates, whose movements, according to Cicero, were " checked and re- tarded" by the mere knowledge that Pompey was in Asia, though in a different part of the country. 7. Quoniam libere loqui non licet. Through fear, namely of offending the Roman commander who then had charge of the Mith- ridatic war. 8. Quorum salutem tah mro commendetis. " Of having their safety entrusted by you to such an individual." Literally, " whose safety you may entrust, &c. 9. Atque hoc etiam magis quam ceteros. " And on this account even more than the rest," i. e. atque ut existimetis se hoc etiam magis dignos quam ceteros socios, &c. 10. Cum imperio. " With military command." Ipsorum ad- ventus, &c. " The entrance of these same individuals into the cities of our allies differs." &c. Literally, "the entrances." &c Adventus being the nominative plural. Among the Latin writers, abstract and verbal nouns are often put in the plural, to mark that the action designated takes place at various times, where in English we only use the singular. 11. Hunc audiebant antea. Alluding to his previous operations in Italy, Africa, Spain, &c. Consult Historical Index. 12. Tanta temperantia. " Of so much self-control." This virtue is here purposely named first, that it may be contrasted in a more marked degree with the rapacity that characterized the other Roman commanders. 13. Cum Antiocho. The order of time is not observed. The war with the Carthaginians should, strictly speaking, have been named first. It broke out A. U. C. 489, and the ostensible cause was the lending of aid, on the part of the Romans, to the Mamer- tines, in Messana, who had entreated their aid against the forces of Carthage. The true motive to the war was the spirit of rivalry between Rome and Carthage. It is called in history the First Punic War. Next in order was the contest with Philip, king of Macedonia. He was the third of that name, and must not be confounded with he father of Alexander, who lived long before. The Romans made war upon him because he had attacked the Athenians, the allies of 320 ORATION IN FA FOUR OF Page ^fj the republic. This occurred A. U. C. 553. The collision with Antiochus the Great, took place A. U. C. 562, and the contest was terminated by his defeat and submission the ensuing year. It was connected with the war against the Aetolians, who had raised com- motions in Greece against the allies of Rome, and had invited An- tiochus, monarch of Syria, to their aid. 14. Injuriis provocatos. " Irritated by a series of personal inju- ries," i. e. injuries offered, not to your allies, but to yourselves. 15. Praesertim cum, &c. " Especially when your most im- portant revenues are at stake." ; 16. Tanta sunt. ""Are so inconsiderable." Tanta is here equivalent to tu.nt.illa, or, more correctly speaking, its literal mean- ing in this passage is, " so great, and no greater." Hence arises the idea of scantiness and diminution. Instances of a similar usage occur in Caesar, B. G. 6, 34 : Praesidii tantum est (" there is so small a garrison") wt ne murus quidem cingi potest," and Cic. Ep. ad Fam. 8, 10 : " Si bdlum tantum erit (" so unimportant") ut. vcs aut successores sustinyre possint." 17. Asia. Referring to the Roman province of that name. Con suit note 12, page 72. 18. Ut et ubertate agrorum, &c. Cicero here enumerates the ordinary sources of Roman revenue, the productions of the earth, the pasture-grounds, and the exports generally. 19. Et belli utilitatem, &c. " To uphold both the means ot usefulness in war, and of dignity in neace." We have retained the common reading with Ernesti and many others. Graevius gives ad belli, &c., instead of et belli, from one of his MSS., and make sustinere refer to earn understood. The common lection is more Ciceronian. 20. Cum venit calamitas. "When calamity has actually come." In 'vectigalibus. " In the case of your revenues." Affcrt calamitatcm. " Brings ruinous consequences along with it." 21. Pecora relinguuntur. "The flocks are abandoned." Ser- vius, in his commentary, (ad Virg. Ge.org. 3, 64,) cites this passage apparently, and reads pecua, from pccu. But pecua does not occur in any of the MSS. 22. Mercatorum namgatio conquiescit. " The trading of the merchants begins to subside." More freely, " commerce stag- nates," "yg 1. Itaque ncque exportu, &c. Cicero here enumerates the three principal sources of the revenue obtained from the Roman provin- ces : 1. Ex porlu. "From the harbour," i. e from duties im THE MAMLIAN LAW. 32) Page. posed on exports and imports. 2. Ex decumis, " from tithes." *fQ The decumae were a tenth part of corn, and a fifth of other produce, paid by those who tilled the public lands. Ex scriptura " From the public woods and pastures." Scriptura was the tax paid from public woods and pastures, and was so called, because those, who wished to feed their cattle there, subscribed (scnbebant) their names before the farmer of this branch of revenue, and paid a certain sum for each beast. 2. Vectigal conservari potest. " Can any imposts tie obtained." Totius annifructus. " The revenue of an entire year. 3. Qui vectigalia nobis pcnsitant. " Who pay duties unto us." Qui exercent atque exigunt. " Who farm and collect them." 4. Cum pubhcam, &c. "When the farmers of the revenue '.hink, that they hold, at great risk, the very numerous bodies of slaves whom they have employed in the pasture-grounds, in the fields, in the harbours, and custom-houses." Familia is here used in its primitive sense, as denoting a body of slaves belonging to a partic- ular master. Compare the remark of Festus : " Famuli origo ab Oscis dependet, apud quos servus fame! nominabatur, unde et familia vocata." 5. Saltibus. The common text has salinis, (" salt-works,") but no other trace has been discovered of a revenue derived from salt works, in Asia Minor ; and, what is of still greater weight, if we retain the common lection, mention will only be made, in this pas- sage, of two branches of revenue, the decurflae and those ex portu, while the third branch, scriptura, will be passed over in silence. Influenced by these considerations, Lipsius first conjectured saltibus for salinis, and his emendation has been approved of by Gronovius, Burmann, Ernesti, Schutz, and others, and admitted by some of them into the text. We have followed their authority. One MS. of Lambinus' has silvis. Aldus conjectured salictis as referring to the pasture-grounds, which abounded with groves of willow. 6. Custodiis. By custodiae are here meant a kind of custom- houses, where a number of persons, generally slaves, were stationed by the publicani, to guard against smuggling. Sometimes, the term is applied to the persons themselves, and is then analogous to our modem expression, " custom-house officers." 7. Ulis rebus frui posse. " Can reap any advantage from those things." Qui vobis fructui sunt. "Who are the authors of this advantage unto you," i. e. whose exertions enable you to reap this advantage. The common text has fructuosi, for which we have given fructui, the reading of one of the MSS It was first adopted 322 ORATION IN FAVOUR OF Page. ^Q by Lamhmus, and after him by Graevius and others, as more ele- gant than fructuosi. 8. Extremum. "As the last point on which to touch." Cum essem dicturus. " When I should come to speak." 9. Ad multorum bona civium. The individuals here meant are the Roman knights, who farmed the Asiatic revenues, and those traders who were carrying on mercantile operations in that quarter, both of which classes of persons had large sums of money laid out in the province, and which were consequently endangered by the war. 10. Quorum vobis, dec. " For whom you, in your wisdom, Ro- mans, ought to have an especial regard," i. e. over whose interests you ought carefully to watch. 11. Nam et publicani. The particle et, (" both,") is here oppos- ed to deinde, (" and in the next place,") at the commencement of the 18th section. 12. Homines et honorahssimi, &c. " Very honourable as well as intelligent men." Ornatissimi is considered by some to refer here to rank in the state. It has relation rather to general inform- ation and intelligence on the part of the individuals alluded to. 13. Suas rationes, &c. " Haw transferred all their business operations and means to that province." Rationes and wpiae are explained immediately after by res and fortunae, " affairs and for- tunes." 14. Nervos. " The sinews." Eum ordinem. The equestrian order. 15. Cetens ex ordinibus. Excepting of course the senate, the members of which order were not allowed to engage in trade. 16. Negotiantur. " Carry on trade." As regards the distinc- tion between the negotiatores and the mercatores, consult note 12, page 74. 17. Partim suas ct suorum, &c. The early editions and the MSS. give parlim eorum, for which we have substituted the read- ing in our text with Ernesti, Schu'tz, and others. Partim eorum is a good Ciceronian phrase, but it makes an awkward collocation here after homines gnam et industrii partim ipsi ncgo- tiantur. 18. ProMbere. "To shield." Videre. "To foresee." A republica sejunctam esse non posse. " Cannot be separated from that of the state," i. e. cannot fail to affect the public prosperity. 19. Etenim illud primum, &c. " For, in the first place, it avails but little, that you afterward recover by a victory the revenues that have been lost by the fanners of them ; for neither will the sarn THE MANILIAN LAW. ; Page. individuals possess the means of making a new contract, by reason *jtR of their losses, nor will others have the inclination so to do, on account of their fears," i. e, their fears of being involved in similar ruin with the previous contractors. 20. Initio belli Asiatid. He refers to the period of the general massacre of the Romans in Asia, by order of Mithridates. About twenty-three years had elapsed since that event. 1. Res magnas. " Large amounts." Referring to the large *J"^ sums of money which very many farmers of the revenue had lost in the troubles and confusion that ensued. 2. Scirmis, Romae, &c. " We know, that, payments becoming embarrassed, credit fell at Rome." Very many of the publicani in Asia having lost large sums of money there, in consequence of the disastrous state of public affairs, and others having been killed dur- ing the massacre of the Romans, there ensued of course a non- payment of large amounts due to the bankers at Rome, and which had been loaned the former to enable them to meet their contracts. Hence a general embarrassment was felt in the money-market, and public credit fell. 3. Rem 'atque fortunas. " Then* property and fortunes. By rem is here meant their actual property and resources at the time, by fortunas, their prospects in business. 4. Haec fides atque haec ratio pecuniarum, &c. " This system of public credit, and these moneyed operations that are carried on at Rome, and in the forum, are connected with those sums laid out in Asia, and form a close union with them." Literally, " are bound up with and cling to them." The offices of the bankers were situate around the forum, which hence became their usual place for meeting and transacting business. 5. Ruere ilia non possunt, &c. " The latter cannot fall without the former's being shaken by the same movement and falling along with them." Ilia and haec become here, when adapted to our idiom, " the latter," and " the former," but in strictness ilia refers to what is more remote, the moneyed operations in Asia, and haec to what is nearer home, the state of business in the Roman forum. 6. Cum republica. " Together with the best interests of the state." Three MSS. have cum republica conjunctae defendantur, but conjunctae savours of a gloss. Gruter, Graevius and others read defenduntur, but Ernesti defends the common form : " Defen- dantur recepi, quomodo Ciceronem scripsisse semper putam, nam ita ratio latinitatis postulat." 7. Potest cnim hoc did. " For this mav be affirmed," i. e. this assertion may DC made with perfect safety. ORATION IN FAVOUR OK Page. yy 8. Ne /one ea. The common text has ne forte a, the present reading is conjectural. Some MSS. have ne forte an, which Schu'u adopts. 9. Atque ut onines, &c. He now returns to Lucullus, whom he has already mentioned in chapter 4. 10. Mithridati. The common text has Mithridatis, for which we have given the dative, as occurring in one of the MSS , and depending on fuisse : " Mithridates was in possession of very great forces." Ernesti approves of Mithridati,' though he gives the genitive in his text. Schu'tz adopts the dative as we have done. Some of the earlier editions insert deletas after fuisse, on conjecture, but then obsessam esse must be changed to liberatam esse. 11. Omnibus rebus, &c. " Equipped and supplied with all things v requisite," i. e. furnished with arms and provisions of all kinds. This is said with some degree of oratorical exaggeration. 'Accord- ing to Appian (B. M. 72), and Plutarch (Vit. Lucull. c. 8, seqq.), the forces of Mithridates were very scantily supplied with provisions, which was one of the principal causes of his abandoning the siege of Cyzicus. 12. Urbemque Cyzicenorum. Consult Historical Index, s. v. Lucullus, and Geographical Index, s. v. Cyzicus. 13. Maxima multitudine. According to Plutarch, (Vit. Lucull. c. 7,) the army of Mithridates consisted of 120,000 infantry, 16,000 cavalry, and 100 chariots armed with scythes. Appian (B. M. 72) gives the whole amount, in round numbers, as about 300,000 men. The Roman army, under Lucullus, was 30,000 foot and 600 horse, according to Appian ; but Plutarch makes the horse to have been 2500. 14. Classem magnam, &c. We have here another instance of oratorical exaggeration. After Cyzicus had been relieved, and the forces of Mithridates defeated at the river Granicus, Lucullus re- ceived intelligence, that thirteen of the king's large galleys had been seen off the coast of Troas, steering towards Lemnos. He instantly went in pursuit, took them, and killed their admiral Isidorus. When this was done, he made all sail after some others, which were in advance of them, and were lying at anchor by the island. Here again he was successful, and among the prisoners taken was Marius, (or, as Appian calls him, Varms,) an officer sent by Sertorius. (Pint. Vit. Lucull. c. 12.) Appian makes the number of vessels left by Mithridates under the command of Varius and the other leaders to have been fifty. (B. M. 77.) 15 Quae ducibus. &c " Which, inflamed with an eaga THE MANILIAN LAW. 325 Page. desire for vengeance, was getting burned towards Italy, under ^^ leaders sent by Sertorius." Jt does not appear from any other authority, except Cicero's own assertion, in the oration for Murena, (c. 15,) that the destination of the fleet was Italy, and as for the leaders sent by Sertorius, there was in fact but one. Consult pre- ceding note. 16. Magnus kostium, &c. Plutarch makes the enemy to have lost in the whole campaign nearly 300,000 men, including the ser- vants of the army. In the battle of the Granicus alone, 20,000 were slain. 17. Patefactumque, &c. Compare the oration for Archias, c. 9* " Populus Romanus aperuit, Lucullo imperante, Pontum, &c. Qui ante, &c. " Which had hitherto been shut on every side against the Roman people." Literally, " from (i. e. in) every avenue of approach." Compare the language of Cicero, in the passage just referred to, from the oration for Archias : "et regiis quondam opibus, et ipsa natura regionis vallatum." 18. Domicilia. " Palaces." Omnibu-s rebus, dec. " Adorned and richly stored with all things." Referta from refercio. ?fcJ 1 . Una aditu atque advenlu. " By his merely marching against, and arriving before, them." This again is oratorical exaggeration. Lucullus spent, for example, a long time before Amisus, and finally left the siege in the hands of Murena his lieutenant. (Plut. Vit. Lucull. c. 15.) 2. Ad alias reges. To Tigranes, king of Armenia, his son-in- law, and to other neighbouring monarchs. 3. Salvis populi Romani sociis, &c. " The allies of the Roman people being at the same tune safe from injury, and your revenues in that quarter unimpaired." 4. Istorum. Catulus and Hortensius are here particularly meant. It was incumbent on them, in their speeches against the proposed law, to do justice to Lucullus, and to show that he was abundantly qualified by his previous exhibitions of military talent to bring tbe war to a successful termination. 5. Qucmadmodum, &c. " How, if these things are so, what remains of the war can be at all important." 6. Ex eodem Ponto. Medea fled from Colchis, but it is here included under one common name with Pontus, on account of its proximity, and for the sake of the figure. 7. Medea ilia. ' The far-famed Medea." Literally, "that Me- dea." i. e. of whom we all have heard. 8. Fratris sui. Absyrtus. Persequeretur. "Would pursue her," i.e. would have to pass in pursuit of her. 28 326 ORATION IN FAVOUR OF Page. "^fi 9. Eorum collectio dispersa. " The collecting of them in then scattered state." Goerenz (ad, Cic. de fin. 3,4) suggests disperse rum for dispersa ; and Schutz adopts the emendation in his text, calling at the same time the common reading an absurd one. He mistakes, however, an elegance for an absurdity. 10. Sic Mithridates, &c. Plutarch states, (Vit. Lucull. 17,) that Mithridates, being hard pressed in his flight, was nearly taken, when a mule loaded with gold, either by accident or the king's con- trivance, came between him and his pursuers. The soldiers imme- diately began to rifle the load, and quarrelled about the contents, which gave Mithridates time to escape. Appian (B. M. 82) informs us, that the king's pursuers happened to strike the load of one of the mules that were carrying away the treasure, and that the gold in consequence fell on the ground. 11. Maximam mm omnem. "All that vast store." Direptas congesserat. To be rendered as two verbs with the connective : " had plundered from the whole of Asia and accumulated in his own kingdom." 12. Ilium. " The former." Alluding to Aeetes, the father of Medea. Consult Ov. Trist. 3, 9, 21, and Cic. Tusc.3, IZ.Hos. " These latter," i. e. the Roman soldiery. 13. Hunc. " This Mithridates." Excepit. " Took in," i. e. afforded him shelter. Confirmavit. " Encouraged him." Et afflictum erexit, &c. " And raised him from his fallen state, and supplied him with fresh resources in his ruin." 14. Plures etiam gentes. Alluding to the numerous nations that swelled the ranks of Tigranes, the Medes, Arabians, Albanians, Iberians, &c. (Plut. Vit. Lucull. c. 26.) 15. Neque lacessendas, &c. " Ought neither to be attacked nor even menaced with war." Tentare itself is frequently employed in the sense of attacking ; here, however, it yields that meaning to lacesso. The idea of menacing arises very naturally from the gen- eral import of the verb, viz. : " to make trial of one." 16. Erat etiam alia, &c. " There was also, besides this, a strong and powerfully-exciting opinion." 17. Fani locupletissimi, &c. " For the purpose of plundering a very rich and revered temple." The temple here meant was that of Bellona, at Comana in Cappadocia. (Consult Geographical In- dex.) The apprehensions referred to in the text were far from being ill-founded, since this same shrine had been already plundered by Murena. (Appian, B. C. 64.) 18. Novo terrors ac metu. " By a new cause of tenor and alarm." Their religious fears were now excited. THE MANIT.IAN LAW. 327 Vage. 1 Urbem. Tigranocerta, the capital of the kingdom. Compare 'TCJ Plut. Vit. Lucull. 26, seqq., and consult Geographical Index. 2. Tamen nimia, &c. " Were, nevertheless, strongly influenced by the very great distance from home of the regions in which they then were, as well as by a longing desire to return to their country- men." Plutarch states, that Lucullus was anxious to reach Artaxata, in Upper Armenia, but that his troops were discouraged by the severity of the climate, and refused to proceed. (Vit. Luculi. 32.) 3. Hie jam plura non dicam, &c. Cicero purposely avoids entering upon the question, respecting the movements of Lucullus hi his Asiatic campaign. The merits and demerits of that command- er were canvassed very freely about this time at Rome, and the orator is careful, therefore, to give offence, if possible, to neither his friends nor his enemies. One thing is very certain, that Lucullus eventually lost the good will of his soldiers, a result which Plutarch ascribes to his haughty disposition, and others to his cupidity and avarice. There is no doubt, however, but that the intrigues of the infamous Clodius, his brother-in-law, who was an officer in his army, operated very powerfully in producing this unfortunate result. 4. Fuit enim illud extremum, &c. " For the issue of all was this, that a speedy return from those regions was rather sought bv our soldiers, than a farther advance." 5. Mithridales autem, &c. " Mithridates, however, had both by this time revived the courage of his immediate band of followers, and was strengthened by the numbers of those who had gathered hemselves together from his kingdom, as well as by large forces that had come unto him from many kings and nations." With eorum supply copiis, in the sense of numero. 6. Fieri. In the sense of accidere, " to happen." Regum afflic- tae fortunae. " The fallen fortunes of monarchs." 7. Magnum et sanctum. " Something great, and worthy of veneration." 8. Icaque tantum, &< " Accordingly, he was able to effect more after his defeat, than he ever dared to hope for in the season of prosperity." Incolumis, literally, " when safe," i. e. from the attacks of any foe. 9. Ut illam posteaquam, &c. " That he should ever set foot again in that land after he had been once driven from it." The allusion is to Pontus. 10. Sed in exerritum vestrum, &c. Mithridates, once more entering Pontus, fell upon Fabius, whom Lucullus had left in com- mand there, and was on the point of defeating him, when he him self was wounded and compelled to retire from the fight. After a 328 ORATION IN FAVOUR OF Page. *7<) cessation of hostilities for several days, Triarius, another of the lieutenants of Lucullus, came to the aid of Fabius, who resigned the command to him. Triarius, thereupon, hearing that Lucullus was upon the march himself to join the army, and desiring to en- gross the whole glory of the victory, gave battle to Mithridates. The Romans, however, met with a signal overthrow ; above seven thousand were slain, among whom were 150 centurions and 24 tribunes. This was the most severe defeat which the Romans experienced in all their wars against Mithridates. Compare the account of Plutarch, ( Vit. Lucull. 35,) with that of Appian, (B. M. 89,) where it is stated, that, in consequence of a wound received by Mithridates, his friends were on the point of sounding a retreat, when the re-appearance of the monarch in the fight secured to him the day. 11. Poetae. Naevius, who wrote a metrical chronicle of the first Punic war ; and Ennius who composed Annals, likewise in verse, comprising the history of Rome, from the earliest periods down to the close of the second Punic, or, more correctly speaking, the Istrian war. Naevius flourished from B. C. 235 to 204, and Ennius lived from B. C. 239 to 169. 12. Non ex proelio nuntius, &c. " No messenger from the field of battle, but rumour passing from lip to lip." Literally, "rumour from the converse of men." This, of course, is oratorical exaggeration. 13. Hie in ipso illo malo, &c. " Here, in the midst of this very misfortune itself, and heaviest disaster of the war." 14. Quod imperil diuturnitati, &c. " Because you thought that, in accordance with ancient precedent, a limit should be set to long continuance of command." The army had been under the command of Lucullus for the space of seven years, from A. U. O 630 to 636. 15. Qui jam stipendiis, &c. " Who had now served out their time." The oldest of the troops, including the Fimbrian legions, as they were called, were sent home by Lucullus. The period of their legal service was nine years, and they had now served nearly ten. 16. Multa praetereo consulto, &c. " I purposely pass over many things, but you yourselves clearly perceive them from mere conjec- ture," i. e. but what they are you yourselves can easily conjecture. We have altered the punctuation of this sentence, with Ernesti, except that we have placed a period instead of a colon after perspi- citis. The common text has a colon after consulto, and a comma after perspicttis, connecting, of course, the clause sed ea vos, &c., THE MANILIAN LAW. 329 Page. with what follows : but ea in the plural can never refer to the simple "70 idea expressed in quantum illud helium, &c. 17. Quantum igitur, &c. " Of how much importance, then, are . you to imagine that war has become, which two very powerful monarchs unite in waging, which irritated nations renew, which communities hitherto untouched by your arms are taking up as their own, which a new commander of yours receives in charge, the for- mer army having been driven from the field 1" We have com- menced a new sentence here, contrary to the pointing of all the editions, and have also inserted igitur, on mere conjecture. The whole passage labours under very strong suspicion of being corrupt. As we have arranged it in our text, it certainly suits better the idea of a concluding sentence to one of the heads of a speech. 18. Novus imperator. Alluding to Glabrio. The epithet norms appears to have here a covert meaning also, in relation to Glabrio's want of experience compared with Lucullus, who had been seven years in command. 19. Ac tanlis rebus praeficiendo. " And the setting him over so important operations." 1. Innocentium. " Upright," i. e. men of strict probity, of prin- g{J ciples superior to all corruption, and who would not convert the facilities, which supreme command might afford, into the means of enriching themselves and oppressing others. 2. Antiquitatis memoriam. " The remembrance of all antiquity," i. e. the brightest examples that antiquity can recall to our remem- brance. Virtute. "By his merit." 3. In summo imperatore, &c. " That in a consummate general these four qualities ought to centre, a full acquaintance with the military art, valour, reputation, and good fortune." By auctoritatem is here meant that weight of character which a series of successful operations bestows. 4. Scientior. " More profoundly versed in military science." 5. E ludo. " From school." On leaving school, at the age of 17, Pompey served under his father, Cn. Pompeius Strabo, in the Social war. 6. Bella maxima. " During a most dangerous war." The Social war is meant. It arose from the refusal of the senate and people to grant the rights of citizenship to the Italian allies. This was the most dangerous war in which the Romans had ever been engaged, since they were compelled to contend with those who were well acquainted with their discipline, and had hitherto formed the main strength of their armies. 7. Qui extrema vueiitia, &c. "Who, at the close of his boy- 28* 330 ORATION IN FAVOUR OF Page. QQ hood, was a soldier under a very able commander." The allusion is the same as in the preceding clause, viz. : to his serving in the army of. his father, at the early age of 17. Some commentators very erroneously suppose Sylla to be meant by the words summi imperatoris. Pompey, however, repaired to Sylla as the leader of a large body of forces, not as a simple soldier. Exlrema pueritia. Among the Romans, boyhood, or pueritia, ended at 17 years of age, when adolescentia, or youth, commenced, and continued on until about 30 or over. From the end of adolescentia until 45 or 50, they were called juvenes. The precise limit, however, of each of these periods, is far from being clearly ascertained. 8. Ineunte adolescentia. " In the beginning of his youth." Cicero alludes to Pompey's having, at the age of 23, by his own authority, raised three legions, and marched with them to the aid of Sylla, de- feating on the way the leaders of the opposite party. Sylla received him with great honour, and saluted him with the title of imperator. This compliment was the more remarkable as Pompey was not yet old enough to be admitted into the senate. 9. Qui sacpius cum hoste conflixit, &c. " Who has engaged more frequently with a public foe, than any one has contended with a private enemy." Hostis, " a public foe," " an enemy to one's country." Inimicus, " a private foe," " a personal enemy." The difference must also be marked between confligere and concertare : the former means " to engage," " to come into actual collision with," " to fight against with arms ;" the latter, " to contend in words," " to quarrel with." Compare Manutius : " Concertavit, i. e. serbis, nam confligere est armis contendere." Thus, Cic. ep. ad Alt. 3, 12 : " Quia nunquam accidit, ut cum eo verbo uno concertarem." 10. Plures promncias confecit. " Has settled the affairs of more provinces." Confecit has here, in some degree, though not exactly, the force of administravit. Compare Ep. ad Alt. 4, 17 : " Confecta Britannia, obsidibus acceptis" &c. 11. Cujus adolescentia, &c. "Whose youth was trained to a knowledge of the military art, not by the precepts of others, but by his own discharge of the duties of a commander ; not by disasters in war, but by victories ; not by a series of campaigns, but by a succession of triumphs." 12. Triumphis. Pompey had already enjoyed two triumphs, owe for the overthrow of Hiarbas, king of Numidia ; and the other for bringing the war in Spain to a close. Some commentators make him to have had, by this time, three triumphs. This, however, is quite erroneous, since his third and most splendid triumph was at the end of the Mithridatic war. (Plat. Vit. Pomp. c. 45.) THE MANILIAN LAW 331 Page. 13. In quo ilium, &c. " In which the good fortune of the re- gQ public has not exercised his talents," i. e. has not given him an opportunity of displaying his abilities for the good of his country. 14. Civile. Between Sylla, on the one hand, and Cinna and Carbo, with the remains of the Marian party, on the other. Pompey sided with Sylla. 15. Africanum. Against Cn. Domitius, and other proscribed members of the Marian faction, who had united their forces with those of Hiarbas, king of Numidia. On Pompey's return from this war, Sylla saluted him with the title of Magnus, or "the Great." (I'lut. Vit. Pomp. c. 13.) Pompey was then only in the 24th year of his age. 16. Transalpinum. Sertorius had probably formed alliances with the independent Gallic tribes between the Pyrenees and the Alps, and these appear to have resisted Pompey on his march into Spain. Pompey gives an account of his operations against these tribes, in his letter to the senate, which has come down to us among the fragments of the third book of Sallust's Roman History : " Nomine modo imperil a vobis accepto, diebus quadraginta ezercilum paravi ; liostesque, in cervicibus Italiae jam agentes, ab Alpibus in Hispa- niam summovi. Per eas iter aliud atque Hannibal, nobis opportu- nius patefeci. Recepi Gallium, Pyrenaeum, Laletaniam, Indigetes." Compare Appwn, B. C. 1, 109. 17. Hispaniense. The war with Sertorius, which lasted from A. U. C. 676 to 682. Mixtum ex civitatibus, &c. " Where re- volted states and the most warlike communities were united against us." Literally, " composed of revolted states," &c. By civitatibus are here meant those states, or tribes, in Spain that had gone over from the Romans to Sertorius. Compare Manutius : " civitatibus ; quae a. populo Romano ad Sertorium defecerant." As regards the expression, ex bcUicosissimis nationibus, it may be remarked, that the army of Sertorius consisted principally of the most warlike tribes of Spain, whom he had disciplined in a great degree after the Roman manner. 18. Sermle The war against Spartacus, the wefl-known leader of the gladiators and slaves. Crassus deserved the credit of termi- nating this war, having defeated the enemy, and slain 12,000 of them ; whereas, Pompey merely encountered the fugitives from the field of battle, and killed 5000. Still the popular voice assigned the chief praise to Pompey ; and Cicero, in order to flatter him, re- echoes the opinion. (Consult Plutarch, Vit. Pomp. c. 21.) 1 9. Navede. The war against the pirates, called also, in the pre- vious part of this oration, mariiimum beUum. 332 ORATION IN FAVOUR OF Page. gQ 20. Hostium. These ate enumerated as follows by the Dauphin editor : kings, exiles, proscribed persons, pirates, and slaves. 21. Confecta. " Brought to a close." In ustt milituri. "Within the'range of military experience." 22. Jam vero virtuti, &c. " In the next place, what strain of oratory can be found, commensurate with the warlike virtues of Cneius Pompey ?" Jam vero is elegantly employed by Cicero, on many occasions, in the sense of deinde, to mark a transition from one head of a discourse to another. 23. Negue enim, &c. " For neither are those the only virtues of a commander, that are commonly regarded as such." The other virtutes imperatoriae are mentioned, after a long digression, in the beginning of the 13th chapter, viz. : innocentia, temper antia, fides, &c. The expression virtutes imperatoriae may also be rendered more freely, " distinguished attributes of a commander." 24. Quae tanta sunt, dtc. " Which exist in a greater degree in this one individual, than they have in all the other commanders whom we have either seen or heard of." The student will mark the ele gant phraseology of tanta quanta non, in place of the ordi nary comparative with quam. gj 1. Testis est Italia. " Italy is a proof of the truth of my re- marks," i. e. a proof of the consummate military skill of Pompey. Quam ille ipse, &c. The allusion is to the important services ren- dered by Pompey, in aiding to crush the power of the Marian faction in Italy. Compare Plutarch, Vit. Pomp. c. 9 : lio^fiiov II Bavpat; t\os civai rots tavrov irpdynaaiv, K . r. X. 2. Testis est Sicilia. He was successful in an expedition against Perpenna and Carbo in that island, A. U. C. 671. (Pint. Vit. Pomp. c. 10.) 3. Non terrore belli, &c. " Not by the terror of his arms but the rapidity of his operations," i. e. not so much by the terror of his arms as by, &c. 4. Testis est Africa. Alluding to the war against Domitius and Hiarbas. Consult note 15, page 80. 5. Testis est Gallia. Consult note 16, page 80. Iter. Pompey in his letter to the senate, already cited, (note 16, page 80,) makes mention of a new road which he had opened over the Alps ; and Appian (B. C. 1, 109) informs us, that it was around the sources o the Rhone and Po, dfi60ov ye nai KIV- fvvuv, d)j jrpoj cva T&V ivaico\taTarOTepovs ifatnvov rovs virdTovf. " It was no longer then the indignity and disgrace of this revolt that afflicted the senate ; but now, on account of the fear and danger, they sent forth both the consuls to this, as to one of their most difficult and important wars." 8. Quod bellum, &c. All mere oratorical exaggeration. The credit of ending the war was due to Crassus, but popular favour gave it to Pompey. The latter, after having defeated the fugitives from the field of battle, where Crassus had proved victorious, wrote to t'.ie senate, that Crassus had indeed gained a victory over the runaways in a pitched battle, but that he himself had cut up the war by the roots, STI paxy plv rovy ipairiras avcpa Kpaairos veviifijKCv, aiirdi Si row iroXt^ov rrjv fii^av dvyfrixc. (Vit. Crass. C. 11.) 9. Omnes orae. Alluding to the power of the pirates, before they were reduced by Pompey, and their infesting all the shores of the Mediterranean. Compare the words of Appian, B. M. 92 oil p6vt]s en TTJS tdias GaXatro-ijf ixpdrovv, ctXXa ACOI rrjt JJTOJ 'HpaicAfiW CTT-F/Xaii' iirari7f. 10. Gentes ac nationes. " Nations and communities." Gens, when contrasted with natio, may oe called the generic term, and implies a whole race. Thus, the Germans are a gens, the Saxons a natio. (Cromirie, Gymn, vol. 2, p. 256.) 11. Denique mariaomnia, &c. " In a word, all seas, as well the whole taken collectively, as the bays and harbours in each." By omnia maria are here meant all the seas composing the Medi- terranean, such as the Mare Siculum, the Mare Hadriaticum, Mare Aegaeum, Mare Creticum, &c., and by universa (sc. maria) the whole Mediterranean, of course, is implied. The common text has oris after singulis, but Graevius very properly rejected it on the authority of one of his MSS. Singulis (sc. maribus) is opposed to universa. 12. Toto man. " Throughout the whole Mediterranean " Aut tamfuit abdiius, &c. " Or was so retired as to escape the notice of the foe. 1 ' By the foe are meant the pirates. 334 ORATION IN FAVOUR OF Page. gj 13. Qms namgavit, &c. " Who sailed abroad, that did not ex pose himself to the risk either of death, or of slavery, since he must either traverse the sea during the winter season, or when its surface was swarming with pirates ]" In the winter the sea would be free from pirates. The common text has namgaret, but Heumamms restored navigaretur from the early editions. Navigaretur is to be taken impersonally, in the sense of namgandum esset. 14. Tarn vetus. " Of so long continuance." These depreda- tions had continued from about A. U. C. 666. The present oration was pronounced A. U. C. 687, so that the whole period had been about 21 years. Tarn late dispersum. " So widely disseminated." Consult note 5, page 75, where an account is given of the extensive power of the pirates. 15. Omnibus annis, &c. Pompey broke the power of the pirates in the space of forty-nine days, and terminated the whole war in about three months. (Plut. Vit. Pomp. c. 26, and 28. Compare Flm-us, 3, 6.) 16. Quod vectigal. " What branch of revenue." Cui praesidio r.lassibus vestris fuistis. "To whom have you been a source of protection with your fleets 1" 17. Longlnqua. " Things at a distance." Opposed to things nearer home, in which the Romans were personally concerned, and had been personal sufferers. 18. Proprium populi Romani. "The peculiar characteristic of the Roman people." 19. Propugnaculis imperil. " By the forces of their empire." By propugnacula are here meant all the means of defence at the command of the republic. Ernesti thinks, that the term refers to the Roman colonies planted in conquered countries, and which would furnish the means of defence against foreign aggression. In this, however, he is decidedly wrong. Schiitz takes a more correct view of the subject, when he remarks ; " classes et exercitus intel- ligi patet ex antecedentibus et sequentibus." 20. Sociis vestris, &c. " Need I tell you that the sea has been shut, during these latter years, upon your allies, when our own armies have never crossed over from Brundisium unless in the depth of winter 1 !" Th*e seas being closed upon their allies is one of the longinqua, on which there is no need of dwelling, when the orator can tell of other things so much nearer home. 21. Brundisio. Brundisium was the usual seaport from which they sailed for Greece. Consult Geographical Index. The Ro- man armies alluded to in the text, were those sent against Mithri- dates THE MANILIAN LAW. 335 Page. 22. Summa, hieme. When the pirates would be away. Consult gl note 13. 1 . Cum legati, &c. " When ambassadors of the Roman people gg were ransomed from captivity," i. e. when your own ambassadors were made captives by the pirates, and a ransom had to be paid for them. Who these ambassadors were is not known, nor at what time, nor under what circumstances they were taken. 2 Duodecim secures. " Two praetors with their lictors." Liter- ' ally, -'twelve axes." Each praetor had in Rome two lictors ; in the provinces six. The praetors taken on this occasion are called by Plutarch, Sextilius and Bellinus. (Vit. Pomp. c. 24.) 3. Cnidum nut Cotopkonem, &c. Consult Geographical Index. Innumerabilesque alias. Plutarch makes the number of cities taken by them amount to four hundred : at f dXofcrat ir6\sts vtt' ainoiv rrpactf- arus non est, qui pecuniae nimis parcit ; hie tenax dicitur : sed pecumae consequendae nimis cupidus." 18. Itinera. " The marches." Per hosce annos. " During these latter years." The allusion is to the movements of the Ro- man forces, sent, under different commanders, against Mithridates, Sertorius, Spartacus, &c., and which troops had to pass through different parts of Italy, before they reached their destined scenes 01 action. From the language of Cicero, they would appear to have been guilty of excesses, by the way, against their own countrymen. g^. 1. Hibernis. " By their wintering among them." Referring to the license and rapacity exercised by the Roman soldiery against their own allies, while in winter-quarters throughout their cities. 2. Exercitum continere. " To restrain his army," i. e. from the plundering and despoiling of our allies. 3. Qui se ipsum non continet. " Who does not restrain him- self," i. e. who in these same matters practises no restraint over himself. Graevius gives se ipse, from one of his MSS., but, as Emesti correctly remarks, the opposition to alias requires se ipsum. 4. In judicando. " In judging of others." Supply de aliis, or else the simple olios. 5. Sed ne vestigium quidem. " But even its very footsteps." The meaning of the whole clause is, that the army led by Pompey, so far from plundering any thing, did not even set foot in any place where it was unlawful for them to come : i. e. violated the sanctity of no shrine, as had been the case, for example, in former years, with that of Comana. Compare the explanation -of Hotomann : " Non modo nih.il rapuisse, sed ne pedem quidem, uh non licebal 6. Quemadmodum milites hibernent. " As to the way in which our soldiers now conduct themselves in winter-quarters," i. e. as t the regularity of their deportment in winter-quarters now that they have Ppmpey over them. THE MANILIAN LAW. 341 Page. 7 Ut sumptum facial in militem. " In order that he may go to g^J expense u; on a soldier," i. e. to compel him to expend any part of his means in the maintenance of our soldiers. Cupienti. " When desiring so to do." 8. Hiemis enim, &c. " That there should be a refuge from the severity of winter, not for the indulgence of rapacity, in the dwel lings," &c. 9. Qualis. The early editions have quali. 10. Inventum. " Originated." More literally, " were obtain ed." Some of the early editions have initum, which arose very probably from the copyists not understanding here the peculiar force of inventum. Even Lambinus seeks to alter the test, and gives naturn for the true reading. The use of inventum, in this passage, is correctly styled by Ernesti, " exquisitius genus loquendi." Compare the Greek usage of employing the verb evpicnceiv, on many occasions, in the sense of parare, consequi, &c. . 11. Non eximia vis remigum. " No extraordinary exertions ot the part of rowers." 12. In ultimas terras. The allusion is to Pamphylia and Cilieia, Compare chapter 16, where the Cretan ambassadors are said to have come unto Pompey, who was then in Pamphylia, " in ultimas prope terras." 13. Ceteros. " The rest of your commanders." So ceteri in the next paragraph. Non retardarunt. " Retarded not_his progress." 14. Devocavit. ' Called him away." This is the reading of all the earlier editions, except the Aldine, where revocamt appears, probably by an error of the press. From this last edition the form revoc-avit found its way into the later ones, until Gruter restored the true lection. 15. Non libido ad vohiptatem, &c. "No licentious feeling to an indulgence in pleasure ; no charms of scenery to gratification of this kind ; no renown of any city to a visiting and becoming acquainted with it ; in a word, not toil itself to repose." 16. Signa ct tabula*. " Statues and paintings." With tabulas supply pictas. Quae ceteri tollenda esse, &c. Statues, and paint- ings, and works of art in general, were favourite objects of rapacity with the Roman commanders, and were carried off without any scruple. The statues and pictures which Marcellus transported from Syracuse to Rome, first excited that cupidity, which led the Roman provincial magistrates to pillage, without scruple or dis- tinction, the houses of private individuals and the temples of the g ids. Marceilus and Mummius, however, despoiled only hostile and conquered countries. They had made over their plunder to the 29* 342 ORATION IN FAVOUR OF Page. 4 public, and, after it was conveyed to Rome, devoted it to the eia bellishment of the capital ; but subsequent governors of provinces, having acquired a taste for works of art, began to appropriate to themselves those masterpieces of Greece, which they had formerly neither known nor esteemed. Some contrived plausible pretexts for borrowing valuable works of art from cities and private persona, without any intention of restoring them ; while others, less cau- tious, or more shameless, seized whatever pleased them, whether public or private property, without excuse or remuneration. But though this passion was common to most provincial governors, none of them ever came up to the full measure of the rapacity of Verres, when praetor of Sicily. He seized tapestry, pictures, gold and silver plate, vases, gems, and Corinthian bronzes, till he literally did not leave a single article of value of these descriptions, in the whole island. (Dunlop's Roman Literature, vol. 2, p. 284, seq.) 17. Fuisse quando. " That there once were." They now believe that such men as Curius Dentatus, Fabricius, and others, once ac- tually existed. 18. Quod jam nationibus exteris, &c. The accounts which the Romans gave them of the continence and virtue of their fathers, had appeared unworthy of belief to foreign nations, when contrasted with the rapacity and extortion that characterized their descendants. 19. Nunc imperil vestri, &c. " Now the true lustre of your empire shines resplendent among those nations." Pompey revives in his single self all the glory of the good old Roman times, and that glory is shared by his country. Lucet. In the palimpsest frag- ment of this oration, recently discovered, we have lucem afferre coe- pit, which also appears in two other MSS., but it is evidently a mere gloss for lucet, and not a very good one either. 20. Hac temperantia. " Distinguished for his self-control," i. e. characterized by that same moderation which Pompey now exhibits Im-per&re aliis. " To rule over others." Og 1. Jam new ita faciles, &c. " So easy, too, is said to be the access of private individuals unto him, so unshackled their every complaint respecting the wrongs done them by others." As regards the force of jam vero, consult note 3, page 86. Faciles. No forms and ceremony are required in approaching Pompey. Liberae, There are no restraints whatever upon the freedom of complaint 2. Facilitate. " In affability." 3. Consilio. " In wisdom of counsel." Dicendi gravitate et copia. " In powerful and flowing eloquence." As regards the peculiar force of gravitas, and grams, in a rhetorical point of view compare the remark of J. 0. Ernesti, in his Lex. Technol. Lot. THE MAMLIAN LAW. 343 x _ \ I'age. Rhct. p. 191 : " Sed non minus cerium est, gravem orationem ap- Q^ ysllatam Latinis Rhetoribus csse, quae magnis, splendidis, allisquc seiisilus animus le gentium impleret ; et ipsam gravitatcm tributam us oratoribus vel scriptoribus, qui tales sensus facilr. conciperent, atque omnino rebus augendis, exaggerandisque pares essent." And again: " Neque dubium est, quin Cicero, (de Invent. 1, 2,) cum gravitate et suavitate orationis omnem eloquentiae ambitum circum- scriberet, illam ad sententiarum vim et splendorem, hanc ad verbo- rum ornamenta retulerit.'" 4. In quo ipso, &c. " In which very talent itself there exists a kind of dignity, well adapted to the character of one who com- mands." The reference is to the talent of haranguing, which suits so well the character of a commander. Some editors refer in quo ipso to Pompey ; but then quaedam, joined to dignitas, is not suf- ficiently complimentary. 5. Hoc ipso in loco. In the forum, where they have often heard Pompey harangue. 6. Quam hostes, &c. " When the common enemies of all na tions have regarded it as inviolable," i. e. as worthy of the most implicit reliance. Quam is here equivalent to cum earn. By hostes omnium gentium are meant the pirates. Cicero employs the same circumlocution, in speaking of this class of persons, on two other occasions : in Verr. 5, 30, and de Off. 3, 29 : " Pirata est commu- nis hostis omnium." 7. Tantum bellum. This is the reading of the earlier editions, which Ernesti first restored. The common text has tantum bellum hoc, which Graevius transposed, reading hoc tantum bellum. 8. Nostrae memoriae. " Of our time." Videdtur. The use of the subjunctive here is worth noting. The meaning is, " who seems as far as we can perceive," i. e. as far as it is allowed mere mortals to scan the councils of omnipotence. The indicative would have been too strong. 9. Auctoritas. " High reputation." Auctoritas is here equiva- . lent to " opinio insignis de alicujus virtute," &c. (E\nesti Clav. die. s. v. $ 8.) 10. Vehementer pertinere ad bella administranda. " Intimately pertains to the management of foreign wars," i. e. exercises a pow- erful influence upon the success of your arms abroad. Vestris The palimpsest fragment has nostris. 11. Etfama. We have here adopted the reading of the palimp- sest fragment, as far preferable to the ordinary one, opinione non minus famae. Quam aliqua certa ratione. " Than by some fixed snd reasonable motive." 344 ORATION IN FAVOUR OF Page. ^fj 12. Clarius. " More illustrious than his," i. e. Pompey's. 13. Facit ad. auctoritatem. " Contributes to high reputation ' We have inserted ad before auctoritatem, on the conjecture of Weiske, who considers the common reading, facii auctoritatem, as doubtful in point of Latinity. 14. Tanta et tarn praedara, &c. " Have you made so distin guished and honourable expressions of opinion." The term judic-ia is here applied to the honours and rewards bestowed upon merit. Compare the remark of Ernesti (Clav. Cic. a. v.) : " Judicia dicun* tur etiam honores, praemia, quia dantur his qui Us digni jud.ic.an- tur." Pompey obtained the honours of a triumph, while he was only an eques, or knight, and not yet of an age to entitle him to a seat in the senate. He was sent against Sertorius, with proconsu- lar command, 'though but a simple quaestor ; and he obtained the consulship before he was full thirty-six years old, and without hav- ing gone through the subordinate offices. In the regular course of things, he was, at thirty-six, merely old enough to have been made aedile. The legal age for the consulship was forty-three. 15. Illius diet. The day when the Gabinian law was passed Consult note 14, page 82. Cum universus populus Romanus. " When the whole Roman people with one voice." The student will mark the/orce of universus here. 16. Hie locus. The rostra. Unum ad commune omnium gen- tium bellum imperatorem. " As sole commander for a war that involved the common interests of all nations." The reference is to the war against the pirates. Compare note 6. 17. Quantum auctorilas. The common text has quantum hujus auctoritas. But hujus is not needed here, since the remark is a general one, and does not refer to any individual in particular. Er- nesti thinks 'that hujus must either be rejected, or else changed into duds. He prefers the former course, and accordingly throws it out of his text. 18. Omnium rerum egregiarum. " Of every thing exalted. 1 ' f^{J 1. Vilitas annonae. " A cheapness of provisions." As long as the pirates held possession of the sea, exportation from the corn- bearing provinces was checked, and large stores must necessarily have accumulated there. Pompey's appointment restored public confidence, and as the power of the pirates was now thought to be soon about to end, and large shipments were expected to be shortly made from the corn-countries, the price of grain fell, of course, at Rome. , 2. Ex summa inopia, &c. " From the greatest scarcity and dearness of grain." Unius homims spe ct nomine. Compare the THE MAMLIAN LAW. 345 Page language of Plutarch, (Vit. Pomp, c.26,) al Sc npal T&V iivtaiv, ri6vs gg tcaovaai, Xtfyui- ficoptvu ru Sfiptp vaptT^oi', d> avro Tovvofta roC IIo/rijfow be passed, investing Pompey with supreme command. When the latter obtains this appointment, he wishes to have Gabinius as one of his lieutenants, but meets with so decided an opposition as to be compelled to abandon the idea. Cicero complains of this op- position to Pompey's wishes, and insists, that Gabinius ought to be preferred to every other individual. It must be evident to any one, who will take the trouble of reflecting only a moment on the subject, that the opposition to Gabinius was perfectly proper, and that Cicero does himseJf very little credit by the course which he takes in rela tion to it. The whole affair had too much the appearance of a cor 352 ORATION IN FAVOUR OF Page. QCJ rupt jobbing-transaction, a mere matter of bargain and sale, and the precedent would have been a dangerous one for the interests of the Btate, and the purity of legislation. Gabinius was, in fact, a man or infamous character ; and it is amusing to see, how clear-sighted Cicero subsequently became, respecting the merits and standing of this individual. In the speech delivered by the Roman orator be- fore the senate, after his return from banishment, he paints the char- acter of Gabinius in the strongest and most revolting colours. He describes him as a man polluted by every excess ; as one, whose only refuge from imprisonment, for numerous debts, was the inviola- bility of his person as tribune. He alludes also to the law which this same Gabinius had procured, respecting the appointment of Pompey against the pirates, and then adds, that had he not caused this law to be passed, his own necessities would, Jiave driven him to turn pirate himself! And yet this is the very man, whom Cicero, certainly with a full knowledge of his character, recommends to the notice and approbation of his countrymen ! QQ 1. Ceteri. " Your other commanders." Ad expilandos soeios, &c. Cicero knew perfectly well, notwithstanding all that he says here, that Gabinius, if an opportunity should offer, would do the very same things which are here condemned. 2. Ipse. Referring to Gabinius. Constilutaest. " Have been placed on a sure basis." 3. Qtii consilio ipsius, &c. " Who have been called into action by his own counsels, and at his own individual risk." Literally : " who have been appointed," or " set on foot." Periculo. Be- cause, if any thing adverse should befall Pompey, the blame would fall on Gabinius. 4. Honoris causa. " With the utmost respect." Honons causa more frequently means, " out of respect," and is then equiv- alent to honor andi causa. 5. Anno proximo. No one, who had been a tribune of the com- mons, could fill the office of lieutenant under a general appointed to a command during the magistracy of the former, until a year had elapsed since the period of his retiring from the tribuneship. The object of this regulation was to prevent bribery and intrigue. Ci cero, however, cites some instances here of a violation of this rule, and of ex-tribunes having been appointed lieutenants the very next year after they had laid down their tribuneships. 6. In hoc uno Gabinio, &c. " Are people so active with their opposition in the case of this Gabinius alone, who, as far as regards this war, which is waged in accordance with a law of his own pro- posing , as far as regards this commander and army, whom he THE MANILIAN LAW 353 _ .., . . Page, himself has called into action through your suffrages, ought to enjoy C)rt even an 'especial right of being appointed," i. e. ought to be pre- ferred to all other applicants. From the language of Plutarch, and the provisions of the Gabinian law, it would appear that Pompey had the right to select his own lieutenants. If so, the opposition to Gabinius must have been grounded on the previously existing Aebutian law, and the infamy of his private character must have made this opposition the more formidable. The Aebutian, which appears to have been the same with the Licinian law, forbade the proposer of a law, concerning any charge or power, assuming that charge or power, or deriving any advantage from it. The same prohibition was extended also to his colleagues, relations, &c. The principle on which this law was founded, is very neatly stated by Cicero, (Agr. 2, 8, in Rull.) : " Etenim, si populo consulis, remove le a suspicione alicujus tui commodi : fac fidem, te nihil, nisi populi utilitatcm et fructum quaerere : sine ad alias potcsta- tem, ad te gratiam beneficii tui pervenire." 7. Per vos ipse. Gruter first proposed this reading from two MSS., and it has been adopted by Graevius, Beck, Schutz, and many other editors. Ernesti, however, retains the common lection, -per se ipse, making per se refer to the law which Gabinius proposed and exerted himself to have passed. He doubts the latinity of per vos in conjunction with ipse ; but this is, in fact, the very language required by the occasion, ipse referring to the individual exertions of Gabinius, and per vos to their being crowned with success by he suffrages of the people. 8. De quo legando, &c. " I hope the consuls will consult the senate relative to his appointment as lieutenant," i. e. will lay the whole matter before them, and get that body to interpose their authority and sanction the appointment. The consuls of this year were Lepidus and Volcatius Tullus. (Consult Sigonius, Fast Com. p. 480, ed Oxon.) 9. Ant gravabuntur. " Or shall raise any difficulties." Gra- vari is here used in a deponent sense. 10. Ego memet profiteer relaturum. " I openly declare that I myself will my the matter before them." In place of the common reading me, we have given memet on the suggestion of Goerenz, ad Cic. Acad. 2, 16, Nothing could be laid before the senate against the will of the consuls. The praetors, of which class of magistrates Cicero was at this time a member, could only convene the senate when the consuls were absent from the city, and could at these times only lay such matters before them as they pleased. It will be perceived, therefore, that the language of Cicero, on the 30* 354 ORATION IN FAVOUR OF Page. C)Q present occasion, partakes of the nature of a mere boast, and is intended to conciliate the favour of the multitude. He declares, that, if the consuls hold back, he himself will make the requisite application to the senate, in spite of them and of any inimicum edictum which they make in order to stop him ; and that nothing short of the intercession of the tribunes would keep him.back. He knew very well, however, that the consuls had the power to re- strain him. 11. Inimicum edictum. "The unfriendly edict," i. e. on the part of the consuls, and aimed at his intended motion in the senate. Y^strumjus beneficiumque. "The right and the favour which you have conferred." The Gabinian law gave Pompey the right ol selecting his own lieutenants. (Consult note 20, page 89.) By beneficium is meant the mark of favour which the granting of this right implied. 1 2. "Procter intercessionem. " Short of intercession," i.e. the tribunitian veto. De qua. Referring to this intercession. Quid liceat consider abunt. " Will do well to consider, how far their power may extend," i. e. will take care, if they value their own tranquillity, not to exceed the power vested in them' by the laws. 13. Socius adscribitur. " Is a fit person to be added as a com panion in arms to Pompey. Adscribitur is here equivalent to dignus est qui adscribatur. 14. Alter. Referring to Gabinius. Uni. "To a particular commander. 1 ' -Alter. " That commander." Literally, " the other." 15. Ut dicendum esse videalur. Cicero appears to adopt this phraseology, on purpose here, as if the arguments of Catulus, on the present occasion, seemed to him too weak to require a formal and laboured refutation. 16. Si in un.o Cn. Pompcio, &c. " In what person, if you made .all your expectations centre inCneius Pompeius, you were going to place any hope, in case aught should befall him." The expression st quid de eo factum esset, is an euphemism, for " in case he should die." The direct mention of death is omitted as ill-omened. We have restored de eo, the old reading, with Heumannus, Matthiae, and others. The lection adopted by most editors, from the time of Lambinus, is si quid ed factum esset, omitting de. 17. Cepit magnum, &c. "Reaped the rich harvest of his own virtues and high-standing." In ipso. " In himself." The anec dote here alluded to is a very pleasing one. In an oration to the people, during the discussion on the Gabinian law, Catulus asked them, whom they would have to supply Pompcy's place, in case THE MANILIAN LAW. 355 Page. that individual should be cut off? The people exclaimed with QQ almost one accord, " Te, Quinte Catule." " You, Quintus Catu- lus." And thus the Roman people, as Valerius Maximus remarks, made Catulus the equal of Pompey and of all his glory. ( Vol. Max. 8, 15, 9.) Catulus, it seems, according to Plutarch's account, was arguing against the propriety of investing Pompey with the command in the piratical war, on the ground that the people ought to spare him, and not to expose such a man to so many dangers. (Vit. Pomp. c. 25.)^The common text has in eo ipso. But sev- eral MSS. omit eo, and besides, as Lambinus and Matthiae correctly remark, it would refer to Pompey, not to Catulus. It is rejected in consequence, by Lambinus, Weiske, and Matthiae, and enclosed within brackets by Orellius. 18. Talis est vir, &c. This praise was as richly deserved by Catulus, as Cicero seems to have been sincere hi bestowing it. Compare de Off. 1, 22 : " Mi hi quidem neque, pueris nobis, M. Scaurus C. Mario, neque, cum versaremur in republica, Q. Ca- tulus Cn. Pompeio cedere videbatur." 19. Et consuio regere, &c. " Both direct by his counsels, and support by his integrity, and accomplish by his valour." 1. Vehementissime dissentio. Compare note 15, page 90. Quo Q^ minus certa, &c. " The more uncertain and brief that human life is." Frui summi hominis, &c. " To avail itself of the days and talents of a distinguished individual." More freely, "to avail itself of the talents of a great man, as long as his life is spared to his country." 2. At- enim, &c. The elliptical use of ~nt enim here, may best be explained by a paraphrase : " But, remarks Catulus, this whole proceeding is an improper one, for let no innovation be made, con- trary to the precedents and institutions of our fathers." Cicero proceeds to meet an objection urged by Catulus, that it was not right for the state to be dependant upon, and to have all its hopes centred in, a single individual. He cites, in opposition to this doctrine, the examples of Scipio the younger, and Marius. 3. Non dico hoc loco, &c. " I urge not in reply here, that our fathers always consulted in peace established usage, in war utility , that they always adapted new plans to new emergencies." Novo- rum consiliorum rationes, literally, "the plans of new counsels," i. e. new plans which had been made the subject of previous deliberation. 4. Non dicam, &e. " I will not tell, how two very important wars," &c. Cicero will not dwell on these points, or make any formal reply. It is sufficient merely to glance at them. Pumcvm. The third Punic viax.^-Hispaniense. The war with Nnmantia. 5. Una imperatore. The younger Scipio. 356 ORATION IN FAVOUR OF Pago Q J 6. Non commemoralo, &c. "I will not remind you, that, but few years ago, this course appeared a proper one to you and your fathers, that the hopes of the empire should be made to centre in the single person of Caius Marius ; that this same individual," &c. 7. In ipiio Cn. Pompeio, &c. " Recall to your own recollections, how many things of a novel nature have been done by you, with the full approbation of Quintus Catulus, in the case of that same Cneius Pompeius, with regard to whom Quintus Catulus now wishes no- thing of a novel nature to be adopted," i. e. how many innovations on established usage, &c. These are enumerated immediately after. 8. Summa Q. Catuli volunlale. This is the very neat emenda- tion of Graevius from one of his MSS. The old reading was sum- maque Catuli voluntate. The praenomen Q. is often changed, in the MSS., into the conjunction que. The connective is not wanted here. 9. Enim. Referring to what immediately precedes, (quam multa sint nova,, &c.,) and therefore very unnecessarily bracketed by some editors. 10. Adolescentulum. Pompey was, at the time here alluded to, in the twenty-third year -of his age. Compare note 8, page 80. Privatum. " Holding no official station." 11. Conficere. " To levy." More literally, " to get together." The allusion in the text is to Pompey's levying an army, and march- ing with it to the aid of Sylla. Compare note 8, page 80. 12. Optime. " Most successfully." Ductu suo. " Under hit own guidance," i. e. in person. When a Roman commander per- formed any thing in person, he was said to do it duclu, or auspicio suo. 13. Cujus a sanatoria gradu, &c. The senatorial age appears to have been about thirty-two. (Consult the remarks of Ernesti, Ind. Leg. s. v. Annales.) That is, the age for enjoying the quaes- torship was about thirty-one, and, after having held this office, a person was eligible into the senate. Pompey, therefore, was about eight years under the senatorial age. Plutarch informs us that Pompey, at the time alluded to by Cicero, might have easily, as a matter of favour, been admitted to the senate, but that his ambition was to pursue honour in a more uncommon track, and to triumph before he was a senator. (Vit. Pomp. c. 14.) 14. Confecit. "He terminated. "Deportavit. "He brought home." Departure properly denotes, " to remove," or " transfer, from one place to another," as, in the present instance, from Africa Italy. 15. Equitem Romanum triumphare. Plutarch states, that Svlla THE MANILIAN LAW. 357 Page. at first opposed Pompey's demand for a triumph, on this occasion, 1 alleging that he was too young, and not yet of an age to be admit- ted into the senate. Pompey, not in the least intimidated, bade Sylla consider, " that more worshipped the rising than the setting sun," intimating that his own power was increasing, while that of Sylla was on the decline. Sylla did not distinctly hear what he said, but perceiving by the looks and gestures of those present, that they were struck by what Pompey had uttered, he asked what it was, and, when he was informed, in admiration of Pompey's spirit, he cried out : " let him triumph," " let him triumph-." 16. At earn quoque rem, &c. In Cicero's account of this triumph, no mention, whatever, is made of any decree of the senate, or order of the people to that effect. The reason is this : Sylla, being dicta- tor, held all the power of the state in his own hands, and awarded public honours without consulting either senate or people. 17. Duo consules. D. Junius Brutus and M. Aemilius Lepidus,' A. U. C. 676. Bellum maximum, &c. The war against Sertorius. 1. Nonnemo. " An individual." The student will note the dif- C)^ ference between nonnemo and nemo non ; the former being equiva- lent to aliquis, the latter to omnes. 2. Pro consule. " In place of a consul," i. e. with proconsular power. The expression pro consule, or proconsul, was applied, among the Romans, not merely to one, who, after having filled the consulship, was sent out, the next year, to govern a province or execute some particular charge, but, as in the present instance, to one sent out in place of a consul. 3. L. Philippus. A senator of great influence and weight of character. Pro consulibus. Intimating, by this peculiar turn of expression, his opinion of the incapacity of both trie consuls for that year. The consuls were M. Lepidus and Q. Catulus ; A. U. C. 675. 4. Legibus solutus. The laws here referred to were the Lex Villia, and two of the Leges Corneliae. They were often called by a general term Leges Annales, from then- fixing the ages for holding the different offices in the state. Thus, the quaestorship could not be enjoyed until one had reached the age of 31 years, the aedileship 37, praetorship 40, and consulship 43. Such, at least, was the rule in Cicero's time. (Ernesti, Index Legum, s. v. Annales.) Now, Pompey was elected consul before he was full 36 years old, that is, before he was of sufficient age to obtain the aedileship, which was the first office properly called magistratus, although that title is often applied also to the quaestorship and tribuneship. Ferratius explains the words ante quam ullum alium magistratum; &c., in a different manner. He supposes, that there was either an old law, 358 ORATION IN FAVOUR OF Page. C)^ revived by Sylla, or else a new one passed by him, wliich enacted, that no one who had not filled the office of quaestor, could be a can- didate for any other and higher office ; and that, as Pompey had never been quaestor, he was, of course, legally excluded from the consulship. Cicero's words, however, by no means favour this interpretation. What, in such an event, becomes of ante quam 1 5. Iterum. Alluding to Pompey's second triumph, which waa granted him for his successes over the remains of the army of Ser- torius, in Spain, after the death of that commander. 6. Ex senatusconsulto. Sylla had overthrown the tribunitian power, and, in consequence of this, the whole administration of tha state, for some time after his death, centred in the senate. Hence, at the period referred to in the text, this order, and not the people, had the right of granting a triumph. 7. Quae in omnibus hominibus, &c. " Whatever precedents oi a novel nature have been established in the case of all men, within human remembrance," &c. 8. Profecta sunt in eundem hominem, &c. " Have taken their rise, for the same individual, from the express recommendation of Quintus Catulus," &c., i. e. have been established in favour of Pompey by the very recommendation of Catulus, &c. 9. De Cn. Pompeii dignitate. " Concerning the elevation of Cneius Pompeius," i. e. his advancement in the state, and to public and unusual honours. 10. Dissentiant. We have adopted Ernesti's conjecture. The ommon text has dissentiunt. lisdem istis redamantibus. Hor- tensius, Catulus, and other senators, had likewise opposed the Gabi- nian law. We give iisdem before istis, with Matthiae and Orellius, from several MSS. It does no; appear in the common text. 11. Temere. "Rashly." Studia vestra suts consiliis regerc, " To regulate your wishes by their counsels," i. e. to interpose their authority and advice, and prevent you from blindly following the 7, mere impulse of feeling, and from listening to the dictates of per- sonal attachment, when these are in opposition to the public good. 12. Sin autem vos, &c. " But if, on the contrary, you saw more clearly, on that occasion, than they did, what was for the interest ol the state ; if you, notwithstanding their opposition, did, by your own unaided efforts, bestow dignity upon this empire, and safety upon the world ; let those leaders of the senate at length acknowledge, that both they, and the rest of their order, must yield obedience to the recommendation of the Roman people at large," i. e. must not oppose the advancement of that individual, whom the Roman people, with one voice, recommend as worthy of the highest honours. THE MAMLIAN LA . 359 Page. 13. In republic*. Literally, "in what concerned the republic." Qg Per vosmet ipsos. The allusion is to the suffrages of the people, as unbiassed by the high standing of those who opposed the Gabinian law, and in opposition to their advice. Itti principcs. " Let those leaders of the senate." 14. Militaris ilia virtus, &c. " That military talent, which exists in a singular degree in Cneius Pompeius." Virtutes animi. " Qualities of mind." 15. Interiorum nationum. " Of the more inland nations," i. e. of the nations that are removed from the shores of the Mediterra- nean, and do not, like the countries just named, border upon them. 16. Ita versari vestrum imperatorem, &c. " For a commander of yours to be so employed, as to think of nothing but the foe and renown.'' Cicero means, that, in countries at a distance from Italy, and from which, of course, complaints could less easily be brought to Rome, the temptation was a very strong one for Roman com manders to abuse their power, and turn their thoughts from the path of duty to views of self interest and the indulgence of a rapacious spirit. 1. Si qui sunt, &c. " If there be any held under more restraint QJJ than others, by a sense of shame and a habit of self-control, no one thinks that they are really such, in consequence of the vast number of the rapacious," i. e. no one gives them credit for being sincere. A rapacious spirit is so sure a mark of a Roman commander, that, when one is found without it, he is merely thought to be acting an insincere part, and laying claim to a purity and disinterestedness which he does not- really possess. 2. Quos ad eas, &c. Alluding particularly to Glabrio, but ap- plicable in fact to the conduct of almost all the Roman proconsuls and governors of provinces, at this particular period. 3. Injurias ac libidines. " The oppressive conduct and libidinous excesses." 4. Quod enim fanum, &c. "For what temple, think you, in those lands, has preserved its religious character in the eyes of our magistrates ; what city has been held sacred by them ; what private dwelling has been sufficiently closed upon, and defended against, their violence 1" 5. Requiruntur. " Are sought for." Quibus causa belli inferd- tur. " Against which some pretext for war may be alleged." 6. Libentcr haec coram, &c. " Willingly would I enter upon an open discussion of these topics," &c. Querimonias audiunt. Espe- cially Ilortensius, in his professional capacity. 360 ORATION IN FAVOUR OF 7. Hostium simulatione. " Under the pretence of acting agttinst enemies, but in reality against allies and friends." 8. Quae non modo imperatoris, Sec. " That can satisfy the grasping avidity, and the insolent pretensions, not merely of a com- mander, or a lieutenant, but of a single tribune of the soldiers ?" There were six military tribunes (tribuni militum) in every legion, and they had each the charge of ten centuries. 9. Collatis signis. " When an engagement takes place." Signa infcrre, " to advance against the foe ;" conferre, " to engage ;" con- vertere, " to face about ;" referre, " to retreat," &c. 10. Nisi erit idem. "Unless he shall also be one." Ab auro gazaque regia. " From the gold and the treasures of kings." 11. Ecquam putatis, &c. "Think you that any state has been subdued by our commanders, and still remains opulent ; that there is any one still opulent, which appears to them to be as yet com- pletely subdued 1" i. e. complete subjugation to the Roman arms only begins where every thing like opulence ends. As long as wealth remains, so long will the commanders of Rome consider a state hostile, and make this a pretext for plunder. 12. Videbat enim, &c. " For it saw that the Roman people at large were not enriched from year to year by the public money, but only a few individuals." Videbat refers to 'ora maritima. The old editions have populus Romanus, which is approved of by Grono- vius (de Pec. vet. 4, 4) and retained by Graevius. Gruter and others, however, give praetorcs locupletari, omitting the negative. The reading praetores, in place of populus Romanus, arose very probably from the abridged mode of writing the latter, in the MSS., namely, P. R. or Po. Ro. The true lection is the one we have adopted, and which is also given by Ernesti, in accordance with the opinion of Hotomannus and Lambinus. 13. Praeter paucos. Literally, " except a few." 14. Classium nomine, &c. The idea intended to be conveyed is this, that all the advantage the Romans gained by the empty name of a fleet, was only an increase of disgrace from repeated losses. 15. Qua cupiditate. " With what rapacious views." Quibus jtuturis. " After what heavy bribery, and under what engagements." JSyjacturae are here meant the bribes given to those in office, and to influential individuals out of office, and also to different persons throughout the tribes, for the purpose of obtaining some foreign command. The only way the individual had of re-imbursing himself for these heavy expenditures was by plundering and despoiling his province. (Gronov. de Pec. vet. 4, 4 ) Ernesti (Clav. Cic. s. v.) makes condilio equivalent here to largitio, an actual largess 01 THE MANIL1AN LAW. 361 __ ji _ j Pago, present. It refers rather to a bargain or agreement, to be fulfilled Q^{ at some future period, and for the performance of which regular security is given; or, as Gronovius (1. c.) explains it: "pactio, cautionibus et syngraphis facta." 1. Cum suis virtutibus, &c. "As well by his own virtues, as Q,| by the contrast also of the vices of others." 2. Quare nolite, &c. " Do not then hesitate to entrust," &c. 3. Inter annos tot. " For so many years." Equivalent to pet tot annos. Compare the explanation of Ernesti : " Inter tot annog est per tot annos, quod est et in Orat. Quintiana, nee esse debet lati- nis auribus insolens ut Graevio visum est." Schottus conjectured inter tot with an ellipsis of imperatores, throwing out, at the same time, annos from the text. This conjecture meets with the appro- bation of Graevius ; but the ellipsis is a very harsh one, and is justly condemned by Ernesti. 4. Quod si auctoritatibus, &c. " But if you think that this step needs to be supported by authorities, you have, as an adviser of the measure, Publius Servilius," &c. The individual here meant was P. Servilius Isauricus, who had been consul A. U. C. 674. He was sent againsv the pirates after ,the defeat of the praetor Antonius, and was successful in several engagements with them. For his victories over the Isauri, a mountaineer race of Pisidia, he obtained the cognomen of Isauricus. Servilius had spoken before Cicero in favour of the law. 5 Debello. "On any thing relating to war." -Auctor vobis, - " ^ n that branch of knowledge." Alluding to the civil or Roman law. 2. Legatus L. Lucullo fuit. In the Mithridatic war. His father had been a lieutenant of Sylla's in the same war. Qua in legations. " During which lieutenancy." 3. Signa contulit ; manum conseruit. " He engaged ; he fought hand to hand with the foe." Manum consercre refers here to tho personal prowess of Murena. Signa conferre is merely " to en- gage," "to join battle," but manum conserere, " to come to close quarters," " to fight hand to hand," &c. Compare the Greek form of expression, piyvvvai raj y^ctpaf. 4. Asiam istam refer tam, &c. "That Asia of yours, crowded with riches, and the abode of voluptuousness." The pronoun ista has here its usual force : that Asia which you make a source of re- proach to him, and about his conduct in which you are continually declaiming. L. MURENA. 387 Page. ii. Sic cat versatits. " He so conducted himself." laterally, " he was so employed." Q^Concessam licentiam fingendi. " The privilege allowed us of uttering mere fictions," i. e. of exaggerating the services of Mu- rena. Publ-kis literis. " By the despatches of that commander." 7. Summa in utroque, &c. " There is, then, in each the highest reputation, the greatest personal merit ; which, if Servius shall allow me so to do, I will consider entitled to equal and similar praise. But no such thing is allowed me. He makes a brisk attack on the military art, he inveighs against," &c. 8. Esse. "Belongs as a matter of course." . 9. Mihi. The pronoun is here merely idiomatical, and not to be translated. Unless, indeed, we paraphrase it, as in a previous in- stance. (Note 12, page 101.) It may be then considered as some- what analogous perhaps to our ordinary expression, " Hark ye, my friend." 10. Forum non attigefis 1 "Did you all that whHe not set foot in the forum 1" Cum Us, qui in foro, &c. "Are you going to -.ontend in point of personal merit with those who have made their very dwellings in the forum 1" 1 1. Positam in oculis esse gratiam. " That the favour, which my conduct had won, was constantly before the eyes of my country- men." And, therefore, they endured the more patiently my appear- ing so often before them. 12. Mei satietatcm. " The satiety arising from my daily appear- ance." This, of course, is what commentators call oratorie dictum, and by no means a copy of Cicero's secret thoughts. Magno meo Lahore. " By great exertions on my part." 13. Desiderium. " Occasional absence." Literally, " the want of us," at times. 14. _4d studiorum atque artium contentionem. " To the com- parison between your respective habits and professions." Studio, is here equivalent to mores. Compare Corn. Nep. Yit, Alcib. 11, 3 : " Postqwm inde expulsus Thebas verlerit, adeo studiis eorum inservisse" &c., and Fischer, Ind. in Nep. s. v. 15. Qui. "How." Old ablative form for quo. More correctly speaking, qui is the regular ablative from quis, like miti from mitis, or tali from talis. Consult the remarks of Perizonius, ad Sanct. Min. 3, 14. Vol. 1, p. 700, ed. Bauer. 16. Multo plus dignitatis. " A much stronger claim." Dignitas s here a claim founded upon personal worth or merit. VigUas tu le nocle, &c. An amusing comparison now follows between the awver and the soldier, purposely to the disadvantage of the former 388 OKATION FOR Page. 104 ^ v l ^e " aw y er i s here again meant the jurisconsult, in the stvict sense of the term. 17. Gallorum. The Roman professional men rose at an early hour, to be ready for their clients and dependants who were very early in attendance. (Compare Horat. Sat. 1, 1,10.) So the levees of the magistrates were held at an early period of the morning. Sallust B. C. c. 28. |K 1. Buccinarum. The trumpet called buccina was useo for chan- ging the watches. Hence the propriety of the term, on the present occasion, to denote early rising at the commencement of the morn- ing watch, or three o'clock. The night was divided into four watches of three hours each. The first watch commenced at six o'clock in the evening, according to our enumeration of time. 2. Tu actionem instituis. " You arrange the form of proceeding in a case." Compare, as regards the meaning of actio, in this pas- sage, the explanation of Ernesti, Clan. Cic. s. v. "Actio est for- mula, qua actor utitur in intendenda rco lite, 'quae a jureconsultis fere petebatur." It is analagous to what we call, at the present day, the " pleadings" in a case, that is, the carrying a case on, in accordance with technical written forms, until it is ready for trial. 3. Ne tui consultores. " Lest they who ask your advice be taken in by others." Understand capianlur. Capiantur. " Be taken by the foe." 4. Hie tenet et scit, &c. " He understands and well knows how the forces of the enemy, you how rains, may be prevented from doing harm." The reference, in the words aquae pluviae, is to the ancient action, " de aqua pluvia arcenda," mentioned in the Digests, (lib. 39, tit. 3. 1, seqq.) : " Si cui aqua pluvia, damnum dabit, actione aquae pluviae arcendae avertetur aqua." By aqua pluvia, in this species of action, the Roman lawyers meant either the water produced by heavy rains, or other water swelled by rains. Thus Ulpian remarks : " Aquam pluviam dicimus, quae de coelo cadit, atque imbre excrescit ; sive per se haec coelestis noceat, ut Tubero ait, sive cum alia mixta sit." The action lay, when one, by erec- tions or works of any kind, altered the course of such water, or made it flow more rapidly, or caused it to rise by compressing it within narrower limits, from all which things danger was appre- hended by those dwelling in the neighbourhood, and the person who did this could be stopped in his movements. The action also lay when actual damage had been done : as, for example, when one constructed an embankment to keep out the waters of a neighbouring fen from his grounds, and the waters of this fen, being afterward swelled by rain, and unable to follow their old direction by reason L. MURENA. 389 P., of the embankment, spread in an opposite course and injured the} QR fields of a neighbour. (Neratius, as cited by Ulpian ad. loe. Compare Cic. Topic, c. 9.) 5. Excrcitatur. The common text has exercitatus est, but exer- citatur, which suits the context much better, is given by Quintiliar (9, 3, 32) who cites the present passage from Hie tenet to regendis . and it is also found in several MSS., and early editions. 6. In propagandas finibus. " In enlarging the boundaries of oui empire." Literally, " in carrying forward." 7. In regendis. " In regulating those of some field," i. e. in an action brought about the boundary line of some piece of ground. The contrast here, between the operations of Murena and Sulpicius. is extremely amusing, and must have been most mortifying tc the notions of self-importance entertained by the latter. 8. Ret militaris virtus, &c. " The excellence of the military art surpasses that of every other." 9. Et haec forensis laus, dec. " And this our reputation and assiduity, at the bar, lie sheltered beneath the protection and secu rity which martial prowess affords." 10. Simul atque increpuit, &c. " As soon as the least suspicion of any public commotion, has arisen." Literally, " has sounded forth." Tumultus appears to be taken here in a somewhat more general meaning than its ordinary one. The signification which this term usually has is explained in a previous part of this volume. Compare note 8, page 26." 11. Artes nos/rae. Eloquence and legal science. 12. Et, quoniam, &c. " And, since you seem to me to fondle that science of the law, as if it were a little daughter of yours." Compare the explanation, given to osculari by Ernesti, Clam. Cic. s. v. : " Osculari, nimis magni facer e, amare." 13. Istud nescio quid. " That, I know not what," i. e. that something or other, that really very unimportant matter. Compare note 21, page 63. The reference is to dry, technical law-know- ledge. 14. Contmentia, gravitate, justtlia, Jide. The common text has these all as genitives, continentiae, gravitatis, justitiae, fidei. We have made the alteration, with Schiitz, after the suggestion of Lam- binus. In the common reading, ceteris omnibus comes in very awkwardly, to say nothing of the inelegant form of expression in tirlutibus continentiae, &c. 15. Quod quidem jus civile didicisti, &c. " As to your haviiig learnt, indeed, the civil law, I will not say you have lost your labour in BO doing." 33* 390 ORATION FOR 4 Page. 105 ^' ^ n *^ a disciplina. " In tliat branch of knowledge." Disct- plina is hero equivalent to doctrina. Compare the language of Cicero, in speaking of Archimedes (in Verr. 4, 58) : " Archimedem ilium, sumwa ingenio hominem et disciplina," i. e. a man of the greatest talent and knowledge. 17. Munitam. "Sure." By munila via is meant a path guarded from all inroad or interruption from without, and free from all obsta cles and impediments within, i. e. a way that leads with certainty to some object. 18. Et admirabilem, &c. " Both a dignity calculated to excite the admiration of others, and a utility that will call forth their warmest gratitude.'* 19. Quae sunt in imperio, et in statu civitatis. " That are con- nected with our empire abroad, and with the condition of our gov- ernment at home," i. e. both our foreign conquests and our civil institutions. 20. Consilio et periculo. " By their wise counsels and the dan- gers which they encounter," i. e. by their wisdom and valour. Con silio embraces both advice given at home, and the skilful manage- ment of operations abroad. 21. Quae. Ernesti says that the words posse consilio, &c., do not harmonize well, in point of construction, with what precedes, and he therefore thinks that guae ought to be struck out. The whole difficulty, however, is easily obviated by considering the clause from quae to deligendo as parenthetical, and we have accord- ingly inserted the marks of parenthesis. Posse permotere, &c. "To be able, namely, to move with powerful effect," &c. 22. Tribunicios furores. " The madness of the tribunes." The tribunes of the commons, as the leaders of the popular, or demo- cratic, party, were almost constantly at variance with the patricians, and, in the heat of these collisions, often proceeded to the most extravagant lengths. It was for the consuls, as the organ of the government at large, and the representatives in feeling, most com monly, of the aristocratic party, to curb these wild excesses. 23. -Qui iargitioni resislat. " To check the current of corrup- tion." Homines non nobiles. The same as homines novi. 106 *" ^ urimas gratias, &.c. "The most extensive influence, the firmest friendships, the warmest feelings in our behalf." Gratia* here refers to those who are under obligations for favours received, and studia to well-wishers generally. 2. In isto vestro artificio. " In that poor art of yours." Isto here conveys a disparaging idea. Vestro refers to the whole body of jurisconsults to which Sulpicius belonged. L. MURENA. 391 Page. 3. In lam tenui scientia. " In so frivolous a science." Literal^, . ,-vp " so weak," or " feeble." 4. Res enim sunt parvae, &c. " For the subjects connected with it are insignificant in their nature, being almost wholly confined to single letters and the punctuation between words," i. e. the punctuation of sentences. Occupatae, literally, " taken up with." Cicero refers in this passage to the technical minutiae of the legal forms of the day. The special pleading, and the technicalities of our own times, are almost precisely analogous. 5. Enuntiatis vestris mysteriis. " Now that your mysteries are divulged." This is explained immediately after : Posset agi lege, &c. Totum est contemptum et abjectum. " Is become altogether contemned and degraded," i. e. has fallen into utter contempt and disgrace. 6. Posset agi lege, necne. " Whether they could go' to law, or not." Literally, " whether it could be gone to law by them," &c. Agere lege is " to go to law,' i. e. to act in accordance with the law permitting an action or suit to be brought. Compare the ex- planation of, Ernesti, ( Clav. Cic. s. v.) : "Lege agere, i. 'e. ex lege permittente lege accusare vel petere." -The student will bear in mind, that the meaning in this passage is, not that few persons formerly knew whether they had a good cause of action or not, but on what day they could bring their suit, certain days being set apart, on which alone law-proceedings could take place, and these days being known only to the lawyers, who kept them purposely con- cealed, in order to make their clients entirely dependant upon them. 7. Fastos enim vulgo non habebant. " For they had no public calendar." Literally, " no calendar common to all," i. e. which any one might consult. The Fasti, or Calendar, contained the days of each month) with a particular mark designating those on which it was lawful (fas ) for the praetor to hold court. Hence these days were called dies fasti, and hence also the name fasti given to the calendar itself, since from this circumstance it originally derived all its value. The appellation always continued to be given to it, although it eventually became a record rather of sacred than of legal days. The Pontifex Maximus and his colleague had the care of the calendar, and an acquaintance with its contents was for a long time confined to the priests and patricians, the former being all of that order. The early lawyers, being also patricians, were of course, well versed in the whole subject. 8. Tamquam a Chaldaeis. The lawyers, who were consulted bv people respecting the proper days for commencing lawsuits, are here humorously compared to Chaldaean astrologers, who calcula- 392 ORATION FOR Page. 106 tec * nativities, and pretended to be acquainted with lucky and un lucky days. 9. Cn. Flavins. The son of a freedman, and the scribe or clerk of Appius Claudius Caecus, a lawyer of the day. The latter had arranged in writing the days proper for commencing actions, and Flavius stole or copied the book, and published it, A. U. C. 440. In return for this favour, he was made curule aedile by the pecrple, and afterward praetor. The book was called from him Jus Civile Flavianum. (Liv. 9, 46. Cic. de Orat. 1, 41. Digest. 1, 2, 2.) 10. Qui cornicum oculos confixerit. " Who is said to have trick- ed these knowing ones." Literally, " who is said to have pierced (i. e. put out) the eyes of these crows." The student will note the force of the subjunctive in confixerit. We have here a proverbial form of expression, applied, it is said, to those who deceived very cunning persons. The crow being remarkable for keenness of sight, to put out a crow's eyes was a figurative mode of designating a superior degree of keenness and craft. (Compare Erasmus, Chil. 1, cent. 3, prov. 75, sub fin.) Camerarius, and others, however, give a different explanation of this proverb. According to them, birds of the species here denoted, in fighting with other animals, strike at their eyes ; and ought therefore to be doubly careful in guarding their own. This seems rather forced. 11. Et singulis diebus, &c. "And to have published, for the information of the people, a calendar, in which each day was marked, and which they were carefully to learn." Literally, "a calendar for each day, to be carefully learnt." This calendar contained all the days of the year, and distinguished between those on which an action could be brought, (dies fasti,) and those when no legal pro- ceedings could take place, (dies nefasti.) In the construction of this sentence, singulis diebus is to go vriihfastos. 12. Itaque irati illi. " Thereupon, the poor lawyers, in great wrath." Durum ratione, &c. " Now that the arrangement of the days was published and known to all." 13. Notas quasdam composuerunt, &c. " Invented certain forma in legal proceedings, in order that their intervention might be ne- cessary in all cases." These forms, called notae because purposely abbreviated, in order that none but the lawyers might understand them, met eventually with no better fate than the system of days. They were published by Sextus Aelius Catus, and his book was named Jus Aelianum. Cicero quotes and ridicules some of these forms, in the succeeding chapter. 14. Cum hoc fan, &c. In proceeding to ridicule the legal forms of the day, Cicero here imagines a controversy between two parties L. MURENA. 393 Page. lespecimg the title to a farm in the Sabine territory. First he sug gests a simple form of proceeding, the plaintiff claiming, and the de- fendant denying his claim, and the judge then giving his decision. But this way of doing business does not please the lawyers. They must have their forms and technicalities, and Cicero then proceeds to show in a very amusing way, what these forms of proceeding are. Render as follows : " Although the following mode might have answered perfectly well : ' The Sabine farm is mine :' ' No, 'tie mine :' and then the decision of the judge : the lawyers shook their heads at this. ' The farm,' says the lawyer, ' which is in the country that is called the Sabine.' Verbosely enough. Well, pray, what nextl" &c. The lawyer and Cicero are here holding an imaginary dialogue, aud the former is giving the legal mode Of conducting a suit, interspersed with occasional remarks from the latter. 15. Inde ibi, &c. " I summon you out of court, from 'that place there, to contend with me on the spot itself." Inde ibi is a legal pleonasm, retained from the old forms of the language, and refers to the place where the opposite party is supposed to be standing in court. Ernesti very unnecessarily rejects ibi with Gruter, and is followed in this by many subsequent editors.-^-The phrase ex jure is based on an old law-custom. In the earlier Roman law, if a question arose about a farm, a house, or the like, the praetor went with the parties to the place, and gave possession to which of them he thought just. But, from the increase of business, this soon be- came impracticable, and then the parties called one another from court (ex jure) to the spot in controversy, a farm for instance, and brought from thence a turf, or clod, and contested about it as about the whole farm. It was delivered to the person to whom the praetor adjudged possession. But this custom also was dropped, and the lawyers devised a new form of proceeding, which is the one that Cicero here ridicules. The words inde i&i, &c., as far as voco, are supposed to be uttered by the plaintiff, and they are the same with those that were used when the parties actually went to the contested spot. The language remains after the actual form has ceased. 16. Manu consertum. In this old form the supine is employed. The expression is a figurative one, and is thought by some to have originated at a time when the Romans determined their disputes with the point of their swords. Others suppose, that the two par- ties broke a rod before the praetor, in a kind of mock fight, in order that one of them might say he had been ousted, or deprived of pos- session, and might claim to be restored. (Compare Aul. Gett. 20. 10 and Heineccius, Antiq. Rom. p. 682, ed. Haubold.) 394 ORATION FOR Page. 17. Hie, unde petebatur. " He, of whom tKe claim was made," i. e. the defendant. The plaintiff was called petitor. 18. Transit idem jureconsultus, &c. " The same lawyer now crosses over, after the manner of a Latin flute-player." The flute- players among the Romans were usually natives of Latium. Com- pare Livy, 9, 30. Cicero alludes here to the custom that prevailed on the Roman stage. The flute-player appears to have turned from one actor to another, aiding each in turn with a cadence adapted to his voice, ajid the part he was performing at the time. In the same way the lawyer, after arranging the form of words which one party is to utter, passes over, and does the same kind office for the other. 19. Unde tu me, &c. " From that place there," says he, " from which you summoned me out of court to contend, I, in my turn, summon you." Unde does not here denote an actual change of place in the two parties, but only a change, as it were, in their legal position towards each other, the summoned person becoming now the summoner. The idea intended to be conveyed is best expressed by a paraphrase, " as you summoned me, so now I, in my turn, sum- mon you." 20. Pulckrum se ac beatum putaret. " Should think himself an exceedingly clever and able personage." We have rendered these words more according to their spirit than their literal meaning. Future se pulchrum ac beatum is an idiomatic expression, and analo- gous to our English phraseology, " to have a high notion of one's self," " to entertain . happy opinion of one's own abilities," &c. 21. Atque aliquid, &c. The meaning intended to be conveyed is this, lest the praetor should think himself so clever and able a personage, as to make a speech in his own words. 22. Carmen. " A set form of words." Any set form of words, in prose or verse was called carmen. Cum ceteris rebus, &c. " Both absurd in other respects, and particularly so in what fol- lows." In some MSS. and early editions the words nullo usu occur in place of illo, which Graevius has adopted. But then there is nothing to answer to cum ceteris rebus. 23. Suis utrisque superstitibus, &c. " Their witnesses being present for each, I order the respective parties to proceed that way Go," i. e. in the presence of your witnesses here, I order you to go to the spot in controversy. In note 15, we traced down the legal mode of proceeding to the bringing of a turf from the cortested spot, and then stated that this custom also was dropped in course of time. The new mode is now referred to. The praetor tells the parties to go to the spot, and they make an appearance of going, headed by the lawyer to point out the way. Then, after a shot* L. MURENA. 395 Page. interval, the praetoi says, " return," and they come back as it were, and are supposed to bear a turf. If it appeared that one of the parties had been dispossessed by the other through force, the praetor de- creed according to one form ; if not, according to another. The possessor being thus ascertained, then the action about the right of property commenced. The person ousted, first asked the defendant if he was the lawful possessor ( Quando te in jure conspicib postulo an sies auctor, i. e. possessor.) Then he claimed his right, and in the meantime required that the possessor should give security not 10 do any damage on the farm, &c. 24. Super stitibus. The common text has praesentibus added after this word, but this is a manifest pleonasm, as superstes itself means a present witness. Compare Festus, " Superstites tcstes praesentes significat, &c., p. 244, ed. Lind., and Servius, ad Aen. 3, 339, who refers to this same passage, and explains superslitibus by praesentibus. 25. Praesto aderat, &c. " The sage jurisconsult was close at hand." Consult note 23. Redite viam. Consult note 23. 26. Haec jam turn, &c. " These forms appeared even at that day, I believe, ridiculous in their nature, among those bearded per- sonages themselves," i. e. the very lawyers, who invented them, laughed I believe in secret at them. Barbatos. A long beard was regarded by the vulgar as a type of wisdom. Hence the expres- sions, " barbati philosophi," " ba.rba.ti magistri," &c. In the early days, however, to which Cicero alludes, the wearing of beards was an ordinary custom, and hence barbatos in the text carries with it the blended idea of antiquity and pretension to superior wisdom. 1. Homines, cum recte, &c. "For persons, when they ha piaced themselves properly enough, and in a particular spot, to be ordered to. go away," &c. 2. Ilia omnia, &c. "All those other forms." Injure. "In court." Consult note 23, page 106. 3. Anne tu dicis causa vindicaveris 1 " Have you made this claim for mere appearance' sake 1" i. e. have you made it for mere appearance sake, or have you a good right 1 The plaintiff is thus interrogated by the defendant, who is desirous of ascertaining what grounds of action he may have, that he may be able to meet the claim. Such at least is the explanation of .Ursinus. But the true meaning of this detached law-form is allowed by commentators to be very difficult to ascertain, although the solution given by Ursinus appears the most plausible. Dicis causa is an old form of expres- sion, equivalent here to in speciem. Compare Ernes ti, Clam. Cic B. v 396 ORATION FOR Page. 107 ^' ^ mani ^ us jottata et excussa. "Well handled and exam- ined." Excutio gets the meaning of " to examine" from its primi- tive import" to shake out the contents of any thing," and ascertain in this way what it contains. 5. InarMsima prudentiae. " Totally devoid of sense," i. e. of any rational meaning. 6. Nam rum, &c. " For although very many admirable princi- ples have been laid down by our laws." Ingeniis. " By the irge- nuity." 7. InfirmU&tem consilii. " A natural weakness of judgment." -In tutorui"- potestate. " Under the control of guardians." 8. Quae potestate mulierum, &c. These appear to have been the guardians whom the woman chose ex testamento viri. (Cujas, Qbserv. 8, 11.) Alciatus thinks, that they had slaves of theirs made public ones, and then appointed them their guardians. These, although not exactly slaves any longer, in the full sense of the term, as regarded ft private owner, were yet, o the other hand, not actually free, because the public was their master. Such persons were still, from their previous relation to the former owners, more or less under their influence and control, even after the ownership had been transferred. (Alciat. Perierg. 9, 19.) 9. Sacra. " The sacred rites connected with families." Among the Roman, each gens had certain sacred rites peculiar to itself, which the father, or head of each familia composing the gens, was bound to parjbrm. These rites went with the inheritance. Com- pare Cic. pro dom. 13 : " Quid? sacra Clodiae genlis cur intereunt, quod in te est ?" So also, de Leg. 2, 9 . Sacra privata perpetua manento," to which Cicero gives the following interpretation (c. 19) : " De sacris haec sit una senlentia ut cmserventur semper, et deinceps familiis prodantur, et, ut in lege posui, perpetua sint sacra." What was called " detestatio sacrorum" took place, when it was announced to an heir or legatee, that he must adopt the sacred rites that followed the inheritance. 10. Ad coemptiones faciendas. " To make purchases of estates encumbered by these rites/' Literally, " for the purpose of making purchases." In order to remove the incumbrance of family rites, a fictitious sale of the property was made to some old and childless person, and then the same property was purchased back fiom him. In this way the law was completely evaded, there being no heir or devisee who was to maintain the family rites in the present case. This custom is very neatly alluded to by Curius, one of Cicero's friends, in a letter to the orator. (Ep: ad Fam. 7, 29.) " Sum ^pfiaet iilv tuus, (trfjjci Jt Attici nostri : ergo frur.tus cat. Ivux, man- L. MURENA. 397 Page. vtptu-m illius ; quod quidem si inter series coemlionales .rjpserit, egerit nonmultum." 11. In omni denique, &c. " In fine, throughout the whole com- pass of the civil law, they have abandoned the spirit, have retained Hie mere letter." Literally, "the mere words themselves." 12. In alicujus libris. " In the writings of some lawyer." 13. Id. nomen. Caia. According to Cicero's humorous explana ti.n, -hev found the name Caia applied, in the works of some law- yer or other, to a female who had contracted matrimony by the rite called coemptio. Now this happened to be her true name. But they thought tnere was a great mystery concealed under the appel- lation, and hence, in all legal proceedings connected with the rite termed ccemplio, every female about to contract matrimony in that way was called by them Caia. It will readily be perceived, that the ridicule here is a good deal overstrained. Cains, as applied to the male, and Caia to the female, were mere terms of convenience in the old Roman law -forms. 14. Quae coemptioncmjacerent. " Who contracted matrimony by the rite termed coemptio." There were three modes of contract- :ng marriage among the Romans, termed respectively, confarreatio, usus, and coemptio. By the last of these was meant a kind ol mutual purchase, when a man and woman were married by deliver ing to one another a small piece of money, and repeating certain words. What these words were is not clearly ascertained. Boe- thius (ad, Cic. Top. 3) "gives rather the meaning than the actual form of expression. .(Heinecc. Antiq. Rom. p. 183, ed. Haubold.) It is more than probable, from the language of Cicero in the text, that one of the forms was that which is generally, though perhaps erroneously, thought to have been common to both confarreatio and coemptio. " Ubitu^Caius, ibi ego Caia," i. e. ' Where you are master, I am mistress." ' 5. Jam illud. " The following too." Compare as to th peculiar force of jam, in this clause, note 3, page 86. 16. Utium diem terlium, &c. " Whether the expression ' third day,' or 'day after to-morrow;' 'judge 1 or 'arbiter,' 'action,' or ' suit,' ought to be employed." This is another unfair hit at the lawyers. In the cautious and guarded language of the ancient pleadings, as in those of modern times, two terms were frequently used to designate the same thing. Thus they would say, " ZHem terlium sive perendinum :" "judicem arbitrumve :" rem " sive litem." These forms were commonly given by the ancient juris- consults in ah abbreviated style. Thus, I. D. T. S. P. which is the ame as In diem tf.rt.ium sive perendimim. T. I. A. V. P. V. D. 34 398 ORATro.v Page. 107" ec l u i va l en t to Tempore judicem arfatrumee peto ut des. And again Q. R. S. L. D. O. for Quam rem sive litem dicere oportet. (Con- sult Brissonius, de formulis, &c.) 17. Perendinum. From pcrendie, " Quasi peremta die," says Charisius, that is, the day after a whole intervening day has passed. Perendinus is equivalent to tertius dies, since the Romans, in count- ing, always included the day from, and the day to which they rounted. 18. Dignitas consularis. " Any title to the consulship," i. e. it never has carried with it that degree of merit, which could claim the consulship as its peculiar right. 19. Ex rebus fictis commenticiisque. " Of fictions and subtle devices." Gratiae vero multo etiam minores. " And far fewer claims still to the favour of others," i. e. far less of what might lay others under obligations to you, and in this way secure their favour and interest. 20. Gralum. " Calculated to gain influence," i. e. so peculiarly acceptable to either party, as to lead him to regard it in the light of a special favour done him, and to induce him to cherish friendly feelings in return. 21. Sed etiam illud, &c. " But even that form of address, which was for some time customary, ' May I consult you'?" This form of words, Licet consulere 1 used to be uttered by the client, when he came to consult the lawyer ; and the formal reply of the latter was " Consule." Cicero alludes in the text to this fashion being now out of date, meaning to imply, in a playful way, that the lawyers were not regarded by their clients with as much veneration and respect as formerly, and that there was now more of familiarity in addressing them. 22. In ea prudentia. "In that branch of knowledge." In that species of wisdom. Rebus prolatis. " During a vacation of the courts," i. e. when the courts of law are closed, and the aid of the lawyer is not at present needed. Rebus prolatis literally means, " when matters are put off," i. e. to the next opening of the courts. Compare as regards its general meaning, Plautus, (Captiv. 1,1, 10) : " Ubi res prolatae sunt, cum rus homines ewnf." 23. $t perpaucis, &c. " Within the compass of both a very few and by no means obscure words." The allusion is to the writ- ten law, or jus scriptum. Compare Manutius : " Loquitur de jure tcripto : quod cum et breve sit, et minime obscurum, cognosci ab omnibus facile possit." 108 ! Homini vehementer occupato. " Although a man completely engrossed by other affairs." Stomachum moveritis. There is I.. MURENA 399 Page. some humour in this. Cicero will only meddle with the civil case he is provoked to the step, since otherwise he would not take the trouble of bestowing a single thought upon it. We must r.ot, however, suppose that these were his real sentiments. From his own account, the civil law. at one time, occupied a large share.of his attention. Compare Cic. Brut. 89 : " Ego autem juris civilis studio mullum operae dabam Q. Scaevolae, P. F., qui quamquam nemini se ad doccndu.ni dabat, tamen, constdcntibus respondcndo, studiosos audiendi doccbat. 2. Elenim quae de scnpto aguntur, &c. " For all that relates to matters of writing has been reduced by this time to written forms," i. e. all the writing business of the profession is contained in certain forms already reduced to writing. 3. Tarn, anguste. " In terms so concise." Referring to the abbreviations so much indulged in by the Roman lawyers, and some specimens of which have been given under note 16, page 107. Quo egb non passim, &c. " That I cannot tell about what it treats." Qua de re agilur is a law-phrase, denoting, when applied to a written form, the nature and object of that form ; and when re- ferring to a suit or controversy, the point on which that controversy turns. Compare Cic. Brut. 79. 4. Qiiae consulunlur autem, &,c. " While, on the other hand, the matters about which advice is asked, are replied to at very little risk." The-explanation which Cicero immediately subjoins is ex- tremely amusing. If you answer as you ought, you will pass for a second Servius ; if otherwise, men will give you credit for a pro- found acquaintance with the controverted points of the law, which leads you thus to differ in opinion from others. 5. Etiam controversum jus, &c. " You will even appear to be well versed in the knowledge and handling of the controverted points of the law." Laterally, " the controversial law." Compare Manu- tius : " Controversum jus, quod interpretationis est dubiae, et de quo disputare licet in utramque partem." 6. Isti ventrae exercitationi. " That profession of yours." Ves- trae refers to the whole body of" jurisconsults. Ad konorem. " For advancement in the state." For the enjoyment of public honours. 7. Initio. " In the beginning of their career." Hoc. Eloquence 8. Istuc potissimum sunt delapsi. " Have slid down generally peaking into that vocation of yours." Literally, " into that place where you are." 9 In Graecis artificibus. " In the case of the G^eek musicians." Artifex is a general term for one who exercises an art or employ- ment of any kind. Hence artifices sccnid, " players," artifex ORATION FOR Page. s, "a rhetorician ;" and so, as regards its usage in the present case, we have the following in Quintus Curtrus, 5,1:" Non vales modo, sed eliam artifices cnmjiilibus sui generis ibant." 10. Auloedos. Some few editions have auletas. The form citharoedos is given by Quintilian (8, 3) and most early editions. Citharoedi. " Performers on the harp." The citharislae merely played upon the harp ; the citharoedi accompanied the playing with their voice. The Greek etymology is in accordance with this : mO- apioSds from KtOdpa and & c - Cicero here proceeds to answer another argu- ment advanced on the part of Sulpicius At the comitia for the elec- tion of praetors, Sulpicius was higher on the list of successful candidates than Murena, that is, the majority of the former exceed- ed that of the latter. And this is now urged as a proof of the superior estimation in which Sulpicius was held by the people, and a sure indication that, had there beenjio bribery on the part of Mu- rena, the other would have defeated him at the consular election. Cicero's answer is a very adroit one. 10. Pergitisne vos, &c. " What 1 do you proceed to deal with the people, as if by virtue of some written obligation 1" i. e. as if they were tied down by the terms of some bond, and had no free agency left them. We have here a very artful evasion of the argu- ment adduced on the opposite side. What 1 if the people have done a thing once in a particular way, are they bound to do it always in that way 1 the people, too, who are so notorious for their fickle and changeable character 1 11. Sy?igrapha; By this is meant a bond or obligation, by which a creditor got security from his debtor for the payment of a sum of money ; or by which one person bound himself to another, for the performance of some particular act. It was generally signed and sealed by both parties, and a copy given to each, whence the name, eroyypa^if from and which should exercise the other jurisdictions. 15. Nihii a&versata*n. " Proved of no injury," i. e. in your ap- plication for the consulship. Cicero asks, whether Sulpicius does not chink that the silver scene, which Murcna exhibited when praetor, L. MURENA. 411 Page. gained the latter numerous voles, and facilitated- his election to thel 1 ^J consular office. Compare note 12. 16. Sit par forensis opera militari, dec. " Let the labours of the bar be equal to those of the camp, let the vote of the citizen be equal to that of the soldier." 17. Inter tuam et is tins sortem. " Between your allotted duties and his." Compare note 14. 18. Hujus sors eafuit, &c. " The sphere of duty, which fell to his lot, was, what all of us your friends wished might be yours, that of dispensing justice." Murena, as has already been remarked, ob- tained by lot the station of praetor urbanus, an office which opened up for him a path to extensive popularity. 19. Gloriam conciliat, &c. " The importance of the charge gains high consideration for the individual, and the dispensing of liberal justice, the favour of others." By aequitas is here meant a decision according to the spirit, rather than the strict letter, of the law. Compare Manutius : " Recte largitionis nomen ad aequitatem adjunxit, nam saepe quod jits negat, aequitas largitur." 20. Aequainlitate decernendi. " By the impartiality of his deci- sions." Lenilate audiendi. " By the affability with which he listens to all." 1. Ad exlremum, &c. " Is terminated at last by the gratification J J ^ derived from public spectacles," i. e. after having received the ap- plause of others for the equity, uprightness and affability which characterize his deportment, the magistrate in question crowns all by a splendid exhibition of public shows. 2. Quid tu-a sors ? Sulpicius drew for his lot the presiding at trials de pecululu, or embezzlement of the public money. Besides the praetor urbanus, and praetor peregrinus, there were other praetors who each presided at particular trials throughout the year ; namely, one at trials concerning extortion (de repetundis) ; another concerning bribery (de ambitu) ; a third concerning crimes against the state (de majestate) ; a fourth about defrauding the public treasury (de peculatu) ; &c. 3. Trisiis, atrox, &c. " A gloomy, a harsh one : the trial of questions of embezzlement." Literally, " inquiry into embezzle- ment." Quaestio is the technical term for each of the special juris- dictions mentioned in the previous note, and as these were assigned each to a particular praetor, for an entire year, they were hence termed Quaestiones perpetuae. 4. Squaloris. Referring to the squalid and neglected garb of the accused, assumed by him for the purpose of exciting commiseration 5 Ex altcra. Referring to the side of the accusers. Plena cat- ORATION FOR Page. enarum 0-tquc indicum. " Full of imprisonment and common In- formers." 6. Cogendi judices inviti. <: The reluctant judges to be foiced to sit." The judices, called also assessores, formed the council of the praetor. Compare note 4, page 49. 7. Scriba damnalus, &c. " A scribe condemned ; the whove order in consequence alienated." A scribe had been condemned by Servius for embezzlement of the public money, and this lost him the votes of the whole order in his application for the consulship. As regards the scribes, compare note 3, page 44. 8. Sullana gratificatio reprehensa. " Sylla's bounty disapproved of," i. e. condemned or reversed. Several of Sylla's adherents had received from him gifts of money from the public treasury. This proceeding was now adjudged to be illegal ; and regarded as pecul~ atus. 9. Prope pars. " Almost an entire part." Schu'tz makes this the same as magna pars ; and Lambinus, dimidia pars. 10. Lites severe aestimalae. " Damages heavily assessed," i. e. a heavy amount of damages imposed. The allusion is to damages, or a fine awarded by the praetor, in favour of the state, against in- dividuals who had been convicted of embezzlement. As the amount of damages rested with the praetor, Servius made many enemies by imposing heavy sums. 11. Cui placet, obliviscitur. " He to whom it affords pleasure, soon forgets it." The reference is to the accuser. Cui dolet memi- nit. " He to whom it occasions pain, long remembers the circum- stance," i. e. he that is condemned. 12. ii. Murenae provincia. Transalpine Gaul, of which he had charge after his praetorship. Mullas bonas gr alias, &c. " Brought with it many opportunities of conferring important favours, together with the highest reputation to himself." 13. Dedit ei facultalem liberalitatis " Put it in his power to exercise indulgence," i e. in excusing some from military service. The state of public affairs (respublica) allowed him this opportunity. 14. Quae municipiis, &c. " Which are composed of the muni- cipal towns of Umbria." Ipsa autem in Gallia. This is the very neat emendation of Ernesti, in place of the common leading ipse aiitcm in Gallia. The province of Gaul is here opposed to Umbria. through which he was proceeding to the former. 15. Ut nostri homines, &c. r " He enabled our countrymen by his equity and application to recover sums of money which were by this time despaired of," i. e. debts considered by this time as des- nerate. This result was brought, about by mild and yet effectua' i.. MURENA. 413 Page. remedies on the part of Murena, so that he often made both j>arties, and not merely the creditor, his friends. 16. Scilicet. "It is true." Fateor. "This I am willing to allow." Nonnullorum amicorum, &c. The zeal of such friends cools because their patrons, by refusing a province, have put out of their hands the means of being serviceable to their followers and dependants. 17. Disparem fortunam. " Unequal good fortune as regarded the affairs of a province." Murena held an important province. Sulpicius declined altogether going to his. 18. Amisso jam tempore. ' The occasion having now gone by." Compare Manutius : " Cum praeterierit occasio." Re Integra. " While the matter ,vas as yet undetermined," i. e. before the elec- tion took place. 19 In Us rebus ipsis, &c. Referred to immediately after. " Primum accusandi terrores, &c. The part Sulpicius here acted was no doubt a patriotic one, and showed " a spirited senator," but it was not that of " a politic candidate." 20. Accusandi terrores et minae, &c. Referring to the language of Sulpicius, before the comitia had taken place, and while private canvassing was going on. He expressed, it seems, his firm de- termination to impeach any one of his competitors who should have recourse to bribery. Cicero says that this course showed the man of spirit, but it led the people to expect that he would fail in his election, because he acted as if he had lost all hope of success, and it made his friends, also, less zealous in his behalf. 21. A spe adipiscendi. "From any hope of obtaining office, on the part of the candidate," i. e. as cherished by the candidate. Spe adipiscendi does not refer to the people, but to the particular candidate himself, who seems by his desperate conduct and language, and by his threats of impeachment, to have lost all hope in his own case. 22. In uno aut altero. " In one or two," i. e. in the case of one or two candidates merely. Honorem desperasse. " To have de- spaired of the office to which he aspires." 1. Quid ergo? &c. Cicero now proceeds to meet anargu- ment that might be urged by Sulpicius in justification of his con- duct ; namely, that he was prompted to the course in question by a wish to retaliate upon his opponents, for the injury they had done him by their unfair proceeding. 2. Aliud tempus est petendi, &c. " There is one time for soliciting the consulship, another for prosecuting," i. e. for im- peaching candidates who have been guilty of corruption. 35* 414 ORATION FOR Page. lit) * Magms lopivs. "With great -numbers attending him," i. e numerously attended by friends and clients. The candidates were accustomed to go down occasionally into the Forum and Campus Martius, to show themselves to the people and gain votes. They were accompanied at these times by large numbers of friends and dependants. To escort a candidate, in this way, was called dedu- cere, and his escort deduclores. 4. Inquisitio candidati. " A prying into the conduct of a fellow candidate," i. e. to obtain matter for impeachment. Comparatio "A procuring." 5. Declamatio potius quam persalutatio. " Declamatory accusa- tions rather than assiduously paying court to the people," i. e. angry denunciations against rival candidates, and accusations of bri- bery, when one ought to be going round and soliciting votes. The old reading was salutalio, until changed by Gruter to the present one, which is much stronger, and is equivalent to assidua salutatio For a long time before the day of election, the candidates endeav- oured to gain the favour of the people by every popular art, by go- ing round to their houses, shaking hands with those whom they met, saluting every one by name, &c. This last was esteemed a very great compliment, and hence the candidate commonly had along with him a monitor or nomendator, who whispered in his ears every body's name. In this way, salutatio and persalutatio become general terms for all kinds of canvassing, though literally, they only mean the latter. 6. Et ex vuflu candidatorum faciant, &c. " And try to make out from the looks of the candidates, how much of hope and re- sources each may appear to possess." Animi t literally, "of spirit," or " courage," for the approaching contest. 7. Jacet. " He's down." Used here in a familiar and colloquial sense. Compare note 1, page 103. Abjecit has las. "He has given up the day." Literally, "he has flung the spears aside." A figurative mode of expression, borrowed from the movements of those who confess themselves vanquished in battle, and, in con- sequence, throw away their arms. This is what the Greeks called fiiipaairis. Compare Erasmus, Chil. 2, 3, 97, p. 415. 8. Alium faciam. " I'll make another my candidate." 9. Debilitantur. " Are dispirited." Literally, " are enfeebled in their efforts." Testatam. " As manifest and known to all." The true reading here has been much disputed. Ernesti retains testatam, but suggests desperatam, Lambinus prefers lotam. It is a case, however, where no emendation whatever appears necessary 10. Operain ct gratiaw. " Their aid and influence." L. MURKNA 415 1'aae 11. Totum an.'mum. " His whole spirit." Nonpossit partere " Cannot, when so situated, employ." The reference is still to a candidate who despairs of success, and is now thinking of an im- peichment against his competitors. 12. Nonparva res &c. " No small matter in itself, but in real- ity the most important of all. 13. Comparare ea. "To get together those things," i. e. to supply yourself with the means of driving out, &c. 14. Etiam per alienos. " Even by mere strangers." From feel- ings of natural commiseration. This is explained immediately after. 15. In capitis periculis. " When their lives or privileges are in danger." Perieulum capitis means not only " a capital trial," in our sense of the term, but also one involving the rights and privileges of a citizen, where, for example, the punishment in case of convic- tion would be exile, and not loss of life. We have been compelled, therefore, to give it a general translation here, embodying both meanings. Compare the remark of Ernesti, (Ciav. Cic. s. v. caput,) : " Causae capitales porro, res capitalcs, in quibus caput Jiomims agitur, sunt, cum aliquis in judicium vocatus est publicum, quo ccndemnatus locum in senatu, aut alia, sui ordinis commoda, civitatein, libertatemve amittit, solum vertere cogitur, aut vitam adeo perdit. Itaque quoties formula hujusmodi apud Latinos occurrit, semper de quibus hominibus, de quibusque causis serrno sit, viden- dum, et quibus ex legibus causa agatur, iisque quae poenae propo- sitae fuerint. Nam ita demurn, capitis quae sit vis, intelligi poterit." 16. Sic intcllexi. " Have perceived this." In petendo studium, &c. _ " That in suing for office there is the most unremitted ardour ; in defending another, the most anxious zeal ; in accusing, the most active exertion," i. e. that suing for office requires the most unre- rnitted ardour, &c. 17. Sic statuo. " I maintain this." The literal idea of statuo, when taken in this sense, is to set or place a thing in a particular position, with the determination of keeping it there as far as wo may be able. 18. Ut idem, &c. " That the same individual can, wita suf- ficient diligence, prepare the materials for an impeachment,, and ar- range an application for the consulship," i. e. at one and the same time. Ailornare accusationem literally means, to furnish or supply an accusation with what may be requisite for its success. 1!). Unum. " The weight of merely one of these." 1. Cum le de curricula, &c. "When you turned the career of a candidate." Curriculum properly denotes a charict- 416 ORATION FOR Page. 1 | (j course, or race, and is here figuratively applied to the contest fen 'he consulship. ':.'-> 2. In islam accusandi denuntiationem. " Upon that announce- ment of your intention to accuse." In ista rations. " In that employment," i. e. in getting ready the materials for an impeachment. 3. Legem ambitus, &c. " You earnestly solicited a law agains bribery ; although there was one already for you," i. e. although there was a law of this nature already in existence, namely the Calpurnian. 4. Erat enim, &c. "For there was the Calpurnian, couched in terms of very great severity/' Passed A. U. C. 686. Compare chapter 32, and consult Legal Index. 5. Oestus est mos. " Regard was paid." More literally, " obe- dience was paid," i. e. a new law was passed, as you entreated. This new law against bribery was the Tullian, proposed by Cicero himself, and which inflicted, in addition to the punishments ordained by the previous laws on this subject, the penalty of ten years exile. Consult Legal Index. 6. Sed tola Ma lex, &c. " Now that whole law would per- haps have armed your accusation with new terrors, if you had had an accused person to deal with, who was actually guilty : as it was, however, it only served to oppose your application for the consul- ship," i. e. if you had had a real offender to impeach, and not Murena, the Tullian law might have done some good, in making your accusa- tion the more formidable, and his punishment the more severe. But, having only an innocent man like Murena to threaten with the penal- ties of that law, you merely injured your cause with the people, wl. regarded your conduct toward my client as the offspring of a vin dictive spirit. 7. Gravior. He means more severe than that already prescribed by the Calpurnian and other laws. In plebem. Referring to those of the common people, who should suffer themselves to be corrupted by any candidate. 8. Commoti animi tenuiorum. " The minds of the lower orders were alarmed." The consequence was that he lost their votes. 9. Exsilium in nostrum ordinem. " The penalty of exile was entreated by you against our own order," i. e. against those senators who should be guilty of bribery. Concessit. The punishment of ten years exile was ordained, 10. Sed non libcnter, &c. " But it was with reluctance that, in accordance with your suggestion, they decreed greater severity against the order at large." Literally, " they unwillingly established * harsher condition for our common fortune." Fortunae commun. I.. MUKENA. 417 ..... Page refers to the common condition of the order, and not, as some er- roneously explain it, to the lower classes of the people. We must supply omnium senatorum after fortunae communi, as Sylvius does. 11. Morbi excusationi, &c. "A punishment was annexed to every excuse of illness." The allusion here is extremely -doubtful, and we have nothing' to guide us but mere conjecture. Manutius thinks, that Servius got a law passed with the consent of the senate, ordering all persons to be present at the consular comitia, and directing, that the excuse of illness should not be received, to ac- count for a person's absence, but that he should be punished for non-attendance. Emesti, however, gives a more reasonable inter- pretation. He thinks that the enactment in question was aimed at the judges, witnesses, and others, whose presence might be deemed of importance in a trial for bribery. These were punished if they stayed away, and the excuse of illness was not taken. The object of the law was to guard against any improper collusion, which might defeat the ends of justice. , 12. Voluntas offensa multorum, &c. " The friendly feelings, which many had entertained towards you, were hurt at this, since they must either exert themselves to attend court to the detriment of their health, or else, in addition to the evil of illness, the other advantages of life must be abandoned by them," i. e. the other ad- vantages of life besides health. From the language here employed by Cicero, Ernesti thinks, that the penalty to be inflicted on those, who gave the excuse of illness, was an exclusion from office and from the other rights and privileges of citizens. 13. Haec quis tulit ? " Who proposed the law enacting all this 1" Literally, " who proposed these things 1" The answer of course is Cicero himself. From this passage it would appear, that all the enactments which have just been enumerated by Cicero, were contained in the provisions of the Tullian law. 14. Is qut, &c. Cicero, as consul, proposed the law in question to the people, in accordance with the direction of the senate and the wishes of Sulpicius, although he himself by no means approved of the measure. Hence we have adopted Schiitz's emendation, gm minime probarat, in place of the common reading cui minime prod- erant. Ernesti retains the common lection, but condemns it in his notes as incorrect. " Vulgatum quidem verum non est. 'Ciceroni yuidem ista non nocebant, nut nocere poterant." 15. Ilia, quae mea summa voluntate, &c. * " Think you that the following, which a crowded senate rejected to my very great satis- faction, were only moderate impediments to your application for the consulship ?" Literally, "opposed you in a moderate degree.* 418 ORATION FOR Page. 116 ^6. Confusimem suffragiorum. "A promiscuous intermingling of votes." The usual arrangement at the comitia centuriata, was for the centuries of the first class to give their votes in order, and then the centuries of the other classes, after them. This was favourable to bribery ; for if a majority of votes had been purchased in any century, it could easily be ascertained by the vote of that century, on the day of election, whether it had fulfilled its share of the bargain or not. In order to prevent this, Servius proposed to the senate, that all the votes of all the centuries should be consider- ed as thrown into common, that is, that the old order of calling up the centuries in succession should not be observed, but that the in- dividual citizens should be called upon for their votes, in no regular order whatever, but as it were confusedly. Hence the expression confusionem suffragiorum. Two advantages would result from this new arrangement. First, it could not be ascertained how a par- ticular century voted, the different individuals composing it being scattered throughout the great body of voters ; and in the next place, the vote of each citizen counted equally, which was not the case under the old system. Compare note 17, page 71. The senate rejected the proposition. 1 7. Prorogationem legis Maniliae. " An extension of the Mamh- an law," i. e. which amounted in fact to an extension of the provisions of the Manilian law. By prorogalio legis is meant the extending of the provisions of a law, so as to make these same provisions apply in some other case, not originally contemplated by those who passed the law in the first instance. Servius had not asked for an exten- sion of this law, but Cicero, in order to excite some degree of odi- um against the former says that his proposition about blending the votes was equivalent to an extension of this statute. The Manilian law, here alluded to, was proposed by the same Manilius, who brought forward the other law of the same name, for investing Pom- pey with the charge of the Mithridatic war. The Manilian law, which we are at present considering, however, allowed freedmen to vote in all the tribes, whereas, previously to this, they voted in some one of the four city-tribes only. This law was very unpopular with the upper classes at Rome, since it made the freedmen equal with the free citizens, and the favour of the former would have to be sought as carefully at elections, by the haughty patricians, as that of the latter. (Ascon. in Or. pro Cornel.) Now the proposition made by Servius, about confounding together the votes, would have had the effect of making the votes of the lowest of the people equal to those of the highest, and in this sensa Cicero says it would have been in fact an extension nf tho Manilian law, which made the votes I,. MURENA 419 i'Rge. of freedmen equal to those of freemen. This is merely said, how- J Jg ever, to bring Sulpicius into odium with those who regarded the Manilian law itself in so unfavourable a light. 18. Aequationem gratiae, &c. " An equalizing of influence, of rank, of suffrages." Such would have been the result, according to Cicero, of the proposition of Servius ; amounting, in effect, to a perfect levelling system. 19. Homines honesti. " Men of honourable standing." Gratiosi. " Of influence." 20. Dignitatis et gratiae. " Of rank and influence." By dig- nitas is here meant the degree of consideration in which an individ- ual would be held, who had exerted his influence in favour of any particular candidate, in case that individual were elected to office ; and gratia denotes the influence so exerted. Compare Manutius, ad loc. 21. Idem editicios judices, &c. " You likewise wished, that the judges should be named by the parties." The Judices, or "judges," as the term is accustomed to be translated, were in fact a kind of jury, though far more numerous. They formed a species of council, over which the praetor presided, and were called his assessores. In ordinary cases, they were chosen by lot. But sometimes the law allowed the accuser and defendant to select them, in which case they were said judices edere, and the judges themselves were called editicii. Thus, by the Servilian law against extortion, the accuser was ordered to name 100 from the whole number of persons who were liable to be called upon as judices for that year, and from that 100 the defendant was to choose 50. By the Licinian law, de soda- litiis, the accuser was allowed to name the judices from the people at large. Whatever checks there might be on this strange practice, we should view it at the present day as one of the surest means of subverting all justice. Servius wished, according to Cicero, this mo.le of selecting judices to be extended to trials of bribery, and the latter immediately after states the evil that would have resulted from such an arrangement. 22. Ut occulta odia, &c. " In order that the private animosities of citizens, which are now confined within the bounds of silent dis- like might break forth," &c. Cicero means, that, if an accuser were to be allowed to select the judices, it would te a very easy matter for persons to accuse and effect the condemnation of illustri- ous individuals, who chanced to have incurred their hatred. 23. Adipiscendi obsaepiebant. " They obstructed that of attain- ing to the consulship." After adipisceridi supply consulatum. 24 Ex omnibus ilia plaga maxima. " That greatest of all 420 ORATION FOR Page. wounds," i. e. that mortal blow. Hortensio. Hortensius and Crassus were, as has already been remarked, engaged on the same side with Cicero in this case. - 25 % Durior locus dicendi. " A more difficult task in speaking." 117 ! Ego in extremo, &c. " I, in closing, should not have to handle merely some particular part of the case, but to state what- erer might seem fit to me, respecting the affair at large," i. e. I, as the closing speaker, when Hortensius and Crassus have gone over the whole case with so much ability, should be compelled to follow in the same track, and not be allowed to discuss merely some par- ticular head of this cause, although the latter arrangement would be easier for me, , and certainly more agreeable to you. 2. Itaque in iisdem, &c. " Wherefore, I am now occupied with almost the same topics that they were, and, as far as lies in my pow- er, I strive to facilitate the decision which you in your wisdom will make." Cicero means, that, being compelled to go over the same ground which had been travelled by his predecessors, he endeavours to do this in such a way, that it may serve as a brief recapitulation of the most important points in the cause, and thus render their task the less burdensome in coming to a decision. Lambinus found sapietati in one of his MSS., which has been found also in another and hence conjectured satielati, so that occurro satielati, &c., wil mean, " I strive to diminish as much as I can the satiety you must necessarily feel," i. e. having to go over the same topics, I do so as briefly as possible. There is a good deal to be said in favour of this reading, although it is condemned very decidedly by Ernesti, and is followed by a very few. Ernesti, however, is wrong in the explana- tion which he gives of the whole passage, as may be seen from the remarks of Schiitz. The verb occurro, it must be remembered, is here used in the sense of juvo. 3.Quam te securim, &c. " What an axe do you think you laid," i. e. only think what an axe you laid. 4. Deposila alque abjecta petitione. " Your application for the consulship being given up, and cast aside as of no value," i. e. as quite hopeless. This retiring from the contest, on the part of Sul- picius, would cause Catiline's party to rally, and inspire them with the hope of success, and would alarm many lest that hope might be realized. These last would therefore throw the weight of their influence into the scale of Murena and Silanus. 5. Inquirere. " Collecting information." Obscrvation.es. "Your investigations," i. e. your inquiries as to who had given and who re- ceived bribes. Compare Manutius : " Quis largiretur, qttis ac- eiperet." 1. MURENA. 421 Page. 6. Tesnficaliones. " The depositions that were made." iuctiones testium. " The taking aside of witnesses," i. e. the be- ing closeted with them, in order to arravigc their testimony for the approaching trial. 7. Secessionem subscriptorum. " The consultations- of the ac- cusers." jUterally, " the going apart of the accusers." The principal accuser was called accusator, and those who joined in the accusation subscriptores, from their sul>scribing their names to the impeachment. 8. Indicibus atque sicariis. " By informers and assassins." Graevius finds it difficult to understand who are meant by " inform- ers'* in this case. The answer is an easy one. They were false accusers and at the same time worthless persons, whom Catiline kept around him for the purpose of harassing and intimidating the good. Compare Ernesti, Clav. Cic. s. v. and Cicero's language respecting Clodius, (pro Sext. 44) : "' Qni stipatus semper sicariis, stptus o.rmatis, munilus indicibus fuil." 9. Collcgae mei. Antonius. Compare Sallust, (5. C. 21): " Petcre consulatum C. Anlonium, quern sibi collegam fore spera- ret, hominem et familiarem." &c., and also, (c. 26) : " Ad hoc col- legam suum Antonium," &c. 10. Arretinorum et Fesulanarum. Compare Or. in Cat. 2, 9.~- Quam turbam, &c. " Which crowd, most motley in its character, certain individuals, who had been sufferers by the calamities of Syl- la's times, served to diversify," i e. one might see scattered through- out this motley group, and serving to make the contrast more con- spicuous, certain persons who had lost their all during the proscrip- tions of Sylla, and who were now, as desperate men, following a desperate leader. 11. Perculsi. The common text has percussi. But perculsi is the true reading. When speaking of the blow of calamity, where the mind and feelings are of course involved, the Roman writers use percello ; when referring to mere bodily injury they employ percutio. Hence the distinction which Bentley lays down, ad Horat. Epod, 11, 2, that percu/ere is the weaker term, and denotes merely to strike, whereas percellere means " to stun," " to prostrate" as it were. 12 Dami conditus. " Laid up for him at home." A forcible expression. The consulship appeared to Catiline to be as fully in his possession as anv article of property under bis own roof, and all that remained for him to do was to put forth his hand and take it when the occasion required. 13. Accusitorem suum. Because Sulpicius had declared his 36 422 ORATION KOK Page. J J[ "y intention to bring to trial every one who should employ improp er means in canvassing for the consulship. 14. Reipublicae. "Of the public welfare." Foetus essct. Supply consul. 15. Percrcbuissent. " Had spread abroad." In condone domes- tica. At the house of Laeca. Or. in Cat. 1, 4. 16. Eum, qui ipse miser esset. Alluding to himself. The student will mark the use of the subjunctive here by Cicero, who ia quoting the sentiments and language of Catiline. So negasset in the previous clause. 17. Integrorum et fortunatorum. " Of those who were unin- jured and fortunate." Meaning the upper classes and the wealthy. Integrorum is here opposed to saucios, and fortimatorum to miseros. 18. Consumpta replere. " To repair their exhausted fortunes." Erepta. " What had been wrested from them," i. e. by the op- pression and power of the aristocracy. Compare Catiline's speech in Sallust, (B. C. c. 20) : " Itaque omnis gratia, potentia, honos, divitiae apud illos sunt," &c. J ] Q 1 . Referente me. " On my motion." More literally, " I re- ferring the matter to them for their consideration." Cicero, as con- sul, laid this subject before the senate. Compare, as regards the af- fair to which he alludes, note 5, page 3. 2. Catilinam excitavi. " I called upon Catiline." The literal force of excitavi, " I caused to rise," has reference to the custom that prevailed in the Roman senate of a member's always rising when he had any remark to make, and his remaining up until he had finished the observations he had to offer. 3. Aperlissimus. " Very open in his declarations." Indicamt atque induit. " Owned the charge and plunged into the very midst of the snare." Indicare differs from confileri in denoting a volun- tary and ready confession. Compare the remark of Donatus, (ad Terent. Adelph. prol. 4) : " Indicat is qui de sc volens aliquid, et de aliis etiam, -prod.it : sed conjitetur, qui de se tantum, et qui in- vitus." With regard to induit, in this passage, it may be remarked, that it is a metaphor taken from the deer plunging into the nets set for it. Catiline plunges into the very midst of the danger, boldly and fearlessly, although he sees it full before him. Compare Or. in Vcrr., (4. 42) : " Videte in quot se laqueos induerit, quorum ex nullo se unquam expediret." 4. Duo corpora, &c. Compare note 5, page 3. Unum debilt, &c The first of these denotes the senatorial party with Cicero at its head ; the other the advocates for a change of affairs, who Catiline promises shall not be without a head. L. MURENA. 4^3 Page. 0. Congcmuil senatus frequens. "A crowded senate broke forth into one groan of indignation." The student will note the force of the compound verb. Pro rei indignitate. ' Considering the indignity of the insult." 6. Turn erupit e senalu, &c. What the senate decxeed against Catiline, on this occasion, does not appear, but most probably from the words here employed, and from his going to the Campus Martius as a candidate, no measures of any importance were taken against him. Dio Cassius, indeed, says that he did not venture to persist in his application for the consulsl.jp, being deterred by the law which had been passed against bribery, but Sallust (c. 26) merely -emarks that his application proved unsuccessful. Plutarch states express- ly, that he stood for the consular office on this occasion. (Vit. Cic. c. 14.) 7. Faucis ante diebus. Sallust states that Catiline uttered the threat here alluded to on the occasion of Cicero's first oration against him. Cicero's authority, however, is of greater weight, and he gives the same account in his Orator, 37, 129. Florus and Vale- rius Maximum agree with Sallust. 8. Sed ruina. " But by ruins." Alluding to the custom of stopping the progress of a fire, when ordinary means fail, by de- molishing the buildings in the vicinity. 9. Et cum ilia lata, &c. Compare note 3, page 5. Non quae me tegeret. " Not that it might protect me." When Cicero says that Catiline aimed only at the head and neck of his victims, he must be understood as alluding figuratively to his cruel conduct during the proscription of Sylla, when the heads of their political antagonists were brought in by the assassins of party. Consult Historical Index, s. v. Catilina. 10. Remissiorem. " Relaxing your ardour." 11. Magna est autem, &c. This appears at first view harsh La- tinity, since two epithets are seldom if ever employed, unless one of them come in as a participle. Magna, however, is not in fact an epithet of inclinatio, but a predicate of repenlina inclinatio. "Of great importance is a sudden turn of popular feeling," &c. Com- pare Ernesti ad. loc. 12. Ad vimm bonum. Such as Murena is. Multis aliis adju- mentis, &c. These are enumerated immediately after. 1. Modeslissima. " Characterized by the utmost self-control." J J Q Legatione. " His lieutenancy under Lucullus." 2. Praetura probata in jure, &c. The praetorship of Murena is here considered in its three different aspects, the dispensing of jus- tice, the exhibiting of public shows, and the province that followed 424 ORATION FOR Page. 1 1 9 Render, " approved of as regarded the discharge of its judicial duties, acceptable for the public shows connected with it, supplied with every thing requisite as regarded the province that succeed- ed." By ornare provinciam is meant, to supply a province with every thing that may tend to give it efficiency in its several opera- tions, and consideration in the eyes of those who come under its jurisdiction. Compare the explanation of Facciolati : " Ornare pro- vinciam est, ex Senatus consullo decernere certum militum numerum, et Us stipendium, item viaticum in legates et comitatum, terminare ipsius provinciae fines, jurisdictionis forma.ru. modumque pracscri- bere, et hujusmodi alia, quae honori et ornatui erant turn provinciae ipsi, turn magistratui cam regenli." Consult also Ernesti, Clav. Cic. s. v. ornare. 3. Perpurgatus. " Fully cleared up." Ab Us qui ante, &c. Referring to Hortensius and Crassus. 4. Postumius. Associated in the accusation with Sulpicius and Cato. Consult Introductory remarks. 5. De divisorum indiciis, &c. " Concerning the disclosures made respecting the distributors of bribes, and the sums of money that had been seized in their hands." The divisores were persons employed by the candidates to distribute bribes. This, though illegal, was often done ; and was practised, on one pccasion, against Caesar, with the approbation of Cato himself. 6. Ser. Sulpicio. Son of Sulpicius, the accuser, and one of the subscriptores. Compare Manutius : " Quis non intelligit, Ser. Sulpicii filium significaril qui et cum Postumio et Catone, patri, Murenam accusanti subscripserat." 7. De equitum centuriis. These are centuries that composed the whole body of the equites. They were eighteen in number, and voted in the first class. If unanimous in their agreement with that class, the election was decided. (Compare note 17, page 71.) Hence the importance attached to their vote by the respective can- didates. L. Natta, Murena's step-son, had invited them to a ban- quet, and this was alleged to have been done with the view of se- curing their vote. 8. A studiis ambitionis. " From the pursuits of ambition."- Secuti sunt. " Have courted." 9. Ncque hujus evenlum fortuii/amque. " Nor the fate and con- dition of my friend," i. e. the hard lot which is his. 10. Unum adscendere gradum, &c. The father, the grand- father, and others of the progenitors of Murena, had held the office of praetor ; but the consulship had not hitherto been attained to h any of the family. L. MURF.NA. 423 Tage. 11. Ea qua*, relicta, &c. The honourable name left him by his fathers. Haec quae nb ipso, &c. The honours conferred for pre- vious services rendered to his country by Murena himself, exclusive of the consulship. 12. Propter studium novae laudis. " On account of his eager pursuit of a new honour." Literally, " of a new source of praise." The reference is to the consulship. Compare note \0. Veterif fortunae. The honours he had enjoyed previous to the consulship, and which have already been alluded to, in the words " haec quae ab ipso parta sunt." 13. Odio inimiciliarum. " Through the hatred engendered by private animosity." Qui studio accusandi, &c. Cicero means, that Murena's old friends have, through their ill-timed' and misdirec- ted zeal for impeaching, been induced to become his accusers. 14. Non injuria L. Murcnae, &c. " Not by any personal injury received from Licinius Murena, but by a contest with him for pre- ferment." 15 Paternus amicus. " An hereditary friend," i. e. whose father and Murena's had been friends. The sons inherited the friend- ship of their parents. Some commentators make Postumius him- self a friend of Murena's father, and translate patcrnus amicus " his father's friend." This, however, cannot be correct, since Postumius was younger than Murena the son. 16. Qui neccssitudinis, &c. "Who has assigned in fact very many grounds for intimate friendship between them, has been un able to mention a single one for enmity," i. e. in all that he has said on this . part of the subject, Postumius has only shown the more clearly that he and Murena were intimate friends, and consequently that he ought not to be here as his accuser. 1. Ser. Sulpicius. Son of Sulpicius the accuser. Sodalis~l*)i\ fdii. " The companion of his son," i. e. of Murena's son. The son of Sulpicius and the son of Murena the accused had been com- panions 2. Ua,jus ingcnio, &c. " By the exercise of whose talents all his father's friends ought only to be rendered the more safe." The reference is to the son of Sulpicius, who ought not, according to Cicero, to be here accusing, and endangering the safety of an old friend of his father's, but ought rather to exert himself in behalf of that friend. The reproof is extremely delicate. The son of Sulpicius, when he finds his father at variance with an old friend, ought to do his best in order to reconcile them to each other. 3. Alienus. " Enstranged in feeling." Multis cliam alienis- simit. " To many who were even the merest strangers to him," 426 ORATION FOR 1 20 ' e> f w h m ho knew nothing at all. Exitio. " Detrimental.'* The heathen doctrine of doing our utmost to retaliate upon and in- jure our private foes, heeds, of course, no comment here. 4. Qui, nescio quo pacto, &c. '" Who, I know not how it is, seems to me, being himself a candidate for the praetorship, to run full against a competitor for the consular office, just as if a vanlter on horseback should leap into a four-horse chariot." Postuinius, himself a candidate for the praetorship, desists from his own can- vass, turns off, and accuses one of the competitors for the consul- ship. This is strange enough. Why did he not rather accuse some one of his own rival candidates, and not interfere in a case where his presence was unnecessary 1 This is the same, remarks Cicero, a? if a vaulter in the sports of the circus, who is accustomed to leap from the back of one horse to that of another, should on a sudden vault from a steed into the seat of a chariot. What has such a vaulter to do with a chariot 1 And what has Postumius to do with the present impeachment 1 With desultorius supply eques. The desultorius, or, as he was more commonly called, desultor, leapt from one horse to another as they were both proceeding at full speed. 5. Cujus competitor 'es, &c. " If his competitors have been guilty of no act of delinquency, he yielded to their superior merit, when he desisted from being a candidate ; but if, on the contrary, ome one of them has been guilty of bribery, then it seems some friend "is to be sought to prosecute another's injuries rather than his own." All this is said to show that Postumius has nothing what- ever to do with the present impeachment, and ought to be away. If he yielded to his own opponents for the praetorship, because their claims to personal merit were superior to his, for the very same reason he ought not to be here accusing Murena, since the merit of the latter is equal to that of Sulpicius. If, on the other hand, he abandoned his own canvass because some one of his competitors had been guilty of bribery, and he left it to some one of hi friends to prosecute this offence, when he ought to have done it in person, in this case also, he should not have taken part in the present im- peachment, because the man who cannot advocate his own rights, is a very unfit person to appear as an advocate for those of ar.other. 6. Venio mine. The replies to Postumius and the younger Sul picius do not appear in the MSS., and their absence is indicated, in our text, by the asterisks after persequatur. It has been thought by some that they were suppressed by Cicero himself, in the copies of the speech prepared by him. and published. The younger Pliny re fers to this oration with several others, in one of his letters, ( 1 , 20 ) L. MURENA. 427 Page. and remarks : " Ex kis apparel ilium pcrmulta dixisse ; cum ede-\')(\ ret, omisissc." Cicero wrote down his speeches after delivery, and does not appear to have prepared them in writing beforehand. Com- pare what he himself says, on this subject, (T#sc. 4, 25): "Jam, rebus transactis et praeteritis, orationesscribimus." 7. Quod est firmamentum, &c. " And this forms the main sup- port and strength of the whole accusation," i. e. Cato's weight of character makes Sulpicius and his friends regard this as the strong- hold of their case. 8. Qui tamen, &c. " Who, notwithstanding, is so powerful and vehement an accuser, that I fear his weight of character far more than his accusation." The peculiar force of ita is lost, however in a literal translation. A paraphrase will convey Cicero's meaning more clearly : " Who, notwithstanding the heavy and vehement at- tacks which he has made against Murena on the present occasion, appears to me far more formidable for his general weight of charac- ter, than for any thing he has alleged against my client. 9. In quo accusatore. " In the case of this accuser," i. e. as far as this accuser is concerned. lllius. Referring to Cato. Expcctatio Iribunatus. Cato was then tribune elect." 10. P. Africanus. The younger of this name. 11. In ipso imperio, &c. The pronoun ipso is not expressed ir. some MSS., and early editions. It appears, however, in the bes. modern editions, and imparts force to the clause. 12. L. Cottae profuisse. This prosecution is also referred to in the oration for Fonteius, c. 16, and in that against Caecilius, c. 21. Some farther details are given by Valerius Maximus, 8, 1, 11, but the same reason is assigned for his acquittal, although, to quote the words of the last-mentioned writer, " gravissimis criminibus erat confossa." 13. Cad.tr e in judicio. Compare note 3, page 100. Abjectus. " Borne down." Abjectus is here equivalent to dejectus or pro- stratus. Compare (Cic. in Verr. 7. 54) : "Ad tribunal antepede* tuos, ad tcrram virgis et terberibus abjectum ;" and (Senec. de benef. 5. 3) : " Luctator ler abjectus periidit palmam." 14. Ser. Galbam. Servius Sulpicius Galba was accused by L. Libo, a tribune of the commons of having slain a large number of the Lusitani, in violation of his own plighted word. He was an an- cestor of the emperor Galba. Valerius Maximus says, that, having assembled the inhabitants of three cities of Lusitania, under the pretext of conferring with them in relation to their common interests, he disarmed them, and seized nine thousand of the flower of their vmjth. whom he partly slew and partly sold as slaves. ( Val. Max. 428 ORATION FOR Page. 120 8 ' 6> 2 ") .Suetonius (Vit. Galb. 3) says, that he massacred thirty thousand, and that this was the cause of the war of Viriathus. (Compare Oros. 4,21.) Libo applied for a bill, the object of which was to bring Galba to trial before the people, although he was not expressly named in it. Cato, then at a very advanced age, sup- ported the passage of this bill, and a short time before his death pro- nounced a long oration against Galba, which he inserted in his work entitled Origines. (Cic. Brut. 23.) 15. Eripuit. In his Brutus, c. 23, Cicero ascribes the acquittal of Galba to the commiseration felt by the people at the sight of the young children of Galba, who were brought into public for this pur- pose ; and he quotes Cato to the same effect : " Isque se turn eripuit ftumma, proptcr pueros misericordia populi commota, sicut idem scriptum reliquit Cato.'" Compare also Cic. de Oral. 1, 53, where some more details are given of this same transaction. 121 ^" Multum in posterum prospicientes. " Looking far into the future for the good of a coming age." 2. Nolo accusator, &c. " I do not like an accuser to bring with him to trial any degree of power, nox any greater force than ordinary, nor any superior weight of character, nor too extensive influence." 3. Valeant haec omnia, &c. " Let all these things have their full force for the safety of the innocent," &c., i. e. when exerted for the safety, &c. 4. Nisi prius de causa judieassel. " If he had not previously, judged this cause in his own mind." 5. Judicium accusatoris, &c, " That the judgment passed by an accuser upon the accused ought to operate as a judicial precedent against him." By praejudicium is meant a judgment or sentence which affords a precedent to be afterward followed. Compare As- conius, (in Or. contra Caecil. c. 4) : " Praejudicium dicitur res, quae cum statuta fuerit, affert judicaluris. exemplum, quod sequantur." 6. Tuum consilium. " Your determination in the present case," i. e. to turn accuser against Murena. Propter singulars animi, &c. " On account of the high opinion I entertain," &c. 7. Conformare et leviter emendare. " To mould and slightly amend it." Cicero means to say, that although his high respect for Cato prevents him from blaming his conduct, still he has a little re- proach to make against him. 8. Non multa peccas, &c. "You do not often go wrong, says the aged preceptor in the play to a very valiant hero, but when you do, I am able to set you right." These words are thought to have been quoted by Cicero from some well-known play of En- nuis or Attius, where Phoenix, the governor of Achilles is convex I.. MURFNA. 429 Page. ting with and imparting instruction to his pupij. Ille senioi magis- ter. We have endeavoured to express the peculiar force of the pro- noun ille in this clause. Its literal meaning is " that well-known," i. e. he that is known to all from the play that we have seen so of- ten represented. 9. Ut corrigendus, &c. " As to appear to require to be made straight, rather than to be only slightly bent," i. e. as to stand in need of correction rather than gentle admonition. Corrigere is to straighten what is quite crooked ; inflectere to bend back to a straight form what is only a little curved, and what therefore requires only a slight degree of inflection to restore it to its previous state. 10. Accessit istuc. The common text has accessit his tot, where tot cannot possibly be correct. One of the MSS. has istuc which Ernesti commends in one of his notes. The peculiar force of istuc, as applying to the person who is addressed, makes the correction a very plausible one. 11. Nee mitis, &c. "Nor yet at the same time mild in its character, but as appears to me a little too harsh, and more intract- able than either truth or nature allow." 12. Cum, &c. " In the presence of an illiterate multitude." Scheller has doubts respecting the correctness of this use of cum, and suggests coram in place of it. In his Latin Lexicon, however, he gives this as one of the meanings of cum, and quotes the follow- ing passage from Caesar, (B. G. 7, 47) : " Legionisque decimac, quacum erat concionatus." All the MSS. of Caesar confirm" this reading, but the editors have thought fit to substitute for quacum crat concionatus the lection qua turn erat comitatus. The author of the Greek translation of Caesar sanctions, however, the common reading, for he has voog 5 avrds iorturf/npf^Kci. 13. Imperita muhitudine. It is curious to observe how Cicero sometimes adapts his language to circumstances, and to the exigen cies of the case in hand. The very same individuals, whom he here praises for their intelligence, he actually calls an illiterate class of persons, on another occasion, when he was no longer pleading before them. Thus, in the fourth book of the treatise de Finibus, c. 27, where he is supposed to be conversing in private with Cato, about the merits of the Stoic philosophy, Cicero remarks : " Non ego te~ cum jam ita loquar, ut iisdem his de rebus, quum L. Murena.m, te accusante, defenderem. Apud imperitos turn ilia dicta sunt ; aliquid etiam car onae datum : nunc agendum est subtilius." On another occasion again, he even makes a precept out of this docility of the imagination, and lays it down as a rule, that the first duty of an orator is to please the people. (Brut. 50.) 430 ORATION FOR Page. _ O1 14. titudiis humanitatis. Compare note 16, page 48. *** 15. Hacc bona divina et egregia. " That these divine and ad- mirable qualities." Bona literally " goods," i. e. excellences. Quae nonnunquam requirimus. The verb requiro is here taken in the sense of reprehendo. Compare Ernesti, Clav. Cic. s. v. and Schiitz, Ind. Lai. 16. Fuit enim quidam, &c. The art with which Cicero man- ages to attack, not the character and authority, but the doctrines of Cato, has often been a theme of remark. He is highly praised for it by Quintilian, (11, 1, 68.) In the treatise de Finibus, (4, 27) already alluded to in a previous note, Cicero acknowledges that he had been too severe in his remarks on the Stoic sect. 17. Zeno. Consult Historical Index. Oujus inventorum aemuh. " The followers of whose discoveries." Aemulus is here, not a rival, but a zealous follower. Compare Liv. 1 , 28 : " Qucm juve- num aemulantium studio, coetus habuisse constat," where H. Homer, in his Gloss. Liv. -explains aemulantium by sequentium. So Ta- citus, Hist. 3, 81 : " Musonius Rufus, Equestris ordinis, studiun philosophiae et placita Stoicorum aemulatus." 18. Stoici. The name is derived from the porch (orod) where Zeno was accustomed to lecture to his pupils. Hence " Stoics" are literally, according to the import of the term, " the men of th< porch," o! a?ro riff (rroof. 19. Stntentiae ct praecepta. " The tenets and maxims." 20. Sapientem, &c. Cicero, in order to throw ridicule on the Stoic doctrines, advances here some of the extrava'gant assertions which the Stoics were accustomed to make respecting their wise man. For example, that he feels nei.her pain nor pleasure ; that he exercises no pity ; that he is free from all faults ; that he is divine ; that -he can neither deceive nor be deceived ; that' he does all things well ; that he alone is noble, great, ingenuous ; that ke alone is free ; that he is a prophet, a priest, and a king ; and the like. In order to conceive, however, the true notion of the Stoics concerning their wise man, it must be clearly understood, that they did not suppose such a man actually to exist, but that they framed, in their imagination, an image of perfection, towards which every man should constantly aspire. All the extravagant things which are to be met with in their writings on this subject, may be referred to their general principle of the entire sufficiency of virtue to happiness, and the consequent indifference of all external circumstances. 21. Gratia nunquam moveri. ~ Because all external things are matters of indifference to him. Nunquam cujusquam delicto ignos- eere Because every fault, great or small is a deviation from tho L. MURENA. 431 Page. etnct and unerring rule of right reason, which must ever be rn&st implicitly obeyed. Nemincm misericordcm esse. To show pity is to let feeling triumph over reason, and external things have sway. 1. Solos sapienlcs, &c. "That the wise, even though they be most distorted in appearance, are alone beautiful ; rich, though in the most abject poverty ; though in the lowest degree of slavery, kings." All this follows from the Stoical premises of the indiffer- ence of external things. True beauty, riches and royalty are the beauty, riches, and royalty of reason and virtue. Horace humor- ously ridicules these paradoxical vauntings. Sat. 1, 3, sub. fin.* Ep. 1, 1, 106. 2. Si servitutem seroiant. The accusative is often added to an intransitive verb, like an adverb, especially if the noun be of the same root. The object of this construction is to impart force to the passage. Thus we have, besides the instance in the text, such forms as vivere vitam, som.nia.re somnium, pvgnare pugnam. In English, the construction is also found, " to live a life," " to dream a dream," &c. So in Greek, ffiuvat Biov, &c. (Zumpt. L. G. p. 257, Ken- rick's transl. Buttman, G. G. p. 360, Robinson's transl. ) 3. Ontnia pecc&ta. esse pana. According to the Stoic doctrine, every virtue being a conformity to nature, and every vice a deviation from it, all virtues and vices are equal. 4. Nihil opinari. " Assents to nothing without full conviction." Compare Ernesti, Clav. Cic. s. v. " Opinari, h. e. rei incertae asscnliri." Sententiammutarenunqttam. This follows of course, from his never making up his mind about any thing until the matter has become perfectly clear to him. 5. Auctoribus eruditissimis. The various writers on the Stoic doctrines, such as Zeno, Chrysippus, Cleanthes, &c. Arripuit. " Has eagerly caught at." Sed ita vivendi. " But of living in accordance with them." Ita literally, "in such a way" as they prescribe. 6. Petunl aliquid publicani 1 " Do the farmers of the revenue petition for some abatement 7" The allusion is to cases where the farmers of the public revenues have suffered in their contracts by reason of war, or any other calamity, and have requested some abate- ment in the terms of the agreement. These applications were made to the senate. It seems that such requests were very often nega- tived by that body, and that Cato's influence was very instrumental in producing such a result. The evil policy of this opposition to the wishes of the equestrian order, who were the farmers of the revenue, soon displayed itself. The equites applied to Caesar, when in power, for relief from a disadvantageous contract respecting the 432 Page. 1 22 A s i at > c revenues, and that artful leader, by granting them the faroca which they could not obtain from the regular authority, turned in effect the resources of the republic against itself, the disunion of the senate and equites only serving to strengthen the more his usurped power, and pave the way for the downfall of freedom. Compare Cic. de Off. 3, 22 : " Ego etiam cum C atone mco saepe disse.nsi. Nimis nnhi praefractum videbatur aerarium vectigaliaque de- fendere, omnia puUicanis negare, multa sociis." Consult also Heusinger, ad. loc, 7. Cave quidquam, &c. " Take care lest favour have any weigh? with you." A wise man feels no favour or bias towards any indi- vidual. 8. Dixisti quidpiaml &c. "Have you said any thing 1 It is fixed and determined :" i. e. have you once said a thing, &c. A wise man does all things well, and whatever he once says cannot be improved. 9. Non re ductus, &c. " But you were influenced in what you said, not by a careful consideration of the case, but only by a casual opinion." This is supposed to be addressed to the Stoic, (repre- sented here by Cato r ) in order to induce him to change his mind. The answer is, sapiens nifnl opinatur. " A wise man never acts from mere opinion ;" ire. never assents to any thing uncertain in its nature, but is always guided by the unerring rules of reason. Opin- ions are liable to error, because they are based on what is merely speculative ; the deductions of right reason are true and unalterable. 10. Errasti aliqua in re, &c. " You were wrong in something or other : he conceives himself calumniated by the remark," i. e. does any one tell the Stoic that he has gone wrong in any particular matter 1 the latter is indignant at a charge which strikes at the very root of his peculiar doctrines, and he conceives himself calumniated and called a false Stoic. For a wise man can never go wrong. 1 1. Hac ex disciplina, &c. " From this system, of philosophy we obtain the following results : I declared in the senate, says Cato, that I would impeach some consular candidate. O, but you said this, Cato, when you were angry. A wise man, replies he, is never angry." Cicero's object is to lessen the weight of Cato's charge against Murena, by showing that the former was induced to come forward as an accuser, not so much on account of any known crim- inality in Murena, as in obedience to the peculiar doctrines of his sect. Cato accuses him, not because he had done any thing con- trary to law, but because the Stoic had declared, in the senate, that he was resolved to impeach some consular candidate. Any other person, not infected with the obstinacy of Stoicism, would, accord- A. MURENA. 433 Page. tr.g to Uicero's meaning, have made no scruple of owning, that he J22 was angry when he said this, and therefore now chose to drop his design. But such an acknowledgment was by no means to be ex- pected from Cato, who would thereby seem to deviate from the gravity and firmness of a wise man. Murena, therefore, must be impAiched, because the Stoics thought anger inconsistent with the character of a wise man, and Cato claimed that character as belong- ing to himself. 12. Dixi. On account of this form, in the present clause, Man- utius conjectures iratus dixi, in the succeeding one. But the emendation impairs the force and spirit of the passage. 13. At temporis causa. "Well then, you said it perhaps on account of the particular conjuncture," i. e this threat was uttered by you, perhaps, under particular circumstances ; you were very probably engaged at the time in speaking for some friend. 'The answer to this is in full accordance with the Stoic tenets : a wise man never deceives, never changes his opinion, &c. 14. Nostri autem illi. . "Those masters of ours, however." Cicero here proceeds to show how directly opposite to the doctrines of the Stoics were the milder systems of philosophy from which he had culled his principles and rules of conduct. And he cites, in partic- ular, Plato, the founder of the Academic, and Aristotle the great head of the Peripatetic sect. 15. Valere aliquando. "Doe* sometimes exercise an influence." Viri boni esse misereri. " That it is the part of a good man to show compassion." The substantive verb is emphatic in this and the succeeding clauses. 16. Hominem constantem. " One that is firm.' 1 The idea in- tended to be conveyed by the clause is, that firmness of purpose is not inconsistent with clemency. 17. Saepe aliquid opinari, &c. " Oft-times hazards a mere opin- ion respecting that about which he knows nothing for certain," i. e. frequently contents himself with opinions, where he finds it impos- sible to arrive at absolute certainty, 1. Omncs tirtutes, &c. " That all virtues are regulated by certain degree of -moderation," i. e. that moderation is an essential feature in the character of every virtue, meaning by moderation that barrier, beyond which we approximate to what is excessive and immoderate. This is nothing more than the well-known maxim of Horace, " Est modus in rebus," &c. There is a mean in all things. 2. Has ad magistros, &c. " If, with those natural advantages that you possess any lucky fortune had brought you to instructors 8-ich as these." 37 >*34 ORATION FOR 3. Paullo ad lenitatem propensior. He would have had, ac- cording to Cicero, less of the austere and rigid character with which the Stoic doctrines had unfortunately invested him. 4. Pudentissimum hominem. The epithet pudenlissimum, be- sides the idea of modesty, carries with it here the general one also of moral worth. 5. In ejusdem anni custodia. " Under the care of the same year." Cato would be tribune, and Murena consul, during the en- suing year. Aliquo reipublicae mnculo. " By some political tie." 6. Seposuisses. " Would have put aside," i. e. would hava suppressed. Instead of aut seposuisses aut Lambinus gives, on the conjecture of Hotomannus, aut si potuisses. 7. Praeceptorum. The Stoics. Jam usus fleclet, &c. " Ex- perience will one day bend, time soften down, age bring to milder views." 8 . Paullo longius t quam nalura vetlet. It was this that made so many of the Stoics philosophers in words, rather than in actions. And hence their adversaries found so much room for satirical ridi- cule and invective against Stoical pride and hypocrisy. Nor is it surprising that this should have happened. For a system of philos- ophy, which attempts to raise men above their nature, must com- monly produce either wretched fanatics or artful hypocrites. (En- field's Hist. Phil. vol. 1. p. 322.) 9. Ut, cum ad ultimum, &c. " So that, although we should strive in thought to reach the farthest limit, we ought nevertheless to stop where it behooves us so to do," i. e. our desires should prompt us indeed to -aim at the- highest perfection, yet we should ever stop at the point marked out by reason. The common text has opor- teret, for which we have substituted oportet, with Gruter and Grae- vius. 10. Nihil ignovens. " Pardon nothing, you say." Cicero in this, and what follows, quotes several of the Stoic maxims, and subjoins his own replies. In other words, he proceeds to contrast the doctrines of Stoicism wkh those which he himself has pursued. The student will mark the use of the subjunctive as a softened form for the imperative. 11. Immo aliquid, non omnia. " Nay, indeed, pardon some things, not dl." 12. Immo resisttto, &c. " Nay indeed, resist favour, when duty and honour shall demand this," i. o. not so : resist it when it cornea in contact with what duty and honour prescribe ; but allow it to have some influence on other occasions. 13. Eliam ; in dissolvenda scveritale, &c. "Certainly; when. L. MURENA. 435 Page 'jca example, wholesome seventy would be relaxed ; but still there is some oraise attendant on the exercise of humane feelings," i. e. it is certainlv right, not to yield to compassion, in those cases, where, by so yielding we may relax a wholesome severity ; but still, on maiiv occasions, humanity is praiseworthy; 14. In sententia, permaneto, &c. " Adhere to your opinion. True ; unless some better one shall triumph over it," i. e. some u.ore correct one, founded on a clearer view of the subject. 16. Scipio. The younger Africanus. Compare Cic. de Off. 2, 22, and Heusinger, ad loc. Eruditissimum hominem. The Stoic Panaetius. He was not, however, a strict follower of all the doc- trines of Zeno, but seems rather to have borrowed opinions and sentiments with much freedom from philosophers of every sect. (Enfield, Hist. Phil. vol. 1, p. 360.) 16. Cujus oratione et praeceptis. " By whose converse and pre- cepts." Literally, " by whose language," &c. 17. Eadem. Not exactly, however. Consult note 15. C. Laelio. C. Laelius, surnamed Sapiens, or " the wise," the well- known friend of the younger Scipio, as his father had been the friend of the elder. He was also a hearer of the Stoic Panaetius. 18. L. Philo. The common text has L. Philippo, but as L. Philippue was not remarkable for any great advances in learning and philosophy, Manutius conjectured L. Philo, which has been adopted by Beck, Matthiae, and Schutz. The reference will then be to "L. Furius Pbilus. Compare Agr. 2, 24.^Z>e Oral. 2, 37. 19. C. Gallo. C. Sulpicius Gallus. Consult Historical Index. 20. Catone. Cato the Censor. Comm.od.iar em. "Milder." Compare Ernesti, (Clan. Cic. s. v) : " Commodus, mitis, qui nee facile in rebus levibns, nee nimis irascitur." It has also the kin- dred meanings of " affable," " polite," " obliging," &c., and appears analogous to the Greek cvdppotrros. 21. Comiorem. "More unassuming in manners." Compare Ep. ad Fam. 4, 4. Corn. Nep. Vit. Att. 3. Graevius, Beck, and others give communiorem from some MSS 1. Moderatiorem ad omnem rationem humanitatis. within due bounds as regarded all the social relations of life." 2. Te habere dixisti. " You told us that you had in him." Est illud quidem, &c. " It is true indeed, that this example of his has been set up for you at your own home." Naturae similitude illius. r 'The resemblance of his natural endowments." 3. Comitatem et facilitatem. " Unassuming and affable deport- ment." The presence of comitatem here, as applied to Cato, is an argument in favour of the reading comiorem already referre'l to 436 ORATION FOR 124 4. Ista. "Those qualities of yours." Cond-tta jucundt , " More agreeably seasoned," i. e. more amiable. 5. Tolle mihi, &c. " Away for me with the name of Cato ft. -.A this cause : remove and pass by an authority, which either ought to have no weight at all in trials, or else ought to tend to the safety of individuals : join issue with me upon the charges themselves." The first part of this sentence is addressed to each individual who hears him, especially among the judiccs. The last clause, from congredere, is addressed to Cato. Congredere, literally, " come to action with," " enter the lists with." 6. Quid accusas. " What do you accuse him of." Quid ar- guis. " What do you seek to prove 1" Non defendo. " I have no. defence to urge for such a crime," L e. if your charge be true, I have nothing to say. But is it true 1 can you prove it so 1 7. Me reprehcndis, &c. " You blame me, for seeking to defend the very same offence which I have punished by a law," i. e. you blame me for defending bribery, when I myself proposed a law fat the punishment of bribery. 8. Punivi ambitum, &c. Cicero here draws the proper distinc- tion. My law was for the punishment of the guilty, not of the in- nocent. Murena is an innocent man : therefore the law can never affect him. 9. Ambitum vero ipsum, &c. Cicero means, that to such a de- gree does he disapprove of bribery, as to be willing to turn an ac- cuser of it, along with Cato himself. 10. Si mercede corrupti, &c. " That if persons corrupted by a bribe should go to meet any candidate for office ; if persons hired for that purpose should attend upon them ; if at gladiatorial shows places had been assigned to the people gratuitously, and arranged by tribes ; and also if entertainment. 1 ' had been given to the populace^ all this seemed done in violation of the Calpurnian law." 11. Corrupti. Some of the Oxford MSS., and a few edi tions have conducti. Both corrupti and conducti are probably mere glosses. 12. Locus tributim. Certain places might be assigned to certain individuals at the games, free of any charge. But this could not be done to the people by tribes, without incurring the suspicion of an attempt to bribe. Graevius ad loc. 13. Si facto, sint. " Only in case they have been committed." Decernit quod nihil opus, &o. " They decree \/iat is not needed, when they comply with the wishes of the candidates them- selves." The candidates in this very election asked for this senaius-consultum. Of course, the senate could not be said to L. MURENA. 437 Page have decreed against them, when it only decreed in order to please J 24 them. 14. Nam factum sit, &c. " For the great question is, whether the act was committed or not. If it has been committed, then no one can doubt but that it is in violation of the law." Cicero insists, of course, that Murena has committed no act of bribery in the present case. 15. Atqui id deccrmtur. " Now, the decree in question is passed." We have given atqui, the conjecture of Pantagathus, as cited by Ursinus. The ordinary reading is atque. 16. Multi nbviam, &c. Cicero supposes, that Cato here takes him at his woid, and proceeds to show that Murena has employed bribery. The first charge is, that many persons went out to meet him, when he returned from his province to stand for the consul- ship. The reply is, that this is a very customary thing. 1. Eccui autem, &c. " For to whom do not persons go out, on his returning from a province 1" 2. Quae fuit, &c. A second objection supposed to be made. "Yes, but who were that large (foncoursel" 3. Islam rationem reddere. " To give you an explanation of that." Quod nisi esset factum. " Indeed had this not been done," i. e. had not numbers gone out to receive him. 4. Quod a consuetudine non abhorret. " What is not at variance with the custom of the day," i. e. what is fully sanctioned by usage. Rogatos esse mullos. " That many persons were invited to meet Murena." ; ' ; .V . 5. Rogati. " On being invited so to do." Infimorum hominum Jilios : i. e. when candidates for office. Props de node. " While it is almost yet dark," i. e. even at the earliest dawn. 6. Non esse gravatos. " Think it no trouble." Literally, " are not burdened," or " weighed down." Hora tertia. Answering to our nine o'clock. The first hour commenced at six in the morning, according to our way of computing. 7. Omnes societates. '.' All the companies of the knights." These were the several companies or copartnerships of knights, who contracted as farmers-general of the provincial revenues. 8. Tola nalio candidatorum. Candidates for the praetorship, aedileship, quaestorship, &c. They would all come out, in order to secure if possible the vote of so distinguished a new-comer. Hence the/ are said to allow no one to enter the city " without paying him some mark of respect," or in the words of the text, " non honeste." In this same sense ia the epithet ojficiosissima applied to them. Compare note 11. , 37* 438 ORATION FOR 1 25 ^' Noster Postumius. An amusing hit. Postutnius, one of the very accusers of Murena, happened to have swelled with his retinue the very crowd whose numbers are now regarded as a sure indication of bribery ! 10. Clientes. The clients of Murena are meant. Tributes. " The members of his tribe." 11. Frequentiam in isto qfficio gratuitam. " That a disinterested concourse of friends, on such an occasion, has not only never been wanting to the merit, but not even to the wishes, of any individual." Officio. The term qfficium is often employed to denote any compliment paid to an individual, by going forth to meet him, es- corting him, &c. Compare the explanation of Ernesti, Clan. Cic. p. v. : " Officium, honos qui ex more alicui, salutando, occurrendo, deducendo, sectando, &c., habctur." 12. At sectabantur multi. A new objection is here supposed to be started. "Aye, but a large concourse escorted him." " Very well," replies Cicero, " show that they did this for hire, and I will allow it to be an offence. But if this be put out of the question, with what do you find fault 1" i. e. if you cannot show any bribery why do you blame him for his numerous escort 1 13. Quid opus est, inquit sectatoribus 1 "Another objection " What need is there of a train of followers 1" What good purpose does such an escort answer ? 14. Quo semper usi sumus. Cicero refers not to himself par- ticularly, but to all candidates heretofore. This custom of having a train of followers had been long in general use among the Romans, and it was idle now to find fault with it. We may here quote the language of Cicero's brother, Quintus, in relation to the propriety of this usage : " Qui autem tibi debent, ab Us plane hoc munus exige. Valde tgo te volo, et ad rem pertinere arUtror, semper cum multitudine esse." 15. Homines tenues, &c. "Men of humble condition have in the aid thus lent, and in this species of attendance upon us duriu* our applications for- office, their only opportunity of conferring favour upon our order, or of returning one already received." 16. Neque enim fieri potest, &c. The senators and equites cannot, from the press of public business and other matters, accom- pany their friends when candidates for office (sues necessaries can- didates) during whole days together. This the lower orders can better do, and therefore tLere is no impropriety in their doing it. 17. A quibus si domus nostra celebratur, &c. " If our dwelling is only often visited by them, if we are occasionally escorted by them down to the forum, if we arc favoured with one turn during L. MURENA. 439 ,^ . p age. a walk in some basilica, we appear to be sufficiently respected and] Oft honoured by them," i. e. we candidates cannot expect to have the senators and equites attending upon and escorting us all day long, as the lower orders do. It is a sufficient mark of respect and esteem on their part, and will answer precisely the same purpose, if they pay us frequent visits at our houses, &c. The inference from all this is, that they too would escort us if their affairs and engagements permitted them ; and, consequently, that this same escorting carries nothing improper with it. 18. Basilicae. The Basilicae were spacious halls around the forum where the courts of justice sat, and public business was oc- casionally transacted. They were adorned with columns and por- ticoes. From the crowds usually assembled here, to take a turn or two with a friend, in one of these porticoes or piazzas, would be almost tantamount to escorting him about the streets of the capital. The Basilicae took their name from their splendid construction, (quasi /?Q will be found to be very wicked in their nature." More freely, " if you refer all these things to the usages of the state," &c. 13. Fruclus isti ludorum, &c- " That gratification which is de rived from public shows," &c. Comparavcrunl. '' Prepared for them," i. e. instituted for their gratification. 14. Nee candidatis, &c. '* Nor are candidates to be deprived of that exercise cf friendly feelings which is a proof rather of their generosity than of a wish to corrupt." More literally, " which in- dicates generosity more than bribery." 15. At cnim te, &c. The particles at enim are here, as else where, elliptical. " But all else you will say is of comparatively trifling importance, for the interests of the republic led you in fact to undertake this accusation," i. e. a regard for the public welfare led you," &c. 16. Credo, Calo, &c. " I easily believe, Cato, that you came here with those feelings and with that intention. But you make a slip, through want of reflection," i. e. you go wrong, you defeat your own purpose. 1. Clamo atque tutor. " Loudly proclaim, and call you all to J 29 witness." Audits, audite consulem. " Hear, hear your counsel." Usque co. " To such a degree." So far. 2. Latins patet, &c. Cicero now argues on the importance of having a person of energy and military experience in the consulship during the ensuing year. 3. Equus Trojanus. A highly figurative allusion to the seeds of the conspiracy that were still lurking at Rome. 4. Capias illius, " Those troops of his." His secret partisans, with whose movements Cicero was in a great degree acquainted. It will be borne in mind, that Lentulus and the other accomplices had not yet been detected and punished. 5. In capite atque in cervicibus nostris. Equivalent here to in caput atque in cervices nostras, with the idea of continuance, or lasting harm, annexed. Similar examples occur in many of the an- cient writers. Consult Forcellini Lex. Tot. Lat. 3. r. m, sub vtit. 6. Integrum consulem. '' An upright consul," i. e. an honest patriotic consul, and not one contaminated by any union of principle or action with Catiline. Compare Manutius : " Integrum consu- ;m,'h. e. malis consiliis non infectum." 7. Et natura, et fur tuna. " In both principles and fortune," i.e. a man of correct principles and ample means. Such a person would, of course, be attached to he interests of the republic, and the exist- 448 ORATION FOR Page. 129 m stale f tn '"g s i an( l wo ild have no wish for any revolution or change, because not a man of needy fortune. 8. Vestris scntenliis. " By your sentence," i. e. by your opin ;ons as judges in the present case. For Murena is such a man an has just been described by me, and the partisans of Catiline would rejoice in having him driven from the consulship, by your sentence of condemnation. 9. In campo. Compare chapter 26, of the present speech, and Or. in Cat. 1, 5. Domi meae. Alluding to the attempt to assas sinate him at his own home. Or. in Cat. 1, 4. 10. Kalcndis Januariis. Compare note 2, page 98. 11. Aut. A chasm occurs here in the MSS. Schiitz proposes to fill it up, and re-model the whole sentence as follows : " Nolite arbitrari, Catilinam ejusque socios mediocribus consiliis, autusitatis viig, in rempublicam grassari.'-' 12. Rcipublicae quaeritur. " Is sought for against the republic," i. e. the republic is not sought to be injured by ordinary means, such as " a hurtful law," or " the pernicious influence of bribery," &c. 130 1. In exitu. " Near its close." This speech was delivered in the month of November, and the new consuls would be installed on the first of January coming. 2. Vicarium meae diligenliae. "Who is to succeed me in my vigilance." 3. Tempestatem anni tui. " The storms that impend over yom own year," i". e. over your magistiacy as tribune. 4. Designati tribuni. The (illusion here is, most probably, to Q. Metellns Nepos, the same who afterward prevented Cicero from making the customary address to the people, at the close of his con- sulship. Ernesti thinks, that designati ought to be removed from the text, because, according to him, the new tribunes had already entered on office when this speech was delivered. He observes, that had they not entered already on office, they could not have held an assembly the day previous. But the text only speaks of an as- sembly that had been held, without specifying by whom. The ex- pression vox perniciosa, moreover, does not necessarily imply a speech on the part of the new magistrate, it may denote a mere remark made by him, on being presented to the people by the tribunes of the current year. The chief argument, however, against Ernesti's emendation, is in the dates. The new tribunes did not enter upon office until the fourth day before the Ides of December, and every thing connected with this speech plainly shows, that it was delivered before the Nones of the same month, for on that day the conspirators arrested by Cicero were condemned. L. MURENA. 449 Page. 6. Tua mens. ' Your own foresight." Qut te ad tribunatus^ J QQ &c. " Who requested you to stand candidate for the tribuneship," i. e. in order that you might thwart the nefarious schemes of Metel- lus and others. 6. A L. Catilina et Cn. Pisone, &c. At the close of the con sulship of M. Lepidus and Volcatius Tullus. Compare Or. in Cat 1,6: " Polestne hujus vitae lux" &c. 7. Meo nomine. " On my own account." Equivalent to prop ter me ipsum. Compare chapter 36, " Africani patrui sui nomine." Cicero means, that they did not seek his destruction so much out of personal hatred, as in order to remove a faithful guardian of the public welfare. 8. Et agunt et moliunlur. " They are both attempting, aye, and striving earnestly to effect." Quantum animi, quantum in- genii. " How much courage, how much talent." 9. Consulari auctoritate et auxilio spoliatam. By the ccndem nation of Murena. 10. Ne sufficiatur consul. " Lest a new consul be substituted," i. e. in place of Murena, if condemned. Compare, as regards the force of sujjicei e, the explanation of Ernesti : " Sufficere, in locum alterius crcare : de magislratibus, inprimis consulibus, qui in locum morlui consults, out de ambitu damnati, &c., creantur." 11. Vidcnt .te in tuorum, &c. We have inserted te after vident on the conjecture of Matthiae, who thinks that it has been accident- ally omitted by the copyists. 12. Sibi objici posse. " May be exposed to them," i. e. to their attacks. Silanum. Plutarch says, that after Cato had declared his intention of prosecuting every one who should have recourse to bribery, he took very good care, that Silanus, who had married his sister Servilia, should be excepted. (Vit. Cat. Min. c. 21.) This would seem to imply that Silanus in common with Murena lay open to the charge of bribery, for which we find elsewhere no authority whatever. 13. Nun cupidum. " Not ambitious." Manutius understands rerun novarum, " not desirous of a change." Fortuna constitution, &c. Alluding to his private wealth. 14. Animo et usu, &c. " Of spirit and experience for executing whatever you may wish." 1. Hujusce rei potestas, &c. " The means of accomplishing^Qj this result are placed wholly in your hands." You hold, in the present case the whole republic under your care. You are its pilots," i. e. the helm is in your hands, and it is for you to guide us safely through the storm 450 ORATION FOR Page. 131 ^' Pvlunt rationes illius. " His plans demand." Auxilio. "Of her wonted aid." Ut minuatur, &c. " That the number of her leaders, capable of resisting his fury, be diminished." 3. Depulso adversaria. Alluding to Murena, and to the stand .ie would take against the conspirators, in support of the govern- ment and laws. Hence he is called the opponent of the turbulent tribunes, and hence his condemnation (depulso adversaria) would leave them more at liberty to excite commotions in the state. 4. Idemne igitur delecti, &c. " Will men distinguished for in- tegrity and wisdom, men selected from the first orders of the state, come then to the same decision with that most audacious gladiator, that foe to the republic 1" The address is to the Judices, the gladiator is Catiline. 5. Apud Anienem. " At the Anio." Here, in the second Pu nic war, Hannibal pitched his camp, at three miles' distance from Rome. Compare Livy, (26, 10) : " Inter haec, Hannibal ad Ani- enem flumum, tria millia passuum db urbe castra admovit." 6. Nonnemo, &c. " There are some, there are some foes even in that sanctuary of the republic, I say, in the very senate itself." Nonnemo is here equivalent to aliquis, but our idiom requires the plural. It is well known that several of the senators were implicat- ed in the conspiracy. Consult Sallust, B. C. c. 17. 7. Faxint. The old form for fecerint. The earlier mode of conjugating this verb was/acio, facsi (faxi), factum, facer c. Com- pare Struve, uber die Lat. Decl. und Conj. p. 171. seqq. This old form, faxint was retained, in common with faxit and other simila- ones, principally in solemn adjurations, &c. 8. Meus collega. Antonius. Ego togakus. Compare note 8, page 23. Hoc quod conceptum, &c. " Will dispel and crush that danger which, conceived in its bosom, the republic is now on the point of bringing forth." 9. Haec. These same dangers. Unus erit consul, &c. If Murena be condemned, Silanus will be the only consul in office ; and his time will be occupied, not by the affairs and dangers of the state, but by the election of a colleague ; for the seditious tribunes will oppose him in all his movements, and in this way much valu- able time will be lost to the republic. 10. Impedituri sint. There is here another chasm in the MSS., though smaller than the one previously mentioned. Some editors insert videtis, others parati sunt, on conjecture. 11. Importuna. The common text has Catilinae after importune,. But many editors regard it as a mere gloss, and we have therefore thrown it out. L. ML'KKNA. 451 Paga 12. Versabitur in castris furor. " Wild fury will reign in your J Q 1 -amp." In campo exercitus. " An armed force in the Campus Martins." The allusion is to the partisans of Catiline who will come armed to the comitia, when Silanus shall convene the people to vote for a new consul in the place of Murena. 1 . Si ornata sms praesidiis, &c. " If the republic shall be fur- 1 QO nished with other means of protection." 2. Potior. u Dearer," i. e. to exercise a more powerful sway. Pro consulari auctoritecte, &c. " I exhort you in consideration of my consular authority," i. e. by my consular office. 3. Dcfensoris. The common text has vel defensoris, but we have rejected vel with Ernesti and Schiitz. Beck encloses it with- in brackets. Manutius doubts whether it be correct latinity to say oro atque olsecro fidem, and Grasvius inclines the same way. But we have in Plautus, (Amph. 1, 1, 217,) " obsecrc tuam Jidem ' Compare Ernesti, ad loc. 4. Corporis morbo. Murena was then labouring under severe indisposition. Rccentem gratulationem. " His recent felicitations ' A thanksgiving had been decreed, in the name of Murena, for his successes against Mithridates. 5. Municipium antiyuissimum. Lanuvium, of which Murena was a native. Consult Geographical Index. 6. Squalors sordidus. " Of squalid appearance and in neglected attire." It was customary at Rome for those accused of capital or heavy offences, to appear in public arrayed in such a manner as might be best calculated to excite compassion. Lacrymis et moer ore perditus. " Spent with tears and sorrow." 7. Intuetwr. " He looks with an earnest eye te." 8. Hac re. " On that very account," i. e. the consulship to which he had been elected. Orellius suggests hac eum cum re. Schtitz proposes either una. cum hac eum re, or else cum hoc eum re. No change, however, is requisite. 9. Atque its,, &c. " For thus does Murena," &c., i. e. in terms such as the following. -Si ntdlius auret, &c. " If he has waund- ed the ears or the feelings of no individual," i. e. if moderation has always dictated his words, always regulated his conduct. 10. Modestiae locus. " An asylum for moderation." Dcmissis hominibus. " For the dejected." 1 1. Misericordiam spoliatio consulatus, &c. " To be stripped of the. consulship ought, O judges, to carry with it a strong claim to GUI compassion." Literally, " the being despoiled of the consulship," &c. 1?. Una enim eripiuntur, &c. Cicero means to express the - t . 'Hat in losing the consulship the person referred to loses his aH 40-4 ORATION FCTR Page. J32 Invidiam nullam. " No claims to envy " i. e. nothing worth enjoying in the office. 13. Objicitur. "The holder of it is exposed." Concionibus seditwsorum. Referring to the tribunes of the commons. 14. In hoc praedaro consulatu. "In this distinguished post of con- sul." Praeclaro is said with a tinge of iroiry : in this distinguished post, as many call it, and take it to be. 133 *' Hunc vestris sententiis aJRixeritis. "You shall dash this man in sorrow to the ground by your decision," i. e. shall condemn him. 2. Quo se miser verCet ? The peroration here is extremely beau- tiful. *' Locus,'" says Manutius, " ad commovendam misericir-diam aplissimus." 3. Laureatam in sua gratulatione, &c " Decked with laurel amid his own felicitations." 4. Lugentem. " Plunged in mourning." Cicero purposely uses this form of expression, instead of tugenti similem, for the sake of greater strength. 5. Misera. " Wretched parent." 6. Nova pnena Itgis. The Tullian law (lex Tullia) had only re- cently been passed, which added ten years' exile to the penalties be fore inflicted by the laws upon the crime of ambitus. 7. At habet magnum dolorem, &c. " Ah ' but it brings with it a deep pang of sorrow " &c. 8. Summo cum imperio. " When invested with supreme com mand." 9. C. Murenam, fratrem suum. C. Licinius Murena. He was governor of Transalpine Gaul, and is the same individual' of whom Sallust speaks, B. C. 42. 10. Qui hujus dolor 1 Quiforquis. Compare note 10, page 52. So also, qm illius meeror erit ? The student wilt note the distinc- tion here between hujus and illius. " What anguish on the part of the formerl What deep affliction on that of the latter]" The same remark applies here, that was made in a previous note respect- ing an apparent violation of the rule concerning hie and ille. Hu- jus refers to Murena, Cicero's client, and illius to his distant brother. 11. Quanta aulem perturbatio, &c. " What a reverse of for- tune, what a change of language," i. e. how changed the condition of the one, how altered the language of both. 12. Conservate populi Romani beneficium. " Preserve unto him the favour which the Roman people have conferred," i. e. establish by your decision his claims to the consulship. L. MURENA. 433 Page. 13. Jtirtonis Sospilae. There was at Lanuvium, whence the 133 family of Murena came, a temple sacred to Juno Sospita. The Ro- mans had a joint right of sacrificing to this goddess, and an annual offering was made by the Roman consuls. According to Livy, (8, 14,) the people of Lanuvium were allowed by the Romans to con- tinue the worship of this goddese, on condition that the latter people shared in it along with them. Compare, as regards this same deity, Liv. 40, 19. -Or. Fast. 6, 60. SH Ital. 13, 364, and Ctc. N. D. 1 , 29. The last-mentioned writer describes the effigy of the god- dess, as arrayed in a goat-skin, bearing a small shield and a spear, and having on little slippers turned up at the toes. " Cum, pelle cap- rina, cum kasta, cum scutulo, cum calccolis repandis." Consult also Montfaucon, Antiq. Explic. lib. 8, c. 5. fig. 18. 14. Facere. Supply rem dimnam, or, what is much simpler, vacra from the previous sacris patriis. The analogy between this usage of facere, and that of the Greek fit$eit> or Ip&tiv is worth noting. 1. Domesticum et suum consulem. "A domestic consul, and ine whom she regards as her own." The epithets domcsticum and suum beautifully allude to the circumstance of Murena's family having come from Lanuvium. 2. Confcrmatio mea. " My strong assurance in his behalf." 3. Commendo vobis. " Confide to your care." 4. Otii. " Of public tranquillity." 5. Studiosissiinum bonorum. " Most zealous for the welfare of lie good." fi l.'t promittam et sfonde&n. " As to promise and pledge." HISTORICAL INDEX. HISTORICAL INDEX A. ABSYRTUS, son of Aeetes, king of Colchis, and brother of Medea. His sister, when accompanying Jason, who was bearing off the golden fleece, is fabled by the poets to have put to death the young prince, and to have scattered his limbs along the route which her father would take in pursuing her. The stratagem succeeded, and Aeetes stopped to col- lect the mangled remains of his son, thus enabling his daughter and Jason to make their escape. Ovid. Trist. 3, 9. Seriec. Med. 963. Lucan. Phars. 3, 190. AEMILIUS, Paullus. Vid. Paullus. AEMILIUS, Scaurus. Vid. Scaurus. AFRANIUS, a celebrated Roman, consul A. U. C. 694, B. C. 60, and one of Pompey's lieutenants during the civil wars. After the defeat at I'harsalia, he crossed into Africa and fought at the battle of Thapsus. Being taken prisoner along with Faustus Sylla, in the rout that ensued of the Pompeian army, he was put to death along with that individual by order of Caesar. Suet. Vit. Jul. 75. Goes. B. Afric. 95. Dio Cass. 43, 12. Oros. 6, 16. AHALA, Caius Servilius, master of the horse to the dictator Cincin- natus. Spurius Melius, who had been accused of aspiring to regal power, having refused to appear before the dictator when ordered so to do, Aha- la t who bore the summons to him, slew him in the very midst of the as- sembled people whom he was endeavouring to excite in his behalf. The dictator commended the act. Ahala, though he at first incurred the resent- ment of the populace for this bold discharge of duty, was subsequently, however, raised to the consulship. Liv. 4, 14, and 30. There is a. great variation, as regards the praenomen of this individual, in the MSS. and the editions of Cicero. In the first oration against Catiline, c. 1, he is called, in the common text, Quintus, where Muretus and Pighius give the true reading Caius, which Ernesti adopts. In the oration pro domo, c. 32, he is styled, on the other hand, Marcus Servilius Ahala. In this latter passage, Cicero informs us, that he was exiled by the people for slaying Melius, though subsequently, as above stated, advanced to the consular office. ANTIOCHUS, surnamed the Great, king of Syria, and the third of the name. He came in collision with the Romans, on attempting to reduce under his sway the cities of Asia Minor as well as the whole of Greece. 457 39 458 HISTORICAL LN'DKX. These ,ities implored the protection of the Romans, who sent deput it to Antiochus, commanding him to give up the conquests he had made .n this quarter. Antiochus, urged on by Hannibal, to whom he had gi.en an asylum in his dominions, paid no regard to these orders, and became, in consequence, involved in war with the republic. Neglecting, however, to follow the plan of operations marked out for him by Hannibal, he soon experienced the fatal effects of his error. Acilius Glabrio defeated him at Thermopylae and compelled him to flee into Asia ; and Scipio Asiaticus gained a decisive victory over him at Magnesia in the latter country. Compelled to sue for peace, he only obtained it on very hard conditions. The Romans made the range of mount Taurus the limit of his powei on the side of lower Asia, and reduced to the form of provinces all the countries which he had possessed on this side of the mountains just men- tioned. They obliged him also to stipulate for the payment of an annual tribute of two thousand talents. As his treasury could not support this heavy tax, he resolved, in order to replenish his resources, to pillage the temple of Belus, in Susiana, but the inhabitants of this country, irritated at the sacrilegious attempt, slew him with his followers, B. C. 187. He had reigned 36 years. Justin. 31, 32. Florus, 2, 8. Liv. 34, 59. ANTONIUS, Caius, son of M. Antonius the orator, and brother of M. Antonius Creticus the father of the triumvir. He was originally in habits of very great intimacy with Catiline, and the arrangement was, that these two should stand for the consulship, and, if they succeeded, commence, while in this high office, their plans of revolution. Cicero defeated this scheme, and being elected consul, with Antonius for his colleague, succeeded in detaching the other from the conspiracy, and from every other design formed against the state. He effected this de- sirable object by yielding to Antonius the rich province of Macedonia, which had fallen to his own lot. After the conspiracy was crushed, An- tonius went to his province of Macedonia, where he continued for two years ; but, on his return to Rome, he was brought to trial, and banished, for having been guilty of extortion and having made war beyond the limits of his province. He was a man of very dissolute habits, and, be- fore he obtained the consulship, had been expelled by the censors from the senate for immoral conduct. Sallust, B. C. 26. Liv. Epit. 103. Cic. in Vat. 11. Id. pro Coel. 31. ANTONIUS, Marcus, a celebrated Roman orator, grandfather of the triumvir. After having been praetor, and having during his praetorship, obtained a victory over the pirates of Cilicia, he was raised to the con- sulship, A. U. C. 655, B. C. 99. He is more eminent, however, in Ro- man history, as an orator than a statesman. He was the most employed patron of his time ; and, of all his contemporaries, was chiefly courted by clients, as he was ever willing to undertake any cause which was pro- posed to him. He possessed a ready memory, and a remarkable talent of introducing every thing where it could be placed with most effect. He had a frankness of manner, which precluded any suspicion of artifice, and gave to all his orations an appearance of being the unpremeditated effusicrjs of an honest heart. But, though there was no apparent prep- aration in his speeches, he always spoke so well, that the judges were never sufficiently prepared against the effects of his eloquence. His .anguage was not perfectly pure, nor of a constantly sustained elegance, but it was of a solid and judicious character, well adapted to his purpose HISTORICAL INDEX. 459 His gesture, too, was appropriate ; his voice strong and durable, though naturally hoarse ; but even this defect he turned to advantage, by fre- quently and easily adopting a mournful and querulous tone, which, in criminal cases, excited compassion, and more readily gained the belief of his judges. He left, however, as we are informed by Cicero, hardly any orations behind him, having resolved never to publish any of his pleadings, lest he should be convicted of maintaining in one cause some- thing that was inconsistent with what he had alleged in another. During the civil wars of Marius and Sylla, Antonius declared for the latter, and was in consequence proscribed by Marius. His place of concealment having been discovered through the indiscretion of a friend, a party of soldiers was sent to put him to death. The eloquent appeal of the orator, however, checked their murderous purpose, and drew tears from their eyes, when Annius, their leader, who had remained without, impatient at their delay, was compelled to enter the place himself, and despatch An- tonius with his own hand. Dunlop's Hist. Rom. Lit. vol. 2, p. 211. Cic. de Oral. 2, 2. Id. Brut. 36. Id. de Oral. 3, 3. Vol. Max. 7, 3. ANTONIUS, Marcus, surnamed Creticus, son of Antonius the orator, and father of the triumvir. Having obtained the praetorship, A. U. C. 678, through the interest of the consul Gotta, and the faction of Cethe- gus, he was charged with the war against the pirates. He pillaged, however, the provinces which had been intrusted to his defence, and having advanced toward Crete, was defeated in an engagement off that island. The appellation of Creticus was given him from this circum- stance, as a mark of derision. He is said to have died of chagrin at his defeat. Florus, 3, l.Lw. Epit. 99. Cic. in Verr. 2, 3. Id. in Verr. 3, 91. ARCHIAS, Aulus Licinius, a Greek poet, born at Antioch in Syria, and better known by the discourse which Cicero pronounced in his favour, than by any productions of his own. He came to Rome at an early age, and passed the greater part of his life there, teaching the Greek language and literature, and giving instruction particularly in the department of poetical composition. Among his pupils was Cicero, who has 'eturned the favour by transmitting the name of his preceptor to posterity. Ar- chias lived on terms of great intimacy with several distinguished Roman families, and accompanied the celebrated L. Lucullus in his expedition against Mithridates, and also- in his travels through Asia, Greece, and Sicily. It was during his visit to Magna Graecia, in company with this illustrious patron, that he obtained the rights of citizenship at Heraclea in Lucania, which led subsequently to his procuring the same privilege at Rome. This latter point, however, having been contested by a cer- tain individual named Gratius, led to the delivery of the celebrated ora- tion in his favour, by his old pupil Cicero. The works of Archias are lost, except some epigrams in the Anthology. While still quite young, he composed a poem on the Cimbric war, which gained for him the favour of Marius, who was in general but little alive to the charms of poetic composition. At a later period of his life, the Miihridatic war became a fheme for his Muse. In a third poem he gave a prophetic interpretation to a circumstance which had happened to the infant Roscius ; and Cicero speaks also of a poem which he had commenced on the subject of his consulship. The Anthology contains thirty-five epigrams under the name of Archias, but some of them arc attributed bv the commentator" 460 HISTORICAL, INDEX. to a certain Archias of Macedonia, or another of the same name, a tmtivn of Byzantium ; others again ascribe them to Archias the grammarian, or the younger. Hence, it is probable that very few if any of them are by Archias of Antioch. Cic. pro Arch. Id. de Divin. c. 36. Jacobs ad Anthol. Grace, vol. 2, p. 92. Schodl, Hist. Lit. Gr. vol. 4, p. 43. ARIOBARZANES, king of Cappadocia, and the first of the name. He ascended the throne under the protection of the Romans, about B. C. 91, after the expulsion of the false Ariarathes. Mithridates and Tigranes united against him, and drove him twice from his kingdom ; but he was as often restored, once by Sylla, and again by Pompey, the latter of whom added to his dominions Sophene, a province of Armenia. Ario- barzanes abdicated in favour of his son, the second of the name. Justin, 38, 2. Appian, R. S. 48. Id. B. M. 10, seqq. ARISTOTELES, a celebrated philosopher, born at Stagyra, B. C. 384. Cicero alludes to him in the oration for Murena, as being one of those philosophers from whose writings he had imbibed principles of an oppo- site nature to those which influenced the conduct of the rigid and stoical Cato. Cicero, though particularly attached to the new Academy, was free from the exclusive spirit of sectarism, and inclined to select what- ever he found valuable in the doctrines of the different schools. Kuehner, Cic. in Phil, merita, p. 74, seqq. ATTIUS, less correctly written Accius, an early Latin tragic-poet, born A. U. C. 584. He pursued the career opened by Livius, Ennius, and Pacuvius, and the ancients give the titles of a large number of tragedies which he had composed, among which was a national piece entitled Brutus. Velleius Paterculus says, that Attius deserved to be ranked among the Grecian poets, in point of talent. Horace also ascribes to him elevation of manner, by which is probably meant sublimity both of sentiment and "expression. Attius was held in high estimation by his countrymen. The few fragments, however, that we have of this poet, do not enable us to form any decisive opinion on his merits. Baehr, Gesch. Rom. Litt. p. 79. Veil. Paterc. 1, 17. Id. 2, 9. Horat. Epist 2, 1, 56. AURELIA ORESTILLA, a female of great beauty, but of very corrupt principles. Catiline offered her his hand in marriage, which she refused to accept, because he had a son by a former marriage, arrived at man's estate. To remove this obstacle Catiline put his son to death by admin istering poison. Vol. Max. 9, 1, 9. Sallust B. C. 15. B. BRUTUS, Decimus Junius, the colleague of Africanus Minor in tho consulship, A. U. C. 615. He distinguished himself in Spain, and ob- tained a triumph for his successes over the Gallaeci. Cicero speaks of his adorning the monuments and temples erected by him, with the verses of the poet Attius: Velleius Paterculus, (2, 5,) calls him Aulus, in place of Decius, but the true reading appears in later editions. Cic. pro Balo 17. Sigon. Fast. Cons. p. 339, ed. Oxon. Cic. pro Arch. 11. C. CAESAR, Caius Julius, son of Caius Caesar and of Aurelia, the daughter of Cotta. He was born "m tho sixth consulship of Marius B. C. !W. HISTORICAL INDEX. 461 When only in his seventeenth year he obtained the office of Flameii Dialis, or High-Priest of Jupiter. His marriage with Cornelia, the daughter of Cinna, excited against him the hatred of Sylla, whose sus- picion he had previously incurred from his aunt Julia's being the wife of Marius. He with difficulty escaped being put to death, among the num- ber of the proscribed, and it was only at the intercession of the Vestal virgins, and in consequence of the entreaties of his relations, that Sylla spared his life. The latter, however, had the discernment to behold in him, even when a mere youth, the germs of future talent and ambition, and when he was asked by his friends why he was so anxious to put a mere boy to death, his answer was, " In that boy I see many Mariuses." Of the eventful life of this eminent Roman our limits forbid even any thing like a rapid sketch. His various successes are touched upon by Cicero in the oration for Marcellus, but a full accouut of his numerous conflicts, and of the remarkable events which have rendered his name so conspicuous in history, will be found in the pages of Plutarch. It will only be necessary here to speak of Caesar as connected, in a coverl manner, with the conspiracy of Catiline. His principal aim, in the ac complishment of his ambitious schemes, was to gain the favour of the populace, and weaken the power of the nobility. This brought him at once in contact with Catiline, and, in favouring the views of that daring conspirator, his object was to destroy by these means the liberty of his country, and then to crush the conspirators themselves and make himself master of Rome. The opinion which he gave in the senate, with respect to the punishment of Lentulus, Cethegus, and the other accomplices of Catiline ; the threatening conduct of the Roman equites, who guarded the temple where the senate met ; and his being arraigned as an asso- ciate in the conspiracy before the senate itself, all tend to show the opinion of the public respecting his secret movements, as well as his own actual participation in the daring attempt of Catiline. Sallust, B. C 49, seqq. Pint. Vit. Cic. 20. Id. Vit. Caes. 7, seqq. CAESAR, Lucius Julius, enjoyed the consulship with C. Figulus, A. U. C. 689. His sister was married to Lentulus the accomplice of Catiline, notwithstanding which relationship he gave his opinion in the senate, in favour of that individual's being put to death. ' He was uncle also to Mark Antony the triumvir, the latter being his sister's son by a former marriage, previous to her union with Lentulus. Cic. Or. in Cat. 4, 6. Pro Muren. 34. Ep. ad Fam. 10, 28. CAESAR, Lucius, a young Roman, who, though related to Julius Cae- sar, attached himself nevertheless to the party of Pompey. He was the son of Lucius Caesar, who had been one of Caesar's lieutenants in the Gallic war. Cicero calls him in one of his letters to Atticus, " not a man, but an untied broom," intending by this proverbial form of expres- sion to indicate a person of no value whatever. When Caesar was marching toward Utica after the battle of Thapsus, he surrendered him- self to that commander, and, according to the author of the commenta- ries on the African war, obtained his life by his own earnest entreaties According to Dio Cassius, however, he was put to death. Caes. Bell. Civ. 1, 8. Bell. Afric. 89. Dio. Cass. 43, IZ.Sueton. Vit. Jul. 75 and Crusius ad loc. CAPITO, Publius Gabinius, a Roman of equestrian rank, whom Cicero calls C'jflb^r. He appears to have been one of the most worthless of 39* 462 HISTORICAL INDEX ;he accemplices of Catiline. He suffered capital punishment along with Lentulus and the rest. Sallust, B. C. 55. CAPITO, Publius Gabinius, a Roman praetor, A. U C. 664, the year when Archias the poet was registered. After returning from his gov- ernment of Achaia, he was accused of extortion by Lucius Piso, and con- demned ; and hence his disgraceful fall destroyed tne credit of his regis. ter, which his previous corruption had greaxly impaired. Cic pro Arch. 5. In Caecil. 20. CAEBO, Caius Papirius, an eminent Roman orator, contemporary with the Gracchi, and the friend of Tiberius, the elder of the iwo. He was concerned in some seditious movements the year that Tiberius was slain, but seems to have changed his sentiments at a subsequent period, for we find him when consul defending L. Opimius, before the people, who had slain Caius Gracchus, the brother of his former friend. He is thought to have been concerned in the death of Publius Africanus. Be- ing accused at length by L. Crassus, consul elect, on account of the part he had taken in the sedition of Tiberius Gracchus, he destroyed himself, by swallowing cantharides, in order to escape from the impend- ing trial. He is spoken of by Cicero, in the oration for Archias, as having proposed, in conjunction with Silvanus, a new law respecting the rights of citizenship. Cic. Brut. 27, 43. Oral. 1, 34. In Verr. 3, 1. Ep. ad, Fam. 9, 21. CASSIUS, Caius, was consul with M. Terentius Varro Lucullus, and not with Gellius, as Manutius maintains (ad. Or. pro Rob. c. 7.) His consulship is to be assigned to A. U. C. 680, the first year of Verres' Sicilian praetorship. He is mentioned by Cicero as having advocated the passage of the Manilian Law. Or. pro L. Manil. 23. Pro Cluent. 49. In. Verr. 1, 23. In. Verr. 3, 41. CASSIUS, Lucius, one of the accomplices of Catiline, and a competitor of Cicero's in suing for the consulship. It is uncertain whether he be the same with the one mentioned in the oration for Cluentius, c. 38. Or. in Cat. 3, 4. CATIUNA, Lucius Sergius, a Roman of patrician rank, and the last of the gens Sergia. Of his father and grandfather little is known. The former would seem to have been in indigent circumstances, from the language of Quintus Cicero, (de Pet. Cons. c. 2,) who speaks of Catiline as having been born amid the poverty of his father. The great-grand- father, M. Sergius Silus, or Silo, distinguished himself highly in the second Punic war, and was present in the battles of Ticinus, Trebia, Trasymenus, and Cannae. Pliny speaks of his exploits in a very anima- ted strain. The cruelty of Catiline's disposition, his undaunted resolu- tion, and the depravity of his morals, fitted him for acting a prominent part in the turbulent and bloody scenes of the period in which he lived. He embraced the interests of Sylla, in whose army he held the office of quaestor. That monster, in his victory, had in Catiline an able coadjutor, whose heart knew no sympathy, and his lewdness no bounds. He re- joiced in the carnage and plunder of the proscribed, gratifying at one time his own private resentments, by bringing his enemies to punishment, and executing at another the bloody mandates of the dictator himself. Many citizens of noble birth are said to have fallen by his hands, and according to Plutarch, he had assassinated his own brother, during the civil war, and now to screen himself from prosecution, persuaded Sylla to put hire HISTORICAL INDEX. 463 down among the proscribed, as a person still alive. He murdered, too, with his own hands, his sister's husband, a Roman knight of a mild and peaceable character. One of the most horrid actions, however, of which he was guilty, would seem to have been the killing of M. Marius Grati^ dianus, a near relation of the celebrated Marius. Sylla had put the name of this individual on the list of the proscribed ; whereupon Catiline en- tered the dwelling of the unfortunate man, exhausted upon his person al the refinements of cruelty and insult, and having at length put an end to his existence, carried his bloody head in triumph through the streets of Rome, and brought it to Sylla, as he sat on his tribunal in the forum. When this was done, the murderer washed his hands in the lustral water at the door of Apollo's temple, which stood in the immediate vicinity. Catiline was peculiarly dangerous and formidable, as his power of dis- simulation enabled him to throw a veil over his vices. Such was his art, that, while he was poisoning the minds of the Roman youth, he gained the friendship and esteem of the severe Catulus. The close of his career is detailed in the pages of Sallust. Being driven from the city by the eloquence of Cicero, he betook himself with a body of fol- lowers to the camp of Manlius in Etruria, and in the action which ensued with the forces of the republic, whose movements had cut him off from all communication with lower Italy, while another army prevented his passage into Cisalpine Gaul, he fell bravely fighting near the Etrurian town of Pistoria. Plin. H. N. 7, 29.Plut. Vit. Syll. c. 32. Id. Vit. Cic. c. 10. Sallust, B. C. c. 56, seqq. CATO, Marcus Porcius, surnamed for distinction' sake, " the Elder," and also " the Censor," was born B. C. 234, at Tusculum, of a family in no respect remarkable. After having passed his earlier years in the country, he came to Rome, through the persuasions of Valerius Flaccus, a nobleman who had an estate contiguous to Cato's. Valerius had heard of Cato through his domestics. They told him that he used to go early in the morning to the little towns in the neighbourhood, and defend the causes of such as applied to him ; that thence he would return to his farm, where, in a coarse frock if it was winter, and naked if it was sum- mer, he would labour along with his domestics, and afterward sit down with them, and partake of their bread and wine. At Rome, CatoV pleadings soon procured him friends and admirers ; and the interest of Valerius likewise greatly assisted him, so that he was at first appointed tribune of the soldiers, and afterward elected quaestor. Among all the more aged senators he attached himself chiefly to Fabius Maximus. He was at first quaestor in Africa, under Scipio Africanus, and afterward praetor in the island of Sardinia, which he brought under the Roman sway. Being elected to the consulship, along with his early friend and patron Valerius Flaccus, he obtained for his province the government of Hispania Citerior, where he greatly signalized himself, and for his suc- cesses in which country he was honoured with a triumph. He was chosen censor, with Valerius again for his colleague, B. C. 184, and discharged the duties of that high office with such inflexible severity, as to obtain from it one of the titles usually appended to his name. Cato occupies a conspicuous place in Roman history for his oostinate perse- verence in insisting on the destruction of Carthage, and is said to have ended every speech, no matter what the subject was, or with what busi- ness tho senate might be engaged, by repeating the well-known phrase, 464 HISTORICAL INDEX. " Censeo quoque Carthaginem esse delendam," or, as it in mor< com- monly given, " Delenda est Carthago.' 1 '' His advice was at last fol wed but the tide of corruption that flowed in upon Rome, when the fuar of her great rival was at an end, shows plainly how feeble, in this respect, were Cato's claims to political sagacity. This distinguished man ended his days B. C. 149, at the age of 85, and at the very moment when the third Punic war had broken out, which ended in the fulfilment of his ong-cherished wish concerning Carthage. As a magistrate, a general, a lawyer, and a public speaker, Cato the censor, merits a high degree of reputation. His rigour and austerity, brought to beai with no less strictness on his own life than on that of others, obtained for him from his countrymen a degree of consideration fully equal to that which he had acquired by the exercise of his talents. He was the inveterate and sworn foe of luxury, and so keenly did he pursue it under all the various shapes which it assumed, as even to cut off the pipes by which-private individuals conveyed water from the public fountains into their houses and gardens, and to demolish all the buildings that projected into the streets. He is well known also for his strenuous opposition to the intro- duction of the fine' arts and the sciences into the capital of Italy, through fear lest the-refinements of Greece and Asia might corrupt the principles of his countrymen. He pressed also the departure of the Greek philos- ophers who had come to Rome as ambassadors from Athens, for he dreaded lest the habit of speaking on both sides of a question, on which Carneades one of the number particularly prided himself, might convert the Roman youth into mere sophists, and render them indifferent to glory and virtue. And yet he himself took up the study of the Greek language at an advanced period of life. Cato, by the universal consent of his contemporaries, passed for the best farmer of his age, and was held un- rivalled for the skill and success of his agricultural operations. He is the author of a work on husbandry, entitled " De Re Ritstica," which has come down to our times, though in a somewhat imperfect state, since Pliny, and other writers allude to subjects as treated of by Cato, and to opinions as delivered by him in this book, which are nowhere to be found in any part of the work as we now have it. In its present state, it resembles merely the loose and unconnected journal of a plain farmer, expressed with rude, sometimes with almost oracular, brevity. It con- sists solely of the driest rules of agriculture, and some receipts for making various kinds of cakes and wines. The most remarkable feature in the work, however, is its total want of arrangement. Cato left also one hundred and fifty orations, which were existing in Cicero's time, though much neglected. They are now lost. Cicero admits, that, if number and cadence, and an easier turn of expression were given to hia sentences, there would be few who could claim the preference to Catg. He wrote also a book on Military Discipline, a good deal of which hag been incorporated into the work of Vegetius. His principal production, however, was an historical treatise in seven books, entitled " Hf Origi- nibus." Its object was to discuss and settle the history and antiquities of the Roman' people, with a view to counteract the influence of the Greek taste, introduced by the Scipios. Only fragments of it remain. He wrote also on Orators and o*. the Medical art. The former of these productions was a treatise addressed to his son, and entitled " De Oratort ad JUium." The work on medicine would appear to have been a sin HISTORICAL INDEX. 46f guiar affair ; and his great object was to decry the compound drugs of the Greek physicians, whom he accuses of having formed a league to poison all the barbarians, among whom they classed the Romans. Cato finding that their patients lived, notwithstanding this detestable conspir- acy, began to regard the Greek practitioners as impious sorcerers, who counteracted the course of nature, and restored dying men to life by means of unholy charms ; and he therefore advised his countrymen to remain steadfast, not only by their old Roman principles and manners but also by the venerable unguents and salubrious balsams, which hao come down to them from the wisdom of their grandmothers. Such as they were, Cato's old medical saws continued long in repute at Rome. Aulus Gellius mentions Cato's " Libri quaestionum epistoiicarum" and Cicero his Apophthegmata, (De Off. 1, 29,) which was probably the first example of that class of works which, under the appellation of Ana, be- came so fashionable and prevalent in France. Cato wrote also a work entitled " Carmen de Morihus." This, however, was not written in verse, as might be supposed from the title. Precepts, imprecations, and prayers, or any set formula whatever, were called Ca.rm.ina,. .Dunlop's Roman Lit. vol. 2, p. 12, seqq. CATO, Marcus Porcius, afterward surname;! in history Uticensis, on account of his having destroyed himself at Utica, was the great-grand- son of Cato the censor. His parents died when he was very young, and he was educated under the roof of his mother's brother, Livius Drusus. He was austere in his morals, a strict follower of the tenets of the Stoic sect, and so great a lover of what was virtuous and right, as to pursue every object of such a nature with undeviating steadiness, regardless of the difficulties which he might have to encounter, or of the dangers to which he might be exposed. Cato exerted himself, though in vain, to stem the torrent of Roman luxury and corruption, and in his own person he copied the simplicity of earlier days. He often appeared "barefooted in public, and never travelled but on foot. In whatever office he was employed, he always reformed its abuses, and restored the ancient reg- alations. To the qualities of a virtuous man, and the rectitude of a stern patriot, Cato added the intrepidity of a brave soldier and the talents of an able general. In the affair of the conspiracy of Catiline, he gave Cicero his constant and vigorous support, and it was chiefly through his efforts, in opposition to those of Caesar, that the accomplices of Catiline were capitally punished. This virtuous Roman put an end to his existence at Utica, after the defeat of Juba and Scipio by Caesar in the battle of Thapsus. Pint. Vit. Cat. Min. CATULCS, Quintus Lutatius, a noble Roman, conspicuous for both his love of country and private virtues. He was the colleague of Marius, in the consulship, when the Cimbri and Teutones came down upon the south of Europe, and he was engaged with that commander in the san- guinary conflict at the Raudii Campi, where the Cimbri were so signally defeated by the Romans. We afterward find him censor with Crassus ; and, subsequently to this, opposing the attempt of Crassus to make Egypt, tributary. Catulus was in politics on the aristocratic side, and was of course a warm opponent of Julius Caesar. He was competitor also with the latter for the office of pontifex, but was unsuccessful in his applica- tion. The character of Catulus stood deservedly tiigh. A stranger to fla'.terv and adulation, he reproved, with equal openness, the levity of tho 466 HISTORICAL INDEX. multitude, and the misconduct ol' the senate. After a Long life of hon- ourable usefulness, Catulus was compelled to put an end to his days, by order of the sanguinary Marius. In order to effect this, he shut himself up in a narrow chamber, newly plastered, and suffocated himself by the va- pour produced by a large fire. Cic. pro Font. 15. Id. pro Muren. 1 7 . Id. Orat. 3, 3. -Pint. Vit. Mar. 14, seqq.-U. ibid. 44. Id. Vit.Crass. 13. CATULUS, Quintus Lutatius, son of the preceding. He obtained the consulship along with Lepidus, B. C. 78, and opposed the views of his colleague who was in favour of rescinding the acts of Sylla. He dedi- cated the new capitol, the old one having been destroyed by fire. Ca- tulus was the first that pronounced Cicero " the father of his country," and it was he who accused Caesar of participation in the conspiracy of Catiline. This is also the Catulus that opposed the passage of the Ma- nilian Law, and of whom Plutarch relates the anecdote which we havo mentionp' 1 under note 17, page 90. His character for patriotism and integrity stood as high as his father's had. Cic. Or. in Cat. -3, 10. Id. in Verr. 4, 31. Id. pro Manil. Leg. 17, seqq. Tacit. Hist. 3, 72. Veil. Paterc. 2, 32. CETHEGUS, Caius Cornelius, a Roman of corrupt morals and turbulent character. He filled at one time the office of tribune, and was also a warm partisan of Sylla, after having originally sided with Marius. Sub- sequently, however, losing the influence which he had possessed, he joined in the conspiracy of Catiline. Cicero informs us, that, in rash- ness and daring, he surpassed Catiline himself, and almost equalled him in strength of body, love of arms, and dignity of birth. In arranging the details of the plot, the conspirators assigned to Cethegus the task of posting himself at the door of Cicero's house, and, after he had forced an entrance, of murdering that illustrious Roman. The vigilance of Cicere frustrated this design. Cethegus was apprehended along with Lentulus and the rest, and strangled in prison. Sallust. B. C. 43. Id. ibid. 46 Cic. Or. in Cat. 3, 3. CICERO, Quintus Tulhus, brother of the orator. He attained to the dignity of praetor, A. U. C. 693, and afterward held a government iu Asia, as pro-praetor, for four years. Quintus returned to Rome at the moment when his brother was driven into exile ; and for some time after was chiefly employed in exerting himself to obtain his recall. Subse- quently to this, we find him serving as one of Caesar's lieutenants in Gaul, and displaying much courage and ability on many trying and im- portant occasions. During the civil war, however, he abandoned the side of Caesar, and espoused the party of Pompey. But, after the battle of Pharsalia, he followed Caesar into Asia, in order to obtain a pardon, and that he might the more easily accomplish this, he throw all the blame of his defection upon his brother the orator. For this purpose, he made it a point in all his letters and remarks to Caesar's friends, to rail at the orator in a most unfeeling and disgraceful manner. At a subsequent period he was proscribed by the triumvirate, and concealed himself at Rome, but was discovered and put to death together with his son. We have remaining, at the present day, the correspondence of Cicero, the orator, with his brother Quintus. The first letter in the collection is one of the noblest productions of the kind that has ever been penned. It is addressed to Quintus on occasion of his government in Asia being pro- onged for a third year. Availing himself of the rights of an elder brother HISTORICAL INDEX. 4G7 as well as of the authority derived from his superior dignity and talents, Cicero counsels and exhorts his brother concerning the due administra- tion of his province, particularly with regard to the choice of his subor- dinate officers, and the degree of trust to be reposed in- them. He earnestly reproves him, but with much fraternal tenderness and affection for his proneness to resentment ; and he concludes with a beautiful ex hortation, to strive in all respects to merit the praise of his contempo- raries, and bequeath to posterity an untainted name. Along with Cicero's letters to Quintus there is usually printed an epistle or memoir, which the latter addressed to his brother when he stood candidate for the con- sulship, and which is entitled " De Petitione Consulates." It gives advice with regard to the measures he should pursue to attain his objec , particularly inculcating the best means to gain private friends and acquire general popularity. But though professedly drawn up merely for the uso of his brother Marcus, it appears to have been intended by the author as a guide or manual, for all who might be placed in similar circumstances. It is written with considerable elegance, and great purity of style, and forms an important document for the history of the Roman republic, as it affords us a clearer insight, than we can derive from any other work now extant, into the intrigues resorted to by the heads of parties to gain the suffrages of the people. We have also remaining a small poem by Quintus Cicero, in twenty-one verses, on the signs of the zodiac, and two epigrams preserved in Burmann's Anthology. He is said to have composed tragedies, which are now lost. Cic. Ep. ail Alt. 5, 3. Id. tbid. 11, 8. Id. ibid. 11, 9. Dio Cassius, 47, 10. Appian. B. C. 4, 20. Bdhr. Gcsch. Rom. Lit. p. 85. Scholl. Hist. Lit. Rom. vol. 2, p. 141. Dunlop. Rom. Lit. vol. 2, p. 493. CINNA, Lucius Cornelius, a Roman nobleman of considerable influence and personal bravery. He was consul with Cn. Octavius, B. C. 91, but was deprived by his colleague of his consular authority, and driven bv him out of the city, because he had by force procured the enactment of several injurious laws. Obtaining possession of the army of Appius Claudius, he declared war on the government, and called to his assistance Marius and other exiles from Africa. Cinna and Marius eventually tri- umphed, Rome opened her gates, and the most cruel excesses were committed by the victors. All the leading men of the party of Sylla were put to death, and their property confiscated. Cinna and Marius then declared themselves consuls, and the latter died on the very first day of his entering upon office. L. Valerius Flaccus succeeded him. In his third and fourth consulships, Cinna had Cn. Papirius Carbo for his colleague, with whom he made preparations for a war against Sylla, who was then engaged in the operations against Mithridates. During the fourth consulship of Cinna, Julius Caesar married his daughter Cor- nelia. Cinna eventually, after raising a powerful armament against Sylla, was slain by a centurion of his own army, a rumour having been spread among his soldiers that he had put Pompey, then quite a young man, to death. Haughty, violent, always eager for vengeance, addicted to debauchery, precipitate in his designs, but nevertheless pursuing them with courage, Cinna had passions that caused him to aspire to tyranny, and but few of those talents that would otherwise have led to it. Florus. 3, 21. Veil. Paterc. 2, 20. Appian. B. C. 1, 64, seqq. Pint. ViL Syll 10. Id. Vit. Mar. II. *G8 HISTORICAL INDEX. CLAUDIUS, Appius, called for distinction' sake " Minor," or " the younger," having a brother of the same name, who was called, for a similar reason, " Major" or " the elder." He was praetor in the year when Archias was registered, and afterward consul with P. Serviliua Isauncus. Cic. pro Arch. 5. Pro Plane. 21. CLODIUS, Publius, a Roman of noble birth, but infamous for the cor- ruption of his morals. Among other offences, he is said to have violated the mysteries of the Bona Dea, by penetrating into the house of Caesar, during their celebration, disguised in female attire. He was led to the commission of this act by a guilty attachment for Pompeia, Caesar's wife. Being tried for this impiety, he managed to escape by corrupting the judges. Clodius caused himself to be adopted into a plebeian family, for the purpose of being elected tribune of the commons, and while hold- ing this office had a number of laws passed, favourable to the people, but contrary to the principles of the Roman constitution. He caused the command of an expedition against Ptolemy, king of Cyprus, to be given to Cato, whom he detested, in the hope that he might fail in this enter- prise, and lose in consequence the credit and influence which he enjoyed at Rome. He cherished also a bitter hatred against Cicero, and pro- cured his banishment from Italy, on the ground that he had violated the laws in the punishment inflicted upon the accomplices of Catiline. He even caused his house to be demolished, and put up his effects at auction, but no one would purchase them. Clodius was eventually assassinated by the retinue of Milo, on an accidental rencontre having taken place between the two, as Milo was journeying towards Lanuvium, his native place, and Clodius was on his way to Rome. Cic. Or. post red. in Sen. Id. pro Dom. Jil. de Har. resp. Id. pro Milone. Id. Ep. ad Alt. 1, 12. Id. ibid. 1, 18. COEPAKIDS, Quintus, a native of Terracina, and accomplice in the conspiracy of Catiline. He was preparing to set out for Apulia, to rouse and arm the slaves against the state, at the time the conspiracy was dis- covered. Having learnt that the plot was detected, he fled from Rome, before the officers, seat by the consuls to apprehend him, arrived at his house, but was afterward taken and strangled in prison. Sallust. B. C. 46. Id. ibid. 55. COTTA, Lucius, the colleague of Lucius Torquatus in the consulship. During his magistracy the capitol was struck by lightning, A. U. C. 688. Cic. de Din. 1, 12. Id. Or. in Cat. 3, 8. CRASSUS, Lucius Licinius, a celebrated Roman orator, highly com- mended by Cicero, who has made him one of the principal interlocutors, in his dialogues de Oratore. He commenced his oratorical career at the sarly age of nineteen, when he acquired much reputation by his accusa- tion of Caius Carbo ; and he not lon^ afterward, greatly heightened his fame, by his defence of the virgin Licinia. Another of the best speeches of Crassus, was that addressed to the people in favour of the law of Servilius Caepio, restoring in part the judicial power to the senate, of which they had recently been deprived, in order to vest it solely in the squites. But the most splendid of all the appearances of Crassus was the immediate cause of his death, which happened A. U. C. 662, a short time before the commencement of the civil wars of Marius and Sylla ; ind a few days after the period in which he is supposed to have borne a >art in the dialogue De Oratore. The consul Philippus had declared. HISTORICAL INDEX. 469 fti one of the assemblies of the people, that some other advice must be resorted to, since, with such a senate as then existed, he could no longer direct the affairs of the government. A full senate-house being imme- diately summoned, Crassus arraigned, in terms of the most glowing eloquence, the conduct of the consul, who, instead of acting as the- polit- ical parent and guardian of the senate, sought to deprive its members of their ancient inheritance of respect and dignity. Being farther irritated by an attempt on the part of Philippus to force him into compliance with his designs, he exerted, on this occasion, the utmost effort of his genius and strength ; but he returned home with a pleuritic fever, of which he died seven days after. This oration of Crassus, followed as it was by his almost immediate death, made a deep impression on his countrymen ; who, long afterward, were wont to repair to the senate-house, for the purpose of viewing the spot where he had last stood, and where he fell, a.s it may be said, in defence of the privileges of his order. Crassus left hardly any orations behind him, and he died while Cicero was still hi his boyhood ; yet that author, having collected the opinions of those who had heard him, speaks with a minute, and apparently perfect intelligence of his mode of oratory. He was what may be called the most orna- mental speaker that had hitherto appeared in the Forum. He was master of the most pure and accurate language, and of perfect eloquence of ex- pression, without any affectation, or unpleasant appearance of previous study. Great clearness of exposition distinguished all his harangues, and while descanting on topics of law or equity, he possessed an inexhausti- ble fund of argument and illustration. In speaking he showed an un- common modesty, which went even the length of bashfulness. This diffidence never entirely forsook him ; and, after the practice of a long life at the bar-, he was frequently so much intimidated in the exordium of his discourse, that he was observed to grow pale, and to tremble in every part of his frame. Some persons considered Crassus, as only equal to Antonius ; others preferred him as the more perfect and accom- plished orator. Crassus possessed a greater acquaintance with literature, and showed off his information to the most advantage. His language was indisputably preferable to that of Antony ; but the action and gesture of Antony were as incontestably superior to thoso of Crassus. Dun- lop's Roman Literature, vol. 2, p. 215, Land. ed. CRASSUS, M. Licinius, a celebrated Roman, surnamed " the Rich," on account of his great opulence. At first he was very circumscribed in his circumstances, but by educating slaves, and selling them for a higli price, he soon enriched himself. Crassus distinguished himself in the war against Spartacus, after which he was chosen consul with Pompey, and on laying down the consulship obtained after a short interval the office of censor. His supposed participation in the conspiracy of Cati- line was probably without any foundation in truth. What purpose could Crassus, in fact, propose to himself, by entering into a plot to burn a city, in which his own property was so considerable 1 The enmity which arose between Cicero and Crassus, in consequence of the alleged guilt of the latter, was so bitter, that, according to Plutarch, it would have shown itself by some act of violence on the part of Crassus, had not his son Publius, who was very intimate with Cicero, prevented him. He even prevailed on his father, eventually, to become reconciled to the orator. Crassus became afterward a member of the first triumvirate ; 40 470 HISTORIC/U. INDKX. and, obtaining Syria for his province, marched against the Parthians, by whom he was defeated and slain. Plul. Vit. Crass. CRASSUS, P. Licinius, held the consulship with Cn. Lentulus Clodi- anus, A. U. C. 656. He was afterward censor, A. U. C. 664, along with L. Julius Caesar, and during his censorship no part of the people were rated This Crassus was father of the preceding. In an ancient inscription his praenomen is given as Marcus. Or. pro Arch. 5. Er- nesti, Ind. Hist. s. \. CCTRIUS, Quintus, a Roman of good family, whose disgraceful ar.d im- moral conduct had caused his expulsion from the senate by the censors. He was connected with the conspiracy of Catiline, but divulged the secret to Fulvia, a female of high rank but corrupt principles, with whom he was intimate. Fulvia communicated the danger which threatened the stato and the lives of the citizens ; and the alarm which this occasioned caused the election of Cicero to the consulship. Cicero subsequently prevailed upon Curius, through the means of Fulvia, to discover to him all the movements of Catiline, and was thus enabled to baffle the schemes of that daring conspirator. In return for these services, rewards were voted him from the public treasury ; but Caesar, whom Curius had named among the conspirators, exerted himself against the fulfilment of the public promise, and the rewards were not given. Sallust. B. C. 23. Pint. Vit. Cic. 11. D. DIDIUS, Titus, a Roman, who although of lowly origin, rose notwith- standing to the highest offices in the state. In his praetorship he tri- umphed over the Scordisci. He was afterward consul, along with Q.. Metellus, A. U. C. 655. Cic. Or. pro Plane. 25. Id. in Pis. 25. DIOGENES, a celebrated philosopher of the Cynic sect, born in the third year of the ninety-first Olympiad, at Sinope, a city of Pontus. He was a pupil of Antisthenes, and perfectly adopted the principles and character of his master. Renouncing every other object of ambition, he deter- mined to distinguish himself by his contempt of riches and honours, and by his indignation against luxury. He wore a coarse cloak ; carried a wallet and a staff; made the porticoes and other public places his habi- tation, and depended upon casual contributions for his daily bread. He practised the most rigid self-control, and the strictest abstinence, expo- sing himself to the utmost extremes of heat and cold, and living upon the simplest diet. He died in the 90th year of his age. Diogenes left be- hind him no system of philosophy. After the example of his master, he was more attentive to practical than theoretical wisdom. Bitfield's Hist. Phil. vol. 1, p. 305, seqq. DRUSUS, Marcus Living, a Roman tribune of the commons, A. U. C 662, who, among other ordinances, proposed a law that the allied states of Italy should be admitted to the freedom of the city. Drusus was a man of great eloquence, and of the most upright intentions ; but endea- vouring to reconcile those whose interests were diametrically opposite, he was crushed in the attempt, being assassinated at his own house, by Quintus Varius, as was thought, and as Cicero expressly states, although other writers omit the name. The states of Italy considered his death as the signal of a revolt, and endeavoured to extort by force, what thev HISTORICAL I.YDEX. 471 could not obtain voluntarily. In other words, the Social war arosn Veil. Paterc. 2, 13, seqq.Liv. Epit. 70. Cic. N. D. 3, 33. ENNIUS, a native of Rudiae, in Calabria, who lived from A. U. C. 515 to 585. He has generally received the glorious appellation oi >Jia Father of Roman song. In his early youth he went to Sardinia ; and, if Silius Italicus may be believed, he served in the Calabrian levies,, which, in the year 538, followed Titus Manlius to the war which he waged in that island, against the favourers of the Carthaginian cause. After the termination of the campaign, he continued to live for twelve years in Sardinia. He was at length brought to Rome by Cato, the censor, who, in 550, visited Sardinia, on returning as quaestor from Africa. At Rome, he instructed the patrician youth in Greek, and acquired the friendship cf many of the most illustrious men in the state. Being distinguished in arms as well as in letters, he followed M. Fulvius Nobilior, during his expedition to Aetolia in 564 ; and in 569 he obtained the freedom of the city, through the favour of Quintus Fulvius Nobilior, the "son of his for- mer patron, Marcus. He was also protected by the elder Africanus. He is said to have been intemperate in drinking, which brought on the disease called Morbus Articularis, a disorder resembling the gout, oi which he died at the age of 70. A bust of the poet was placed on the family tomb of the Scipios. To judge by the fragments of his works that remain, Ennius greatly surpassed his predecessors not only in poeti- cal genius but in the art of versification. By his time, indeed, the best models of Greek composition had begun to be studied at Rome. We find, accordingly, in the works of Ennius, innumerable imitations of the Iliad and Odyssey. It is, however, the Greek tragic writers whom he has chiefly imitated ; and indeed it appears from the fragments which remain, that all his plays were rather translations from the dramas of Sophocles, on the same subjects which he has chosen, than original tra^e- dies. Ennius was also a satirical writer, and the first who introduced this species of composition into Rome. His satires, however, appear to have been merely a kind of cento, made up from passages of various poems, which by slight alterations, were humorously or satirically applied, and chiefly to the delineation of character. It is much to be regretted, that we possess such scanty fragments of these satires, which would have been curious as the first attempts at a species of composition, which was carried to such perfection by succeeding Latin poets, and which has been regarded as almost peculiar to the Romans. But the great work of Ennius, and of which we have still considerable remains, was his An- nals, or metrical chronicles, devoted to the celebration of Roman exploits, from the earliest periods to the conclusion of the Istrian war. These annals were written by him in his old age ; at least Aulus Gellius informs us, on the authority of Varro, that the 12th book was finished by, him in his 67th year. We have, fragments also of some other works of his. On the whole, the productions of Ennius are rather pleasing and inter- esting, as the early blossoms of that poetry, which afterward opened to such perfection, than estimable from their intrinsic beauty. Dunlop't Rom. Lit. vol. 1, p. 84, seqq. 472 HISTORICAL INDEX. F. FALCIUIUS, Caius, a tribune of the commons, who is mentioned in the oration for the Manilian law, as having been appointed to a lieutejiancy the year after he had filled the tribuneship. Or. pro M. L. 19. FLACCUS, Lucius, was one of the praetors during the consulship of Cicero, and arrested, by order of the latter, in conjunction with Caius Pomptinus, the retinue of the Allobrogcs, at the Mulvian bridge. He was also military tribune, under P. Scrvilius, in Cilicia, and quaestoi with M. Piso in Spain. We have an oration remaining, which Cicero delivered in his behalf, when he was accused of extortion in his govern- ment of Asia, by D. Laelius. He had ob'.ained this government after going through the quaestorship at home. Or. in Cat. 3, 2. Pro Place.. 1, &c. FI.ACCUS, Marcus Fulvius, a man of consular rank, who was charged with the execution of the Agrarian law, proposed by the Gracchi, and who seconded the efforts of Tiberius Gracchus, to procure for all the Italians the rights of Roman citizenship. Having been sent against the Gauls, he defeated them and obtained the honours of a triumph. Four years after this, he was cited by the consul Opimius, along with Tiberius Gracchus, to render an account of his conduct. Flaccus refused to answer the summons, but seized on mount Aventine. Opimius attacked him here, and having put to flight his followers, forced him to take refuge in an old and neglected public bath, where he was slain with his eldest son. Veil. Paterc. 2, 7. Plut. Vit. c. Gracch. FLAMININOS, Titus Qnintius, a celebrated Roman commander, who obtained the consulship A. U. C. 556, before he was thirty years old. Macedonia and the war with Philip fell to his lot. He defeated the enemy on. the banks of the Aous, detached the Achaean league from the party of Philip, and crowned his successes by the victory at Cynosce- phalae, after which the king of Macedon found himself compelled to give freedom to the Greek cities in Europe and Asia. Fiamininus announced this intelligence, kept secret till then, to the multitude assembled at the Isthmian games, and it was received with the loudest acclamations. Fiamininus respected the laws, and adopted the usages and manners of the Greeks, and by this wise course of conduct merited the name of their father and liberator. He was afterward sent as ambassador to the court of Prusias, king of Bithynia, where Hannibal had taken refuge, with a demand that the latter should be put to death, and his prudence and ad- dress contributed not a little to remove from existence a man who had so long been a terror to the Romans. After having held the consular office a second time, Fiamininus was found dead in his bed. Plut. Vit. Flam. FLAVIUS, Cneius, the son of a freedman, but an artful and eloquent man. Livy calls him Caius Flavius, and makes his father's name to have been Cneius, but Caius is given as the true praenomen by Draken- Dorch (ad Liv. 9, 46.) He was scribe to Appius Caecus, the aedile, and published, for the use of the people, an account of the dies fasti, or days on which legal proceedings could be had, which was called from him Jus Flavianum. The people in return made him curule aedile. The mode which he adopted of making the days in question known to all, was to hang up to public view, round the forum, the calendar on white tablets. HISTORICAL INDEX. 473 His elevation was, of course, extremely unpalatable to the patricians, not did his own behaviour toward them at all tend to diminish this feeling. To the great displeasure of the nobles, he performed the dedication of the temple of Concord, and the Ponlifex Maximus was compelled to dic- tate to him the form of words, although he affirmed, that, consistently with the practice of antiquity, no other than a consul, or commander in chief, could dedicate a temple. Livy says, that Flavius owed his ap- pointment to the aedileship to a faction composed of the lowest of 3he people, which had gathered strength during the censorship of Appius Claudius ; for Appius was the first who degraded the senate, by electing into it the sons of freedmen ; and when he found that no one allowed that election to be valid, and that his conduct in the senate-house had not procured him the influence in the city, which it had been his principal object to attain, he distributed men of the meanest order among the dif- ferent tribes, and thus corrupted the assemblies both of the forum and campus Martius. To these men Flavius owed his preferment. Liv. 9, 46. FULVIA, a Roman female of high rank, but corrupt principles, who gave Cicero secret information of all the movements of Catiline's party. Her informant was Curius. Sallust. B. C. 23. Id. ibid. 26. FULVIUS, Marcus. Vid. Nobilior. FURIUS, Lucius, was consul A. U. C. 617, along with Sextus Atilius Serranus. He was distinguished in some degree by a taste for literature, and Cicero remarks of him, " perbene Latine locutus est, et literatim quam celeri." Brut. 28. FURIUS, Publius, one of the accomplices of Catiline, remarkable for his active and daring spirit. He is supposed to be the one to whom Sallust alludes under the epithet Fcsulanus. He fell fighting among the foremost, at the battle of Pistoria, where Catiline was defeated by the forces of the republic. Sallust. B. C. 60. G. GABINIUS, Aulus, a tribune of the commons, who proposed the law by which Pompey was invested with supreme command in the war against the pirates. He appears to have been a man of very corrupt and profli- gate character. For an account of the provisions of this law, consult note 14, page 82 ; and for some remarks respecting the private character of Gabinius, note 20, page 89. Cicero states, that Gabinius was the only one to whom a " supplicatio" had not been allowed. Philipp. 14,8. GABINIUS, Publius, a Roman of equestrian rank, whom Cicero calls Cimber. This individual' appears to have been one of the most worthless among the accomplices of Catiline. He suffered capital punishment with Lentulus and the rest. Or. in Cat. 3, 3.- Sallust. -B. C. 55. GABINIUS, Publius, or, as he is sometimes called, Publius Gabiniua Capito, was praetor A. U. C. 664. After returning from his govern- ment of Achaia, he was accused of extortion by Lucius Piso and con- demned. His disgraceful fall destroyed the credit of his register, which his previous corruption had already impaired. Or. pro Arch. 5. In. Caecil. 20. GALBA, Publius Sulpicius, a Roman senator, who held also at one time the office of Pontifex Maximus. He was a competitor >f Cicero's in* 474 HISTORICAL INDEX. for the consulship, hut did not succeed. Or. in Vcrr 7. De Har, Resp. 6. Ep. ad, Alt. 1, 1. Or. pro Muren. 8. GALBA, Servius Sulpicius, was consul along with Marcus Aemilius Scaurus. Cicero speaks highly of his power, as an orator, in arousing and swaying the feelings of his auditors. He was accused by L. Libo a tribune of the commons, of having cruelly slain a large number of tht/ Lusitani, in his government of Spain, contrary to his own plighted word, and was only acquitted by exciting in his behalf the commiseration of the people. (Consult note 14, p. 120.) He was an ancestor of the emperor Galba. Cic. de Or. 2, 65. Pro Rabir. 7. Brut. 21. Or. 1, 53. Pro Muren. 28. Sueton. Gall. 3. GALLUS, Caius Acilius, an eminent lawyer, highly praised bv Cicero. Brut. 23. Top. 12. Pro Muren. 37. GELLIUS, Lucius, held the censorship, A. U. C. 683, along with Cn. Lentulus, who had also been his colleague in the consulship 681. It was he who declared that a civic crown ought to be "voted to Cicero, for his preservation of the republic. Cic. pro Cluent. 42. Ad Quir. post red. 7. In Pis. 3. GLABRI.O, Manius Acilius, held the consulship A. U. C. 684. He was named as the successor of Lucullus, in the government of Bithynia and Pontus,.and in the management of the Mithridatic war, but was soon after superseded by Pompey. He appears to have been a person of very little military talent, and not very upright in the discharge of his duties as commander. Or. pro. Man. Leg. 9. Brut. 68. GLAUCIA, Caius, a seditious and profligate individual, put to death while holding the praetorship, when Marius and Valerius were consuls.. The senate had passed the usual decree, directing the consuls to see that the republic sustained no injury. Saturninus and Glaucia, who were acting in concert, fled into the capitol, with a number of their followers. Here they were besieged, and at last forced to yield for want of water, the pipes being cut off. When they could hold out no longer, they called for Marius, and surrendered themselves to him upon the public faith. Marius tried every art to save them, but nothing would avail. They no sooner came down into the forum, than they were all put to the sword. Such, at least, is the account of Plutarch. Floras, however, says that the people despatched them with clubs and stones. Cicero indulges in some degree of oratorical exaggeration, when he makes Glaucia to have been put to death by the immediate act of Marius. Plut. Vit. Mar. 30 Cic. Or. in Cat. 3, 6. Pro Rab. t.Fior. 3, 16. GRACCHUS, Tiberius Sempronius, father of Tiberius and Caius Grac chus. He was twice consul, and once censor, aud was distinguished as well for his integrity, as his prudence and superior ability, either in the senate or at the head of armies. He carried on military operations in Gaul and Spain, and met with much success in the latter country. He married Cornelia, daughter of the elder Africanus, by whom he had the Gracchi. Plut. Vit. Gracchorum. Cic. Brut. 20. Prov. Cons. 8. GRACCHI. There were two brothers of this name, Tiberius Gracchus, and Caius Gracchus, sons of Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, and of Cornelia, the daughter of Scipio Africanus Major. Tiberius, the elder, was of a mild and unruffled temper, but Caius, violent and irascible. The object of the two brothers, in succession, was to have the public lands divided among the citizens. Appian says, that the nobles and rich men. HISTORICAL INDEX. 475 partly by getting possession of the public lands, partly by buying up the shares of indigent owners, had made themselves masters of all the lands in Italy, and had thus, by degrees, accomplished the removal of the com- mon people from their possessions. This abuse stimulated Tiberius Gracchus to revive the Licinian law, by which no one could hold more f the civil war, and is not to be confounded with the Marcellus who held the consulship along with Lucius Paullus. Cic. Or. pro Marcell. 4. Ma- nut, ad Ep. ad Fam. 15, 7. MARCELLUS, Marcus, an accomplice and intimate friend of Catiline's. Or. in Cat. 1, 8. MARCELLUS, Marcus Claudius, held the consulship with Servius Sul picius, B. C. 51. He was remarkable for his attachment 'to republican principles, and his uncompromising hostility towards Caesar ; and it was he who proposed to the senate to recall that commander from his province in Gaul. After the battle of Pharsalia, Marcellus went into voluntary exile, and was not pardoned by Caesar until some considerable interval had elapsed, and then only at the earnest intercession of the senate. Tt was on this occasion that Cicero delivered his speech of thanks to Cae- sar. Marcellus, however, did not long survive to enjoy the pardon thus obtained, having been assassinated by an adherent of his, P. Magius Cilo. Consult the concluding note to the oration for Marcellus, page 69. Cic. pro Marc. Ep. ad Fam. 4, 12. Ep. ad Alt. 13, 10. Vol. Max. 9, 11. MARCELLUS, Marcus Claudius, the celebrated opponent of Hannibal mentioned incidentally in the oration for the Manilian law, c. 16. He is famous for the check which he gave Hannibal at Nola, for the capture of Syracuse, and for his subsequent successes against the Carthaginians in southern Italy. He lost his life, by being entrapped into an ambus cade, at the age of 70, and in his fifth consulship. Marcellus was no less celebrated for his private than his public virtues. Liv. 22, 35. Id. 23, 14. Id. 24, 9. Id. 25, 3, &c. MARIUS, Caius, a native of Arpinurn, remarkable for his military tal- ents, but still more for his cruel and vindictive disposition. Having pre- served the state by his bravery, he afterward brought it to the brink of ruin by his reckless and uncompromising violence. In early life he was a ploughman, and wrought for hire. Quitting that employment, he entered the ranks of the army, and distinguished himself under Scipio at the siege and capture of Numantia. From the condition of a com- mon soldier, he rose to the command of the Roman forces, and the of- fice of consul. After bringing the war with Jugurtba to a close, he defeated in two encounters the Teutones and Cimbri, slaying an im- mense number, and taking a vast multitude prisoners. After these victories, his ambitious feelings brought him into collision with Sylla, and a desolating civil war was the consequence. To crush the power of his rival, Sylla marched the troops, which he bad raised to carry HISTORICAL INDEX. 481 on the war against Mithridates, to the Roman capital, and Marius was obliged to flee. In his banishment he underwent uncommon hardships, from which he was in the end released by Cinna's embracing his Inter- ests. He then returned to Rome to satiate his inhuman resentment, and butchered many thousands of the citizens. Tired at last with mur- der and assassination, he and Cinna appointed themselves consuls. But Marius, worn out by infirmities, age, and excessive intoxication, to which he probably had recourse in order to blunt the stings of a guilty con- science, died on the first day of his being invested with the consulship lor the-seventh time. Pint. Vit. Mar. Sallust. B. J. 63. &c. - MAXIMUS, Quintus Fabius, an illustrious Roman, the well-known op- ponent of Hannibal, and styled Cunctator, from having saved his country by his wise delay, and cautious operations.- He is incidentally alluded to by Cicero in thjs oration for the Manilian law, c. 16. Plut. Vit. Fab Max. MKTELLUS, Quintus Caecilius, surnamed Nutnidicus, enjoyed the con- sulship with M. Junius Silanus, B. C. 111. He obtained Numidia as his province, and had nearly brought the war against Jugurtha to a close, by his military talents and incorruptible integrity, when he was removed from the command by the intrigues of Marius. For defeating Jugurtha and desolating Numidia, Metellus received the surname of Numidicus, and according to Eutropius, (4, 27,) a triumph. Sometime after, he was summoned to trial by Saturninus, a tribune, for having refused to' swear to observe the Agrarian law, which this individual had carried by force ; and, although all the good citizens supported him, he went, in order to prevent any commotion, into voluntary exile at Rhodes. Marius pro- nounced sentence of banishment against him, B. C. 1O4 ;, two years after which, however, he was honourably recalled. Sallust. B. J. 30, seqq.Vell. Paterc. 2, 9. Aul. Gell. 17, 2. Vol. Max. 13, 8. Cic pro Arch. 3, &c. METELLUS, Quintus, surnamed Pius, was the son of Metellus Numi- dicus. He served under his father in Numidia, and is alluded to by Sallust in his history of the Jugurthine war. He obtained the consul- ship, B. C. 89, and was sent against Sertorius in Spain. The latter, however, proved far superior to him in talents and activity, though Me- tellus occasionally gained some advantages over him. The surname of Pius was'given him on account of the sorrow he testified at the exilo of his father, and his eager efforts to have him. recalled. Plut. Vit. Sert. 22. Veil. Paterc. 2, 1, &c. Sallust. B. J. 64. METELLUS, Quintus, surnamed Creticus, was consul B. C. 70, along with Q. Hortensius. On the expiration of his consulship, he obtained, as pro-consul, the island of Crete for his province, and reduced it be- neath the Roman sway, for which he obtained the surname above men- tioned. He was honoured besides this with a triumoh, notwithstanding the opposition of Pompev. Consult note 2, page 8*3. Sallust. B. C. 17. Veil. Paterc. 2, 34. Cic. Or. in Verr. 1, 9. Pro Place. 13. Ep. ad Alt. 1, 19. MITHRIDATES, a celebrated king of Pontus, in Asia Minor, surnamed Eupator, and the seventh in succession. He was distinguished for his personal bravery arTd military talents, and for the long resistance which he made to the armies of Rome. At last, however, being deserted by his allies, betrayed by his soft Pharnaces, and frequently defeated by the 41 482 HISTORICAL IJtDEX. Romans, he was, at his own request, slain by a Gaul, that he might not fall into the hands of his enemies. The constitution of this monarch was so fortified by antidotes, of many of which he is said to have been the inventor, that the strongest and most active poisons had no effect upon him. The true form of the name appears to be Mithradales, th root being the appellation of the solar deity among the Persians, i. -. Mithras or Mithra. Custom, however, has sanctioned the other forn . Appian. Bell. Mithrid.Plut. Vit. Lucull.Id Vit. Syll., &c. MUMMIUS, Lucius, surnamed Achaicus, from his overthrow of tha Achaean league, and reduction of Southern Greece, was consul, E. C. 146. . He was sent into the Peloponnesus, againstthe Achaeansdefeated their general Diaeus, put an end to the famous league which bore then name, took and burnt Corinth, and reduced the whole of Southern Greece to a Roman province under the name of Achaia. He received the honours of a triumph, and the surname above mentioned. MummiuR is celebrated for his disinterestedness, and his ignorance of the fine arts. He would not enrich himself with the spoils of Corinth ; while so littlo acquainted was he with the value of paintings and statues and other masterpieces of art obtained from the captured city, as to enjoin upon those who were to convey them to Rome, that they should supply their places by others at their own expense, in case these were lost f/or.2, l6.-Vell. Paterc. 1, 13. Plin. H. N. 34, 7. Id. ibid. 37, 1. Pausan. 7, 24. M-UNATIUS, Titus, one of the associates of Catiline, described by Cicero as -of dissolute habits, and deeply involved in debt. Or. in Cat. 2,2. MURENA, Lucius Licinius, an eminent Roman general, who com- manded one of the wings of the army of Sylla, in the battle with Arche- laus, general of Mithridates, near Chaeronea, B. C. 87. Sylla, shortly after this, having made an armistice with Mithridates, returned to Rome, leaving Murena in command of the Asiatic forces. This officer, pretend- ing ignorance of the treaty, which had only been orally made between Sylla and. Mithridates, invaded the territory of that monarch, and took and plundered Comana ; but was subsequently defeated by Mithridates, and compelled to retire into Phrygia. These contests form in history what is termed the second Mithridatic war. Murena subsequently obtained a triumph at Rome, which, in the opinion of historians, was granted him by Sylla for no other reason than to match it against the trophies raised by Mithridates. His movements in Asia certainly do not appear to have entitled him to one. Appian. B. M. 63, seqq, MURENA, Lucius Licinius, son of the preceding, was one of the lieutenants of Lucullus in Asia, and distinguished himself in the war against Mithridates. Not long after he stood candidate for the consul- ship, and was successful in his application, but was accused of bribery. Cicero defended him, and succeeded in procuring his acquittal. Or. pro Muren. MURENA, Caius Licinius, brother of the Murena whom Cicero defended. He was governor of Transalpine Gaul when Catiline's conspiracy broke out, and secured a number of the malcontents, who were endeavouring to excite commotions in his province. Sallust. B. C. 42. HISTORICAL IMDEA. 483 N. NATTA, Lucius, a member of the old Pinarian line, and step-son to Murena. He is praised by Cicero, in his oration->for that individual ; but far different language is used by the orator concerning him, in one of his letters to Atticus. Natta, it seems, subsequently to the period of Cicero's pleading for Murena, was Pontifex Maximus, and dictated the form of words, when Clodius consecrated, for the erection of a temple, the ground on which Cicero's house had stood. Or. pro Mwren. 35. Ep. ad Alt. 4, 8. NAEVIUS, Cnaeus, a native of Campania, and the first imitator of the regular dramatic works which had been produced by Livius Andronicus. He served in the first Punic war, and his earliest plays were represented at Rome A. U. C. 519. The names of his tragedies are still preserved, and a few fragments of the pieces themselves. He was accounted, however, a better comic than tragic poet. Naevius, unfortunately, indulged, in the course of his productions, in personal and offensive sarcasms against some of the most distinguished patricians of the day. The Metelli, in particular, were the objects of his satire and retaliated upon the poet by having him thrown into prison. Here he wrote some comedies, which were intended, in some measure, as a recantation of his former invectives, and he was accordingly "liberated. But relapsing soon after into his former courses, and continuing to persecute the nobility in his dramas and satires with implacable dislike, he was at length driven from Rome by their influence, and having retired to Utica, died there, according to Cicero in the year 550 ; but Varro fixes his death -somewhat later. Besides his comedies, Naevius was also author of the Cyprian Iliad, a translation from a Greek poem, called the Cyprian Epic. He likewise wrote a metrical chronicle, relating chiefly to the events of the first Punic war. Dunlop, Rom. Lit. vol. 1, p. 74; seqq. NICOMEIJES, king of Bithyma, and the third of the name, succeeded his father, Nicomedes 2d, B. C. 92. He was at first dethroned by Socrates, his brother, and then by Mithridates, who protected Socrates. The Romans, however, re-established him in his dominions. Having in his turn attacked the king of Pontus, he was defeated, and driven once more from his dominions, but was replaced upon the throne by Sylla. He governed for the space of ten years after this, and then died without issue, leaving the Roman people his heirs. Appian. B. M. Floras. 3, 5. Justin. 38, 3. Sueton. Vit. Jill. 2. Veil. Paterc. 2, 4. NOBILIOR, Marcus Fulvius, was praetor in Spain, A. U. C. 558, and carried his arms as far as the Tagus, making himself master of Toletum, until then regarded as impregnable. Being appointed to, the consulship in the year 565, he was intrusted with the war in Greece. Having with the aid of the Epirots taken the city of Ambracia, considered as the key of the neighbouring country of Aetolia, he compelled the Aetolians to sue for peace, which was only granted them on condition of their giving up to the Romans all the cities and territories, which they had conquered since the consulship of Flarnininus ;, of paying the expenses of the war ; of sending forty hostages, and of engaging to have no other friends and enemies than those of Rome. Two years after this, he was accused before the senate of having inflicted injuries on the allies of the Roman people, but his only reply to the charge was to demand a supplicatw and 484 HISTORICAL INDEX. triumph, which were actually awarded him. He was appointed censor, A. U. C. 575, with Aemilius Lepidus, his mortal enemy, and consented for the good of the state to become reconciled to him. Liv. 33, 42. -Id. 35, 7. Id. 37, 3, &c. O. OCTAVIUS, Cneius, a partisan of Sylla's, who held the consulship A. U. C. 667, and drove out his colleague Cinna from the city. Consult note 8, page 34. OPIMIUS, Lucius, a Roman nobleman, who held the consulship with C. Fabius Maximus Allobrogicus,%nd who, while in that office, over- powered Caius Gracchus, the advocate of the Agrarian law. No fewer than three thousand persons were slain on this occasion, according to Plutarch, and along with Gracchus perished M. Fulvius Flaccus, a man of consular dignity. Opimius subsequently allowed himself to be bribed by Jugurtha, and being brought to trial for this offence, was condemned, and went into banishment at Dyrrhachium, where he died in great pov- erty. The name of this individual has also descended to later times in another way. The wine made during his consulship was remarkable for having attained to a very great age, and was called Vinum Opimianurn. There appears to have been an uncommon vintage during the year in which he was consul. Cicero states that he tasted some Opimian wine seventy-five years after ; and Pliny informs us, that it was still to be found when he wrote, at the distance of two hundred years, and that it had the appearance of candied honey. Cic. pro Plane. 69. Pro Sezt. l22.Sallust. B. J. IQ. Vell. Paterc. 2, Q.Plut. Vit. Gracck. 17. Plin. H. N. 14, 4. Henderson's Hist. Anct. and Mod wines, p. 69, seqq. OTHO, Lucius R'nsc >us, was tribune of the commons during the con- sulship of Cicero, aiiJ had a law passed by which seats were set apart for the equites at the public spectacles. On his appearance in the thea- tre, after this ordinance had been made, a serious disturbance ensued, the knights applauding, and the people hissing him : Cicero, on being informed of the tumult, hastened to the spot, and, calling out the people to the temple of Bellona, he so calmed them by the magic of his elo- quence, that, returning immediately to the theatre, they clapped their hands in honour of Otho, and vied with the knights in giving him demon- strations of respect. Plut. Vit. Cic. Dunlop. Rom. Lit. vol. 2, p. 332 P. PAULLUS, Lucius Aemilius, more commonly called Panllus Aemilius, a celebrated Roman commander, was the son of L. Aemilius Paullus, who was slain at Cannae. He rendered himself famous by his victories, and was surnamed Macedonians, from his conquest of Macedonia. He distinguished himself, from early youth, by his zeal for military discipline, and it was to his valour and skill that the Romana owed the great suc- cess vhich attended their arms in Spain, during his praetorship, B.-C. 190, when he was employed in reducing some of the revolted tribes of that country. Being elected consul, B. C. 182, he reduced the Ligu- rians, and obtained a triumph. Having failed, however, in a second pplication for the consulship, he for a long time renounced public affairs HISTORICAL INDEX. 485 entirely, and turned his attention to the education of his children. But in the year 168, B. C., he was, almost in spite of himself, elected consul a second time, and was sent against Perses, king of Macedonia. Al- though now sixty years of age, he nevertheless prosecuted the war with the greatest vigour, and, at the decisive battle of Pydna, destroyed the power of Perses, and overthrew the empire of Mace'don. His triumph, at Rome, was a most brilliant one, and not the least remarkable object in it was Perses himself, led along as a prisoner, and accompanied by the members of his family. The conquest of Macedonia enriched the Roman treasury to such a degree, that the people were exempted from taxation, and continued so until the .consulship of Hirtius and Pansa Paullus Aemilius alone remained poor in the midst of so much wealth, having merely appropriated to his own use the library of the fallen mon- arch. Elevated some time after to the dignity of censor, he conducted himself in that office with the greatest moderation. His death, which happened B. C. 158, was the signal for general mourning, not only among the Romans, but the inhabitants also of the countries which he had con- quered. Paullus Aemilius had by his first wife Papiria, whom he sub- sequently repudiated, two sons, one of whom was adopted into the Fabian family, and the other by the son of Aftjcanus Major. By his second wife he had two other sons, the sudden death of whom gave the Romans a strong proof of the firmness of his character. He saw the elder one expire five days before his triumph, and the younger three days after. Plul. Vil. Paul. Aemil.Lir). 34, 45. Id. 35, 10. Id. 37, 46 Id. 39, 32, &c. PAULLUS, Lucius, mentioned in the oration for Murena, c. 14, the same with the preceding. PERPERNA, Marcus, a Roman proscribed by Sylla. He passed, upon this into Spain, and became one of the lieutenants of Sertorius, but be- coming jealous of the glory of that commander, and irritated at playing only a secondary part himself, he conspired against him and assassinated him at a banquet. Being taken prisoner after this, he was put to death by Pompey. Plut. Vit. Sert. Veil. Paterc. 2, 30. PERSES, king of Macedonia. He was the son of Philip V., by a con cubine, and therefore inferior to Demetrius, the legitimate son of tha' monarch. By a false accusation, however, he induced the monarch ti. put Demetrius to death. Philip, on being informed of the truth, re- solved to disinherit Perses, and secure the crown to his younger son Antigonus ; but his own death, which happened soon after, frustrated his design. One of the first acts of Perses, on coming to the. throne, was to put Antigonus to death, both because he had been intended aa successor to Philip, and because it was through him that the innocence of Demetrius was made known. Becoming involved, however, in war with the Romans, he was conquered, and stripped of his kingdom by Paullus Aemilius, who ed him in triumph through the streets of Rome. He was afterward sent as prisoner to Alba, where he ended his days.' The Romans treated him with more kindness than he deserved, allowing him to retain his attendants, money, &c. With Perses' fell the Mace- donian empire. He was the twentieth monarch, reckoning in succession from Caranus, the first king of the country. Liv. 31, 28. Id. 38, 5. Id. 39, 23. Justin. 32, 2. Id. 33, 12. Veil. Paterc. 1, 9, seqq. Tacit Ann. 4, 55. Florus. 2, 12. Plut. Vit. Paull. Aeiml 41* 486 HISTORICAL liNDEX. PHILIPPOS, Lucius, a distinguished Roman orator, considered tne best of his time after Crassus and Antonius. In applying for the consulship, ho was defeated by M. Herennius, a man of low origin and inferior char- acter. He afterward, however, obtained the consulate in conjunction with Sextus Julius Caesar. In his consulship, he opposed the proceed- ings of the tribune Drusus, and sided with the equites. Mention has already been made, under the article Crassus, of his having inveighed against the senate, and been replied to with great power and eloquence. by that orator. Cic. Brut. 30. Pro Rabir. 7. Or. 1, 7. Or. 3, 1. Pro Maml. L. 21, &c. PHILIPPUS, the 5th of the name, king of Macedonia, became embroiled in a war with the Romans, by allying himself to Hannibal, who was then in Italy. The consul Laevinus was charged with the war against htm, and having surprised him near Apollonia, caused him to flee, and de- stroyed his fleet by fire. This defeat was followed by a peace of but short continuance. The Romans having learnt that Philip had furnished succours to Hannibal, declared war anew against him, a contest which is known in history as the second Macedonian war, the previous one hav- ing been H,he first. Philip lost successively the battles of Astacus, Aous, and Cynoscephalae, the last of which was decisive in its nature, and compelled him to sue for peace. This was only granted him on the most humiliating conditions. Domestic sorrows came to increase the chagrin occasioned by these disasters. The merits of Demetrius, one of his sons, excited the jealousy of Perses, his eldest offspring, but ille- gitimate in origin. Perses accused the young prince to his father of having designs on the crown. Philippus lent a credulous ear to the charge, and destroyed Demetrius by poison. But he soon became con- vinced of the treachery of Perses, and to punish him, resolved to bestow the crown on Antigonus, his younger son, when a sudden death carried him off, and frustrated his well-meant intention. He ended his days, B. C. 179, in the 42d year of his reign, and was succeeded by Perses. Liv. 22, 33. Id. 24, 40. Id. 26, 22. Id. 27, 30, &c.Val, Max. 4, 8. Justin. 23, 3. Id. 29, 1, &c. Pint. Vit. Flamin. Pausan. 7. 8. Oros. 4, 20. PHILUS, Lucius Furius, a Roman distinguished for the advances he had made in learning and philosophy. Consult note 18, page 123, and compare Cic. de Am. 4, 7, 19. Piso, Caius Caipurnius, Cicero's son-in-law. He neglected the quaestorship of Pontus and Bithynia, in order to have more time to de- vote to the interests and safety of his father-in-law. He is praised as a good speaker, in the Brutus, 78. Compare Or. ad Quir. post red. 3. In Senat. 15. Piso, Cneius, a Roman of good family, but profligate and needy. The urgency of his wants, uniting with the depravity of his disposition, insti- gated him to any measures, which had for their object the convulsion of the state, as the only remedy which could free him from his difficulties and embarrassments. He readily entered into the conspiracy of Cati line, and, in the execution of the plot, he was to be at the head of an army to hold the Spaniards in subjection. The design transpired, and necessarily prevented its execution. Soon after, although only quaestor, he obtained the government of Hither Spain, with the authority of pro- praetor, by the interest of Crassus, who wished to set him up in opposi- HISTORICAL INDEX. 487 t.on to Pompey. The senate assented, in order to have so dangerous a ciit'/en at a distance front the seat of government. Some of the Span- ish cavalry, however, who formed part of his train, assassinated him soon after his arrival in that country. Sallust. B. C. 18, seqq. PLOTICS, Lucius, a Roman poet, contemporary with Marius, whose praises he sang. He is supposed by some to be the same with the Plotius who was born at Lugdunum, and who was the first that taught rhetoric at Rome in the Latin language. In this he was very successful, and had Cicero among his hearers. Or. pro Arck.9. Sueton. Clar. Kkd. V. Quinl'd. 2, 4, 42. 11. 9, 3, 143. POMPKIUS, Cneius, son of Cn. Pompeius Strabo, and the well- known opponent c.f Caesar. His earlier movements, down to the period of the Mithridatic war, have been so fully detailed in the notes to the oration on the Manilian law, as not to need recapitulation here. A sketch of his character will be found in the dialogue on the life and writings of Cicero. POMPEIUS, Quintus, surnamed Nepos, an individual of humble origin, the son, according to Plutarch, of a flute-player. He attained, however, to the highest honours of the state, and was consul, A. U. C. 612, and afterward censor with Metellus Macedonians. Or. pro Muren. 7. In Verr. 5, 70. de Off. 3, 30. Brut. 76. Plutarch. Apophth. r 200. (Op. cd. Reiske, vol. 6, p. 755.) POMPTINUS, Caius, a praetor during Cicero's consulship. He was one of the officers appointed by the latter to arrest the Allobrogian ambassa- dors and their retinue. On the expiration of his praetorship, Pomptinus obtained the government of Gallia Narbonensis, defeated the Allobroges, who had revolted, and reduced their country to tranquillity, for which he was honoured with a triumph. Cicero employed him as one of his lieu* tenants in the government of Cilicia, where he distinguished, himself by his bravery. SaUust. B. C. 45. Cic. Or. in Cat. 3, 2. Pro Flacc. 40. de prov. Cons. 13. Die Cassius, 37, 47. Id. 39, 65. Ep. ad Fam. 15, 4, &c. POSTOMIUS, Cneius, one of the assistant accusers (subscriptores) against Murena, and an unsuccessful applicant for the praetorship in the consulate of Cicero. Or. pro Muren. 27. PUBLICIUS, one of the dissolute companions of Catiline. Or. in Cat. 2.2. R. Roscius. Vid. Otho. Roscius, Quintus, a celebrated Roman actor, from his surname Gallus supposed to have been a native of Gaul, north of the Po, although edu- cated in the vicinity of Lanuvium and Aricia. His acting is highly com- mended by Cicero, who, according to Plutarch, studied the art of gestic- ulation under him. Valerius Maximus informs us, that Roscius prac- tised with the utmost care the most trifling gesture which he was to make in public, and Cicero relates, that, though the house of this actoi was a kind of school where good performers were trained, yet Roscius declared that he never had a pupil with whom he was completely satis- fied. Roscius died about 62 B. C. Cic. pro Q. Rose. 7.N. D. 1, 23 Utvin. 1, 36. Pro Arch. 8. Fa/. Max. 8, 7.Macrob. 2, 10. 488 HISTORICAL INDEX. S. S, Lucius, a tribune of the commons, and violent partisan of Marius, who abetted him in his numerous misdeeds. It was Satur- uinus who proposed the agrarian law, for refusing to take the oath pre- scribed by which, Metellus was sentenced to banishment. He it was also that hired assassins to" take away the life of Caius Memmius, when the latter was seeking the consulship B. C. 102. Memmius fell u ne'er repeated strokes by the bludgeons of these miscreants, in open assembly ; and the motive of Salurninus in causing the deed to be perpetrated wae an apprehension lest Memmius wonld oppose him in his evil career. At last, however, strong measures were taken against him. He was driven into the capital with his adherents (vid. Glauciii) where he was com- pelled to Surrender. On coming down into the forum he was put to death. Pint. Vit. Mar. 30. Or. in Cat. 4, 2. Or. in Cat. 1, 2. SCAURUS, Marcus Aemilius, a Roman nobleman, of great ability, who held the consulship with M. Caecilius Metellus, B. C. 116. He tri- umphed over the Carni ; and made the road from Placentia to Parma, hence called the Aemilian Way. He had the honour of being appointed Princeps Senatus, and would have ranked in history with the very first characters of the Roman state, had not his splendid talents been tarnished by cupidity. Pliny agrees with Sallust in giving the unfavourable side of the picture. On the other hand, Cicero highly extols his virtues, abilities, and achievements. It is more than probable, that Sallust endeavours to depreciate the merits of Scaurus, because the latter was a member, and strong advocate for the power, of the nobility ; while Cicero, on the other hand, strives for this same reason to exalt his character. The truth undoubtedly lies between either extreme. Scaurus afterward held the office of censor, and the consulship a second time. His name often occurs in the writings of Cicero, who speaks in great praise of a work of his, in three books, recording the principal occurrences and transactions of his life. The orator considers it equal to Xenophon's Cyropaedia. Sallust. B. J. 15. Cic. de Of. 1, 22. Brut. 29. Plin. H. N. 33, 1. Quintil. 5, 12. Vol. Max. 3, 7, 8. Cic. pro Muren. 7. SCIPIO, Publius Cornelius, surnamed Africanus Major, the celebrated conqueror of Hannibal, in the battle of Zama. He is only alluded to Incidentally by Cicero, in the course of this volume. SCIPIO, Publius Cornelius, surnamed Aemilianus from having been the son of Paullus Aemilius, adopted into the Scipio line. 'He is also Known by the additional agnomen of Africanus Minor, from his having destroyed the city of Carthage, which ended the third Punic war. He was likewise the conqueror of Numantia. SCIPIO NASICA, Publius Cornelius, son of Scipio Nasica, surnamed Corculum, and grandson of the Nasica, who was pronounced the mosl virtuous man in Rome. He held the consulship with D. Brutus, A. U. C 615, and had a very stormy period, having come into collision with the tribunes of the commons, and been imprisoned by them along with hi* colleague. His private character stood so high in the estimation of the people, that he was the first and probably the only Roman ever chosen Pontifex Maximus without being present at the time of election. While holding this latter dignity, he took an active part against the operations of the Gracchi, and headed the body of the nobility b\ whom Tibenus HISTORICAL INDEX. 489 was slain. Some even ascribed the death of the tatter to Nasica's own hand. The partisans of the aristocracy exalted the deed, while their opponents regarded it as nothing else but an act of open murder. So highly was the fury of the multitude excited, that Nasica could no longer appear in public without being exposed to their invectives and even menaces. A public prosecution was threatened, and as sovereign pontiff also he was regarded by his enemies as having been guilty of sacrilege. The senate, justly alarmed for a man, whom they considered a benefactor to the stale, found themselves obliged to remove him from Italy This again was a violation of the pontifical duties, since no pontifex maximus could ever leave Italy. Nasica was sent, however, into Asia, under the pretext of appeasing seme troubles which had been excited in Pergamus by Aristonicus. He did not live long in this honourable exile, but died of chagrin A. U. C. 622. Cicero bestows on him the highest eulogiums, and declares that the best citizens regarded hiitf as the deliverer of his country. Velleius Paterculus also praises him for having preferred the interests of his country to the ties of consanguinity, Tiberius having been his own cousin. Cic. Brut. 22. Or. in Cat. 1, 1. Pro Dom. 34. De Am. 12. De Off. 1, 22.^-Pro Place. 3l.Liv. Epit. 55.Plin. H. N. 7, 12. Val. Max. 9, 14, 3. Veil. Paterc. 2, 3, 1. SCIPIO, Lucius Cornelius, surnamed Asiaticus, elder brother of Afri- canus Major, enjoyed during life a degree of glory, which appears to have been i:i reality but little more than a reflection from the brilliant character of the conqueror of Hannibal. According to Polybius, Lucius Scipio was not a favourite with the people, but the historian is silent respecting the cause. He served under his brother in Spain, and the tender union which existed between them, does more honour perhaps even to the elder than the younger brother, since it shows how little susceptible the heart of Lucius was of any feeling of jealousy, toward one so far his superior although younger in years. After distinguishing himself in Spain, he obtained the praetorship A. U. C. 561, (B. C. 194,) and the consulate A. U C. 564. In this latter magistracy he was sent against Antiochus, the senate having given him the charge of this war, on his brother Afri- canus promising to go with him as his lieutenant. Africanus, however, soon after .his arrival in Asia, was taken ill ; or more probably, being desirous not to rob his brother of any share in the glory-which he per- ceived was to be easily won against the present enemy, he affected indis- position, and remained at a distance from the camp. Lucius, thus left alone to command the Roman army, advanced against the king, attacked him in the post he had chosen, and in a decisive victory, dispersed his numerous forces. This battle ended the war, and Lucius on his return was honoured with a triumph and the surname of Asialicus. After the death of Africanus, he was violently assailed by some of the tribunes of the commons, particularly Cato and Petilius, and charged with having- extorted, or else received, for his own private benefit, large sums of money from Antiochus and his subjects. In vain he protested his inno- cence ; he was fined four millions of sesterces, ordered to be led to prison, and was now in the act of being conducted thither, when Sempronius. Gracchus, the father of the Gracchi, who was then tribune, interposed his authority, and obtained his release. His effects, however, were sold, but the comparatively small sum obtained from them was a triumphant answer to the charge made against him. After this, the conqueror of 490 HISTORICAL INDEX. Antiochus passed nto the obscurity of private life, until at last he wag sent as arbitrator to settle a difference which had arisen between Eurrre- nes and Seleucus. On his return, the people, ashamed of their former severity, bestowed such recompenses upon him, that he was enabled, at his own expense, to celebrate games in honour of his victory over Antio- chus. The year of his death is unknown. Or. pro Muren. 14. De prov. cons. 8. Brut. 47. Phil. 11, l.Plin. H. N. 33, 11. Lit. 37, 58. Id. 38, 55. Id. 39. 44. SERTOklus, Quintus, a celebrated Roman commander. He distin- guished himself at first at the bar, but soon .quitted this profession to follow the career of arms. Sertorius made his first campaign under Caepio, against the Cimbri and Teutones, and acted against the same enemy, under Marius. Entering Rome, at a subsequent period, with this latter commander, he could not but condemn his conduct, when he saw him fill the city with carnage and desolation. The acts of Sylla, in like manner, met with his severest censure. Proscribed by this latter indi- vidual, he fled to Spain, about 78 B. C., and maintained his authority for a long time in that country by his valour and address. Here he soon found himself surrounded by a numerous body of Romans, whom the cruelty of Sylla had driven from home. In imitation of the government established at Rome, he formed a senate out of these illustrious exiles, and presided over it in capacity of consul. Every effort was also made by him to civilize the native tribes, public schools were established, and the young Spaniards of the higher class of families were instructed in all the arts of Greece and Rome. In order to strengthen his ascendancy over the lower orders, he called in the aid of superstition, and pretended to have, in a white fawn, which he said had been given him by Diana, a sure means of cornmunieatioh with the gods, and the organ of their will. The Romans, alarmed at the progress made by Sertorius, exerted their utmost endeavours to overthrow his r <>wer. Four armies, however, sent in succession against him, were defeated, and even Pompey himself had birt little of which to boast. Metellus also, who had been despatched to co-operate with. Pompey found himself foiled and baffled, and though after uniting their forces, they succeeded in defeating Sertorius at Sagun- tum, yet a short time after, he was as powerful and active an opponent as ever. Mithridates, of Pontus, now formed a league with Sertorius, by which 'he engaged to supply him with 3000 talents and forty galleys, and to 'cede to him Bithynia and Cappadocia. Their plan was to attack the empire simultaneously on the east and west. This treaty inspired the Romans with fresh alarm, and the most vigorous efforts were made to crush the enemy in Spain. Private treachery, however, was more successful than their arms, and the assassination of Sertorius by the hand of Perperna, one of his own officers, delivered Rome from one of her most formidable foes. Sertorius merits the greatest praises for his dis- interestedness and love of justice, and in military talents deserves to be ranked above all his contemporaries. Veil. Paterc. 2, 29, seq. Flor. 3, 21. Fa/. Max. 1, 2.Plut. Vit. Sert., &c. SERVILIUS, Caius, Vid. Ahala. SERVILIUS, Publiuf. surnamed Isauricus, from his conquest of Isauria, neld the consulship B. C. 79. He was one of the advocates of tha Manilian law. Or. pro Mtinil. L. 23. In Verr. 1, 21. Agr. 2, 19. SEXTIUS, Publius, was quaestor to the consul Antonius in Macedonia. HISTORICAL INDEX. 491 Sextiua also filled the office of tribune, and while acting in this capacity was very instrumental in procuring Cicero's recall from banishment. An accusation was afterward brought against him, which was in fact a con- sequence of his interposition in favour 'of the illustrious exile ; for, when about to propose his recall to the people, he was violently attacked bj the Clodian faction, and left for dead in the street. His enemies, how- ever, though obviously the aggressors, accused him of vie fence and ol exciting a tumult. Against this charge he was- defended by Cicero in ne of the longest and most elaborate of his harangues ; which has moreover come down to our times. Or. in Cat. 1, 8. Ep. ad Fam. 1, 9. Or. pro Sext. SILANUS, Decimus Junius, held the office of consul with Licinius Murena, B. C. 64. They succeeded Cicero and Antonius. Being con- suls elect, when the case of Catiline and his associates came before the senate, Silanus was asked his opinion first, respecting the punishment of those who had been arrested, and was in favour of their being put to death. Subsequently, however, he embraced the opinion of Tiberius Nero, who was for strengthening the guards and adjourning over the debate to another day. - Sallust. B. C. 50. SILVANUS, the author of the Plautian law. Vid. Legal Index. STATILIUS, Lucius, one of the accomplices of Catiline. Or. in Cat. 3,3. > SYLLA, Lucius Cornelius, a Roman nobleman, who served at first under Marius. His activity and address contributed greatly to bring the Jugurthine war to a successful termination. Marius became, at last, jeal- ous of Sylla's merit, and hence originated that quarrel between them which was productive of the most enormous cruelties, and contributed to the final extinction of Roman liberty. Being sent to Asia, to restrain the power of Mithridates, though under a different pretext, he proved him- self both a brave soldier and an able general. On his return, he. dis- played his military talents to great advantage in the Social war. So strongly were his soldiers attached to him, that when two tribunes were sent to take command of his army, and give it to Marius, they stoned them to death. Marius, in revenge, put Sylla's friends in the city to the sword, upon which the latter marched to Rome, and compelled Marius to flee. The horrid proscription now began. A price was set upon the head of Marius, but he effected his escape. Sylla then set out against Mithridates, defeated his armies vmder different generals, and concluded a peace with him on very advantageous terms. Marius and Cinna rrav- ing butchered many of Sylla's friends at Rome, he returned to Italy to avenge their deaths. On his arrival, his conduct was marked by clem- ency and moderation ; but no sooner were his enemies wholly within his power, than he committed the most enormous and barbarous acts of cruelty. To aggrandise himself, to exalt the patricians,- and to glut his desire of revenge upon his enemies, induced Sylla to assume the reins of absolute government. He corrected the abuses introduced by popular and unprincipled demagogues, restored the ancient laws, and enacted many that were salutary and beneficial. Still, tyranny marked his whole conduct, and rendered his administration a scene of terror, by his per- sonal enmities and insufferable despotism* Desire of revenge was a stronger passion in the mind of Sylla than love of power. After glutting his vengeance with the blood of thousands, and governing with despotic 492 HISTORICAL INDEX. authority for three years, he resigned the reins ol power, and lived un- disturbed as a private citizen. He died in great torment of the morbus pedicularis, in the 60th year of his age, about 78, B. C. The perpetual intoxication to which he had recourse, to avoid the horrors of a guilty conscience, contributed to has'ten his death. Plut. Vit. Syll. SYLLA, Cornelius Faustus, son of the preceding, followed the party of Pompey, joined Cato in Africa after the battle of Pharsalia, and was put to death by Caesar after the battle of Thapsus. Liv. Epit. 114. Cic. in Vat. 23. Plin. If. N. 19, I. SULPICIUS, Caius, held the praetorship while Cicero was consul. Or. in Cat. 3, 3. SDLPICIUS, Servius, an eminent Roman lawyer, the accuser of Mu- rena, and his competitor in suing for the consulship. He was afterward consul with M. Marcellus, and on laying down this office obtained the government of Achaia. In the civil contest he sided with Caesar. We have an elegant epistle of his remaining, in which he seeks to console Cicero for the loss of his daughter Tullia. Or. pro Muren. 3. Ep. ad Fam. 8, 6. Ibid. 4, 3, seq. Ep. ad Alt. 9, 19, &c. SULPICIUS, Servius, son of the preceding, and one of the assistant accusers of Murena. He was tribune of the commons, A. U. C. 706. Or. pro Muren. T. S, a Greek historian, a native of Mitylene, very intimate with Pornpey, whose life he wrote, and who on his account granted great privileges to the Mityleneans. It was in accordance with the advice of Theophanes, that Pompey betook himself to Egypt, after the battle of Pharsalia. Or. pro Arch. 10. Veil. Paterc. 2, 18. Pint. Vit. Pomp. Tacit. Ann. 6, 18.- TIGRANES, king of Armenia, B. C. 95 60, of the family of Artaxia, and son-in-law of Mithridates the Great. He was defeated by Lucullus, and his capital taken. Tigranes subsequently obtained peace from Pom- pey on the most humiliating terms. Or. pro Manil. L. 2. Vol. Max. 5, 1. Veil. Paterc. 2, 33. Justin. 40, I. Plut. Vit. Lucull.Id. Vit. Pomp. TONGILIUS, one of the dissolute accomplices of Catiline. Or. in Cat. 2, 2. TORQUATUS, Lucius, was consul with Cotta. A. U. C. 689. He oo- tained the province of Macedonia, through the aid of Cicero, and was honoured by the senate with the title of Imperator. Or. in Cat. 3, 8. Agr. 2, 17. In Pis. 19, &e. TP.IARIUS, one of the lieutenants of Lucullus, in the Mithridatic war. Being informed, on one occasion, of the approach of Lucullus, and being desirous of seizing the victory which he thought perfectly secure, he hazarded and lost a great battle. Above seven thousand Romans were killed, among whom were a hundred and fifty centurions and twenty-four tribunes. Mithridates likewise took his camp. Plut. Vit. Lucull. 35. TUBEEO, Quintus Aelius, nephew on the half-sister's side to Africanus the younger. He was attached to the doctrines of the Stoic sect, and displayed his firmness on one occasion, in deciding against Africanus, when a case in which that illustrious individual was a party, had como HISTORICAL INDEX. 493 before him as judge. He signalized himself also by his zeal against Caius Gracchus, and prepared some harangues against him. Or. pro Mureti. 36. Consult note 20, page 127, and note 3, page 128 U. UMBRENUS, Publius, a freedrnan, who engaged in the conspiracy of Catiline, and endeavoured to prevail opon the ambassadors of the Allo- ftroges to take part in that affair. He was committed to prison on the 4iscovery of the plot, and most probably punished with death. Sallust. B. C. 40. V. VOLTURCIUS, Lucius, one of the accomplices of Catiline, who under- took, along with C. Cornelius, to murder Cicero at his own house. The consul was apprised of his danger by Curius, through Fulvia, and they were refused admittance. Sallust calls Vargunteius a senator, whereas Cicero says they were both knights. Vargunteius, probably, though a senator, was of equestrian origin. Sallust. B. C. 28. Or. in Cat. 1, 4 Z. ZENO, the famous founder of the Stoic sect, was born at Citium, in Cyprus. He came to A thens when about thirty years of age, and first attended the lectures of Crates the Cynic. He afterward passed to the schools of Xenocrates and Diodorus Chronus, and finally to that of Po- lemo. Having made himself master of the tenets of others, Zeno deter- Hiined to become the founder of a new sect. The place which he made choice of for his school, was called the Poectie, (IL>i', and the inhabitants ~K.ap^rjS6vioi. The name of the city in Punic was Carlhada, or Carlha Hadath, i. e. " the new city," in con- tra-distinction perhaps to the old or parent city of Tyre. Carthage was situate on a peninsula, in the recess of a spacious bay, formed by the promontory Hermaeum, now Cape Bon, on the east, and that of Apollo, Cape Zibb, on the west. The river Bagradas flows into the bay, be- tween the remains of Utica and the peninsula. The modern name of this river is the Meierda. Being an inundating stream, like the Nile, it has caused many changes in the bay. The circuit of Carthage was 23 miles, and when it was set on fire by the Romans, at the close of the third Punic war, it burnt for seventeen days. , Julius Caesar planted a small colony on t,he ruins of Carthage. Augustus sent three thousand men thither, and built a city at a small distance from the spot on which the ancient place had stood, thus avoiding the ill effects of the imprecations, which had been pronounced by the Romans, according to custom, at the time of its destruction, against those who should rebuild it. This later Carthage was taken by Genseric, A. D. 439, and it was for more than a century the seat of the Vandal power in Africa. It was at last destroyed by the Saracens, during the caliphate of Abdel Melek, towards the end of the seventh century, and but very few traces of it now remain. CHII, the natives of the island of Chios, now Scio. It was situate in the Aegean sea, between Lesbos and Samos, off the coast of Asia Minor, and was probably once connected with the main land, from which it is separated by a strait only three leagues wide. The wine of this island was held in high esteem by the ancients ; its marble also was in much repute. Modern Scio, until the late dreadful ravages of the Turks, con- tained 115,000 inhabitants, nearly all Greeks, and was the best cultivated and most flourishing island in the Archipelago. CILICIA, a country of Asia Minor, on the seacoast, south of Cappa docia and Lycaonia. It was surrounded inland by steep and rugged mountains, so that a few men might defend it against a whole army, there being but three narrow passes leading into it. The country was divided into rugged and level Cilicia, (Trachea and Campestris.) The former was subsequently considered as a termination of Isauria. The latter was one of the most fruitful provinces of Asia, excepting the western part, which, however, though barren, was famed for its horses. Cilicia was the main seat of the formidable piratical power, which was finally crushed by Pompey, after having afforded so much trouble to the Ro- mans and been the occasion of so much disgrace to them. CIMBKI, a German nation, supposed to have been descended from the Asiatic Cimmerians, and occupying what was called Chersonesus Cim- brica, now Jutland. About 113, B. C., the Cimbri, leaving their terri- tories, which were both narrow and barren, and being joined by the Teutones, or rather by several German nations, under this general name, moved through the intervening countries, entered and overran Gaul, and defeated four Roman armies in succession. Marius at last, Jn his second consulship, was chosen to carry on the war. He met the Teutones at Aquae Sextiae, in Gaul, and after a bloody engagement, left 20,000 of the enemy dead on the field of battle, and took 90,000 prisoners. The Oiinbri, who had formed another army, had already penetrated into It?'v GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 501 where they were met at the river Athesis, by Marius and his colleague Catulus, a year after. An engagement ensued, and, if we believe an- cient accounts, 140,000 were slain. Those who escaped the sword of Marius settled in that part of the Alps called Sette Commune, where their descendants still retain the Teutonic language, and a traditional account of their origin. They keep themselves quite separate from the surround- ing states, by which means they have preserved the language of their ancestors, in a great degree, uncorrupted. The late king of Denmark visited these Alpine Cimbrians, and readily conversed with them when both parties, speaking their native language understood each other. COLCHIS, a country of Asia, along the eastern shore of the Mediter- ranean. It is now in part Mingrelia. According to Strabo, it was a productive country. Its linen manufacture was in high repute. Colchis was famous for the expedition of the Argonauts, and for having been the native country of Medea. COLOPHONII, the inhabitants of Colophon, a city of Ionia, near the sea, northwest of Ephesus. The Colophonians were famed for their cavalry, and so excellent in fact were they, that they generally turned the scale on the side on which they fought, and hence the proverb, K0Xa^ua im- nOlvai, " to add a Colophonian," i. e. to put the finishing hand to an affair. This was one of the places that claimed to have given birth to Homer. COMANA, a town of Pontus, on the Iris, south east of Arnasea, now Almons. There was another place of the same name in Cappadocia, ou the Sarus, now El Bostan. Both were famous for temples of- Bellona, but especially the latter of the two, Strabo makes the goddess wor- shipped at these places to have been Venus ; and Procopius, the Tauric Diana. The temple of the Cappadocian Comana, which was famed for its riches, was plundered by Mark Antony. Each place is said to have had 6000 ministers, of both sexes, and the high priest was next in au- thority to the monarch of the land, and was generally a member of tlw royal family. CORINTHUS, a celebrated city of Greece, situate on the isthmus of the same name. Commanding by its position the Ionian and Aegean seas, and holding as it were the keys of the Peloponnesus, Corinth, from the pre-eminent advantages of its situation, was already the seat of opulence and the arts while the rest of Greece was sunk in comparative obscurity and barbarism. The arts of painting and sculpture attained to the high- est perfection here, and rendered this city the ornament of Greece, until it was stripped by the rapacity of its Roman conquerors. After its over throw by Mummius, Corinth remained for many years in ruins, unti" Julius Caesar, not long before his death, sent a numerous colony thither by which it was once more raised from its fallen state. It became sub- sequently once more a large and flourishing city. Corinth was famed for its harbours, of which it had three, Lechaeum on the Corinthian gulf, and Cenchreae and Schoenus on the Saronic. This city was celebrated for what was termed the " Corinthian brass," a metallic mixture nearly resembling aurichalcum. The common account is, that when Corinth was destroyed by the Romans, all the metals that were in the city melted and mixed together during the conflagration, and formed the composition in question. Klaproth and others very properly reject the whole accoun as fabulous. 502 GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. CORDUBA, now Cordova, a city of Hispania Baetica, on the river Baetis. It was the native place of both the Senecas and of Lucan. GRETA, now Candia, one of the largest islands of the Mediterranean, lying to the south of all the Cyclades. Crete was famous for its code of laws, the gift of Minos, from which the institutions of Lycurgus were closely copied. The private character of the Cretans, however, was any thing but fair, and they were chargeable with the grossest immorality and the most hateful vices. CYZICUS, a city of Mysia, situate on an island, or according to others the neck of a peninsula. It was a very flourishing commercial place, and is called by Florus the Rome of Asia. The coinage of this city was very famous, and the Kv^ixrivtn ararijpes were so beautifully executed that they were deemed a miracle of art. Cyzicus is famous for its siege by Mithridates, which Lucullus compelled him to raise. It continued a place of importance until a late period ; now, however, it is only a heap of uninhabited ruins. D. DELOS, a celebrated island in the Aegean sea, nearly in the centre of the Cyclades, and the natal place of Apollo and Diana. It was fabled to have been originally a floating island, moving to and fro beneath the surface of the sea, until Neptune ordered it to appear above the waves, and remain firmly fixed, in order to receive the offspring of Latona who was about to become a mother. Hence the name Delos, from ittinuation of the History, by C. S. 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