FRA
SAVONARO
THE LIBRARY
OF
THE UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA
LOS ANGELES
FRA GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
Wibil Obstat
Imprimatur
GEORGIUS CANNING, S.J.,
Censor Deptitcitus.
IIERBERTUS CARDINALIS VAUGIIAN,
ARCniEi'iscorus WKSTMON AS TENIF.X sis.
Die 5 Junii, 1899.
Fra Girolamo Savonarola
A BIOGRAPHICAL STUDY
BASED ON CONTEMPORARY DOCUMENTS
BY
HERBERT LUCAS
OK THE SOCIETY OK JESUS
LONDON
SANDS & COMPANY
12 BURLEIGH STREET, STRAND, W.C.
College
Library
PREFACE
/ "T~ V HE present work owes its inception to the circumstance
that, in the month of February 1898, the writer received
for review Dr Luclwig Pastor's brochure Zur Beurtheilung
Savonarolas. Dr Pastor had, as every one interested in such
matters is aware, treated at some length of the career of
Savonarola in the third volume of his GcscJiichte der Piipste
i)ii Zcitaltcr dcr Renaissance. His presentment of the facts
as well as his judgment upon them, had, however, been some-
what sharply criticised by various writers, and more par-
ticularly by Dr Paolo Luotto in an elaborate apology for
Savonarola entitled // vcro Savonarola e il Savonarola di
Lodovico Pastor. To this volume, together with some less im-
portant publications, the tract, Zur Beurtheilung Savonarolas^
was a rejoinder.
To review the pamphlet, then, was to sit in judgment upon
two experts ; and such a task it was manifestly unreasonable
to undertake without having made some acquaintance with the
subject at first hand. This again it was hardly possible to
do without discovering how considerable a mass of con-
temporary documentary evidence published indeed, but
scattered through the volumes of the Arc/iirio Sli-rico Italiano^
the Appendices to the works of Ouetif, Perrons, and Villari, the
collections of Gherardi and Cappelli, etc., and thus inaccessible
to the ordinary English reader was available for the use of
any one who should care to bring it together, in a compendious
vii
4 > A i-,.-.. . ..
* > a f ! . t
viii PREFACE
form, within the compass of a single volume. Whatever the
judgment to be ultimately passed upon Savonarola ma}' be,
it will hardly be questioned that he occupies a position in
ecclesiastical history so conspicuous and important as to make
it desirable that all, or substantially all, that can be known
about him should be placed within the reach of those students
of history who have neither the leisure, nor perhaps the
opportunity, to ransack a library in quest of the whole truth.
The original purpose, then, with which the writer com-
menced his study of the Savonarola literature has been
long since left behind. With Dr Pastor or Professor Luotto
as the principals in a controversial contest we are not
concerned. The purpose of this biography is, primarily, to
set before the reader the facts of Savonarola's life, and a
summary of the documentary evidence bearing thereon ;
and secondly to express, with, we trust, becoming modera-
tion and reserve, our own judgment on such points as
have given rise to a divergence of views upon his actions,
his words, his aims and intentions, and on the actions and
motives of those who, in greater or less measure, took part in
the conflict which issued in the final catastrophe of his con-
demnation and execution.
The volume is in large measure a reprint, after careful
revision, of a series of articles which appeared in the Tablet
from April to December 1898. But more than half the work
has been entirely rewritten and considerably expanded.
Some account has also been taken, in the earlier chapters, of
the very able criticisms passed upon the Tablet articles by a
writer in the Irish Rosary of July, August, and September
1898. It has however seemed desirable to abstain, as far as
possible, from anything in the nature of personal controversy.
We would wish to take as our motto the wise words of Dr
Grauert, the very last so far as we are aware which have
PREFACE ix
been written on the question up to the present date :
" Halten wir alle an cincr streng sachlichen Diskussion fest ;
damit vvird cler Wissenschaft am bestcn gedient. Die heftigen
Kampfe der Arrabbiati und Piagnonen soil ten sich unter uns
nicht erneuern ! " l
The writer's best thanks are clue to Dr Ludwig Pastor for
the loan of Cappelli's most valuable collection of documents
bearing on the career of Savonarola ; to the Rev. Joseph
Browne, S.J., Rector of Stonyhurst College, for the loan of
several other indispensable volumes ; to the Rev. Herbert
Thurston, S.J., for verifying references and copying extracts ;
to the authorities of the Reading-Room at the British Museum
for unfailing and helpful courtesy during the months of
August and September 1898; and last, but by no means least,
to the Editor of the Tablet, for permission to republish the
articles mentioned above.
It only remains to give a list of the principal works of
which use has been made in the compilation of the present
biography. A few words have been added here and there
which may help to explain the character of some of
the works enumerated. To avoid the cumbersome iteration
of lengthy titles, many of these works have been referred to in
the course of the book by the author's or editor's name alone.
1 Historisches Jahrbuch der Gorres-Gesellschaft) ii>99, p. 107.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL LIST
ALLEGRETTI, ALLEGRETTO. " Diari clelle cose Sanesi del suo
tempo." In Muratori, " Rerum Italicarum Scriptores," xxiii.
767 sqq. Mediolani, 1733.
" ANNALI DEL CONVENTO DI S. CATERINA DI PISA, Estratti degli."
In " Archivio Storico Italiano," vol. vi. part ii., pp. 399 sqq.
Firenze, 1848. This chronicle is valuable for the history of
the Dominican Order in Tuscany, and in particular of the
Congregation of S. Marco.
" ARCHIVIO STORICO ITALIANO, ossia Raccolta di Opere e Document!
inediti o divenuti rarissimi risguardanti la Storia d'ltalia."
5 Series and Appendix. Firenze, 1842 sqq. Referred to in
the course of this volume as "A.S.I." References are to the
First Series unless another is specified.
BALUZIUS, STEPHANUS. " Miscellanea," etc. See below, under
MANSI.
BAYONNE, EMMANUEL-CESLAS (O.P.). "(Euvres Spirituelles choisies
de Jerome Savonarole, collationnees et traduites sur le texte
original," 3 vols. Paris, 1879-80.
BENEDETTO DA FIRKNZE, FRA (O.P.), " Vulnera Diligentis." This
unpublished tract, by a contemporary and fervent disciple of
Savonarola, tells the story of his career in the form of a dialogue
between " Agricola " (i.e. Benedetto himself) and " Yolpe," or,
in one part, between "Agricola" and "Propheta" (Savonarola).
Considerable extracts from it are given in Villari, i. Append,
pp. Ixxxiv. sqq., and ii. Append, pp. Ixxxiii. sqq. The publication
of the whole, together with the " Giornate " of Lorenzo Vivoli,
is much to be desired.
xii BIBLIOGRAPHICAL LIST
BENEDETTO DA FIRENZE, FRA (O.P.). "'Cedrus Libani,' ossia vita
di Fra Girolamo Savonarola, scritta in terzetti da Fra Benedetto
da Firenze 1'anno 1510; connote. Per cura del P. Vincenzo
Marchese de' Predicated. " In " Archivio Storico Italiano,"
Append, vol. vii., pp. 41 sqq. Firenze, 1850.
BERNARDINO DA LUCCA, FRA (O.P.). " Defmitio contra injustam ex-
communicationem latam crga fratrem Hieronymum Savonarolam
ferrariensem." In Mansi's Appendix to " Miscellanea Stephani
Baluzii," i. pp. 593 sqq. Lucae, 1761.
,, ,, " Discorso sopra la dottrina et
opere del reverendo Padre fra Girolamo Savonarola . . . fatto
in Romasotto . . . papa Paulo IV. alia presenza dell' illustrissimi
. . . Cardinal! della Santa Inquisitione . . . 1558." In Quetif,
ii. 561 sqq.
BOTOXIO TIMOTEO (O. P.). Sec below under BURLAMACCHI, P.
BURLAMACCHI PACiKico (O.P.). "Vita del P. F. Girolamo
Savonarola, riveduta poco dopo ed aggiunta dal P. F. Timoteo
Botonio " (O.P.). Lucca, 1761. The "Life" which, since
the days of Mansi, who first published it, has borne the name
of Burlamacchi, was certainly not written by him. In most
of the MSS. in which it has been preserved it is not even
attributed to him, or is ascribed to him only by a later hand.
Fra Pacifico Burlamacchi, who entered the convent of S. Marco
in 1499, the year after Savonarola's death, died in 1519. But
the biography ascribed to him in Mansi's MS. is based, as
Villari has shown, on an anonymous and hitherto unpublished
Vita Laiina, which was written by an inmate of S. Marco
between 1520 and 1530. By "Burlamacchi," then, we must
be understood to mean the unknown author, who, by a con-
vention now generally accepted, is usually cited under that
name. Quetif, writing while " Burlamacchi " was still un-
published, quotes from him under the name of " P. Timotheus
Perusinus." "Father Timothy of Perugia" was the "P. F.
Timoteo Botonio " who is mentioned in some of the MSS. as
having revised and enlarged the work of Burlamacrhi. Who-
ever the author of the "Life" may have been, his work derives
its value from being a reproduction, with comparatively un-
important modifications, of the Vita Latina. (See VILLARI,
Pref. pp. viii sqq.}
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL LIST xiii
CAPPELLI, ANTONIO. " Fra Girolamo Savonarola e notizie intorno il
suo tempo." In " Atti e Memorie delle RR. deputazioni di
Storia patria per la provincie Modenesi e Parmesi," vol. iv.
Modena, 1869. Principally letters from Manfredo Manfredi,
Ferrarese envoy at Florence, to Ercole d'Este, Duke of Ferrara.
CERRETANI, BARTOLOMMEO. "Storia Fiorentina." Considerable
extracts from this unpublished work are given in Ranke,
" Historisch-bibliographische Studien," pp. 335 sqq.
CINOZZI, FRA PLACIDO (O.P.). " Estratto d'una epistola fratris
Placidi de Cinozis Ordinis Praedicatorum S. Marci de Florentia,
devita et moribus reverendi patris fratris Hieronimi Savonarole
de Ferraria, fratri Jacobo Siculo, eiusdem Ordinis Vicarius
generalis (sic), post mortem dicti Prophete." In Villari and
Casanova, pp. 3 sqq. Firenze, 1898. This is probably the earliest
biographical notice of Savonarola. From it a good deal of
Burlamacchi's "Life" is taken verbatim. Cinozzi was a diligent
hearer and disciple of Savonarola, and his "Letter" appears
to have been written shortly after Fra Girolamo's death.
COMMINES, PHILIPPE DE. "The Memoirs of Philip de Commines,
Lord of Argenton," etc. (English Translation.) Ed. A. R.
Scoble, 2 vols. London, 1892.
CONTI, AUOUSTO. "Storia della controversia di Fra Girolamo
Savonarola coi Frati Minori." In " Archivio Storico Italiano,"
Terza Serie, xiii. pp. 177 sqq. Firenze, 1871. An extract from
the unpublished " Cronaca " of Dionisio Pulinari (O.F.M.),
written about 1570 ; which in its turn embodies the account of
the " Cimento del Fuoco " given by Fra Mariano da Firenze
(O.F.M.), a contemporary, in his " Brevis ("hronica Provinciae
Thusciae."
Cosci, ANTONIO. " Girolamo Savonarola e i nuovi documenti intorno
al medesimo." In "Archivio Storico Italiano/' Quarta Serie, iv.
282 sqq., 429 sqq. Firenze, 1879. A valuable essay on the
fresh light thrown on the story of Savonarola's life and death
by the documents embodied in the earlier volumes of the
"Archivio Storico Italiano."
CREIGHTON, MANDELL (now Bishop of London). " A History of the
Papacy during the period of the Reformation/' vol. iii. " The
Italian Princes, 1464-1518." London, 1887.
xiv BIBLIOGRAPHICAL LIST
"DiARio FERRARESE dall' anno 1409 sino al 1502, di autori incerti."
In Muratori, "Return Italicarum Scriptores," xxiv. 173 sqq.
Mediolani, 1738.
" ELIOT, GEORGE." "Romola." New Edition. London, 1878.
FILIPEPI, SIMONE (alias Botticelli, S.). "Estratto della Cronaca di
Simone Filipepi, novamente scoperto," etc. In Villari and
Casanova, pp. 452 sqq. This tract is one of the earliest
biographical notices of Savonarola, being referred to by Fra
Benedetto da Firenze (see above, under BENEDETTO, etc.), and
also by Lorenzo Vivoli (see below, under VIVOLI, etc.), both con-
temporaries of Savonarola.
GHERARDI, ALESSANDRO. " Nuovi Documenti e Studi intorno a
Girolamo Savonarola." Seconda Edizione. Firenze, 1887.
This collection, with the Editor's able introductory sections
and notes, is the most valuable of all that have yet appeared.
It contains documents, derived from various sources, which
throw light on every stage of Savonarola's career.
GRAUERT, HERMANN. "Savonarola." In "Wissenschaftliche Beilage
zur Germania." Jahrgang 1897-98, pp. 265 sqq., 273^^., 283
S'M-t 2 97 sqq., 35 sqq.
GRISAR, HARTMANN (S.J.). "Zu den neuen Publikationen iiber
Savonarola." In "Zeitschrift fiir katholische Theologie," iv.
391 sqq. Innsbruck, 1880.
GUASTI, CESARE. " II Savonarola e i Lucchesi. Nuovi Documenti."
In "Giornale Storico degli Archivi Toscani," vi. 122 sqq.
Firenze, 1862. A small collection of letters bearing on a
single incident of Savonarola's life. (See below, pp. 177 sqq.}.
GUICCIARDINI, FRANCESCO. " Del Reggimento di Firenze, Libri
due." In "Opere Inedite di Francesco Guicciardini," ii. i sqq.
Firenze, 1858.
,, "Disrorsi intorno alle Mutazioni c
Riforme del Governo Florentine." In "Opere Inedite," etc.,
ii. 235 sqq.
" Storia Fiorentina." In "Opere
Inediti," etc., vol. iii.
" Istoria d'ltalia," vol i. Milano,
1803.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL LIST xv
"IRISH ROSARY, THE." Dublin, 1898. A scries (June to October)
of anonymous articles on "Savonarola," chiefly concerned with
the present writer's contributions on the same subject to The
Tablet newspaper.
LANDUCCI, LUCA. " Diario Florentine dal 1450 al 1516." Ed.
Jodoco del Badia. Firenze, 1883. A continuous and strictly
contemporary record of events in Florence by an ardent
admirer of Savonarola. Landucci was a physician, and the
owner of a small estate near Florence.
LOTTINI, L. GIOVANNI (O.P.). "Fu veramente escomunicato
Savonarola?" Milano, 1898.
LUNGO, ISIDORO DEL. " Fra Girolamo Savonarola." In "Archivio
Storico Italiano," Nuova Serie, xviii. part ii. pp. 3 sqq. Firenze,
1863. A collection of letters, chiefly from Paolo Somenzi,
Milanese envoy at Florence, and Francesco Tranchedino,
Milanese envoy at Bologna, to Lodovico Sforza, Duke of Milan.
Luoxro, PAOLO. " II Vero Savonarola e il Savonarola di Lodovico
Pastor." Firenze, 1897. Apart from the controversial merits
of this work, whatever they may be, it is valuable as containing
very numerous extracts from the sermons of Savonarola.
LUPI, CLEMENTE. " Nuovi Documenti intorno a fra Girolamo
Savonarola." In "Archivio Storico Italiano," Terza Serie, iii.
3 sqq, Firenze, 1866. A collection of the official reports of
various debates in the " Collegio " and the " Consiglio de'
Richiesti " concerning the affairs of Savonarola.
" Documenti Pisani intorno Fra Girolamo
Savonarola." In " Archivio Storico Italiano," Terza Serie, xiii.
1 80 sqq. Extracts from the correspondents of the Anziani of
Pisa with their envoys at Venice, concerning the affairs of
Savonarola. Of importance only as illustrating the kind of
hostile gossip that was prevalent.
MANSI, JOANNES DOMINICUS. " Monumentorum Historicorum Ap-
pendix." In " Stephani Baluzii Miscellanea," etc., vol. i. Lucae,
1761. Various documents relating to Savonarola are in this
Appendix, pp. 527 sqq. See under BERNARDINO DA LUCCA,
BURLAMACCHI, SAVONAROLA (Lettere), etc.
xvi BIBLIOGRAPHICAL LIST
MARCHF.SE, VINCENZO (O.P.). " Lettere Inedite di Era Girolamo
Savonarola, e Documenti concernenti lo stesso." In " Archivio
Storico Italiano," Appendice, viii. 73 sqq. Firenze, 1850. The
" Documenti " chiefly consist of the correspondence of Becchi,
Bracci, and Bonsi, Florentine envoys at Rome, with the Signory
and the Ten of Florence. References to Marchese will be
understood to be to this collection unless the following work
is explicitly specified.
,, ,, ,, " Sunto Storico del Convento di San
Marco di Firenze." In "Scritti Vari del P. Vincenzo
Marchese," vol. i. Terza Edizione. Firenze, 1892.
MARIANO, DA FIRENZE, FRA (O.F.M.). " Brevis Chronica Provinciae
Thusciae." A portion of this chronicle, embodied by Pulinari
in "Alcuni ricordi," etc. (see below, under PULINARI) is given
in Conti, " Storia della controversia," etc. (see above, under
CONTI).
MEIER, KARL. " Girolamo Savonarola aus grossen Theils hand-
schriftlichen Quellen." Berlin, 1836.
MIRANDOLA, GIOVANNI FRANCESCO Pico DELLA. " Vita R. P. Fr.
Hieronymi Savonarolae Ferrariensis Ord. Prxdic." In Quetif,
vol. i.
MURATORI, LODOVICO. " Rerum Italicarum Scriptores," vols. xxiii.
and xxiv. Mediolani, 1733-38. Referred to in the course of
this volume as "R.I.S."
NARDI, JACOPO. " Istorie di Firenze." Ed. Agenore Gelli, 2 vols.
Firenze, 1858.
,, " Breve Discorso . . . per informa/ione delle novita
seguite in Fiorenza, dall' anno 1494," etc. In Villari, i. Append,
pp. Ixxv sqq.
OLIPHANT, MRS. "The Makers of Florence." London, 1876.
O'NEiL, J. L. (O.P.). "Jerome Savonarola. A Sketch." Boston,
1898.
PARENTI, PIERO. " Storie Fiorentine." A valuable series of extracts
from this unpublished chronicle is given in Gherardi, " Nuovi
Documenti," pp. 112 sassiw in the
notes to the work.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL LIST xvii
PASTOK, LUDWIG. "Geschichte der Papste im Zeitalter der Re-
naissance," vol. iii. Freiburg, 1895.
,, ,, "The History of the Popes from the close of
the Middle Ages." From the German, etc. Edited by Frederick
Ignatius Antrobus, of the Oratory, vols. iv. v. vi. London,
1894-98. All references are to the English Translation, except
where passages are quoted from the original.
,, ,, "Zur Beurtheilung Savonarolas." Freiburg,
1898. A rejoinder to the criticisms of Luotto, Commer, and
others.
PERRENS, F. T. "Jerome Savonarola, d'apres les documents
originaux," etc. Deuxiemc Edition. Paris, 1856.
Pico DELLA MIRANDOLA. See under MIRANDOLA.
PITTI, JACOPO. " Istoria Fiorentina." In " Archivio Storico
Italiano," vol. i. Firenze, 1842.
PROCTER, J. (O.P.). "The Dominican Savonarola and the Reforma-
tion." London, 1895.
PULINARI, DIONISIO. " Alcuni ricordi delle cose di fra Girolamo da
Ferrara," etc. (written in 1578). Extracts from this unpublished
tract are given in Conti, " Storia della Controversia," etc. (see
above, under CONTI), and in Gherardi, "Nuovi Documenti," etc.,
pp. 351 sculypse, 26 Begins
to preach at S. Marco, August 1490, 26 Difficulty of giving a fair idea of his
ordinary preaching, 27 f. Constant and abundant use of Holy Scripture, 28
i CONTENTS
And of the "Summa" of S. Thomas Aquinas, 28 Artificiality and .strained
allegory, 29 f. His ascctical system compared with that of the "Spiritual
Exercises," 31 f. The tract, " I)e Simplicitate Vitx Christiana," 31
Tendency to exaggeration: undue depreciation of ceremonies, 32 f. In-
vectives against vice: commendation of works of mercy, 34 His piety;
devotion to the II. Eucharist, and to the 15. V. M., 35 Results of his
preaching : were they ephemeral ? 36 f. The charge of exaggerated asceticism
itself exaggerated, 38 ft". Organisation of religious reform ; processions ;
the bonfire of vanities, etc., 40-41 His devices characterised by a certain
extravagance ; danger of reaction, 42 f. Reformation of the children of
Florence, 43 ft. Repression of gambling : he invites the Signory to exercise
severity ; the children's police, 46 f.
CHAPTER IV
OX THE WATCH-TOWER OF ITALY: THE "COMPENDIUM REVKI.A TIONUM ''
Savonarola's thoughts mainly concerned with the prophetical writings of the
O. T., 49 He conceives himself to hold a special prophetic mission, 49 f.
The question as between a genuine mission, delusion, or imposture cannot be
evaded, 51 The Church has not decided the question, but the "Dyalogus
de Veritate Prophetica" has been placed on the Index, 51 Summary of the
"Compendium Revelationum," with notes from the "Dyalogus," 52-63
Manner of revelation, 52 God's designs upon Italy, and His choice of
Fra Girolamo for His messenger, 53 f. Conformity of his predictions with
Holy Scripture, 54 The vision granted to Fra Girolamo on 1st April
1495. 54 ft"- Dialogue with the Tempter, 55 ff. The vision of the B. V. M.
and of the Lilies, 61 ff. The question as to possible delusion re-stated, 64
Savonarola's own tests: (i) Subjective certainty ; open to delusion, 65 ft".
(2) Fulfilment of predictions ; perhaps accounted for by natural sagacity,
clear vision of supernatural truth, and conjecture, 68 ff. (3) Good results of
the predictions; not always a sure teM, and in this case qualified by the
admixture of undesirable results, "off. (4) Acceptance of the predictions
by "all good men"; the assertion open to question, 72 Moreover, the
preacher's habitual flattery of Florence casts suspicion on the genuineness of
his claim, 72 f.
CHAPTER V
SAVONAROLA AND I.OKKN/.o I>l." MEMICI
Savonarola preaches in the Duomo at Florence, Lent 1491, with growing
success, 74 Lorenzo sends five citizens to remonstrate : Savonarola is firm,
and predicts the death of Lorenzo, Innocent VI 1 1., and Ferrante I. of
Naples, 75 Sermon in the Palazzo, Easter 1491 : warnings against
" Tyrants," 76 Lorenzo sets up Fra Mariano as a rival to Savonarola, 77
Savonarola's reply to Mariano on "the times and the moments," 78
Character of Mariano, 79 Savonarola elected Prior of S. Marco; declines
to visit Lorenzo, 79 f. Lorenzo seeks to conciliate Savonarola, 80 f. Death
of Lorenzo de' Medici ; the rival accounts, 81 ft.
CONTENTS xxiii
CHAPTER VI
SAVONAROLA AND 1'IERQ. DE' MEDICI SAVONAROLA AT KOI.OGNA TIIK
SEPARATION OK S. MARCO FROM THE LOMBARD CoNORLT ;ATIU.N
Character of Piero y of Piero to
Charles VIII.: surrender of the f<>itresse>, 1^3 -- Pojnilai indignation :
v CONTENTS
Savonarola's sermons on Aggaeus, September 1494 ; the call to penance,
124 f. He begins to protest against "quest! govern!"; debate on the
situation, 125 1'iero declared incapable of governing ; a new embassy to be
sent, 126 Savonarola appointed one of the ambassadors; his speech to the
King, 127 ff. Was he justified, or deluded, in hailing Charles VIII. as God's
agent? 129 Piero's return ; his cold reception ; his flight from Florence, 130
Savonaiola speaks of Piero's flight as the work of God, 131 Amnesty and
recall of Anti-Medicean exile?, 132 Charles VIII. at Florence; Savonarola's
services at this crisis, 132 f. The formation of the Holy League, 315! March,
1495, 133 Efforts to induce Florence to join the League, 134 Savonarola
favours the French alliance; the vision of the Lilies, 134 f. The Pope pro-
bably justified in resenting Savonarola's action, 135 The return of Charles
VIII.: Savonarola's advice to d'Este of Ferrara, 136 f. Savonarola meets
the King at Poggibonsi ; he reports the interview, 138 f. The King to be
punished for non-fulfilment of his promises, 139 f. The revolt of Pisa;
Savonarola's views on this subject ; surely not a matter of divine revelation,
140 f. Savonarola's letters to Charles VIII., 141 ff.
CHAPTER IX
THE FRIAR AND THE FLORENTINE CONSTITUTION
Cardinal Capecelatro on Savonarola's political activity, as contrasted with the
abstention of S. Philip Neri from politics, 145 Savonarola's account of his
drifting into politics under divine guidance, 145 f. Entire abstention was for
him perhaps impossible ; yet he seems to have gone too far, 146 The return
of exiles after Piero's flight a source of danger ; but a yet greater danger to
be feared from Piero's return, 147 Savonarola's salutary and opportune
counsels of peace, 147 f. A constitutional re-organisation necessary, in which
Savonarola took a prominent part, 148 The Florentine notion of political
liberty ; a participation in active government desired by all, 148 f. Nature of
Florentine constitution; the Signory, the Ten, the Eight, etc., 149 f.
Disadvantage of frequent changes of administration ; practical safeguards,
150 The Parlamcnto as an ultimate resource ; the device of the " Balia" in
times of crisis, 150 The constitution under the Medici, the Council of
Seventy, 151 The Seventy now abolished; temporary appointment of
Accoppialori, 151 Thanksgiving for a peaceful revolution; but further
changes needed, 152 Savonarola lays down the principles of a suitable
reform, 6th December 1494, 152 ff. Great collection of alms; popularity of
F'ra Girolamo, 154 Soderini recommends the establishment of a Great
Council on the Venetian model, 155 Savonarola supports Soderini's pro-
posals; his Advent sermons attended by the leading men of the city, 155 ff.
Vespucci opposes Soderini, but the latter prevails, 158 The Great Council
established ; the Council of Flighty, 158 f. Fiscal legislation ; the amnesty
and the law of appeal from the " Sei fave " proposed, but warmly contested,
1 59 ff. Political parties; Ottimati, Palleschi, or liigi (Greys), F'rateschi or
Bianchi, 160 f. Da Pon/o opposes Savonarola on the question of the " Sci
fave " ; the measure at last carried, 162 f. Details of the measure ; Vespucci's
change of front ; Villari's view contested, 164 f. Resignation of Accoppiatori ;
abolition of Parlamento ; the latter advocated by Savonarola, 165 f.
CONTENTS xxv
Provisions against return of Medici; Savonarola's vehement language, 167
Its fruits two years'later (1497) in the case of Bernardo del Nero and his com-
panions ; their appeal disallowed ; their condemnation and hasty execution ;
divergence of views on Savonarola's attitude in this affair, l6S f. -The ques-
tion again raised as lo Savonarola's political activity; a great opportunity;
Savonarola's views entitled to consideration, and probably sound ; but not to
be upheld as alone consistent with the Gospel, 170 f. Drawbacks of the new
constitution; divergent views entitled to respect, 172 ff. Savonarola's un-
measured invectives against opposing parties, 175 f. The constitutional ques-
tion bound up with that of the League, 176 Savonarola's services to Florence ;
his mistaken claim to a special divine commission, 176 f. The affair of
Savonarola's invitation to Lucca ; probably misinterpreted by Nanli and
Villari ; more reasonably viewed by Cosci and Guasti, 177 IV.
CHAPTER X
I'KOrilKT AND rOI'K (l)
The Brief Inter ceteros, 25th July 1495; Savonarola summoned to Rome, 180
Savonarola's reply, 3ist July ; his " reasonable excuse " ; the " Compendium
Revelationum," 181 f. The excuses probably valid ; yet such as might have
been overcome ; his attitude as concerning the claim to a prophetic mission,
182 ff. The Brief, Quia divini consilii, 8th September 1495 ; Savonarola
inhibited from preaching ; S. Marco restored to the Lombard Congregation,
184 ff. The Brief, Quaw nntlta et varia, 91)1 September, addressed to
Maggi ; Maggi is appointed judge of Savonarola's prophetic claim, 186
Savonarola's reply, 291)1 September ; he professes submission ; protests
against misrepresentation ; maintains his right to prophecy ; appeals to the
tests of his mission ; objects to reunion with the Lombards, and to the appoint-
ment of Maggi as his judge, 186 ff. The reply not defensible ; yet allowances
must be made, 192 f. The Brief, Licet ithiriut, i6th October 1595; prohibition
of preaching maintained ; the other demands of (lie former Briefs withdrawn,
194 f. The harsher expressions of the Brief admit of explanation, 195 f.
Savonarola refrains from preaching for several months ; diplomatic corie-
spondence on the affair ; the Signory and the Ten plead the cause of
Savonarola at Rome, 197 ff. The reform of the children, of the Carnival, etc.,
198 f. A verbal permission for Savonarola to resume his sermons probably
extorted by Caraffa, 199 f. Savonarola resumes the ministry of preaching;
sermons on Amos and /achariah, Lent, 1496 ; his attitude towards the Pope,
200 f. Further correspondence and debate on the subject ; Savonarola at
1'rato and Pistoia, 202 11.
CHAPTER XI
I'KOHIK.T AND I'OIT. (2}
Savonarola at Prato ; political and moral reform of the city. 206 f. Corre-
spondence of Savonarola with Lodovico Sfor/a, Duke of Milan, and with
Ctalcaz/o della Mirandola, 207 f. Somen/i hop.s to win over Savonarola to
vi CONTENTS
the League, 208- Savonarola returns to Florence ; sermons on Ruth nncl
Michcas, May 1496 : his mission to all Italy : warnings and invectives, 209 f.
"Scandalously false, or scandalously true?" the alleged offer of a Cardinal's
hat to Savonarola ; he wishes only for the red hat of martyrdom, 210
Distress at Florence ; the war with Pisa ; waning popularity of Savonarola ;
his sermon on 2Oth August 1496, 211 Plot against Fra Girolamo ; a forged
letter to Charles VIII., 212 The Kmperor at Pisa; alarm at Florence;
Savonarola's sermon, 2Sth October, 2i2--The safe arrival of the corn ships
from Marseilles: revival of Savonarola's popularity, 213 The Brief,
Keformationi ct Aiigineitto, 7th November 1496 ; a new Congregation " of
the Roman and Tuscan Province'' established, 213 f. Savonarola's criticism
of the Brief; Torriano carries out the measure, but not unfavourably to Fra
Girolamo, 214 ff. The " Apologeticum Fratrum S. Marci" ; the project of
the new Congregation declared to be impossible, unreasonable, mischievous ;
obedience not due to such a precept, 216 ff. The "Apologeticum'' discussed ;
Professor Schnitzer's view : it cannot be sustained, 220 ff. The sermons on
Kzcchiel, Advent 1496 ; the Signory and the Fight exhorted to severity ;
"conventicoli '' to be suppressed, 222 Diplomatic correspondence with
Milan, Ferrara, and Rome : Florence and the League ; despatches to and
from Becchi and Bracci, 223 ff. Bernardo del Nero elected Gonfaloniere ;
a hostile Signory, 224 The sermons on Kzechiel resumed, Lent 1497 ;
Savonarola apostrophises the "profligate Church"; and threatens to cry,
" Lazarus, come forth ! " presentiment of impending excommunication, 228 f.
Abortive attempt of Piero de' Medici, 229 f. The " Arrabbiati " in power ;
~ r the plague ; preaching prohibited ; the outrage on Ascension Day, 1497, 230 f.
CHAPTER XII
THE EXCOMMUNICATION
Savonarola's enemies active ill Rome ; Fra Mariano and Gianvittorio da Camcrino :
the Brief of excommunication (Cunt .wyV), 131)1 May 1497, sent by Camcrino,
232 Camerino dares not deliver the Brief ; dissensions at Florence ; the
Signory hostile but the Ten favourable to Savonarola; a Committee of
Public Safety appointed, 233 Becchi ascribes the Brief to Carafla and
Lopez ; the Ten write in support of Fra Girolamo, 234; Savonarola's letter
of remonstrance to the Pope; the tract, " De Triumpho Crucis," 234 f.
Publication <>f the Urief, Cum s,r/>c, 1 8th June; summary of its contents, 235 f.
Savonarola's manifesto, addressed "to all Christians"; the validity of the ex-
communication denied ; refusal to obey vindicated ; threats, and appeal to a
forthcoming miracle, 236 ff. Savonarola's second letter on the excommunica-
tion : the question of its validity discussed by him in the light of Canon Law.
239 ff. Review of the question; canonists do not support Savonarola's view ;
an "intolerable error 1 ' may vitiate a sentence ; what is an "intolerable error"?
unreasonableness of appeal to public opinion ; canonists misquoted ; an
unsound opinion of Gcrson, 241 IV. Savonarola mistaken ; the authority of
Torriano and Caraffa ignored ; the affair casts discredit on Savonarola's
claim to ,-i divine mission, 251 II.
CONTENTS xxvii
CHAPTER XIII
THE I.ONf, SII.KNTK
Savonarola o!)scrves silence for eight or nine months; friendly Signorics : the
execution of the Medicean conspirators, 254 The plague; charity of
Savonarola; "The Triumph of the Cross," and other writings, 255 The
Signory repeatedly write to Rome in support of Savonarola, 255 Murder of
the Duke of Gandia ; the Pope's momentary resolution to reform his life and
the Roman court ; Savonarola's letter to him, 251)1 June 1497 ; diplomatic
and other correspondence ; the Commission of Reform, 255 ff. A Debate on
the Excommunication, 5th July 1497 : the Signory write to the Pope in
favour of Savonarola, 262 f. The "Subscription"' or joint letter of Florentine
citi/cns, and of the Brethren of S. Marco in support of Fra Girolamo ; these
documents not sent, 263 f. Debate on the "Subscription"; unfavourable
comments, 264 Further correspondence ; letters of Hecchi, the Signory,
Savonarola, and Manfredi, 264 ff. Savonarola to the Pope "for Absolution,"
I3th October; professions of submission with refusal to obey, 267 ft. Four
letters from Manfredi to d'Estc, 269 f. Savonarola officiates publicly on
Christmas Day, 1497; special mission of Domenico Honsi to Koine;
despatches from him, 270 f.
CIIAPTKR XIV
SKITUACK.SIMA 1498
Christmas 1497, and Epiphany 1498 ; Savonarola's friends arc scandalised at his
public exercise of ecclesiastical functions, 272 He commences to preach on
Septuagesima Sunday, nth February, 272 ff. The Excommunication declared
invalid ; the Pope a "broken tool"; the precept of union not binding; he
will never seek absolution; " S' io mi fo mai assolvcre . . . mandami in
inferno!" 273(1. Mercenary clergy who will absolve for money; "Turn
them out ! " 277 f. Fulfilment of prophecy alleged as a proof that the Excom-
munication is null ; (lod will grant a miracle in His own good time, 2/8 f.
Lawlessness; the preacher's \\ords no hasty utterances but the expression
of his deliberate opinion, 279 -The sermon on Sexagesima Sunday, iSth
February ; to maintain the validity of the Excommunication is heresy !
Vocations to ihe priesthood, 280 f. Inconsistent action of the Pope; his
enemies seek the ruin of the city; S. Paul .sith.-.tanding S. Peter, 2~9f.
The sermon on Quinquagesima Sunday, 25th February ; the idols of the
Gentiles, 282 f. A solemn appeal to God to work a miracle; the procession
of the children ; Florence on the eve of a new election, jS } f.
CHAPTER XV
TllK DKCI.AKATION OK \VAK(lKNT [.(OS)
The sermons on Exodus. Lent 1498; Savonarola declare-- war against " the
wicked '' men of Rome, 28^ Shameless vice in high places ; bastard sons
no longer called " nephews "; wanted, ''a Pull to authorise a virtuous life, 1 '
iii CONTENTS
285 The war is between Christ nncl Satan ; J^copone da Todi and Boniface
VIII., 286 f. Savonarola styled " a son of iniquity " in a Papal Brief, 287
The "evil influence" to be resisted ; the hosts of heaven are preparing a
hostile expedition, 287 f. The Book of Exodus affords suitable comparisons ;
the I 'ope likened to Pharaoh, Savonarola to Moses, his enemies to the
Egyptians. 288 f. Fresh invectives; the dogs of the clergy ; bricks without
straw, 289 f. The prophetic claim; an ambassador (rum God ; the "Truth,"
290(1. Delay in fulfilment of prophecy no disproof of its truth; rival
prophets; persecution a test of truth, 292 f. Some noble passages; faith a
participation in the divine immutability; false devotion; "The tabernacles
of God " ; the aspirations of the Hebrew pilgrim ; " Misericordia ! " 293 ft".
CHAPTER XVI
THE rOPF. AND THK SIGNORY
Letters of Manfredi, Somenzi, Bonsi, and Taverna, 296 ff. Attempt on Bonsi's
house in Koine; Bonsi and the Ten at cross purposes, 298 f. More letters
from Bonsi ; the Pope to the Signory (Brief, Intclligcntes superioribus
temporibus), 26th February; an interdict threatened, 299 ff. Letters of
Somenzi; the Carnival (1498) described ; election of new Signory hostile to
Savonarola, etc., 301 f.- -A debate ; representations to be made to the Pope
on behalf of Fra Girolamo ; alleged intention of the Signory to precipitate
a crisis, 302 f. The Signory write to the Pope, 3rd March; further
diplomatic correspondence, 30311". The Pope's reply to the Signory, 9th
March; "vain and sophistical arguments''; the authority of the Holy See
must be maintained, 305 Cardinal Ascanio Sfor/.a on Savonarola ; the
Bonsi correspondence continued, 306 f. Savonarola to the Pope, I3th
March ; a plain warning, 307.
CHAPTER XVII
A I UI.I.-DKKSS HKHATK
The most important of the debates on Savonarola held on 141!) March, 3081"!".
Divergent opinions (i) as to the action of the Pope, who has "acted in a
paternal manner,'' or, has "treated Florence as he would not have treated
Perugia"; (2) as to Savonarola himself, though for the most part his holy
life and .salutary doctrine are recognised ; (3) as to the course to be adopted
in view of the threatened interdict, which some declare to be of small
moment, but others deem of the highest importance, 308 ff. The matter
referred to a s[x-cial committee, 315 Savonarola to be "persuaded" to
desist from preaching, 316.
CHAPTER XVIII
THK Lf LI. HKFORK THE LAST STOKM
Inadequate apprehension by the Ten of the gravity of the situation ; the Signory
play for a crisis, 317 Somenzi distrusts and beguiles the Ten, and seconds
the efforts of Savonarola's enemies, 317 f. Correspondence of the Signory
CONTENTS xxix
and the Ten with Bonsi ; indignation of the Pope ; renewed threats of
an interdict, 318 f. Letters from Somcnzi and Tranchcdino ; Savonarola has
ceased to preach, but the I 'ope may yet not be satisfied ; dissensions at
Florence ; Florentine merchants in Rome find themselves in jeopardy, and
seek protection from the Signory, 319 f. Bonsi reports the I'ope still
indignant; efficacious means must be taken to satisfy him, 320 f. Sforza
and d'Este on the affair of Savonarola ; indignation of d'Esle at the
dedication to himself of Pico's " Apology," 321 f. Further despatches, chiefly
of Somen/.i and Tranchcdino, 322 f. The Signory, after a long delay, report
to the Pope that Savonarola has been forbidden to preach, 3 1st March
!49cS, 324 Savonarola determines to write to European sovereigns, exhort-
ing them to procure a Council for the deposition of the Pope ; the letters
drafted but not sent ; preliminary despatches sent, or to be sent, by trusted
friends to persons at the several courts ; Mazzinghi's letter to Guasconi
intercepted, 324 f.
CIIA1TEK XIX
TIIK OKDKAI. I!V KIRK
Fra Domenico at Prato ; he is opposed by Fra Francesco di Puglia ; Francesco
challenges Domenico to an onieal ; the challenge accepted, but Francesco
leaves Prato, and the matter falls through, 326 f. Domenico and Francesco
preach at Florence in Lent 1498, the challenge repeated; divergent views
as to its precise terms, 327 f. Savonarola ignores the challenge; but
Domenico accepts it ; the Signory take the matter up : the parties at cross-
purposes ; Fra G. Ughi and Fra G. Kondinelli offer themselves ; Rondinelli
and Domenico finally chosen, 328 ft. Savonarola publishes his views on
the ordeal, 331 Difference of opinion concerning the motives and intentions
of the parties, 332 Numerous volunteers on the side of Fra Girolanio ; the
fact insisted on in letters to Rome ; it apparently makes a deep impression,
332 IV. Debate on the subject; some insist on the folly of the proceeding;
others urge that it be carried through. Cold water, or warm? ''Try it
on all the Friars!'' 334 If. Conditions of the trial; decrees of banishment
in case of failure, 336 f. Preparation lor the ordeal: Savonarola's purpose
to preclude treachery, and, a> alleged, to alarm the Franciscan champion,
338 f. Arrangements of the Signory to avoid a riot; Doffo Spini anil the
Compagnacci ; della Vecchia and Salviati with their troops stationed in the
Piaz/a, 339 f. Both parties proceed to the >cene ; the Dominicans with
pomp and ceremony, the Franciscans more quietly; which is attributed to
want of serious purpose, or to fear, 340 ft. Further negotiations ; a change of
garments; Domenico proposes to enter the lire with the con>ecrated Host;
this is disallowed ; a shower of ruin ; both parties u> go home ; Savonarola
asks and obtains an e>cort ; popular indignation : taunt> and giln>, 342 f.
Both parties claim the victory ; Te Deum at S. M.uvo and S. Cr.ve. 344 f.
Further discussion ol motives and intentions ; were the Franciscans in
earnest ? 345 If. The Pope and Cardinals at fust opposed to the ordeal ; but no
effective measures taken ; the Franciscans subsequently thanked by the Pope ;
and pensioned by the Signory ; " the price of blood," 347 f.
CONTENTS
CHAPTER XX
Palm Sunday. 149X5 a quiet morning; Ughi to preach at the Duomo ; the
sermon disallowed by the Canons ; expectation, suspense, and a stampede,
349!". Stone-throwing revived under distinguished patronage; a crowd of
boys and roughs ; attack on Cambini's house ; two murders, 351 f. The
crowd before S. Marco; "monkish munitions of war," 352 f. A skirmish
in the Square; "panting like a bull," 354 f. What were the Signory
doing? Decree of banishment against Savonarola, 355 The crowd drawn
off: della Vecchia arrested ; looting of Yalori's house, and murder of Valori ;
more loot, 355 It. The mob returns to S. Marco : attempt to set fire to the
convent ; the great bell tolled ; Fra Domenico endeavours to stop all active
resistance; the procession through the cloisters; six hours' prayer, 358 ff.
The skirmish in the convent : prisoners of war ; dismissed with a caution
and a blessing, 360 Fra Benedetto's shower of bucks: the church door
forced ; a midnight fusillade ; adjournment to the " librcria greca " ; abandon-
ment of the defence ; death of I'anciatichi : (Jini, wounded, receives the
Dominican habit, 360 f. A message from the Signory : Savonarola's fare-
well address; he receives the Holy Communion; Fra Malatesta's alleged
treachery: arrest of Savonarola and Fra Domenico ; the ''Via dolorosa," 362 f.
CHAPTER XXI
I1IK TRIAL
Reasons for dealing at length with the trial of Savonarola, 364 Incredible that
so many eminent Dominicans and others should have been guilty of judicial
murder ; an explanation to be sought, 365 Some propositions which may
be assumed, 365 Many good men believed the condemnation just, 365
This not accounted for by the falsification of the evidence, 365 Savonarola
had himself urged a strict administration of severe law.-, 366 And this
especially with regard to political plots, 366 The project of calling a Council
to depose the Pope a real plot, 367 - A sentence of imprisonment at Florence
might have been inadequate. 368 -The morality of his act not to be judged
by actual or hypothetical success, 368 The main facts are beyond question,
and were sufficient to secure condemnation, 309 Falsification of the evidence
by SerCeccone, 369 -Arrest of Savonarola, Domeniro, Salvi-.-trn, and nineteen
others, 370 A secret examina'ioi; decided on, 370 Flection of new
magistrates hostile to Savonarola, 370 The commissioners appointed to
examine the prisoners, 371 Deceptive report of the proceedings; the use
of torture, 371 Brief of Alexander VI. authorising th<- examination, 372
I'npal d'.-mand that Savonarola be sent t" Rome: debate thereon. 373 The
Signory demand and obtain absolution limn censure* incurred, 374 The
"process" garbled, published, and .suppressed, 375 The second examina-
tion ; examination ,i( oilier prisoners, 370 -The confidence "f Savonarola's
adherents shaken, 377 Letter of the community of S. Marco to the Pope :
they disown Savonarola, 378 Letter of Fra Niccolo da Milano, offering to
give evidence, 379 Secrets alleged to have been communicated "in con-
CONTENTS xxxi
fession," 379 Debates on the examination of the other prisoners, 380 II.
The Signory request the I'ope to allow the execution of Savonarola to take
place at Florence, 383 A tithe on the goods of the clergy granted, 383
Komolino and Torriano appointed papal commissaries ; their character, 388 f.
CHAl'TKR XXII
TIIK DK.POSITIONS OK FKA DOMKNICO, KKA SAI.VK.sTRO, ANH
M.NKTK.K.N OTIIKKS
Tlie Deposition of Domenico and the rest more trustworthy than that of
Savonarola; heads of examination, 385 f. (l) The alleged revelations of
Savonarola; Domenico's evidence ; Salvestro's vision of angels ; "one heart
and soul;" Salvestro's visions granted for the use of Fra Girolamo, and
adopted by him as his own ; also, on one occasion, l>y Domenico himself,
386 f. Domenico was aware of Savonarola's conviction that Alexander was
"not a Christian, nor a true 1'opc," 388 Marulti's evidence; talking in
sleep ; at first distrusted Savonarola ; afterwards reassured l>y him, 388 Fra
R. Ubaldini on the internal discipline of S. Marco ; three "gran maestri" ;
discontent and murmuring; Savonarola's reproof; recurring doubts; Sal-
vestro's gossiping habits ; Domenico a man of spotless life but of great
obstinacy, 389 f. (2) The letters to princes; Mazzinghi's testimony; his
letter to Guasconi : the sovereigns of Europe invited to take in hand the
reform of the Church, 391 f. Del Nero's deposition : his letter to his brother
Niccolo, 393 (3) Alleged political intrigues ; no serious charge substantiated :
Salvestro the only offender : deposition of Pietro Cino//i : Savonarola's wise
abstention from local politics : the lobbying of Salvestro, 393 ff. Depositions
of Lionello Boni, 1'rancesco Davanzati, Ruberto Ubaldini, and Domenico
Ma/.xinghi, 396 f. Depositions of Baldo Inghirlami and Andrea Cambini ;
the latter mainly concerned with the affairs of Francesco Yalori ; unpopularity
of Valori ; no secret intrigues at S. Marco, 397 ff. (4) The "subscription"
on behalf of Savonarola : evidence of Ubaldini, who was employed in the
affair: the first signatures; "barbers and clerks"; -ome of the oppo.-ition
party sign ; others refuse ; Yaloii's change of front ; the letter never sent, by
reason of the plague, 401 ff. -Ubaldilli's evidence supplemented by Salve.-tro
and Cambini ; a letter from Bracci to Sci Bastiano originated the affair,
403 f. (5) The ordeal: Domenico's linn assurance that he acted under
divine guidance, 404 f.- A tribute to the character of Fia Domenico, 405 f.
CHAPTFR XXIII
TIM-: I:\AMINAHON OK KKA (;m>i \.\to
Motives for distrusting the alleged confession of Savonarola ; the u.-e of torture :
the falsification ol the evidence ; yet the document.- are of hi.-toric iniere-t.
and of some value, 407 Yivoli and Fra Benedetto on the "proce.-ses" : the
written confession ol Savonarola ; Ceccone's note- : the otiici.il copy in the
Archives: the publi-hed edition: di.-ciepancics among all the-e attested by
Vivoli and Benedetto, 407 fl. Yet. by the admi.-Mon nf Yivoli and Benedetto,
the falsification concerned motives ami intentions rather than facts : ihey
admit, too. the vacillation of Savonarola ; aie they independent witr.c.-.-c.- . J
tii CONTENTS
409 Equivocation or prevarication ; defended under the circumstances by
Vivoli and Benedetto, 410 f. The first process ; alleged revelations not really
such ; but doubtful whether this admission is genuine, 411 f. Political action
of Savonarola : his design to make Valori Gonfaloniere for life, 413 Hut
he refrained from all meddling in the details of politics ; names of his
political friends, 414 f. Dealings with Charles VIII.; and with various
minor princes and lords, 415 f. Alleged disobedience to the Pope; the ex-
communication; the letters to and from ambassadors, etc., 416 f. Relations
with Piero de' Medici; the threats to "turn the key" and "open the
casket"; the prediction about " many barbers," 418 The "subscription,"
or joint letter ; the project of a Council ; the design " to do great things in
Italy," 419 f. The ordeal ; his dislike of the project ; his design to frighten
the adversary, 420 f. The garbled attestation, 421 The second process;
omitted as of minor interest, 421 The third process before the Papal Com-
missaries ; application of the torture ; principles which lay at (he root of
this method of examination ; they were approved and even urged by
Savonarola himself, 421 f. The interrogatory ; concerning knowledge gained
in confession ; concerning dealings with and letters to princes ; concerning
the assertion that Alexander VI. was no true Pope ; loose and inaccurate
terminology used by Savonarola and his companions concerning secrets
known "in confession" ; his dealings with women in relation to his alleged
revelations, 423 if.
CHAPTER XXIV
The main charge against Savonarola, viz., the attempt t<> procure a General Council
for the deposition of the Pope, abundantly proved, 429 f. This attempt a
contravention of the Bull of Pius II., Exccrabilis ; the plea that Alexander
was not a lawful Pope ; this plea not supported by the Bull of Julius II.,
Cum tain dn'ino, which was not retrospective, 430 f. I)r Grauert's opinion
that a simoniacal election to the Papacy was invalid by virtue of earlier
legislation ; the opinion not shared by the present writer ; but apparently
held by media'val canonists of distinction, 431 Savonarola probably in good
faith ; but his act, as that of a private individual, not defensible, 432 f.
\Vhat was the duty of the Commissaries? The extreme penalty legally
incurred ; danger of a schism ; the unconstitutional action of Savonarola
compared with that of Bcrnaido del Nero, to whose execution Savonarola
had consented, 433 f. The letter of the Commissaries, or of Rornolino alone ;
it contains calumnious accusations in contradiction with the evidence : >et
not all its statements false; the truth sufficient, on Savonarola's own
principles, to justify the sentence ; but his companions might have been
spared, 434 ff. It is possible to acquit Savonarola of grave moral fault with-
out condemning his judges, 436 f. The closing scene ; Savonarola in prison ;
prayer, meditation, ascetical tracts; the sentence and execution, 437 f. A
moral victory ; Gordon and Kitchener ; Savonarola and the Catholic Refor-
mation of the sixteenth century; fulfilment of his predictions, though not as
he had foreseen it ; yet his errors must be recognised, 439 f. Savonarola and
the saints ; the alleged " catalogue " of Benedict XIV. ; it is, in fact, an index ;
real opinion of Lambertini (Benedict XIV.) concerning Savonarola; his
fame injured rather than enhanced by indiscriminating eulogy, 441 f.
CHAPTER I
OIROLAMO SAVONAROLA, 1452-81
GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA, the subject of this biography, was
born at Ferrara on 2ist September, 1452. The family name
first appears in history in the person of one Antonio Savonarola, of
Padua, who, in the middle of the thirteenth century distinguished
himself by his patriotic resistance to the tyranny of E/zelino da
Romano, the captain-general of Frederick II. in Lombard}', and in
memory of whom one of the gates of Padua is still known as the
/'or/a Saz'o/Hirv/d. 1 It would seem, however, that the ancestry of
Girolamo cannot be continuously traced beyond another Antonio
who lived about a century later, and of whom nothing is known but
his name.'-'
In 1440, Michele Savonarola, the great-grandson of this second
Antonio, was summoned to the court of Ferrara by the Marchese
Niccolo d'Kste, a prince who like others of his time loved to play
the Maecenas, and to surround himself with learned men, as well as
with brilliant courtiers; and here Michele became the progenitor
of a branch of his family which has survived down to the present
century/ 1 After the death of the Marchese Xiccolb, in 1441, Michele
became court physician to his successors, Lionello (t 1450) and
Borso d'Fste (11471), by whom he was both esteenud and con-
1 Yillari, i. i.
Cittadella, L'Albero Gcncalogieo dcllafam, di S. , in (iherauii. pp. i . ...,*.
3 The Fenarese branch of the family became extinct in 1844. 1 ' lc I'aduan
brand) had still thiee representatives in 1877 (Ghetanii. .lv. ,-/'.'.\ and >.ime
members of the family may probably still survive. A diploma granted to Michele
by Lionello d'Este commences \\ith the words: " Delectabantur prisci illi
excellentissimi et Keges et Principes, ut quisque m.i^is potcrat, aputi se
clariores et in quocumque virtutvim disciplinarum no 1'in.irum artium genere
praestantiores viros habere," etc. (Villari, i. Append, p. iii. ^.
2 GIRO LA MO SAVONAROLA
siderably enriched. 1 He had five sons, the youngest of whom,
Niccolb Savonarola, was the father of Girolamo, himself the third
among five brothers. Of these, Ognibene, the oldest, followed after
the fashion of the day the profession of arms ; Bartolommeo, the
second, has left no record ; Marco, the fourth, after having entered
the priesthood, followed Fra Girolamo into the Dominican Order, where
he was known as Fra Maurelio ; and Alberto, the youngest, became a
physician, and in this capacity earned an enviable reputation for his
charity to the poor. 2 Of Niccolb, the father of these sons, nothing
whatever is known, except that he seems to have shown a due
solicitude for Girolamo's education ; 3 and it appears to be an
altogether gratuitous conjecture of Villari's that he was a spendthrift. 4
It was, however, to his mother, Elena Buonaccorsi, and to his grand-
father Michele, that the future preacher was chiefly indebted for his
earliest training. The age, as is well known, was one of great
1 It was characteristic of this "age of bastard princes" that both Lionello and
Borso were the illegitimate sons of Niccolo d'Este. They had been, however,
legitimised, in order that the succession might be secured to them. Borso d'Este
was raised to the rank of Duke of Ferrara in 1452, on occasion of the coronation
of the Emperor Frederick III. He died in 1471, and was succeeded by Ercole,
the legitimate son of Niccolb. Ercole became in after years an ardent admirer
of Fra Girolamo, and the letters of Manfredi, his ambassador at the Florentine
Court, published by Cappelli, throw a good deal of light on the history of the Friar.
Pico (Quetif, i. 4) says of Michele : " Virum egregie pium fuisse Michaelem
et pauptribus nulla ttiercede nuderi solit urn," giving as his authority the testimony
of his own mother, Bianca d'Este. "Alberto," says Burlamacchi, " f u medico
assai dotto in quell'arte, la quale esercilb in nwlta carita, medicando per farnor di
Dio gran niimero di po-ceri" (p. 13). Burlamacchi (pp. 12, 13) and Fra
Benedetto ( Villari, i. 3) enumerate the brothers of Savonarola as above. Cittadella,
in his Albero Gcnealogico dtlla famiglia S. (Gherardi pp. i s (Guicciardini, Del Reggitnentodi Firenze,
Opp. Med. ii. 213^. Of L<>ren/.< de' Medici. Machiavelli writes : " In times
of peace he caressed the city (of Florence) with feasting, and plays, and tourna-
ments, and representations of ancient triumphs, to delight and entertain his people :
his only design being to sec them pleased, the city supplied, and the nobles rffft.rtd"
(History of Florence, En<*. Trans., 1680, p. iSS. (Y. Pastor, v. 101 -/,/.).
- Villari, i. IO.
:1 De felid progressu illnstrissimi Borsi Ei,:;/-
(Tiraboschi, Storia dtlla I.fttcratura Itattana, Firen^e. 1809, vi. 447). Korso
d'Este at least deserved praise for having successfully maintained his dominions in
the enjoyment of peace, and for having abstained from acts of personal oppression
(Diario f'trrarese, in Muratori, Kcnim Italiianini Serif tort, \\~\\-. 2,3^.
4 Cappelli, p. 9. Chatterbox and Closelips marry respectively Madame
Loquacity and Madame Taciturnity.
4 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
and after a single visit to the ducal court he could never be persuaded
to set foot in it again. 1
When he was approaching his twentieth year the young man
experienced, as so many others have done before and since, the
pangs of disappointed love. From the year 1466 onwards the
Savonarola household had for their next neighbour, in the Via di
S. Francesco at Ferrara, a distinguished Florentine exile, Lorenzo
Strozzi ; and Fra Benedetto da Firenze, alone among Girolamo's
biographers, has left it on record that Girolamo offered his hand to
a young lady of the Stroz/.i family, who, according to Cittadella, can
only have been Lorenzo's daughter, Laodamia. 2 She, however ("la
quale fanciulla era nientedimeno bastarda e non legiptima "), forgetful
as it would seem of the stain upon her own birth, replied with some
haughtiness that such an alliance was ill suited to the dignity of so
illustrious a house as that of the Strozzi. The retort was obvious :
and if we may believe Fra Benedetto, Savonarola did not spare the
feelings of the supercilious maiden. It should be added, however, that
the incident seems to have made but a passing impression on the
mind of Girolamo, for in a sermon preached many years later lie
plainly declares that he never had a mind to marry (non volsi mai
donna). 8
In the meanwhile, thanks to his habits of solitude and his earnest
diligence, Girolamo had made remarkable progress in his studies,
and had devoted himself in particular to that of philosophy and
theology after the approved methods of his time, following St
Thomas as his favourite author, but holding in abhorrence what he
regarded as the vain subtleties over which the humanists, even more
than the schoolmen, were apt to waste their energies. It is evident,
too, that he had already at this time acquired a degree of familiarity
with Holy Scripture which might perchance astonish some of those
1 "Si dilettava assai di star solo. . . . I'arco era nel convcrsare, standosi
la pin parte del tempo ritirato e solitario. . . . Solo una volta in vita sua entio
nella Rocca dov'era la corte del suo Principe," etc. (Burlamacchi, pp. 14-15).
2 Fra Benedetto, I'ulnera Diligcntis, in Gherardi, pp. 7 sq<]. Michclc
Savonarola had purchased his house in 1452, a few months before Girolamo's
birth. The Strozzi had been exiled from Florence since 1434, but it was not till
1466 that Lorenzo Strozzi came into possession of what had hitherto been the
Palazzo Paganelli, which was separated from the Casa Savonarola by a narrow
lane. Benedetto, who says that he learned the incident from Fra Maurelio, does
not give the name of Girolamo's intuiniorata, but she has been identified by the
genealogical and topographical researches of Cittadella (Gherardi, pp. 3, 4).
J Gherardi, p. 4.
GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA 5
if any still survive who imagine that ignorance of the Bible is
one of the characteristic marks of an otherwise well -instructed
Catholic layman.
But it was not merely as a matter of personal inclination that
Girolamo Savonarola shunned the Court of Borso and of Ercole
d'Este, and avoided the dissipations of a worldly life. His poem Df
Rnina Mundi, written in 1472, showed that he had looked about him
to some purpose, that he took a comprehensive view of the state of
affairs throughout Italy and elsewhere, that he was fully alive to the
worst features of the Renaissance, with its revival of pagan ideals
and pagan vices, and that he augured ill for the future.
"Were it not [he says] O Master of the world, that Thy providence is
infinite, I should be chilled with horror on seeing the world turned
upside-down, and virtue utterly travestied. . . . But I believe, O King
of Heaven, that Thou dost delay Thy chastisements in order to punish
the more severely those who are most guilty ; or, perchance, because it
is near at hand, Thou dost wait for the day of final judgment. . . .
That man is esteemed happy who lives by rapine, and battens on the
blood of other men, who robs the widow and the orphan, and brings
the poor to ruin ; that soul is deemed noble and of great price (gentil
e peregrina) which can succeed in making most profit by force or fraud,
and which despises heaven and Christ Himself. . . . The earth is so
overcome with wickedness that it ran never more lift its head. Its
capital, Rome, lies prostrate ( A terra se ne va il suo capo, Roma") never
more to resume its noble office (of being the head of the world). . . . Tis
not enough that Sulla, Marius, Catilina, C;rsar, Nero, should have injured
her, now men and women vie with each other to inflict some wound upon
her. Gone are the days of piety and the days of virtue (Passato e il
tempo pio e il tempo casto). . . . Beware, my sons, that you put not your
trust in any one who is robed in purple (Che a purpurco color tu non ti
appoggie) ; tlee from palaces and stately halls (Ioggie\ and take care not
to speak your thoughts save to a few ; else you will have all the world for
your enemy."
Filled as he was with such thoughts, it is not surprising that his
mind should have turned to the religious life. But from the writing
of impassioned poetry to the prose of resolute action, the transition
is not always easy, and we have it on his own authority that at first
he brushed aside the idea of becoming a monk or a friar, and even
resolved that such a thing should never be. But the attraction
of grace at last prevailed, and a sermon preached by an Augustinian
friar at Faenza in 1474, determined him to take the once dreaded
6 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
step. Yet, foreseeing the opposition of his parents, he feared to
make his resolution known to them, and it was not until after Easter
of the following year that he at last left his home and family. The
feast of St George was kept at Ferrara on 24th April, and the day
was observed as a public holiday. Under cover of the general
excitement he started unperceived for Bologna, and, having made
the journey on foot, offered himself as a novice in the Dominican
convent of S. Domenico. 1 Having been received there he immedi-
ately wrote to his father a letter which gives some insight into his
character and disposition.
"The motives [he says] by which I have been led to enter upon the
religious life are these : the great misery of the world, the wickedness of
men . . . their pride, idolatry, and fearful blasphemies ; whereby things
have come to such a pass that no one can be found acting righteously.
Many times a day have I repeated, with tears, the verse :
'" lieu, fuge crudeles terras, fuge littus avarum.'" 2
After telling how earnestly he had prayed for light, and after
suggesting the reasons which should lead his father to rejoice rather
than lament over the resolution which he had taken, he informs him
that he has left "upon the books in the window" a paper which
will more fully explain his state of mind. This paper, or tract,
which has been brought to light in our own days, is entitled, Del
dispregio del Mondo (Of the contempt of the World}? Like the poem
De Ruina Mundi, it is an impassioned lament over the miserable
condition of the world, which, for its cruel oppression and shameless
moral corruption, is likened to Egypt in the days of the Exodus, and
1 Pico, p. II ; Burlamacchi, p. 15 ; Villari, i. 16.
- The letter is given in full by Yillari, i., Append, pp. v. $f die poems
l>y (iuasti is practically inaccessible, and we have only (in addition to the extracts
in Villari and Casanova) the French translation by Uayonne, who dues not give
the notes.
GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA 9
It is to be observed that the "proud harlot" of Savonarola's
poem is not the Church of Rome, however corrupted in the person
of her rulers, but the pride, luxury, avarice, and ambition which had
so taken possession of the city as (in his view) to rule it like a
strumpet-queen. This idea of describing, under the image of the
" scarlet woman " of the Apocalypse, the worldly spirit which had
become dominant in Rome, did not originate with Savonarola.
According to Felice Tocco, Piero Olivi, just two hundred years
previously, had spoken of " the carnal church " as " 1'empia
Babilonia " ; } and Petrarch had spoken of Avignon, then the
residence of the Popes, as "1'avara Babilonia, fontana di dolore,
albergo d'ira, scuola d'errori, tenipio d'eresie." 2 It is obvious,
however, that Fra Girolamo here strikes the keynote that was to
ring through so many of those later utterances in which with
unsparing severity he inveighed against the vices of the Roman
court. We are not now passing judgment upon these invectives,
but merely pointing out that they have their root in the preacher's
earliest writings.
That Fra Girolamo from the outset of his religious life distin-
guished himself by the most exact observance of the vows and of the
rules of his Order, is the uncontradicted testimony of his earliest
biographers. His practice of poverty, say Cinozzi and Burlamacchi,
was most rigid, and he deeply deplored the relaxations in this
matter which had crept into the convents of the Order. His purity
was altogether beyond reproach or even the suspicion of a fault. To
his superiors he was, at least in these early days, most docile in all
things, and his spirit of humble obedience showed itself in the
deference with which he treated not merely his equals but even his
inferiors. A father of great authority, who had been his confessor for
a considerable time, and whom Burlamacchi declares to have been
1 " Cosi fa d'uopo clie 1'empia l>:il>iloni:i
Nel profondo del marc si sommerga."
That "1'empia Babilonia " signifies " la chiesa carnale " is Tocco's comment,
which may presumably be trusted.
- Felice Tocco, // Sarcnaivla e la /Vv/i'c/i?, one of a collection of conferences
published under the general title of Ti/a Italiana net Kinasfiwfiilo ^ Milan, 1^93 :
PP- 354'57)- ^ e arc ' a( l to be able to correct an error into which \\e were led
while preparing the articles on Savonarola for the Taf'lit. In one of these we
had explained (with Yillari, i. 24 V that by the " proud harlot," Savonarola meant
Rome. As the writer in the Irish A'_r has pointed out, l-'ra Girolamo's own
interpretation of his own words (which we had not then seen) must be taken as
decisive.
io GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
the B. Sebastian Maggi, and is said to have declared with a
freedom which a confessor in our days would hesitate to permit him-
self that it was doubtful whether he was guilty even of venial sin
deliberately committed. 1 As an instance, by no means without
significance, of his solid virtue, we may mention that whereas
already before his entrance upon the religious life he had con-
ceived a marked distaste for the study of metaphysics, it is clear
from his published writings on the subject that he devoted himself
to such studies with all the zeal which the most perfect obedience
could prompt.- All this being so, it is no matter for surprise that
within seven years of the commencement of his novitiate his superiors
appointed him to the responsible post of "lector" to the novices, a
position which he filled first at Bologna and subsequently as will
hereafter appear at Florence. At the same time, it may be per-
missible to surmise that it might have been better for himself,
personally, had a longer period elapsed before he was advanced to
such a post of authority. It seems to us that if ever there was a
man who needed the guidance of another, not necessarily of higher
intellectual gifts or superior virtue, but of a more evenly-balanced
judgment and less impressionable character than himself, that man
was Fra Girolamo Savonarola ; and to the lack of such masterful
guidance in the earlier years of his religious life may not improbably
be attributed, at least in some degree, the aberrations (as we cannot
but regard them) of his later career. 3
1 Cinozzi, p. 4 : Burlamacchi, pp. 20, sqq. - Burlamacchi, p. 21.
3 Here again we have had the misfortune to incur the strictures of our
courteous critic in the Irish A'osary, who takes us to task for our presumption in
venturing to find fault with the action of men so distinguished for holiness of life
and other high qualities as Maggi and Bandello (Irish Rosary, p. 317). It must be
remembered, however, tint Maggi was precisely the man to whom, a few years
later, Savonarola refused to submit when ordered to do so by the Pope, and that
Bandello, as General of the Order, felt himself obliged to inhibit the paying of
posthumous honours to Savonarola (Marchcse, Sinito Storico, p. 106). It is at
least possible that in after days both these distinguished men saw reason to regret
the somewhat rapid promotion of Fra Girolamo to a position of trust and authority.
Of course, if Savonarola's subsequent action be judged capable of a complete vindi-
cation, there is no need to call in question the prudence of his superiors in the
matter of his first appointments. In this case it will only be necessary to regret
the subsequent blindness of these same superiors; a consequence to which it is
possible that our critic has not fully adverted. But if it be lawful to hold (with
Benedict XIV. and other respectable authorities) that Savonarola afterwards fell,
not necessarily into any grave fault, but into more than one serious error, then it
is not superfluous to consider whether the way may have l>een in some degree
paved for such a lapse in the circumstances of the earlier years of his religious life.
CHAPTER II
FIRST YKARS IN THE MINISTRY: ROME AND ITALY L'NDF.R
SIXTUS IV. AND INNOCENT VIII.
IT was in 1481 that Fra Girolamo began to exercise the ministry
of preaching. His first course of sermons was delivered in the
church of Santa Maria degli Angeli at Ferrara. Eight years after-
wards, in a letter written to his mother from Pavia, where he was
then engaged, he implies that his work for souls in his native city
had not met with that measure of visible success which might have
been desired. " Many a time it has been said to me at Ferrara, by
those who saw me employed in this work of travelling from city
to city [to preach] that our brethren must be greatly in need of
men" i.e. of competent preachers -"as who should say: 'If they
set so worthless a man as you to so great a task, they must indeed
be in need of workers.'" 1 The principle, he declares, still holds
good that no man is a prophet in his own country. 15ut it would
obviously be ungenerous and unfair to press too closely such an
avowal on the part of a man whose sensitiveness to any appearance
of ill-success was the counterpart of his earnest /eal : and we may
feel sure that the good seed sown at Ferrara did not fail to bear
good fruit, even though the results were not visible to the eye of
the preacher himself.
In the autumn of the same year the threatened outbreak of
hostilities between the Venetians and Ereole d'F.ste occasioned a
general disturbance of the various courses of study which were
carried on at Ferrara.- The Dominican students were dispersed
to other convents of the Order, and among them Fra (lirolamo was
sent to that of S. Marco at Florence. Fra Yincen/io Handella, who
1 Savonarola to his mother, 251)1 January 1400 i Man IICM-. p. 113*.
- " Per cation ilello, guerra cho avcvun inessu e \ ini/iani ;il Duca .-.age, apparently from the letter above referred to, is given by
Pastor, v. 183, after Reumont, Lorenzo f
the foulest crimes. These chaiges, made l>y a partisan who writes \\ith un-
disguised animosity, must be dismissed as unproved" (Creighton, v. 115). Wt en
Yillari writes (i. 25), " I .a scandaloza libidine di Sisto non conosceva limiti iii
sorte alcuna,'' he is following Infessura, and shotting himself to be no safe guide.
a " Cujus ante imaginem ita intentis et mente et ocvilis orare solilus eiat, ut
horae spatio nunquam connivere sit visus" (Sigismondo de' Conti, afnd Creighton,
v. 113). " With touching perseverance, the feeble old man made his pilgrimages
of devotion to the churches of Santa Maria del Popolo and della Pace, which he
had built in horn ur of the lilessed Virgin" .J'astor, iv. 4iS>.
4 Pastor, iv. 428.
This is fully admitted by Pastor (iv. 4I9\ and strongly urged, as might be
expected, by Creighton (v. 62, 65). "Other Popes," lie writes, "hail been
nepotists a little, but to Sixtus IV. nepotism stood in the hr>t place."
Pastor (Av. ,-//.) speaks of " that unfortunate attachment to his nephews . . .
which entangled him in a labyrinth of political complications, from which, at
last, no honourable exit was possible."
I)
i8 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
of the ever-infamous Alexander VI. 1 Sufficient allowance, it is true,
has not always been made for the difficult position in which Sixtus
found himself on his succession to the Papacy, nor have the motives
which actuated him been always justly estimated. He cannot fairly
be blamed for having wished by every lawful means to consolidate
the dominions which he held in trust for the Church, or for having
sought to round off his frontiers by such a transaction as the
purchase of Imola from Galeazzo Sfor/a of Milan, by way of
protection against the dangers to be apprehended from intriguing
neighbours. 2 Nor again is it to be wondered at that he should
have desired to be served by subordinates who would, as might be
supposed, be thoroughly devoted to himself, and who might be
relied upon to carry out those vigorous measures of home govern-
ment which could alone secure the internal peace and well-being
of the States of the Church, an object which he undoubtedly
had at heart. 3 And it may not unreasonably be maintained that
the effective carrying out of this twofold purpose would in the
long run have greatly conduced to the welfare of the Church at
large. 4
But granting that his aims were less crudely ambitious than they
are deemed to have been, even by so fair-minded an historian as
Dr Creighton, it cannot be pretended that Sixtus had solely in view
the welfare of the Church. And even had his motives been as
purely unselfish as they were in reality mixed, it must not be
forgotten that the aim and the end do not justify the means.
Assuredly, no aim or end could justify the promotion of the crowd
of needy relatives whose mischievous influence was the bane of
1 Pastor, iv. 416 ; v. 233.
B Among these neighbours not the least dangerous was Lorenzo cle' Medici,
whose treacherous conduct towards the Pope is dealt with by Pastor (iv. 270 .\Y/?,/.).
3 On the home government of Sixtus IV., cf. Pastor, iv. 426.
4 When Dr Creighton (iii. 101) exhibits Sixtus in the light of "an Italian
prince who was engaged in consolidating his dominions into an important State,"
and says that he "pursued" this object "passionately, to the exclusion of the
other duties of his office," and again (p. 102), that " the object which Sixtus IV.
set before himself was not a lofty one/' we are inclined to think that he is hardly
fair to the Pope. Given the temporal power as an actual fact, it is easy to see
how the duty of establishing the government of the 1'apal States on a satisfactory
basis might seem to claim the first place in the order of execution, though not in
that of ultimate importance. And the same view of the situation appears to have
been taken by a much greater man than Sixtus, his nephew, Julius II.
FIRST YEARS IN THE MINISTRY 19
this disastrous pontificate. 1 The fault, and it was a grievous one,
brought with it its own retribution. The instruments of his choice
proved too powerful for the hand that would have wielded them ;
and the naturally energetic character of Sixtus degenerated into a
lamentable weakness under the domination of the untamed and
untrained upstarts in whose hands he had placed the reins of
power. The mad extravagance, the scandalous luxury, the un-
blushing immorality of Cardinal Pietro Riario received no effective
check from the Pope, who seems, indeed, to have been infatuated
in his affection for this graceless nephew. And the insatiable
ambition of Pietro's brother, the Count Girolamo Riario, entailed
political consequences in which Sixtus only too readily allowed
himself to be involved. -
It is, moreover, important to notice, that the circumstances of
the time were such as to bring the misdeeds of the Pope, or rather
of his representatives, very prominently under the notice of
Savonarola. It was shortly before the departure of Girolamo from
his father's house for the Dominican novitiate, that Eleanora of
Aragon, daughter of Ferrante, King of Naples, arrived at Ferrara as
the wife of Ercole d'Este. And the reception of the newly-married
couple in Rome, on their way from Naples, had been on a scale
of sumptuous magnificence, "which startled even the luxurious
princes of Italy." This was mainly the work of Pietro Riario,
who achieved thereby an unenviable though splendid notoriety
throughout Italy, and more particularly in the city of Fra Girolamo's
1 Five of the nephews of Sixtus were made cardinals l>y him, viz. Giuliano
and Cristoforo della Kovere, Girolamo Basso, Pietro Riario, and Rnffaelle Sansoni.
Of these only two, Giuliano della Kovere (afterwards Julius II.) and Girolamo
I'asso, were in any way worthy of their high office. Girolamo Kiario, brother of
Pietro, was made Count of Forl! and afterwards of Imola, and married Caterina,
daughter of Galeazzo Sfor/a, Duke of Milan: Lionaido dt-lla Kovere married a
natural daughter of Ferrante of Naples, and was made Duke of Sora : Girolamo
della Kovere married the daughter and heiress of Fcderigo, Duke of I'rbino ; while
for other members, lay and clerical, of the Kovere and Kiario families, matrimonial
alliances and ecclesiastical appointments, only less distinguished, \\ere plentifully
provided.
2 Dr Pastor, following Schmarsow, speaks of the character of Sixtus as showing
moments of great energy alternating with intervals of reaction and weakness, and
adds with truth : " The crafty Girolamo relentlessly lunn d these weaker moments
to account " (iv. 430). Dr Creighton writes (iii. \o$) : "It is impossible not to
feel that the low savagery and brutal resoluteness of Count Girol.uno were echoes
of the natural man of Sixtus IV. , which (in his case) had been in some measure
tempered by early training and the habits of self-restraint."
20 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
birth. 1 This same cardinal was, moreover, about the same time,
created Archbishop of Florence, and his solemn progress, as Legate
of Umbria, though Florence, Bologna, Ferrara, Milan, and Venice,
served to impress upon the minds of the inhabitants an indelible
memory of the lengths to which the pompous splendour of a
haughty ecclesiastical parvenu could go.- But worse than this was
to follow.
In 1478 the nefarious conspiracy of the Pazzi, in which (lirolamo
Kiario and Francesco Salviati, Archbishop of Pisa, were implicated
as principals, took effect in the sacrilegious murder of Giuliano de'
Medici in the Cathedral of Florence, and Lorenzo himself narrowly
escaped the same fate. 3 It is absolutely untrue to say that Sixtus
had any hand in this awful crime. 4 But it can hardly be questioned
that he had it in his power to take effective steps for its prevention
at a time when he must have foreseen, to say the least, the
probability that a murder would be committed ;' and the necessity
under which he found himself of protesting against the utter dis-
regard of ecclesiastical immunities, and of the most elementary form
of justice, with which Salviati was punished by the Florentine
authorities, and against the unjust, as well as illegal, imprisonment
of Cardinal Sansoni-Riario, unfortunately gave a colour of plausibility
to the opinion of those who regarded Sixtus as an accomplice in
the crime. Moreover, the memory of the interdict which Sixtus
1 The proceedings are described in detail by Pastor, iv. 241 sqq. ; Creighton,
iii. 64 ; Gregorovius-, vii. 233 si/etween the
Medici and Paz/i, must be ascrilxjd the coalition of Girolamo Kiario and Arch-
bishop Salviati in this nefarious design against Loren/o and his brother Giuliano.
The best account of the conspiracy is in Pastor, iv. 300 sqq.
4 This is clear from the confession of Montesecco, quoted by Pastor (loc. fit.) and
Creighton (iii. 75).
Creighton, loc. fit. : ff. Pastor, iv. 312, who, though he blames Sixtus, i>
perhaps too lenient in his judgment.
' To cite 'mly two instances, Guirciardin (Storia /'iorcntiiia, p. 37) says
plainly: " Concorrcva in questo trattato non solo il conte, ma iviundio la Santlta
FIRST YEARS IN THE MINISTRY 21
had laid upon the city of Florence on this occasion was still fresh
when, just twenty years later, Savonarola laughed to scorn the threat
of a similar interdict, repeatedly uttered by Alexander VI.
So, too, the war with Ferrara, though not precisely " due to
Sixtus IV.," was undoubtedly due to his nephew, Girolamo Riario,
and what seemed like an unscrupulous attempt at spoliation, to
which the Pope gave his full sanction, could hardly fail to make
a deeper impression on the mind of Fra Girolamo than it might
otherwise have done, when he saw it directed against his own
native city. 1 It is true that, before the close of 1482, the Pope
concluded a peace with Naples, Milan, and Florence, whereby the
possession of his States was guaranteed to the Duke of Ferrara ; but
the war was continued by Venice. Sixtus now turned his arms
against that Republic, and the Florentine interdict of 1478 was
followed by the Venetian interdict of 1484. And even apart from
the special injustice of the war against Ferrara, it is clear that the
honour of the Holy See was seriously compromised by complicity
in the petty rivalries of the Italian States. It was the news of a
peace which he deemed dishonourable between the League and
Venice that hastened the death of a Pope whose reign, notwith-
standing his many personal good qualities, which have been too
often overlooked, had been on the whole a most grievous calamity
to the Church.
It is not easy to say in what light Fra Girolamo regarded the
election of Innocent VIII. The inscription which prefaces the
poem called Oratio pro Ecclesia> written shortly after that election,
seems to show that he regarded the peaceful conclusion of the
conclave as the result of a divine intervention ; while, on the other
del Pap;i no era conscia "; and Nardi writes: ''Dagli sdegni di quote due
fnmiglie fu causala hi infiusrritta perniziosa congiura . . . sccondo \i si
tfifera non sen/a saputa del medesimo Pontefice" (i. 17). Of the prompt and
savage vengeance taken on this occasion Guicciardini (pp. 40 >t Firr.ua was held out as a
bait (Pastor, loc. cit.}.
22 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
hand, it is clear from the poem itself that he was still full of appre-
hensions for the future. 1 The opening lines, which occur again at
the end of the poem, are these :
Jcsu, dolcc.conforto e sommo bene
D'ogni affannato core,
Risguarda Roma con perfetto amore.
Rome, or more explicitly the " holy Roman Church," has been
brought by the demon to a sad pass.
Soccorsi a la Romana
Tua Santa Chiesa, che il demonio atterra, etc.
The principal reason for the poet's dread of impending disaster
lies in the wealth and in the corresponding avarice of the clergy :
E quanto sangue, oime ! tra noi s' aspetta
Se la tua man pietosa,
Che di perdonar sempre si diletta,
Non la riduce a quella
Pace che fu quand' era poverella.
But if the election of the new Pope seemed for a moment to be
due to a special intervention of Providence for the avoidance of a
schism, the history of Innocent's reign is enough to convince the
student of ecclesiastical history that Fra Girolamo must have seen his
worst apprehensions only too speedily realised. It would be unjust
to Innocent, as it would be unjust to Sixtus, not to credit him with
a genuine desire for the welfare of the Church. But both Pontiffs
seem to have been infatuated with the idea that the cause of God
can be forwarded by the adoption of a thoroughly worldly policy, and
that self-seeking can go hand in hand with the duty of seeking the
Kingdom of God. As Girolamo Riario, after the death of his
brother, Cardinal Pietro, had ruled Sixtus IV., notwithstanding that
Pope's admitted force of character, so the weak and vacillating
Innocent allowed himself to become a tool in the hands of Cardinal
Giuliano della Rovere, and of his own son (born before his entrance
1 The poem lx.-ars this superscription : " Oratio pro Ecclcsia Quanclo, mortuo
Sisto IV., suscitavit diabolus disscnlionern in ICcclesia : 1484, dc mensc august i.
Doininiis igitur apposnit inanuin ; ct facta concordia, in forcvi electus cst In-
nocentius VIII., non sine admirationc ovium, quac dc schismate dubitahant "
(Villari anil Casanova, Scclta, p. 413).
FIRST YEARS IN THE MINISTRY 23
into the ecclesiastical state) Franceschetto Cibb. 1 And more than
this ; to the scandal of unblushing nepotism was now added the
further scandal of a Pope eager to arrange, and to celebrate with
almost unparalleled magnificence, lucrative and politically ad-
vantageous marriages for his own children and grandchildren. 2
The condition of Rome itself under these Popes may be truly, and
without exaggeration, described as disgraceful. While Pinturricchio
and Ghirlandajo, and Melozzo da Forli and Perugino and Mantegna
and others were busily engaged in the adornment of the Sistine
Chapel, of the Vatican, and of other palaces and churches ; while
numerous sacred edifices were being erected, which too often
testified to the wealth and ostentation rather than to the devotion
of their founders ; while the streets of Rome were being straightened,
and widened, and paved ; these same streets were daily and nightly
the scene of murderous brawls, of which the open feuds of the della
Valle and Santa Croce, of the Colonna and Orsini, afforded only the
most noteworthy examples. Of the venality and corruption which
prevailed among the officials in the Papal Court, and of the increas-
ing prevalence of sensual vice even among ecclesiastics of the
highest standing, it is needless to speak in detail. It may be
enough to recall to mind, as an indication of the state of affairs, that
when Lorenzo de' Medici sent his son Giovanni (afterwards Pope
Leo X.) to Rome, to be invested, at the early age of eighteen, with the
dignity of cardinal to which he had already been appointed three
years earlier this not over-scrupulous father warned the youthful
ecclesiastic that he was going to a city which was a very sink of
iniquity, and that it behoved him to take every precaution to
preserve himself from contamination.' 5
And of the rest of Italy what is to be said, but that this was the
dark age of a race of petty despots, all of them with hardly an
exception debased in character as many of them were tainted in
1 Pastor, v. 242, 265, 368 si/tf. Giovanni della Revere, Giuliano's brother,
was made captain-general of the Papal forces. As regards Franccsclutto, it
must be remembered that he was thirty-five years of age at the time of his father's
election (Creighton, iii. 120 note}. " It is certain that from the moment Giovanni
Battista [Cibo, i.e. Innocent VIII.] entered the ecclesiastical state, all the accusa-
tions against the purity of his private life cease " (Pastor, v. .24 1 \
- We allude to the marriages of Franceschetto Ciln> to M.uldalcn.i de' Medici,
and of Battistina, the Pope's grand -daughter, with I>n Luigi. giandson t Fenantc
of Naples (Pastor, v. 269, 285 pects of the Renaissance period in Italy. ay that his method is " professedly " that of continuous exposition, be-
cause i' very often happens that the continuity is so broken by lengthy digressions
extending sometimes through several sermons, as to lie almost lost sight of.
THE PREACHER 29
Another noteworthy feature of Savonarola's sermons, and one
which per se is most worthy of imitation, is the use which he makes
of the Summa of S. Thomas Aquinas. This is particularly con-
spicuous in the discourses delivered in the Lent of 149-}, where very
numerous references to the Summa may he found noted in the
margin of the Venetian edition of 1536. !
Nevertheless, although these sermons are distinguished by many
excellent qualities, we cannot follow Luotto when he would set up
Savonarola as a model preacher. Besides the defects which have
been already noted, whole series of his discourses are characterised by
a certain artificiality and fancifulncss of which it cannot even be said
according to the hackneyed phrase that it is to be admired rather
than imitated. To us at least it seems in no sense admirable, except
so far as even a misplaced kind of ingenuity may demand the tribute
of a qualified appreciation. We may take an example from the
Lenten sermons of 1494, which have just been mentioned. Here
we have a succession of nearly forty discourses " Super Arcam Noe "
on the building of Noah's Ark the general plan of which is as
follows. In view of the coming tribulations a vessel is to be built in
which the faithful may take refuge from the Flood. The length of
the Ark is interpreted as signifying faith, its breadth charity, its
height hope. Accordingly, with very few exceptions, each of the
discourses sets out from one or other of the three texts : ' Walk
while ye have the light " (John xii. 35); "Seek ye the Lord while-
He may yet be found" (Isa. Iv. 6); and "Blessed is the man whose
hope is the name of the Lord"(Ps. \\xix. 5). So far, good : for
there is no reason why a most excellent course of sermons should
not be preached on the three theological virtues, or why a single
text, or two, or three should not do duty for the whole of such a
1 They commence at f. iS. Presumably they are to he found in other editions
also, but we can speak only of the one which lies before us. ( >f the >ennon~
preached before 1491 we have only the preacher's rough drafts, in Latin, several
of which Villari has published (vol. i. Append, pp. xii. .'//. K
When Yivoli says of the Lenten Sermons of 1492 (he means 1404) " >no st.imp.Ue
latino, bent he niolto Siorrctti, the Dio ferdoni a Jii ,;>.\-i .>/,7"//.7;- !f fi\'<\" he hardly
goes beyond the admission which the editor himself makes in his Preface. It was
not till 1495 (1494 stylo florentino) that Vivoli himself began to make his most
valuable and very faithful reports, at first, as he says, " in sustan/a pin per tin
suo exercitio che per altio,'' but afterwards, ''appunto .it :r;A> ,;./ rfrbum"
(Villari, i. Append, pp. lix., Ixi.). The very important series of sermons preached
in the Autumn and Advent of 1494 were reported by Stefano da Codiponte
(Villari, i. 227).
30 r.IROI.AMO SAVONAROLA
course. But this is not all. On each day the preacher undertakes
to provide ten planks for the construction of the Ark, and it is here
that the overstrained artificiality makes itself apparent. In some
cases the ten planks are suitable enough for their purpose. They
are ten points of dogmatic teaching concerning the attributes of
God, 1 or concerning the Holy Trinity,- or ten motives for the love
of poverty, :i or ten salutary counsels for a time of tribulation, 1 or the
like. But as Lent draws towards its close, the exigencies of this
complicated design reduce the preacher to strange expedients. The
planks make their appearance adorned with strange and mysterious
devices, and inscribed with texts of Holy Scripture ;'' and one cannot
help feeling that too large a place is here given to mere imagination,
and that the truths which the preacher wishes to inculcate would
come with greater force if they were urged with more simplicity. So,
too, at the outset of each sermon, with a few exceptions, Satan is
introduced as presenting himself, usually under some disguise, to
trouble the preacher or his hearers with some objection or specious
temptation. To such a quasi-parabolic method of introducing the
answer to current popular fallacies no objection can be raised so
long as the narrative is palpably and professedly fictitious. But so
thin is the dividing line which separates these mere fictions from
the closely analogous visions which Fra Girolamo was wont more
especially in subsequent years to communicate to his hearers, that
one cannot help suspecting that the assiduous culture of the imagina-
tion which these fictions bespeak may have been a predisposing cause
which exposed him to the danger of illusion in the matter of his
visions.''' This, however, is a point on which we shall have more to
say in the next chapter.
But when we turn from these defects-- if defects they be of
form, of arrangement, of exegetical and imaginative setting, to the
substance of Fra (lirolamo's discourses, a careful examination of a
sufficient number of them (for we do not profess to have read them
1 Sermones Super Arcain A\>c' (Venire, !$$(>} ff. 22 c He set the example of poverty ; (_}) herausc tlir A pintles
set the same, example ; and so foiih.
4 //'id., ff. 114 .e Simplifi/atc I'itac Christianac (especially book ii. c. 2\
and the sermons on the First Fpistle of S. lolin, passim. The same principles
are likewise inculcated in the sermons " Super A ream Xoe " especially in the
earlier ones (e.g, IT. 52-54) and elsewhere (ul>li>her to make altar-
linen, cottas, vestments, etc., when they ought lather to provide for their families.
What he says on the subject is not formally erroneous, but his words at least
suggest a condemnation of what is in itself praiseworthy.
C
34 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
to their true end, and to disabuse them, intellectually, of the fallacies
of \\orldliness, without also arousing in them a deep and abiding
horror and detestation of sin. And here he was, if not in all respects
at his best, at all events confessedly most forceful. The prevalent
vices of the day, avarice, simony, usury, gambling, impurity, were
lashed by him with a very fury of zeal which, in the space of a few
years, changed the face of the city, and not merely reduced to a
relative minimum the actual volume of vice, but in great measure
compelled the vicious to hide away their wickedness, and at least
to refrain from giving open scandal. Of Fra Girolamo's invectives
against vice we shall have occasion to give some specimens here-
after : but, in the meanwhile, we would rpmark that even if it be
admitted (as we think it must) that in this particular he exceeded
the bounds of moderation, one motive at least which most powerfully
influenced him, and which goes far to explain and even to justify
his vehemence, was the overmastering desire to deliver the innocent
and the frail, children and the gentler sex, servants and dependents
and the poor, from the tyranny of evil example, of wicked fashions,
of aggressive lust, and of oppressive greed and cruelty.
Nor was it merely the spiritual needs of men for which Fra
Girolamo would make provision. The corporal works of mercy
were, in his eyes, only less important than the spiritual, and his
views on this subject must be allowed to have been eminently
practical. The wars and political disturbances of the period had
led to a great neglect of agriculture, and swarms of needy peasants
flocked into Florence during the years of Savonarola's ministry in
that city. It should never be forgotten that Savonarola set himself
with all his immense energy to the work of providing for their
necessities ; not merely by urging again and again the duty of
coming to their relief, but also by taking efficacious means for the
collection and distribution of abundant alms.
Yet while he lays stress on the duty of paying a fair wage, of
abstention from oppressive usury, and of almsgiving on the part of
the rich, he also inculcates with the utmost earnestness and urgency
the duty of labour and of patience on the part of the poor ; and it
is interesting to note how he insists that the best form of almsgiving
is to provide employment for those who are capable of it. 1
Nor must we pass over in silence the evidences of a deep and
tender piety which are to be found in abundance in his discourses.
1 Luotto, pp. 33 syy.
THE PREACHER 35
It would have been to little purpose to discuss and expound, in the
terms of scholastic philosophy and theology, drawn from the Snmma
of S. Thomas, the teaching of the Church concerning the adorable
Sacrament of the Altar, unless the apprehension of this teaching had
been made to subserve the ultimate end and purpose of exciting true
devotion. The picture which Fra Girolamo draws of the preparation
of a good Christian family for their Easter Communion is as beautiful
as it is lifelike. The duty of confession and communion at this
holy time is not to be treated as a purely personal matter which
concerns the individual only, and to which as little reference as
possible is to be made in ordinary domestic intercourse. Rather it
is a duty which concerns the entire family as such, and is to be
performed by all together. After all have attended the public
offices of the Church on Holy Saturday, and have returned home
betimes, the head of the household is recommended to assemble its
members ("il mcssere e la madonna con i figliuoli intorno, e i servi
e le serve ") for the recitation of the penitential Psalms and the
Litanies, and for a short meditation, before retiring to rest. They
will do well to rise early, and to recite together the Office of Our
Lady, and once more to spend some time in meditation, before
proceeding to their parish church there to receive our Lord. 1
Second only to his devotion to the Blessed Sacrament, and to
the Passion of our Lord (of which latter we cannot here speak in
detail) was his filial veneration of the Virgin Mother of God.
" Tu sci ccrta speranza
I)i tutti yli om mundani
Clr in te non ha fidanza
Si vol volar sen/.' all."
Thus, echoing Dante, he addresses her in one of his poems, and
her praises occur again and again in his sermons. Dr Luotto gives
a long and beautiful passage, in which certain passages from the
P>ook of Wisdom, which are applied to Our Lady in the Liturgy, are
made the vehicle of counsels addressed to different classes of the
faithful. Mary is "a fruitful vine/' therefore her sons should be "as
grapes that are fused in one wine of charity." Mary is the '' Mother
of beautiful love," but not of the profane and sensual love of this
world, therefore her daughters should adorn themselves in a manner
that becomes modest women, not in such a way as to excite evil
1 Luotio, pp. 45, 46.
36 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
passions. In Mary is "all hope of life and of truth," therefore let
the little ones, who have life yet before them, look to her for example
and for help. 1
Of the immediate results of Fra Girolamo's preaching there is, as
has been said, no manner of doubt. Enthusiastic admirers and
deadly enemies, Pia^fiani and Armbbiati, are alike agreed that the
face of the city was changed. Florence, writes Ghivizzano, the
Mantuan envoy, has become like a monastery. The lascivious
songs, called Carnascialeschi^ which used to be heard on all sides
at the time of the Carnival, and to the composition of which even
Lorenzo de' Medici demeaned himself, gave place to pious canticles :
and the gaudy pageants in which the gilded youth of Florence took
delight were relinquished in favour of religious processions. The
money which but for Fra Girolamo would have been squandered
on finery and luxury, or which would have been lost at the gambling
table for the passion for high play was one of the moral plagues of
the city, and had infected every class of society now found its way
to the friars' alms-boxes, and through them to the poor. All this it
would be vain to deny, nor has it been called in question by those
who have felt constrained to pass an unfavourable judgment on his
prophecies, his political action, and his resistance to the lawful
authority of the Pope. But even apart from these things, and others
which have been already mentioned, there still remain several points
in connection with his preaching on which widely divergent opinions
have been expressed.
In the first place, it has been asserted with some emphasis by Dr
Pastor, and has been implied even by so large-hearted a judge of
men as Cardinal Xewman, that the success of Fra Girolamo's
preaching was ephemeral. After his tragic death, writes Newman,
"things went on pretty much as before." "The religious enthusiasm
which he had aroused, the moral renovation which he had effected,"
says Dr Pastor, "were transitory. They were like a fire which bla/es
up quickly, and quickly dies away."-
\Ve are inclined to think that statements of this kind are apt to
create a somewhat false impression. It is no doubt invariably the
case that every great religious revival is followed by a certain
reaction ; and no missioncr, unless he be very inexperienced indeed,
expects that the fervour, which for the moment he may, with God's
help, succeed in arousing, will be permanently maintained at the
1 Luotto, pp. 56-58. a Pastor, iii. 154. Cf. I'ilipcpi, pp. 490, 495 sqq.
THE PREACHER 37
same pitch. -But he knows well that it is a great matter to tu-
rner! to a sense of sin, to excite them to acts of contrition and to
deeds of penance, and to fill them even for the moment with some-
degree of enthusiasm in the good cause of their own salvation. He-
knows very well that many will fall back, some sooner, some later,
into their old ways ; but he also trusts that it will not be so with all ;
and he has a well-grounded confidence that xeal in the ministry of
the word will surely bear some fruit, however modest the harvest
may be when judged by a human standard. \Vhether the harvest
be more or less abundant, whether the results of his apostolic
labours be more or less enduring, will depend, under (Jod, partly
upon the purity of his motives, the self-abnegation with which his
work is carried on, the fervour of prayer with which it is accompanied,
but partly also upon natural or acquired gifts of eloquence, energy,
sympathy, tact, and the like; and very largely on the prudence of
his conduct and the appropriateness of his methods. Now we are
entirely of opinion that if the work of Savonarola had been carried
out with greater prudence, the ultimate results of his labours would
have been more far-reaching and more permanent; mote like those
which were achieved by that other great preacher whose tercentenary
has recently been celebrated, the Blessed Peter Canisius. But \\hen
we bear in mind the life-long impression made by the preaching of
Savonarola upon men like the younger Pico della Mirandola,
Girolamo Benivieni, Fra Benedetto da Firen/e, Fra Placieo C'intvxi,
Simone Filipepi, anel others of more or less distinction in the world
of politics, literature, or art, we are forced to the conclusion that theie
must have been many hundreds of persons, of whom no record has
been preserved, in whose souls that same preaching bore fruits that
never entirely withered away and decayed. 1 For this reason we feel
bound to enter a protest against any sweeping statement to the effect
that the success of Savonarola's ministry was merely ephemeral.
The harvest indeed was not so abundant, or of so hard}' a growth,
as under other circumstances it might have been ; and the tares of
spurious prophecy and visionary self-delusions, unconsciously sown
by him, sprang up and fructified only too plentifully side by side
with the wheat of sound doctrine, and of Christian piety.'-' But
while we fully recognise this, it is well that we should not close our
1 l)r Pastor bears witness u> the salutary iniluciuv (.xcu'iMil l>y ^.i\vn.m>la en
some of the most eminent among the Florentine aiti^ta ol the day liii. 140-47).
1'astor, v. 200 syi/.
38 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
eyes to the good grain which it pleased God to raise from the land
that had been watered by the tears, watched over by the vigils, and
cultivated by the unsparing labour of this too wayward and in many
respects only too unskilful husbandman.
There is another charge which has been laid at the door of Fra
Girolamo, by I)r Pastor among others, which seems to us to have
been somewhat unduly pressed. It is that of an exaggerated
asceticism, of a mischievous tendency to confound counsel with
precept, and to impose, as if they were of strict obligation, practices
which might seem to lie even beyond the sphere of prudent advice.
In other words, Savonarola has been condemned as a rigorist, the
Tertullian of his age. 1 Now that Fra Girolamo was prone to
exaggeration is, we believe, incontestable, but the charge can, we
venture to think, hardly be sustained in terms so extreme as these.
In his development of this part of his subject, Dr Pastor has in the
main, and to a great extent verbatim, followed Perrens ; but when
we come to inquire into the contemporary evidence on which
Perrens here rests his case, it turns out to be somewhat slender.'-'
The principal witness is Ghivizzano, whose letter to the Marquis of
Mantua has been already mentioned. " This friar," he writes, " has
so frightened the people [of Florence] that all have given themselves
up to devotion. . . . He makes eveiybody (' tutta questa terra ') fast
three days a week on bread and water, and twice a week on bread
and wine. He has made all the young maidens, and many of the
married women, betake themselves to convents, so that one sees in
Florence only servants and slaves and old crones."" Now these
statements are so unequivocally definite that Dr Pastor may be
pardoned for having taken them as setting forth the bare facts of
the case and as affording ground for an unprejudiced judgment. 4
But we are inclined to think that he has by no means adequately
1 " Essentially a rigorist of the type of Tertullian, to him due moderation was
impossible" (Pastor, v. 203).
a On one point at least Dr Pastor (Ikurtheilung, p. 58) has promised to modify
his statements in a second edition of his work.
" A fato fugire tute le donzelle e partc dellc maritate in de monastcri per
modo che non se vede per Fiorenza se non fante e schiavone e vecchiamc "
((jhivi/./.ano to Gon/aga, 171)1 November 1494 ; Cosci, p. 20 j ; Pastor, v. 203 ;
Luotto, p. 1 60).
4 In fact Dr Pastor, in his reply to Dr Luotlo. speaks of " des /eugni^s des
ganz olijcctiv ttrthcilcnden n.antuanischen Gesandten liber die von Savonarola
masilos ubertricbenen Fasten " (Bcurihcilmig, p. 52. Italics ouis).
THE PREACHER
gauged the Italian diplomatist's capacity for what may charitably be
described as hyperbole.
As regards the matter of fasting, so far as we can gather them
from Fra Girolamo's own sermon the facts are these : Shortly after
the beginning of November 1494, he exhorts his hearers to fast
thrice a week till Advent, and on Fridays to fast on bread and
water. 1 On ist May 1495, he recommends them to fast on one day
of the week, and to abstain from flesh meat on Wednesdays. 2 On
28th May (Ascension Day) of the same year he advises them to
observe a " Lent " from the following day until Whitsun-Kve, i.e. on
eight days in all, of which one was already a fast-day and four were
days of abstinence. 3 The same recommendation he gives in 1496,
and he urges that the Advent of that year be observed in the same
manner as Lent is wont to be observed ; 4 and, so far as we are aware,
this is all. It is, of course, possible that we may have overlooked
other instances of the same kind, and we do not undertake to deny
that on the occasions which have been mentioned the preacher may
have been somewhat exacting ; but at least it must be admitted that
such counsels fall far short of the more than Spartan code attributed
to Fra Girolamo by the hostile and malicious pen of Ghivizzano.
Moreover, on these occasions the Friar was careful to add that the
fast was to be "discreet," and to be undertaken only by those whose
health and duties permitted it.
Cappelli has brought to light a letter of Savonarola to one
Ludovico Pittorio, who had consulted him about this very matter
of fasting, and whose questions he answers in as large-minded a
spirit of moderation as could have been expected from S. Philip
Neri himself."' Indeed, it is in his private correspondence that
Savonarola appears at his best.
The counsel which he frequently gave from the pulpit, with
regard to richness of apparel and personal adornment, may seem to
us in these democratic days a little minutious in its discrimination
between the different classes and ranks of society; but the principles
which he lays down on the subject are based upon the words of the
two great Apostles, S. Peter and S. Paul (i Pet. iii. 3 ; i Tim. ii.
1 S. 3 on Aggaeus (November 1494).
- Sermons on the Psalms (ist May 1405).
3 Ibid. (2Sth May).
4 S. 19 on Ruth : S. I on K/ekicl : I.uotti'. pp. 174 .lyy.
'' Savonarola to Pittorio, 311! August 1497 (Cappelli, ttctt iiS; I.uotto. pp.
I77-7S).
40 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
9, 10), and he is careful to repeat again and again that he does not
intend in this matter to impose or assert the existence of any strict
obligation. 1
Nor can he be justly charged with an exaggerated asceticism on
the strength of his advice with regard to the frequentation of the
Sacraments. " My children," he says, addressing the young, " do
not any longer content yourselves with a yearly confession ; I would
have you confess more frequently ; at least five times in the year."
Again, he specially recommended confession and communion at the
time of the Carnival, by way of precaution and protest against the
wickedness of which this season was commonly made the occasion.
Monthly or fortnightly confession is commended to those who wish
to live devout lives.'-'
But the public spiritual ministry of Fra Girolamo was by no
means confined to his utterances from the pulpit. If the reforms
which he had at heart were to be effectively carried out there was
need of organisation. An impressionable and vivacious people like
the Florentines could not as it seemed to him be weaned from
their pageants and festivities, which tended more and more to
assume a character of scandalous licentiousness, by the purely
negative method of repression ; nor, on the other hand, could these
same people be expected to invent a substitute for themselves.
Accordingly, we find that one of the most remarkable features in his
great work of reformation lay in the devising of religious celebra-
tions which were to take the place of the unhallowed and often
sinful diversions of the past. In so doing he was only carrying out
the principle adopted by the Church in her peaceful warfare with
paganism long centuries before; 3 a principle, too, which had been,
and was to be, carried out in Christian Italy by many another
devoted priest besides Fra Girolamo. We have already touched
upon the point above, but it deserves more particular treatment
here. " Had there been bonfires in the old time," the bonfires of the
capanucd during the Carnival? "There was to be a bonfire now,
consuming impurity from off the earth. Had there been symbolic
processions ? There were to be processions now, but the symbols
were to be white robes, and red crosses, and olive wreaths emblems
of peace and innocent gladness and the banners and images held
aloft were to tell the triumphs of goodness. . . . As for the
collections from street passengers" made by means of s/i/i, or rods
1 Luotto, pp. 162, sut some at least of the details of this and
similar celebrations, as carried out under the directions of Fra
Girolamo, are such that, when we read the description of them,
1 Roinolti, ch. xlix. " Tenevano bustoni lungi in mano accio che non pas-
sasscno so prima non pagavano <|iialdie cosa," writes Somen/i, describing the
proceedings. Del l.ungo explains: " Kra 1'usanza ilelli .?//'//, come chiamavano
tjue' bastoni, co'quali sbaravano la via a' corlei delle spose novellc per avetne di
che far cene e baldorie. II Fiate accorto volgeva a bene li stromenti di corru/ione
per poi toglierli allatto. Anche i famosi bnitiamenti potrebber credersi i>piiati
da <|ue' ftjfaiiHiii carnevaleschi, inlorno a cui i raga//i ankvano stipa e la>cine,
ballamlovi paz/amcnlc d'inlorno e giuocando a' sassi " (.-I. S. /., N.S. \\iii.,
ii. 9).
- Luotto reminds Dr Pastor (p. 143) that plenty of customs have survived in
Italy down to comparatively recent limes which would be deemed lidiculous in
any northern country. In Florence it>elf, tor several centuries, each newly-elected
archbishop went through a symbolical ceremony of betrolh.il with the abless
of S. Pier Maggiore, ihis lady representing the Church of Florence.
3 Luolto, p. 157.
42 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
given in all simplicity by his devoted follower Burlamacchi, it is
difficult to repress a smile. We read of a solemn procession in
which there walked more than five thousand boys, 1 many of them
" in the form of beautiful angels,'' others carrying alms-boxes,
followed by the religious of the different Orders, the secular clergy,
and then the laity, men, women, and girls, all in their order. "So
great was the fervour of that day that not children and women
alone, but also men of station and position . . . laying aside all
human respect, robed themselves in white garments like the
children, and danced and sang before the ' Tabernacle ' (i.e. the
image of our Saviour, which was carried in the procession) like
David before the ark . . . crying out loud with the children ' Viva
Gesu Cristo, Re nostro ! " In this order the procession, after
visiting S. Giovanni and the Duomo, returned at last to S. Marco,
whence it had set forth. There all the Friars came forth from the
convent, vested in albis, "each one wearing a garland on his head,
and they formed in a great circle round the entire Piazza, dancing
and singing Psalms." -
"Had there been dancing in a ring "(we quote again from
Romola], '' under the open sky of the piazza, to the sound of
choral voices chanting loose songs ? There was to be dancing in
a ring now, but dancing of monks and laity in fraternal love and
divine joy, and the music was to be the music of hymns.'' This,
surely, was to carry the principle of adoption and adaptation, the
principle of spoiling the Egyptians, a little too far. It may very well
be that the dance, as Cosci has suggested, was little more than a
processional march round, with steps keeping time to the music ;
but Friars wearing garlands on their heads must surely have trodden
dangerously near to that proverbial precipice over which it is so easy
to fall from the sublime to the laughable. 3 The procession above
described took place in 1496; but in 1498 the programme was
more highly developed. This time we read of three circles ; an
inner ring of novices each attended by a child "dressed as an angel,"
1 Cinozzi, p. 10. The numbers are variously given by Landucci, Somenzi,
and Burlamacchi. Cinozzi's estimate is moderate.
2 " Tutii i Frati convennero usciti dal Convento senza cappa /';/ albis con una
gliirlanda in capo per uno, c fcccro un hallo tondo grandc quanta la piazza,
cantando e salmeggiando innan/i " ' I'.urlamarchi, p. 121 ).
" " Fur die Lacherlichkeit soldier Mittel hattc Savonarola keincn Sinn"
(Pastor, iii. 151). Did not Savonarola en this occasion simply transfer to the
streets of Florence a piece of Fra Angelico's picture of the Last Judgment ?
THE PREACHER 43
a second ring of students (" giovani del Convento " ) each with a lay
youth for his companion, and a third and outer ring of priests and
older religious, wearing garlands, and each accompanied by a grave
citizen. 1 It can hardly be wondered at, that Florence became the
laughing-stock of Italy, or that Fra Girolamo should himself have
felt that he was taking a bold step. Speaking of one of his earlier
processions he says: "I have for once made you all become as
fools. It is not so? But it is not we who have done this, it is
Christ. . . . Often have I preached to you against worldly wisdom,
and now it seems that you yourselves wish to confound it by your
actions. What will you say if one day I shall make you commit a
yet greater folly ? But it will not be my doing, it will be Christ's,
that one day you shall even dance, in the piazza yonder, round the
crucifix, the old as well as the young ; and what will you say then ? "
And he goes on to warn his hearers that although occasionally it is
well to be foolish with a holy folly for Christ's sake, yet this is not
to be done often. As a rule, gravity is to be observed, but the
example of David is worthy of our imitation on occasion. Who
does not see that the perfervid enthusiast is here allowing his
better judgment to be dominated by his imaginative reminiscences
of Old Testament scenes ; and that he is at pains to justify the
process by investing the workings of his over-excited fancy with a
kind of divine halo? And who does not see that by such excesses
he was preparing the way, as Dr Pastor points out, for a disastrous
reaction ? 3
It would be difficult to speak too highly of the splendid work
which Fra Girolamo, ably seconded by Fra Domenico Buonvicino da
1'escia, carried out in reformation of the children and youth of
Florence. Like S. Ignatius of Loyola, he wisely perceived that
whatever hope there might be of the reform of society at large lay in
the rising generation. And what he effected in this particular has
been admirably set forth by Cinozzi.
" I must tell you [he writes] of the fruit which his teaching produced in
the children, boys and girls, of the city. And first I will speak of the
girls. You know that, speaking generally, it seems as though they have
naturally no other inclination except to dress themselves >ho\\ily, and
1 Burlamacchi, p. i2('i.
- S. 4^ on Amos, etc. (Luolto, pp. 130-40).
a " Er beiluchte nicht . . . class die (.Jewaltsainkeit seiner Hekehrun-
maschinerie cine Gegenbewegung hervorrufen mus>te '' i Pastor, iii. 151).
44 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
to give themselves up to all manner of vicious vanity (di cose massime
lascive e vane), and to spend wellnigh all their time in these things.
But all this they put away under the influence of the Father's preaching.
Not that they laid aside what was suitable to their state of life, or that
they showed themselves wanting in good breeding ; but they deprived
themselves of all superfluities and of unbecoming costumes, saying to
their mothers and especially those of noble birth : ' Mother, whatever
you would have spent on our adornment, give it to the poor of Jesus
Christ.' And so, having given themselves entirely to our Lord, they
lived in the greatest charity.
" But words fail me when I try to set forth the change, the wonderful,
stupendous, and almost incredible conversion, of so many thousands of
boys of every condition of life. What they were, how deeply plunged in
every kind of vice, every one knows who has lived in this city. Their
dress bespoke both pride and a shameless lack of modesty ... so that
Florence had become another Sodom, a thing horrible to think of; they
were gamblers, blasphemers, and given up to every kind of vice. But
under the influence of the Friars preaching they became entirely changed,
laid aside their vain and unbecoming modes of dress, desisted from the
vices of which I have spoken, and became so fervent as to be an example
to all Florence. In their faces there shone the radiance (uno splendor) of
divine grace, so that by their means a great work was achieved." 1
It would not of course be safe to take quite literally every word
of this description, coming as it does from the pen of an enthusiastic
admirer of Savonarola. But about the main facts of the case there
can, we think, be no manner of doubt. And we may be quite sure
that it has been reckoned to Fra Girolamo's account by the divine-
lover of children that lie succeeded in winning over so many
thousands of them, for a time at least, to a good and edifying life.
And it would be ungenerous to blame him with any degree of
severity for whatever element of excess or unwisdom it may be
possible to discover in his efforts on their behalf. And yet if a
biographer is not to be a mere panegyrist, he must needs take
account of defects. It would therefore be a mistake to pass over in
silence certain elements in Fra (lirolamo's scheme of social regenera-
tion which were, to say the least, of questionable prudence, anil
which, in our own days no less than in his, have been somewhat
severely criticised.
1 Cino/./i, p. 7. \Vc have been obliged to paraphrase one or two portions of
tliis passage, and also to omit a portion of the writer's very plain-spoken description
of the wickedness which had prevailed before Fra Girolamo came to the rescue of
these victims of bad example and of evil influences, as well as of their own bad
passions.
THE PREACHER 45
Cinozzi has told us that Savonarola not only reformed the
children themselves, but also by means of them set on foot
"extensive operations" ("si facevono operazioni grandissime ").
With the help of I-'ra Domenico they were organised into a kind
of spiritual militia, divided into companies corresponding to the
several quarters of the city, each with its own gonfaloniere and staff
of officers. The duties assigned to them were not merely the
preservation of order, the securing of regular attendance at the
church services, and the repression of abuses among themselves,
but also the collection of alms for the poor, and in particular the
levying of contributions for the bonfire of vanities. 1 The pro-
ceedings, as viewed from a purely naturalistic standpoint, have been
vividly depicted by George Eliot. "The beardless inquisitors,
organised into little regiments, doubtless took to their work very
willingly. To coerce people by shame, or other spiritual pelting,
to the giving up of things which it will probably vex them to part
with, is a form of piety to which the boyish mind is most readily
converted ; and if some obstinately wicked men got enraged, and
threatened the whip or the cudgel, this also was exciting." And
again, after speaking of the procession as " a sight of beauty," she
writes : " Doubtless, many of these young souls were laying up
memories of hope and of awe that might save them from ever
resting in a merely vulgar view of their work as men and citizens.
There is no kind of conscious obedience that is not an advance on
lawlessness, and these boys became the generation of men who
fought greatly and endured greatly in the last struggle of their
Republic."- And certainly, without taking this merely utilitarian
view of religious ceremonies and religious organisation, we may
commend the wisdom which enlisted the enthusiasm of the young
folk of Florence, and drilled it to a holy purpose. But, unfortunately,
the wisdom of Savonarola was not of that kind which knows where
to draw the line in the employment of means for the attainment of
an end excellent in itself; and, unfortunately, he did not confine his
troops of young enthusiasts to the laudable work of collecting alms,
and heaping up gewgaws in a bonfire. They might be usefully
employed, he conceived, for the purpose of the much- needed
repression of gambling. So widespread and so disastrous in its
consequences had this passion become, that the intervention of the
civil government seemed to be imperatively called for ; nor can we
1 Cinozzi, p. 9. - A'cv/.v/ij, ch. xlix.
46 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
be surprised that Fra Girolamo should have welcomed stringent
legislation on the subject. And here we must needs pass over,
with the briefest possible mention of it, a matter on which we
should have liked to dwell at greater length. In estimating the
character of Fra Girolamo's ministry, account must be taken of
the sternness with which in his sermons he repeatedly called on
the Signory to repress public vice, not gambling alone, but blasphemy
also and scandalous immorality, by the infliction of the severest
penalties. 1 Whatever may be thought of the wisdom or unwisdom
of inflicting such penalties in an age very different from our own,
it may at least be doubted whether it formed a part of the office of
a Christian preacher to stir up the civil magistracy to this particular
form of activity. But to return to the children. Fra Girolamo
used the ascendency which he had gained over them, and the
associations in which he had organised them, for the purpose of
exercising through them a kind of inquisitorial surveillance over the
households even of their own parents. And when we read that he en-
couraged children and servants to give information to the magistrates
concerning domestic breaches of the law, we cannot be surprised
that his action should have given offence ; and there was at last
some cause to fear lest he should give to the children themselves a
false idea of their own position and importance which might, in the
long run, be mischievous in its results. -
" I hear/' said Fra Girolamo in one of his sermons, " that
gambling goes on in the city. It is for you, my lords, to take
measures that gambling be prohibited even in private houses. You,
children, if you know of such cases, accuse the delinquents ; but
do not attempt to force an entrance into private houses, for I do
not wish you to create a scandal." 3 And again : " The children
have more zeal for the glory of God than you have. But opposition
has been aroused against them by citi/.ens, priests, and friars. . . .
1 Pastor, lot. lit. ; Ileurtheiliitig, pp. 58 w/y. , Luotlo, pp. 184 .v.///.
- Fra (jirolamo, in at least one of his seriin>ns, railed upon the Signoiy to pass
n law whereby any slave who gave information against his master should he
forthwith liberated if his nrcu-a'.ion were proved true (I.uotto, p. 203). That
there should have been slaves at all in Italy in the fifteenth century was nothing
short of a detestable and demoralising abuse, to the enormity of which 1 >r Pastor
has done full justice (History, \. 126 .w/.y. ). P.ut it does not follow that Savona-
rola'.s proposal was a wise one ; and possibly it was calculated rather to cause
irritation, and to lead to the levying of blackmail, rather than materially to diminish
the evil against which it was directed.
3 S. 17 on Amos (Luotto, p. lS6).
THE PREACHER 47
Why should they be hindered from doing good? These children
are the scourge wherewith the Lord purges His temple a scourge
which makes its way through the whole city, overturning the tables
of the money-changers, that is to say of the gamblers. To what a
pass are we Christians come, that when any one seeks to do good,
be he priest, or friar, or child, every one is down upon him?"
Yet again he cries : "Children, go round and see how matters stand,
for I hear that gambling has begun once more. The Board of
Eight will give you permission to confiscate the cards of those whom
you may find gambling. . . . Therefore, my children, go round
and see that no gambling goes on."
And in fact Burlamacchi tells us how a deputation from the
children waited on the Signory, and how one of their number made
a set speech before them to this effect : " Magnificent and most
excellent Lords! The Almighty (lod, our Lord and Saviour Jesus
Christ, King of Kings and Lord of Lords, who of His goodness
and clemency wishes to lie in a special manner the King of this
city, and His Mother, Mary, ever Virgin, our Queen, have delivered
this city from bondage, and restored it to liberty, to the end that it
might better reform itself. . . . And for this purpose they send us
their prophets [i.e. I'Ya dirolamo and Fra Domenico da Pescia] to
give us light and fervour of spirit through their holy preaching.
Therefore, leaving aside our old evil customs and abominable vices,
let us conform ourselves to a better mode of life. . . . As for us,
we have completed our own scheme of reform, and have set it down
in writing ; wherefore we pray your lordships to confirm it by your
authority, in order that we may the more courageously carry out our
undertaking, and hunt down (perseguitare] the vices and horrible
crimes which hitherto have prevailed in our city, planting in
their stead holy virtues and good customs/' No one of course
supposes that the youthful spokesman expressed himself precisely
in these words. But it is an admirer of Savonarola who gives us the
substance at least of this unique oration. The reader may draw
his own conclusions ; our own impression is that these youngsters
were in some clanger of being trained up to a particularly odious
form of Pharisaic pride. No wonder that many of the Florentine
citi/.ens, at least of the more worldly sort, were minded to send
their children elsewhere, that they might be delivered from the
domination of this extraordinary Friar. "Send them away whither
you will," he cried, "you will see that they will return."
48 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
It is, however, only fair to Savonarola to add that, among the
virtues for which his youthful apostles are said to have been con-
spicuous, was that of obedience to, and respect for, their parents and
elders. No one, assuredly, would accuse the Friar of having con-
sciously imbued them with anything resembling a spirit of in-
subordination or self-conceit; nor again would we be understood as
suggesting that some little failing in this direction was an evil
comparable with those from which he had delivered them. J5ut the
danger was there ; and the measures and methods which created it
appear to us to have at least fallen short of the perfection ot
apostolic prudence. S. Francis Xavier was, to say the least, as eager
to avail himself of the ministry of children as Fra (lirolamo
Savonarola ; but we take leave to doubt whether the system of
youthful police and espionage which Fra Girolamo set on foot
would have had his full approval.
CHAPTER IV
ON THM WATCH-TOWER OF ITALY : THK
COM!'/-:.\1)IUM RJ-:VLATIO.\l'M
SAVONAROLA, as has been seen, opened his career of preaching
at Florence, in August 1490, with a series of denunciatory
sermons. And although, in the following Lent, when he preached
in the 1 Hiomo, he took for his subject '"the Gospels," there could
be no doubt that his mind was predominantly occupied with the
thoughts and convictions which he had drawn from his study of the
prophetical books of the Old and of the New Testament. So deep
was his sense of the similarity of the circumstances of his own time
with those of the decadence of the kingdom of Judah, that he-
conceived himself to have been specially inspired by (lod to warn
his fellow-countrymen- not of 1'lorence alone, but of all Italy
of the terrible chastisements which were about to fall upon them,
and even believed that special revelations on the subject had been
accorded to him. We say advisedly that he conceived himself to
have been thus inspired and thus favoured \vi;h divine revelations,
because for reasons which we shall presently give we cannot admit
the probability that either the inspiration or the revelations were
genuine. Xor is it without reason that we ha\e determined to take-
account of this claim at a comparatively early stage of our
review ol his ministry at Florence. Fur it is no exaggeration
to say that its assertion is the very keynote of his preaching. It
is an enthusiastic admirer of Fra Ciirolamo, Father Colas F.uonne,
who writes :
"The mission to announce publicly the coming ieiu>\a;ion uf the
Church, preceded by the chastisement of all Italy, this \\ a- the i ulminatin.;
point of the glorious apostolate of Girolaiuo ; \\lu>t:\e; does not study
him under this aspect is incapable of estimating his true cliaiacter, the
unity of his life, the greatness and the beauty of the part which lie \\a-
L>
5 o C, IRQ LAM O SAVONAROLA
providentially called to fill in the Church at the close of the fifteenth
century." '
And Savonarola himself, who had hardly begun to speak in the
character of an inspired prophet, when remonstrances on the subject
were made to him by the parti/.ans of Loren/o de' Medici, tells us
that he had determined to alter his method in some degree, but
that he felt himself compe led by an irresistible power to persevere
with his prophecies and the recital of his revelations.
" I remember [he says] that when I was preaching in the Duomo, in
the year 1491, after I had composed my sermon for the second Sunday
in Lent entirely on these visions, I determined to suppress it, and for
the future to abstain from touching on these matters. J5m (iod is my
witness that throughout the whole of Saturday and of the succeeding
night as I lay awake, I could see no other course, no oilier doctrine.
At daybreak, worn out and depressed by the many hours I had lain
awake, while I was praying, 1 heard a voice that said to me : ' Fool that
them art, dost thou not see that it is God's will that thou shouldst keep
to the same path?' The consequence of which was that on that same
day I preached a terrible sermon." -
And he thus expresses his conception of the office imposed upon
him by God Himself. "The Lord,' 1 he says, "has placed me here,
and lias said to me : ' I have placed thee as a watchman in the
centre of Italy . . . that thou mayest hear My words and announce
them ; (Ezech. iii. 17) ... The Lord says : 'If 1 show thee and
tell thee that a sword is to come, announce the sword ; it they will
not be converted, thou wilt have obeyed, and shalt be safe. But if
the sword come, and thou have not announced it, and they perish
unwarned, I will require their blood at thy hands, and thou shalt bear
the penalty.' ; :! Here assuredly is an uncompromising claim. It
is not merely that he is to warn his hearers of those punishments
with which (iod has threatened the sinner in the next world, or to
remind them that in the ordinary course of God's providence the
1 iJayonne, quoted l>y Luotto, p. 291.
" Compendium Kevelalionuw, in Ouctil, ii. pp. 227-2cS.
; ' S. 4$ on Amos (Lu')tto, p. 260). It would have been well pcrhap-, if,
instead of mi-ting to an imaginary mission, which had all Italy for it-, sphere of
influence, he had paid attention to the prudent counsels of S. Antoninus, his
predece>.-.or (half a century earlier) in the office of 1'rior of S. Marco. " The
mi.ssion to preach,' 1 he >ay.-. in ellect, ' ' i> one which conies indeed ultimately from
God, Kut which must Ke communicated through the channel of lawful ecclesiastical
authority, and must be con lined to the place for which the commission is given"
(Siiinnia 'Ihfo'.'^iti, part iii. tit. \\iii. cpp. I, j ; .
ON THE WATCH-TOWER OF ITALY 51
broad road of criminal self-indulgence, of avarice and luxury and
heartless oppression of the poor, all but infallibly leads to disaster
in one shape or form ; but these truths of faith and of reason are
supplemented by a message which, like another Exechiel, he,
Girolamo Savonarola, has been personally commissioned to deliver
from the vantage-ground of "the centre of Italy." It is a claim
which is so forcibly obtruded upon our notice from the outside as
almost to preclude a mere suspension of judgment. It is a claim
which must be either allowed or disallowed.
We are not, indeed, shut up to the alternative proposed by Dr
Luotto, viz. that Savonarola was either a true prophet, inspired by
God, or a rank impostor. 1 There is a middle term lying between
these two extremes ; and that middle term is the very simple
hypothesis that he was deluded, as so many men, before and since,
have been deluded in the matter of visions and revelations.
Was then Savonarola really deluded, or are we to regard him as a
true prophet ? We have been admonished, by a learned admirer of
Fra Girolamo, that this is a question which must be left to the
judgment of the Church. And of course to the Church alone it
belongs to pronounce an authoritative decision on such a matter :
so that whatever is said on the subject must be said with the fullest
submission to any such decision, if which is not in the least to be
expected the Church should at any time undertake to settle the
question. The fact, however, that the Church has not spoken
authoritatively, but has been content to place on the index
Savonarola's Dyatogus de Vcritatc rrophcliui, with about a do/ui of
his sermons, assuredly does not stand in the way of an attempt to
form a prudent judgment on a matter which is necessarily of
interest to the student of ecclesiastical history.
Since, however, our purpose in this biography is not so much to
enforce our own opinion as to provide the reader with such data as
are necessary, and may perhaps be sufficient, to enable him to form
an opinion of his own, it has seemed well to set forth here a
rather full abstract of the Compendium Rn'dationuni, a work in which
Fra (iirolamo undertook to give a complete account of the matter:
to which we will append, in the form of footnotes, >uch Itirther
elucidations of his views or convictions on the subject as may be
drawn from the Dyalogus above mentioned. From the nature of the
case the two books in great measure cover the same ground.
52 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
"Though I have [he writes] during a long period of time foretold, by
divine inspiration, many future things, nevertheless, bearing in mind those
words of our Saviour: '(.live not that which is holy to dogs,' I have
always maintained a prudent reserve in regard of these matters (semper
fui in dicendo parcior). Wherefore my 'conclusions' have been few,
though the reasons wherewith I have urged their acceptance have been
many. But I have never set forth the manner or the number of my
visions ; since the Holy Spirit did not inspire me to do this, nor did I
think it necessary for the good of souls. Hut now I am led to set down
in writing some of the chief predictions which I have publicly uttered,
because my words have often been both misreported and misinterpreted.
This, however, I will do compendiously, omitting details, except in the
case of the vision with which I was favoured on the Octave of the Feast
of the Annunciation (1495), < in( l concerning which I then publicly
preached.
" My reason for writing is that I neither can nor ought to endure that
the mysteries of God should be held up to ridicule. I know, indeed,
that even this book will be misunderstood by many, but I am confident
that the pure and simple of heart will read it with profit.
" Before proceeding to a narrative of facts, I must first briefly declare
the nature (modum) of prophetic revelation. He is rightly called a
prophet who sees things which are beyond the scope of the knowledge
which is natural to any creature ; and in particular those future things
(futura contingentia) which depend on the free will of man. To know
these belongs to God alone, who may, however, reveal them to whom He
will.
" Now, God in revealing such matters does two things. In the first
place, He infuses a certain supernatural light, by means whereof the
prophet perceives (it) that the things which are revealed to him are true,
and /') that they proceed from God. And so efficacious is this light,
that it gives the prophet full certainty on the two points which have been
mentioned, just as the light of reason makes the philosopher certain of
his first principles, and makes the ordinary man certain that two and two
make four.' Secondly, this supernatural illumination being presupposed,
1 On tins prophetical "li^ht," Savonarola discourses at considerable length
in the second and third Honks o[ the 1 >jt\i!t>^n -. "\\hcn the eye sees colour, lie
argues, it cannot he deceived because colour Kit-, "proper object." "ll all
mankind were with one voice i.i bear w itnes.-., >aying lliat the lily i^ not white
I'Ut black, .still you Would in.iililaiii thai it i> while.'' (S. Ignatius ol Ln\<>la,
in the Spiritual /:.u /, inoie shrewdly makes allowance l<>r \\li.u \\e may
call spiiiiu.il colour-blindness.) Now, as there is a physical lii;ht whereby \\e
discern eoloins, ami an intellectual li;;ht whereby we appiehciid primaiy truths,
and a Mipcinatuial li^ht of faith whcicby we a-sent to levealed mysteiies, and
the ''li^ht of glory," whereby the blessed see ( iod face to lace, so (intermediate
between tiiesc two last) there is a prophetical light whereby he to whom it is
given perceives the tiuth and the divine provenance of what it is given him to
ON THE WATCH-TOWER OF ITALY 53
God sets before the prophet that which He wishes him to know and
foretell ; and this in various ways, vix. either with or without a vision ;
or by moans of a symbolical vision whereof the significance is made
known to him, as in the case of Daniel (Dan. ii. 36); or by means of
words which the prophet hears as uttered by various persons, which
words as well as the vision aforesaid he knows to be formed by the
ministry of angels."
The writer then proceeds to apply this to the matter in hand :
"Almighty God [he says] seeing that the wickedness of Italy, and in
particular that of her rulers, both ecclesiastical and secular, is increased
beyond endurance (Itali;r pcccata . . . multiplicari nee ea diutius ferre
valcns), has determined to purify (expiarc) His Church by a terrible
scourge. And since, as Amos the prophet says: 'God will do nothing
which lie has not revealed to His servants the prophets,' it is His will
that for ihc sake of His elect this scourge should be foretold. And
w/iavits Florence is placed in tlic midst of 1 Inly, like a l;-:art in ///< midst
of a Minn's body, He Jias deigned to make clioice of Itcr, to t lie intent throf>hctic announcement should I'C spread
abroad through all Italy, as we sec to be in fact the case.
"God, then, having among others made choice of me, His unworthy
and unprofitable servant, for this purpose [of announcing the coming--
disasters] caused me to come to Florence, by order of my superiors, in
the year 1489. In this year, on Sunday, 1st August, I bey an publicly to
expound the Apocalypse in our church of S. Marco. And in the course
of my preaching throughout that year I repeatedly (continuamente)
insisted on three points [vi/. the three which have been mentioned
above, p. 15]. And these three conclusions I endeavoured to prove by
means of probable arguments from Holy Scripture, and in particular by
comparisons which I drew between what is there read and what is now
actually happening, 1 I Hit at this time I refrained from saying anything
which would imply that I had received any special revelation on the
subject, because I saw that my heaters were not rightly disposed for the
reception of this secret. IHit in the years which followed, perceiving that
know, in tin.- manner described :i!>o\v. IK- then, as it were, touches and h. indies
the truth, so thru he can no inert 1 be deceive 1 than a in. in can lie deceu cd in
thinking tliat he is awake and not merely dreaming. lie admits Jn h" >k iv.)
tint this subjective te-t is directly ami immediately valid for him-clf al< -ne. and
that other proofs are needed to coii\i>ice ether-; than him-elf; b;:i he suhmi:-
th.u his own testimony about his own conviction is not without \\ci;;h:. :.irt!i''-e
who have good reason to believe him I" be a mm of imimpcaclnh'e veracity rr.d
rectitude of intention.
1 This seem> to be a fair paraphrase of the \\"r: " Ita \iio ties c^n-
clusiones prolxihilibus :irgumentis et di'in.iium Sciiptuiarc.m i".i;r.i:^. at>jiie alii^
similitudinihus sen pirabolis ex hi> t'onnui.-- ijii.ie modo in Kcolesi.i liun:
(Quetif, ii. 226-27).
54 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
the minds of men were gradually becoming more ready to believe. I
occasionally introduced some prophetic [vision, which, however, I set
forth merely in the form of a parable. But then when I saw how much
opposition and ridicule arose on all sides, I began to grow afraid, and
firmly determined to preach on other matters ; but I was unable to carry
out my resolve. For whatever else I read or thought about only moved
me to disgust, and as often as I made an effort to preach on some other
subject, I could never satisfy myself." 1
Here follows the passage, quoted above, about the occasion on
which he tried in vain to compose a sermon which should contain
nothing about the visions.
Fra Girolamo concludes this part of the treatise by calling his
hearers to witness how the Holy Scriptures, as expounded by him,
have frequently exhibited a most remarkable congruity, or parallelism,
with the actual course of events, and by briefly relating the action
which he took in connection with the French invasion and with the
reform of the Florentine constitution. Of these matters we shall
have to speak in their proper place. For the present we pass on
to the second portion of the Compendium, which is a verbatim
report or reproduction of a sermon preached by Savonarola on ist
April 1495.
In this discourse, after speaking of the delay in the fulfilment of
certain promises which he had made in God's name to the people of
Florence, Fra Girolamo tells how he determined to go on an
embassy to the Queen of Heaven on the festival of her Annunciation,
to beg her intercession on behalf of his beloved city, and how,
having done so, he received from her a favourable answer (i.e. to
the effect that she would use her intercession) which he at once
communicated to the people in a sermon delivered at S. Marco.
Moreover, he had announced that on the octave day of the feast he
was to be favoured with a fuller reply, in which it should be made
known to him what had been the issue of her prayers on behalf of
Florence.
Wherefore, he continues, on the night which preceded the octave
day, being about to start upon his embassy, he considered with
himself what companions he should take. Rhetoric and Philosophy
offered themselves, but lie would have none of them ; and he finally
chose Faith, Simplicity, Prayer, and Patience. Thus accompanied
he set out upon his journey, but was soon met by the Tempter
1 " Usque rulco dcficicbam ut mihimct ipsi displiccrcm."
ON THE WATCH-TOWER OF ITALY ;;
himself, in the guise of a hermit of the desert, who entered into
conversation with him on the subject of his revelation and
prediction. The conversation is reported in the form of a dialogue,
of which we give the substance.
TIIK TKMPTER. Although I dwell in solitude, yet, by means of a
special revelation, I have learned the good results of your preaching, and
also that you arc animated by a good intention. But it has also been
made known to me that you arc misguided by a certain simplicity. For
in order to draw the people from vice to virtue you have predicted various
tribulations. But this is not lawful; for ( iod, who is the Truth, wishes
His preachers to be entirely truthful.
SAVONAROLA. I am not -o ignorant as to be unaware that God
loves the truth, and that it would be a grievous sin to utter a lie in the
pulpit. 1 And to say that by means of a lie I have wrought good results
is to say what is self-contradictory. For the results (fructus) themselves
show that I have not lied. Nay, 1 have often publicly called Cod to
witness, and I do so now, that if ever I have uttered a deceptive state-
ment, I isoiil<{ lli/of me out of the Hook of Life.
T. --Well, then, if you are not a deceiver, at least many think that
you arc moved by a certain spirit of melancholy, or that these visions
are but dreams, or the effect of a lively imagination.
S. So far from being melancholy. 1 am Tilled with a great joy, and I
experience an illumination and behold visions which are beyond nature.
For I /tare studied />/ii/ost >/>/tr, an far the vnfitral //X' lit of
rensoti citn ,;'. I know that those things which are made known to me
arc beyond its scope, and especially what are Cd\\G<\fitfura ci>>itinenti\i.
Moreover, I cannot but recognise the entire conformity between the
present state of affairs and these expositions of Holy Scripture which,
without any straining of the text, I have publicly given.- But these things,
as even a dullard must be aware, cannot arise- from a melancholy tempera-
ment, or from dreams, or from a strong imagination.
T. '['hen it is the effect of some conjunction of stars at your birth, etc.
S. This is a foolish objection, and astrology is mere lolly.
T. -Well, then, these things in iv happen by the power of the de\il.
S. - I have read the Bible, and the lives ami writings i,doctrinas) ot
the saints from beginning to end : and therefore I know sufficiently all
the marks whereby diabolical visions may be distinguished from those
which are divine. But experience also shows how greatly they littler ;
1 Similarly in the fni.'.^'i/-; ij>ook i.): " Xon -lint laeier.o!a uul.i u! evcni.int
hnna."
- In the Aw.'v 71 ' he alleges, among other i-.mtli maloiy pr>oS, that tin- pr.n-
ciples of his piopheiical inteipietation ot l|o]y Seiipiuie h.i\i v l>iv. me >> familiar
to his hearers that even unlrarneil women can tell K-lorelutM ho\\ he is g>>ii'g to
turn a passage. "Nam vel ip-.te mulieivs rimi piimum Fvangelia vel alu> >.
canonis lectiones pronuntiaimN, .nue<|iiam a nol>i> tkvIaK'iiv.ir f\ ii> ijiiae apparent
stntim iiuoil in eis deelaraiiiiis concilium n>l>is futtirum >it ip-ne amc.i praesentiunf.
56 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
(i) because the things which I have foretold are murh more certain
for me than their first principles for the philosophers ; (2) because I see
that what I have foretold is exactly coming to pass, and I have never
been deceived even in the smallest detail. Again, the devil is an enemy
of virtue ; and it is not to be thought that lie would be content to see
such excellent results produced without either ceasing from his alleged
guidance, or at least drawing me into some mistake which would destroy
my credit. 1 Again, in the city of Florence all, or nearly all, the men of
good life adhere to my teaching, while the openly wicked attack both it
and me. Yet, notwithstanding their opposition, this teaching of mine
continues to advance and prosper, so that the number of our disciples
constantly increases, \\hile that of our opponents grows less; and our
work gathers strength, while the efforts of our adversaries grow weaker
and are coming to naught (penitus corruere).-
T. Say what you like : for my part I cannot believe that our Lord
has ever spoken to any one since His ascension.
S. On the contrary, it is related that He has spoken to many since
then : first of all to S. Paul ; then again to S. Francis, and to many other
saints. Moreover, Christ died for sinners, and allows Himself to be
handled by sinners in His holy Sacrament, is it then to be wondered at
that He should speak to a sinner ? :! But men are so blind that they
pronounce that to be impossible which to (iod is easy.
T. I admit that this was possible in former times, but not in our
days, when there are plenty of other means of instruction.
S. These other means are sufficient for external instruction. But this
is to little purpose unless men also have the internal light of grace. Hut
over and above this ordinary supernatural light, there is often need of a
more special illumination, particularly in the case of those who must
enlighten others, and the more so when circumstances are such as to
make it very difficult to judge what is best to be done. All the volumes
of Scripture and the doctors do not provide for every individual case.
But, again, there is a quite special reason for a revelation at the present
time. For since a renovation (mutatio) of the entire Church does not
usually take place without being preceded by grievous tribulations,
spiritual and corporal, it is necessary that under such circumstances the
elect of God should be prepared and strengthened. And therefore (iod,
foreseeing such a renovation, warns His people, comforts and consoles
them, through the mouths of His prophets. (Here Amos iii. 7 is again
quoted.)
1 The mistake might be, not one \\hich would destroy Fra Girolamo's credit,
hut on; which would endanger the peace of the Church.
'-' It would seem as if when these words were written Fr.i (jirolamo looked on
external success as a guarantee of divine favour. \Ye are not alone in thinking
that he was deceived l>y the apparent loyalty of the P.dleschi or Bigi, of whom
more anon. It cert.tinly could not be said that the number of Savonarola's
disciples continued to increase to the end.
a .Similarly in the Dya.'ogns, book i.
ON THE WATCH-TOWER OF ITALY 57
T. But did not our Lord say: "It is not for you to know the
times and the moments " ?
S. If you will look more closely at the text you will see that this is not
said of all "times and moments," but of those times and moments " which
the Father has kept within His own power"; as, for instance, the day
of Judgment. I Jut as for other times and moments, that of the deluge
was made known to Xoe, to Jeremiah the seventy years of captivity,
to Daniel the seventy weeks, etc.
T. But why has God chosen you rather than so many others ?
S.--Why did He choose S. Peter? It is not for men to criticise
the acts of God.
T. -Are you then holier than others?
S. These gratuitous gifts (gratiac gratis datae) are given principally
for the benefit of others. And did not God inspire Balaam ':
T. I hear that you have got your prophecies from certain foolish
women.
S. Every one knows that I rarely speak with women. It is not to
be supposed that I should place such trust in them as to dare to affirm
with certainty what I had learned only from such a source. By so doing
I should expose the faith to danger and myself to shame, in the event
of some prediction failing.
T. It is said that you enjoy the friendship of princes, and that
your knowledge of their plans enables you to prophesy.
S. It would be folly to trust in the changeable dispositions of
princes. Even their lives arc not secure. To know with infallible
certainty what is about to happen to them, or through them, is beyond
the scope of the intellect even of an angel.
T. They say that you converse with the politicians of the city,
and thus come to know the intentions of foreign princes.
S. The objection does not deserve an answer. Common-sense
teaches that no certain knowledge is to be had by such means.
T. They say that by means of your remarkable cunning (summa
astutia), and your intimate knowledge of constitutional politics, you have
excogitated these predictions, which you have then so craftily expressed,
that, in the event of their non-fulfilment, you might always be able to
devise some way out of the difficulty (excusationis latibula).
S. It is now five years since I began to predict these things which
have happened just as I foretold. Then they said 1 was a simpleton,
but, now that the event has shown that I was right, they turn round and
ascribe it all to my astuteness, and say, moreover, that I did not speak
plainly. 1 But I spoke very plainly about the French invasion, and I
1 There is a curious passage in tin- /'IW/,; S ".Y> in which Savonarola tier;. ires ili.it
under the influence of the prophetic light he ha^ m.ule progie-^, noi only in religious
knowledge, but also in philosophy, mental and moral, ,:ita in *.\'i.';\\i,' , ://,/<. v/v.-.v,;.'
Sficncs: "in econoniic.ie et politicae peritia, qu.mini rcrum olini peuitns expert
cram " (book iv. ).
58 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
hope that many further details will hereafter be revealed to me, which
I shall set forth with equal plainness.
T. I am told that you draw your prophecies from the writings of
S. Brigit and Abbot Joachim.
S. I assure you that I have never found any pleasure in reading
such things. My brethren can testify that all my delight is in the Holy
Scriptures, in comparison with which everything else seems insipid. The
revelation of S. Brigit I have never read, and little or nothing (rara
admodum aut nulla) of those of Abbot Joachim. And if you do not
believe this, at least do not impute to me such folly as it would be to
assert with so much confidence the truth of my predictions if I had no
better foundation than this. But the strongest argument in my favour,
and one which ought alone to be sufficient, is that sinners have been con-
verted by my preaching. 1 It matters not to me whether the truths which
I preach arc or are not based on the prophecies of others, provided only
that men are converted. I have no desire to be regarded as a prophet,
for this is a name which carries a heavy burden of danger. But in fact
I have read no other prophecies except those of the Bible ; and if, per-
chance, at the persuasion of friends, I have glanced at one or another,
I have laid them aside after a hasty perusal, neither condemning nor
approving them, but leaving them to the judgment of God.
T. These alleged revelations of yours ought to have been kept secret,
for so the Fathers teach.
S. Then Moses, Isaiah, and the rest ought to have been silent, and
so, too, S. Benedict, S. Vincent, S. Catherine of Siena, S. Brigit, and a
host of other saints. Of course, such things are not to be spoken of
unless God should so command, or the good of our neighbour (deo
pariter monente) should require it. Every one knows that I speak of
these things only in public. In private I never speak of them except
under seal of secret to some familiar friend. Believe me, I keep many
things locked up in my own breast, which I have never made known,
and never will make known, unless God should otherwise inspire inc.
1 Whoever predicts future things should confirm the truth of his
predictions by miracles. [An argument is here added from a text of
the Decretals, c. Cunt c.v injuiiilo, l : ..\tr. dc lincn-licis, which with its
answer need not be here reproduced.]
S. This is not true. Few of the prophets worked miracles. The
case of Jeremiah, who was accused of being a false prophet, was to be
determined, not by miracles, but by the event. Moreover, it is un-
necessary that I should prove my mission by miracles, for 1 have never
maintained that I have been sent by God alone, and not by my superiors.
1 Hcsides the general argument from results, Savonarola, in the />jw//'.;7/v
(book v.) urges the particular instance of the Community of S. Marco. The
brethren, he says, arc two hundred and fifty in number, most of them of position
and education. They believe the prophecies. Is it conceivable that God should
have allowed them to be deceived ?
ON THE WATCH-TOWER OF ITALY 59
For every one knows that I was appointed by them to the office of
preaching. Nor can I be called a heretic. [This is an allusion to the
text of the Decretals mentioned above.] For I have taught no dogma
contrary to the Christian Faith, and I have always submitted, and do
now submit, my teaching to the judgment of the Holy Roman Church.
T. In a word, I don't like to believe in a hurry. For it is written :
" He who is quick to believe is fickle of heart."
S. On the other hand, it is written: "Charity belicveth all things."
Both arc utterances of the Holy Spirit, and they show that a distinction
must be drawn. Some things we ought to be slow to believe, e.g.
detractions and whatever is against our neighbour's character. I Hit we
ought to be prompt and ready in giving credence to whatever promotes
a virtuous life. S. Ambrose, S. Augustin, S. Jerome, S. Cregory, and
other holy Fathers were prompt to believe even what was told them by
ignorant persons, provided they were of good life.
T. If we arc to believe all such visions, we shall certainly be
deceived. Therefore it is written : " Prove the spirits whether they be
of Cod."
S. Herein lies a secret which not every one can comprehend. The
light of faith is a supernatural endowment (forma) which is specifically
the same in all who have it. Now this light has a natural affinity for the
truth as for its proper object. Therefore no one wlio is endowed
(informatus) with this light can firmly adhere to anv error winch is
contrary to the faith. IHit as often as a sincere and faithful man hears
something which is beyond the reach of his intellect, it is impossible
that, if he acts in conformity with this light, he should give a firm assent to
what is false; but he always leaves it to the judgment of Cod and the
Church. Moreover, those wlio live well and act sincerely (recte ad
Deum ambulant) have a special illumination* by reason of the intimate
bond of union between charity on the one hand, and faith and simplicity
on the other ; ' as it is written : " Fxortum est in tcncbris lumen rectis
conic. v And l>v virtue of this illumination they are inclined /<> discern,
without fail, divine revelations and operation*. And so it is that in
these matters the good have not been deceived, but the wicked have.
T. I Hit I observe that the wisest and shrewdest of men hold these
revelations in contempt.
S. It is not a question of human wisdom, but of a good life. Cod
chooses the foolish things of this world to confound the wise.
T. Those who believe these things arc few in number by com-
parison with those who hold them in derision.
1 " [*roptcr conjunct ionemcaritiit is cum lido ct mentis leetitiuiine et Minplicitate. "
This seems to he the true reading, as given in the edition of I49v \\\\\. .7. Oue'tif,
p. 2(>I. Similarly in the l^val^n* (liook i.) lie argues that, since t'.ii:h always
inclines a man to believe what is true, therel'oie no man can, .<.'.:;;.'. /;,;;' .-.';/ /.".:';.',
pertinaciously contradict a divinely-inspired prophecy or the like. It is on this
ground that he has said of those who obstinately oppose him that they have not
the faith, are no true Christians, and the like.
60 GIKOLAMO SAVONAROLA
S. The argument is frivolous. The truly wise are few, but the
number of fools is infinite. Hut again you must distinguish between
those who have actually heard the preaching themselves, and those who
have only heard about it from others. Aiuon^ the actual hearers an
wenvhclming majority are also believers, in fact, there is hardly one
amon^ >nv hearers who does not also belierc. lUit among those who
have not heard me, I admit that those who do not believe are in the
majority. 1 or it is one tiling to hear a man speak who inwardly feels
these things, and to experience the fire (impetum) of the living voice,
and to feel the force of the preachers words, and to perceive the order
and method of his reasoning, and its conformity with Holy Scripture,
and quite another thing to hear the cold and dry recital of the same
truths by another who does not inwardly feel them, and from whom
they come in a pointless succession of words, without life or spirit.
T. Many say that you have predicted things which have not come
to pass.
S. Whatever I have predicted has either already happened, or will
most certainly happen, nor will a single jot of it be unfulfilled. Of
course, in private conversation, I may have made mistakes like any other
man. Therefore in the pulpit I have warned my hearers to place no
more reliance on my private utterances than on those of any one else.
Moreover, the prophetic spirit is not always with me, but, as with other
prophets, so with me it comes and goes. Nor docs God reveal every-
thing, but more or less, according to His will. It is foolish to object
that I cannot read the secrets of hearts, for this I do not pretend to do.
But whatever 1 say in the pulpit has first been sedulously weighed in
the balance of prayer, and tested by comparison with the sacred test
and with natural reason.
T. lint surely it would be much better for you to be silent, for
your name is a byword in Florence and throughout Italy.
S. My endeavour is to please God, not men. All who preach such
things are regarded as foolish by the wise of the world.
T. If you only made yourself ridiculous it would not so much
matter, but you expose yourself to danger.
S. I know very well what the prophets and Apostles have suffered,
and I know the blessing pronounced on those who are persecuted for
Christ's sake.
T. I sec that you have an answer ready for every objection. lUit
some arc of opinion that you deliberately deceive the people in order to
gain honour, and glory, and riches.
S. Though it is not for me to justify my.^elf out of my own mouth,
yet. for the sake of the doctrine of Christ, 1 will answer with what
modesty I may. I confess myself to be a sinner, and in need of God's
mercy. But remember that to God alone it belongs to sec into the
heart of man. Those who speak as you report do so without foundation,
for, oa the one hand, they cannot read my conscience, and on the other
hand, they have no external sign by which to substantiate such a
ON THE WATCH-TOWER OF ITALY t,i
judgment.' For assuredly I have not gained the things which they suppose
me to seek.
The objections of the Tempter which follow next in order con-
cern the affair of the separation of S. Marco from the Lombard
Congregation of the Order of Preachers, and the political activity of
Savonarola, with which topics we shall have to deal in future
chapters. \\'e therefore omit them here-, and reproduce only the
last of this long series.
T. At any rate, I think you might preach about virtue and vice, and
leave prophecy alone.
S. My answer is, that causes are known from their effects. The
result shows that the prophecies have, in fact, helped the cause of
moral reform.
At this point the companions of Fra (lirolamo are observed by
him to be smiling and conversing together, and on being asked :
u Otii stint sermones quos conferlis ad invicem et estis laetae ? ''
they made known to him with whom he is talking.
The rest ol the book is taken up with his experience in the court
of heaven, when the doors bad been opened. Into the details of
this description, Dantesque in its minuteness, we need not enter,
but we give in substance the n. ply of the Ulessed Virgin Mary to
his embassage.
" O city of Florence [she said], beloved of our Lord [estis Christ my
Son, anil of myself, hold fast to your faith ; persevere in prayer : be
strengthened in patirnci 1 . For by these means \ou will attain to eternal
salvation, and will gam glory among men."
1 laving said this much she li.xed lu-r eves on me and \\.i-. silent.
Hut I, uith great contidcnci 1 , replied :
" Theso, ( ) Virgin Mother, are words of general import : but thou must
needs dispense thy goodness with a more liberal hand.''
Then she addressed me in the vernacular \\ith siu h piopriety and
elegance ol speech (adeo acommodate el eleganier) that 1 u as a-'.om-hed.
"This is the answer which you nm--l give to my belov cd people. I >
true that they are sinners, and th.it by their wickedness they h.ive
ill-served all manner ol evils. r\v/V(Y/i c 1 / M> n;,t>iy ;, //.> :..-.'.'
//.'/ /v/.vrv ;.// si'iiit' Vt'tifs /<>>>{ IV.Y /:,nr pn\i:.t t \i : and thi> not-
withstanding that my Son has granted -o many signs as :<> leave them
v\ithout excuse. For although faith is a gift of Ciod, IA v eiihrless in:t
lor their perversity aiul insine'erity, they coulil hav e iei e:\ed siu h i:_;iit
from my Son as would have enabled them to believe all ur.hout d;flkt:hy.
\\"aru them, therefore, to lay aside their hardness of heart, lest in the
time to come C.od should be angry with them, vvherca-, heretofoir. in
62 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
spite of their demerits, He has had regard to the prayers of the
blessed in heaven, and of the just on earth, and has committed all power
to ttte. 1
" For the city of Florence shall become more glorious, more powerful,
and more wealthy than it has ever been, and shall extend its borders
more widely than ever, beyond all the expectations of many. Whatever
she has lost [t'.g- Pisa], and whatever she may yet lose, shall be restored
to her, together with fresh acquisitions. But icoe to her rebellious subjects^
for they shall be severely punistied. And it is now four years since, among
other things which you have predicted, it was foretold to the Pisans that,
in the time of your tribulation, they would seek to regain their freedom,
and that this would be the cause of their ruin, which will certainly come
to pass."
Hereupon Fra Girolamo asks whether Florence will be afflicted
with tribulations " before the consolations." Mary replies :
" You have predicted the renovation of the Church, which will certainly
take place, and that quickly. You have also, under the illuminating
guidance of the Holy Spirit, foretold that the conversion of the infidels,
i.e. of the Turks, the Moors, and others, will shortly take place, so that
many who are now alive will see it. Now this renovation and extension
of the Church cannot take place, as you have declared, without many
previous tribulations. Therefore let it not seem strange if Florence, too,
should have her share in these troubles ; but she shall suffer less than
the rest."
Herewith she gave my angel a great globe wherein the whole of Italy
was contained. This my angel opened, and forthwith I saw Italy
disturbed, and many great cities therein distressed by immense tribula-
tions, which I am forbidden to disclose. 1 saw the city of Florence
likewise disturbed, but much less than the rest. Then the Hlessed
Virgin gave me a smaller globe, whereon was inscribed, in Latin, that
first and briefer response which has been given above. But on opening
the globe I saw the city all arlower with lilies, which also extended on
every side beyond the city walls. Whereupon 1 joyfully exclaimed : " O
Lady, it seems that these lilies match well with those greater lilies
[/.<. the fleur-de-lys of France] which have recently begun to extend
their shoots.'' To this she made no aiisii'er, but observed that if the
neighbours of Florence, who rejoice in her troubles, knew \\hat evils
were to fall upon them, they would rather bewail their own dangers than
be elated at the tribulations which others suffer.
Then I asked her what reply I was to make if 1 uere asked whether
these promises were absolute or conditional. She answered : " These
things are granted absolutely {i.e. without condition,, for God will make
1 " 1'iupter crebras ur.itinncs bcatonim . . . et justoiuin . . . uinnuu inihi
cuiKulit potestatem" (p. 356).
OX THE WATCH-TOWER OF ITALY 63
use of every means (omnia media procurabit atque producet; whereby
these graces may be brought to their destined issue. Wherefore do
thou assure the incredulous that not a jot or a tittle shall pass away, but
all shall be as has been said. Let the wicked then do all the evil they can,
they will not be able to hinder these benefits, wherein, however, they shall
themselves have no share. As for the good, they shall be afflicted with
less or greater severity, according to their conduct, and in particular
according as they show themselves exact or remiss in administering the
laws against blasphemers, gamblers, the comipters of youth, and other
criminals."
" But [he asks] what am I to say if the question is put to me : 'When
shall these things be?''" She replied: " Cito ct I'doiitcr : Soon and
speedily. But as when you first began to predict that these things
would happen ' soon and speedily' you used to add : ' I do not say that
they will happen within one, or two, or four, or eight years,' without
however mentioning a longer interval than ten years, and yet the scourge
came sooner than was expected ; so now you must say ' soon and
speedily,' without determining any limit of time, and perchance these
things, too, will come to pass sooner than is thought."
" With these words," says Fra. Girolamo, '* I was dismissed."
Finally, after a passage concerning the French invasion, he reminds
his hearers that although the promises made to the city are absolute
and irrevocable (quamvis haec absolute et inwocalnlitcr universac
civitati promissa sunt), yet they are not made to each citi/en in-
dividually. But if any one will take note of the names of the
believers and the incredulous, he will find that the latter will have-
to suffer, by comparison with the former, a sevenfold share of dis-
aster. Many, he admits, will laugh at the details of this \isic-n ; but
let them read K/.ekiel and Daniel and /achariah, in whu.se visions
they will find plenty of mysterious details. Nor are all the circum-
stances of the visions of the prophets set down in Holy Writ. But
this vision he has felt compelled to describe in detail. Not even
the (lospels, and the teaching of Christ Himself, escaped con-
tradiction.
The reader has now before him a tolerably full if not a tediously
circumstantial summary of Savonarola's own vindication of his claim
to be regarded as a true prophet. Once more, then, we ask
ourselves, was he deluded? And we proceed to gi\e our iva-> us
for thinking that he was. 1
1 The ((notion is discussed at (.-oii.-idor.il'
y//VA;;vV,-//-/i'//'//.>v/;<' />Y,;/.Vr, 1898, pp. 502 ,//. He doc- nut vciituic to decide
it, but scorns, on the whole, favourable to Savonarola'.- claim. So i.u a- \\o can
64 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
In the first place, without denying that the gift of prophecy, like
that of miracles, may be, and has been, communicated by God under
the New Testament no less than under the Old, we assert, without
fear of contradict ion, that prophecy does not play the same prominent
part under the Christian dispensation as it did under the Old Law,
and that in any individual case the prima facie presumption is against
the genuineness of an alleged private revelation, or vision, or
prophecy, rather than in its favour. For experience shows that
these are matters wherein men are peculiarly liable to delusion ; and
the very least that can be said is, that when a man openly lays claim
to the prophetic gift the burden of proof lies upon him, and not
upon those \vho deem it the wisest course to suspend their judg-
ment, and to await the event. And when, alter the ultimate issue
has been awaited, it is found that the event is at least not openly
and palpably in favour of the claim, the adverse presumption gathers
strength. Now this appears to us to be plainly and obviously the
case with Savonarola. No one can pretend that a sufficient interval
of time has not elapsed since the death of Fra Girolamo, whose
fourth centenary was celebrated only last year, to allow of a calm
and reasonable judgment being passed upon his alleged prophetic
gifts ; yet who can say that the verdict of prudent men, even of
those who joined together in May 1898 to celebrate his memory, is
unanimously favourable to him in this particular point? And yet,
if the claim were clearly and plainly valid, a practically unanimous
verdict is, as it seems to us, what we have a right to expect before
admitting the claim. This consideration, however, does not
after all carry us further than a frimii facie presumption; and
we must look for some more definite indications of truth or of
error.
.see, he does nut suggest any point in it.s favour which we have overlooked. lie
lay.-, however, particular stress on the predictions conctrning the King of France
which >o ileeply impre-scd 1'liilipe us voyc/ ; ; puy \.\ .-ienne, et ay veil de.i lettrcs <|u' il .-cripvoit ait
diet Signeur "), and on the astounding calumny of the Friar's enemies that he
made use of knowledge gained in the confessional. " I I.iUiit," .-ays IHuchardus
(Diaiimii, Ld. Thua.^ne, ii. 402), " intelligentiam cum plurilais ex palrihu- in
civitate Florentine et extra cum . . . re-ideniilni-, } The fulfilment of so many of his predictions.
(c) The admirable results produced by his prophetic utterances.
(d) The alleged fact that they were accepted by the good and
rejected by the wicked. 1
Now, as regards the test of subjective certainty, Fra Girolamo in
his Dyalogus makes one of his interlocutors object that this kind of
certainty could by the nature of the case be valid only for himself.
And indeed he allows the force of the objection, and admits that,
as far as other men are concerned, his own certainty does not of
itself constitute an adequate reason for their assent.- Nevertheless,
it may be argued, when a man, whose veracity and integrity of
purpose are beyond reasonable suspicion, assures us that he is
infallibly assured of some truth which he alone can know (in this
case the fact of a revelation made to himself), his testimony de-
servedly carries considerable weight as creating a presumption in
his favour/ 5 And this must of course be admitted in regard of all
such subjective experiences as are not of their very nature apt to be
illusory. Hut here again 1'Ya (lirolamo has anticipated the implied
exception. Klipluu (in the Dialogue) reminds him that many men
have been persuaded of the truth of their revelation and yet have
been deceived. To this he can only reply that if they had more
carefully and conscientiously examined their experiences, they would
have discovered their mistake; 1 adding, however, that in his case
the reluctance with which he embarked upon this perilous sea, the
earnestness with which he has prayed for light, and other like cir-
cumstances known to those who really knew him, are all in the
nature of cumulative evidence tending to establish, even for others,
1 It is unnecessary to multiply references to the sermons in which the same
arguments arc used.
- AW/O.V//.S book v.
:; ''The arguments \\liich I have used," lie says in effect, "are valid lor
those 'penes ipios non sum de mendacio suspect us '" (!>ook iv.l. Writing
from notes on the Dytikgits, taken some months ago at the I?riti>h Museum. \ve
cannot he sure how far Savonarola has explicitly developed the argument suggested
a hove.
4 " Mihi crede, si hujusmodi somniantes certo examine sua librasscnt, lumine
natural! rationis et supernatural! lumine tide! e.i con'crendo, non utique talsi
(,/.<. decepti) essent : nee dubia pro ceitis alVuniasscnt " vbook iii. ).
i-:
66 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
a strong presumption that he has not been deceived. 1 On some of
these points we shall have occasion to touch presently. For the
present \ve must be content to record our conviction that the
vehemence with which Fra Girolamo insisted on his own infallible
certainty is alone sufficient to arouse a well-founded suspicion. -
" The revelations of one who does not show positive signs of a
consistent humility," says Gerson, "or whose actions are not in
accord with his protestations of humility, are not to be accepted as
genuine." 3 Now the knowledge that such exceptional experiences
are too often attended with delusion, ought, it might seem, to keep
one who is truly humble from an over-weening confidence in his own
immunity from such deception ; and Savonarola's calm assurance
that he is familiar with all the subjective tests of such phenomena,
serves only to remind us how limited is the range of psychological
knowledge, and how unconscious Fra Girolamo appears to have
been of these limitations. Nor was it merely that he professed the
most absolute certainty concerning a matter in which the possibility
of delusion ought perhaps to have been more constantly kept in
mind. On at least one very solemn occasion lie publicly called
upon God to strike him dead upon the spot if his words were not
divinely inspired. 4 Now it is clear that no man has a right to
demand that God should work a miracle ; and, while the challenge
was well calculated to make a deep impression on the ignorant and
the credulous, to any one who was not simply carried away by the
1 " I'rimum in simplicitate cord is inei mmtio tibi . . . quod non inentior :
nain sedulus vcritalis semper observator lui. . . . Semper hoc primuin doctrinae
fundamentum esse putavi." And again : "Si quis nun solum secundum rationem
sed etiain juxta evangelicam norinam Dei gioriam lotus intendens recte vixerit, et
quotidie roget ab eo quod ad suain et alioriiin pertinent saluteni, ilium minime
credendum e.st quod Deus tantuin errorem dissimulet et a di.ibol decipi
assidue permittat '" (ibid.). But it is not necessary in this case to postulate
diabolical agency, and, on the other hand, \\e cannot safely assign limits to the
divine permission of self-deception.
2 Take, for instance, this one sentence: " Fatcor inde [i.e. ex revelationiliu*.!
ita fulei lumen in me adauctum ut quae ad ipsam Christi fideni pertinent jam non
credam, sed propemodum dicum et palpem v (book iv.). Could this be said without
presumption ?
3 Amort, De Rcvelalionibus, etc., p. 84. There is of course no lack of protes-
tations of humility in Fra Girolamo's writings, e.g. " Spiritus hie incus . . . ab
omni superbia et inani gloria me purgare et ciistodire potissimum curavit " (;'/. JJi>. :! /;';.;.. p. Jio.
68 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
would be so enlightened by the Holy Spirit that they could not fail
to recognise the truth of his prophetic utterances. There is, to our
thinking, something questionable in this rather disconcerting appeal
to a tender conscience. No one has a right to expect or demand
from God a larger measure of illumination than is necessary and
sufficient to enable him firmly to assent to the truths of faith, or
again, to enable him rightly to apply the rules of Christian prudence,
whether to the occasional crises or to the ordinary conduct of life.
And, consequently, no one has a right to persuade another to attri-
bute to his own sinfulness or want of purity of heart the absence of
some more special enlightenment. There can be no doubt that,
especially in Fra Girolamo's later years, many devout and God-
fearing persons were sorely perplexed concerning the matters now
under consideration ; and it would seem that his influence practically
tended to drive such perplexed souls to take refuge in a highly
illusory and dangerous form of illuminism. Savonarola did indeed
openly profess not to claim that the truth of his predictions should
be accepted as on a point of faith : yet, by publicly and repeatedly
declaring that God would severely punish the incredulous, he imposed
a burden of duty where, so far as we can sec, no obligation could
lie. And when he goes so far as to say that the persistent, or, as he
would say, the obstinate and pertinacious rejection of his revelations
was inconsistent with the possession of the " habit of faith," and
that those who were guilty of this were no true Christians, he appears
to us to have so evidently transgressed the limits of his right to judge,
and to express his judgment, of others, that once more the very
vehemence of his language seems to recoil upon himself.
But, after all, it was not the subjective test, if such it deserves to be
called, on which he laid the chief stress in his repeated demands
upon the faith of the Florentines, and his warnings that they would
be punished for their unbelief. His principal appeal was to the signs
whereby God had confirmed the truth of his predictions. And these
signs were of two kinds, \\/.. the actual and exact fulfilment of what
had been foretold, and the results of his preaching in the moral
reform of the city. Now, as regards the fulfilment of predictions, it
surely cannot be maintained with any confidence that those of his pre-
dictions of a public nature which were fulfilled transcended the limits
of human foresight. It must of course be admitted that Savonarola
was distinguished among his contemporaries by a remarkable clearness
of vision into the future. But this clearness of vision, as it seems to
ON THE WATCH-TOWER OF ITALY 69
us, may with the highest probability be adequately accounted for by
a certain natural sagacity, coupled with a deep sense of the moral
corruption of the times, and that kind of acquaintance with the ways
of divine Providence which he had gathered from deeply pondering
the historical records and prophetic warnings of the Bible, and which
had become in a manner instinctive with him. Not indeed that
every man of noble character and of pure heart learns to read the
signs of the times. Yet nobility of character, and a spotless purity of
life, are undoubtedly predisposing conditions which, when united
with natural sagacity, render possible a truer forecast of the future
than is to be expected from those who are blinded by passion, and
distracted by the petty interests of the passing moment.
Then, too, a certain allowance must be made for the possibilities
of happy conjecture, and also for the influence of the prophetic
ideals, if we may so style them, which were current in his time.
Savonarola lived in an age when the minds of many earnest men,
and women too, were drawn by a kind of irresistible attraction to
venture on predictions of future events. We may well believe Fra
Girolamo when he assures us that he had paid but scant attention to
the vaticinations of those who may compendiously be styled his
fellow-prophets, though some of them lived two centuries or more
before his time. Nevertheless, the general drift of their predictions
was common property, and nothing was more natural than that such
a man as Savonarola should be unconsciously influenced by them. 1
He was not the first to foretell that grievous calamities were to fall
upon the Church, nor was lie the first to predict that salvation should
come by the hand of a temporal prince, and that this prince should
be not the Emperor but a king of France. The difference lay
herein, that when Savonarola began to thunder forth his warnings,
1 On the subject of medieval prophecy the two best dissertations known to us
are those of Tocco, " II Savonarola e la Profezia," in / 'ita Ifaliiina ncl Kinasiiuu'nto
(pp. 352 .v at
hand. Others, like Savonarola, predict a great religiou> levival, the conversion
of the Turks, etc.
70 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
the prospects of a French invasion were conspicuously imminent.
His prediction that the French king would indeed come was, as
every one knows, fulfilled. But the high hopes based upon the
French invasion were doomed to hitter disappointment ; and the
veracity of the prophet could be saved only by the explanation that
the promises of a reformation to be brought about by means of
Charles VIII. had been subject to conditions. But with respect to
certain other predictions which have been related in the foregoing
chapter, viz. that of the conversion of the Turks, and of the
prosperity of Florence and the extension of her dominions,
Savonarola committed himself to the uncompromising assertion that
they were not conditional, but absolute and irrevocable ; and in the
concluding paragraphs of the Compendium Revelationum he went as
near as was possible to a definite statement that they would be
fulfilled within ten years. 1 Now, the only conclusion which, as it
seems to us, can be reasonably drawn from the complete mis-
carriage of these promises, thus absolutely and irrevocably made, is,
that those predictions which were fulfilled were after all nothing
better than shrewd conjectures, put forth with impassioned con-
viction and most courageous boldness, and, as we are willing to
believe, in all good faith, but conjectures after all.
As regards the moral reformation of Florence, we would say(i)
hat it was not exclusively the result of Savonarola's prophecies as
such, but principally the fruit of his earnest inculcation of
Christian doctrine and of Christian morality, and his severe
condemnation of vice ; and (2) that although it was undoubtedly
helped forward by his predictions, this of itself proves nothing. If
the predictions had not produced some good results, they could
not have possessed even the semblance of a claim to be regarded as
divinely inspired. Many a child has been terrified by false alarms
into saying its prayers. But this does not prove that the creations
of a child's imagination have a real and independent existence.
Many a simple soul has been stirred to feelings of devotion, and
even perchance to acts of very real and solid virtue, by some tale of
legendary hagiology. But this docs not dispense M. Duchesne
1 On 3rd May 1495, he assured his hearers that some of those then living
should see the conversion of the Turk>; and on 2Slh May lie told them (alluding
la 1'ivi lhat they should have everything hack, and, moreover, that their dominions
should he increased. He told them, too. that in the coming plague the "Tepidi"
should die in proportionately greater numbers than the devout. Was this
prediction verified ?
ON THE WATCH-TOWER OF ITALY 71
and the Bollandists from the necessary, if sometimes ungracious, task
of turning the search-light of historical criticism upon traditions of
spurious or doubtful origin.
Moreover, it is by no means clear that the results of Fra
Girolamo's prophecies, and more particularly of the reiterated
assertion of his claims to be regarded as an inspired prophet,
deserve to be called purely and simply good. To take only a
simple instance was it a good result that in later days the people
of Florence should be encouraged to set at naught the menaces of
the reigning Pope even though that Pope was Alexander VI., and
to listen rather to one who explicitly declared that he held his
communion directly from God? Was it not one result of the
prophetic claims of Savonarola that the city of Florence was
brought perilously near to schismatical disobedience? This is a
point which we cannot develop here without unduly anticipating the
course of the subsequent narrative. Hut the mere mention of the
conflicts which occupy so large a portion of the record of Fra
Girolamo's last years, and which are so intimately bound up with
the question of his alleged divine mission, may be sufficient as a
reminder that the moral reformation which he undoubtedly effected
was not the only result of his preaching.
"In the absence of convincing proof,'' says Gerson, "no private
revelations are to be accepted as indisputably genuine until after the
death of the person who professes to have received them . . .
[nor] until all his acts, words, and writings, to the end of his life,
have been first examined." And the reason is, that "the devil
often for a long time tells the truth (inculcat \vru) that he may at
last draw a man into error (persuadeat falsa)." ' Of course we do not
postulate, in Savonarola's case, any special diabolical agency. There
can be no doubt that much which is by mediaeval writers a>cni)ed to
the direct action of the Devil may be set down to the account of
natural causes. Hut the caution that alleged revelations are to be
judged not merely by their immediate results, but by their remoter
issues, is one in which S. Thomas Aquinas is at one with Gerson
and other writers.- Amort lays it down that : " Doubtful revelations,
if they bring with them the danger of . . . causing dissensions in
the Church, are to be prohibited by public authority." And still
more to the purpose is the "rule" that: "Revelations, mi the
1 Amort, p. S.4. '-' //W. , p. 233.
72 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
strength of which it is pretended that the recipient of them is
dispensed from the observance of some law, natural or ecclesiastical,"
deserve no credence. 1
How far these last rules are applicable to the case of Savonarola
is a question which must be judged in the light of subsequent
events. But it is right that they should be at least mentioned in
this place.
But what is to be said about the plea, repeatedly urged by Fra
Girolamo, that all, or nearly all, good men recognised his prophetic
mission, while those who called it in question were men of
abandoned life, or at least such as were only externally religious and
devout?- Unfortunately, we can only reply by denying the alleged
fact. There is no reason whatever, that we can sec, for calling in
question the high character of some of those who, during Fra
Girolamo's lifetime and since, have believed him to be deluded.
Nor can we admit that Savonarola had any right to proclaim that
the apparent uprightness of some of his adversaries was no better
than a cloak for hypocrisy or hidden wickedness. Me himself
admitted that it was not given to him to read the secrets of hearts.
And even had he possessed such a gift, its possession would not
have released him from the duty of observing the natural law which
prescribes respect for our neighbours reputation. The bearing of
these remarks, as well as of others which we have had occasion to
make in the course of this chapter, will appear more fully in the
sequel.
There is, however, yet another consideration which claims our
attention before we can, for the present at least, dismiss the
subject. Among the reasons which render the prophecies of Fra
Girolamo at least open to suspicion is the strange flattery of the
city of Florence with which they are inseparably bound up. It is
of course conceivable that God should have chosen Florence as the
scene of special manifestations of His goodness and power, and
that He should have destined the city to be the centre whence the
leaven of reformation should spread throughout Italy, and even
throughout the world. But it may be doubted whether, if such had
been His design, He would have wished this design to be
'.Amort, pp. 270, 281.
'-' lie speaks of the "Tepidi, cjims sucpe redarguo, ct quilmscum assiduus milii
C.-.1 coiilliclus. . . Hi sunt, inihi crcdc, I'harisaei ; ijui cum Herodianis con-
silium inierunt ul nos caperent in sermonc" (Dya/agns, lx>ok v.).
ON THE WATCH-TOWER OF ITALY 73
communicated in set terms to the citi/ens, who were perhaps
already somewhat prone to a certain civic pride and corporate self-
sufficiency. 1 And it may also be doubted whether the Providence
of God could be truly described as so solicitous for the civic
liberties of the Florentines, and at the same time so indignant with the
citizens of Pisa for their efforts to secure independence for them-
selves. And whatever may be thought of these a priori probabilities,
it may at least be questioned whether, in any intelligible sense, the
work of ecclesiastical reform can be said to have actually spread
from Florence.
1 " Great," says Fra Girolamo, in one of his sermons (S. 8 on Amos, gth June
'495) " is the blessing of creation. Still greater is the favour of having been created
in the image of God. Greater still that of having been born among Christians.
But : Maggior beneficio ancora e ihc tit sia nato in qucsta grande .i /V. '/<.-< ".'> of Fra Benedetto,
neither of \\hu-h documents lias hitherto been | ubli.-lud in full. Such a lhic.it.
expressed or implied, is however picsupj-oscd by Savonarola's assertion that !e
should itay in Florence, and that Lorui/o nu^t go thence, ami semis to 1 e al'uilid
to in the letter to Fra Domenico quoted above.
76 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
the presence of many witnesses, that Loren/o, the Pope, and
the King of Naples would all soon die. 1 The prediction was ful-
filled, so far as the Pope and the Magnifico were concerned, in the
following year, 1492. Ferrante, King of Naples, died in January
1494.
This incident of the embassy of the five citizens Savonarola
himself related from the pulpit five years afterwards, two of the five
being actually present.- Three of them, in fact, became, after the
death of Lorenzo, firm supporters of the Friar.
In the meanwhile Lorenzo, whether because he dreaded the
consequences of any extreme measure, or, as we are willing to
believe, from some more honourable motive, refrained from any
attempt to carry into effect the threats with which he had in vain
sought to terrify him. 3 Not only was Fra Girolamo left entirely
unmolested, but he was invited to preach in the Palazzo, before the
Signory and the other magistrates of the city, on the Wednesday in
Easter week. He told his hearers plainly that he did not feel
altogether at his ease in addressing so unwonted an audience.
" I am not master here," he said, u as in the church, and therefore
I must behave with a certain politeness (me urbanius habere), like
Christ in the house of the Pharisee." 4 Uut whatever his feelings
of embarrassment may have been, they did not hinder him from
expressing himself with remarkable freedom concerning the duties
of those who were entrusted with public offices. All the good and
all the evil in the State, he said, depended on its chief or prince ;
"if he would come with us, he might render the city holy." 5 Ikit
some men, when they enjoy power, become "incorrigible tyrants,"
1 Villari, loc. at.
' A This is expressly stated by Cinoz/.i (lot. fit.), who heard the sermon, and
saw the men among the audience.
3 Guicciardini writes : " Non piaceva il predicare del S. a I.oien/o; nondimeno,
parte pcrche non lo toccava ncl vivo, parte perchc d'avere altra volta cacciato da
Firenze Fra Bernardino . . . aveva ricevuto carico ncl popolo, t Jor>c a~<'cndo
qualchcriverenzaaFraJcronitno . . . non gli proibiva il predicare, "etc. (Gloria
Fiorentina, p. 123).
4 From the rough draft <>( the sermon jotted down by Savonarola himself,
and printed l>y Villari (vol. i. Append, p. xxxiii.).
5 The allusion is to Nathanael, who, though no fisherman, accompanied S.
Peter on the lake of (ialilcc as related in S. John xxi. I .arba (da Gennazzano) to undertake the task of
controverting his conclusions, and publicly to admonish him that the
prediction of future events, and the adoption of an unusual style of
preaching, was a mark of presumption, and was calculated to arouse
dissension among the people.'-' Accordingly, on Ascension Day
1491, Fra Mariano openly attacked Savonarola in a sermon, preached
at San Gallo, on the text : " It is not yours to know the times and
the moments," etc. Cino/xi, who was present, declares that the
preacher's manner was such as to alienate from the preacher many
of his friends and admirers, and among them Cino/zi himself: and
1 Vilhri, /y ni^ht, and en the left side," i.e. \\lio seek their private
interests by unjust means ; and he exhorts his hearers to cast on the rii;ht sido,
and in full daylight, i.e. to act in all things with justice, and with an <.ve to the
common ^ood. Moreover, the common <;ooil of the people is to be understood
in a Chri.-tian sense.
- Ordinocol detlo Km Mariano che faccssi una pivdica nella <]iule si conteno-*i
die il dir cose future e predicar fuur del consueto era cosa presutv.uosn, e non eia
se non mettere sedi/ione ne' popoli" (Cinnol>l>onu clie procedeva da gran
passinne. K io mi ricordo, essendo .1 delta piedica, che cro uno di quelii che piii
toslo dependevo dalla parte Mia die dal 1'. f. leronimo ; e quella fu causa insieme
con inolti altri di las^ar le sue prcdicazioni. l-'uvvi a delta piedica Lorenzo e el
andola, che anco lui alloia era contra 1'. I. leronimo,
come Giovanni delU Mi
messer Agnolo da Monte;
niodo che all' uscir del!a
fu quasi causa di fargli pe
etc. (Cinozzi, p. 15). Yc
successive Good Fridays ;
reputation was by no me.
ulciano e quai tutto il liorc ddli iiomini da l>ene ; in
rcdica fu f.uta dUcissione inter omnes. Ma ceito ijiiella
dcie la reputa/ione che avea acquistala in parecchi anni,''
. in the year-. 1492-03-94, Mariano preached mi three
I l-'err.ua. a circumstance \\liidi makes it clear that his
ns ^onc (/>/,;//<> l-'emmc in Muratori, .V, ////,-/<>, \\iv.
jss . Later :,till, he often preached in Rome K-fore the Pope.
" Savonarola had s.iid to Lorenzo's deputies that the new style i>f frtachinj
would prosper, and that the old would decline (:/rds and given them an
ollcnsively personal turn.
SAVONAROLA AND LORENZO DE MEDICI 79
meekness gave me to understand that my preaching gave you great
pleasure, and appeared to you calculated to produce much fruit, and that
you offered me your services, and declared that you would be always
ready to help me, with more to the same effect ': Who, then, has now put
it into your head to speak as you do? Why have you so suddenly
changed your mind ? !;1
Whereby, adds Cinozzi, every one understood that Mariano had
so acted out of complaisance to others, and also (though this does
not seem to follow) because he found that his own following grew
daily less. Shortly afterwards Mariano left Morcnce for Rome,
where he was subsequently elected general of his Order. He seems
to have become almost as great a favourite with Alexander VI. as
he had been with Lorenzo de' Medici, and his influence was openly
used in opposition to Fra Girolamo. Before his departure, how-
ever, the controversial passage of arms, of which we have spoken,
was followed by an interchange of courtesies between the rival
preachers. Mariano invited Savonarola to sing the High Mass on
some great festival at S. Gallo, and Savonarola accepted the
invitation. -
It is not easy to form a just estimate of Fra Mariano's character
and motives. That he was a worldly-minded man, and a com-
plaisant courtier, can hardly be denied ; but it is at least probable
that, while he admired the fervid eloquence and courageous /eal
of Fra Girolamo, he sincerely believed that his vaticinations were
mischievous in their effects, or at least dangerous in their tendency.
Burlamacchi, after his wont, regards his acts of courtesy to
Savonarola as due to mere hypocrisy. To this hostile verdict we
cannot, in the absence of better evidence, subscribe. Mariano's
character will not, of course, for a moment bear comparison with
that of his great rival. But while we recognise that the future
General of the Augustinians was no hero, and that he had many
faults and failings, we venture to doubt whether he was really no
better as Burlamacchi would have us believe than an odious
hypocrite.
But to return to the relations between Savonarola and I.oren/o.
In the course of this same year, 1491. Fra Girolamo was, b\ an
unanimous election, chosen Prior of the convent 01 S. Marco. The
convent had been founded and greatly enriched by Cosimo de Medici,
and it was indeed one of the mo.->t striking monuments ot the
1 Cinozzi, p. 15. - Burlamacchi, \>. 34 : \ I'.l-iii. i. '43-
So GIRO LA MO SAVONAROLA
princely munificence of this great family. 1 It need not, then, cause any
surprise that a custom should have arisen whereby each newly
elected Prior used, after his installation, to visit and pay his respects
to the head of the founder's house. Burlamacchi, indeed, represents
that the visit was made to Lorenzo in his capacity as head of the
State (per riconoscerlo come capo della Repubblica), but we venture
to doubt whether this statement fairly represents the real origin of
the usage.- However this may be, it was natural that Lorenzo
should expect from Savonarola this customary mark of recognition.
But whether it was that he regarded the act as savouring too much
of an acknowledgment of a right of patronage, or whether he desired
to mark his disapproval of the political supremacy which the family
had gradually acquired, Fra Girolamo altogether declined to set
foot in the palace of the Medici. He owed his election, he said,
to God alone, and God alone should have his acknowledgments.
Lorenzo, on his side, grumbled that a stranger had come to live
in his house, and yet would not pay him a visit. 3 ^"hether,
perchance, Fra Girolamo might have acted more prudently had he
conformed to a custom which, after all, need not necessarily be
regarded as an abuse, we will not undertake to say, but he is at
least entitled to the credit of having been, on this occasion, as on
so many others, staunch in his adherence to what appeared to him
to be the best course of action.
It is, on the other hand, greatly to the credit of Lorenzo that he
showed no spiteful resentment against the new Friar in consequence
of the omission of this ceremonial visit. More than once he visited
the convent, and walked in the garden with the friars, doubtless
with the intention of meeting the Prior. But he seems to have
refrained from asking to see him personally ; and Savonarola, on
his side, declined to leave his cell to welcome the distinguished
visitor, unless the latter should expressly send for him. 1 Xever-
1 S. Marco had previously been a monastery of Silvcstrinc monks. The
Dominicans of the stricter observance obtained possession of the house and church
in 1435; ' mt lne w"le kioric of the convent was in such a -tale of dilapidation
that Cosimo determined to rebuild it entirely, nnd the work was entrusted to
Micheloz/.o Michclo/^i. The splendid library of S. Marco w.is also the i',ift of
Cosimo. The walls of S. Marco, as every one knows, are still bright with the
frescoes of Kra Angehco (Marche&e, Suiito Storito, pp. 44 .-
construed.
On the night of the 2oth of April, which was Good Friday, about
86 GIROLAMO SAVON 7 AROLA
a fortnight after Lorenzo's death, Fra Girolamo, who in that year
was preaching the Lent in S. Lorenzo, had one of his more remark-
able visions, which he thus relates himself in his Compendium
Revclationum t 1
" I saw [he says] two crosses, whereof the one, which rose from the
midst of the city of Rome, and reached even to the sky, was black, and
it bore the inscription, CRYX IRAE DEI (the cross of God's anger).
Immediately on its appearance I saw the sky dark with scudding clouds,
and a tempest of wind, lightning, thunderbolts, hail, fire, and hurtling
swords arose, and an immense multitude of men were slain, so that
only a remnant was left. Thereafter I saw the sky grow calm and clear,
and another cross rose up from the midst of Jerusalem, not less lofty
than the first, but of a splendour so brilliant that it illuminated all the
world, causing fresh flowers to spring on every side and joy to abound,
and it bore the legend, CRVX MISERICORD I AE DEI (the cross of
God's mercy). And forthwith all the nations of the earth flocked together
to adore and embrace it.' ; 2
It is hardly necessary to say that, so far as this vision was con-
ceived of by Savonarola, as prophetic of some immediately future
time, it has not in any intelligible sense been fulfilled. Uut there is
no need to repeat, with reference to this or other individual instances,
what has already been said of his visions, revelations, and predic-
tions in view of their general character.
As the apparition of the two crosses came to him at the close
of Lent, so also the close of the following Advent was marked by
another divine manifestation (as he deemed it), which, as Villari
reminds us, has formed the subject of a multitude of medals, and
lias supplied the device which more than any other has been taken
as summarising the prophetic preaching of Fra Girolamo.
This second vision, it may be noted, followed the death of
Innocent VIII., and the election of Alexander VI., which had
taken place in the previous July. Whatever hopes may have been
aroused by the vigorous administration of the first days of
Alexander's pontificate had been speedily dispelled. For it soon
1 The church of San I^orenzo was under the immediate patronage of thr
Medici, who, as is well known, chose it as their place of sepulture. It is hardly
credible that, if Lorenzo de' Medici had really entertained any serious fears of the
effect'- of Fra f Jirolamo's sermons, Kra ( iirolamo would have Keen selected to preach
the Lent in that church. The Lenten .sermons of 1492 were the first of a series,
continued in the Lent and summer months of 1494, on the Hook of Genesis.
2 Compendium Revelationum^ pp. 244-45.
SAVONAROLA AND PIERO I)E' MKDICI 87
became only too clear that the energy which stood in so marked
a contrast with the weakness of Innocent VIII. would, for the
most part, only subserve a policy more flagrantly and openly
selfish than that of his predecessor; and that Pontiffs who had
extended an inexcusable toleration to vice had been succeeded by
one who was himself shamelessly vicious.
" In the year 1492 [Savonarola writes] I saw, on the ni^ht preceding
the last of my Advent sermons in the church of S. Reparata [i.e. the
Duomo], a hand in the heavens grasping a sword whereon was inscribed,
GLADIVS DOMINI SUPER TEKRAM CITO ET VELOCITER
(the Sword of the Lord upon the earth soon and speedily) ; while on
the hand was written, VERA ET IVSTA SVNT IVDICIA DOMINI
(the judgments of the Lord are true and just i. Ilut the arm to which
the hand belonged seemed to come forth from three faces [symbolical
of the Holy Trinity], whereof the first said, 'The wickedness of my
sanctuary cries to me from the earth ' ; and the second answered,
'Therefore will I visit their iniquities with a rod, and their sins with
stripes'; and the third exclaimed, 'My mercy I will not remove from
him, nor by my truth will I hurt him, and I will have mercy on the
poor and the needy.'"
After a further colloquy among the voices, followed by a terrible
cry, which seemed to be uttered by the three together, and which
threatened awful vengeance unless men would repent in time, he saw
a vision of angels, who went through the world offering to men white
garments and red crosses, which some accepted and others spurned,
while some again not only spurned them but persuaded others to
do the like. These, he explains, are "the tepid," men puffed up
with pride, who deride the boon which is offered them, and hinder
others from accepting it. It is not necessary to particularise the
details which follow. Those who have clad themselves in the white
robes, and who hold the red crosses, become the recipients of that
divine mercy which, during and after the storm of tribulation, is to
be extended to the faithful remnant of a corrupt people. 1 The
practical lesson of the vision for Fra Girolamo himself, as com-
municated to him by the supposed divine voice, was that he should
earnestly pray God to inspire men with His fear (ut suum tinuuvm
in terrain mitteret), and to give to His Church good pastors and
preachers who would feed their flocks and not themselves.
1 White robes ami red crosses were to lie, hereafter, the distinguishing marks
of the followers of Fra Girolamo in their public processions and similar functions,
of which something has, l>y anticipation, already been >aid.
88 (*. IRC) LA MO SAVONAROLA
In the following year (1493) Fr;i (lirolumo preached the Lent
not at Florence but at Bologna. To judge from a letter written
by him at the time to his brethren at S. Marco, who were distressed
at the long absence of their Prior, he does not seem to have been
altogether satisfied with his success there ; and Burlamacchi relates
that his sermons were at first not well attended, and that he was
esteemed "a simple man, good enough for women." 1 For one
woman at least he showed himself a match. The wife of Giovanni
Bentivoglio, the despotic ruler of the city, attended the lenten
course, but had the bad taste habitually to arrive after the com-
mencement of the sermon. At first the preacher contented himself
with interrupting his discourse until the great lady had taken her
seat, in the hopes that the marked pause would be sufficient to
make her ashamed of her bad manners. Seeing, however, that this
had no effect, he admonished the ladies in general terms to arrive
punctually, so as not to distract the attention of the audience. But
again to no purpose. The wife of so distinguished a man, and so
powerful a ruffian, as the despot of Bologna, was not disposed to
take to herself any such general admonition. He therefore one
day addressed her individually from the pulpit, reminding her that
she would please God better, and himself also, if she would be good
enough to come in time. The only result was that she persevered
in her obstinacy, and at last one day, as she swept into the church
with her retinue, he cried aloud: "See how the devil comes to
disturb the word of (lod !" Whereupon she despatched two of her
attendants with orders to slay him there and then in the pulpit.
But their courage failed them ; and, when a little later, she sent two
others on a like errand to the convent of S. Domenico, Savonarola
received them with such gentle dignity that they could only stammer
out that their mistress had sent them to assure him of her willingness
to serve him if ever he should need her assistance.
1 The letter above referred to is given in full by Ouetif, ii. 09 .v<;/<>re.(, xxiii. 91 1) the record of a murder perpetrated,
presumably at the instance of Hentivoglio, by four men in masks, on the tir>t day
of this very Lent.
:! In the letter above referred to, Savonarola bids his correspondents pray thai
he may have right to know whether, after the conclusion of the lenten >ermon>,
he ouyht to proceed to Venice to the chapter of the Order, which was to be held
there. A letter written from Venice to 1' ra BattiMa da Firen/.e. vicar or sub-prior
of S. Marco, and published by Cappelli (n. i), is, we think, to be referred to this
time, however the date 1492 (for which we would read 1403) is to be explained.
The chronological question is discussed by Villari (\. 107 .r,;,/. ), who arrives at a
different conclusion. The point is of no serious importance.
90 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
Friars Preachers, of the stricter observance, in 1 uscany, was subject
to the Vicar of Lombard)' j 1 but if only a separation could be effected,
it might be possible to improve the state of religious discipline in
these Tuscan houses, or of so many of them as might wish to
associate themselves with S. Marco. And, indeed, it is evident
that so long as Fra Girolamo was liable, at any moment, to be sent
by his superiors to reside at Venice or Bologna or elsewhere, he
could not feel any confidence that his term of government at S.
Marco would be sufficiently prolonged to enable him to carry out
any durable scheme of internal reformation.
At the same time, we must express our dissent from a twofold
conjecture with reference to this matter which has been somewhat
incautiously put forth by Villari. He assumes, without proof, that
Savonarola's mission to Bologna was due to the machinations of
Piero de' Medici, and also that it was this mission which suggested
to him the project of separation. The only ground, so far as we
can gather from the extant evidence, for believing that Piero was
the moving cause of the Bolognese mission is, that he is supposed
to have been desirous that Fra Mariano should again preach the
Lent at Florence in 1493.- ^ ut this latter supposition seems to be
as ill-grounded as the conclusion which Villari has ventured to draw
from it. The facts, as revealed by a correspondence published by
Cappelli, are briefly these: In a letter, dated i-jth January 1493,
Ercole d'Este informs Manfredi, his envoy at Florence, that he
has written to the Pope, begging him to command Mariano to
preach the Lent at Ferrara, but that Mariano has excused himself
on the ground that Piero de' Medici already held his promise
that he would preach at Florence. 3 D'Este accordingly instructs
Manfredi to approach Piero on the subject, and it transpires that
Piero is quite willing to oblige the Duke; 1 being, in all probability,
profoundly indifferent whether Mariano preached at Florence or
elsewhere. Accordingly, della Barba is driven to find some other
1 Or, more strictly speaking, of " (lie Congregation of Lombard} 1 ," the meaning
of which appellation will presently appear.
2 " Semhra chc Piero de' Me risulta dai document! che puhlico il Cappelli " (pp. 28-30).
3 Cappelli, n. 7.
4 D'Este to Manfredi, 29th January ; d'Kstc to Mariano, same date (Cappelli,
nn. S, 9).
SAVONAROLA AND PIERO DE' MEDICI 91
excuse for holding fast to his Florentine pulpit. Manfredi, the
Duke's ambassador, is fairly annoyed. After so many negotiations
("tante et gagliarde scaramuzze" in his expressive but untranslatable
phrase) he can get nothing out of Master Mariano except that it is
impossible for him to go to Ferrara. 1 Mariano, on his part, cannot
understand the Duke's displeasure, " essendo necessitate per sue
facende et interesso proprio." - "His own affairs," then, "and his
own interests," and not his promise to Piero were, after all, the
reason why lie could not, or would not, comply with the request of
the Duke. 3 There is, in fact, not a scrap of evidence to show that
Piero de' Medici was at this time actively hostile to Savonarola.
On the contrary, the documents which Villari himself has published
show, as will presently appear, that he gave his support, doubtless
from no very exalted motive, to Fra Girolamo's efforts to obtain
the separation of S. Marco from the Lombard Congregation.
Nor again can it be maintained that the order to preach the I>ent
at Bologna was the occasion of these efforts. We have the authority,
not merely of Burlamacchi, but of Savonarola himself, for the state-
ment that, during a period of six or seven months, prayers had been
daily offered by the community of S. Marco for the success of the
negotiations. 4 And this would almost certainly carry us back to
an earlier date than the communication of the command to preach
at Bologna. Moreover, as appears from Fra Girolamo's account of
the matter, the project had been entertained long before these
special public prayers had been undertaken by the community.-'
But to return to the negotiations themselves. That the project
was not of the nature of a mere innovation, and that it had the
cordial support of Fra (.irolamo's brethren, and was not, as his
enemies afterwards pretended, a crafty device of personal ambition,
is made sufficiently clear by a formal memorial which was drawn up,
on 25th May 1493, for presentation to the Pope. This document
cannot indeed have been the first petition on the subject, for it is
1 Manfredi lo d'Kste, 311! February (Cappelli, n. n).
- Same to same, I4th February (Cappelli, n. 12).
;! Cf. Cosci, pp. 288-89.
4 '' Imperoche in sei niesi cinque volte il di i Fr.ui tutti si ragunavano .ill'
oratione uniti insieme," etc. (Burlamacchi, p. 55"!. I.e>t it should be thought
that Burlamacchi has hero exaggerated the tact-, Savonarola himself >peak> of
these prayers as having been made by the community MX or seven times daily lor
the space of seven months (Savonarola to an Abhos at Ferrara, loth Sep'.ember
1493; Villari, i. Append, p. lv. ).
z Ibid., p. liv.
92 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
dated three days later than the very Brief which it was designed to
obtain. But the loss of the earlier petition, which seems to be no
longer extant, is of the less consequence because the later document
contains a very full statement of the case for separation. It has
seemed to us to be of sufficient interest to deserve reproduction
here in a compendious summary. After the date, and a list of the
names of the brethren present on the occasion, who are stated to
have been duly summoned to the chapter-house at the sound of the
bell, and by command of the Prior, the memorial proceeds :
The-above named brethren wlio declare themselves to be not merely
a two-thirds majority, but the entire number of the professed members of
the convent now within its walls being thus duly assembled, the
aforesaid Prior, Kra Hieronymo Savonarola of Ferrara, addressed them
in a clear voice, so as to be understood by all, to the following effect :
" Whereas the constitutions of the Order of Preachers prescribe that the
Provinces of the Order should be kept distinct, nevertheless, by reason of
the fewness of its members, our Convent of S. Marco was sometime
since united to the Congregation of Lombardy. 1 Subsequently, at the
request of the Prior and Fathers, it was again separated therefrom ; but
for a second time, for the same reason as before, it was not indeed formally
united with, but "commended" to, the same Congregation, being once
more placed under obedience to its superiors.- But now the number of
Fathers and Brothers has so greatly increased that the convent may
much more suitably be put on its proper footing, and be ruled by its own
superiors, independently of the Province of Lombardy. We had there-
fore determined to present a petition to this effect to our lord the Pope,
to the end that we might for the future live and serve God in peace, and
in all love and charity.
" But because, as we learn, it has been represented to the Cardinal our
Protector, that this is the wish of only a few of us, it has seemed well to
1 This was in 1451. The occasion of the union was the plague which had
devastated Italy in 1448 (Marchese, Smito Storico, p. 93). It might, indeed, witli
some show of justice have Ijeen objected that this appeal to antiquity, and to the
constitutions of the Friars Preachers, was a piece of special pleading. For at the
time when the "stricter observance" was instituted by B. Kaynumd of Capua and
H. Giovanni Dominici, the reformed houses in Italy (to whatever Province of the
Order they might have belonged) had been united in a single "Congregation"
(not " Province,") which, from the circumstance that most of these reformed
houses were in northern Italy, Ixjre the name of the Congregation of Lombardy.
And, in particular, the Convent of S. Marco had been from its foundation a
member of this Lombard Congregation (. \nnali del Cmn-cnto di .V. Calcrimi,
p. 605 ; ff. Marchese, Sunto Storico, p. 35). At what precise date the first
separation was effected we are unable to state.
The second separation took place in 1469, and the reunion, by way of
commendation," in 1474 (Marchese, ibid., p. 93).
SAVONAROLA AND PIERO DE' MEDICI 93
seek a definite expression of opinion from all and each of those who have
a voice in the matter, that thus our petition may have the greater force."
Accordingly, the matter having been fully discussed in chapter, the
Brethren were unanimously of opinion that the petition for a separation
be made in accordance with the words of our Prior.
Moreover, the Prior aforesaid did a second time on the same day
propose the same matter in the same form to the brethren in chapter
assembled, to the end that they might more fully deliberate thereupon.
And after this second discussion they unanimously declared their
adhesion to the resolution already arrived at.
Finally, after yet a third discussion in chapter, the Prior requested the
professed brethren, singly and apart, and in silence, to express in
writing their vote or opinion on the matters aforesaid.
Here follow the signatures, each with a few words appended.
One says that he greatly desires the separation : another that he has
always desired it ; a third wishes that he had a hundred votes to
give for it ; others protest that they wish it " for the good of
religion," or "for the honour of God," or that they give their votes
freely and not out of fear of the Prior, or at his persuasion. Lastly,
one of the signatories wishes for the separation "that he may serve
God more freely."
All is duly attested by public notaries, and sealed with the seal of
the city. 1
The memorial, though obviously an e.\ parle statement, sufficiently
sets forth the state of the case as represented by the Prior and
community of S. Marco from an historical and constitutional point
of view. But we gain a better insight into the inner motives which
actuated Savonarola in this matter from a long letter on the whole
subject which he addressed, in the autumn of 1493, to the I.ady
Abbess of a convent of nuns at l-'errara. We summarise it here, out
of its chronological order, because, though written later, it has reference
to the events of the time with which we are here concerned :-
io/// Scptetnbt'r 1493; Savonarola to " una Badessa di Ferrara. 1 '
Honoured Mother Your letter has given me threat pleasure, and your
kind admonition proceeds, as 1 know, from a sincere zeal, and I accept it
as a sign of your true charity towards me (che voi mi amnte in verit.\
senza dissimulazione). I wish I could speak with you in person, for I feel
sure that I could satisfy you concerning our affairs. In the meanwhile
(since you hear reports to our disadvantage) suspend your judgment, and
await the issue of events. Remember our Lord's words : " By their fruits
ye shall know them."
' (Iherardi, pp. 42-52. '-' Yillari, i. Appeml. pp. Hi. si/q.
94 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
This separation from the Lombard Congregation is a thing which perse
might be either good or bad (according to circumstances) ; and therefore
it is a matter on which a hasty judgment should not be formed. In the
case of a spiritual body or corporation the amputation of a limb may be
good or bad. It is good if the rest of the body be corrupt, that the
healthy member be not likewise corrupted ; bad if the rest of the body be
thoroughly sound, sound internally as well as in outward appearance. I
do not say that the Congregation of Lombardy is unsound ; but this I do
say, that if it be truly sound, and we unsound, then the result of our separa-
tion ought to be that the amputated member, i.e. ourselves, should show
signs of corruption. 1 But if on the contrary the Congregation be sound
only in appearance, and not inwardly, then the detached member will
escape from being corrupted by the body, and will become healthy, and
grow by the grace of God. Therefore, I say, await the result.
It is quite a mistake to say that we have entered upon a new mode of
life. A return to the principles and example of our saintly predecessors is
not the adoption of a new mode of life. To build poor convents ; to wear
a rough and old and patched habit ; to eat and drink within the limits
of sobriety as determined by the saints ; to live in a poor cell, bare
of superfluities ; to cultivate silence and solitude ; to separate oneself
from the world, and give oneself to contemplation these arc not innova-
tions. But for mendicants to build themselves palaces with marble
columns ; to live in a cell handsome enough for a prince ; to hold
possessions contrary to the profession of one's Order ... to wear rich
cloth in place of rough serge (vestirsi non di panno piii vile ma piu vano) ;
to pray little ; to wander hither and thither ; to wish to be poor and at
the same time to want for nothing these things are indeed innovations,
and are a stumbling-block to souls. Our first fathers lived in one fashion,
our modern fathers live in another. Let every one make his choice
between the old style and the new. Our way of life, instead of giving
scandal here in Florence, on the contrary gives great edification. And
yet you must know tliat ice have hardly begun to carry out U'hat u : e intend.
Hitherto we have made comparatively little change in our former way of
life, but with the help of your prayers and advice we hope, little by little,
to introduce a stricter observance.
1 The logic of thi.> paragraph strikes us as not merely a little faulty but also a
little ill-natured. It is, in fact, nothing short of an absurdity to say that because
the division of a pari>h, diocese, congregation, or the like issues in happy results
for one of the parts, therefore the other part must be, or must have been, in an
unsound state. Nor can we read, with any feeling of satisfaction, Savonarola's
invitation to his friends and followers to think ill of their neighbours even when
externally there appears no manifest fault. This is only one of many such instances.
In the days of his later conflicts he was wont to urge that the good men were all
on his side. And when it was urged that there were also good men on the other
side, his reply was that though perhaps good in appearance they were inwardly
corrupt. He was fond of denouncing Pharisaism, but, if we arc not mistaken,
there was an element of unconscious Pharisaism in his own judgments of men.
SAVONAROLA AND 1'IERO DE' MEDICI 95
Here follows a passage to which we have already had occasion
to refer which Fra Girolamo tells how the step has not been taken
without mature and serious consideration ; and how prayers for light
and guidance have been offered during a long period, not merely
within the walls of S. Marco but throughout the city and elsewhere ;
and how the gravest Fathers have assured him of their conviction that
God Himself had inspired him with this design, and that it was his
duty to carry it into execution without further delay.
It is, then, he urges, incredible that so many servants of God,
united in one common bond of charity, having the honour of God
and the good of souls alone in view, should, after so many
prayers, nevertheless be deceived. If there is an appearance of
singularity in their mode of life, the reason is because the world is
sunk in darkness, and every class and condition of men, and of
women too, has .become depraved.
It is time, it is time, it is indeed time to adopt a singular mode of life,
because the world lias grown tepid, so that God may well say, in the
words of the Apocalypse : " I will begin to vomit thcc out of my
mouth." It is indeed time to reform ourselves and to contemn the
judgments of men : " For all men are liars/' It is time to wage
war against false and tepid brethren. What the Apostle says is un-
doubtedly true : "All they that will live godly in Christ Jesus shall suffer
persecutions." The tepid have not to endure many persecutions, because
the devil does not persecute his own ; but the fervent meet with fierce
opposition because they are themselves opposed to Satan. The cause of
our Lord cannot succeed but by war (non surgono scnza gucrra). There-
fore, when you live well, and yet meet with no contradiction, you ought to
fear, for it is not dod's way to leave His servants here without war.
The letter concludes with an earnest encouragement not to yield
to pusillanimity, and with an equally earnest petition for intercessory
prayer. One sentence in particular deserves to be specially noted :
" It would bc, :! he says, " a supremely foolish thing for me to entertain
any such solicitude as to say : % If I were to die, who would carry on and
observe the reform ?' Ax if, forsooth, God had need of inv // The Signory to Caraffa. 3 This is to inform you that
Fra Alexandro Rinuccini and Fra Domenico da Pescia, religious of our
1 Burlamacchi, p. 56.
- The Ten to Valori, loth May and 7lh June ; the same to Caraffa, loth May
(Villari, i. Append, pp. xl.-xlii.). These letters confirm the account of the matter
given by Cinozzi (p. ii)and Burlamacchi (loc. fit.). Filippo Valori was nephew
to Francesco, Savonarola's chief political supporter.
3 Villari, i. Append, p. xlvi. The letter is undated, but in the collection of
Florentine State papers it is placed between two others written respectively
SAVONAROLA AND PIERO DE' MEDICI niali di S. Cat?rina, pp. 623-4.
:! Cf. Marchese, p. 1 56.
104 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
of S. Marco powerfully helped to maintain friendly relations
between the citizens and the reformed Friars. In the course of
four years the convents of the Order at Fiesole, Pisa, and Prato,
perhaps too that of S. Romano at Lucca, 1 were separated from the
Lombard province and united with S. Marco, and a new priory,
colonised from that centre, was established near Bibbiena. And in
1495 the associated houses were formally recognised as members of
a new Congregation, of which Savonarola was elected the first Vicar-
General.
These facts might be taken, and have been taken, as bearing
witness to the high reputation which the Convent of S. Marco had
attained under the government of Savonarola ; nor have we any
desire whatever to minimise their significance. At the same time
it must be remembered that there is another side to the picture. In
no case except that of Fiesole can the adhesion of the incorporated
convents be said to have been spontaneous or even voluntary. At
Pisa all, and at Prato nearly all, of the Friars who were already in
possession were obliged to leave their convent to make room for a
colony from S. Marco, and it is impossible not to recognise among
the causes of the movement a strong desire on the part of the
Florentine Signory to interfere in the religious affairs of the cities
subject to her sway. And so it happened that an attempt to bring
the Dominican house at Siena under allegiance to S. Marco signally
failed, that a similar project in regard of the Convent at S. Gimignano
was opportunely dropped, and that the success of the undertaking at
Pisa was but ephemeral. The documents which we proceed to
summarise or calendar, will sufficiently illustrate what has been
said :
lof/t June 1493 ; The Signory to CararTa.'-' We thank you heartily
for having restored S. Marco to its former state of liberty, and we are all
the more grateful for the way in which you have used your wisdom and
authority to bring this matter more speedily to a successful issue.
Moreover, the whole people [of Florenrc] shares our gratitude. We
think, too, that you have done a thing very pleasing to God ; for it cannot
be doubted that religious observance will greatly flourish in this convent,
of which the inmates live most holy lives.
I5//J November; Torriano to Savonarola. 3 Our office requires that
1 So says I'errens, p. 84, but does not give his authority. We know of no
documents bearing on the subject.
'-' Villari, i. Append, p. xlvii.
3 (iherarrli, p. 56.
THE CONGREGATION OF S. MARCO 105
we should move about from place to place ; wherefore, as many things
may happen which would require the interposition of our authority, and
it is undesirable that you should have to send hither and thither to seek
me (ne vobis hue atque illuc post me sit cursitandum) we hereby confer
upon you and your successors in the office of Prior the full power and
authority of a Provincial.
i6/// November ; Torriano to Fra Vincentio da Castronovo, Vicar of
the Reformed Convents of the Congregation of Lombardy. 1 The
Brethren of S. Marco are in nowise to be molested or defamed, under
pain of excommunication.
2&//1 November ; The Signory to Caraffa. 2 You will be glad to know
how excellent have been the results of your efforts on behalf of the
Convent of S. Marco. Now all the brethren of S. Domenico at Fiesole
desire to adopt the same work of life, and to be united to S. Marco. We
beg you to expedite the matter.
Same date ; The same to Ser Antonio da Colle. 3 We beg you to use
your efforts in favour of the union of S. Domenico at Fiesole with S.
Marco.
\~jth December; The Signory to Caraffa. 4 Some years ago the
Convent of Santa Caterina at Pisa was, at the instance of Lorenzo de'
Medici and others, united with the Congregation of Lombardy, and was
at that time in great measure reformed by means of the brethren of
S. Marco. But matters are again in a state of confusion, and the best
remedy would seem to be that the said convent should be united to
that of S. Marco, and the \vork of reform resumed. We pray you to
use your good offices.
The reform mentioned in this letter had taken place only four or
five years previously, vi/. in 1488 or 1489. The annalist of the Con-
vent describes in emphatic terms the state of laxity into which the
community had fallen, and hints at worse evils, with the recital of which
he will not offend modest ears. :> Lorenzo de' Medici had used his
influence with Innocent VIII. to procure a Brief whereby S. Caterina
was placed under obedience to the Lombard Congregation ; where-
upon a colony of some twenty friars from S. Marco at Florence had
1 tiherardi, j>. 57.
Ghcrardi, p. 58.
3 Gherardi, p. 59. Da Colic was at this time the Florentine ambassador in
Rome.
4 Villari, i. Append, p. xlvii.
8 The laxity, so far as it is explicitly described, was in the matter of poverty.
" Cetera taceo," writes the annalist, " quae castas antes olTeiiMira certo certius
scio." And he adds : " Nee hoc huic Conventui tantum accidise qiiis suspicetur :
toti fere Ordini coimmmis fuit hie morlms, et mullis adhuc provinciis et Conventi-
bus eo anno quo luvc seriho MDL. hoc nialuin serpit " (Annali t.'j .;';'
6". Caterina, p. 604).
106 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
been established there, the former inmates with the exception of a
few who were willing to accept the reform being dispersed to various
other houses of the Order. 1
Same date ; The Signory to da Colle.- We charge you to promote
the union of the Pisan convent with that of S. Marco. While urging
this matter, try also to obtain permission for the houses at Fiesole and
San Gimignano to enter into a similiar union.
\\tk January 1494; Same to same. 3 It now seems best, "per
buono rispecto et per maggiore facilita," to desist from pushing the
cause of the convent at San Gimignano. Therefore, confine your efforts
to those of Fiesole and Pisa.
"]th April j Same to same. 4 You are already aware how earnestly
the whole city desires that the convents of Fiesole and Pisa may be
allowed freely to separate themselves from the Lombard Congregation,
after the manner of our own S. Marco ; and as the Cardinal of Naples
carried through the former business, we charge you to urge him to use
his good offices in this matter also.
2o//i April ; Same to same." We have received a letter altogether
contrary to our hopes and expectations ; but cannot persuade ourselves
that the Pope and the Cardinal will continue to refuse what we ask.
Wherefore, mindful of the words of the Gospel : " Ask and ye shall
receive," we are determined to urge our petition once more. We are
confident that the boon which we seek will tend to the splendour of
divine worship (perche il culto divino ne sara piu ornato). The Fathers
of Lombardy have no just ground for resentment, because every one, and
most of all those who make profession of religious life, ought to rejoice
at whatever promotes the glory of God. Let the Cardinal be more
fully informed about the matter, and he will surely grant us this favour.
is/ May ; Fra Francesco Salviati (Prior of Fiesole) to Savonarola.
Our affair in Rome progresses on the whole favourably. Our Cardinal
Protector is unwilling to grant us what we ask except under conditions
(patti) which have been arranged with the ambassadors, and of which
I send you a copy. For my part, I wish for no conditions or form of
agreement with the Lombard Fathers except that we should live in
mutual charity.
Meanwhile, the superiors of Lombardy have been forbidden to
1 Annali, pp. 605-6.
- Gherardi, p. 59.
3 Gherardi, p. 60.
4 Gherardi, ibid.
5 S. Gimignano was in the Sienesc territory, and Siena would have none of
the reform.
6 Villari, p. xlviii.
7 Gherardi, p. 60. The letter is written from Rome, whither Salviati had
gone to plead the cause of his convent.
THE CONGREGATION OF S. MARCO 107
remove from Pisa any of the brethren who may be natives of that city,
or of Florence, or to exercise any kind of jurisdiction or authority over
our house at Fiesole until this matter has been settled. His Holiness
lias given you permission by word of mouth to build a new convent.
As for me, I am content to abide by your judgment in all things
(stare secondo che pare a tutti voi), and I am ready to lay down
my life for my convent, as Jesus Christ laid down His for me.
\yh May ; The Signory to Caraffa. 1 We beg you to arrange for
the unconditional separation of the houses at Fiesole and Pisa. 3
2jt/i May; Torriano to Savonarola. 3 We hereby give you per-
mission to send two of your subjects to Rome at any time, to treat of
the affairs of your convent.
ind June ; The Signory to Caraffa. 4 We thank you for the frankness
with which you explain to us the difficulties which cause this affair to
drag on ; and we trust to your kindness and your wisdom to over-
come these obstacles.
Same date ; The Signory to Messer Puccio Pucci. We send a copy
of our letter to Caraffa, and also a memorandum of replies to the
objections raised by him. Pray forward the matter to the best of
your ability. 3
This concludes the series of letters, so far as these letters have
hitherto been published, relative to the affair of the convents at
Fiesole and Pisa. Their actual union with S. Marco was not
finally effected till August, 1494 ;'' and this in a very different
fashion, and with very different results, as regards the one and the
other. There can be no doubt that the inmates of S. Domenico at
Fiesole cordially desired the union, and the closest relationship was
subsequently maintained between this house and S. Marco. At
Pisa, as has already been said, it was far otherwise. The Signory
had begged, on behalf of the convent of S. Caterina in that city,
that it might be allowed "freely"' to unite itself with the Florentine
House. But they had at the same time allowed another motive for
their action to appear, besides the assumed desire to make matters
easy for the Pisan friars. " Because this convent is at Pisa." they
1 Gherardi, p. 62.
- " Nullis additis conditionilnis" ; in allusion to the "pniti " of which S.ilviati
speaks in his letter of 1st May.
:I Gherardi, p. 63.
4 Gherardi, ibid.
5 Gherardi, p. 64.
6 Uhaldini, Cronaca, apnd Gherardi, p. 58; Anmili di S. Ciiffrin,i, pp. 6ro
io8 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
had said, " we greatly desire that it should be reformed by our
Florentines." 1 "Our Florentines," as has been seen, had already
made one attempt to effect a reform at S. Caterina by tr$e drastic
measure of displacing the former inmates by a colony from their own
body. Some of these colonists, however, and among them Fra
Domenico da Pescia and Fra Salvestor Marufli, who afterwards
suffered death with Savonarola, had in the meanwhile returned to
S. Marco. -
What actually happened on the present occasion shall be told in
the words of the Annals of the Convent of S. Caterina at Pisa, the
writer of which is, it should be observed, a declared admirer of
Fra Girolamo.
"On the Festival of the Assumption, 1495 \stylo Pisano ; i.e. 1494]
there came to the convent, from Florence, Fra Hieronymo Savonarola
. . . with some of his brethren and certain Florentine citizens, among
whom was Filippo Pandolfino, Prefect of the city [i.e. Gonfaloniere of
Florence?]. There in the presence of all, in chapter assembled, he read
the papal Brief. Hieronymo was the founder of the Congregation [of
S. Marco], and was at that time the Vicar-General thereof, being the
first to hold that dignity. To him were already subject the convents of
Fiesole and of S. Marco at Florence, and to these, on this day, our house
was aggregated (tertius iis hac die additus est noster). Before the
reading of the Pope's letter, the question was asked whether any of the
brethren here resident wished to become members of the new Congrega-
tion. They were forty-four in number, of whom (only} four elected
to remain [under the new regime}. These were Fra Stephano da
Codiponte, Fra Domenico . . . Fra Martino Buonconti . . . and Fra
Simpliciano, a lay brother (conversus), who was on his deathbed, having
already received extreme unction. The rest preferred to return to
Lombardy. The Prior was relieved of his office, and went away with
them. Then Fra Hieronymo assigned new brethren to the convent, of
whom twenty-two were choir brothers (vocales); and the convent seemed
to be entirely changed (novusque visus est conventus).
"This state of things, however, was not of long duration. For the
city of Pisa, which for more than eighty years had enjoyed undisturbed
peace under the dominion of Florence, taking occasion from the
expedition of Charles, King of the French . . . and attracted by the
pleasant name of liberty, revolted from the Florentines. And because
nearly all the brethren were Florentines they were regarded with sus-
picion by the newly established Republic. Accordingly, in January
(1495) the Prior with his Tuscan companions returned to Florence,
1 Letter of 7th April, supra.
- Annali del Convento, p. 607.
THE CONGREGATION OF S. MARCO 109
and the Lombard friars, authorised thereto by a papal Brief, resumed
possession." *
The narrative hardly needs a word of commentary. It is .suffi-
ciently obvious with what degree of truth, or untruth, it had been
alleged that the Pisan friars desired the permission "freely" to unite
themselves with S. Marco. The whole business was one in which
political motives had been used to forward, under false pretences, a
project of reform which, however excellent in itself, could not justify
the means adopted for its furtherance in this case. Within a very
few months the whole scheme collapsed. On the revolt of 1'isa, the
Florentine friars were ordered to leave their new home, and the
Lombard brethren regained possession. -
In one of the letters already summarised, Savonarola is informed
that the Pope gives him permission to build a new convent. This
permission probably had reference to the " Luogo, ' or Residence
of S. Maria del Sasso near Bibbiena, a hou^e which was already
dependent on S. Marco. The two letters which follow make
mention of this establishment, and incidentally show that the Pisan
chronicler was anticipating matters when he described Savonarola
as "Vicar-general," in August 1494. It was not till the end
of May 1495 tna t ne was elected to and confirmed in that
office.
2&//i Mav 1495: Torriano to "the Prior and Brethren of the
Convent of S. Marco at Florence of the Tuscan Congregation of the
Roman Province of the Order of Preachers." -; Whereas the ''Locus"
of S. Maria del Sasso has been heretofore united with your Convent,
and has hitherto possessed only the status of a Residence (pro Loco
habitus fuit) ; and whereas now it has been enlarged and improved so as
to be capable of containing a community such as is sufficient to form a
convent, we hereby accept and adopt it as a convent of the Order);
and we give you full authority over it, and declare it to be a member of
your Congregation.
Same date ; Same to same. 1 Whereas this year, by God's favour.
1 Annali del Conrento di S. Calcrina, lac. fit. Apparently the Pisans reckoned
their year, like the Florentines, from 251(1 Marrh, hut. a< compared with the
common reckoning from 1st January, they counted from the previous March, the
Florentines from the following March. The writer of the Atina'.i alludes to the
difference of reckoning on p. 606.
2 An>ta/i, p. 610.
3 Gherardi, p. 65.
4 Gherardi, p. 66.
no GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
you have for the first time held a capitular meeting (congrcgationem
capitularem) wherein you have unanimously petitioned that the venerable
Fra Hieronymo de Ferrara, notwithstanding his office of Prior, may be
acknowledged and confirmed as your Vicar for the space of two years,
it has seemed good to us to grant this your petition, and I hereby
institute and confirm the said Fra Hieronymo as your Vicar, with the
powers usually held by Provincials, and in particular that of deputing
a Prior for the Convent of S. Maria del Sasso, etc;
We have purposely reproduced, in full, the designation of the
persons to whom the first of the above letters was sent, because it
serves to show that the " Tuscan Congregation " of reformed
convents was already considered as in some sense forming a part of
the " Roman Province " of the whole Order. The Order was divided
into provinces ; but a particular group of " reformed " houses belong-
ing to one or more provinces might for special reasons be recognised
as a "Congregation." There was no Tuscan "Province." There
was, however, a "Tuscan Congregation," embracing the houses at
Perugia, Cortona, Pistoia, and Lucca, but quite unconnected with
Savonarola's reform at S. Marco and Fiesole. 1 Nevertheless, the
houses of this Congregation are here implicitly grouped with S.
Marco under a common designation. The Father-General was
supreme over all " Provinces " and " Congregations.'' What has
here been said will help to explain a later piece of legislation, with
which, as will be seen, Savonarola refused to comply.
The following letters have reference to the affair of the convent
of S. Domenico at Prato. This house had been founded in the
thirteenth century, and in course of time had acquired considerable
possessions. If we might judge from this document before us it
would seem that considerable laxity had crept in ; and to some
extent this was no doubt the case, or else, it is to be presumed,
the Gc-Meral would not have lent his aid to what was practically an
act of forcible suppression. So far as the Florentine Signory was
concerned, other motives besides those of disinterested zeal may
probably have been at work, as in the case of Pisa.
\Wi January 1495 (stylo Florentine, i.e. 1496) ; 2 The Florentine
Signory to the Gonfaloniere and Difensori of Prato. 3 You have a house
1 Annal t\ p. 608.
* These and other Florentine documents are dated, of course, according to the
" Florentine Style, accoiding to which the year began on 25th March. Hence-
forth we shall, without further remark, reduce the dates to " Roman style."
3 Gherardi, p. 74.
THE CONGREGATION OF S. MARCO in
of the Order of Preachers in your city, the inmates of which do not give
that edification which is to be expected of religious men. We have
talked over the matter with his Paternity the General of the Order, who
has been good enough to visit us ; and he has given us good grounds to
hope that he will proceed to a thorough reform of the convent, reducing
it to a stricter observance, and sending those conventuals away. 1 He is
going to Prato to take steps to this effect. We beg you to render him
every assistance (adiuto, favore, braccio, una volta e pin, e quanta volte
ne richiedessi). We are sure you will do this willingly, both for the
honour of God and for your own spiritual good, which we have so much
at heart. If any one should raise difficulties, bid him in our name not to
meddle in such matters. If any one should pertinaciously resist, send
him to us that we may know the reason why he attempts to hinder so
good a work (che vogliamo intendere perchc, etc.).
Torriano on his arrival at Prato received the Gonfaloniere and
Difensori in the convent, thanked them for their offer of help, of
which he told them that he should avail himself in case of need. J
The Florentine Signory, as the next letter will show, were determined
that the Pratesi should have no excuse for neglecting their duty.
22nd January 1496; Same to same. 3 Our fellow citizens and
commissioners, Bernardo Ridolfi and Domenico Mazzinghi, are going
with the Father-General to carry out our commands with reference to
the reform of the Convent of S. Domenico. It is our wish and command
that in this matter you should obey them as you would obey ourselves. 4
The " conventuals " of Prato were no more ready to embrace
the Tuscan reform than their brethren at Pisa had been. It was
therefore necessary to make some provision for them, " ne vagi et
dispersi mendicare cogantur," as the city chancellor expresses it.
Accordingly it was determined that two contiguous houses, with
their gardens and appurtenances, which formed part of the pos-
session of the convent, should be ceded by the brethren of S. Marco
to the General, to be assigned by him to the dispossessed con-
ventuals ; and likewise that a sum of 125 "large golden florins"
should be paid over to Torriano for the building of a church on the
site selected.
All this is explained at great length in a form of agreement dated
1 The members of houses which had not embraced the R.ivminuiun reform
were known as " Conventuals."
- Gherardi, p. 74, from the journal of the city Chancellor.
;! Gherardi. p. 75.
4 Another letter of the same date, and of precisely the same tenor, immediately
follows in Gherardi's collection. Probably one was sent by a courier, the other
was to be presented by the commissioners themselves.
ii2 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
28th January, 1496. l The document, as a whole, is perhaps of some
interest from a legal point of view, or from that of the local antiquary,
but for our present purpose we take note only of its opening clauses.
It sets forth that :
"Whereas the Convent of S. Marco has become incapable of accom-
modating the number of brethren who seek admission within its walls,
their magnificent highnesses the Signory of Florence desire that they
may be put in possession of another convent, to wit that of S. Domenico
at Prato ; we therefore (i.e. Torriano) wishing to satisfy the laudable
desire of the Signory, and lending a favourable ear to the petition of the
people of 1'rato, and being well disposed to the Tuscan Congregation,
which, as we believe, will greatly promote the honour of God and the
good of souls, do now (with the consent of the Provincial of the Roman
Province) convey the said convent at Prato to Fra Hieronymo as Vicar
of the said Congregation ; and we hereby remove, and declare to be
removed the brethren, professed or otherwise, who have been hitherto in
possession thereof."
The business was carried out with remarkable promptness.
Already in 3oth January 1496 the Signory wrote to the magistrates
of Prato, thanking them for the steps which they had taken ; but at
the same time they thought it well to send Domenico Mazzinghi once
more to see that the final arrangements were carried out without
fail.- On that same day the Florentine brethren entered into
possession ; and on the next Fra Antonio di' Olandia was elected
Prior of the new community. It was he who had been chosen
Prior at Pisa in 1494, but had been obliged to return to Florence
a few months later.
It is not a little remarkable that, during the latter part of these
proceedings at Prato, Savonarola lay under a sentence of suspen-
sion from preaching, as will hereafter appear. The circumstance
shows how far Torriano was from entertaining any prejudice against
him in consequence of his suspension ; a point which has its bearing
on subsequent events.
1 Gherardi, pp. 77 sgy. - Gherardi, p. 83.
CHAPTER VIII
THE FRIAR AND THE FRENCH KING
THE general rule of prudence, if not always of obedience, which
prescribes that the members of religious orders shall, under
ordinary circumstances, abstain from taking an active part in
political affairs, is one which was well understood, if not always
well observed, in the fifteenth century ; and its recognition was by
no means reserved for the post-Tridentine period of the history of
the Church. The words of S. Paul : '*" No man being a soldier to
God entangleth himself in secular business,'" ' were as familiar to
Fra Girolamo as they can be to any one in our own days, and they
were in fact alleged against him by some of those who blamed
him for the part which he took in public affairs.'- The rule, how-
ever, is one which admits of exceptions under exceptional circum-
stances ; and we are not of the number of those who, simply because
Fra Girolamo took a prominent part in the political life of Florence
during the years 1492-98, are prepared to condemn his action with-
out more ado. The circumstances of his time, and his position in
the city, were undoubtedly exceptional ; and the case is one which
deserves careful examination before a judgment is passed either of
condemnation or of approval. J
Two distinct phases of his conduct have to be considered ; his
relations with the French King, Charles VIII., and his action with
regard to the internal politics of Florence.
The invasion of Italy by Charles VIII. in 1494, an event which
marked an era in the political history of Europe, undoubtedly had
the appearance at the time of being the fulfilment of Fra Girolamo's
prophecy that a dire calamity was soon to fall upon his country.
For a dire calamity it most assuredly was, disastrous not merely in
its immediate results, but as having paved the way for future
expeditions of the same kind.
1 2 Tim. ii. 4, * Burhmacchi, p. 78.
H4 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
It cannot then be wondered at that Fra Girolamo should have
appealed to the event as setting the seal upon his prophetic mission.
" Behold," he cried, " the sword has descended, the scourge has
fallen, the prophecies are being fulfilled ; behold, it is the Lord who
is leading on these armies." 1 Nor was this all. It was not merely
that in general terms he had predicted coming disasters. More than
once he had predicted, in his public sermons, that a royal invader
should cross the Alps, coming like another Cyrus to be the instru-
ment in God's hands for the chastisement of the people of Italy,
and in particular of Rome. Nay, more than this, he had so he tells
us himself foretold how the adversaries of the invader would be
utterly unable to withstand him, and how the rulers of Florence
would behave like drunken men, not knowing what they were about,
and would seek the alliance of one who was to be vanquished. 2
The prophecy, or the forecast mistaken for a prophecy, was
fulfilled, it must be confessed, with remarkable accuracy. The ease
with which the French army overran the dominions of the King of
Naples to say nothing of the collapse of every attempt at opposition
from other quarters appeared so extraordinary, that contemporary
writers saw in the sudden success of Charles VIII. a divine judgment
on the cruel and faithless government under which the southern
kingdom had so long groaned. 3 And the Friar's words about the
1 S. I on Aggaeus, 1st November 1494; Villari, i. 226.
2 " Post ista vero Deo pariter inspirante praedixi quemdam transiturum Alpes in
Italiam similem Cyro, de quo ita scribit Esaias : Haec dicit Dominus Christo meo
Cyro, cujus apprehendi dexteram, etc. . . . (Isai. xlv. i syy.). Dixi quoque ne
Italia arcibus et propugnaculis suis fiderel, quum absque ulla difficultate ah illo
expugnarcntur ; Florentinis etiam praedixi, eos praesertim innnens qtii tuni'
gnbeniabant (i.e. Piero de' Medici and his supporters) ipsos electuros esse con-
silium ac deliberationeiu suae saluti atque utilitati contrariam, et quod infumiori
et qui superandus essct adhaerercnt (i.e. to the King of Naples); quodque tanquam
temulenti onine consilium prorsus amiltcrent" (Compendium Revehilionntn, pp
254-55)-
3 "Adi 2 di Marzo (1495) venne lettere . . . dal Re di Francia come haveva
avuto vittoriadi Napoli. . . . E nota tu lettore, e considers il giudizio di Dio, che
un si fatto Re di Napoli si sia fuggito et abbandonato il Regno con si fade rocche
inespugnabili. . . . E questo procede per guzisto giiulizio, perche lo Re Ferrando,
e lo Re Alfonso, si sono portali inverse li lor popoli e sudditi con gravezzi,
tradimenti, morti di tanti Uaroni e Signori del Reanie, e con osservare poca fede,' 1
etc. (Allegretti, Diari Sanest, in Muratori, /'. /. S. xxiii. 841). Similarly the
author of the Diario Ferrarese (Muratori, xxiv. 294) : " II Re di Franza in Napoli
pacifice con grandissimo triumpho et allegreza di quello Popolo intro el have tutto
generaliter quello Reanie di Napoli senza una colpa di spada, et senza uccisione
di persona ; ma parse, che come Messo mandato da Dio 1'habbia havuto il tutto."
THE FRIAR AND THE FRENCH KING 115
"drunken " counsel of the Florentines were certainly verified when
Piero de' Medici, instead of either preserving a prudent neutrality
like his neighbour the Duke of Ferrara, or at least counting the
cost of a determined resistance to Charles VIII., first provoked him
by an uncalled-for show of amity with the King of Naples, and then
abjectly yielded to his most exorbitant demands. 1
But the not unimportant question here arises : When were
these predictions first made? Savonarola himself declares that it
was subsequently to the vision of "the sword of the Lord," i.e. at
some time after the close of Advent 1492, and therefore not before
the year 1493, that he first began to speak "by divine inspiration' 1
about the coming of the new Cyrus.- Moreover, since he spent the
Lent of 1493 at Bologna, the prediction cannot be placed earlier
than the summer or autumn of that year, and probably not before
Advent, or possibly not before the Lent of i494- :i Burlamacchi
throws no "light upon the subject, for he merely repeats the state-
ments of the Compendium Revelationum.* Cinozzi, however, who
seems to imply that he himself repeatedly heard the prediction, tells
us that it was uttered "in 1494," when Fra Girolamo " was preaching
at S. Lorenzo." 5 Unfortunately this is an intrinsically impossible
statement, for the simple reason that in 1494 Fra Girolamo did not
preach at S. Lorenzo, but in the Dtiomo. The only course of
sermons which he preached at S. Lorenzo was, as Vivoli very
These writers can hardly have been directly influenced l>y any words of Savonarola.
They express the ideas current at the time : ideas, however, to which the letters
of the French king (to which both refer) helped to give currency.
1 Cino//.i (p. 18) and Burlamacchi (p. 67) trace in some detail the fulfilment
of the " prophecy " so fur as it concerned the vacillating policy of Piero.
- " Post ista " {Compendium /\frflali^nnm, AY. fit.).
a Probably not before Advent, for there is no evidence to show that Fra
Girolamo delivered a course of public sermons in the summer or autumn of 1493.
4 Ihirlamacchi, p. 67.
5 Cinozzi writes (p. 17): ''Nel 1494, predicamlo in S. Loren/o, disse formaliter
quete parole (essendo in pace tutlo il mondo, andn die dalla maggior pane era
deriso) : ' Credetemi quello che vi dico. e' verra presto uno di la da e monti a uso
di Cyro,'" etc. ; and presently, after giving the words about the drunken men. he
adds : " 1C le parole supra deite del Padre, le udi' da lui moite volte," which may
perhaps be taken (though we do not think they ought to be so taken) to mean no
more than that 41 a subsequent period the writer frequently heard Savonarola
repeat what he had previously said. It is not sale to lay too much stress on the
words: " Essendo in pace tutto il mondo," or on the remark about the derision
with which the prediction was listened to, for Savonarola himself assures us
(Compendium Kevelationum, AY. fit.} that he w;is laughed to scorn even when
the disaster was immediately imminent.
n6 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
explicitly states, the Lent of I492. 1 It might indeed be urged that
Cinozzi's recollection of the place where he heard the words is to be
trusted rather than his assignment of the date at which he heard
them. Hut. on the other hand, he would have the strongest motive
for giving the earliest possible date; and if the prediction had indeed
been uttered in Lent 1492, while Lorenzo de' Medici was still alive,
or immediately after his death, the circumstance would have been so
remarkable that it could hardly have escaped explicit notice. More-
over, Savonarola himself implies that at the time when the Advent of
" Cyrus '' was foretold, Piero de' Medici was already in power.- But
in fact there are, as has been seen, independent grounds, based on
Savonarola's own words, and on the facts of his life, for rejecting
any hypothesis which would place the prediction so early as 1492.
On the other hand, we cannot be certain that it ought to be placed
so late as the Lent of 1494. For the sermons preached during that
season are extant, and they do not contain the prophecy, nor with
every allowance for incomplete reporting is it easy to see in which
of them it could have found an appropriate place. 3 Either, then, it
was in Advent 1493 that Savonarola first began to speak of the
Cyrus who was to come, or else the prediction uttered in Lent 1494
was so far of the nature of an obiter dictum that it has found no place
in the published report of the sermons.
The question as to the precise date of the prediction (which so
far as we are aware lias not been discussed by any other writer)
might seem indeed to be of little or no importance were it not that
throughout the later months of 1493 negotiations were on foot
between Charles VIII. and the princes of northern Italy having
reference to the projected expedition. And at least from the
commencement of 1494 it was matter of common knowledge that
the invasion was being actively planned.' 1 This being so, the
1 Vivoli, Prima Giornata, in Yilluri, i. Append, p. lix.
"Eos pracscrtim innuens qui tune gubernabant " {Compendium Kc-'tla-
tionum, he. a'/.).
3 That the published sermons Super A re am belong to 1494, not (as Vivoli
and Villari suppose) to 1492, will be shown in a subsequent note.
* The first negotiations on the part of Charles VIII. with the Republic of
Venice were opened shortly after 251)1 April 1493 (Storia I'eneiiana, in Muratori,
A'. /. .V. xxiii. 1201 ). It is true that Commines (.l/tmcirs, book vi. ch. v.,/ing. Trans.,
ii. 119 fr/i/.) writes: " In the year 1493 ^ le king advanced to Lyons, to examine
into his affairs {i.e. in connection with the expedition] ; but nobody ever imagined
that he would have fasted the mountains himself.' 1 ' Hut the rumour of a probable
iavabion had certai.Jy gained general curicncy very early in 1494, if not sooner,
THE FRIAR AND THE FRENCH KING 117
hypothesis of a divine revelation hardly seems necessary to account for
Savonarola's words, assuming them to have been uttered in Advent
1493 or Lent 1494.' It was of course impossible that any one-
should, by purely natural means, foresee with full certainty the issue
of the negotiations and preparations that were afoot. Hut the
circumstances of the time at least afforded grounds for a shrewd
conjecture both as to the general results of the invasion, and as to the
individual policy of Piero de' Medici, of which indeed he made no
secret. Obviously, if the invasion was to be successful, Piero's line
of action would be shown, by the hard logic of facts, to have been
politically futile. And a strong desire, such as Fra (lirolamo
unquestionably entertained, would at least go a long way to inspire
confidence in the event. The event, as it happened, justified the
prophet's confidence, until with quite unforeseen suddenness the
political pendulum swung back, the young King of Naples quickly
recovered what his father had so quickly lost, and Charles VIII., the
expected Cyrus, beat an inglorious retreat. -
We are the more inclined to think that, in this matter of the
prediction of the French invasion, Fra (iirolamo was deceived as to
the divine origin of his predictions, because, in connection with this
very matter, he seems to have allowed himself to be strangely
deceived as to his own past action. Less than two years after the
invasion he wrote these words :
" It is well known to those who have habitually heard me, how pre-
cisely the portions of Scripture which I have expounded have corre-
sponded to the actual condition of affairs. Among other instances there
for Landucci writes, under date 291!) January: " K a di Jo . . . ci i\'i, O>HK el
Re di Napoli era inorto. ALnni (ht g!i o\i msitc ,11 w<;/////< ,v//,j. /,->./},'
infcndcrci taltarolta !ua santa
Chiesa"(i. 20, 21). Speaking of a later time (June 1405) the author ot the
niario /\->-rar<^,- says : " Tutta Italia gridavano ad una voce : Fr.in.'.il I'ran/.i !
praeter li Signori e Signorie " (Muratori, xxiv. ,^00).
- Ferrantc of Naples died, as has been seen, in January 1404. before the
invasion. His son Alfonso abdicated, just a year later, in favour ol Fen ante II.
nS GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
is one which has excited the wonder of men who are distinguished for
ability and learning, viz. that whereas from the year 1491 till 1494, with
the exception of one Lent at Bologna, I preached on Genesis during the
luhole of crery Advent and Lent, and whereas I always took up the
exposition of the text at the point where I had left it at the close of the
previous Advent or Lent, I could never reach the chapter on the Flood
until these tribulations had already commenced. Moreover, whereas I
had supposed that I should be able to expound in a few days the mystery
of the construction of the Ark, so many new thoughts offered themselves
day by day that I spent the whole Advent and Lent of 1494 on that
mystery." '
Now, as a simple matter of fact, it is not true that Savonarola
preached on Genesis in every Advent and Lent from 1491 to 1494,
with the sole exception of the Lent at Bologna. The period in
question embraces three Advents and four Lents, of these, the Lent
of 1491 was occupied with sermons "on the Gospels" i.e. on the
Gospel lessons of the respective days; one Advent was devoted to
the exposition of the First Epistle of S. John, and another to that
of the Psalm: " Quam bonus Israel Deus." This would leave
the Lenten seasons of 1492 and 1494, and the Advent of 1493
as the basis of the sweeping statement which we have quoted from
the Compendium Revelationum." Moreover, it is only by a straining
of language that he can be said to have preached continuously
on the sixth chapter of Genesis throughout the Lent of 1494,
1 Compendium Revelationum, pp. 228-29. H C obviously means the Advent
of 1493 an( l the Lent of 1494.
2 The Lent sermons of 1491 " on the Gospels" are attested by the rough drafts
which still survive, and of which several have been published by Villari. They
obviously belong to a Lent, and can belong to no other Lent. The Lenten course
of 1492, preached at S. Lorenzo, is mentioned by Vivoli, and there is no reason
to doubt that these sermons were on the Book of Genesis. But Vivoli is mistaken
in supposing that the printed sermons Super A ream belong to that year, an
error in which he has been followed by Villari (i. 200, and Append, p. lix.).
They undoubtedly belong to 1494, for at the head of the discourse for the Tuesday
in Holy Week it is mentioned that this day fell on 251)1 March, as was in fact the
case in 1494, but not in 1492. But these discourses, in their turn, allude to previous
sermons on the same subject as having been preached in the preceding Advent
(1493). Consequently the sermons on the Psalm, " Quam bonus," notwithstanding
Luotto s ascription of them to Advent 1493, must really belong to a previous
year, i.e. either to 1491 or to 1492. Internal indications make it clear that these
discourses, and also the sermons on the First Fpistle of S. John, belong to the
Advent and Christmas season ; but it is not clear which of the two series is earlier
in date. At any rate the two Advents, of 1491 and 1492, are both accounted for ;
and it will be seen from what has been said that the list of Savonarola's sermons
given by Luotto (p. 18) needs revision and correction.
THE FRIAR AND THE FRENCH KING 119
inasmuch as the great bulk of the sermons delivered during that
season have no connection with the text of Genesis vi. beyond
the purely artificial arrangement by which, as has been said, ten
points of general instruction are in each discourse made to do
duty as ten planks of the mystical Ark. When, then, Burla-
macchi writes: "This was wonderful, that whereas he expounded
Genesis for many years, and was engaged in explaining the con-
struction of the Ark, he could never reach the words : ' I will bring
on the waters of a deluge ' until the King of France had entered
Italy with his army," it appears to us that he is creating a mystery
when in reality there is none. A preacher who could occupy the
whole of Lent with discourses professedly based on three or four
verses of Genesis (vi. 13-16), and who could choose his own time
for the resumption of his series of sermons, would experience no
difficulty in reserving the critical text for the appropriate historical
and psychological moment ; and one who was so deeply convinced
of his mission to read and interpret the signs of the times would be
under the very strongest inducement an inducement none the
less powerful because it was not fully present to his consciousness
to exercise this very obvious device of rhetorical economy. Again,
it would seem that Villari has rather unduly emphasised the precise
aptness of the occasion on which Savonarola preached on the text :
" Ecce adducam aqua diluvii super terram."
"It was [he says] the 2ist of September, a memorable day for
Savonarola and for Florence. The Duoino could hardly contain the
crowd of people who, full of a new anxiety, now more keen than ever,
had awaited him since the morning. At last the orator mounted the
pulpit, and having first gazed upon the audience, and perceived the
unwonted trepidation by which it was dominated, he cried with a terrible
voice : Ecce adducam cr.
4 Pastor, v. 434-45.
THE FRIAR AND TIIK FRENCH KING 121
Italy the flood of the French invasion were Lodovico Sforza,
the Regent (afterwards Duke) of Milan, and Cardinal (iiuliano
della Rovere, who afterwards succeeded Alexander VI. on the
Pontifical throne as Julius II. The primary pretext for the expedition
was, of course, the claim to the kingdom of Naples which Charles
had inherited, as he alleged, from Rene of Anjou. 1 But it may be-
safely said that the wish to enforce this futile claim would never have
caused the king to cross the Alps were it not that he was stimulated
to the enterprise by external influences.- The motive which led
Lodovico to desire the invasion was his fear lest he should be
dispossessed of his own usurped dominion over Milan by the King
of Naples. The rightful holder of the Dukedom was Lodovico's
nephew, Giangaleazzo Sforza, whose wife Isabella was niece to
Ferrante of Naples. Lodovico kept Giangalea/zo, a youth of weak
health and character, in close confinement. Isabella naturally
sought the redress of her own and her husband's grievances at the
hands of her family/ 5 On the other hand, the Cardinal of S. 1'ietro in
Vincoli (as he is commonly styled in contemporary documents) helped
to give to the expedition something of the semblance of a war
waged in the cause of religion and of the Church. He was the
chief among a number of the cardinals who more or less avowedly
entertained hopes of securing the deposition of Alexander on the
ground of his simoniacal election, and who at least professed a
desire to bring about the reformation of the Church by means of a
general Council. To the Cardinal della Rovere it was perhaps
principally due that the invader displayed on his standards the
legends : " Voluntas 1 )ei " and : " Missus a 1 )eo." And a letter from
Stefano Taverna to S for/a shows that the usurper of Milan well
understood the value of the Cardinal's help as giving respectability
and even a certain dignity to the expedition. 4 But while these two
men were the prime movers of the scheme, it can hardly be doubted
that Fra C.irolamo likewise contributed, though in a subordinate
degree, if not to the first bringing on, at least to the furtherance of
the invasion. "To be hailed as the Cyrus who was to do the Lord's
work in Italy was unquestionably calculated to remove the vacil-
lating indecision which so long held back the king from entering
1 Commines, JAvw/; \, hook vii. eh. i. ; A/;^. //.;>;.;. ii. oo.
- Commines, //>/-,/,/., 54).
122 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
seriously upon his undertaking. And if it be contended on the
one hand, and conceded on the other, that Charles probably never
even heard of Fra Girolamo and his predictions until he had
already set foot in Italy, he at least had not been long there
before he received, at the hands of the Florentine prophet, the
most explicit assurances that God would be with him in his
enterprise. 1
As regards the actual designs and motives of Charles VIII., whose
programme included the recovery of Jerusalem and the conquest of
the Turks, there is perhaps room for some difference of opinion.
Pastor writes : " It is difficult to believe that he could have enter-
tained any serious hopes of conquering Jerusalem in the course of
his intended expedition against the Turks." 2 Ranke, on the other
hand, represents him as thoroughly in earnest about the scheme for
the deposition of the Pope. 3 But it is obviously impossible to gauge
the real mind of a man so thoroughly under the influence of imagina-
tion, and so little capable of any sustained effort. The greater
schemes no doubt served to feed his ambition, and to persuade him
that in its gratification he was doing a great work.
How it came about that Fra Girolamo had several interviews with
the French King must now be explained. Piero de' Medici had, on the
very eve of the invasion, gone out of his way to make an ostentatious
display of his disposition to espouse the cause of Alfonso of Naples.
While the French envoys were actually in Florence, endeavouring to
obtain the consent of the Signory to the passage of the invading
army (" chiedendo el passo "), Piero paid a visit of ceremony to the
Duke of Calabria, the son and heir of Alfonso a foolish course to
adopt unless he was sure of the support of the Signory and of the
people in the resistance which he proposed to offer to Charles VIII. 4
But this support altogether failed him. There was a strong party
in Florence (perhaps not altogether uninfluenced by Savonarola's
1 The letters which he wrote after the conquest of Naples, and to which, as
has been seen, the Sienese and Ferrarese diarists refer, show how thoroughly he
was imbued with the ideas impressed upon him by Fra Girolamo.
2 Pastor, v. 453.
! Ranke, Historich-biographische Stttdiett, p. 233.
4 " K a dl 5 d' agosto 1494, ando Piero de' Medici incontroal Duca di Calavria,
in quello d" Arezzo, a vicitarlo, come si va a vicitare un gran maestro, un signore.
Essendo in Firenze gP inbasciadori del Re di Francia, e chiedendo el passo . . .
e intendendo questa andata di Piero, presono sospetto," etc. (I>anducci, Diario,
p. 69;.
THE FRIAR AND THE FRENCH KING 123
preaching) which was in favour of maintaining friendly relations with
France ; and I'iero's appeal for efficient help towards putting the
city and its possessions in a state of defence proved entirely futile. 1
Besides which he found, to his alarm, that on other grounds also his
personal influence was greatly on the wane. Under these circum-
stances he rather suddenly changed his plans. He set out from
Florence at the head of an embassy of distinguished citizens to greet
the French king ; but the embassy had hardly left the city when,
with a few personal friends, he left the company of his fellow
ambassadors, and, in the mood to make any concession that might
be demanded of him, and thinking thus to secure for himself per-
sonally the support of Charles, he sought the royal camp. 2 That such
were his real intentions, and not merely imaginary motives, attributed
to him by his enemies, is made clear by an extraordinary letter which
he wrote at this time to his secretary, Piero Bibbiena, bidding him to
assure the envoy of the King of Naples of his unalterable attach-
ment to the Angevin dynasty, to excuse his present action on the
ground of extreme necessity, and to explain that he hoped to be able
to help Alfonso more effectually by his influence with Charles VIII.
than he could do by attempting to exert authority over his fellow-
citizens to force them to an open alliance with Naples. " I go," he
writes, "as a victim to the sacrifice (trahor ad immolandum)." 3
Under these circumstances it is no wonder that when Charles VIII.
demanded, as pledges of the fidelity of Florence, the temporary
cession of Pisa, Leghorn, Sarzana, and Pietrasanta, and a subsidy
of 200,000 florins, Piero at once complied with the modest request ;
himself handing over the fortresses of Sarzana and Pietrasanta, and
1 Nanli, i. 26. This historian, though entirely hostile to Piero, gives him
credit for having made strenuous efforts to provide for a war.
- Nardi, i. 26, 27. " Piero," says Guicciardini, "seguitando . . . l>cnchc in
divcrsi termini e poco a proposito, 1'esemplo del padre Loreiuo ijiiando ando a
Napoli, ttna sera furiosameiiie, accompagnato da Jacopo Gianfigliazzi, Gianno//o
I'ucci, e altri amici suoi, se ne undo a Seiezana a trovare il re (Stina I-u>t(nlh:,:,
pp. I07-S).
3 Piero de' Medici to Bibbiena, 271!) October 1494. The letter was tir.-t
published by Fabroni, and has been reprinted by Gelli in his edition of Nardi
(i. 2"). I'iero's words are as abject as they could \\eli be. ' ' Abb.uiilonalo da
tulti cittadini lioientini amici el inimici miei, non mi baMando piii ne i.i u-put.uh>ne,
ne li denari, ne il credito a sostcnete la guerra . . . ho prt j s<> pei p.utito, non
potendo servire per le iorze (le quali jam defecerunt) alia M. del Sig. Re Alph.,
seii'irla almeno colla disptratiiint, la tjitalc mi lOndutc a darmi in /vvY/r del AY di
Francia sensti conditions o .f/Y/w/: in la" (Landucci, p. 71).
:: Yillari, i. 224-25. He gives Nardi as his authority. Hut Nardi only says:
" Oueste cose intese in Eioren/a dalla Signoria e da! populo, dicdero universahncntc
gran pcrturbationc alia citta'' ; and there is reason to think that even this state-
ment is rather exaggerated. Gaddi (p. 43) speaks of " ammiratione c dispiaccre
grande," and 1'ilti (p. 31) of " ammirazionc e disturbo"; but both describe this
stormy feeling as showing itself mainly in the official debates of the Collegio.
Landucci, a man of the people, with no pretensions to political importance, says
very simply : ''Gride Piero fu tin paco biasimato " (!) And he forthwith hastens
to excuse him : " E fcce come giovanetto, e forsc a Imon fine, poiche si resto
amico del Re, a lalde di Dio" (p. 71).
4 CoHifciitlittm Kei'daliomini, p. 236.
THE FRIAR AND THE FRENCH KING 125
on Aggaeus may see for himself, and as Savonarola explicitly tells us,
was not " Peace," but " Penance." * And undoubtedly, in making use
of the general alarm to arouse the people to a sense of sin, and to
move them to shame and repentance, he went to the very root of the
real evil which, apart from all political complications, afflicted the
city. *And although " peace and union and charity :) were not, as
Villari seems to imply, the leading themes of his opening discourses,
his call to penance, and his insistence on the thought that the course
of events lay in the hand of God, did much to predispose the people
to a peaceful solution of the practical political problem which now
presented itself. *
That Fra (Jirolamo himself recognised the existence and the
gravity of the constitutional crisis is at least suggested by a phrase
that occurs in the first of these sermons. " Do you not remember,"
he asks, " how often I have' told you that Clod will renovate His
Church . . . and that the sword is near at hand, and that these
governments (quest i govern!) are displeasing lo Godl " Of course
the words " questi governi " refer principally to the misrule of
Alexander VI. and his predecessors, but the form of the expression
is such that it can hardly be understood otherwise than as including
in its scope the secular government of the Italian princes, those
" tyrants " who were his particular aversion, and among them that of
Piero de' Medici.
How marked was the effect of his words clearly appears from
what happened within the next few days. On 4th November a
special assembly of the more prominent citizens was summoned by
the Signory to discuss the crisis. :! The debate has been reported in
considerable detail by Cerretani, whose account of it has been re-
1 "Tune'' (i.e. on the first three clays of November) ''solvenda tantum pane
et aqua jcjunia, et frequentes ad Dcum orationes universo popul<> indixi, s.iepe
altius exclamans verbaab eodem [revelationis] fonte hausta . . . scilicet: () Italia
. . . O Florentia . . . propterpeccata tua venient tibi adversn. () clerica, piopter
te orta est liaec tempcstas" (Compendium Ka'dationeni, />f the Hook of Aggaeus
(llaggai) for exposition at this time, Yillari (i. 227) writes: "Aggeo I'M il
profeta che parlo agli Kbrei, usciti appena dalla servitii di Habiloni.i, incitamlli
a ricostruire il tempio ; e facile quindi comprerulere, perdu- il S.ivonaiola lo
prendesse allora ad esporre.''
3 " 1'erche la Signoria, facetulo incontanente (but really alter an interval of a
week) chiamare a se i pin savi e prudent! cittadini (chiamavansi quest! cosi fatti
consegli Pratiche), accio che sopra il ben essere della repubblica in quei trav.igli
consigliussero " (Acciaioli, I 'if a Ji /'. (.'^//v/;/; ./. .V. /. iv. pait ii. p. 29).
126 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
produced, presumably with fidelity, by Villari. 1 On such occasions
the ordinary procedure was that, although all might vote for or
against any proposal that might be made by the Signory, no one
might speak unless invited to do so, and this under restrictions
which must have been somewhat galling to men of an independent
spirit. But on this eventful day feeling ran so high that more than
one member of the council rose unbidden to speak, and the aged
Tanai de' Nerli felt himself constrained to apologise for the presump-
tion of his own son in venturing so to do. The occasion, however,
was not one for forms and ceremonies, and the discussion was
brought to a head when Piero Capponi roundly declared that Piero
de' Medici was no longer capable of ruling the Republic, and that it
was time to have done with this "childish government" ("ormai e
tempo uscire di questo governo di fanciulli "). 2 As a practical measure
he proposed that a fresh embassy should be sent to Charles VIII. to
deal with him independently of Piero ; and that while the king
should be assured of a friendly welcome to Florence, and a hand-
some subsidy should be offered him, efficacious measures should be
taken to provide against any abuse of the hospitality which they were
about to show him. 3 The troops in the pay of the Republic should
be concentrated in the city, and the citizens should hold themselves
in readiness to come forth under arms in the event of any intolerable
1 Villari, i. 227 .
determined to proceed by way of justice, and to execute judgment on
her. But because God is wont to temper justice with mercy, it has
1 " In qvio patres Ordinis nostri et alios civcs mature consiilens, .it> omnil>u>
unanimiter ad hanc profectionem adhoi talus fui v (Comftttdiam A'ft'fi'aftcnu'n,
P- 237).
'-' Yillari. i. 231, who refers to Parent!.
' S. 3 on .\ggacus; Yill.ui, Av. itt.
128 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
pleased Him to reveal to one unprofitable servant of His the secret
(sacramentum) of His intention to reform His Church by means of a
grievous scourge. This secret His servant having learnt the same by
divine inspiration and visions began, more than three years since, to
proclaim to the people of Florence, as those who are here present,
together with the whole population of the city, can testify. But God,
who cannot deceive, has brought to pass everything, down to the smallest
detail (ad unguem), which has been foretold by His command, so that
men have no hesitation in believing that the rest of what has been
predicted will certainly be fulfilled.
" And although that same unprofitable servant never mentioned your
Royal Highness by name (numquam Tuae Coroae nomen protulerit)
since God did not so will, nevertheless, it was you to whom he alluded
(praedicando circumscribebat ac latenter indicabat), and it was your
arrival that was to be looked for. Accordingly, at last you have come, O
King ; you have come as God's minister, the minister of His justice,
and may your advent have in every respect a happy issue. With joyful
heart and cheerful countenance we welcome you. Your arrival has filled
with joy every servant of Christ, and every one who pursues justice,
and is zealous for the cause of holy living ; for they hope that through
your ministry God will put down the proud and exalt the humble, will
extirpate vice and magnify virtue . . . and will reform whatsoever is in
need of reformation. ' Go forward then in gladness, in security, in
triumph, since you are sent by Him who on the tree of the Cross vic-
toriously won salvation for us.
"Nevertheless, most Christian King, receive these words of mine with
attention, and lay them to heart. The unprofitable servant, to whom
this secret has been revealed, exhorts and admonishes you in the name
of God, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, in the name of our Lord Jesus
Christ, and of the whole court of heaven, that whereas you have been
sent by Christ, you should, after His example, everywhere exercise mercy.*
But most of all in His city of Florence, which, though it labours under
the burden of many sins, yet counts among its members many servants
of God of both sexes, both secular and religious. For their sake you
ought to preserve the city, to the end that with a more tranquil mind they
may intercede with God for the good success of your, expedition. And
the same unprofitable servant exhorts and admonishes you in God's
name to use every effort for the protection and defence of the innocent,
of widows, and of orphans, and most especially to defend the honour of
those spouses of Christ who dwell in convents, lest you should be the
occasion of fresh sins. For if wickedness should by your means be
increased, know that the power given to you from on high will be
shattered (infirmum rcdclcretur). He further exhorts you, in God's
name, to show yourself ready to forgive offences, whether on the part of
the people of Florence or of any one else ; for if any offence has been
given, it has been because men did not know that you had been sent by
God. Remember, therefore, your Saviour, who, as He hung upon
THE FRIAR AND THE FRENCH KING 129
the Cross, mercifully forgave His executioners. And if, O King, you
observe these things, God will augment your temporal kingdom, and will
everywhere make your arms victorious, and will at last confer upon you
the everlasting kingdom of heaven." '
Such were his words as reported for us by himself, and they
partly justify the plea, which lie afterwards urged in self-defence,
that his predictions with regard to Charles VIII. had been subject
to conditions. Hut it is tolerably obvious that in the meanwhile
the practical effect of his words would necessarily be to encourage
the King in his undertaking, while the chances were that his warning
would soon be forgotten. It is no doubt true that God can and
does employ unworthy instruments for the unconscious working out
of His own higher designs.
"There is a providence that shapes our ends,
Rough-hew them how we will."
Hut the very conviction that this is so, and that the ultimate
issues of the best-laid schemes of politicians are so entirely hidden
from our fore-view into the future, should teach at least to those
whose profession ordinarily holds them aloof from participation in
such affairs the lesson of extreme caution, and of extreme un-
willingness to take upon themselves the task of interpreting and
forwarding by such means the designs of God. Of course, if Fra
Girolamo had received a genuine revelation to that effect that
Charles VIII. of France was the divinely-appointed regenerator of
Italy and of the Church, there is no more to be said. In this
case, he only did the bidding of his Master, and no human critic
has a voice in the matter. Hut the presumption, to say the
least, appears to us to be entirely in favour of an explanation by
natural causes such as we have suggested. For, in fact, the king
did nothing, absolutely nothing, to justify the expectations which
had been aroused by the preacher. The verification of these pre-
dictions of which " no iota " was to fail, was confined to the fact,
and the momentary success, ofan invasion which it required no seer
to predict. And it is just possible that the prediction was one of
those which tend to verify themselves by hastening the progress, if
not the inception, of the events to which they refer. '
1 Compendium JKerelationitm, pp. -240-42 (abridged).
'' At Bologna, in 1496,11110 Katlaele da. Fireii/uol.i, "cum >.u-piii- taUilare'.ui
de regimine c vilati.s et dicerct Kegem 1'r.uiciae in It.ili.un ad ca-tigniulum
tyrannos iieruni advent mum," was airotcd, examiiud under tot'.ure, and
sentenced in perpetual bani>hmeni from Bologna (Annaltf wnienfff : Muratoii.
xxiii. 914). The uile et Cliovanm Bentivoglio at I'.ologiu \\.i- imijuc-:i"i).ii>i\
I
130 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
From a purely diplomatic point of view the embassy was, as even
Nardi admits, of little importance. 1 But its arrival at Pisa, together
with the news which he received from his friends in the city, made
it clear to Piero that he had lost the confidence of the home govern-
ment.- In the hopes, however, that his presence on the spot might
turn the tide in his favour, he hastily returned to Florence on 8th
November, and entered the city towards evening without encounter-
ing any opposition. 3 But when, on the following day, he attempted
to enter the Palazzo of the Signory with an armed force, the door
was closed in his face; and when he and his immediate followers
made a futile attempt to raise the city in his favour, their shouts of
" Palle ! Palle ! " (the rallying cry of the Medici) were drowned by
answering shouts of, " Popolo e Liberia ! " and the tumult quickly
assumed proportions so alarming that Piero sought safety in a
precipitate flight from the city. 4 He was accompanied by his
brother, the Cardinal Giovanni de' Medici, who was disguised in
the habit of a Franciscan friar. 5 It is the opinion of contemporary
writers, by no means friendly to the Medici, that, with a little firm-
ness and tact, Piero might still have held his own ; but this was
neither the first nor the last occasion in the course of his ignoble
career on which he suddenly passed from the extreme of ill-timed
self-assertion to the opposite extreme of poltroonery. 1 ' He had
tyrannical. But the civil government is after all entitled to protect itself against
the subversive attempts of self-constituted prophets.
1 "Si che ancora che il Frate parlasse molto efficacemente . . . questa
ambasceria fu cli poco momento " (Nardi, i. 28).
2 Xardi, i. 31.
"E a di 8 di Novembre 1494, torno qui in Firenze Piero de' Medici . . .
e quando giunse in casa, gitto fuori confetti e ilette vino assai al popolo, per
recarsi benivolo, etc." (Landucci, Diario, p. 74).
4 The stirring events of that Sunday evening are graphically described by
Landucci. It was " while the bells were ringing for Vespers " that Piero attempted
to enter the Palazzo. The people were summoned into the Piazza by the great
bell of the Palace, tolling for a " Parlamento." " In mi momento si comincio a
gridare in Palazio Fofolo e libcrta, e sonare a Parlamento, e gridare dalle finestre
Popolo e libcrta."
5 " El povero Cardinale, giovanetto, si rimase in casa, e io lo vidi alle sue
finestre colle mani giunte ginocchioni, raccommandandosi a Dio. Quando lo vidi
m' inten^ri'assai. ... E veduto partire Piero, si dissc che travesii come frate,
e ancora lui se p'ando con I>io" (Landucci, loc. fit.).
6 A crowd of unarmed citizens, says Nardi, called after him to take himself
off ("che si dovessc andar con Dio''). " Onde ancor che egli di sua natura fusse
animos c gagliardo prese (non so come) lanto sbigotlimento (sccondo che piacque
a Dio) che dalle grida di pochi disarmati che piii con le parole col volto e coigesti e
THE FRIAR AND THE FRENCH KING 131
hardly left the city when a decree of outlawry against himself and
the Cardinal was passed by the Signory, and after the fashion of the
time a price was set on both their heads. 1 It was only at the urgent
demand of Charles VIII. himself that this sentence was commuted,
a few days later, to one of simple banishment. -
In this coup d'etat Fra Girolamo, who was not yet returned from
his embassy, could, of course, take no part ; nor is it in the least
likely that he would have done so had he been present within the
city walls. Hut after the event there could be no manner of doubt
as to his sentiments regarding it. More than once he subsequently
referred to the flight of Piero as a deliverance which the Florentines
had owed to the special Providence of God. " It was God who
relieved you of the presence of this 'strong man armed,'" he said,
alluding to the Gospel parable (Luke xi. 21 sqq.} ; '' let no one say,
'It was I who did it': let no man boast of it and say, ' I was the
cause of it.' For it was not he who had the strength to overthrow
so great a power. But God was stronger than he; He has deprived
him of his spoils, and of his own property, and has relieved you
from his dominion over you." 3
That the flight of Piero was indeed a deliverance, and that he
ought, on no account, to be readmitted to the city, was clearly the
prevalent feeling in Florence. Two days later, the mere rumour of
an intended attempt on the part of de' Medici to effect his return
called forth so large a crowd, and so violent an expression of popular
feeling, that Landucci regards the false report as a providential
circumstance which gave the emissaries of the king, who were
already in the city, an opportunity of seeing for themselves what the
Florentine people were capable of doing in an emergency. 1 l!ut
con le liccche ilc' cappucci, die altrimenii, 1<> spaventarono, ristrctto in imv/o dei
suoi staftieri si parti de piazza," etc. (N.mli, i. }_$). The \viiter p>c> on to tell
how the iMivernor of the city prison \va.s sei/ed, and all his pii.soners set lice ;
anil the.se, he says, were the lust-fruits ot the Hl*eity which the city now le^aintd
alter sixty years ul slavery.
1 Landucci, p. 75.
- Articles 16-20 of the treaty (.-/. -V. /. i. ;;i .?././.).
3 Sermon on the third Sunday in Lent 1406.
4 " Mai si vide simile unionc, cosi presto, piccoli e i;randi. con ;ante t;nda /',/..
f lil'C n,'r . . . per tal niodo clie fu peimc.sso ilal Si^r.uie che si faccssi ur.a ta!
priuiva di qiiesto popolo, in questo tenpo peiicolosu de' Frnneiosi, chc tuttavolta
entiavano in l p 'irenze con cattivo aniino di metier Hien/e a S.K-CO. K vedr.to i:n
popolo a online di qucsta natura, mnncorono di aniiuo ass,u " I.anducci, Iltii
November).
132 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
while public sentiment was at this juncture so strongly opposed to
Piero, there seems to have been comparatively little disposition to
execute vengeance on his former friends and supporters. The
palace of the Cardinal de' Medici was looted, with several other
houses, and a very few of the more prominent Mediceans were
arrested, but they do not appear to have suffered any serious
penalty ; and it is most remarkable that, on this occasion, hardly
a drop of blood was shed. 1 It is probable, indeed, that the near
approach of the French king, and the general sense of alarm, helped
to mitigate the violence of factious hatred.- f But contemporary
writers are agreed that it was to the influence of Fra Girolamo, far
more than to any other cause, that Florence owed, at this crisis of
her affairs, the preservation of internal peace. > And to his influence
may probably be ascribed the generous measure of amnesty, on
behalf of political exiles, which was passed at this time.* 5
Nor was this the only boon for which, about this time, the city
was indebted to the great preacher. Although the warnings which
he had addressed to Charles VIII. were forgotten only too soon
after his departure from Florence, it is fair to attribute the com-
paratively good behaviour of .his troops, while they were actually
within the walls of Florence, in great measure at least to the im-
pression made upon him by these warnings. And when the pro-
tracted sojourn of the vacillating monarch threatened to be the
occasion of a tumult, it was Fra Girolamo who went to him once
and again, and solemnly admonished him in God's name to go
forward upon his expedition, and to relieve the Signory of the
doubtful and dangerous honour or rather of the well-nigh intolerable
1 The sacking of the houses ;ind several arrests arc mentioned by Landucci
(gill, loth, and I2th November); but the only casually recorded by him is the
death of a servant of the governor of the city gaol, "die grid<> I'alle," and a bad
wound which one of the Tornabuoni received in the course of the iiot. Nardi
explicitly says (i. 35) : " Furon dette case saccheggiate interamenle seiu.a offesa
d'alcuna persona." The looting was soon put a stop to, by order of the Signory
I Landucci and Nardi, loc. y the Chronicler Parent! : " AtTi-rmo conic vedulo avc.i i L;^!! inMcrne
unirsi t> del Re di Francia ed il nostro " ((ilu-nmli, p. \2Z\
- <- O frale, tu hai pur detto : Cliyli e i;ii;li. Tu non lo intcnJi qucllo "
(S. 19 on Ruth, Luotto, p. 348).
:; Luotto, pp. 346, 347.
4 " Bene e vero die ti ho detto qualche particol.ire, e chi e tnini*in> i
a ogni i-aiHo legni per pot ere isliarraiv la citu'i. Suva i^niuno in randiv-imo
sospetto e di mala voglia, perche si stimava che'l Ke ri vokv.i male' (Lamhicci,
1 2th June, p. 108).
:l " E da nostri oratori avendo uditc alcnne parole pifi losto gagliarde che savie.
ne prese qualche sdegno " (Nardi, Av. ,/V. \
I 3 8 GIRO LA MO SAVONAROLA
route he chose, and that they had better make provision everywhere. 1
It was under these circumstances that the Florentine government
once more had recourse to Fra Girolamo, whose words, it was
confidently believed, would be more efficacious than those of any
other envoy who could possibly be chosen. Once more he accepted
the commission, and went to Poggibonsi, on the road to Siena, to
meet the king. The account of his embassy cannot perhaps be
better given with the view of setting forth his own ideas about it
than by setting before the reader an extract from the very character-
istic sermon which he preached on his return.
" Here I am once more among you. You ask me : ' Father, have you
brought us some good news?'' Yes, good news; I bring nothing but
good news. You know that in time of prosperity I brought you bad
news, and now, in your tribulation, I bring nothing but good news. Good
news for Florence ! Bad news for other places ! . . . ' Oh, but we want
to know more. Father. Can you give us particulars ? ' Well, don't you
think that it is a good piece of news that Florence has begun to return to
a Christian way of living? For a good life is the truest happiness ; and
happiness is only to be found where men live well and fear God.
'' I have been yonder in the camp, which is like being in hell . . . Do
not ever allow yourself to desire to be a great lord, for such men never
have an hour of true peace and happiness.
' Moreover, don't you think it a piece of good news that God has lifted
the cloud from over you, and hast sent it over others? But you say : ' It
is we who have caused it to move on.' This is just what I told you that
you would say, attributing all to your own prudence. But I tell you now
that your prayers have been the wind which has driven away this cloud.
It is the hand of God which has done it all . . . ' But we want to know-
more. Father. You have been to the king. Have you nothing to tell
us ?' Nay, I was not your ambassador. I had no commission from the
Signory or from the Ten, though I was asked to go by some friends. So,
not having been sent by you, I have no occasion to report to you the
results of my embassy. I have reported it to Him who sent me. But I
will tell you this : I went, and I sowed good seed, which in its time will
sprout and grow, and you shall gather the harvest and shall eat. 'Oh,
1 Nardi, i. 63-4. Nardi and 1 .atvlucci differ somewhat in their view not so
much of the actual facts as of the motives at work. Landucci writes (i-jth June,
p. 108} : " Ogniuno pregava Iddio che non venissi per Fircn/e, c funio esalditi
da Dio." Nardi says, on the other hand : " Non voile pertanto venire il re a
Fiorenza per lo sdegno preso, " etc. Pcrtanto '. as if one of the objects of Fra
Girolamo's embassy had l>een to persuade him to come. This was not Savonarola's
view when, on his return, he invited the people to thank Clod th.it the cloud had
passed from them to others (che Iddio abbia levato il nuvolo d'addosso a te
e mandatolo adifosso ad altri) : Villari and Casanova, Scelta, p. 160).
THE FRIAR AND THE FRENCH KING 139
Father, this is a parable ; we want plain words.' Well, then, I will explain
it. 1 I went on your behalf, and out of the love which I bear to you. l)n
you think I would risk niy life were I not certain of the truth of the things
which I tell you ?
'" I went to his Majesty, and I told him certain things which if he shall
do it will be well with him well for hi^ soul and for his kingdom and for
his subjects. I told him that he must stand well with Florence, and act
well by Florence, and that if he would not do it for love, he should do it
perforce ; that if he should so act it will be well with him, but woe to him
if he does not so act ; and I told him in detail though I will not tell you,
for it is not fitting that I should) what will befall him. He heard me with
kindness, and promised me to do what I bade him, and he promised it
to you, and I tell you again that if he docs not fulfil what he has promised
per ainorc, he shall do it perforce. And it is (iod Himself, who speaks
in me, who will make him do it. ...
"This I say in conclusion, that (iod has opened His hand to this
'barber,' the King of France, and has given him all that he wanted in
Italy pbtit if he fails to do what I have told him, I tell you, and I would
have all the world to know, that God will withdraw Ili-> hand. And if he
fails to perform for the Florentines what I have bidden him to do, never-
theless we shall have everything, if not of his goodwill, then perforce.
Meanwhile, our arms must be prayer and fasting'' -
In view of these words Manfred! can hardly be said to have
exaggerated when he wrote to d'Kste that the Friar had preached a
sermon in which " he assured this people that everything which lie
had recently promised and predicted on their be-half would un-
doubtedly come true (indubitatamente li suceederia in effecto). ex-
plaining that he had found the king well disposed to the city."" F.tit
the months went by, and the expectations which the preacher hail
aroused were not realised, and we read, under date 5th February
1497, that "the Friar has begun to preach against the King of
France, saying that he will come to grief (che'l capitara male),
because he had not carried out what (>od had commanded him, and
because he has not fulfilled his promises to this people /'and that
(iod has already punished him in part by having deprived him of
sons, and by having made him lose his honour and rcputatii>n\ and
1 In the sermon, as it stands, he postpones the explanation, and atteiwai.!-
returns to the subject. \Ye omit the intervening poition.
- S. 22 on the Psilnis v \'illari and l.'as.ir.ova. .v .-.'.'.;, pp. K>O . :,-.\ The w.id
'' barber '' is an allusion to the "hired ra/"i " of Kiiah vii. 20. It \\a> one ot
Fra Girolamo's favourite predictions v and a lemaikaMv true one' that dod would
send "many harbors" into Italy, of \\hom Charles YIII. was only the tir^t.
; ' Manfredi to d'Kste, 22nd June 1495 iC.ippelli, n. ~~ .
MO GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
that perhaps he will cause him to lose his kingdom and his life.'^ 1
Are not these suspiciously like the accents of a disappointed seer,
vexed at the failure of his own predictions, and hiding his vexation
from himself if not from others under cover of fresh menaces
against the author of his disappointment ?
And what are these royal promises, the non-fulfilment of which
was declared to have brought down the anger of God upon the head
of Charles VIII.? One of the first results of the French invasion
had been the revolt of Pisa from the dominion of Florence. Now
the conquest of Pisa was one of the reputed glories of Florentine
history : and it was very natural that its threatened loss should be
deeply resented, and that the Republic should have negotiated with
Charles to induce him to bring it once more into subjection, in con-
sideration of a goodly subsidy, which was in fact duly paid in sundry
instalments. On the other hand, the citizens of Pisa no doubt
esteemed the boon of independence no less than the citizens of
Florence, and the revolt of Pisa was an incident of somewhat similar
character, as it precisely coincided in time, with the expulsion of
the Medici from Florence. 2 Nor is it to be wondered at that
rather than allow themselves to be sold --as they conceived it to
the Florentine Signory, the Pisans should have preferred to accept the
protection of Venice, or some other powerful neighbour. What the
rights and the wrongs of the quarrel between the two cities may have
been we do not pretend to say : but common sense would at least
suggest the extreme improbability that a local dispute of this nature
1 Somviario di let/ere da Fircir.e (Cnppclli, n. 96). The faithlessness of
Charles YIII., and the indignation excited by his repeated failure to perform his
promises, arc frequently referred to in Landucci's Diary.
- l: The new Republic of Florence had soon to face the fact that revolutions do
not come singly. The news was brought, that on the same day on which Florence
expelled the Medici, Pisa had revolted from the Florentine yoke" (Crcighton. iii.
189). This was one of several coincidences connected in various ways with the
life of Savonarola, which marked the closing years of the fifteenth century.
Another was the death of Fra Girolamo's friend, Giovanni Pico della Mirandola,
on the very day on which Charles VIII. entered Florence. A third was the
murder of the Duke of Gandia (son of Alexander VI.) within a day or two of the
publication of Savonarola's excommunication at Florence, and a fourth was the
death of Charles VIII. only a few weeks before that of Fra Girolamo himself.
Nor was Pisa the only town which revolted from Florence at this time. The
little city of Montepulciano took the opportunity to transfer its allegiance to
Siena, and it must bs supposed that Montepulciano was likewise included in the
things which were to be restored to Florence. Needless to say, Charles VIII.
never restored Pisa.
THE FRIAR AND THE FRENCH KING 141
should have been the subject of divine communications to Fra
Girolamo or to any one else. Savonarola himself, however, betrayed
no misgivings on the point. That Pisa should be again brought
into subjection to Florence was part of the scheme of Providence as
conceived by him. According to his prophetic gospel, God was
deeply concerned about the liberties of Florence. The liberties of
Pisa were, it would seem, a matter of quite secondary importance.
And so we find this apostle of civic freedom pleading with Charles
VIII. at Poggibonsi for the restoration of the lesser city to the
obedience of the greater. And when, on his return after the embassy,
he told the Florentine people that they should " have everything "
from the French King, cither per aniore or by force, no one could
doubt that " everything ; ' included Pisa, and the contemporary
chronicler Parenti can hardly be blamed if giving the sense rather
than the actual words of the preacher lie declares that Fra
Girolamo promised his hearers that Pisa should be restored. Surely
this was a matter which the Friar-ambassador might have left to be
dealt with by secular politicians. And surely the plain truth is this,
that as Fra Girolamo was deluded about himself and his own
supposed divine mission, so he was also deluded about the im-
portance of Florence in relation to the divine designs. The two
forms of delusion were of a piece ; and his flattery of his fellow-
citizens harmonised well with his own unconscious self-flattery. It
may indeed seem strange to speak of him as flattering a people whose
vices he lashed with the unsparing scourge of the most terrible in-
vective, but the preference so frankly given to Florence over Pisa
as a special object of Divine Providence was (lattery enough for a
people whose pride assuredly needed no encouragement.
Our account, however, of the relations between Savonarola and
Charles VIII. would be manifestly incomplete were we to leave out
of account the letters which he wrote to the king. Of these, five
have been preserved, one of which, however, as belonging to the
closing months of his life, must be reserved for consideration here-
after. Of the other four, one is of considerable length, but is M>
entirely characteristic of the writer that it seems well to set forth its
contents at some length :
26//I .1/,/r 1495 ; Savonarola to Cluuies VIII. 1 The love ot'C.od and
zeal for His honour constrains me to love your Majesty (ju.i Corona)
1 Yilkui, i. Append, pp. .\c\ii. .././. 1 he khi w.i.^ .it tlii5 time in Koine.
142 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
and this all the more because I am assured (son certo) that among all
other Christian princes God has made choice of you for the carrying out
of this mystery of the renovation of the Church, of which a beginning has
already been made. 1 I write, then, to admonish you of what is necessary
for your salvation. For it is God's will that for the attainment of this end
(viz. salvation) men should use the appropriate means ; and so you, in
particular, having been chosen by God to do a great work, must adopt
suitable means for carrying it into execution. I remind you, then, that it
was God Himself who in time past enlightened me concerning your
arrival in Italy, and concerning the victory which you have gained ; and
on His part I declare to you that if you do not take measures to secure
that your barons and ministers should act otherwise than as they have
hitherto done, God will withdraw His hand, and will cause the people to
rebel against you, and will bring you into great tribulations, and you and
your army will incur the gravest danger. For it is not enough, in the
sight of God, that you should yourself be of good will, and should abstain
from evil doing ; but it is your duty to correct and restrain your subjects
from oppressing the people and cities (of Italy) and from extortionate
practices. Remember the example of Saul, who, having been chosen by
God, was afterwards rejected by Him. I warn you on the part of God
Himself not to treat the Florentine people so. And I give you this warn-
ing, not principally for their sake for I am a stranger among them but
for your own good, and for the honour of God.
If you had acted in accordance with the words which I addressed to
you just before your departure for Florence, all would have been well
with you, and the people would now be crying out : " Blessed is he that
cometh in the name of the Lord." Know, then, most Christian king, that
it is God's will that the Florentines should be well treated by you,
especially in view of the treaty to which you have sworn. Remember
what God said of Sedecias, who violated his treaty with the heathen king
Nebuchadnezzar : " Qui dissolvit pactum, numquid effugiet," etc.
Remember what I have heretofore declared to you by word of mouth,
and in writing, viz. that the people of Florence are most loyal to you, with
the exception of a small number who, in spite of the will of the majority,
have pursued an opposite policy.- Notwithstanding all the efforts that are
being made to detach them from you they remain faithful, and this is
mainly (lie result of our preaching:'
It would be well for you if you would seek the good of the city, and
not that of any private citizen, for such men seek their own advantage,
1 This beginning of the renovation of the Church was, of couise, the reform
effected at Florence itself.
2 I.e. I'icro y man, mid therefore He wills that
it should prosper?
Once more, then, I warn you that if you do not act as I have said, God
will send you such tribulations that you will be forced to do what of your
own good-will you have not hitherto chosen to do. And the reason is,
because God lias chosen this city, and has filled her with His seii'anls* ami
has determined to magnify her and raise her ///>, and whoso touchcth her
touehcth the apple of His eye.-'-)
All this I have written in the name, and at the bidding, and under the
enlightenment of God. Do not allow yourself to be otherwise advised.
'For what I have written is as true as the Gospel, and any opposite counsel
is to your hurt.
-That Savonarola was the chosen prophet of God, Charles, His
chosen king, and Florence His chosen people, these are the three
notes which, like a fundamental chord in music, dominate the whole
of his utterances at this time.) But they nowhere make themselves
so plainly heard as in the Friar's addresses and letters to the king.
The other three letters to which we have referred are undated,
but belong to a somewhat later period than the one which has been
given above. Omitting wearisome repetitions, their purport is briefly
as follows :
i. It was God who brought you to Italy, and it is He who lias brought
you safely back to your own country. Having experienced the truth of
1 Again he alludes to Piero who, it may be remembered, was at ihjs time with
the king.
- " E a (11 primo d'aprile 1405, predico fratc ('liiolamo, e disse e U-tiiico come
la Yergine Maria gli aveva rivelato come la < itt:'i di Kiren/e aveva ad eere l.i PI;:
groriosa (.v/r), la piii ricca, la piii potente chi tll.i UI-M mai, dopo niol'e fandie :
e prontctlcralo assolutamcntr, 1C diceva time quote rose come pr.'fe!. 1 . : e la
maggiore pnvtc del popolo gli crcdcva " (Landucci, i-< Apiil 140;, p. io;V Tlin
is an outsider's view ol the scnnon of ''The l.ilio." Of " the new and popular
government '' we shall have to speak in the next chapter.
:l Zech. ii. 8. A rather bold application to Florence of the words >poken 1>>
/.cchariah of Jerusalem.
144 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
my predictions, you ought not to look for any other sign. I have never
written to you but by His command. In God's name I bid you give back
to Florence what belongs to her [i.e. especially Pisa]. It is because you
have not done so that misfortune has overtaken you. But God is more
prone to mercy than to justice. Therefore, if through evil-doing you have
suffered, much more may you hope to prosper by doing what is right.
2. God illuminates the hierarchies of angels in such a way that the
lower choirs, or orders, receive their enlightenment from the higher, and
so downwards in gradation to men. And among men he enlightens the
rest of the Church by means of His elect. And as the lower angels belie^'c
the higher . . . so He wills that men should believe in His prophets,
when they are enlightened by them. Those who, with simplicity, have
thus believed, have prospered and have gained life everlasting. Those
who have not done so have been rejected by God, and have lost not only
temporal life and possessions but also eternal. My words are not mine,
but God's.
3. I greatly regret to hear of your troubles. But they were foretold.
Do not think that it is by your own prudence that you have escaped
from them. If you do not mend, I warn you that God will withdraw His
hand from you. Think well of my words, and do not give ear to those
who, seeking their own interests, advise you otherwise. 1
1 Yillari, i. Append, pp. cviii. sqq.
CHAPTER IX
THE FRIAR AND THE FLORENTINE CONSTITUTION
COMPARING Savonarola with S. Philip Neri, Cardinal
Capecelatro wrote, in the first edition of his life of that
Saint :
Philip's reformation succeeded better than Savonarola's, and was more
lasting, because he kept it free from all alloy of civil or political reform ;
he trusted to its immense indirect influence on civilisation and govern-
ment. Savonarola, on the contrary, combined and confused the two
reforms, and thus limited and retarded both. It was not altogether his
fault ; the state of things in Florence was such that he could hardly avoid
this combination. ... He deemed himself compelled to combine and
almost identify two causes in their very nature distinct, and saw the
cause he loved perish in the overthrow of its ally. 1
Whether in the latest edition of the same work the illustrious
writer has seen reason to modify this particular paragraph we do not
know ; hut to us at least it appears to embody a fair judgment on
the case. On the one hand Savonarola's participation in the internal
politics of the Florentine Republic, of which we have now to speak,
was in some measure forced upon him. But while we recognise this,
it is right and reasonable, on the other hand, to recognise and to lament
that his action was not in all respects marked by that prudent reserve
and self-restraint which in the saints of (loci is found to be not in-
compatible with a xeal as ardent to say the least as that of Fra
( iirolarno.
In his Nineteenth Sermon on Aggaeus, preached during the
Advent of 1494, Savonarola gives a graphic account of the manner
in which he had drifted but always, as he alleges, under divine
guidance into the troubled waters of political life.
' The Lord [he says] has driven my barque into the open sea . . . the
wind drives me forward, and the Lord forbids mv return. ... I communed
/V/ /.'/,*
K
14" GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
last night with the Lord, and said : ' Pity me, O Lord ; lead me back to
my haven.' 'It is impossible ; see you not that the wind is contrary?'
' I_will preach, if so I must ; but why need I meddle with the government
of Florence?' ' If thou wouldst make Florence a holy city, thou must
establish her on firm foundations, and give her a government which
favours virtue. 1 'But, Lord, I am not sufficient for these things.'
' Knowest thou not that God chooses the weak of this world to confound
the mighty? Thou art the instrument, I am the doer.' Then was I con-
vinced, and cried : ' Lord, I will do Thy will ; but tell me, what shall be
my reward?' 'Eye hath not seen, nor ear heard.' 'But in this life,
Lord?' ' My son, the servant is not above his master. The Jews made
Me die on the Cross ; a like lot awaits thee.' ' Yea, Lord, let me die
as Thou didst die for me.' Then He said : 'Wait yet awhile ; let that
be done which must be done, then arm thyself with courage."' 1
These words, better perhaps than any others which we could quote,
exhibit on the one hand the moral greatness of the man, his presenti-
ment of coming trials, and his courageous readiness to face them, while
on the other hand they lay bare the fundamental flaw of self-decep-
tion which, like a geological " fault," runs through every stratum of
Savonarola's public action as preacher, as prophet, and as politician.
For taking a part, and even in some sense a prominent part, in
Florentine politics it would, we think, be well-nigh absurd to blame
him. The circumstances of the time seem to us to have demanded
that he should not stand altogether aloof. A priest is not by
profession a fireman ; but when the town is abki/e he must hand
the buckets, or work the pumps, like any other citixen ; and if no one
is at hand to guide the proceedings, he must give the needful direc-
tions just as an officer of the brigade would do. The fault that may
perhaps be found with Savonarola and it was found with him in
his own time is that he did not know where to stop ; that he
suffered himself, according to his own metaphor, to drift too far
upon the sea of politics, and then persuaded himself that his drifting
was entirely due to heaven-born tides and breexes specially designed
by Providence to shape his course.
While tracing, in the preceding chapter, the relations between
Savonarola and Charles VIII., we have considerably anticipated the
course of events within the city of Florence itself. It has been
already seen that immediately after the flight of Piero de' Medici
there had been a remarkable abstention from hostile measures
against those among the citizens who were well known to have been
1 S. 10 on Abacus (Creighton, History of the Papacy, iii. 219-20).
THE FRIAR AND FLORENTINE CONSTITUTION 147
the most powerful supporters of himself and of his father Loren/o.
And while this wise moderation may in great measure be ascribed to
the influence of Fra Oirolamo, it was also largely due to the general
alarm and excitement caused by the near approach of Charles VIII.
.But no sooner had the invader left the city than a new and ver\
grave constitutional crisis arose.
Already, before the arrival of the French King, a large number of
political exiles had been recalled, as has been said, to Florence.
These were, for the most part, men of the party most hostile to the
Medici, and, being now re-established in the city, they were naturally
disposed to support any measure which should have for its object
the expulsion of the more prominent Mediceans, or even the
shedding of their blood. 1 On the other hand, Piero de' Medici
himself was .actively pushing his interests with Charles VIII., and
the king's agents were continually urgingthe Signory to allow him
to return.- But, if he should return, it was not merely the restora-
tion of a now unpopular regime which was to be feared, but the
certainty that he would find means to wreak terrible vengeance on
those who had been instrumental in his expulsion, or who had
incurred his hatred by their subsequent action. Under these
circumstances it would seem that two things were desirable from
the point of view of a true and enlightened patriotism: on the one
hand, to make provision against the possibility, at least for the
present, of Piero's return, and on the other hand, to dissuade the
personal enemies of Piero from venting their wrath upon his former
adherents. And this latter point was pre-eminently one which
might well invite the most earnest and strenuous efforts of a
Christian preacher. That Savonarola did exert himself, and with
conspicuous success, in this effect is the ungrudging testimony of
the historian Ouicciardini. After the execution of one Antonio
di Bernardo, he tells us, other victims would surely have been
sacrificed to gratify political hatred were it not that Savonarola
loudly and earnestly proclaimed from the pulpit that now w.is the
time not for justice but for mercy ; and elsewhere he speaks in the
very highest terms of his unsparing and successful efforts to preserve
' " Era no nclla cilia molti die arol>l>ono vdnto pi-iYiiotrre Hernanlii iirl NVi<\
Xiccolo Ridolti, Pier Filippo (1'andoltini'. mossor A^n.>l>' i Ni.v.'lini . I ou-n/o
Tornabuoni, facopo Salviuti, c gli :iltri cittadini delK' Staiovecchin" ((iuiccuriiini.
S/oria /'/<>; V////W, p. 12^).
- Nauii. i. .\~.
148 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
the people of Florence from the folly and wickedness of factious
vengeance. 1 Nor did Fru Girolamo desist from his counsels of
peace until, in March 1495, a measure of general amnesty was
finally passed. -
In the meanwhile, however, the city needed something more than
an amnesty. The government which was appointed immediately
after the departure of Charles VIII. was of a provisional character,
and it failed from the very outset to command general confidence,
so that some measure of constitutional reorganisation became a
matter of necessity. In this reorganisation Fra Girolamo took, as
will presently appear, a very prominent part.
The Florentine notion of liberty was not precisely what we
understand, however vaguely, by the term. Liberty to a respectable
citizen of Florence meant something more substantial than freedom
from oppressive burdens and irksome restrictions, something more
than the mere absence of positive obstacles calculated to hinder a
private individual from aspiring, if he were so minded, to take part
in the government of the city. He wished, not merely to have a
vote in the election of his representatives, nor again merely to be
himself theoretically eligible for any position of trust for which his
1 " Men," says Guicciardini, " like Piero Capponi, and Francesco Yalori were
opposed to vengeful measures; but so many influential citi/.ens were in favour of
them, and the turbulent populace (a chi piacciono tutte le novita e travngli)
were so strongly inclined to them, that such measures would almost certainly have
been passed but for the influence of Fra Girolamo'' (pp. 121-22).
- The successful efforts of Fra Girolamo on behalf of peace and concord during
the interval are attested by Parenti, by the letters of Manfredi to d ? Fste, and by
the Diary of Landticci, the chief sources of strictly contemporary evidence for this
period. On 2Oth December Manfredi writes that there is fear of a commotion in
the city, but that "el nostro Fra Hieionimo se nffaticha quanto el po con
ricordi et opere amorevole . . . al quale e dato molio credito, ma non tanto
quanto bisognaria da omni homo." lie seeks only the common good, union, and
peace (Cappelli, n. 29). On the 2ist Landucci refers to the same danger :
" Tuttavolta si stava in tremore clie non s'accordavano e citiadini. Chi la volcva
lessa e chi arosto, chi andava secondo el Frate e chi gli era contro ; c sc 11011 fu^i
qncsto /-'rate, si riciiiTa al sitn^iic" 1 (J)iarii>, p. 95). < >n ijth January : " Piedico
]'. Girolamo e molto s'impacciava ays the spukes'nan in one of (iuiccianiini'>
Hisfoi'si, two ends inu>t lie kepi in view. The tir>t is, that all, iirh and poor,
without distinction, should equally enjoy the protection of the l;u\>. " 11 >ccundo
tine . . . c, die i heneticii della Kepublica, eioc g\\ onori e i;li ulili puHici che li.i,
si allarghino in OLJIHIIIO <|uanU> si puo e in niodo che tuui i citt.idini ne [Mrticipino
il pill che sia possibile " (/V.^v/vv i., su/,'i - .1 ///A ;:/,///, etc.. (>,",>, ///<.///<. ii. J ;S.
Similarly /V.v.ww iii., p. 276 : if. Yillari, i. J-iT.
- fc.g. under the reformed constitution the nominations ft>i the \.ui"iiN magis-
tracies weie made liy electors whose namc> weic drawn l>y \'.. The voting wa^ t.>t
or against the persons thus nominated ((iuiccanlini, S:o/:'\t //.;,//;//;.. p. u;). In
his two lirsl ./>/Vay which side, \\hcn in |><>\vcr, ruled IK.-SI. lioth sides
h;ul a certain dnyyed regard for the city, .uid desire t<> enrich and adorn and make
her great' 1 (Oliphant, p. xviii.). Again, it is important, < luiccinrdini urges, that
'lie city magistrates should not be beholden to any individual or to any faction,
but should IH; responsible to a large body of electors (Distorso iii., pp. 268 .wyy. }.
- Guicciardini, Sloria I-iorcntina, pp. I, 6, 7, 14, etc.
THE FRIAR AND FLORENTINE CONSTITUTION 151
public safety nominated by the victorious faction ; and then in virtue
of this dictatorial power the chiefs of the vanquished party were
banished, and new measures were enacted to establish what for the
moment appeared a more suitable mode of appointment of the city
magistrates. 1 But through all these changes the name and form of
these magistracies was maintained, and thus a very real continuity is
found in the history of the Florentine republic in the fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries. By measures which it is not necessary here to
specify in detail, Cosimo and Lorenxo de' Medici had contrived so
to control the appointments to the administrative offices of the State
that while they were too -wise to seek to exclude their political
opponents from all share in the government, they were at least
always assured of a working majority on the Boards. To this end,
Lorenxo had secured, through the vote of a Parlamento, that the
appointment of the Signory and the other greater magistracies should
be in the hands of a Council of Seventy, of whom the greater number
were his own adherents.- And thus, while Cosimo and Loren/o had
been able to deal with the princes of Italy on a footing of equality,
everything had been done in the name of the Signory, of whom they
had been in theory the deputed spokesmen, but, in reality, the
masters. But now, after Piero's flight, and the departure of Charles
VIII., everything was in confusion. 3 Now, as before, the continuity
of the form of government was maintained unbroken. The Signory
was still in office, and no one proposed to abolish the J)icci di Gucrra
e Pace, or the Otlo di Balia, or the Dodici Buonuomini^ or the
Gonfalonicri del It Conipagnic. But the Scttanta, the Medicean
Council, was discredited, and on ;md December a Parlamento swept
it away as a Parlamento had erected it twenty-three years before. 4
In its place a committee of twenty Accoppiatori was established, who,
for a period of twelve months, were to have the appointment of the
Signory and the Ten and the Might, and who were, in particular, to
take such measures as might seem to be neccs.sary to prevent the
return of Piero de' Medici."'
1 Instances occurred, lor example, in 1303, 1433-34, and I45>S iGiiicciardini,
he. fit. ).
'-' Ciino Capponi, in ./. .V. /., i. 317, \\here the text tif the I'loxiM.'iii \\herel>y
the Settanta were appointed, is given in lull pp. 3_M ^ : Yill.iii. i. j;o.
" " V. roine fa pattito (il \\\, ^cndo l.i cin.i 'ii-. >id:n.i!.i, -i \O!M IM
riformaie lo Slulo " (duiccuirdini, Stp; t\t / /. >> 'i:i/;.:, p. i _\".
4 Lutuhuvi, p. So.
' Lamhuvi, //'/,/'. : (.iiikviurdini, /<>< . ,-/.'. : I'ltti. p. 3.). 1 l:.u il.ey were r\-
pcctcd to secure the city against 1'ieio -ccm* lo l>e iinplied 1 >y N.ud;. i. ((>.
152 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
The Accoppiatori were chosen, and the new magistrates were
appointed by them on the following day (3rd December). 1 It was
felt that at least a first step had been taken in the direction of good
order and government, and that the occasion was one for rejoicing.
On Monday, 8th December, at the recommendation of Fra Girolamo,
a public procession was held "in thanksgiving to God for benefits
received."- But Fra Girolamo himself was shrewd enough to
perceive that, although there was much to be thankful for, much
yet remained to be done ; and his views on the situation are ex-
pressed in the very remarkable sermon which he preached on Saturday,
6th December. It is one of his most characteristic discourses, and
the reader will not fail to observe the abrupt transitions from purely-
spiritual topics to political themes. The suddenness of these transi-
tions is not due to our own process of summarisation, but is equally
marked in the full text of the sermon as published :
" ' Sing to the Lord a new song, for He hath wrought wondrously '
(Ps. xcvii. i). We have completed our Ark, and have entered it, and
have passed safely through the beginning of the deluge. And now, as
Noe might have addressed those who were with him in the Ark, so I say
to you that you owe to God a deep debt of gratitude. Now, gratitude is
to be shown in three ways. First, by recognising that our deliverance
is due to God ; secondly, by praising Him for having delivered us ;
thirdly, by making Him some return. And as we cannot make Him a
return which is worthy of Him, we must, at least, give Him what He asks
of us, our hearts' love. ' Son,' He says, 'give Me thy heart.'
" Moreover, the flood is not yet past. It has only commenced. There-
fore, we must perform works of mercy in order to propitiate God, and
secure His help in the troubles that are yet to come.
" Remember that after the Flood the world, purified thereby, entered on
a new stage of its history. So, by means of this flood, God desires to
renovate His Church.
''Whoever wishes to act wisely must set before himself, in the first
place, the love of God, which must expel self-love and merely human fears.
Unfortunately, many in our time, even of those most highly placed (i gran
maestri), have lost the love of God, have their hearts set on earthly
things, and arc sunk in vice, so that they are become blind, and have lost
the guidance even of the natural light of reason in the practical conduct
of a flairs, and so they have recourse to astrology and superstitious
]>. 90.
2 I-inclucci, //;/(/. Pitti remarks (p. 35) that the common people, who knew
very little about constitutional lil>erty, imagined that they had now gained il,
but that "alcuni de' piii savii e pin affe/.ionati alia repubblica" thought
otherwise.
THE FRIAR AND FLORENTINE CONSTITUTION 153
practices. And this is the case not merely with seculars, but even with
priests and prelate.
'' But do you, O Florence, seek to renew your understanding by having
recourse to God, and have no fear of Cyrus or of any other instrument of
His designs. Thank God for having preserved you so far, and trust Him
to bring you safely through all future troubles.
"You have changed your form of government, but if \ou wish your
polity to endure, you must change your manner of life, you must sing to
the Lord 'a new canticle.' The first thing that you must do is to pass a
law which will secure that henceforth no one shall be able to make himself
supreme in the State (farsi capo) ; otherwise you are only building on
sand. . . . lint, above all tilings, remember that if your laws are to be
good, they must be founded on the law of God, for the observance of
which the grace of the Holy Spirit is necessary.
" I have told you that whereas God has prepared a great and universal
scourge, nevertheless, He loves you, and wishes you well : ' Misericordia et
veritas obviarerunt sibi, justitia et paxosculatae sunt.' God wishes to save
you, and to save you for Himself; 'Salvabit .v/Wtlextera ejus.' Let no one
imagine that he can aggrandise himself so as to be able to say, ' Florem e
is my city.' Florence is God's city ; therefore, if you wish to consult for the
welfare of Florence, consult God first in prayer, and come to your debates
after having first confessed and communicated. It has been said ; vi/. by
Lorenzo de' Medici) that states cannot be governed by paternosters, but
this is the saying of a despot, not of a true prince. Despots govern after
this godless fashion, but their rule is of short duration. Live, then, like
Christians, and come to the sermons which will teach you so to live.
Whoso will not hear the word of God offends God, and gives scandal.
Therefore, come, all of you, and let the more distinguished among you la-
the first to set a good example to the rest. If von l>e tint* cell grounded
in the fear of God, lie will give you grace to find a good form of govern-
ment, one which will make it impossible for any one to usurp authority
(inalzare il capo;, either after tlie manner of the \ 'enctians or in some other
manner, as God may inspire you. As for other measures, which maybe
necessary for good government, and for the administration of justice, :ce
might speak of them if it should please the citizens that we should deliver
an exhortation in the palace.*
" Humility, charity, and simplicity- these arc the three things which I
must especially recommend to you. Choose for your magistrates those
who show their humility by their unwillingness to be brought toi \\.iul
(che fuggono lo stato per umilta). If you see that they are lit tor ott'u <,
choose them in spite of themselves, for they will be moie enlightened
than the proud. Choose again, men who air truly charitable, ami who
1 " So e cittudini si eoiitenteranno die so ne t.uvi.i cjii.ildie C^>I:.I!I.>IH in
palaz/.o." These words, in which l-'ra Ciirolamo gives so lno.ul .1 hint tint he
would like to be invited to speak his mind in the r.d.i.v, have U-cn oinu'ad,
strange to say, liy Yilhui and Casanova.
154 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
will be disposed to mitigate the burden of taxes, etc. And as for
simplicity, you must learn to live more sparingly, and without so much
pomp and ceremony. Then you will become truly wealthy, and will have
the means necessary for the carrying on of your wars, and for the defence
of the city.
"" Let the rich give to the poor out of their superfluity, and let priests set
the first example. And you nuns, too, must contrive to do without so
many knick-knacks (cosucciej. And to you poor 1 say, if you wish to be
helped, be good and behave well, and God will help you. Do not accept
alms unless you be really in need. If you can support yourselves by work,
you are bound to do so, and to accept alms when you can earn your
livelihood would be an injustice."/
It is worthy of note that the portion of this discourse which
seems to have made the deepest impression on men not specially
interested in political questions was the appeal for alms.
' '' On Saturday, 6th December [says Landucci], Fra (Jirolamo preached
and arranged for a collection on behalf of the ' poveri vergognosi ' (/..
the 'respectable' poor, the class who will starve rather than beg) and it
was made in four churches . . . on the following day. And the amount
collected, in money and materials, was incredible, with such love and
charity did every one give."-
On 8th December, in connection with the procession above-
mentioned, a second collection was made, and it amounted, says
Landucci, to not less than that of the previous day. On roth
December Manfredi writes to d'Este an enthusiastic account of the
popularity which Savonarola enjoys, and of the immense quantity of
alms, estimated at six or seven thousand ducats, which he has
collected for the poor :
" Questo nostro frate Hieronimo Savonarola ha tanto credito ct gran
concorso in questa citta, chc e una stupendissima cosa ; ha facto di moltc
bone pro\ iggione per subvenire alii poverhomini di questa citta et contrada,
die molti ct infiniti ve ne sono. Ha trovato elimosine da questi Signori
tra di danari grani et altre cose che ascendono al valore de cinque on
(.v/V) sei milia ducati. Lo c adorato c rii'crito conic Sctnclo ; et invero le
bone opere bua li fanno havere questo bon credito in questa citta." 3
l!ut the passage in l-'ra Girolamo's discourse of 6th December
which was destined to have the most enduring and far-reaching
effects was that in which he had hinted at a revision of the con-
stitution, and at the introduction of a form of government after the
1 Yilhiri and Casanova, .SV,7/,/. pp. 127 >,/,/.
- Diiirw, p. 90. YA'e li.'ive not translated literally, Init have given the substance
ol the entry under 6th December.
:; Cappelli, n. 27.
THE FRIAR AND FLORENTINE CONSTITUTION 155
manner of the Venetians. The appointment of the Accoppiatori was
of its nature provisional ; but it is extremely improbable that any im-
mediate measure would have been taken towards the bringing about
of a more radical ehange, had it not been that the matter was
warmly taken up by Pagolantonio Soderini ; and (juicciardini gives
it as a matter of common report that it was Soderini's exclusion from
the Board of 'Twenty which prompted him to move the question of a
change of government at so early a date. 1 It is probable that his
views were already well known when Fra (lirolamo delivered this
sermon from which we have just quoted ; and the preacher's words
appear to allude to the question as one which had already been
publicly bruited. But if we may trust Guicciardini, whose account
is confirmed by Nardi, no definite proposal was brought before the
Collegio till after Savonarola had prepared the way by his utterances
in the pulpit.- At any rate it is certain that to these two men,
Soderini and 1'Ya (Iirolamo, the course which events actually took
was mainly due.
In the course of the very next week the question of a new
constitution formed the subject of protracted but fruitless debates
in the Pala//,o ; and it was then that Savonarola, in his famous
thirteenth sermon on Aggaeus, delivered on Sunday, 141!) December,
opened his mind more fully on the subject/ 5 In this discourse,
1 " Maravigliossi la brigata che in questa ele/.ione fus-i iim;v-io adrieto Paolan-
tonio Soderini ... in niodo die si die pui puhlicamente die per quoto sdegno
Paolantonio per imiture lo Stato pcrsuase a Fra (iirolamo c 1<> adopero per in-tru-
mento a predicare, si facossi il (ioverno del popolo" , v (iuicciardini, .V,Vr/<;
Fiorentiita, p. 121). In the .s'/eems to have been more
common among his contemporaries.
" Comincio a predicare per pane ili Dio . . .' die Pio era quello die avcv.i
liberato la eitta della tirannide, e die Dio voleva si maiMene^i lihera. e si liducr-M
a uno i. ioverno populare alia Yini/iaiu. ]'. con tanta elticada . . . ci M rUcald'>
su, che bcnche dispiacessi assai a Bernardo Rueellai . . . e altri priini del (loverno,
pure non opponendosi scopertainentc, e scndo queMa opera favorita d.ill.i Signoii.i.
sicoinincHla/eHcriiefraiit'ii " (Guicciaixlini, Stsri,i /'/,'/n tlu-
other hand (p. 35), declares that alter Soderini had propovd lii^ plan " in un.i
pralica di riforma," and had met \\itlr inudi oppn^ition. lie conlersed \\i;h 1 i.\
Girolamo, and induced him to preach in 1'avmir of the plan. The INNO account>
may be in a manner reconciled il" we place the ; ' pratiche di lifoima " in the week
which intervened between Saturday, oih Pccember. and Sunday, \.\\\\ l'e>:tmbcr.
:: C'iiio//i (\i. jo), followed l>y liurl.iniacchi, >p. i .dv> ol the I"ni;li-li tian-l.uor, ab.-urdly remiei> it, "till live
or six in the mornint;."
156 r.IROLAMO SAVONAROLA
which was attended by the Signory and all the magistrates, and to
which men only were admitted, he entered frankly and unreservedly
on the exposition of a constitutional programme. 1 He took for his
text the words : " Receive instruction, ye that judge the earth : serve
ye the Lord with fear" (Ps. ii. 10, 1 1 ). The rule of one man is
best, he declared, when the prince is good, but when the prince is a
bad man it is the worst form of polity that could be devised.
Moreover, in choosing a polity, regard must be had to the character
of the people to be governed. Elsewhere, the government of one
man might be for practical purposes the best, " but in Italy, and
especially in Florence, where both strength and intellect abound,
where the people are subtle in mind, and restless in spirit, the
government of one must become tyrannical/' The consequence is
not quite obvious, but to Fra Girolamo all is clear. \Yoe, then to
Florence, if she should once more become subject to a tyrant !
"Tyrant is the name of one who leads a wicked life, more wicked
than all others, an usurper of other's rights, a destroyer of his own
soul and of that of the people " ; and therefore, the first thing to be
done was to close the door once and for all time against a despotism.
Then, adroitly if unconsciously mingling flattery with counsel, the
preacher continued :
" 1'urify your minds, attend to the common weal, forget your private
interests ; and if by such a course you reform your city, it will be rendered
more glorious than it has ever yet been. And you, the people of
Florence, will in this way commence the reform of all Italy, and will
spread your wings over the world, bringing reformation to all nations '.).
Remember that the Lord has shown clear signs that He desires a reno-
vation of all things, and that you are the people who have been elected
to begin this great work."
After laying down the two principles that the law of (iod is the
foundation of all good government, and that the aim of every polity
should be the general good of all, he comes at last to the practical
point, vi/. that for the city of Florence here and now a Great
Council "after the manner of the Venetians," will afford the best
and* most secure basis for the new constitution.
1 '' K qucsta mattina. che fu domenica, predio'>, c in>n voile domic ma uomini,
e voile e >ignori, che non rimase se none el Gonfalonierc c un<> de' Sij;noii in
I'alngio, e fuvvi tutti gli Ulicj di Firerue " (Landucci, p. 92). On Sunday, 2i>t
December, and again on 2Sili December, \\c find the entry ''prcdic<>, e aurora
non voile dcnne '' (pp. 93, 94). Landucci estimates Fra Ciiiolamo's audience on
these days at from 13,000 to 14,000 persons.
THE FRIAR ANT) FLORENTINE CONSTITUTION 157
"A Great Council is the best form of government for this city, one
similar to that in Venice. . . . And you need be in no decree ashamed to
imitate it, for they received it from God, from whom every good thing
comes. You may have seen that, ever since that government existed in
Venice, there has been no strife or dissension of any kind ; it is im-
possible, therefore, to escape the conclusion that it is in accordance with
the will of Cod." '
Pagolantonio Soderini, who in the course of an embassy to
Venice, had learned to esteem very highly the constitution of that
Republic, was, as has been said, the leading advocate of the scheme
of a Great Council after the Venetian model. The principal
opponent of the measure was Guidantonio Vcspucd, who represented
that so large a consultative body, of which the majority must
necessarily consist of men who had little or no practical experience
of political affairs, would prove both unwieldy and incompetent.
His own preference was for a more aristocratic or oligarchical form
of polity, a gorertit) strctto according to the political terminology of
the day, such as had prevailed in pre-Medicean times.-' At the outset,
he seems to have had the support of a majority in the ( 'ollegio, for
the leading families in Florence were naturally opposed to a measure
which would throw open the highest magistracies to men who would
otherwise aspire to them in vain, and who, as they believed, or
affected to believe, would surely prove themselves unequal to the
task of administration/ 1 ' J'mt Savonarola's eloquent advocacy of the
Great Council had made a deep impression. In his great sermon
on the third Sunday of Advent (i4th December), Savonarola had pro
posed that each bench of the magistracy should draw up a scheme of
government, and that these' various schemes should be laid before
the ('ollegio. 1 This was done on ujtli December, and the plan
proposed by the Ten of whom Soderini wa> the most distinguished
1 Yillari and ''asanova. \rv// l>y Guicciardini,
S/^n',1 >i' Italia, i. 200. >y (iiiicciardiiii. \e d not
know. 1'iob.ibly the latter.
'' Speaking of Soderini's proposal 1'itti writes \\i, >V : '' I' '"he In a>pinmcnte
da' principal! ciltadini itnpugnatn, desiderosi di o 'iisenarM uno >t.it>> ri>:u-::o. "
('ino//.i (p. 20) represents the opposition as -.o strong that it Deemed ceilain \ prevail.
1 This is \\hat was actually done, a-- \\ill appear; lut. in lac!. Savonarola's
siiggcstinn \\asslightly different. The >i\tecn ( ionl.doniei i delK- ('ompa^nie weie
each to draw up a plan. Four of these were to 1-e selected lor prc>cntation j> ::;c
Sis^nory. and for a final choice ^X'illari and Casanova, .v ,','.;. pp. S6-S7 1 .
1^8 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
member, and no doubt the spokesman, was more favourably received
than any other. The main provision of this scheme was the appoint-
ment of a Consiglio Grande (or Consiglio IFaggiore, as it is called
in official documents) of some 1500 members, which was to be
summoned once a week, and of a lesser Council of Eighty, whose
members were to be ready to assemble as often as the Signory
should require their advice. 1 Savonarola was then invited to speak
at the palace, where he warmly advocated the adoption of Soderini's
plan, which was finally carried on 23rd December.-
The Great Council, it should here be explained, was by no
means a purely democratic body. It was to consist at the outset
of those only who had themselves held, or whose immediate
ancestors had held, either by actual or honorary tenure, one of the
greater magistracies/ 5 But at the commencement of each year, its
numbers were to be reinforced by the elective co-optation of sixty new
1 Along with the Ottanta sat the Signory, the Ten, and other magistrates who
might be collectively invited. The whole assembly thus formed was called the
Consiglio de' J\ichicsli, whose members were analogous to the Pregati of Venice
(cf. Nardi, i. 51).
2 '' Fu commesso a' Gonfalonieri, a' Dodici, a' Venti, a' Dieci, agli Otto, che
ognuno ordinassi mi inodo di t-irere popularc. La quale cosa seiido fatta, e
piacendo piu quello de' Dicci, fu mandato per Fra Girolamo, al qtiale fu letto
questo modo ; e lui avendolo approvato con parole savie . . . si vinse e approve) "
(Guicciardini, Sloria Fiorenlina, pp. 124-25). It would seem from this that any
proposal for the establishment or maintenance of a " governo strelto" had already
been vetoed. The text of the law of 2jrd December is given in the Appendix to
Guicciardini, Del Keggitnento di Firenze, pp. 228 s//nbbli(a Fiorenlina, quoted by Villari,
i. 286).
THE FRIAR AND FLORENTINE CONSTITUTION 159
members. 1 Its primary function was elective. Its establishment
was, in fact, one among many plans which from time to time wen
devised for the purpose of securing suitable appointments to the
magistracies. Hut it was also to exercise legislative authority. All
new measures of importance were in the first instance to be dis-
cussed by the Signory or the Collegio, then, if passed by them, to
be submitted forfurther debate to the Ottanta, or Consiglio de'
Richiesti, and finally to be referred for confirmation or rejection
(but without discussion) to the Consiglio Maggiore.-
Of the fiscal legislation which followed the laying of these
foundation-stones of the new constitution it is not necessary here to
speak. Hut with the decree of general amnesty, which has already
been mentioned, and which was not carried until 191)1 March, there
was linked another measure of which something must here be said,
for it involved Fru Girolamo in a long and bitter controversy with a
rival preacher.
Savonarola was deeply convinced that a remission of pains and
penalties to which men might be held liable for past political offences
would be of comparatively little avail unless provision was made
against the abuse of justice under the influence of any sudden
outburst of factious hatred in the future. He therefore proposed
that in all graver criminal cases an appeal should lie from the
sentence passed by a two-thirds majority of the Signory or the ( >tto
to the lesser Council of the Ottanta. This was called the law of
appeal from the set /aw, or "six beans''; for the voting at
Florence was conducted by means of " beans," and as the Signoiy
consisted of nine members, six votes were always required for a
capital sentence. :i
It may seem strange, at first sight, that such a measure should have
met with any kind of opposition, and it is to be feared that the motives
which prompted the opposition which it actually did encounter were
not of a very exalted character. Parenti, who has left a very
1 Law of 23rd December in Guicciardini, /V/ A'i vin-c IH 1 (,'. M.,
pp. 102-3).
:i " Conforto . . . porchc ognuno pin sicuramcnte si potesM L^di-tv il su.< c
nllora c in fuUmim, < ;/ , <>;<, ,-,' / rv.z A;.'.'.' in .v '/;
tempi fnssa/i, ( con ifticsto it'::i> f\trsi (im/ii lcva<--i i:\nta autorit.i allc >ci
fave," elc. (Guicdardini, S/<>r/,i /'Awv//;/.;. p. IJ(<\
160 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
minute and strictly contemporary account of the whole progress of
the affair month by month, declares that the difficulty arose in the
first instance from the Signory which held office in January and
February 1495. ^ ne measure of 23rd December had indeed
established the Consiglio Grande, but this body had not yet
entered upon the full exercise of its powers. The Accoppiatori
still had the right of appointing the Signory until the termination of
their own lease of office, and the men whom they appointed had no
mind to see their own powers curtailed. 1 Their objections to the
proposed measure were, however, put forward under the cover of an
honourable patriotism, and found considerable support among the
members of the aristocratic party which had opposed the establish-
ment of the Consiglio Grande. It was true that under the new
regime the members of the Signory and the Eight would not always
be men of distinguished family; but they would be always the
"magnificent" Signory and the "highly respectable" (spettabili}
Eight. And it was alleged that to allow any appeal from their
decision would be to derogate from the honour due to personages
who in their representative capacity at least were so exalted. 2
Another motive, however, of a more practical character, seems to
have been at work. The Ottimati were even more apprehensive
than the popular party of the return of Piero de' Medici, for on
1 The Gonfaloniere appointed for January and February was one Filippo
Corbizi ; " il quale era uomo di pochissima qualita," says Guicciardini. I!ul he-
very explicitly states that the appointments for January, March (Tanai de' Nerli)
and May (Bardo Corsi) were made by the Accoppiatori. Landucci, on the other
hand (Diario, 291)1 December, p. 94), says that the Signory for January were
appointed by the Great Council. " E'l primo Gonfaloniere fu uno de' Corbizi,
die non fu sanza dolce allegrezza, parendo un governo popolare e piu comune."
Guicciardini is, however, more to be trusted than Landucci on a constitutional
question. The appointment of Corbizi was probably a concession to popular
feeling.
'-' " La nuova Signoria, corrottn gia dai primi del reggimento i ijnali in HCSSHIIO
inodo deporrc la grandigia volt-ano, ad allentare circa al procedere bene per il
popolo comincio. II popolo, di gia accostosi di tal omore, rugliava benchc
occultamente, e a fratc Icronimo per aiuto ricorreva. Ksso, non cessando dallo
an i mare detto popolo al bene comune, publicamente in pergamo a muovcre
romincio, che per niente la Signoria per le VI. favc confmare potessi. . . .
Qttfita cosa iicIT alif dara a' grandi, i i/tta/i con ifiic^to has I one ten ere xotto i^li
itominidisegnara.no. I'ero forte sparlavano contro a tale provisione, uiostnutdo
flic do era torrc rf/>n(azioite alia Siffnoria," etc. (Parenti, fitorie l-ioi-cntine ;
Gherardi, p. 112. Ghcrardi gives /';/ extenso the long section of the hlorie in
which I'arenti deals with the whole matter).
THE FRIAR AND FLORENTINE CONSTITUTION \(,\
them rather than on men of low degree his vengeance, it was feared,
would surely fall. Now, to secure his exclusion it was deemed most
desirable that the hands of the actual government should by all
means be strengthened, and that no opportunity should be allowed
for the hatching of plots for his return, or for securing the
acquittal of any one who might be found guilty of complicity in such
plots. Parent! says that when the project of an amnesty and of the
law of appeal was first broached, it was observed that the Bigi (as
the Mediceans were called) were greatly rejoiced, and that they
were beginning to hold private meetings and to gather strength
("vedendosi i Bigi rallegrare e stare sen/a timore, anxi insieme
ragunarsi e intendersi "), and therefore the proposal was deemed
dangerous. 1 The Mediceans, or Palleschi so called from the
palle, or balls (originally pills), which were the device of the Medici,
and which are familiar to us all as the sign of a pawnbroker's shop
at this time made a show of being followers of Fra Girolamo, and
--having much to expect from him made common cause with the
popular party, the Bianchi or Frateschi. Flence their name of
Bigi, or Greys, as politicians of a neutral tint, neither Bianchi nor
Neri, neither black nor white. Many shrewd men of the aristocratic
faction thought that Fra Girolamo was being hoodwinked by the
treacherous friendship of the Bigi, and in after days he himself bitterly
reproached them for their ingratitude.'-'
The opposition to the proposed law of appeal was energetically
supported by a Franciscan preacher, Fra Uomenico da Pon/o. " He
was," says Parenti, " a man of considerable learning, but not of holy
life, and therefore the 'Grandi ' had little difficulty in corrupting him,
and in stirring him up against Fra Girolamo: though indeed,"
he shrewdly adds, " it generally happens that preachers are jealous
of one another." One would willingly believe that da Pon/o no le
than Savonarola acted in good faith ; and it may very well be that,
from the strong conviction which he seems to have entertained, and
which he certainly expressed, as to Savonarola's delusion in the
matter of his prophecies, he was led by the fallacious logic of feeling
to look with suspicion upon any proposition emanating from such a
1 Gherardi, p. 1 14.
- "Si ronoMrea," says Parent i, 'vlie, sot to ombra di hene, i Bigi per paura si
li erano sottomesM, ed a loro cautela es>o cio strigneva. " He adds that, in h>
opinion, the Friar proceeded in all good faith ( " a unto huono i-ammir.o and.i^j
and advised what he deemed i>e-t for the eity ((iherardi, /.v. ./.'.'.
I
i6a GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
quarter. 1 But with every allowance that can reasonably be made, it
seems impossible to excuse the Franciscan's interference in the
question of the sei fave. In homely English it was no business of
his. The Signory might be trusted to look after its own honour
and dignity without the help of the preacher at Santa Croce. In
fact, the Signory summoned both preachers before them, together
with one Fra Tommaso da Rieti, superior ("reggente") of the
Dominician convent of Santa Maria Novella. Savonarola was
asked to prove that he held a divine commission to preach, pre-
sumably on political matters. After listening to the other two for
a while Savonarola turned on his heel (" ne', panni ristrettosi si parti "),
saying that he knew what lie was about, that time would bring the
truth to light, and that evil would befall them if they did not follow
his advice.- It was perhaps the inevitable result of the very decided
line which Fra Girolamo had now taken, that as he had made him-
self at once the mouthpiece and the adviser of one political party,
the opposition party should look for a mouthpiece and an adviser of
its own, and that Florence should be entertained with the not very
edifying spectacle of these two rival preachers maintaining con-
tradictory theses from their respective pulpits. 3 But at least it must
be said in Savonarola's favour that, considering the case on its
merits, the advantage on the whole probably lay on the side of the
proposed measure which was to legalise the appeal from the
sentence of the Signory or the Eight.
1 " Costui (i.e. da Ponzo), montato in pergamo, mostro che profeti piu non
erano ne essere poteano, e chi per parte di Dio parlava o dicea parlare, dava
evidente segno che da quello molto si scostava " (Parenti apitd Gherardi, p. 1 13).
Whether he was right or wrong in his opinion, da Ponzo can hardly be acquitted
of the reproach of officiousness to use no stronger word in publicly blaming
his rival.
2 Gherardi, p. 114.
3 Cf. Cosci, pp. 298-99. It is no matter for surprise that Manfredi should
have written to d'Este (25th March 1495): " Dubito che sara necessario a
provvedere che uno de epsi lasse el predicare, quando voglino continuare in toccare
el facto del Stato et del guberno della citta " (Cappelli, n. 48). In fact, before
the date of this letter : " fatti advertiti i predicatori come divideano la citta, essi
prudentemente dalla impresa si tolsono, pregando Iddio che pigliare I'ottimo
partito ci lasciassi " (Parenti, loc. fit., p. 117) ; which was probably the best thing
they could have done. But their silence on the subject was of short duration,
for on the very next page we read : " I predicatori, benche detto avessino di ci<>
piu non volere parlare, nientedimeno instigati credo dalle parti, pure nelln materia
tntravono," etc. Cosci psrhaps does not express lum>df too strongly when he
wiites (p. 299): " I,a lotta politico-fratesca comincin ad crrcre sc.indalosa I'm
dal priiicipio."
THE FRIAR AND FLORENTINE CONSTITUTION 165
"We must modify somewhat [he said] this authority of the .r/_/'
granting an appeal to the Eighty. . . . You say that this is to diminish
the authority of the Signory. But I say rather that it is to increase it.
Either the Signory wishes to act unjustly (in some particular case , and
this it ought not to be empowered to do ; or it wishes to execute justice,
and in this case it is well that it should have the support of a larger
council of good citizens." 1
As usual the reasoning is a little at fault : but there can he no
doubt that a check on possible judicial injustice was needed, and it
is at least highly probable that no better venue could have been
devised in the case of an appeal than the Council of Eighty.
The Signory of January and February, however, succeeded in
staving off the measure, but under the new government appointed
for March and April the balance of parties was shifted. Several
members of the new Signory were in favour of the measure, and
the war with Pisa indirectly helped the cause. The projected
law of appeal had been linked with that measure of general
amnesty which has been already mentioned, in the hope, perhaps,
that the larger measure would float the special ordinance.
Now one of the great obstacles which had stood in the way
of both was, as has been said, the fear which was entertained of
the Mediceans. But now, under stress of the Pisan crisis, it had
been necessary, according to the fiscal methods of the time, to
levy contributions from wealthy citizens, and among these some of
the Palleschi had helped to supply the sinews of war.-' There was
then something of a revulsion in their favour : it was felt that this
was no time for criminal prosecution on account of political offences,
real or supposed, especially in the case of men who had at least
made a show of patriotism. And with this temporary lull of anti-
Medicean feeling, the opposition to the law of the sit fare likewise
grew weaker. Fra Girolamo continued to press the matter, and.
notwithstanding the persistent opposition of da Potuo. the twofold
law was passed on i6th, lyth, and iQth March in the Collegio. the
Ottanta, and the Consiglio Maggiore respectively." It was passed.
1 S. i on the Psalms (Epiphany, 1405) ; Yillaii, i. z^\.
'-' Guicciardini (Storia //<>;<;;//;;i la air.oiita delle (i !a\e
risurse. Ha una pane la autorita di Irate leronimo e la pres-i giul.i del t.n>i pace
aveano grunde lurza ; da 1' altra pane il pci'iculo in cui cotuiolii ci aveano per il
164 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
indeed, not precisely in the form in which it had been advocated
by Savonarola. The right of appeal was established, but the
appeal was to lie, not to the Eighty but to the (ireat Council. Villari
will have it that a kind of " internal : ' malice and treachery on the
part of certain prominent citizens underlay this change. Vespucci,
who had before vehemently opposed the proposal, now strongly
supported it in the form in which it was laid before the Collcgio ;
and Villari suggests that the real motive of this sudden change of
front was the hope that the abuses and disorders which were
sure to arise if contested criminal cases were brought before so
numerous a body, might hereafter serve to discredit the whole scheme
of popular government. 1 For our part, we are disposed to take a
different view of the matter. It was unquestionably one of
Vespucci's main objects to make the return of Piero impossible.
Now, whereas it was conceivable that the Medicean party might, by
an adroit manipulation of political wires, secure a majority in the
Ottanta, it was perhaps less probable that they would ever be able to
gain the favour of the Consiglio Maggiore. Nor has Villari adduced
loro male governo chi delta pace domandava, sloglievano il popolu a consentirvi.
. . . (Juesle ragioni favore ancora piglievano da' conforti di fiate Donicnico da
Ponzo "( Parenti, apud Gherardi, p. 115;. Da Pon/o, according to the writer,
rivalled Fra Girolamo in predicting a glorious future for Florence, if only no
false step were taken. 1'arenti likewise explains (p. 116), as we have done
above, the beating of the Pisan war on the whole question. The controversy
between Savonarola and da Ponzo is mentioned in numerous contemporary
documents, e.g. Castiglione to Sfor/.a, 24th January (Cappelli, n. 35) ; Manfredi
to d'Este, 25lh March ("Se detraheno et mordent) spesso nel loro prcdicare,
secondo che me e riferito " ; Cappelli, n. 48) ; Madonna (juglielmina della Stufa
to her husband, 25th May (" lo ve so dire chc noi avemo asai che respondere de
quelo se dicie a predicato cosli el Ponxo. 1C in soma ne sete biasimato grande-
mente, d' averlo lasciatn prcdicare : benche io non stimi chc gli abia deto tantc
cose, (juante se dicie " ; (iherardi, |). 129) ; as well as l>y Nardi, P.irenti, etc.
1 \'illari (i. 295 f uggest>
that as the Ottimati saw the time approaching when the Signory would be ch?en
by a popular election (/.. by the (Ireat Council), they began to see that for their
own sakes it would be well to limit the power of a government so appointed. But
he says not a word about the change of venue. Savonarola indeed had suggested
that the appeal should lie to the Ottanta, but there is nothing to show (-o far as
we are aware) that this proposal was ever embodied in any /;,;./ <;V .'jt that was
actually drawn up.
'-' Parent! , loc. iit., p. 121.
:: Xardi (i. 66-67) gives as onc "f l ' le reasons why there was no longer any need
of the Accoppiatori, that the fear <>f Piero de' Medici and of the French king was
now at an end ('' per essere passato il timoiedel reedi Piero dc Medici. ! And
yet their resignation took place only a few days before I ra (lirolamo's embassy
to PoggiboiiM. The real reason for the de-ire to be lid of" them was moie
probably a sense of their incompetence \cf. liuicciardini, Stsrt\i Fio>(nii>:a.
p. 13')-
1 66 C, I R O LA M O S A YO N A RO LA
so often been betrayed into surrendering their freedom under the
flattering pretext that they were exercising it. 1
Such was the work of the winter of 1494-5, and of the following
spring and summer, and among all the men who contributed to its
successful completion the foremost place must indisputably be given
to l-'ra Girolamo Savonarola. How unreservedly he regarded it as
the direct work of God has been already seen : with what vehemence
he expressed himself with reference to those who should oppose it
or attempt to overthrow it, will sufficiently appear from passages such
as the following. After speaking in general terms against the
institution of the Parlamento, or occasional general assembly of the
people, as "an instrument of destruction " which must be abolished,
he says : -
" Be assured tliat a Parlamento means nothing less than to take the
governing power out of the hands of the people. Keep this in mind, and
teach it to your sons. People, so soon as you hear the sound of the bell to
call a Parlamento, arise, and unsheath your swords. What is it your wish
to do ? Cannot this Council (i.e. the newly established Consiglio Grande)
do everything? What law do you wish to have made? Cannot the
Council make it? I would have you make this provision that as soon
as the Signory enter upon their office, they shall take an oath not to call
a Parlamento ; and if any one should secretly attempt to call one, let
him who discloses the attempt, if he be one of the Signory, receive 30,000
ducats; if another person, 1,000. And if he who makes the attempt be
one of the Signory, let him lose his head; if another person, let him be
declared a rebel, and let all his goods be confiscated. And let all the
Gonfalonieri (i.c. the captains of the civic guard) on entering upon
their office take an oath, that so soon as they hear the sound of the bell
calling a Parlamento, tJicv shall forthwith hasten to sack Uie houses of the
Signory, and let the Gonfalonieri who shall sack one of the houses
receive one-fourth of the property found therein. . . . Further, if the
Signory are going to call a Parlamento, the moment they set foot on the
Ringhiera let them no longer be considered as holding office : and any
out: cutting them in pieces sliall not be guilty of sin? -
" This," says Villari, "was a momentary extravagance of language."
But Luotto very frankly admits that passages comparable with the
above recur again and again in the sermons preached by Savonarola
in I496. 3
1 Villari, i. 306. The abuses of the appeal to the Parlamento have been well
set forth by Mrs Oliphant, Makers of Florence, p. 290.
- S. 26 on the Psalms (Villari, i. 307-8).
' Villari, loc. cit. : Luotto, p. 368.
THE FRIAR AND FLORENTINE CONSTITUTION 167
The discourse from which we have quoted was delivered on 28th
July, 1495. On 1 3th August, the law abolishing for ever the appeal
to a Parlamento was passed. Conspiracy for the purpose of calling
one of these assemblies was to be punished with death, "and a
reward of 300 florins shall be given to him who shall reveal such a
conspiracy." '
On iith October of the same year, in view of a threatened
attempt by Piero de' Medici to effect by force an entrance into the
city
" Holding up the crucifix, he openly, and with a loud voice, advised that
any one who should propose the restoration of a despotism in Florence
should be put to death ; and that whoever would bring back the Medici
should be dealt with as the Romans dealt with those who desired to
bring back Tarquinius. ' Wilt thou,' he said, ' who are not willing to
pay respect to Christ, have respect for private citizens ? Execute justice,
I say to you. Off with his head ! lie he the chief of any family whatever,
off with his head ! . . . . Place confidence nowhere but in the Consiglio
Maggiore, which is the work of (iod and not of man ; and whosoever
would change it, whosoever would place the government in the hands of
a few, may he be eternally accursed by the Lord.'"
Four days later the Friar's words bore fruit in a Proi'isione
whereby it was declared that "Piero de' Medici having . . . made
many attempts against the liberty of Florence, and having been
declared a rebel . . . may be put to death by any one with
impunity,'' and a price of 4000 gold florins was put upon his head. 3
This last measure, we may add, was regarded as unwise even by
some of those who did not desire Piero's return. 1
1 Villari, i. 309.
- Villari, i. 387-8.
:! Villiiri, i. 388-9.
4 Guicciardini, Del Reggitnento us is founded upon a conversation
actually held by these distinguished men at Bernardo's villa in the winter of
1494-95. It is extremely valuable, not merely as showing what were the views
held by experienced politicians concerning the con.-titutional changes then in
progress, but also as illustrating the possibility of friendly discussion on the
burning questions of the hour among men of veiy opposite opinions. This
friendly feeling was not likely to be promoted by the kind of language which Fra
(lirolamo, occasionally at least, allowed himself to use. C.uiociauiini himself, it
should be added, was a firm supporter of the ("onssolo de' partiti " : and then, after reciting his violent harangue (which is
given by Yillari, ii. 55-6) he adds: "Quasi furibondo distcsc il braccio con il
THE FRIAR AND FLORENTINE CONSTITUTION 169
not having interposed, during the period over which these proceed-
ings extended, in order to secure for the conspirators the exercise
of a right which he himself had helped to establish. The reproach
is strongly urged against him by the author of Romola.^ Villari, on
the other hand, and the gifted authoress of The Makers of Florence,
entirely exonerate him.- It may at least be said that he was
under no obligation to interpose on behalf of men whom lie re-
garded as dangerous traitors. A more far-seeing sagacity, however,
to say nothing of a more large-hearted charity, might perhaps have
suggested that a greater danger to the public welfare lay in the
gratification of the thirst for political vengeance. Within a year
both Francesco Valori and Savonarola himself were to fall victims
to the violence of Florentine party spirit. A few months later, says
Guicciardini, every one regretted the death of the five conspirators.
"But this regret cannot," he adds, " restore them to life." ; The
condemnation of Bernardo and his companions, for the time at
least, alienated from the Friar several of the leading citi/ens of
Florence; among them, Pagolantonio Soderini, Gianbattista Ridolfi,
and Piero Guicciardini. 1
These particular incidents, however, lie somewhat aside from
the question which now claims consideration, vi/.. what is to be
thought of the very active part which Fra Girolamo took in
initiating the new constitution of Florence?
bossolo in inano, invitando il Martini (the provost) alia risoluzione." The
resolution having been put : " La pronta propostu del Martini, e la presenta
feroce del Valori, sbigotti di maniera li quutlro Signori avei>i die renderono nella
sua m.ino favorevole partito ; e fattone il bulletino agli Otto, ne fu subito da loro
la delibera/.ione eseguita"(p. 49). The live condemned men were executed at
dead of night.
1 J\omola t ch. lix.
'-' Yillari, ii. 58 ,\y,/. Olipliant, .]/I2 .<lo come un
nuovo Catone . . . eon odio graruiissimo degl' interest c' niorti, e C'>n invulia
non poca de' principali della sua medesim.i selta. Fra i i|uali Pagolanlonio
Soderini, per gratificavsi ai I'alleschi : ('iiovambatti>tn Kidolti. per la morn- del
suo fratello ; Piero (iuicciardini, per 1'alTronto ricevuto da lui, si aecostari-no (per
tirarlo addietro) agli avversarii del Krate. " Such \\a> the judgment of Liter days.
At the lime, the Signory wrote of" the affair to llraeei (,;i^t August, 1407 : X'illari.
ii. Append, p. xlix) as of one: " 1 )i ehe >peiiam<> l.i no-.ua Kepublica liavere
imortale obligatione a Dio ; per liavere pa->sati> ijiiesto peiie.'l.> imminente alia
liberta, per la avaritia, ambitione, et peilidia di ijiiesti liomini srelesti et dohnnsi
(i.r. 'toisti') eittadiui." Hut they \\ould natmally ue >tiong language in seeking
to justify their action at Rome.
i;o GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
We have no wish whatever to express disapproval of his action
in the matter, simply because it does not perchance seem to fit in with
post-Tridentine notions of ecclesiastical propriety. But judging his
conduct in the light of principles fully recognised in his own time,
and also in the light of subsequent events, it does seem to us that,
in the proceedings which we have briefly summarised, he went too
fast and too far. A great opportunity had no doubt arisen. The
welfare of the republic depended in great measure upon his action.
The State was in need of help, and that help it was in his power,
more than in that of any other man, to give. There was no lack of
general principles on which it was important to insist, and on some
if not on all of which Fra Girolamo did insist at this crisis. For
instance, that the law of Christ should be the basis of all government
in a Christian people (as against the cynical dictum of Cosimo de'
Medici that a State cannot be governed by paternosters) : that
political duties cannot be dissociated from moral obligations, and
that the giving of a vote for or against a measure is a matter not
merely of expediency, but of conscience ; that it is sometimes a
duty to come to a prompt decision even when the grounds for such
a decision arc, in the nature of things, only probable, and that this
duty now lay upon those who were responsible for the welfare of the
republic : that in weighing the grounds for such a conclusion the
end to be obtained, viz. the general welfare, ought alone to be
steadily kept in view to the exclusion of all side issues ; that in
weighing the advice given by rival politicians, account should be
taken of their motives, so far as their motives might be gauged by a
review of their past career; that the example of neighbouring States,
whose circumstances resembled their own, might well weigh more
than abstract political theories ; and last, but not least, that when
a decision should be reached it would be the duty of the disappointed
minority to submit to the accomplished fact, and loyally to abstain
from all underhand efforts to upset a constitution which would
deserve, as it would require, much patient forbearance until it had
become consolidated by time. 1
It need hardly be said that principles like these are capable of
indefinite expansion and illustration at the hands of an orator gifted
as Savonarola was. To have given advice of this kind would have
been entirely in keeping with the preacher's religious profession :
1 The need of such patient forbearance is more th.in nnre referred to, or im-
plied, in (juicciardini, /)?! /\?g., r.^. pp. 100, 119. \2.\.
THE FRIAR AND FLORENTINE CONSTITI'TION 171
and to have developed with all his wonderful eloquence, and driven
home with all his fiery energy, the fundamental truths of political
morality, would have been to confer a real boon upon his fellow
citizens. To have done this, as he was so well fitted to do it, would
have been to exercise the functions of the true educator, whose aim
is to teach his pupils to work and think for themselves, rather than
to attempt to smooth the path to learning by doing their work for
them. Nor. again, considering the circumstances of the time, could
we have blamed Fra Girolamo if being invited by the Signory he
had expounded before them, like any other speaker, his own
individual views as to the decision which ought to be taken. His
preference for the Consiglio Grande was well worthy to carry weight
in the discussion ; and when the Council had been once established,
secret plots and machinations, having its downfall for their end,
deserved all the reprobation which disloyalty to any other form of
duly established government would rightly have called forth.
But it was one thing to insist, as any Christian preacher might
on occasion find it his duty to insist, on general principles of
political morality, or again, under exceptional circumstances, to tender
his advice on questions of constitutional politics : but it was quite
another thing to invest his own personal opinions in a manner with
the authority of the Gospel, and to say in God's name what God
had perchance given him no commission to say. Assuming the bona
fides of Fra Girolamo, it will be understood that we do not intend to
impute moral blame in connection with every single logical or
practical result from what we believe to have been an initial error ;
but having in view only the objective truth of the matter, we may
safely say that it is always a mistake and it may be a very mis-
chievous mistake to pretend to certainty where probability alone is
available as the guide of life and action, or to claim a directly divine
sanction for that which is divine only in the sense in which the
natural outcome of human prudence and sagacity is a God-given
boon. We have no animus whatsoever against the Consiglio Grande
" after the manner of the Venetians." It is quite possible, nay, highly
probable, that under the circumstances no better basis of govern-
ment could have been devised by or for the Florentine Republic.
But in endeavouring to form a judgment on the matter, two points
must be steadily kept in mind. First, that as a matter of sirhple fact,
this copying of the Venetian polity was like the enacting of Hamlet
without the Prince of Denmark : and secondlv, that n* a matter of
1 72 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
opinion, many shrewd contemporary politicians regarded the omission
as fatal. Venice had its Doge elected for life. To make the resem-
blance perfect, Florence should have had its Gonfalonier* a rita, or
at the very least it should have elected a President of some kind
whose tenure of orifice could be reckoned by years and not by
months. 1 And in fact after the new constitution formed under the
influence of Fra (iirolamo had been on its trial for eight years, the
need of such a provision made itself so keenly felt that in 1502 Piero
Soderini, nephew of Pagolantonio, was chosen perpetual Gonfaloniere-
We are not saying that this ought to have been done sooner. We
can easily understand that in 1594 the special circumstances of the
time may have made any such provision practically impossible. 3 In
the days which followed Piero's expulsion it is probable that not even
the eloquence of a Savonarola had he cared to devote it to such a
cause could have induced the people of Florence to elect or accept
one of the Medici, under altered conditions, as the constitutional head
of the State; nor \vould Piero, it may be surmised, have been con-
tented to accept or to hold such a position under the needful restric-
tions. 4 On the other hand there was, perhaps, no one else whose
known capabilities or services to the State not to speak of other
qualifications would have made him an acceptable candidate for a
lengthened term of presidency."' And for these reasons among others
it may well be that no better scheme of government could have
been devised than that of the Consiglio Grande and of the
Ottanta, with a rapid succession of Gonfalonieri as figure-heads of
the republic.
At the same time it must be remembered that there were
politicians of high character who regarded Piero's expulsion as
1 Guicciardini, Del A'r-?. , p. 136; .S'/(Yucc perpcUio, c se ne vedde anc>ra lo esempio per contrario
in noi, otto anni (1494-1502) dopo lo essere fondato il vivere populate ; dove il non
essere chi tenessi cura del governo particularmente ci condusse in tanto precipizio
che la salute nostra nacque inohe volte pin tosto da Dioodal caso che dalli uomini
o dal sapere."
- Guicciardini, Sforia, loe. fit.
3 Guicciardini, /V//\V^., p. 183.
4 Nardi, when relating the debates which preceded the restoration of the Medici
in 1512, shrewdly remarks that it was well understood that the proposed guarantee
against molestation, which was to l>e giante-1 in their favour, practically amounted
o a guarantee that they should be allowed to molest others fii. 3 f '/icd the woi.-t p 'ssihle
influence on the religious and moral lite ol tin- people" Sch:iii/er. p. 557 .
'' liuicciardini, /).u - '.h.u long ! <. I'-u-
the atiair ol the foitres.--e> I'KTO'- <.-neniie> had detenmr.oi on hi* ruin, and this
from no genuinely p. idiotic motive. " ConciosM.icIie i piu nputati dello >u:o
prucuravano la rovina di I'iero. not /vv .v.'.' tii ;/. .v ; V',;',- '.':. nu prr non
avere nella tirannide la parte con>uet.i, come >'ciano >cmjiie I-I.MIU>*I."
' (luicciardini, /)t\i., pp. 95. joo.
174 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
to return. It was possible to be fully alive to the mischievous con-
fusion of ideas which cloaked over with the honoured name of liberty
the vulgar ambition of a crowd of incompetent men to have a hand
in the administration of the State, and yet to hold that, under
existing circumstances, the balance of advantage lay in accepting
the accomplished fact. Such was the view of those moderate
politicians whose opinions are so fully set forth by Guicciardini in
the dialogue Del Reggimento di Firenze, under the name of Bernardo
del Nero. Again and again Bernardo reminds his guests that the
true notion of liberty is equality under the laws, not an equal par-
ticipation in the making or administration of the laws ; that it is the
latter which men (in Florence particularly) commonly seek under the
name of liberty ; and that this ambition is mischievous, and must be
kept in check. 1 He concludes, however, by giving advice as to how
to make the best of a state of things which he deeply deplores.
Asked whether he desires the return of Piero, he answers, in effect :
No, I wish that he had not been banished, but now that he has
been banished, I do not wish for his return, for this would almost
certainly lead to regrettable acts of political vengeance on his part. 2
But it was not every honest Florentine who would draw this distinc-
tion, or who would feel himself in duty bound to stop short precisely
at this point of political moderation. Who could seriously blame a
man for thinking that as Piero's expulsion had been a blunder, his
restoration would all things considered be the best thing for
Florence ; and that, in all probability, this restoration would some-
how come about if only " questo benedetto Frate :> (as Tranchedino
calls him) would leave politics alone?" And it is at least an open
question whether Piero's return in 1495 or 1496 might not have
saved the republic from the more thorough-going despotism which
followed the final re-establishment of the Medici in 1512.
Nor is there any reason, so far as we are aware, to doubt that
Piero Capponi and some at least of his friends were equally honest
in their misgivings as to the wisdom of the popular government
established through the influence of the Friar;' equally honest in
their conviction that the republic had never known better days than
1 Guicciardini, Del Keg., pp. 26, 50 sqq.: 56 :
doubt a bitter disappointment to Savonarola when he found that many ot those
who had benefited by his exhortations, and had in appearance ^iven him their
support, were after all hostile to his reforms i/A Luotto. pp. 364-05".
4 " Cristo e vestro Re, e voi siate suoi mini.-tri . . . nessuno ,-i rhiami pit'i
biaitchi o bigi ; ma tutti insieme uniti siano uru mede.-inu cosa " >S. 23 on the
Psalms ; Luotto, pp. 356-57).
s Fate questo (he io ho dttto . . . ( staifrs scr>'a ad'.s. . VW.'V.V/.T.J .";:'<; che sara
ben fatto. . . . Questo io ve le dico con graiule fondamcnto, t <.';' ////;>.:/. da
Diti, fate cjuestc bone leggi, e non avrete nemici alcuni " \i6iti.).
i;6 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
speak of as "quest! Arrabbiati," Savonarola appears to us to have
put himself in the wrong, and to have injured a good cause by over-
vehement advocacy. The exasperation caused, or at least fomented
by his discourses, could hardly fail to drive his opponents to
extremities. 1 No one, of course, would wish to justify the violence
of the Friar's enemies, or to deny that the motives of many of his
opponents, whether Palleschi or Arrabbiati, were of the most un-
worthy and even criminal character. But any one who will be at
the pains to study the works of Guicciardini and Pitti can hardly fail
to be convinced, as it seems to us, that the motives of many of Fra
Girolamo's supporters were, in many cases, only less unworthy ; and
likewise that it was very possible to be conscientiously persuaded of
the unwisdom of the constitutional reform advocated and carried
through by the Friar.
Moreover, it must be remembered that, in the years of Savonarola's
political activity, domestic politics could not be altogether dissociated
from the burning question of the League. A strong party in
Florence was in favour of the coalition ; and it was the triumph of
the popular party under the guidance of Fra Girolamo which made
it possible for the city to be held firm to her alliance with France.'-'
And thus it was that Savonarola's activity as a constitutional reformer
indirectly helped to bring him into conflict with the Pope. This
was a result which could not have been foreseen from the outset ; but
it was also a result which might have been avoided had his partisan-
ship from the outset been less pronounced.
To sum up. So far from unconditionally condemning Savonarola
for interfering in political matters, we believe him to have rendered
a signal service to Florence in three particulars ; first, by protecting
her from the hostility of Charles VIII., which might have been so
easily aroused, and thereby from the still greater evils arising out of
1 ' Piagnoni c Arrabbiati non sarebbero mai stati in Firenze >e il Savonarola
non hi fosse mosso da Fcrrara " (Csci, p. 461). Lupi, speaking of the debates
relative to Savonarola held in 1497 and 1498, which he has published, says truly
that they clearly exhibit " il progresso delle passioni, come cioe di giorno in giorno
ri^caldandosi Ic parti, era da ciascuno sottomessa la ragione al talentu, come dai
dignitosi e moderati contrast! delle prime Pratiche si scendesse poi anche ne'
Consigli a quel parlare intollerante solamente usato tin qui dai cittadini nel segreto
de' loro ritrovi e delle loro famiglie" (pp. 4, 5). The reader will have abundant
opportunity of judging how far Fra Girolamo himself may or may not have given
occasion to "quel parlare intollerante" of which Lupi here speaks.
- Hence the support given by Sforza to the enemies of the popular government
(Pitti, p. 38 ; Cosci, pp. 298, 449).
THE FRIAR AND FLORENTINK CONSTITUTION 177
the reprisals which his hostility would certainly have provoked ;
secondly, by preaching peace at a moment which the violence of
party feeling made to he one of supreme danger to the common-
weal ; thirdly, by helping to the establishment of a constitution,
which if not ideally perfect, was at least in accordance with the
political sentiments of the great majority of his fellow-citizens. But
we hold that his services would have been far greater had they been
dissociated from the factitious support of what we cannot but regard
as his self-deluding claim to be regarded as having been divinely
commissioned to carry on the work of political reform. It is easy
to say that the presence and the activity of Savonarola was in-
dispensable to the welfare of Florence. ' Florence would have en-
joyed his presence and benefited by his activity for a much longer
period, had he not, in his misguided enthusiasm, over-reached those
high and noble designs which, as every one now admits, he had
ever in view. \
Before passing on to the events which will engage our attention in
the next chapter, a word must be said about a correspondence which
in the meanwhile had been carried on concerning Savonarola, and in
which he had himself borne a part. In December 1494 he had
received orders to preach the following Lent at Lucca, a command
which was, as it seems, enforced by a Papal Brief. 1 Nardi and others,
followed by Villari, are of opinion that this order was due to the
secret machination of the Friar's enemies. But as duasti and C'osci
have suggested, no evidence is forthcoming to show that this was
really the case, and in view of the documents brought to light by
(luasti it seems to us extremely improbable.- Two years previously
Fra (iirolamo had preached at Bologna, and nothing was more
natural than that the authorities at Lucca should now desire his
services, or that Torriano, the (ieneral of the Dominicans, should
comply with their request. That the authority of the Pope should
be involved was quite in accordance with the usage of the time, as
appears from what followed. That Savonarola should, under the
circumstances, have been loth to go, yet resolved to obey (as
Yillari has shown from the sermons delivered by him on roth ar.d
25th January 1495), is also quite in accordance with what nvght
1 Xauli (i. 5--5>) is so far as we arc a \\ure. the only authority tor the
existence of this Uriel, and it is quite pos>iMe that he in.iy have l>een mistaken.
- Nauli, /<''. (//.: Yillari. i. 553 : livu>ti, pp. i-'J '/.': Co>ei. pp.
2QO .<ut the
readiness shown by Alexander YI. to revoke one Brief by another are quite
uncalled for. Such revocations are necessarily common. A favour is asked, and
granted. Circumstances subsequently arise which make it desirable to recall
what has been conceded. A very simple matter.
4 The Anziani to Timotheo Halbano, 2ist March, 1495 (Giuisti, p. 124).
5 The letter is given by Guasti, p. 125.
8 " Onare ni nova et impedimenta et casus emergent, quac ex temporis varietate
ac longinquitate facillime possent accidere ; iam ego, quantum in me est, Y. D.
polliceor, satis me csse facturum ct venturum," ctc.( Guasti, Ice. cit.}.
THE FRIAR AND FLORENTINE CONSTITUTION 179
next chapter had been inhibited from preaching ; and the extant
correspondence on the subject closes with two letters from the
Anziani to Felino Sandeo and Giovanni Giglio at Rome, praying
them to take measures that notwithstanding this prohibition they
may not be disappointed. 1 What the reply to these letters may have
been we do not know, but l-'ra Girolamo did not preach the Lent at
Lucca.
It is curious that when the Lucchesi were making their first
efforts to secure Savonarola for their lenten preacher, similar efforts
were being made by LodovicO Sfor/a to induce da Pon/.o to preach
during the same season at Milan. Castiglioni, however, his envoy at
Florence, writes to Sfor/a that da Pon/.o does not wish to go, being
unwilling that the Florentine Republic should be deprived of his
assistance in these first days of her reformed constitution. -
Possibly it might have been better for Fra Girolamo and da
Pon/.o alike if both of them had absented themselves from
Florence at the time when the factions of the Arrabbiati, the
Palleschi, and the Frateschi were in process of formation. Or
rather, if they had thus absented themselves, it may be that the
bitter dissensions which subsequently divided these factions would
never have arisen, or would at least have been less acute.
1 (iuasti, pp. 125-26.
'-' Da I'on/.o declined, "allegando due ropeoti ; 1'unn per recuperare la fama
ct honors suo per la detentione che li fti facta ad Sareii/ana alii dl parsati ; 1'altro
per nun nianchare ad (|ue>ta Republics nel principio de questa *ua reformat inne "
(Castiglioni to Sfor/.a, 24th January 1495 ; Cappelli. n. 35).
CHAPTER X
PKOPHKT AND POPE (l)
WE have now reached that point in our review of the career of
Savonarola at which it becomes necessary to consider his
relations with the Pope, Alexander VI. The subject is obviously
one of considerable difficulty, and it is above all important that
whatever verdict is finally arrived at should be based upon an
adequate acquaintance with the whole of the series of letters which
passed between the Pope and the Friar, and not upon selected
extracts from one or another of these documents. The letters in
question are not in their entirety accessible to the ordinary English
reader; and it will therefore not be superfluous to give a tolerably
full summary of each.
The series opens with a Brief of Alexander VI., dated 2ist July
M95 ;
The Pope has heard many reports of the apostolic labours of Fra
Girolamo, whereat he greatly rejoices. And he has further learned,
within the last few days, from Savonarola himself, that the object of his
preaching is to promote to the utmost the service of Clod. Hut he has
also recently been informed that in his sermons the Friar lias declared
that his predictions of future events come not from himself nor from
human wisdom, but " by a divine revelation." This being so, the Pope
continues : " \Ve are desirous, in accordance with our pastoral duty, to
have some conversation with you, and to hear from your own lips what it
has pleased God to make known to you, that we may pursue a better course.
\Ve therefore exhort and command you that, in all holy obedience, you
come to us without delay ; and we shall receive you with paternal love
and charity/'
So, except for the date and subscription, ends the letter. 1 It
is, of course, easy to speak of the "honied words'' of the Pope, and
to suggest that the invitation somewhat resembled that of the spider
to the fly But having regard to the subsequent action of the Pope,
1 Villari, i. 393 ; Append, p. civ. ; Luotto, p. 446.
PROPHET AND POI'K 181
at least down to 1498, we see no reason whatever to suppose that
the Friar had anything worse to fear from him than that he would
have been prohibited from continuing to set forth his prophetic
mission, and from publicly opposing the papal policy in regard of
the League. That he would, further, have been removed from
Florence is likely enough ; but there were other cities in Italy which
might have profited by his moral and dogmatic teaching, and in
which he might himself have learned the lesson that Florence is not,
after all, the centre of all the world, and that the people of Florence-
had no claim whatsoever to be regarded as a specially chosen
nation.
Savonarola, however, replied (3ist July) by reminding the Pope of
a well-known passage in the Decretals, in which Alexander III. had
called upon the then Archbishop of Ravenna ''either reverently [to]
fulfil our demand or give a reasonable excuse why you cannot fulfil
it." And he proceeds to give his own reasonable excuse :
He has long desired to visit Rome, and to venerate- the tombs of
the Apostles; anil this desire is increased by his Holiness' gracious
command. "Hut many obstacles stand in the way,'' by \\hich he is
detained by necessity against his \\ill, and is unable to obey commands
the authority of which he most willingly anil reverently acknowledges.
" Bodily infirmity is the first obstacle, caused by fever and dysentery
. . . [and by] a constant agitation in body and mind, brought on by
exertions for the welfare of this State ... so much so that 1 am
advised by my physicians to give over preaching and study : for they
and others are agreed that unless I .submit to proper remedies, I run
the risk of an early death."
\Ve may observe, in passing, that only three days before the date
of this letter, and presumably not before the receipt of the 1'apal
Brief, Savonarola had preached that exceedingly vehement discourse
against the 1'arlamento which has been already quoted. He-
did so, however, as he told his hearers, against the advice of his
physicians, and for some time subsequently he abstained from
preaching. 1
Moreover [lie continues], whereas he has saved the city trom much
bloodshed, and from many oilier evils, and has established her in peace
under holy laws (" ridottala a concordia e same leggi" many wicked
men, who thirst for human blood and would fain reduce the city
to servitude, and who find their plans frustrated, have turned their
enmity against himself. Nay, they have more than once attempted his
1 Luotto, pp. 450-51.
i82 GIROI.AMO SAVONAROLA
life by violence and by poison ; and he cannot safely set foot outside the
house without a strong escort. Furthermore, the new reform of the
city has not yet taken deep root, and is in need of continual support, lest
it be brought to ruin by the evil designs of its enemies. Wherefore, it
is the judgment of "all good and wise citixens that my departure from
hence would be to the very great detriment of this people, while it
would be of little advantage if r certo, fu volere clivino che
r.ascessero questi impediment! nl mio partire. Imperocclic tion e rolunta Ui Dio
y Luotto, pp. 447-49.
PROPHET AND POPE 183
Medici were powerful and reckless enough to be capable of any
crime. 1 The third reason, viz. the importance of his remaining
at Florence for the good of the city, is one which is, to say the
least, of more doubtful validity ; but we see no reason to doubt that
it was put forth by Fra Girolamo in all good faith.
It is possible indeed that a man of heroic sanctity would have con-
trived to overcome the obstacles alleged in Savonarola's letter ; and
that such a man would have faced all dangers, and taken all risks,
rather than interpose any delay in complying with the Pope's
commands. But no man is bound to be a saint, and heroic virtue
lies outside the obligations of canonical obedience. \Ve set aside as
unworthy of serious consideration the hypothesis that both letters
are nothing better than monuments of Italian finesse, and that
neither party disclosed the motives which really actuated them.
Alexander VI. was capable no doubt of almost any baseness when
the motive was sufficiently powerful. Hut lie was not entirely dead
to all sense of duty where his own lower passions were not
directly engaged. At the moment he was engaged in the design,
objectively patriotic and apparently wise, of liberating Italy from the
disastrous presence of a foreign invader ; and when he found his
efforts frustrated by one who claimed a divine authority for his
opposition, the very least he could do was to enquire into the truth
of the alleged divine authority. The Brief which we have sum-
marised above was such as S. I'ius V. himself might have
written, and probably would have written, under analogous
circumstances. On the other hand, it were a poor compliment, and
indeed a grave injustice to Savonarola, to suggest that in his letter he
was merely temporising and throwing dust in the eyes of the Pope.
But although Fra Girolamo must be exonerated from the charge
of disobedience, so far at least as concerns the letter which we have
summarised, and also from that of insincerity, it seems to us that
the letter sets in a very clear light that flaw in his character and
conduct to which we have so often had occasion to refer. Not
content with alleging his " reasonable excuses," which he was
entitled to do, he is "certain" that it is not God's will that he
should go to Rome. And instead of .submitting his prophecies to
the judgment of the Holy See, he sends or will send his book for
the Pope's information. And somehow his challenge- to all the
world to judge from the event whether lie be a true prophet or no
"' Sclniit/t-r, p. 6j(>.
184 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
seems to strike a note which is hardly that of genuine humility.
There is, too, a naive assumption of the correctness of his own
judgment in his assertion that "all good and wise citizens" are
of opinion that he should stay at Florence. The good and the
wise were, of course, those who supported his scheme of popular
government. That he had on his side a majority of those who
deserved these laudatory epithets we do not doubt ; but were there
none such among the congregations which frequented not the
Duomo or S. Marco but Santa Crocc, or Santa Maria Novella, or
San Gallo ? Were there none, even of the " good and wise," who
would have experienced some relief from the tension of the times
had Fra Girolamo quietly gone to Rome, as soon as his health
permitted, in 1495, instead of persevering in that course of pro-
phesying which led to his tragic end in 1498 ?
Unfortunately, the letter appears not to have reached the Pope at
the time. This at least seems to be implied by Savonarola's words
in his next letter (" 1 wonder that your Holiness should not have
received my reply "), unless indeed we are to suppose that in saying
this he was speaking in irony ; as if the language of the Pope's
second Brief could be reasonably accounted for on no other hypothesis
than that of the miscarriage of his reply to the first. At any rate if,
as Fra Girolamo suggests, the letter was indeed intercepted, the
supposed silence of the Friar would as Luotto observes go far to
account for the very severe tone of the next document in the series, 1
without recourse to the political motives to which the change of tone
is referred by Dr Schnitzer. 2
However this may be, on 8th September was despatched the
Brief Quia divini consilii, which now claims our attention. By a
strange blunder it was addressed, not to the convent of S. Marco,
but to that of the Friars Minor at Santa Croce, who were certainly
not on the best of terms with Fra Girolamo. 3 The text of the Brief
is given by Quetif and Raynaldus, and has recently been reprinted
from an older MS. by Luotto. 4
1 Luotto, p. 457.
2 Schnitzer, p. 647.
3 Fra Girolamo himself treats the address of the letter as a mistake (S. 2 on
Exodus ; Luotto, p. 465). And, indeed, it is difficult to imagine what the motive
could have been for sending such a document to Santa Croce, unless indeed it
were to avoid the risk of interception. Luotto is inclined to believe it " un sem-
plice sbaglio di penna " (lor. fit.).
4 Ouetif and Kaynaldus give the altogether erroneous and misleading date,
1 6th October 1497. The chronology of the documents has been settled beyond
PROl'HKT AM) I'OI'K 185
" It is our duty [says the Pope] to encourage everything which lends
to promote the piety, welfare, and peace of the faithful, and, on the other
hand, to chastise with due severity novelties in teaching concealed under
the cloak of a false simplicity, whereby schisms, heresies, and other dis-
orders (' morum subversio') are wont to arise. \Ve are informed that a
certain Fra Hieronymo Savonarola of Ferrara indulges in such novelties,
and that he has been led by the disturbed condition of affairs in Italy
to such a pitch of folly ('mentis insaniam') as openly to declare,
without any canonical attestation of the fact, that he has been sent by
God, and that he holds converse with Him. Now, it is not enough for
any one simply to declare that he has been sent by God, for any heretic
might assert this ; but he must confirm this alleged divine mission,
which itself is invisible, either by working a miracle, or by adducing
some special testimony of Holy Scripture. 1 Moreover, to declare
that if one speaks falsely, then Jesus crucified and God Himself speaks
falsely, is certainly a horrible and execrable form of adjuration. It is
also not to be borne that he should declare that any one who does not
believe his vain assertions is out of the way of salvation. There are
other things said and written by the Friar which are full of danger, for
there is reason to fear lest the rashness of 'false religious 1 should know
no bounds, and lest vice should make an entrance into the Church under
the appearance of virtue.- We had hoped by patient forbearance to
persuade him to acknowledge the folly of the profession of prophecy
which he makes ; we had hoped that he would bend his steps into the
way of solid truth, and that he would withdraw, as prudence and fidelity
should have prompted him to do, the rash and unhallowed words which
have been the means of disturbing the peace of the Church. \Ve had
hoped, in a word, for better things, and in particular that the sorrow
which we had heretofore suffered from his unbridled arrogance, and from
the scandalous separation (of his convent) from the congregation of
his brethren in Lombardy a separation which, as we have since learned,
was obtained by the deceitful machinations of certain perverse friars
would ere now have been turned to joy by his humble submission.'
dispute by Gherardi (pp. 3X6 s,/,/.). The text is in Luoito (pp. 6c6 s./ In no
case, however, the punctuation of I.uotto's MS. entirely .-poiU the >en>e. which i>
correctly expressed in Kaynaltlus' text. In that instance \\e follow Ka\naKiu>.
1 It is difficult to conceive what kind of " special le-uniony of I loly Sciiptme
could possibly be adduced in such a case. On the oilier hand, it i- n: e.i-y \:<
understand precisely what Savonarola intended to e\pres> when he >p. >ke <
own prophecies as being in accordance \\ith Scripture.
'-' A tine sentiment, surely, for a man like Alexander \ 1.
:; It will he remembered that after many negotiation- Cardinal Cai.'.Ma
fairly worried the Pope into putting his signature to the I'.iiet t separation, ami
that as lie left the palace he had met the mcfsenger* of the opposing party on their
way to make fresh representations ID the Pope. (.V
incident that allusion is made in the present Hriet.
186 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
But our hopes h;ive been disappointed. For whereas we ordered him
to come to Rome, he has not only refused to obey, but has impudently
spread abroad in writing those same things which he had already rashly
uttered.
"Wherefore, as we are ourselves occupied with other matters, we have
committed the whole case to Fra Sebastian cle Madiis (Blessed Sebastian
Maggi), the Vicar-General of the Order of Friars Preachers in Lom-
bardy." Pending the examination of the case, Fra Girolamo is inhibited
from preaching. The Convents of S. Marco at Florence and S. Domenico
at Fiesole are hereby reunited to the Lombard Congregation. The Friars
Domenico (Buonvicino) da Pescia, Tommaso Bussino, and Silvestro
(Maruffi) da Firenze, are to proceed without delay to Bologna, and to
be severally assigned to convents of their Order outside of the Florentine
territory.
The Brief was immediately followed by another (gth September
1495), Q tiam tnulta et varia, addressed to Maggi :
The Pope has heard news of Fra Girolamo which greatly disturbs
him. The Friar, it is affirmed, utters things which are " a nostra religione
et humana facilitate penitus aliena," and are full of danger. He has
refused to obey the summons to Rome. "Whence it is to be presumed
that he does not walk according to the law of God, which prescribes
obedience and humility." Wherefore Maggi is commanded to enquire
diligently into the matter, and either himself to pass sentence, according
to the statutes of his Order, or else to report on the matter to the
Pope. He is further informed that the Convents of S. Marco and S.
Domenico are once more placed under his obedience, being reunited
to the Congregation of Lombardy.
This document has been brought to light by Luotto, 1 and it is
noteworthy that it speaks of the Brief Quia divini consilii as
addressed to S. Marco, not to Santa Croce. The address to Santa
Croce must therefore have been, as has been said, a mere clerical
blunder.
How far the former of these papal utterances (the Brief Quia
dirini consilii} was or was not justified in its representation of the
facts of the case is a question which may be most conveniently
discussed in the lii^ht of Fra Girolamo's answer, dated 2Qth Sep-
tember 1495, w h' c h is also given by Raynaldus, but under the
altogether misleading date 291(1 October 1497.
"We received yesterday [writes the Friar] the Brief in which it is
intimated to us that the two Convents of S. Marco and of S. Domenico
(at Fiesole; are reunited to the Congregation of Lombardy, and in
I.uotto, pp. 605-6.
PROPHET AND POPE 187
which three of our brethren are ordered to proceed to Bologna, and in
which I, Hicronymo Savonarola, am accused of having said many foolish
and scandalous things, and of having publicly preached then) to the
people. Further, by other letters (i.e. the Brief Ouam miilta et varia n
my case is submitted to the judgment of the Vicar-General of the afore-
said Congregation. These documents I have received in a good spirit,
and with the reverence due to them, for they show that your Holiness is
solicitous for the good estate of the Church, and for the welfare of our
souls. At the same time I am deeply grieved that the malice of men
should have gone to such lengths, that certain persons have not scrupled
to suggest to your Holiness a letter so full of false statements and perverse
interpretations (of my conduct and motives). Your Holiness will, there-
fore, bear with me if I speak in my own defence, since I am the person
who is principally affected. Xor will this be difficult, since I have
spoken openly before the world, and I have ever taught in the
church and in the temple, and in secret I have spoken nothing. 1
Hence I have so many thousands of witnesses that I make no doubt
that I shall be able to defend myself without difficulty.
" My enemies, then, have suggested in the first instance, that I take
delight in novelties of doctrine. This is plainly false, for it is known to
all that in my preaching I have followed only the Sacred Scriptures, and
the approved Doctors of the Church ; and that I have oj'tcn said, and
hare set it down in writing, that I submit myself and all my concerns to
the Holy Roman Church. This, too, if I mistake not, I have signified
to your Holiness in a certain letter of mine, of which, also, your Holiness
has made mention in a former Brief addressed to me.- And if it be
said that to predict future things is to introduce a new dogma, this is
false, for such predictions have been made in every age. For to predict
future events is in nowise contrary to the Christian religion, provided that
such predictions are not contrary to faith or morals, or to natural reason :
nor lias tliis ever been forbidden, nor can it be forbidden ; for this lucre to
impose a la-:o upon dod Himself, who declares by Amos that 'The
Lord (loci hath done nothing without revealing His secrets to His
servants the prophets.'"
While, then, Savonarola professes to have submitted himself and
all his concerns to the Holy Roman ( 'liurch, he at the same time
declares his independence of all authority in the very matter con-
cerning which submission had been, or might lie, demanded of him.
He wrote, we believe, in good faith. Hut the attitude of mind
which his words disclose surely constitutes ground enough, apart
from all political reasons and personal considerations, for the Pope's
1 lie luul, however, privately written to the King of Fiance, when the Litter
\\as in Rome, encouraging him, in Clod's name, to take in luiul the rcfonn ol
the Church. See above, pp. 141 jy light.
188 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
intervention. A man may be the innocent, or only partially culpable,
victim of his own error of judgment, but his innocence, or the
comparatively small degree of his guilt, is no reason why his error
should not be corrected. It was not so much the things which he
prophesied as the claim to be the judge of his own prophetical
mission which gave cause for repressive measures.
It is not true that the perturbed condition of affairs in Italy has
deranged his mind. His predictions had commenced five, nay ten,
years pieviously, long before any disturbance had arisen.
Here he seems to have been justified, to some extent, in his plea.
But the point is a minor one ; and the Pope might still urge that
the stirring events of the time had stimulated the l ; riar to what he
regarded as fresh extravagances. It was possible that Alexander
might have been mistaken. Savonarola was certainly mistaken, to
say the least, in his assertion of what we may call prophetical
independence. Was it an error into which a man of deep humility
would have fallen ?
It is not true that he lias professed to have been sent by God. All
who have heard him know that he has never said this ; and in his
writings, which may be read by all, he has set it down that he has been
sent by his superiors, like most other preachers. Thousands can bear
witness that he has never asserted that he was sent by God alone ; and
he has never asserted that he converses with God.
But he had plainly declared, in his former letter to the Pope
himself, that God had commanded him to make known certain
things. He had declared in this very letter that no one had any
right to prohibit his predictions, for which therefore he claimed
divine authority. He had explicitly taken as true of himself the
words addressed by God to K/echiel : " Behold I have set thee as a
watchman in the midst of the land," and the rest. To say now that
he had never claimed to have his mission from God alone, seems to
us very like a subterfuge. So too, it might be perfectly true that
he had never said, in so many words : " I converse with God."
But, to name only one instance, he had in his nineteenth sermon
on Aggaeus, delivered less than a year previously to the date of this
present letter, narrated in detail a long colloquy, in which God had
bidden him to give to the people of Florence a sound system of
government.
I Hit even if he had said so he would have incurred no penalty : for
there is no word to anv such effect either in IIolv Writ or in the whole
PROPHET AND POPE 189
of the Canon or Civil Law. And to make such a law -'declaring it to be
unlawful to profess to hold converse with God; would be foolish and
wicked. For no one can impose a law upon God, who is free to
converse with whom He will, and to bid those with whom He converses
to say : "Thus saith the Lord God," as the prophets said of old.
A distinction, after the fashion of the schools, seems to be here
necessary, dod is free to converse with whom He will : Yes. The
man who believes himself to be the subject of such divine com-
munications is at liberty to proclaim them irrespectively of the
ecclesiastical authority instituted by God Himself : No. Savonarola's
teaching on this head, as expressed in this letter, is plainly subversive
of ecclesiastical order and discipline. This letter, we may add, is not
among those writings of Fra Clirolamo which have been declared to
be free from dogmatic or moral error.
He has not used the form of adjuration attributed to him in the
Brief. He has only spoken hypothetical!)' ('in casu tantunr'); that is
to say, after declaring certain truths which Christ has made known to
him, he has sometimes added : "If I speak falsely, then Christ speaketh
falsely."
And this is precisely what the Pope had charged him with doing.
Whether such a form of adjuration deserves to be called " horrendum
et execrabile " appears to be a question of taste in the "derange-
ment of epitaphs/' The form of words surely cannot be justified.
He has never said that whoever docs not believe in his assertions is
out of the way of salvation. Hut knowing many of his predictions to be
from God, he has said that if any one obstinately refuses to believe them,
and has made up his mind to contradict them, this is a sign that he is
not in the state of grace (extra gratiam sit : for grace always inclines
the mind to the truth, and. therefore, he who is in a state of ;^race
cannot go against the truth. Hut as for those who contradict his
assertions without obstinacy, he has said and \\ritten that they maybe
in the state of grace ; nor has he said that to contradict him is a sin.
but only that under certain conditions it is a sign that a man is in a
state of sin.
With all allowance for the Friar's explanations, we do not see
how his proposition can be cleared from the charge of rashness.
The interpretation put upon it in the P.rief. even though not strictly
correct, is that which the average hearer or reader would inevitably
have put upon it ; and if this is so. then Fra (iirolamo's words were
open to censure.
igo GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
He has not uttered foolish or scandalous things, but, on the contrary,
things which greatly tended to the salvation of souls, as the whole
people of Florence can testify.
The Pope had never denied, on the contrary, he had fully
recognised the good qualities of Fra Girolamo's preaching. But in
his judgment those good qualities had been obscured and over-
shadowed by the utterance of " foolish and scandalous things."
No man can be found in all the world who has ever heard him make
so arrogant an assertion as to say that he was a prophet. On the con-
trary, thousands can bear witness that he has often declared that he
was " neither a prophet nor the son of a prophet."
It is quite true that this protest is to be found in more than one
passage of his sermons. But one of the most remarkable features in
the utterances of Savonarola is the ease with which unconsciously,
as it would seem he contradicts himself. Even here, in one and
the same sentence, he declares that he is no prophet, and yet insists
that he cannot be justly condemned for prophesying. 1
There is and can be no law forbidding a man to say that he fore-
tells future things by divine inspiration, unless under this pretext he
leads people to evil-doing or heresy, or does anything contrary to what
is written in Deuteronomy,- which no one can say of him. And as
for the criterion between a true and a false prophet which is there
laid down, vix. the fulfilment or non-fulfilment of his predictions, this
is not to be understood of immediate verification ; otherwise Isaiah
and Jeremiah and many others ought to have been slain as false
prophets, since many things which they foretold did not come to pass
till long afterwards. Hence it follows that if any one declares that
by the spirit of God he foretells the future, and if what he says is not
contrary to faith or to Holy Scripture, then we ought patiently to
await the event, and not to despise him, since God has many hidden
servants, and the Apostle bids us not to despise prophets. Wherefore,
since many things which he has predicted have come to pass, he is not
to be blamed for having foretold other things to come. If, however,
these other things do not happen in their time, then he will be open to
blame ; but he is certain that they will happen, and that no jot of
them will pass away (unfulfilled ). It is well known that his words have
brought peace to Florence ; and had it not been so, all Italy would
1 " E sappi che come Amos aveva in qtiel tempo a dire e prenunziare quelle cose,
cos] ho io a te in qmsto tempo ; e conic era ccrto Amos di quello che diceva, cos'/
sono cfrto io di quello che io ti dico, e ijiicl medcsinio lumc (he arrva Amos qtt(sto
net (/tiove. pp. loi-j.
192 C'.IROLAMO SAVONAROLA
from the selfish and ambitious faction which sought to reduce her to
servitude ; from the dissensions and bloodshed which would have
resulted from their triumph, and lastly, from the indignation and the
sword of the French king. "And is this the reward which I receive for
my labours from the ingratitude of men ? Vet I do not repent of my toils,
for our reward is great in heaven, but men are false and vain, and vain
are the hopes which are placed in them. 1 ' And since the accusations
which have been made against him are false, and proceed from the
malice of enemies who seek his life, he trusts that the Holy Father will
consider him not disobedient, but prudent, if he refrains for the moment
from compliance with the Pope's demands, in the full expectation of
receiving from him a full acquittal on all the charges which have been
made against him. If his Holiness will send a prudent and impartial
man ("justum et non suspectum"; to enquire into the matter, he may
learn the whole truth from the universal testimony of the people ; u and
as for me, I am ready to amend my conduct wheresoever I may be, and
publicly to retract all my errors. Let your Holiness deign to signify
to me what the things are, out of all that I have said and written, which
I must retract, and I will do so most willingly ; for now and always,
as I have often said and written, I submit myself and all my words and
writings to the correction of the Holy Roman Church and of your
Holiness, to whose prayers, prostrate at your feet, I most humbly
commend myself and all my brethren.
There is obviously much in this letter which can hardly fail
to awaken sympathy. However fully the modern reader may he
convinced that Fra Clirolamo was deceived about his prophetic
mission, he cannot but recognise his greatness of soul, and it is easy
to imagine the bitterness of the sorrow with which he must have
read the papal Brief, with its needlessly harsh expressions, dictated,
as it seemed to him, by the malice of his enemies, and threatening
as it did the ruin of what he believed to be the work of God. If
again we remember who and what manner of men they were that
now were brought into conflict, we shall surely make large allow-
ance for the Friar, and no one, it may be hoped, would be disposed
to judge him harshly.
Again, whatever degree of perversity of judgment Fra dirolamo's
reply to the Pope may be thought to reveal, it is difficult not to
believe that under the wise handling of an ecclesiastical superior
like-minded with himself as regards ideals and aims, he might have
been brought to a more reasonable frame of mind. But to say all
this is not quite the same thing as to uphold his action objectively
considered. And to minimise his fault is not the same thing as to
hold him entirely blameless. For unless we recognise some alloy of
PROPHET AND POPE ,93
pride in his words and conduct on this occasion, they are not easily
to be accounted for ; and where there is pride there is at least some
degree of moral culpability at the root of the matter, though not
necessarily at each individual step in a prolonged course of action.
But leaving this point aside, in all that part of Savonarola's letter
which is concerned with the appointment of the Vicar-General of
Lombardy to take cognisance of his cause there appears to us to be
some confusion of ideas. It was not the question of the reunion of
the Congregations which was submitted to Maggi. This would
indeed have been to make one of the parties to the case the judge with
whom the decision was to lie. But as the Pope in the plenitude of his
power had effected the separation at the earnest instance of Savonarola
and his fellow-religious, in opposition to the wishes of the superiors
of the Lombard Congregation, so also at the instance of those same
superiors, he could lawfully revoke his former act, which had led to
what seemed to him undesirable results. The reunion being decreed,
the person to whom the examination of Savonarola's teaching and
conduct would in the natural course of things be committed was the
superior to whose obedience he was now restored. No one could
have blamed Fra Girolamo had he done no more than to petition for
more favourable terms for his fellow-religious and for himself, and to
expose once more the grounds on which the continued separation of
the Congregation seemed to him desirable : but to protest against the
papal ordinance as canonically unjust was perhaps to carry resistance
at least one step too far. And the suggestion that Maggi would be
likely to send him to some place where his life would be in danger
was a slur upon the good faith and prudence of one who was after all
a man of distinguished virtue, whom the Church has since honoured
with the title of Beatits.
If account be taken of the character of Alexander VI., and on
the hypothesis that he was so entirely under the influence of
Savonarola's enemies as some of Fra Girolamo's apologists seem to
suppose, it might perhaps have been expected that his next letter
would have been full of indications of personal resentment, and of a
determination to carry out, in spite of Fra Girolamo's representations,
the project of a reunion of S. Marco ami the convents subject thereto
with the Congregation of Lombard)-. 1 Such, however, is emphati-
cally not the character of the Brief, Licet ufa-rius, which was issued
1 It will be remembered that only two or three of the Dominican houses in
Tuscany had embraced the reform of S. Marco.
194 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
on 1 6th October 1495. Indeed, what we have said of the Pope's
first letter might be said of this, viz. that in substance, and apart from
a few individual phrases, it is just such a document as might have
emanated from the holiest and most zealous of Popes. We give, as
before, the substance of the Brief :
" We have [says the Pope] already fully explained to you how greatly
we are displeased at the disturbed state of things which prevails in
Florence ; and the more so because it owes its origin to your preaching.
For you leave aside the reprehension of vice and the praise of virtue (!)
to predict future things, and you publicly declare that you do so by
the inspiration of the Holy Ghost. Such utterances are often the cause
why simple-minded persons stray from the path of salvation and from
the obedience due to the Holy Roman Church. You ought rather to
procure peace and union than to put forward these prophecies as they
are called by the common people. You ought to have reflected that the
conditions of the time are altogether unsuited to such teaching, which
would be calculated to foment discord even in time of peace, much more
to increase it in time of disturbance.
" These considerations had determined us, after mature deliberation,
to summon you to our presence here, that you might either purge your-
self of the charges brought against you, or suffer just punishment.
Since, however, we have recently understood from certain of our
brethren the Cardinals of the Holy Roman Church, and from your
own letter, that you are prepared in all things to submit yourself to
the judgment (correctioni) of the Church, as becomes a Christian and
religious man, we are greatly rejoiced thereat ; and we begin to be
persuaded that you have preached these things, not with any evil intent
(malo animo), but out of a certain simplicity and a zeal, misguided
though it be, for the vineyard of the Lord. However, that we may not
fail in our duty, we now prescribe, in virtue of holy obedience, that
from henceforth you desist from all preaching, whether in public or in
private, until such time as it shall be possible for you to come to
our presence, not under the protection of an armed escort, after your
present fashion of going abroad, but with the security, quietness, and
modesty which becomes a religious man, or until we shall make some
other provision. And if you do this (i.e. desist from preaching), as we
trust that you will, we in the meanwhile suspend the operation of our
former Brief that you may live in peace according to the dictates of your
own conscience." 1
It will be noted that the Pope implicitly recognises as valid one
at least of the excuses offered by Savonarola in his letter of 3ist July,
viz. the danger of travelling ; also that he suspends the appointment
1 The Brief is given by Raynalrhis (under the erroneous date, i6th October
1497), and more correctly by Gherardi, pp. 390-91.
PROPHET AND POPE 195
of Maggi as judge of the case, and likewise suspends or withdraws
the command to reunite the Tuscan convents with the Lombard
Congregation. Apart from the circumstantial portions or motive
clauses of the Brief, a more lenient sentence on the hypothesis that
the Friar's prophetical mission was at least doubtful could hardly
have been looked for if a saint had occupied the See of Peter. It is
in the reasons assigned by the Pope for his action that the real sting
lies. How, it may be asked, could he allege that Savonarola had
" left aside the reprehension of vice and the praise of virtue " to
attend to prophecy? The expression was certainly not well
chosen ; but at the same time it is clear that a statement of this kind
must have been intended, and ought to be understood, not absolutely,
but relatively. So far as the sermons of Fra (lirolamo were taken up
with predictions, and with the promulgation of his visions and divine
colloquies, to that extent they were not concerned with those other
matters which more properly belonged to the preacher's office.
Again, at first sight it seems hard that the man to whom Florence
was indebted for having passed through an acute political crisis
almost without bloodshed should now be accused of fomenting
discord and originating disturbances ; and the more so because there
was, at the moment, no actual disturbance within the walls of the
city. Moreover, it is to be remembered that at the very time
when these words were written Piero de' Medici, with a body
of troops commanded by Yiiginio Orsini and subsidised by
the Pope himself, was in the neighbourhood of Siena awaiting an
opportunity to attack Florence. 1
" Ouis tulerit dracchos de scditionc qucrentcs ? "
Might it not very fairly be said that it was Alexander himself, and
not Fra. (iirolamo, who was fomenting discord in Florence, and that
the accusation was nothing better than a piece of odious hypocrisy
on the part of a Pope whose private life and political intrigues were
1 Manfred! to d'Este, I2lh October 1405 (Cappelli. n. 001. 11 l\\\\\
ed i Vene/iani vok-vano infatti rimeHere Piero f the League he hail
agreed to forward the project. Bentivoglio of r.olopu. Mi'.-sidiscd by Sforza.
was to have attacked l-'lorence from the north, \\liile Sien.i and Perugia were to
have sent troops from the south. lUit the \\hk- plan of campaign collapsed,
and Piero returned to Rome without having elfectcJ or even attempted anything
serious.
196 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
the scandal of Christendom ? l The sole and sufficient answer to
such a plea lies in the obvious principle that two wrongs do not
make a right. Alexander's misdeeds do not justify, objectively, the
action of Savonarola. The motives which actuated the Pope on this
occasion were, no doubt, very far from pure. At the same time
there is no ground so far as we arc aware for imputing to him
any conscious dishonesty in promoting the League of Italian States
against the French invader, nor can it be said that the scheme for
the restoration of Piero (which would have carried with it the
adhesion of Florence to the League) was necessarily unjust.
Savonarola, by the vehemence of his invectives against "tyrants"
during this very month of October, 1495. na ^ done more than any
other man in Florence to make the peaceful return of Piero
impossible, and had necessitated (so the Pope might argue) the
present hostile movement against the Republic. In a word, whereas
the Friar's general exhortations to peace and concord in the autumn
and winter of 1494 had borne excellent fruits, his subsequent
denunciation of all and sundry who might seek to alter the new con-
stitution might plausibly be held to have a-very opposite tendency;
nor could it be reasonably alleged that it was purely and simply
his campaign against vice, as such, which had rendered the protection
of an armed escort a necessity for the Friar. We do not venture to
assert that the Pope judged rightly, still less that the expressions
which he used in his Brief were, in all cases, wisely chosen. To
have spoken of " dissensions " rather than " disturbances " would
perhaps have been more germane to the purpose. For dissensions
there certainly were, and they were due in no small measure to the
preaching of Fra Girolamo. But the fundamental fact remains, that
Borgia occupied however unworthily the post of command ; and
although his direct authority did not extend to purely political affairs,
he at least had a right to demand that his policy should not be
thwarted by an irresponsible preacher who claimed a direct divine
sanction for his opposition, and, at the same time, gave proofs of a
kind of obstinacy which alone was enough to cast suspicion on the
genuineness of his alleged revelation.
But, however this may be, it is to the credit of Fra Girolamo that
for some months after the somewhat tardy arrival of the Brief Licet
1 This was, in fact, the answer which Savonarola actually made, a few
months later, to this very reproach (Villari and Casanova, Stella di I'redifhc, n.
p. 199).
PROPHET AND POPE 197
uberius he obeyed the Papal mandate, and abstained from preaching.
And in fact more than a year elapsed before the Pope once more
issued a Brief relating to the affairs of Savonarola. But although
the intervening period is barren of such documents, we possess a
long series of letters and memoranda written by other persons during
the interval, which are of considerable interest and importance as
illustrating the course of events. There are letters from the Ten,
and occasionally from the Signory, to the Florentine ambassadors in
Rome, and from the ambassadors to the Signory and the Ten ; there
is the correspondence of Somcn/.i and Tranchedino with the Duke
of Milan, and that of Manfredi with the Duke of Ferrara ; and
finally there is the diary of that ardent Piagnone, Luca Landucci.
The letters in question are scattered through the collections of
Villari, Marchese, Gherardi, Cappelli, and del Lungo, but they have
never been brought together in one continuous series. It has,
therefore, seemed worth while to do here on a more extended scale
what we have already done in the foregoing chapters in regard of
similar documents, i.e. to arrange and summarise them in a kind of
calendar.
October ; Manfredi to d'Este. 1 Savonarola continues to preach.
He has told Manfredi that no suspension has come from the Pope, and
that he trusts his Holiness will impose silence on his calumniators, but
that if matters should go further, and the Pope should be unwilling to
accept his vindication, he hopes to receive effective support from d'Este,
who will, he is sure, represent his case to the Pope in its true light.
(The Hrief of i6th October had obviously not yet been delivered. ^
i3//e ivm.uk s
the mention of what would seem to have been ;ui act t indi^-icei .'e.il on the p.ut
of these little ones ("e fanciugli levorono di c.ipo una vdiei.i .1 un.i i'.iiKiuli.i. e
fuvvi scandiilu di su;i gientc," p. 123).
'-' The Signory to Caraffa and the Ten to I'.ecclii. jStli l.uui.uy and 51!) l-'elnu.uy
(Gherardi, p. 132, Marchese, n. I).
200 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
from meddling in Roman affairs. The situation was sufficiently
critical to engage the attention of the Signory in a debate as to
whether Fra Girolamo should or should not be invited to preach
the Lenten course in the Duomo. On 8th February Somenzi reports
that matters are going against the Friar, and that he hopes for a
decision in accordance with the wishes of his master. 1 On nth
February, however, a resolution was passed inviting Savonarola to
preach during Lent, or previously, if he shall so determine, either
in the Duomo or elsewhere, at his discretion. 2 Only the actual
terms of the resolution are given, and in the absence of a report
of the previous discussion it is impossible to say whether the real
or supposed verbal permission of the Pope was or was not put
forward as a principal reason in its favour.
At any rate Savonarola once more ascended the pulpit of S.
Marco during the Carnival, a few days after the resolution of the
Signory had been communicated to him, and it is due to him to say
that he declared that he did so with the Pope's permission. 3 On
the other hand, in his sermon on Ash Wednesday, i yth February,
when he opened the Lenten course in the Duomo, he made no
reference to any such permission. He begins his discourse by
explaining the reasons why he has been so long silent.
Is it because he has had some scruple about preaching ? No. Is
it because an excommunication has been sent from Rome ? No : for
even if such a document had arrived, he has already declared that it
would be of no effect. He has been silent because he wished to look
into his own life and teaching : " I said in my heart perhaps thou hast not
looked well to thy ways, and thy tongue has been led astray ; and I have
therefore considered them one by one." But his conscience has acquitted
him. He has always held, and does hold, entire and inviolate, the teach-
ing of the Holy Roman Catholic Church, and has written to Rome,
1 " La praticha contro il Frate e reducla fin al presente a bono tcrmine, e spero
anchora 1'havcra bono fine secunclo cl clcsiderio " (del Lungo, n. 3). The letter
is dated 8th February 1495, but belongs to 1496. Del Lungo has here overlooked
the difference between the Florentine and Roman " style " of dating, which has
been the source of much confusion.
2 Gherardi, p. 133. A letter from Manfredi to d'Este, assigned by Cappclli
to 5th February 1496, would seem to imply that he had already begun to preach
(Cappclli, n. 96). But we venture to suggest, with some confidence, that the
letter is dated after the Florentine style, and belongs to 1497. Our conjecture is
confirmed by the circumstance that the terms of the letter, so far as it concerns
the preaching of Savonarola, are almost identical with those of a despatch from
Somenzi, dated 26th February 1497 (Villari, ii. Append, p. xxv.).
3 Somenzi to Sforza, l6th February (infra}.
PROPHET AND POPE 201
that " if I have either preached or written any thing heretical, I am
willing to correct it, and to make here a public recantation/' Hut, lie
declares, though the Church is infallible, it does not follow that every
command of an ecclesiastical superior is to be obeyed. "The Pope
cannot command me to do anything contrary to charity, or contrary to
the Gospel. I do not believe that the Pope wishes me to do anything
of the kind, but were he to do so I should tell him : 'Thou art not now a
good shepherd, thou art not the Roman Church, thou art in error. 1 :) As
for himself, he did not regard himself as under any obligation to obey a
command to leave Florence, for every one knew that the motive of such
an order was solely political hatred. " If I saw most clearly that my
leaving a city would be attended with its spiritual and temporal ruin, I
would not obey the command of any living man to quit it. () ye who
write such lies to Rome, what will you now write ? I know well what
you will write. . . . You will write that I have said that we ought not
to obey the Pope, and that I do not mean to obey him. That 1 do not
say. What I have spoken I have written, and you will see that you
cannot gainsay it."
Nor did he, in this lenten course (on Amos and Zacharias) con-
fine himself to abstract declarations of principle. Now, more than
ever, he inveiched against the vices of the Roman court, more
j O O
especially in the sermon, delivered on the second Sunday in Lent,
on " the fat kine that are in the mountains of Samaria" (Amos iv. i),
wherein Samaria is made to stand for Rome, and the " fat kine "
for the harlots whose numbers disgraced the city of the Popes. On
the fourth Sunday in Lent he cried out :
" Prepare thyself, O Rome, for great will be thy punishments. Thou
shall be put in irons ; thou shall be put to the sword ; fire and tlamc
shall consume thee. . . . Rome shall be stricken with a grievous sicknes>,
even unto death. ... I will bring down upon Italy a race of men the
most wicked that can be found ; I will humble her princes, I will bring
down the pride of Rome : that race will take possession of their holy
places, will defile their churches, and ... I will turn them into stalls
and styes for horses and hogs." Even this, the preacher declares, \v:ll le
less displeasing to God than the uses to which they are now put. 1
It was hardly to be supposed that language of this kind could
pass unnoticed at the Papal court. And, indeed, it" the character ol
the sermons on Amos and Zacharias be steadily kept in mind, the
forbearance of the Pope, and the strenuous advocacy of several ot
the Cardinals, will afford more matter for surprise than the evidence
1 " Dapoi chc 1'hanno fatto stallc talle di pore i c cav.illi.
perche qucsto manco displace a Dio che il farlc stallc ili mcrctriri " (Vili.iri, i. 430).
202 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
which contemporary documents afford of Alexander's indignation
at the boldness of Fra Girolamo. We resume our calendar of letters
and memoranda.
i6//i February 1496 ; Somcnzi to Sforza. The writer relates
held on the last day of the Carnival, under the direction of Savonarola,
the collection of alms by the children, and the procession with cries of
" Viva Cristo." " The Friar has publicly declared that he intends to preach
during the whole of this Lent, saying that he has had the Pope's leave." '
2O//1 February 1496; Tranchedino to Sforza. Bentivoglio and
Vinciguerra have been much amused at hearing of the astuteness with
which Fra Gyronymo (sic) contrives to curry favour with the people of
Florence. " I assure you that it is not true that he has had leave from
the Pope to preach, though he asserts that he has ; he has simply taken
leave. It is enough for him that he is not actually prevented." 2
9/// March ; The Ten to Becchi. 3 Becchi is thanked for his efforts to
obtain for Savonarola permission to continue his preaching. His ill
success so far is not his fault, but is due to the calumnious accusations
of the Friar's enemies. They too (i.e. the Ten) are in a manner affected
by the accusations, which reflect upon their own prudence. Hut they
wish his Holiness to be assured that Savonarola has never exceeded
" the measure which universal custom allows to preachers." If he had
really exceeded this measure, and had attacked the Pope personally,
they would not have suffered it. Therefore, Becchi is to persevere.
On roth March a Pratica was held to discuss the contents of letters
received from Gualterotti, the Florentine envoy at Milan, and from
Becchi. 4 One speaker, whose name has not been preserved, advises
that the Pope be told that if Fra Girolamo has preached, this is on
the ground of the great confidence which he has in his Holiness, and
more especially on the strength of a certain letter from the Cardinal
of Naples, and by reason of the great fruit which his preaching has
produced, and does produce, and by no means with the intention of
displeasing the Pope. Piero Capponi, more cautious, is of opinion
that if there is no Papal prohibition, then every effort should be
made to secure the continuance of Savonarola's sermons ; but if
there has been a prohibition, then some learned men should be
deputed to confer with Fra Girolamo on the matter, so that nothing
should be done against the will of the Pope ; for we must "render to
1 Del Lungo, n. 5 ; Villari, i. Append, pp. cxi. $<](].
- Del Lungo, n. 6. The last words are obscure: " Dove li e permesso che
non li sia devetata.'' Tranchedino writes from Hologna, where he acted as envoy
from S for/a to Bentivoglio. Vincigucrra was the Venetian envoy at the same
couit.
3 Marchese, n. 2.
4 Gherardi, p. 136.
PROPHET AND POPE 203
Cresar the things that arc Ciesar's and to God things that arc God's,"
and, besides, in past times the censures of the Pope have done much
injury to the city, and in particular to its merchants trading abroad.
i \th March ', Becchi to the Ten. 1 The Pope lias shown himself some-
what appeased, but still complains of the permission to preach whirh you
have given to Fra Girolamo, and that the Friar holds the people to the
French alliance against his will. He exhorts you to do now what you
ought to have done two months ago, and not to give up the government
of the city into the hands of the Friar, " o a altri." The Cardinals who
are your friends say the same.
\2t/i March ; The Ten to Becchi. 2 He is to try to get leave for the
short remainder of Lent. It is not true that Savonarola preaches
against the League.
i8//i March; Becchi to the Ten. 3 -The Pope is again angry. He
had understood from Caraffa that the Friar had promised not to meddle
with Roman affairs which do not concern him or his office C'gli era
suto promisso non s'impaccerebbe clelle cose di qua, come dicono non
essere suo offitio ne appertenersi a lui",). The Pope advises you to
exhort him accordingly ; it should be enough for him that his Holiness
tolerates ("supporta") his preaching againt his will.
i8//i! March; Somcnzi to Sforza. 4 The city is full of discord by
reason of Savonarola, who governs the city after his own fashion, and
appoints the Signory and all the magistrates (!). Two-thirds of the people
are in favour of the Friar. He has said in public that the people are
not bound to obey the Pope, and that if he were to place the city under
an interdict, this would be invalid, because he is no true Pope. It is
thought that he will soon do so, for the Eight have not allowed the
Pope's messenger to present the inhibition, "but I understand that
they have conducted him outside the city.''
2O//1 March; Becchi to the Ten/' Four Cardinals have interceded
for Savonarola, but in vain. The Pope will grant no spiritual favours
to the city in the present state of things. Such is the power of i-alumny.
24/// March ; Pandollini (Bishop of Pistoia) to the Ten/ He has had
a long conversation with the Pope (chiefly on political matters . As
regards Fra Clirolamo, " 1 told his Holiness that 1 had underwood that
he had been inhibited from preaching, but that afterward^ permi:on
1 C.herardi, p. 137.
- llnd.
'' Ibid., p. 138.
4 Del Lungo, n. 3. Pel I.ungo and COM! pp. MO
ascribe this letter to the previou> \ear. 1405. Hoth have U-en ikveivoi b\ .1
date given in the Florentine style.
5 Ghcrardi, p. 139.
6 Marchese, n. 3. We pass over here thiee short letters ot Kccelu ami ,!
the Ten dated 24th, 251)1, and joth March (('.heiardi, pp. 139 >jj.).
204 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
had been given through a certain Cardinal (avere inteso esserli stata
inibita la predica . . . e poi permessa per relatione d'uno Cardinale) ;
that accordingly we did not consider ourselves disobedient, especially as
the preacher's intentions were good." His Holiness replied : "Well, we
will not speak of Fra Hyeronimo (sic) now," and so turned the con-
versation.
26//t March ; Becchi to the Ten. 1 The Pope and the Cardinals
declare that our city suffers great dishonour and some danger from
allowing such license to the Friar, and to the children and to the
common people. The complaint now is not of Fra Girolamo, but of the
government which permits these things, viz. (i) that he persists in
preaching contrary to the will of the Pope ; (2) that he speaks ill of the
Pope, the Cardinals, and of the whole court of Rome, as if he had some
special charge of them (" come s'apartenessi particolarmente a sua
Paternita"); (3) that he writes and affirms that he is a prophet, and
that he converses with God ; (4) that he does away with freedom of
discussion, in order to give more assurance ("per dare ardire") to the
children and to the common people ; (5) that even if all this were false,
it is dishonourable to the city that all the world should be able to
say that it is governed by a Friar and a troop of children ; and indeed
it is feared lest this government by children will have some scandalous
and disastrous result for the State. In a word, you are accused of
having lost your heads, and these are the things that the Pope com-
plains of in conversation alike with the envoys of the League, and with
those who speak in your favour.
jOfA March; Becchi to the Ten.- He understands that the Pope has
committed the case of Savonarola to two Cardinals and to two Bishops,
and has ordered Torriano, the General of the Dominicans, to proceed
juridically against the Friar.
y>th March ; The Ten to Becchi. 3 All these accusations of which you
speak are fables and inventions of our enemies. But as Lent is now
past, it is useless to ask any further permission.
5//z April ; Becchi to the Ten. 4 -The ambassador reports the discus-
sion held by a commission of fourteen Dominican theologians, in presence
of the Pope, on the affair of Savonarola. The Pope began by showing
that he wished by all means to punish him "as a heretic, a schismatic,
a man disobedient to the Holy See and superstitious," and to punish not
him alone, but all who favour him ("che per lui fussino"). Hereupon one
Master Nicholas, of Naples, entered a vigorous protest ("et parmi si
portassi assai honestamente"; ; but many others followed who attacked the
Friar with warmth and bitterness, all being of opinion that some measure
should be taken against him except one ("uno giovane"), who valiantly
1 Gherardi, pp. 140 sqq.
2 Gherardi, p. 142.
3 ibid.
4 Marchese, n. 4. It is clear that Becchi's report is founded on hearsay.
PROPHET AND POPE 205
took up his defence, to the great displeasure of the Pope. And either
the Pope or one of the theologians declared that Kra Hieronymo
was the cause of all the misfortunes of Piero (de' Medici). Becchi,
having heard of this affair, has induced the Cardinals of Perugia and
Segorbe (Lopez and Martinojand the Bishop of Capaccio (Todoratharus,
a Greek), to dissuade the Pope from taking action in the matter. The Pope
has been appeased, and will abstain from any hostile measure ; ' but he
has told Capaccio to inform the Ten, through Becchi, that "his Paternity
ought to speak modestly of his Holiness, and the most reverend
Cardinals and other prelates, and that he ought not to transgress the
methods of other excellent and admirable preachers, nor to open his
mouth on things which do not pertain to him or to his office, and
accordingly that he should not meddle in secular matters and affairs
of State." *
\^th April ; Becchi to the Ten. 3 It would be well that they or the
Signory should write a submissive letter to the Pope, declaring in
particular that they have urged Fra Girolamo to obey his Holiness, and
to speak with moderation (" modestamente") of him, of the College of
Cardinals, of the Roman Court, and of Roman affairs in general.
It was a timely warning, as appears from a letter written two days
later by Cardinal Ascanio Sfor/.a to his brother the Duke of Milan
(i5th April). 4 He has told his Holiness of the Duke's suggestion
that he should send to Florence a Vicar-General of the Franciscan
Order ( "de le Zoccole"), "per il suspecto ha de frate Hieronymo/'
The Pope has replied that if the Duke thinks it desirable he will
write a Brief to Fra Hieronymo, summoning him to Rome, and will
afterwards appoint a Vicar whom the Duke will approve (or choose?
"chi piacera a quella"). But the Brief was not written, for the next
news from Florence relieved somewhat the tension of affairs.
i6//t April ; The Signory to Becchi.-'' Fra Girolamo has spoken with
perfect respect ("molto costumatamente '' ^ of His Holiness, etc. They
understand that he has now gone to Prato and Pistoia. It is entirely
false that he has the city under his domination. He has never sought
any such thing, and any information to this effect is a calumny.
2yd April. '; Becchi to the Ten." The Pope is well satisfied ("assai
ben satisfacto ") concerning the affairs of Fra Girolamo.
1 " In modo lo placu ct dispose a volorc soprasciiere."
2 Another letter from Becchi, of the same date, is given by Ghemrdi, p. 143.
It contains nothing of importance.
3 Gherardi, p. 143.
4 Del Lvmgo, n. 7.
5 Marchese, p. tJ2 (note] with the enoncous date (as pointed out by GherardP
1 6th April 1408.
Gherardi, p. 144.
CHAPTER XI
PROPHET AND POPE (2)
~\1 TITH Savonarola's departure for Prato and Pistoia, in April
* 1496, there comes a lull in the correspondence with Rome
on the subject of his preaching and prophecies, and the events of the
succeeding months are more sparsely illustrated in the published
documents. The Dominican Convent at Prato had been subjected,
as has been seen, to that of S. Marco, with encouragement from the
Signory of Florence and with the full concurrence of tin: General, in
the January of this year. 1 Fra Antonio d'Olamlia had been appointed
Prior, and he had lost no time in inviting Savonarola to deliver a
course of sermons in the church attached to the convent.- The
event fully justified his expectations, for Fra (iirolamo's brief stay at
Prato produced very remarkable results. It was not merely that
people flocked in from Florence and all the country round to hear
him. 3 The professors of the Pisan "Studio"' or University, then
located at Prato by reason of the war with Pisa, attended his sermons,
and he gained among them some distinguished adherents. Cinoz/i
relates how, after one of his sermons, Ulivieri, a canon of Florence,
and a very learned man, openly exclaimed : " My scholars, and all of
you, let us take our books and follow this man : and indeed we arc
hardly worthy to be his disciples." 4 But, more than this, the work
of moral and political reform was seriously taken in hand. Gherardi
has brought to light a list of subscriptions to a document which is
1 The documents are given by Gherardi, pp. 74 . about the last place he would have
been likely to visit at this time.
PROPHET AND POPE 207
itself unfortunately lost, but which must have contained some kind
Q( forma vivendi which had its political as well as its religious side.
The most explicit of the subscriptions run in the following or similar
terms : " I, Michele Ghimenti, am content to live under a popular
government (vivere appopolo), and to live well," i.e. in accordance
with the dictates of religion. Such a mode of life, the last of the
subscribers emphatically declares, is better for soul and body. 1 The
necessity for such a reform, at least as regards conduct, had been
urgently impressed upon the Podesta, or Governor, of Prato, in a
letter despatched to him by the Florentine Signory on ijih January. -
To this period belongs a brief correspondence, published by
Villari, between Fra Girolamo and his arch-enemy, I.odovico S for/a,
which we here summarise :
I \th April 1496 ; Savonarola to Sforza. 3 He is told that the Duke
complains of his sermons ; but this can only arise from his having
been deceived by evil-disposed persons who have represented him as
hostile to his Highness ; whereas he loves both him and all the
princes of Italy, nay, all mankind, and is ready to die for their salvation.
"And because the grace of God has enlightened me concerning the
ruin which He has prepared for Italy ... I have invited and exhorted
men to penance . . . warning them that there is no other remedy.''
But though Italy has heard his voice, there is no amendment, but
matters are going from bad to worse ; and God, instead of being appeased,
is even more angry than before. "'Wherefore, my lord, I admonish you
that there is no other remedy for you, and I exhort your Highness to
acknowledge your Saviour, and to do penance for your sins, for tin*
scourge draws near." If lie will repent, God will pardon him and give
him prosperity, otherwise his affairs will go to ruin ; " and the end will
show that my advice has been wiser than any other which lias been
given you." The writer declares that he has spoken thus from no
human motive and with no hope of reward. '' Indeed, for these words
of mine I expect no other return than disgrace . . . and persecution,
and at last death, for which 1 look with an earnest desire . . . for 'to
me to live is Christ, and to die is gain.'"
In after years, during his long imprisonment at l.oches, under
Louis XII. of France, Sfor/.a had ample leisure- to meditate on tin-
wise counsel which had been so fearlessly proffered him in the days
of his prosperity; and, if we may trust the chronicler Filipepi, he
1 " Vorrci si vivcsse bene e massime appopolo, perdu- xu.'i milgliorc vivcir <
per 1'anima e per il corpo" (Ghenirdi. pp. 87-01').
2 He is to put down gambling, blasphemy, the habit of working on holy ila)*
and street-walking by night (Glu-ranii. p. 91).
;i Villari and Casanova, pp. 441-.);,
208 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
then at least had the grace to acknowledge the justice of Savonarola's
words. It may be added that at about the same time Fra Girolamo
addressed a letter in identical terms to Galea/zo della Mirandola,
and possibly also to other Italian princes. 1
i2//t April; Somenzi to Sforza.- A covering letter to the above,
wherein the Milanese envoy reports that Fra Girolamo is desirous to
maintain friendly relations with his master. And considering that "el
dicto Frate" has all the common folk under his control, it would perhaps
be a good plan to give him assurances of good-will, to the end that he
may bring over the city to a proper regard for his Highness. Your
Highness, he suggests, will do well to assure him of your good dis-
positions towards the Florentine Republic, and your willingness to help
them to recover Pisa, if only they will be tractable (" se da questo popolo
non manchera ").
y>th April ; Sforza to Savonarola. 3 The Duke takes it in good part
that Fra Girolamo has written to him with frankness. He will not deny
that he had disapproved of what had been reported to him, viz. that
Savonarola had declared in the pulpit that he was not bound to obey His
Holiness. It seems to him that every one, and more especially religious
men, ought not merely to entertain in the mind the respect which is due
to the Vicar of Christ, but also to speak of him with reverence. As for
the Friar's exhortation to the princes of Italy to do penance, he for his
part fears God no less, and is no less earnest in his endeavour to do his
duty as a good Christian, than any religious man of his acquaintance
("non manco . . . ch'alcuno cha qual se vogli religioso sii"). As for
sin, he is not conscious of any sin for which he ought to do penance.
But if his correspondent will be so good as to tell him what penance he
ought to perform, he will gladly undertake it.
The letter concludes with expressions of gratitude and esteem
which were, perhaps, hardly likely to weigh much with the austere
and zealous Prior of S. Marco.
2->th April; Savonarola to Sforza. 4 While thanking the Duke for
his gracious letter, he assures him that he has never asserted uncon-
ditionally that obedience is not due to the Pope. As for his general
exhortations to penance, he passes judgment on no one in particular.
He is glad to hear that the Duke lives in the fear of God, and he can
commend him to no better judge than his own conscience.
1 Villari and Casanova, loc. fit., " Questa lettera . . . pare chc sia un
circolare." The letter to Mirandola is given by Marchese, p. 124. It bears no
date, but was probably sent in March. A second letter, containing more explicit
warnings of an impending calamity, is dated 26th March (Marchese, p. 125).
The premature death of Galeazzo occurred within two years (Schnitzer, p. 569).
2 Villari, i. Append, p. cxxxviii.
3 Ibid., p. cxxxvi.
4 Ibid., p. cxxxv.
PROPHET AND POPE 2^
We may add here that Somenzi's hopes of being able to win over
Fra Girolamo to the side of the League were again revived about six
months later. Needless to say, they proved altogether vain, as
Tranchedino had predicted that they would. 1
Already in May Savonarola was again in Florence, and from time
to time, on Sundays and festivals, delivered his sermons on Ruth and
Micheas. These discourses were hardly less calculated to arouse re-
sentment in Rome than those of the Lenten course on Amos and
Zacharias. The preacher is confident of his mission to all Italy. His
pulpit is the centre whence the voice of warning must spread one-very
side.- And it is directed, in the first instance, to those who rule and
govern the Church. 3 To Italy and to Rome he proclaims that "God
will come forth from His place. He has waited so long that He can
delay no longer." " I announce to you that God will unsheath His
sword, and will send a foreign invader . . . and there will be so
much bloodshed, so much cruelty, that you will say ; ' O God, Thou
hast come forth from Thy place.'" 1 God will come down, and will
trample upon Italy and upon Rome ; priests, bishops, cardinals, and
"gran maestri" shall be trodden down.^ Rome is bidden not to
trust blindly to her possession of the relics of the Apostles, like those
who in the days of Jeremiah comforted themselves with the vain
assurance: "Templum Domini, templum Domini est.'' It is not
lawful/^/- sc for the laity to punish a bad priest. The matter must be
laid before his ecclesiastical superior, bishop or archbishop, or the
Pope himself. " But if they will not act, then you not only may but
ought to expel him (cacciarlo), nor will you by so doing incur any
excommunication for a breach of ecclesiastical immunity." 7 The
liberty of Christ stands above ecclesiastical immunities. " But if
1 Somenzi U> Sforza, 7th and ijth November (Yilhui, i. Append, pp. cxxxviii.
.0/7.). Tranchedino, on the other hand, warns the IHike (2Sth October) tli.u ho
must give up soft measures "cum quelli che hanno il pelo asinino," and assures
him (gth November) that the Friar is not to be trusted ; because, if lie were to
dissociate himself from the French faction, he would be ignominiously cha>ed out
of the city ("saria spaciato per pubblica bestia in Fk>ienza " ; del Lungo,
nn. 17, 18).
'-' '' Noi prcdichiamo a tutta 1'Iulia . . . e di qui si dirlonde la voce per tutio "
(Villari and Casanova, .V, >//<:, p. 2421.
;i / <>\\n .--on. Burl.imacchi, on the
other hand, tells us that the offer wa> made through a Dominican friar, to whom
Savonarola replied that if he \\ouhl conic to his next -ernion he should have hi~
answer. If this was so, it would seem that the proposal nui-t have been made
shortly before 2Oth August. It is ju>t po->il>le that the whole ,-toiyha^ gii.wn
out of Fra Girolamu's own words above quoted, and that they, in their turn, le-'.ed
on a le.-s .substantial foundation than an otticial plotter ot the ha:.
1 Landucci, /V(j;7<>, 4th and iSth May, 6th June, 201 h and 22nd AugiM. io//./. V
2T GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
A few days later, on 28th August, the Friar was the victim of a
nefarious plot. A forged letter, alleged to have been written by him
to Charles VIII., was intercepted by the emissaries of Sforza, and,
notwithstanding all his protests, the affair involved him in a serious
misunderstanding with the French ambassador. 1
In October the Emperor Maximilian, who had already sent an
ambassador to Florence to induce the Signory to join the League,
but in vain, himself appeared in Italy, and betook himself to Pisa,
whence he threatened all kinds of hostile measures.' 2 At this
juncture, on 28th October, by the special invitation of the Signory,
Fra Girolamo once more raised his voice to inspire his fellow-citizens
with confidence, and to dissuade them from allowing themselves to
be frightened into any constitutional change. Somenzi declares that
on this occasion he exhorted them to stand firm to their alliance
with the French king, whom, however, he did not mention by
name. 3 But the actual words of the Friar if the lengthy extracts
given by Villari and Casanova fairly represent the contents of the
sermon can hardly be said to bear out the report of the Milanese
envoy.
He reminds his hearers that they have again and again been delivered,
by the mercy of God, and through his own instrumentality, from impending
evils. He reminds them of the revolution effected without bloodshed just
two years previously, of his own mediation with Charles VIII. on behalf
of the republic, and of other divine favours which he will not mention in
detail. And no\v, what has been the gratitude of the people ? Those who
had lived in exile, and \vho have been allowed to return to the city, are
now plotting her ruin ''i.e. the ArrabbiatiX Men who have had the rope
round their necks (the Palleschi), and have benefited by the amnesty, are
now conspiring on their own account. And lastly, the magistrates who
1 Somenzi to Sforza, 28th Augu>t, 2nd, 3rd, 8th September : Tranchedino,
l6th September (del Lungo. nn. 11-14 ; Landucci, 2nd September (" Lo'nbascia-
dore di Francia ando su alia Signoria a dire che questo Frate era quello chc
guastava Fircnze. El povero Frate aveva tanti nimici ! "). Manfredi's letter to
d'Este, referring apparently to the same incident, but dated 2.Sth May vCappelli,
n. 100) has surely been misplaced. The date should be 2<8th Augu.t.
2 Landucci, iQth and 22nd August (the embassy) : i-jth October (the
Emperor has left Genoa for I'isa) : 24th October (he has arrived at Pisa, and
threatens to ravage the country).
3 " El Frate ha predicate in questa mattina et ha dicto mirabilia. Sopratucto
exhorto questo populo ad volere star saldo alia fede, cioe del Re di Franza (licet
ch' cl non la dica), et ha affirmato che tutto quello ha predicto de le cose future
sara vero sen/a mancho ; cio e che tucta Italia ha a ruinare, excepto Fiorentini
se stano saldi," etc. ,Someiui to Sforza, 28th October ; Del Lungo, n. l6j.
PROPHET AND POPE 213
have been elected under the new constitution have neglected their duty, and
have been afraid to punish crime. Profane language, gambling, and the
worst kind of vice are still rife in the city. " It is these things which are
the cause of our tribulations. The good things which 1 have predicted
for Florence will come, but the wicked will have their hell in this world
and the next. You err by putting your trust in men, and in always look-
ing for help from that king who never conies, and who has already been
punished as we predicted. If only you will return to (iod, and will stand
united, I promise you that you shall put your enemies to flight. Nay, I
would myself be the first to go forth against them with the crucifix in un-
hand, and we will chase our enemies as far as Pi -.a and beyond." 1
This remarkable sermon was followed two days later by the
welcome news of the safe arrival of certain ships from Marseilles
laden with corn. The bearer of these glad tidings arrived at thie-
very moment when a solemn procession, accompanying the statue of
the Madonna dell' Impruneta was entering the city ; and the scene
of wild excitement which ensued has been immortalised by the
author of Romola? The relief, indeed, was remarkable rather for its
opportuneness than for its magnitude. For months afterwards the
diary of Landucci bears witness to a steady rise in the price of corn,
and to an increasing number of deaths from famine/'' But for the
moment, at least, the scales of popular favour were once more
decidedly turned in favour of Fra Girolamo. 1
Within a fortnight, however, of the arrival of the corn ships a
fresh blow fell upon him. This was the Brief, Reformation} ,/,/.
'-' A\'//t,>!U-i ; I'ili|epi. (.">,/;.; .;. in Yillaii
and Casanova, p. .}()v " Yu'.iM oliiaramer.ie el mirucol.i e>pr<:sso, -a\> I.uuiiiCi'i.
:: Lamhuvi, joth November; 2oth anil J^ih l.ir.uaiy 1.107: joili and 2S;'i
February : loth and jjth March ; Sth and Uii. Ajiiil : iS;h an>i J7th May : i~:
and i ^th June. After this date the price> deciea>e steadily : !>.-.; 'he i].
PROPHET AND POPK 215
should also enter. In the earlier Brief, the Pope had wished us to
enter the Congregation of Lombardy, from which he had himself separated
us ; and now they want us to enter that of Tuscany ; now here and now
there. This seems to me like a game of chess, when one defends the
king. When he is hard pressed he moves from one square to another,
and then back again." '
This is perhaps hardly fair criticism. After Alexander VI. had
ordered the reunion of S. Marco with the Lombard Congregation, he
had so far yielded to the representations of Fra Girolamo as tacitly
to withdraw the command. Meanwhile, Savonarola had resumed
with renewed vigour the course of action of which the Pope had
complained. Yet the Pope does not revive the ordinance against
which Savonarola had protested, but makes a new provision, far less
unfavourable to the Friar, and, as we shall presently sec, far more
in accordance with the Friar's own principles. The Brief Reforma-
tion! et augmento was drawn, as it would seem, with the full con-
currence of the General, Torriano, who had never shown any kind
of hostility to Savonarola ; and the newly-erected Congregation was
placed for the first two years of its existence under the govern-
ment of Cardinal Caraffa, hitherto Fra Girolamo's firm supporter.
But more than this. In their original petition for the separation of
S. Marco from the Lombard Congregation, Savonarola and his
brethren had appealed to the principle that the natural divisions of
provinces ought, in accordance with the constitutions, to be main-
tained in the Dominican Order. And it had been part of Fra
Girolamo's scheme to extend his reform not merely to Fiesole, Pruto,
and Sasso, but also to Pisa, Siena, San Gimignano, and probably in
course of time to Lucca, Perugia, and perhaps even to Yiterbo and
to Rome itself. But the scheme had not, as has been seen, proved
uniformly successful. At Pisa and Siena it had failed disastrously.
At San Gimignano it had been dropped almost before it was seriously
taken up. And probably one of the main causes of failure had been
the element of political diplomacy which had been one of its
1 S. I on Kxoclus, nth I'd unary 1408. Yillari writes, with reference to the
Brief: " Una volta sotloposto il Savonarola all' autorita del nuovo vic.uio. che
dipendeva scmpre dal generate dell' Online in Rornn" as if Savonarola himself
had not been subject to the >nn>e authority " < S -.V -a;a!a la .>v/,;;-<;:/.w ..';/" /''<;.'/ .'<". 'u'./.- .- ..:<<'"
imperial sopra i si/si, i.\] in /'/;<;/:<,'' etc.
desire for independence, such as Yillari here ascribes to Savor.aiob,
esteemed one of the characteristic virtues of the religious lit;'.
2i6 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
principal supports. Vet if it was, as Savonarola had urged, an
anomaly that S. Marco should be united to Lombardy, surely it was
still more anomalous that half the observantine convents of Tuscany
should be separated from, while the other half still remained united
to, the Lombard Congregation. And it can hardly be a matter for
surprise that the superiors and the Cardinal Protector of the Order
should now take the matter up, and enter upon a serious effort to
combine unity of government, and a comparative simplicity of
organisation, with internal reform. At any rate, in the only three
documents bearing on the actual execution of the Brief by Torriano,
there is not a trace of hostility to Savonarola, but rather the contrary.
In a letter dated i8th November 1496, Torriano appoints Fra
Giacomo di Sicilia, a man entirely friendly to Fra Girolamo, to
undertake the carrying out of the reform. In a second letter, of
24th November, he appoints new superiors at Siena, Pisa, San
Gimignano and la Quercia but not at S. Marco or Fiesole or Prato,
and confirms Fra Giacomo in the office of Vicar of the Congrega-
tion. In a third letter, of i2th December, he ordains that Fra
Giacomo " at the request of Fra Girolamo da Ferrara " (i.e. Savona-
rola) is to send some of the community of S. Marco to San
Gimignano and la Quercia, and is to dismiss those of the
brethren now resident there whom Fra Girolamo would wish to
be rid of.
However, notwithstanding these friendly measures, the scheme of
union found no favour with the community of S. Marco, and shortly
after the receipt of the Brief they despatched a letter of remonstrance
to the Pope. This document does not seem to have been preserved,
but it is evident that it received no favourable answer, and a few
months later, presumably in April 1497, they put forth a public
manifesto, under the title of Apologeticum Fratrum S. Marci, with a
preface by Savonarola himself, the substance of which must now be
given :
" Three reproaches [writes Savonarola] have been made against me, viz.
f i) that I have taught false doctrine (perversum dogma) ; (2) that I refused
to obey when cited to Rome ; (3) that I have not obeyed the Papal
precept as to the union of S. Marco with the new Congregation.
''To the first I have already replied, and my orthodoxy will more fully
appear from my work on The Triumph of tJtc Cross, which will shortly
see the light.
" To the second I reply that I received from the Pope not a citation, but
a kind invitation, with which it would be my greatest joy to comply if I
PROPHET AND POPE 217
could. Hut I cannot without risking my life, and this every one knows
that I am not bound to do.
"As to the third accusation, it really hardly concerns me, for the sub-
mission to the union does not lie with me alone but with my brethren.
They number about 250 ; they are for the most part men distinguished by
position, prudence, and learning ; they act under no compulsion from me,
who am, moreover, a stranger (i.e. not a Florentine) in their midst. They
then unanimously protested, in a letter to the Pope, against the proposed
union, and declared that they were ready to suffer anything rather than
consent to it. Their reasons will be here subjoined ; and whereas I know
well that this will give great displeasure to certain religious, let them
remember that they have only themselves to thank. So long as we could
we kept the matter quiet. I5ut now that they have persistently repeated
their accusations, it is our duty for the sake of peace, of religion, and of
justice, to defend ourselves."
So far Savonarola's preface. The Apologeticum proper now
follows. It falls naturally into three parts, vix. (i) a statement of
the reasons alleged in favour of the union ; (2) the reasons against
the union ; (3) the answer to the reasons alleged in the first part.
It must be sufficient here to indicate the several points of the argu-
ment with the utmost brevity.
I. It is proposed to effect an union between the reformed Congregation
of S. Marco and the other observantine convents of Tuscany, under a
single vicar, who is to make use of the brethren of S. Marco in order by
their means to reform the other houses. The question is raised whether
a precept to this effect is reasonable. Its upholders urge the following
considerations as establishing the duty of obedience :
1. The object proposed is good.
2. It is more in accordance with right order that there should be only
one vicar over the reformed Tuscan houses.
3. Tuscan convents which desire to be reformed \\ill not now he
obliged to attach themselves to another province.
4. If all wish for the reform it is unreasonable for S. Marco to -taiul
aloof.
5. Superiors prescribe the union. They ought to be obeyed-
6. lie who can help his neighbours without inconvenience to himself
ought to do so.
II. In weighing the considerations which militate agam.-t the union, it
must be remembered that such reasons ought to be -.ufiicient a^ answer
to the nature of the matter; /.<. probable lea.-on-- \\luch appeal to
ordinary human prudence. For no one can rightly judge of such a
matter as that of the reform of an Order unless lie lu> practical
knowledge of it. This we claim to have. \\V know what has been done
at S. Marco. '\Ve know wh.it --oe-; on in other convents. Humanly
2iS GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
speaking the reform of these convents is impossible. We are to consider
not what Ciod actually can do, if He should choose to work a miracle,
but rather what He is wont to do, and what we can do in accordance with
what holy men have written on such matters. Here, then, are our
principal reasons :
1. To reform anything is to restore its original form. Now, the
'forir.a " of the religious life is charity. Without a renovation of charity
an external reformation is to no purpose. But an interior reformation can
be effected only by men of consummate virtue. Of such men, however,
there is evidently a dearth. How. then, is the reform to be carried out?
Do they affirm that all the religious of S. Marco are perfect men ? If a
little leaven corrupts a great mass, how much more sure will be the
corruption of a few good men mingled with many bad? Or will they
send the best men from S. Marco to govern other convents? The
answer is, that our best men arc needed for the convents which we have,
so great is the concourse of young men to our Congregation. Or if it be
said that in the other convents there arc already men fit to govern under
the new reform, we answer: Where arc they? How have they lain
concealed all these years ?
2. It is a maxim of the spiritual life that whereas worldly men and
sinners are often converted, lax religious are never, or hardly ever, brought
back to fervour.
3. A reform requires subjects well disposed, and suitable agents.
Both are here wanting.
4. The means should be adapted to the end in view. This is not the
case here. This subversive measure will drive many young men from
our convents back into the world, and will hinder others from entering.
5. The servants of God ought to be wiser in their generation than the
children of this world. But men of the world don't enter into partnership
with bankrupts.
6. Contraries cannot be expected to agree. But as nothing is bcttet
than a good religious, so nothing is worse than a bad one. How absurd,
then, to join them.
7. It !> useless to join to what is already good that which can profit
nothing and may do harm.
8. Experience shows that the separation has had good results.
9. Holy men have always brought about reforms by separating the
fervent from the tepid.
10. A little spark \\ill set on fire a great wood ; a single bad apple
will infect a whole layer.
11. The good estate of a religious Order depends on its government.
Under the new scheme there can be no good government. The Sienese,
and more particularly the I'isans, hate the Florentines.
12. The \icar will be cither a bad man, or a mediocrity, or a man of
high viitue. If he lea bad man all will go amiss. If he be a mediocrity,
"sub spc< ie boni < onfundct omnia, :! by trying to please both parties. If
PROPHET AND POI'K 219
he is a holy man he will certainly separate the fervent from the lax, and
so will re-establish the separation.
III. It only remains for us to reply to the reasons alleged in favour of
the union :
(i). " IJonum ex integra causa." The excellence of the end in view
does not prove that the proposed means are reasonable.
2. The plea of unity would equally avail for bringing the Conventuals
into line with the Observantines.
3. While the reformed convents have their own vicar there is no
need to have recourse to another province (i.e. any convent really
desirous of reform can seek union with S. Marco).
4. The irregulars are not a true part of the Order of Preachers. It is
better to cut them off.
5. We are not obliged to obey in all things,
6. The brethren of S. Marco could do no good, and would take
much narm, in and from the proposed union.
We give, in conclusion, the last words of the second and principal
portion of the document. The brethren write :
"This union, therefore, is impossible, unreasonable, mischievous, and
the brethren of S. Marco cannot be bound to accept it : for superiors
cannot command what is contrary to the constitutions of the Order,
and contrary to charity and the good of souls. We must, therefore,
suppose that they have been deceived by false information, and it
is our duty to resist, in the meanwhile, a command which is contrary
to charity. Nor must we allow ourselves to be frightened by threats
or excommunications, but rather expose ourselves to death than submit
to that which would be for the poison and ruin of souls. When con-
science rebels against a command received from a superior, we mu>t
first resist and humbly correct him, which we have already done ; but if
this is not enough, then we must act like S. Paul, who, in the presence of
all, withstood Peter to his face.' 1
The reader who has had the patience to peruse our analysis of the
Apo/ogeticum I'"ratnnn .V. Main' will probably be ready to admit that,
while the manifesto embodies much shrewd good sense, it also
contains not a little special pleading. Of course, on the supposition
that the union would be carried out in an unreasonable way, it
was easy to demonstrate that the scheme was itself unreasonable.
Hut in fact the first steps actually taken were precisely such as
Savonarola had himself contemplated at the outlet of his own
reform : and the plea that a union between S. Marco and the
convents at Pisa and Siena would prove disastrous comes with a bad
grace from the very house which hid sought to bring those convents
within its own jurisdiction.
220 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
\Ve do not pretend to be ourselves convinced of the wisdom of
the scheme promoted by Caraffa and Torriano, and embodied in the
Brief Reformationi et aiigmento. We only urge that the case for
S. Marco, as against not merely the Pope but also the superiors of
the Order, was not so evidently and plainly good as to justify
obstinate resistance.
And as regards the bearing of the Brief upon Savonarola
personally, instead of enlarging as Villari and others have done
on the sinister designs which are supposed to have actuated
Alexander VI. in its preparation and promulgation, it would be more
to the purpose to consider how a truly zealous Pope would have
been likely to act under the circumstances ; and it is difficult to
imagine what plan could have been devised whereby Fra Girolamo
unless he was to be allowed to proceed unchecked could have
been more considerately treated. Persuaded, rightly or wrongly, of
his special mission to foretell the future, and to scourge the vices
of Roman prelates, he had disregarded alike admonitions and
overtures, and had declared in advance that any Papal censure upon
him, except on conditions defined by himself, would be invalid.
This was hardly a state of things which could be allowed to pass
unnoticed, and it is clear that even some of Fra (iirolamo's friends
thought that he had gone too far. The Friar's excuses for not
going to Rome (though he could visit Prato and Pistoia), and his
objections to the union of his convent with the Congregation of
Lombardy, had been tacitly accepted. Yet something must be
done in the interests of ecclesiastical discipline. What could be
better than to place Fra Girolamo under the immediate control of his
friend Caraffa? We do not pretend to suppose that Alexander VI.
reasoned precisely after this fashion. But as a man may act in a
manner that is objectively wrong from a good motive, so also
motives that are very mixed, or even vicious, may take effect in a
command that is objectively just. In such a case the duty of
obedience, if the command be insisted on, is plain. On no other
principle, we are convinced, can a sound judgment be passed upon
the conduct of Fra Girolamo. And we are equally convinced that
the principle was as clearly recognixed in the fifteenth century as it
has been in post-Tridentine days.
That Savonarola and his brethren should have respectfully sub-
mitted to the Pope their objections to the ordinance concerning the
newly-constituted Congregation, as had already been done in the case
PROPHET AND POPE 221
of the order for reunion with the convents of Lombardy, is no
matter for surprise or for condemnation. But when the Pope, not-
withstanding the reasons alleged, persevered in his determination,
the only reasonable course, objectively, was to submit.
Professor Schnitzer indeed is at pains to show, by numerous
references to the Canon Law and to the works of eminent canonists,
that the Pope could not lawfully or validly command any one to
exchange a stricter for a less strict Order or observance. 1 Passages,
however, which show that a dispensation issued to an individual to
pass from a stricter to a less strict observance is invalid if based on
inadequate reasons, are not to the present purpose. But we cannot
here enter into a discussion on a point of Canon Law, and instead
of examining one by one the authorities which I)r Schnitxer has
collected, or referred to, we will rattier appeal to what is in some
respects a parallel instance. l)r Schnitxer would presumably ac-
knowledge the validity of the Brief Dominits ac Redemptor, whereby
the Society of Jesus was suppressed, and its members secularised, by
Clement XIV. Here was an instance in which the members of an
approved religious Order were, for the good of the Church as it
appeared to the Pope, not merely reduced to a less strict observance,
but entirely disbanded, and deprived of the status of " religious.''
1 )r Schnitxer reminds us that the state of discipline in the convents
of Tuscany which had not embraced the reform of S. Marco was
deplorably lax ; - but we shall hardly be expected to believe that
men like Caraffa and Torriano were upholders of laxity. The
erection of the Romano-Tuscan Congregation was part of a general
scheme of reform which Caraffa seriously took in hand, and
Alexander himself subsequently explained that it was not his in-
tention that individual religious should be arbitrarily transferred from
S. Marco to other convents of the Order. :! When Villari urges that
the real motive of the Brief of union was to facilitate the removal of
Savonarola from Florence, he appears to forget that no attempt was
actually made to depose l-'ra (lirolamo from hi> office of Prior. >till
less to remove him to another convent. It would at least have been
possible to send him as far as Prato if this had hern desired. But
whether or no the reasons for the act of union were in themselves
good and sufficient, it must be admitted that the attitude of
1 Schnitzer, pp. 790 ../,;.
- Pico dell;i Mirandola, in his Apology for Savon.uol.i, -.pc.ik^ of thorn .is
" dens of thieves " (Schnitzer, Av. .-/.-.).
:1 Schnitzer, p. 792.
22 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
Savonarola in the Apo/ogeticum is that of one who no longer humbly
submits his objections to the judgment of the Pope, but simply takes
for granted the justice of his cause. He would, indeed, prefer that
this were recognised, but he is quite ready to defend to the last
extremity the position which he has taken up. And with every
allowance for personal good faith we cannot pretend to think that
such an attitude is objectively defensible.
Firm in his conviction that he was right, and that the Pope was
deceived, Savonarola continued his preaching during the Advent of
1496. The first eight sermons on Ezechiel, which belong to this
period, do nut seem to have been so markedly characterised by
invectives against the abuses of the Roman court and of the clergy
at large as some of his earlier and later discourses. But they show
abundant evidence of his anxiety about the political well-being of
the city. The Consiglio Grande has been opening its doors too
widely, and many evil-disposed persons have found a place therein.
The Signory must lop and prune ("bisogna andarlo limando e
racconciando ') ; the Consiglio must still be kept open to a large
number of citizens, but the enemies of their country must be
excluded. Nor must those be listened to who would have the
appointments to the magistracies determined by lot. 1 Measures
must be taken to check the license of those political gatherings
("conventicoli ") at which men fare sumptuously, and speak ill of
the constitution. The upshot of all their talk is abuse of "the
Friar" : the name of "the Friar" is as sauce to all their food, and
gives a flavour to their wine ("quivi si mangia pane e Frate, carne
e Frate, vino e Frate"). This poor Friar stands alone against all
the world.
" Come now ; as far as I am concerned I say to you : Call doctors, call
prelates, call whom you will, I am ready to contend with them all. -The
Signory must act with vigour ; they must take the sword in hand ; if
need be they must call tlie people to arms. Magistrates who do not
punish crime should be made to pay the penalty of the crimes which
they allow to pass with impunity. Justice, then, <> magnificent Signory :
justice, my Lords of the Kight : justice, ye magistrate* of Florence . . .
let every fine cry : Justice.'' -
1 I'.y voting against every name proposed, the enemies of the Consiglio had
endeavoured t nullify or stultify the appointments to public office?. Many,
disappointed at finding themselves n<:vi-r elected, urged a mure extended use of
the >orti!eye. These manoeuvres aie described in detiul by Guicciardini, Stcria
Fiorfiititm, pp. 153 tro, del die ;\vi-m<> tart.i
qualche iuditio . . . die 1'habii bona udvertemi.i aeeio non >ia circumvemito."
etc. (Cappelli, n. 1051.
"' " I.o' Nperadore perdcttc la sua nave e pre.-soche l.i vk.i. \"i-.into t.ile se^n^
e minirolo (!), 1'aiuto di Dio a' Kion-ntini. ininudi.itt' .s'.ind.' con 1'io c Usci^ tale
inipre^a '' (Landucci, I7th November). On 2ist and .37th NovcmlnT he speaks
again of the Emperor's precipitate tli^ht.
4 Landucci, 301 h November.
Yilluri, i. 499 sij<].
224 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
at this time that the age for admission into the Consiglio Grande was
lowered from thirty to twenty-four, a measure which gave a consider-
able increase of power to the young bloods of the city. These youths,
it need hardly be said, were the most pronounced enemies of the
severe censorship of morals which had been set up by Savonarola,
and which had never been more effectively exercised than it was
at the Carnival of 1497.'
Moreover, in the meanwhile the hopes which had been placed in
Charles VIII. had once more evaporated ; and this circumstance,
together with a certain reaction of feeling against the stringency of
the new regulations for the Carnival, once more diminished some-
what the prestige of Fra Girolamo. The Gonfaloniere elected for
March and April was Bernardo del Nero, the most highly respected
among the friends of the Medici family. He had, indeed, no
sympathy with the mad freaks of Piero,'-' but he was assuredly no
adherent of Savonarola. The Ten, however, did not go out of
office with the Signory, and it may possibly have been the conscious-
ness that the latter were less favourable to the Friar than heretofore
which stimulated them to so considerable a degree of activity in
pleading his cause at Rome, as it will appear from some of the
following letters that they now showed.
2)//i l'cl>niiiry 1497 ; Manfred! to d'Este. :; We understand that the
new Gonfaloniere and Signory are not favourable to the Friar, so that it
is feared that his authority will wane. He has been preaching against
the French King, saying that he will suffer for not having carried out the
work entrusted to him by God. The city is suffering from great scarcity,
and the country people are flocking in, and crying for bread.
26/// l-~cbnta>y ; Somenzi to Sforza. 4 It is believed that the Friar and
his faction will fare ill( u sara messo al fondo"). He has been preach-
ing against the French King, etc. (as in Manfredi's letter, supra).
Whereby it is easily seen that the Friar has been preaching in accordance
with the wishes of the government (i.e. that of Valori), and not by divine
inspiration, ;md so it is thought that he will lose his reputation, and that
all will go according to your Highness's wishes.
1 Villari, i. 500 sqq. It was on this occasion that the first "bonfire of
vanities " was held.
- Villari, ii. 13, 14.
' Cappelli, n. 96, where, however, it is misdated 5th February 1496. We
have already corrected the year. But it is clear that the day of the month also
is wrongly given. Compare the following letter from Somen/i.
* Yillari, ii. Append, p. xxv.
PROPHET AND POPE 225
5//$ March; Somenzi to Sforza. 1 Ercole d'Estc has visited Florence
in disguise in order, as is thought, to hear Fra Girolamo preach.-
7/A March; Manfred! to d'Este. 3 He has consulted Savonarola on
the subject of his master's relations with France. Fra Girolamo fears
that the King will not again come into Italy. These things are in the
hands of God, though human means must also be used. Manfrcdi,
apparently on the strength of this conversation, suggests that it would
be well for his Highness to send a confidential envoy ("qualche persona
religiosa, ma saputa") to the King, to stir him up. The new Gonfaloniere
(del Nero) seems to wish to change the form of government. The city
is in a state of greater disunion than ever, and disorder is feared. 4 The
Friar is doing his best to resist him (or to preserve the peace? "ad
obviarlo"), but his adversaries are many and powerful, and are asserting
themselves more and more, and speaking with as great license as can be
imagined (in un parlare tanto licentioso che non potria essere peggio).
Nevertheless, the Friar does not cease to speak with courage (animosa-
mente) against all evil livers, and against all who seek to ruin the
Consiglio, which he declares to be the work of God. He has a great
hearing.
jth March ; Savonarola to d'Este. 5 (This is the confidential com-
munication, containing that "secret of the Lord" which d'Este's faith
has merited that he should learn, and of which something was said in a
former chapter.) U'Este will do well to send a trusty person to the French
King in the hopes of opening his eyes (to the duty of once more invading
Italy). But at the same time, and this the writer adds on his own
account, it would be well to practise some finesse ("usare qualche
astutia") with the enemy in order to avoid danger. 8
jfh March 1497 ; Hecchi to the Ten. 7 Piero and the Cardinal cle'
Medici rejoice to hear that cries of " Palle ! Palle!"have been heard in
Florence, and they hope to return within two months. (It was, of course,
the election of del Nero as Gonfaloniere which raised these hopes.) 8 A
certain Fra Santi, a Dominican from Florence, is said to have come
with a message from Savonarola to Piero (!). All sorts of lies are in
circulation.
About this time an additional envoy, Scr Alcssandro Bracci, a
' Yillari, ii. 6 (a fragment only).
- But this must surely be a miuirJ. Only two days later we find Savonarola
writing to d'Este.
3 Cappclli, n. 107.
4 Many indications, however, scattered through his letter, suggest that Manfred!
was of a nervous temperament. He had no experience at home of popular govern-
ment.
5 Cappclli, n. 108.
6 Si-e above, p. 136.
7 C.herardi, p. 146.
8 Landucci speaks of the Medicean cry as having Uvn raided (again) on 2ist
March, but adds : " E no' ne fu nulla " ( " it all came to nothing ").
p
226 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
more considerable personage than Ricciardo Becchi, was sent by the
Signory to Rome on a special mission concerning the affair of Pisa.
He was also charged to urge the cause of Fra Girolamo. 1 His letters
now alternate with those of his junior colleague.
I4/7/ March ; Bracci to the Ten." Reports a long conversation with
the Pope. His Holiness began by lamenting the evils which had followed
from the French invasion, of which evils Florence has had its share in
the loss of Pisa. If only the Florentines will be "good Italians," and
join the League, they shall have Pisa again. Bracci replied that they
had always been good Italians. Their alliance with France was
defensive, not offensive, etc. The Pope replied with rough humour that
the Signory had sent a stout ambassador with a thin commission
('' Domine Secretari, voi siete grasso come noi, ma, perdonateci, voi sete
venuto con una magra commissione"). If he had nothing better to say
he might return whence he came. '' Your Signory," said the Pope, "deals
only in fine words. But we say : ' Si nolueritis benedictionem elonga-
bitur a vobis.' We will not have the French in Italy, and you by your
obstinacy are working your own ruin." In vain Bracci urged that the
city was never more united or enjoyed greater internal peace. 3 The
Pope persevered in his condemnation of the French alliance.
i^th March ; Bracci to the Ten. 4 The Pope cannot understand why
the Ten are in such high spirits (omle alle S. Y. si nascesse tanta
ghagliardia), but he believes it to be due to the confidence which they
place in the prophecies of Savonarola, whom he styles "quello vostro
parabolano." If his Holiness could personally address the Florentine
people, he has no doubt that he would be able to convince them of their
error to their own advantage, and to deliver them from the blindness into
which the Friar has led them. But his chief complaint is that the Signory
and the people suffer him to inveigh against and to threaten the present
occupant unworthy though he be of the Holy See.' 1 Hracci has
replied that, although by reason of official business he has never heard
the Prior preach, he has also never heard that he has exceeded the limits
of modesty and prudence. His doctrine is irreproachable, and his life
and conduct arc those of an excellent religious man (religioso di somma
bonta).
i<)//i Mnrc/i ; Becchi to the Ten.' ; -The Pope is well-disposed, but the
Duke of Milan and the Ycnetians arc indignant that Florence has not
1 Gherardi, p. 148.
2 Gherardi, p. 149.
3 Yet only a week previously Manfredi had written : " The city is more divided
than ever " (Cappelli, n. 107, snfra}.
4 Gherardi, p. 153.
3 " Che quelli vostri Signori et cittadini soppoitino chc da lui siamo lacerati
ct vilipesi, minacciati et conculcati, die pure scdiamo, licet immeriti, in cjuesta
Santa Sede."
* Gherardi, p. 1 54.
PROPHET AND POPE 227
joined the League. They are stirring up the Pope against the Republic,
and persuade him that the mission of Bracci is merely a device to gain
time till it becomes clear what the French are going to do. "They con-
sider that this obstinacy of yours proceeds entirely from the advice and
persuasion of the Friar ; and that even if you wished to take a decisive
step, and show yourselves good Italians, you would not be able to do so
without his consent." They ridicule you for this, and the more so because
they understand that at this very time his Paternity has once more
reasserted all that he has said about the King of France, has threatened
Italy and especially Rome, and has spoken of the reformation of the
Church, etc. And if his Paternity will not consent to this union with the
other convents of Tuscany on which, after mature deliberation, and with
the concurrence of other Cardinals and prelates, Carafifa has determined,
they will proceed against him with censures and will excommunicate him.
Nay, it is here publicly said that he is already excommunicate, for not
having obeyed the late Brief. Caraffa urges obedience, alleging that
the union is "truly the work of Ciod," and not the outcome of calumnies,
etc.
2yd March ; IBecchi to the Ten. 1 Everyone thinks that you ought
to take efficacious measures for the recovery of Pisa, even at the cost of
giving Leghorn or Yolterra, or both, as hostages for your fidelity. But
here it is said that even if the League were to offer you Pisa without
conditions they would have to implore you to accept it, because " the
Friar will not allow you to deliberate " on the matter. The city is said to
be divided between the Friar and the League. One of the Cardinals has
declared that, if only you would be united, all would be well, and that
you would soon be delivered from the present scarcity ; but that every
one laughs at the Florentines for allowing themselves to be ruled by
a friar. Were it not for the Friar you would, he says, long since have
joined the League.
\st A/'il ; The Ten to Becchi.'-' They arc grateful for the Cardinal's
kind advice, for it is their principal desire to be united. But in fact
there is neither discord or disunion in the city, since all arc determined
to preserve their liberty and the present form of government. If any
one has reported otherwise he is a deceiver. And if the character of the
men who carry such talcs wore considered, it would be clear to all how
vain arc the hopes of Piero dc' Medici (quanto debolc fondamento ^v.
quello di P. d. M.). His friends are few and desperate, men of no con-
dition or credit. \Ve assure you that the persons whom he seeks to win
over to his cause are not the kind of men who will go to sea without
victualling their ship ("embarchare facilmente san/a bischotto"). As
for the Friar, we are not governed by him. He fulfils the office of a good
and zealous preacher after a manner which compels our gratitude ; but
he does not meddle in the details of politics (sanza impacciarsi di alcuno
particulare circa il governo nostroX Any statement to the contrary is
1 Gherardi, p. 156. '' Ghor.uJi, p. 157.
228 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
false, and is dictated by the passions of men, who dislike the restraints of
a virtuous life (da passione di alchuni a' quali displace il ben viverc).
ind April ; Somenzi to Sforza. 1 The recent elections are such as to
give no hopes to Piero de' Medici. It is true that some of his friends are
in office, but their influence is counteracted by that of others. As for the
followers of Fra (Jirolamo, who are favourable to the French alliance,
they are now discredited. And because they cannot justify themselves
and their policy, they console themselves by saying all they can against
the Duke of Milan. (The letter is of no serious importance except as
showing how Somenxi could foment discord by reporting to his master
the political tittle-tattle of the city.)
The last two letters were written in the Easter week of 1497, and
a month's gap in the correspondence affords a suitable opportunity
for taking account of the Lenten sermons (on Kzechiel) which Fra
(iirolamo had preached during the two preceding months. Like all
his sermons they had been full of vehement and thrilling denuncia-
tions of vice, and more especially of vice in the high and holy places
of the Church. As heretofore, so now, he does not spare the abuses
of the Roman court. But in the concluding words of the passages
now to be quoted he strikes a fresh note of warning which shows
clearly his presentiment of a crisis at hand, not for himself alone
but for the Church at large. Those who believe in his prophetic
mission would say, we presume, that if he did not live to cry :
" La/arus, come forth," and if Alexander VI. did not live to hear the
cry, nevertheless the summons came in God's own time, and in
God's own way, though too late to hinder the desolating catastrophe
of the Protestant Reformation. These are the preacher's words, as
slightly abridged by Villari :
"Come hither, thou profligate Church (ribalda Chiesa). I gave thee,
saith the Lord, beautiful garments, and ye have made idols of them. The
sacred vessels have served your pride, the sacraments have been turned
to simony ; by your vices you have become a shameless harlot ; you arc
worse than a brute beast, you are a horrible monster ! There was a time
when you were ashamed of your sins, but this is no more so. There was
a time when priests called their sons nephews ; now they are no longer
nephews, but sons sons and no mistake (figliuoli per tutto). ... O
harlot Church, you have made your deformity known to all the world,
and the stench of your foulness has risen up to heaven. . . . Behold, I
will stretch forth my hands, saith the Lord, I will come upon thee, thou
profligate and wicked one ; my sword shall be upon thy children . . .
upon thy harlots and upon thy palaces, and my justice shall be made
Villari, ii. Append, p. xxvi.
PROPHET AND POPE 229
known. Heaven, earth, angels, good men and wicked shall accuse thee,
and no one shall stand up for thee ; I will deliver thee into the hands
of those that hate thee. 1 " "O ye priests and friars, you by your bad
example have buried this people in the grave of ceremonies. I toll you
that this grave must be broken open, because Christ wishes to raise up
His Church again in spirit. . . . We must all pray for this renewal.
Write to France, to Germany, write to every place : This Friar says that
you must all have recourse to the Lord, and pray that the Lord may
vouchsafe to come. Do you suppose that we alone are good ? That
there are no servants of God in other places ? Jesus Christ has many
servants ; there are many such in Germany, in France, in Spain, who
now lie hidden, and mourn over this disease (of the Church}. In every
city, and town, and village, in every religious Order, there are those who
have a share in this fire. These send to ask me to say a word in their
ear, and I answer: 'Stay quiet (state nascosti) till you shall hear the
summons (infino a che si dira) : Lazarus, come forth.' As for me, I stand
here because the Lord has sent me to you, and I wait till He shall call
me. Then will I utter a loud cry which shall be heard in all Christendom,
and shall make the body of the Church to tremble, even as the voice of
God made that of Lazarus to tremble."
Nor is the impending excommunication absent from his
thoughts.
" Many of you tell me that excommunications are coming ; but I tell
you that there is need of something else than of excommunications. 3 ' Hut
are you not afraid?' Not I, for they wish to excommunicate me because
I do no evil. Bring this excommunication aloft on a spear-head, and
open the gates to it. I will answer it ; and if I do not make you to
marvel, say afterwards what you please. I will make many faces on
every side grow pale ; and I will send forth a cry which will make the
world quake and upheave.' 1 '
Those who will may defend the resistance offered hy Fra
Girolamo to Alexander VI. The fact at least is nut to be denied, in
view of this very open and explicit declaration of war it ontraiuc.
On 28th April, just before the termination of Hernardo del Neru's
term of office, Piero de' Medici, whose hopes, as has been seen,
had been raised by the appointment, presented himself in the early
1 S. 32011 K/.echiel (Yilhui, ii. 4). A fuller text is given in Yillaii .uul Casa-
nova, pp. 267 -v/ ( r;v'<>, 51)1 May and nth June) notes th.H
while sermons was prohibited, taverns of evil repute were thrown open, and
certain sports (which could hardly fail to draw a greater crowd than any sermon)
were revived.
- " Nel incse di ma^io . . . succe-se nel nuiMstrato (esscndo gnnfalimierc di
giusti/.ia 1'iero de^li Alberti) una certa qu.ilita d' uoniini molto conirari al Frale,
e alia mente di quelli era in lutto coiifnime il ma^isliato dei;li otto " (Xardi, i.
107). (.luicciardini states (pp. 150-51) that Savonarola's enemies \\eie in a majority
of one on the Board. He still had four supporters in the new Si^noiy.
3 Landucci, 27th May and 1st June.
CHAPTER XII
THE EXCOMMUNICATION
IT was little more than a week after the outrage which has been
related at the close of the last chapter that the Brief Cum sape
a quamphtrimis, whereby Fra Girolamo was declared excom-
municate, was issued by Alexander VI. And, indeed the conjunction
of events does at first sight seem to lay the Pontiff open to the charge
of having waited till the Friar was down, before striking this final
blow. Yet, on further consideration, it seems more than doubtful
whether such a view of the matter can be substantiated. Since the
close of Lent, and in particular since the failure of Piero's abortive
attempt on the city, more than one of Savonarola's enemies and
among them Fra Mariano da Gennazzano and one Gianvittorio da
Camerino had betaken themselves to Rome, and had used their
utmost efforts to stir up the Pope to take strong measures against him.
On ist May, before the news of the election of the new Signorycan
have reached Rome, Bracci reports to the Ten that the Pope has
expressed his wish that the authorities would prevail upon Savonarola
to cease from speaking ill of him. Bracci replied that the Friar had
never attacked his Holiness individually, and that the reports to
the contrary must have originated with that malicious tale-bearer,
Camerino. 1 On 6th May the Ten inform Bracci that all preaching
has been stopped for the present. Savonarola, they admit, may
have " incidentally " exceeded the bounds of moderation, but on the
whole he exercises the functions of a preacher " modestamente."
Nevertheless, when he recommences, he shall be admonished.- It
is perhaps not a matter for surprise that assurances of this kind did
not satisfy the Pope, and did not avail to ward off the sentence.
Issued on i3th May, the Brief was not published at Florence till
more than a month later, a delay which was caused by the choice
of Camerino to-be its bearer. The envoy came on his way as far as
Siena. Further he dared not venture, for fear, as he said, lest he
1 Ghcranli, |>. 158. * Ibid.) p. 159.
THE EXCOMMUNICATION 233
should be torn in pieces by the adherents of the Friar. 1 He had
indeed good reason to be afraid, not perhaps of any overt act of
popular vengeance, but of legal pains and penalties. For only a
few months previously he had been expelled the city, and the Eight,
though they were even more hostile to Fra Girolamo than the new
Signory, might have found it difficult to pass over any infraction of
the decree of banishment. The Arrabbiati appear to have dreaded
the consequences of the appearance of so unpopular a man in the
city at this juncture, and Parenti declares that they sent him a
message warning him not to come.- Accordingly he remained at
Siena till the middle of June, and the Signory, though fully informed
by their ambassadors in Rome, and by Camerino himself, of the
existence of the Brief, had no official cognisance of its contents.
Enough, however, was known to give occasion for a determined
attempt, in a Pratica held on 2oth May, to procure a decree of
banishment against the Friar ; :! an attempt, however, which proved
abortive for lack of a two-thirds majority. It is strange that even
under a Signory thus disposed, the Ten, who had entered upon their
term of office in January, and were still in power, continued to
write in his favour to their ambassadors in Rome. It was some-
what as though the Foreign Office were to carry on a correspondence
independently of, and to some extent in opposition to, Her
Majesty's government. And yet the opposition was perhaps more-
apparent than real. For, as afterwards appeared, many of those
who were ready enough to condemn Savonarola on their own
account were by no means desirous that the Pope should interfere
(as they regarded the matter) in the affairs of the city. It is also
a characteristic sign of the times that precisely at this juncture a
sort of hybrid Committee of Public Safety had been appointed,
embracing men of all parties, in order to preserve the internal peace
of the city/ 1
1 Nardi, i. 102.
" Kiputando li adversarii del Fratc die talc mandatario incorrere potrebl>c
nella pena, e dare sturbo al froccdersi contro al /'/*/<, per la via 1'adveitirono n<>n
venissi," etc. (I'arenti apud Gherardi, p. 162). The circumstances under which
Camerino had been banished are not clearly known. UN otVcncc (committed
under a government friendly to Savonarola) secm. to have K-cn that t having
brought malicious accusations against the Friar (Ghcrardi. p. 101 : 1'au-nti, i:.\:'.\
3 l.cttoc (i l-'ilippo Strozzi (Yillari, ii. 25).
4 Their names are given by Guicciardini (\V;/.; 1-icxntina, p. 151). Among
them were such conspicuous party chiefs as Bernardo del Nero, Guidantonio
Vespucci, and Francesco Yalori.
234 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
Becchi's next letter is characteristic of the man. He is a diligent
retailer of gossip, and not a little credulous. We may well hesitate to
believe, on no better authority than his, the truth of the charges
which he makes against the two Cardinals, Caraffa and Lope/.
ig//t May; Becchi to the Ten. 1 Concerning the Brief [Cum s(epe\
Ser Alessandro will have informed you, and also concerning the promise
made to us by " N'apoli" (i.e. CarafTa, Archbishop of Naples), and of his
audience with the Pope. But I must not omit to inform you who it is
that has obtained the Brief. For the Pope, though indignant with the
Friar, and determined to punish him, nevertheless would not have pro-
ceeded to extremities had he not been instigated thereto. "And
although many excuse themselves, professing not to have known any
thing about it, I hereby make known to your Lordships that Monsignore
reverendissimo di Napoli is its real author, along with many other
Cardinals. And Perugia, too (i.e Lopez), although he swears that he
knew nothing about the Brief till after the departure of Messer G. da
Camerino yet I know for certain that his most Reverend Lordship
is at the bottom of the whole affair (ha solecitato tutto)." And all this
is being done to satisfy the Cardinal de" Medici and the friends of
Piero.
20//i May; The Ten to Bracci.- They have received his letters,
informing them of his negotiations with the Pope and CararTa onJjehalf
of Savonarola. They are no less indignant than surprised to hear of
the steps that are being taken against him ; for all proceeds from mis-
representations. Any one who will examine the manner of Fra (iirolamo's
preaching, will see that he has never blamed or reprehended any
individual in particular, but has inveighed against vice in general,
which is the office of a preacher. He has never made express mention
in his sermons either of the Pope or of any Cardinal, or indeed of any
other person. For the rest, his preaching has produced the most
abundant fruits, by reason of his learning and of his most religious life ;
so much so that it may be said with truth that the city is extremely
indebted to his Paternity for having brought it to a good rule and
pattern of life. Bracci must implore the Pope and the Cardinal of
Naples to proceed in this matter with the gravity and deliberation which
befits them.
In the meanwhile Fra Girolamo, fully apprised of the machina-
tions of his enemies, and probably having more than an inkling of
the despatch of the Brief, wrote a letter 3 to the Pope of which we
give the substance, and in part the words :
" For what reason [he asks], is my Lord angry with his servant ?
1 Gherardi, p. 163.
a Gherardi, ibid. Bracci's letters, here referred to, are lost.
3 The letter is given by (.hietif, ii. 125 sq<].
THE EXCOMMUNICATION 235
Have I done wrong, because my enemies accuse me? Why does not
my Lord interrogate his servant, and listen to his reply before believing
the charges against him ? . . . For your Holiness holds the place of God
on earth." His enemies accuse him, says the writer, of having ceaselessly
carped at the Pope with injurious words. He wonders that Alexander
does not see through their malice. Thousands of witnesses, and his
own printed words, bear testimony in his favour. How can that high
and mighty preacher (concionator isle egregius et sublimatus, i.e. Kra
Mariano) have the face to charge him with a fault of which as many
can testify he is himself guilty. Kra Girolamo remembers well how
he once had occasion to reprove him for the insolent words which he
had dared to utter from the pulpit against his Holiness. "As for me,
I have always submitted to correction, and as often as there shall be
need I will again and again submit." His practice is continually to
invite all men to penance, and he intends as soon as possible to issue
his work, De Triumpho Cruets, from which the soundness of his doctrines
will appear. If all other help fails, he will confide in God. 1
It appears from the subsequent correspondence of the Florentine
envoys in Rome with the Ten, that Alexander was touched by this
letter, and if we may believe Bracci, that he even repented of having
issued the Brief.- However this may be, the document had left the
Pope's hands, and at last on Sunday, i8th June, it was solemnly
published in Florence. The following is a summary of its
contents :
We have [says the Pope] on various occasions been informed by very
many persons worthy of credit, both ecclesiastics and laymen, that a
certain Kra Girolamo Savonarola of Kerrara, of the Order of Preachers,
Vicar as is reported (ut auditur) of S. Marco at Florence, has dis-
seminated certain pernicious teachings (quoddam pernitiosum dogma^ to
the scandal and ruin of simple souls redeemed by the blood of Christ.
This we have heard not without displeasure : but because we hoped that
he would recognise his error, and would soon retrace his steps ^sesc
retrahere a periculosa via), and that with true simplicity of heart,
humility, and obedience he would return to Christ, and to the Holy
Church, we addressed to him a Brief, wherein we commanded him,
in virtue of holy obedience, to come to us that he might purge himself of
the errors charged against him, and in the meanwhile to desist from
preaching. He, however, would by no means obey. We, for our part,
1 The limits of our space do not permit of our giving anything in the nature
of a summary of the treatise, De Triumpho Ov/, //. It is remarkable as anticipat-
ing those apologetic treatises which now find a place in the curriculum of our
theological schools. An English translation, by Mr Travels Hill, w.is published
by Ilodder Stoughton in 1868.
- These letters will be summarised later.
236 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
dealt with him perchance more mildly than the case required, and
bore with (tolcravimus) certain excuses which he alleged, and even
tolerated (substinuimus, sic) his disobedience in continuing to preach
notwithstanding our prohibition, in the hope that our clemency would
cause him to return to the way of obedience. But as our hopes were
disappointed, in a Brief dated 7th November [1496], we commanded
him, in virtue of holy obedience, and under pain of excommunication
to be incurred ipso facto, to unite his convent with a certain new
congregation styled ' of the Roman and Tuscan province,' recently erected
by us. This ordinance he failed to carry out, nor would he in any wise
obey our letters, disregarding the ecclesiastical censures which he
thereby incurred, and under which he now lies (insordescit). Wherefore,
that we may not be wanting in our pastoral duty, we command you
publicly to declare him excommunicate. 1 Moreover, all persons of
whatsoever condition are to be warned that they are to avoid the said
Fra Hieronymo as a person excommunicated and suspected of heresy,
and this under the like pain of excommunication. 2
Landucci, who was present, describes the publication of the
sentence in the Augustinian church of Santo Spirito, and tells us
that it was also promulgated in several other churches of the city.
Savonarola lost no time in issuing his counterblast. We deliberately
call it by this name, because it was not a letter respectfully addressed
to the Pope, setting forth his reasons for having disobeyed his
commands, and the grounds on which the sentence appeared to him
unjust and invalid, but a manifesto addressed " to all Christians "
("a tutti li Christian! et diletti di Dio"). 3
The writer of this private encyclical describes himself as
"The servant of Christ Jesus, sent by Him to the city of Florence
to announce the great scourge which is to come upon Italy, and
especially upon Rome, and which is to extend itself over all the world,
in our days and quickly ; to the end that His elect may find themselves
prepared in the midst of so great tribulations, and may thus escape the
anger of God, who wishes in this way to remove evils and to renovate
His Church and the whole universe."
And he thus continues :
"May God then be thanked for His great goodness, in that He has
chosen us to be the ministers of this truth, on which account we willingly
1 " Ut in vcstris licclesiis, (Helms fcstivis, duin populi adcrit multitude,
declarctis et pronuntietis dictum fratrem Hieronymum cxcommunicatutn, et pro
excommunicate hahcri et ccnseri ah omiiilnis, co quod nostris . . . monitis et
mandatis non parueril."
The text of the Brief is given ly Villari, ii. Append, pp. xxxix., xl. ;
del I .ungo, p. 17.
J <,)uelif, ii. 185 j) but not to the
common people, a man may disregard it in private, but he must respect
and observe it in public until there is reasonable ground to hold that the
danger of scandal has ceased. For instance, if one lu> been publicly
excommunicated and publicly denounced, he >hotild publicly declare the
grounds on which the sentence is invalid ; and when this has been done,
there is no longer any danger of scandal to the weak ($i\ine understood to speak of a sentence
\vhich is plainly and notoriously unjust.
THE EXCOMMUNICATION 241
with the frequenters of our convent are themselves excommunicate. Such
persons labour under crass ignorance, to use no harder words (ut
graviora taceam)."
The letter ends with an exhortation to pray for the Church, that
God may once more enlighten her as of old.
From this manifesto it is clear that Savonarola believed, or had at
least persuaded himself, not only that the sentence of excommunica-
tion was in itself invalid, but also that after his first public protest he
was under no obligation of respecting it even in public.
It is worth while to note explicitly on what grounds this
persuasion was based. And in the first place it was not based on
the merely declaratory character of the Jirief, as though for this
reason alone it had been inoperative. This is a line of defence
which has been taken up quite recently by some of Fra Girolamo's
apologists. The I'ope, it is affirmed, did not excommunicate
him, but simply declared him to be excommunicate. 1 Savonarola,
however, urges no such plea as this. He treats the sentence as
formally effective, and as inoperative on material grounds alone. -
And as regards these material grounds he argues from what he
holds to be a sound principle of Canon Law, as expounded very
clearly and emphatically by Gerson, and less clearly, but in his
opinion not less unmistakably, by the other authorities to whom he
refers.
Is it then to be admitted, or can it be maintained, that
Savonarola's action was in itself defensible? We think not, and for
several reasons. In the first place in order to form a reasonable
judgment on the subject it is most important to distinguish cleaily
between three distinct questions. The first is as to the duty of
obedience in the matter of the new Congregation. The second
concerns the validity of the sentence of excommunication, which
was the penalty imposed for refusing to obey. And the third is as
1 This is the main argument of a pamphlet entitled l'n .<;.'//(.'< c .c";;nn-
icato Sa:\niarcla / by Father L. (1. Lottini, 0. 1'. ^Mii.in. iSuS .
This point has been very clearly put in a recent number inth Angu-: \ of the
Cirilta Cattolii'a. After ([noting abundant evidence liom the seiiU"i,s of Kr.i
(lirolamo and other contemporary documents, the \\iiui concludes : ".^e uuntjiic
non >i vuol far violen/.a alia storia ed al seii.Mi ovvio clie lumi>> le c^pievior.i ui
chi parla o scrive, convien dire che fra Girolanio e tuiti i >u>>i ainici c nemici
prcseri) il Breve ncl senso /////////'rv, ciee di una vcr.i e propiia scomunica de
fricscnti, e non gia nel senso Jii/iitim.'t:'j di censure incori-c preccdentcmcnte '
(p. 310).
U
242 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
to the duty of observing the excommunication at least in public, even
supposing that it was in itself null.
Hrst, then, as regards the refusal to obey the precept of union.
I)r Schnitzer quotes a number of passages from the writings of
various eminent canonists, Innocent IV., Nicholas de Tudeschis
(Panormitanus), Felino Sandeo, and Sylvester Mazzolini (Prierias),
as to the obedience due, or not due, under various circum-
stances, to an unjust command. 1 Lest we should even appear
to deserve the reproach of understating the case for the defence,
we give these passages as nearly as possible in their entirety.
Innocent IV. writes :
"But how if the Pope should impose an unjust precept, seeing that he
has no superior with whom the subject can treat? It may be said that,
if he command anything touching spiritual or ecclesiastical persons, he
is to be obeyed even if the command be unjust, because it is not lawful
for any one to judge of his actions . . . unless the command should in-
volve some heresy, for then to obey would be sinful ; or unless there should
be a strong presumption (nisi vehemcnter praesumeretur) that, from the
execution of the command, there would ensue a disturbance of the peace
of the Church, or other evil consequences, for then he would sin In-
obeying, since it is his duty to provide against future evils, not to foment
them." *
Panormitanus says :
" If the prince should impose any precept from the execution of
which it is to be presumed that scandal will arise in the State, the
subject ought not to obey. And in like manner, it is to be said that, it
the prince orders anything which is contrary to [the law of] God, he is
not to be obeyed, and this even if the prince believes that he is acting
justly, and the judge alone is aware that the precept is sinful." 3
The concluding words of the above paragraph (" et judici notum
sit, etc.") show that the case contemplated is that of an official,
exercising subordinate authority, who is commanded to do some-
thing in the exercise of his office which he sees to be sinful. The
principle, however, is perfectly general, and under all circumstances
the law holds good that conscience is supreme over individual
conduct. Thus Panormitanus writes elsewhere: "Against the
1 Schnitzer, pp. 787 spc /w//' itial>et effectum, quia non est excommunicatio ;
si autem talis error non annullet sentcntiam habct ctiectum suum " (Suifima,
Suppl. q. xxi., a. 4).
THE EXCOMMUNICATION ?45
error." 1 Whether the excommunication of Fra (Tirolamo could
plausibly be said to contain, or involve, an "intolerable error," is a
question that will come up for consideration in due course. But in
the meanwhile we must take account of what might seem to be a
more lenient view of the whole matter of unjust censures, which is
now commonly, if not universally, held. I ''or whereas S. Thomas
and S. Antoninus, with others of the older canonists, when treating
of censures which arc objectively unjust, distinguish between those
which are valid and those which are null, it is now maintained that
in all cases in which no moral fault has been committed by the
delinquent, the censure is of its own nature intrinsically invalid. 2
The apparent contradiction arises, however, rather from a difference
in the point of view from which the subject is regarded, and in the
terminology employed, than from any real divergence of judgment.
When the older writers distinguish between a censure which, though
objectively unjust, is yet juridically valid, they have in view \\\vfontm
externum ; and when the more recent writers maintain that in the
absence of moral guilt the censure is always invalid, they are speaking
1 S. Antoninus, ibid. Ilallerini sums up the grounds of nullity in the words:
" Invalida vero [est censura] qua: aut fertur a non habente potestatcin, vcl contra
alicujus privilegium vcl post legitimam appellationem, vel quando omtinet
errorem intolcrabilem." The plea of "privilege" cannot be urged against the
Pope, for all ecclesiastical privileges in the strict sense of the term are revocable
by him.
- " Deniquc excusatur a culpa [ ? a censura] qui vere innoccns cst : cum cnim
censura nemini imponi possit absque culpa, qui ab hac liber cst crit ctiam a censura
liber" (Schmal/gnicber Jus Caiionicnui, lib. v., tit. 39, n. So). After giving two
other cases, which do not here concern us, the writer proceeds : " I'otest contingere
ut culpa quidem non adsit, probetur tamen adesse "(/.<. the alleged delinquent
is morally innocent, either because he has not done the action charged against
him, or because in doing it he followed the dictates of his own conscience) ; and
in this case : " Dicendum probabilius in hoc casu innocentem censura n<'ii lig.ui."
A long series of approved authors, from C'ajetan to Cnstropalao, are cited .is
holding this opinion, as against certain older canonists ; and then the grounds of
the more lenient opinion are stated. " Ratio est quia pr.vceplum ilhul judicis
nititur falsa pnesumptione obligationis ct crrore aperto : igitur cum alicnum sit a
benignitate ccclesio; cogere ct obligare sub censura ad solvendum tanquam dcbiium
quod nullo modo est debitum, non est credendum ullam MO condemnato oHiga-
tionem induci ex hoc pnvcepto" (es
the avoidance of scandal (ibid. n. 83). Ballerini (c 1 /;// .V.v,;.V, vii. 43) adopts
the language of Schmalzgrueber, and declares that his opinion is now commonly
accepted.
246 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
of the forum intcrmim^ So far as there is, or may be, a real diver-
gence of opinion, it would touch only on the lawfulness of neglecting
to observe, in private, the prohibitions involved in the censure.
But whatever the theoretical difference of opinion may or may
not be as to the possible validity or invalidity of a sentence of ex-
communication which is objectively unjust, all are agreed that such a
sentence must be "respected," in other words, that the prohibitions
which it implies must be observed in public, unless the juridical
invalidity of the sentence has been first made publicly known.-
Now the invalidity of a sentence cannot be made publicly known if
it depends simply on the dictates of the individual conscience, of
which, from the nature of the case, the faithful at large can take no
cognisance. Hence both those who assert, or appear to assert, that
a censure may be valid, even though it be objectively unjust, and
those who declare that a censure can not be valid when the alleged
delinquent has been guilty of no moral fault, agree in saying that the
obligation of external observance in public holds good unless the
sentence can be publicly shown to be null, either in consequence
of some legal flaw, or because it contains "an intolerable error." 3
1 Th.it the two opinions arc not really at variance (except possibly as regards
private observance) appears from Hallerini (('/v/x Morale, torn, vii.), who in one
place distinguishes between an unjuM sentence of excommunication which is valid
and one \\hich is invalid (p. 166), while elsewhere he leaches that in the absence
of moral fault a censure i> necevarily invalid p. 43). That the reconciliation of
these apparently conflicting statements lies in (he distinction between the fc>niin
txfei'iniiii and the forum internttni appears clearly from Reitlenstuel (In 5 /V.r.,
tit. 39, n. 41). " Ouamvis ille, qui vel absque villa vere subsislente causa,
consequenter peniius innocens. vel saltern absque sufficient! legitima causa,
censuratur, v. g. cxcommunicalur, reipsa coram I >eo, et in foro conscientiae
censuram . . . noil incurrat, ncc effect ibus illius svibjaceat . . . nihilomirms si
secundiini allegata et probata in judicio ceiisetur nocens . . . debet censura in
foro externo et in facie cccIeM;e tain a censurato quam ab aliis servari, donee vel
ah ea praesumptu.-, reiis fuerit absolulus, vel innoceiuia ijisius atque error censurae
publice innotuerit.' 1
- "Ratio est," says Reiflciistuel, "turn quia in foro externo adcst saltern
casusa praesumpta ; turn quia hoc nece>se est ad publicam utilitatcm et disciplinam,
et . . . ad hoiiu m publicum tuendum, cui bono bonvim privatum nierito postponi
debct. Kt certe si etiam in foro externo censura servari in tali easvi non deberel,
inalevolis lata apcriretur porta, quaslibet ccii'-uras contemncndi ; cum diccre
possent, se coram Deo csse innocentes," etc. (/,v. //,), \< \\
must behave as if il were valid ; and this on general ground* of ] ub'i,- utility,
and of the duty of observing law and order :ind of avoiding scandal .Schmal/-
grueber, Ice, (//.).
1 " t'tpote si asseritur in excommunicationis sententi.i intolembilem errorcin
fuisse palenter expivssum, id e>t aliquid sub vi praecepii vel m.ind.ri apcrte in
ea contineri quod cotiununitcr vel in suo genere e--t peccattim, \elut si dicat forte
aliquis se . . . excommunicatum . . . quia 11011 operab.iuir id quod suo actu
illicitum est ct piavum " (Cap. 7, f Vw,? 7 '/.V ; .v : o Av. tit. \i., sj ;V
248 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
avail ouiselves not only of the letters written by Savonarola in
response to the Brief Cum sf, but also of the Apohgeticum Fratrum
S. Muni, which has been summarised in a former chapter, and of
the Apology for Fra Girolamo adressed to Ercole d'Este (much to
the distress of that prince) by Gianfrancesco Pico della Mirandola
in the winter of 1 497-98. ]
The precept whereby Savonarola was commanded to merge the
Convent of S. Marco and the houses attached to it in the newly-
erected Congregation of his Order was obviously one which per se
fell entirely within the competence of the Pope's authority. The
Congregation of S. Marco, as has been said, owed its canonical
erection to a papal Brief; and a papal Brief could annul what a
papal Brief had enacted. Moreover, there was more than one/r/wa
facie reason for the new arrangement. The multiplication of
subordinate jurisdictions within the Order might, as has been said,
reasonably be deemed undesirable ; and the arguments which had
militated in favour of the separation of S. Marco a few years
previously might seem to be overborne by the advantages to be
gained by merging S. Marco and its dependencies in a more general
scheme of reform. These are not merely imaginary considerations,
but are the points alleged as the ostensible motives of the scheme
of reform in the Apologeticum Fratrum .V. Marti. We have
already seen that the writer of the ApologcticHm is at great
pains to show that these reasons are fallacious. But whatever
may be thought of the value of his arguments, with their calm
assumption of superiority on the part of the brethren of S. Marco, it
can hardly be said that the Apologeticum raises the question above
the level of a matter of opinion, or that it convincingly shows the
project of union to be intrinsically wrong ("ex suo genere malum ")
or contrary to any divine or natural law. And it is of interest to
note that in Savonarola's own days a project very similar to that
which was now in hand on behalf of the Dominican convents of
Rome and Tuscany had actually been carried out in a considerable
number of the Benedictine monasteries of Italy. The reformed
congregation of Santa Giustina at Padua had not only sent out a
number of offshoots, vi/. to Bassano, Verona, Genoa, Pavia, and
Milan, but had also effected, by means of monks sent out for that
purpose, the reform of many other houses of the Order, viz. at or
1 These two documents are given in Quctif, ii. 74 r '/'7- an ^ 3 r '7'7-
THE EXCOMMUNICATION 249
near Rome, Naples, Perugia, Piaccnza, Bologna, Modena, Mantua,
Milan, and Venice. 1
Moreover, apart from the balance of intrinsic reasons for and
against the scheme, it must be remembered that the authority which
Savonarola declined to obey was not merely that of Alexander VI.,
who might perhaps have been reasonably suspected of acting from
sinister motives, but also that of the General of the Order, Torriano,
and of the newly appointed vicar, Cardinal Caraffa, neither of whom
could fairly be charged either with malicious designs against Fra
Girolamo and his brethren, or with ignorance of the circumstances.
Whether, then, the project was well or ill conceived, it was not
one on which the faithful at large could reasonably be invited to
form a judgment ; and the appeal to a popular verdict, which
Savonarola, as has been seen, allowed himself to make, was an act
of insubordination which objectively at least cannot be justified. The
circumstances of the case were no doubt full of difficulty. Assuming
that Savonarola was convinced that the mandate could not be
obeyed without sin, he acted rightly in withholding his obedience.
And in as much as he occupied a public position, and his dis-
obedience could not fail to be generally known, it was right that he
should give, in public, some account of his reasons for thus acting.
But in the giving of this account of his reasons, he would have done
well to remember that in the case of a conflict of opinions the
presumption, to say the very least, is in favour of the ecclesiastical
superior; and that nothing further could rightly be demanded of his
hearers than that they should give him credit for having acted in
accordance with the dictates of his own conscience not that they
should pass judgment as between him and the Pope, or should con-
demn the action of the authorities of his own Order.
So far as regards the duty of obedience, or the reverse, to the
original command. Now, as regards the excommunication. The
precept being in the eyes of the ecclesiastical law, and of the faithful
at large, of a perfectly legitimate character, the censure for its non-ful-
filment could not, by the very nature of the case, be shown to be
canonically null, and therefore ought to have been observed at least
1 Pastor, History, \. 173 >,/,/.. who refers to a series of articles in /Vr A",;///.
(1859-60) which we have not been able to consult. A high encomium is passed
on the Congregation of S. Justina by Felix Faber or I ahri in his jTrM s -.:.Vr/;/w
(Kd. Hassler, in the />//>//.>////< d excommunicatio est timenda, sunt (lure con-
clusiones. F,t prima quod [? quoad] ly 'sit injusta cst tanicn timenda': si si'f
sit injusta quod >to>i fiulla, seel solum annullanda . . . timenda est et propter
fitlpam ft propter ftfiiam. . . . Kt secunda conclusio est quod .*/ est injitata t/nia
f!f ipw fnrt' iinlla . . . propter panam juris timenda noil eft," etc. (1'ahid., in
4 Sfiit. , I), xviii. q. I, nd 3m). Whatever may he the obscurities of this passage,
the distinction between the two cases is carefully drawn. Iut this distinction
is entirely eliminated when Savonarola makes I'aludanus say, simply: " Kxcom-
municatio injusta propter pain am juris timenda non est," etc. Luotto gives the
passage just as it is quoted (or rather misquoted) by Savonarola.
'-' " Contemptus clavium non incurritur in multis casibus quibus Pappe mandate
non obcdirctur ; dum scilicet abutitur enormissiine et scandalosissime potestate
sua in destructionem, non in tedificatkmcm'" (Cinii niatfiiam Exfotn., etc.,
n. 9)-
:: Apologia, lib. i. rap. 3 : Qut-tif, ii. 13.
THE EXCOMMUNICATION 251
very nature sinful, or again impossible. And, as if half conscious
of the weakness of his attempt to prove that it would have been
sinful to obey, he lays very particular stress on the impossibility of
carrying out the Pope's command. 1 Flow, he asks, could Fra
Girolamo, an alien by birth, compel a number of Florentine youths
to allow themselves to be amalgamated against their will with the
new Congregation ? To this it is obvious to reply that it was not
impossible for Fra Girolamo to do what he could to further the
design ; and that it would have been time to speak of impossibility
after an effort had been made and had failed.
But we have not quite done with Gerson. The real canonical
ground of Savonarola's failure to obey, so far as it is possible to
assign a plausible one, is to be found in the statement boldly made
by that writer, that the opinion of a single canonist or theologian to
the effect that a particular censure is unjust, may be considered a
sufficient reason for disregarding that censure. And here his words
would seem to bear directly on the matter of the excommunication
rather than on that of the original precept. Pico della Mirandola
was not slow to urge this point in Savonarola's favour. If, he says,
the opinion of a single canonist or theologian is sufficient in such a
case, how much more that of a whole community of learned and
fervent religious men?- Hut on this point Cerson's position is an
extreme one, and cannot be said to have gained general acceptance
even in the fifteenth century. Bellarmine, in his reply to derson's
tract, makes the obvious remark that the view here expressed by
that distinguished writer is subversive of all good government, for
in how many cases of excommunication for contumacy would it not
be possible to find "one canonist or theologian " who should declare
that the sentence was unjust? Bellarmine, it is true, wrote his
answer to Gerson a century later, and in the fuller light of the
disciplinary decrees of the Council of Trent ; but his strictures on
this particular paragraph might equally well have been penned by
an author writing in 1497.
However, Savonarola evidently believed, or persuaded himself,
that the authority of Gerson was sufficient for his purpose, and to
this extent he may be acquitted of conscious insubordination. That
he was mistaken is our firm conviction, for which we have already
given our reasons. That the mistake was one from which a deeper
and more thorough humility would have saved him we are disposed
1 ,-//V/<>/<7, Lib. ii., cnp. 4 ; Oueiif. ii. 33. /.*/'./., p. _;o.
252 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
to believe. An invincibly erroneous conscience is as imperative in
its demands as a conscience that is well informed. But, as the
Canonists remind us when treating of this matter, not every erroneous
conscience is "invincibly" mistaken. An erroneous conscience,
they tell us, may ordinarily be corrected if the right means are taken.
Of these, the most obvious is a readiness to believe that a man is
usually not a good judge in his own cause, and that even those who
act with the best of intentions are liable to be mistaken ; and still
more important a readiness to apply these very general maxims to
one's own particular case.
We have already more than once insisted that it was not
Alexander alone who was concerned in the project of union, but
that it had the warm support of Torriano and Caraffa also. But
there is a special reason why we should again call attention to this
circumstance. The present writer has been severely taken to task
for not having adequately recognised the merits of the Lombard
Provincial, the Blessed Sebastian Maggi, of whose virtues a list has
been drawn up for his special instruction. Yet this was the man
whom, in 1495, Savonarola described as entirely unfit to be
appointed judge of his cause ("judicem merito suspectum "). And
when the Pope, after having yielded to his objections on the former
occasion, puts him under obedience to Caraffa instead, Fra
Girolamo, as appears from the letters which we have quoted,
simply ignores the claims of the Cardinal, and the wishes of his own
General, and makes no allusion whatever to them, as if they had no
locus standi in the matter.
Again, in speaking of the Pope's alleged misinformation,
Savonarola again and again insists upon the soundness of his
doctrine, as if this were the point upon which the validity or
invalidity of the excommunication turned. But surely Fra Girolamo
ought to have been aware that the excommunication was inflicted,
not for unsound doctrine, but purely and simply for disobedience.
That he had taught unsound doctrine was indeed alleged in the
proem of the Brief; but Savonarola was as capable as any modern
student of Canon Law of distinguishing between the motive and the
enacting clauses of a Papal document. To confound them, was
merely to throw dust in his own eyes, and in that of those to whom
his letters and his later sermons were addressed.
We cannot, then, admit that Savonarola was objectively justified
in the resistance which he opposed not merely to Alexander VI.,
THE EXCOMMUNICATION 253
but to the superiors of his own Order, or in his public disregard of
the excommunication as invalid; nor can we profess to be convinced
that his conduct in the matter was entirely blameless ; though we arc
disposed to think that the fault is to be looked for rather at the
outset of his career than at this particular crisis of affairs. And in as
much as nothing more powerfully contributed to confirm him in the
position which he now held than the initial conviction that he held a
special divine mission, and was the recipient of special revelations,
it seems to us that this chapter of his life is enough to throw the
gravest doubts upon the genuineness of the claim, which he now
more than ever emphatically put forth, to be regarded as a man
sent by God to the city of Florence, and charged to deliver a
message to all the world from the vantage-ground of that watch-
tower of Italy.
CHAPTER XIII
THE LONG SILKNCK
AFTER Ascension Day, 4th May 1497, Savonarola did not
again appear in the pulpit until the February of the following
year. That he kept silence so long was not, as he more than once
explained, because he deemed himself bound to respect, even in
public, the sentence of excommunication -though he admits, what
is very much to his credit, that he deemed it well for a time to have
regard for the scruples (as he regarded them) of timid souls. 1 But,
in fact, during the summer months all preaching, as has been seen,
had been inhibited by reason of the plague then raging ; and after the
plague had abated, it was perhaps felt that any public appearance on
the part of Fra Girolamo would only have the effect of frustrating the
efforts of a friendly government on his behalf. For throughout the
latter half of the year, from July to 1 >ecember, and again in January
and February 1498, the successive Signories were composed for the
most part of supporters of the Friar. That this was so must be
attributed to several causes. In June and July the Palleschi, or Bigi,
disappointed by the failure of Piero's recent attempt to enter the city,
and irritated by the contemptuous hostility of the Arrabbiati, were
again following their old policy of joining their forces with the
Frateschi, and thus secured an electoral victory for the latter.'-' In
August came the discovery of that Medicean plot, mentioned in a
former article, in which Bernardo del Xero had unfortunately
allowed himself to be at least indirectly implicated. And the severe
blow which was struck at the party by the execution of Bernardo
and his fellow-conspirators, though it prepared the way for future
reprisals, was calculated for the present at least to disarm opposition
from that quarter. Moreover, the vague alarms excited by the
1 " Ho osservato qualche ceremonia cli fuori per ri.->j>eUo ui pusilli " (Sermon
on Sexagcsima Sunday 1498).
S<.incn/i to Sfor/a, 29th June (summarised l>elow).
THE LONG SILENCE 255
"startling revelations" of the trial of the conspirators served to
strengthen the hands of the popular party, and were no doubt
exploited for that purpose. 1
There was, however, apart from politics, a more satisfactory
reason for the revival of Fra Oirolamo's personal popularity at this
time. The prevalence of the plague had served to bring into
evidence his best qualities. On
distinguished personages, but the author of the crime was never
discovered. The blow was a terrible one to the Pope, and so
deeply was he affected by it that it really seemed for awhile as if
1 On 1st September, Manfredi, after lei-ordini; that the new Si^r.cry " >ono
tutti ili'lli divoti et indiiiati a fr:i HuTonyuio," L;OCS on to -ay that he has l>een
assured by "a person worthy of credit and ol' veiy ^icat authority" "che e co*a
stupendissima intendere le pratiche ctic se mareygiavanu a maletitio ct iiim.i dc
qucsta mescliiiia citta '" (Cnppelli, 11. i^S).
256 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
he were seriously determined to reform his own life, and to purge his
court of its manifold abuses. 1 Perhaps the most remarkable item
in the correspondence of this period is the letter which on 25th June
Savonarola wrote to the Pope to console him in his affliction. It
will be found in its place below.
In resuming our calendar of contemporary documents, we take
it up at the period where it was interrupted (2oth May), after the
issue of the Brief, Cum s&/>e, but previous to its publication at
Florence.
2yd May; Savonarola to Lotlovico Pittorio.- The patience of Cod
in dealing with sinners shows Mis great goodness, and in the patience of
His elect is shown the power of His grace. If there were no bad men
on earth, how could there be persecutions? And if persecutions were
wanting, where would be the patience and the proof of the saints ?
And where, then, would be their crown ? Study the Old and the New
Testament, and you will see that the saints have had to endure greater
persecutions than these. And I warn you beforehand that we, too,
shall have to endure greater persecutions than these. "Hoc ergo
locutus sum vobis, ut cum venerit hora eoruni, reminiscamini quia ego
dixi vobis." If the tribulations which we have predicted seem not to
come so quickly, be not deceived, for God hath disposed all things
sweetly. They will come without doubt, and will be only too evident
to those who experience them. Jeremiah foretold the destruction of
Jerusalem, during a space of forty years, and all that time patiently
endured the ridicule to which he was daily exposed. Our Lord fore-
told the second destruction of the city more than forty years before-
hand, and the wicked did not believe Him ; and yet the destruction
came. Great tribulations are always predicted many years before they
come. Yet I do not say that the tribulations which I have foretold will
be so long in coming ; nay, they will come soon ; indeed I say that the
tribulation has already commenced. For the rest, to desire such
chastisement, and even the punishment of an individual sinner, for
the general good of the Church, or for the salvation of some one
in particular, is not hatred, but a laudable zeal, which if it be
" secundum scientiam" is pleasing in the sight of God. Leave him
to act ; He will not suffer one of His elect to perish. Our affairs here
go on well, and prosper in the midst of tribulation. Pray for me, and
commend me to Signer Messer Hercule (d'Este).
1 " El Papa in su questo caso dimonstro esscrsi molto risentito, ct in tuito
disposto ad volcre mutarc vita, et esserc un altro homo da quello e stato. . . .
Preterca heri in consistorio dixe de volcre reformare la cliiesa nel tcmporalc et
spirituale, el ad questo effccto elesse VI. cardinal! che liavesscro ad vcdcr le cose
reformande," etc. (Letter to Giovanni Bentivoglio, Konic, 2Oih June, given by
Pastor, v. 554).
2 Gherardi, p. 279. Pittorio was chancellor to d'Este.
THE LONG SILENCE ^57
27/7; May; Bracci to the Ten. 1 The Pope has said that Ft a
Girolamo will not confess to having spoken ill of his Holiness, which
after all is not to be wondered at, seeing how strongly the Friar
is supported by your Lordships (veduto quanto epse se li monstrano
affetionate). But his Holiness is just as certain that Savonarola has
spoken ill of him as he is that he is 1'ope ; for he has it on the testimony
of so many trustworthy witnesses. He is astonished that you should
think him capable of acting in this matter without good and sufficient
grounds. For the present he would say no more than that lie awaits
the reply of the Signory to his Brief.- Then he asked me if I knew
whether Camerino had yet arrived. I said I knew nothing about it ;
but I spoke strongly on behalf of the Friar, and besought H. H. to
proceed in the matter with gravity and mature deliberation ; reminding
him that any unjust proceedings against Fra Girolamo could not fail
to cause a disturbance in the city. I dwelt upon the very great affection
and devotion with which he is universally regarded by all the people,
on account of his marvellous learning, the integrity of his life, and the
wonderful fruits of moral reformation which he has produced. To this
II. II. made no answer. But I think that if the Signory would write a
suitable letter to the Pope, all might yet be well. I have done my best
with Perugia and the Bishop of Capaccio, who now seem well disposed.
In the Cardinal of Naples I place little trust ; but 1 will do my best
with him.
2Q/// Mav ; Becchi to the Ten. 3 Letters are continually received
here, to the great joy of our enemies, concerning the divisions in the
city, and every one knows who is for the Friar, and who against him ;
and the Milanese Ambassador is said to have a list of names, etc.; and
all the dissensions among the Signory and the Eight are fully reported,
to the dishonour of the city.
y>th May ; Same to same. 1 Has had a long talk with Caraffa, who
professes to have known nothing of the Brief till after it was sent : and
says that the Pope kept it quite a secret ; ami that afterwards he
repented of having despatched it, and especially of having done so by
Camerino, when he learned that this person was an enemy of the city
and of Fra Girolamo. I told him that your Lordships had heard of the
Brief by letters from here ; but that I had not yet heard of Camerino's
arrival at Florence. The Cardinal said : If he is wise, he never will
arrive there. Some other means, he added, must be taken to bring Fra
G. to obedience. In a word, the Friar, he said, had brought discord
1 Gherardi, p. 164.
" From this source alone wo learn that a ropy of the I>rief was sent to
the Signory as such. 1'ossilily the whole batch of copies addu-sed to the
various monasteries and convents of the city, \\cve to l>e handed over to the
Signory in the first instance, for delivery at their respective destinations.
3 Gherardi. p. i('<6.
4 ///,/.
I- 1
258 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
into the city, and something must be done. I said it was not the Friar,
but his enemies, who had brought discord into the city, and had
procured this Brief. .-/ ptvpos of this he assured me that only yesterday
the Cardinal de' Medici had spoken highly of Savonarola, and he
declared that Piero made no complaint against him. For all this,
I assure you once more that it was the Cardinal himself who procured
the Brief. And its real author was no other than his Paternity Fra
Mariano. And as for Piero's attempt to enter the city, I warn you that
many letters have passed to and fro under the mantles of these Friars. 1
yh June; the Ten to Bracci.'-' As far as we can learn, the Signory
have not yet received any Brief concerning Fra G. Perhaps Camerino
has changed his mind about coming, knowing what sort of a letter he
has in charge 'sappiendo il breve ha a collo). The Signory will certainly
reply to the Pope with great modesty and reverence, and you must do
your utmost to gain the good offices of Perugia and Capaccio, promising
and giving evety assurance that Fra G. will ever be most obedient and
respectful (obsequentissimo et devotissimo) towards the Holy See. Do
what you can also with the Cardinal of Naples.
i4//i June ; Bracci to the Ten. :! Fra G. having written to the Pope
and also to Perugia to justify himself, it appears to me, according to
what I can learn from Perugia and Capaccio, who are now become his
firm friends, that the letters in question have greatly mitigated the anger
of H. H. (habbino giovato assai et mitigato N.S.). 4 But the Cardinal of
Naples, by reason of his being the Protector of the Order, and because
the General and the Procurator are always about him, has taken the
business a good deal to heart (ha presa questa cosa un pocho co' denti).
Accordingly, Bracci and I have had an interview with his most reverend
Lordship, and we trust that we have to some extent talked him over
(lo habbiamo combattuto assai et ridoctolo, pure alfine, ad migliore
collera). Becchi will give further details.-'
\6th June ; Camerino to the Signory. Although I am commissioned
and ordered by his Holiness to present myself to your Lordships on
certain important business, nevertheless, I am informed on good authority
that I cannot do so without danger to my life, because some time ago the
Eight put me under ban. The ground of this was that, solely out of
1 Becclri's grammar seems to he a little at fault here. We have paraphrased
freely. His words are : " Dixivi, per altra mia, chi haveva sollecitati dccti brevi.
Confermovi el medesimo ; et addo unum, che e suto capo et auctore di questa
cosa : et qucsto e el padre Generale fra Mariano. Et, perdonimi sua I'atcrnita,
anchora in questa venuta non s'c stato ; et molte lectere sono ite et venute sotto le
loro cappc, etc."
'-' Ibid., p. 167.
3 Ibid.
* This must refer to Savonarola's letter of 22nd May.
5 Becchi's letter on this occasion has not been preserved.
* Gherardi p. 168.
THE LONG SILENCE 259
zeal for the faith, I had publicly spoken against the false teaching of Fra
G. of Fcrrara. A strange thing, surely, that the Eight should concern
themselves about matters of faith and doctrine. However, I beg of your
Lordships to send me a safe-conduct for the remainder of this present
month, etc.
This is the last letter previous to the publication of the 1'rief.
Tt is to be presumed that Camerino got his safe-conduct.
22>nijnnc; Becchi to the Ten. The writer and Brace i are greatly
distressed at having received no news from Florence. Contradictory
rumours have reached them concerning the Friar. They can do
nothing, and no one will attend to them unless they have instructions.
The Pope has put everything, including the affairs of Fra (i., in the
hands of the six Cardinals who are on the Commission of Reform. Great
hopes are entertained that the appointment of this Commission will
have salutary results, if only the I'ope will persevere in his good
purposes. If he does so, the prediction of Fra ('.. will be fulfilled,
viz. that the Church is to be reformed with the sword, etc.
The appointment of this Commission of Reform was the
immediate result of the Pope's temporary access of remorse after
the murder of his son, the Duke of (Inndia. At its head were the
Cardinals of Naples (Caraffa) and of Lisbon (da Costa), and among
its subordinate members were the Bishop of Capaccio and the
Canonist, Felino Sandeo. 1
25/// June; Savonarola to Alexander VI.'- 1 -- Faith, most Holy
Father, is the one and only true source of peace and consolation for
the heart of man. For whereas it transcends both sense and reason,
and rests upon the power and goodness of (iod. lifting up the soul to
invisible things, it makes us to be no longer in this world, and confers
upon us that greatness of soul whereby we not only endure all adversity,
but even glory in our tribulations. . . . Blessed, therefore, is he who is
called by our Lord to this grace of faith, without which no one ran
have peace. . . . Let your Holiness, then, respond to this call, and
you will see how quickly sadness is turned to joy. . . . All other
consolation is trivial and deceitful. . . . Faith alone brings ioy
from our far-off country ia terra longinqua . What 1 have heard, and
"VI. Cardinal!, li quali fumo duy primi veseovi cardiiuli [Napoli et
Ulixbona, sic] . . . duy primi preti . . . duy primi diaeoni . . . duy .ui'iitori
dc Rota [Felino et (J. de 1'ereriis], et l<> vescovo de C'.ipa/o >uo sccret.uio "
(Letter to Uenlivoglio ut sttfra).
- Perrens, p. 364.
3 We venture to supply what seems to be a gap in the text. The words " huic
vocation!, et vidcbit," or their equivalent, are not re.nl in the letter as given by
1'errens.
2 6o GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
have seen with my eyes, and have handled, that I speak ; and for this
I willingly suffer persecution that I may gain Christ and avoid
eternal pains. . . . Let your Holiness then help forward the work
of faith for which I labour even unto bonds, and do not give ear to the
wicked ; then shall God give you the oil of gladness for the spirit of
grief. For the things which I have predicted arc true. 15ut who has
ever resisted God and yet found peace? These things, most holy
Father I have written to you (for a few words are enough for a wise
man) under the prompting of charity and in all humility ; desiring that
your Holiness may rind in God that true comfort which does not
deceive. . . . May He ... console you in your distress. Yale." '
25/// June; Costabili to d'Este.- This morning the Duke ('Sfor/a;
published in his court the news that Fra Girolamo has been publicly
declared excommunicate in four churches of Florence ; and that, on the
following day, deeming the excommunication null, he and all his brethren
celebrated Mass. Thereafter, by the Duke's command, a letter was read
in which Fra G. proves that the excommunication may be disregarded.
And although to many men of good position (homini da bene), and to
me also, it appears that the Friar has given excellent and holy reasons
(bonissime et same rasone, sic), nevertheless, the Duke, and some few
of his courtiers alcuni puochi assentatori; declared that they had never
heard anything so absurd. The Duke gave me to understand that he
addressed his remarks in particular to me, and rallied me about the
prophecies in which I had invited him to believe. After he had gone on
in this fashion for a while I could contain myself no longer, and broke
out in defence of the reasons alleged by Fra Girolamo, and Mastro
Yincenxo, who was present, could not deny that the Friar had good
grounds to go upon.. And while we were in the middle of this dispute,
the Florentine Ambassador came in, to whom I forthwith resigned the
conduct of the defence. And although the other ambassadors and the
Duke were all down upon him f'siano stati tutti adosso , he was at
no loss for an answer, and I can assure your Highness that they
fought out the question with considerable vigour (l'uno 1'altro si hanno
datto per le cinge uno pezo). At last the Duke dismissed the Florentine
and myself, and remained in consultation with the rest. 1 will take care
to keep you informed of all that 1 can learn.
27//i June ; Bracci to the Ten. 3 Has been to the Pope to beg him
1 It is almost incredible that Villari (ii. 38) should have made the mistake of
saying that at a later period Alexander expressed indignation at this very letter.
When the Pope, as Honsi reports in a letter to the Ten, dated 7th March 1498,
complained that Savonarola " li rimproverava la morte del figliuolo " (Marchese,
n. 20), he obviously alluded, not to the letter of eight months previously, but to a.
stinging passage in Fra Girolamo's sermon on Scxagesima Sunday, only a few days
he-fore Bonsi's audience.
a Villari, ii. Append, p. xli. Antonio Costabili was d'Kste's ambassador at
Milan.
3 ( .herardi, p. 171.
THE LONG SIL'ENCE 261
to withdraw the censure. He would have easily (!) prevailed, but for
certain private letters which have since arrived, and which have spoiled
everything. For whereas at first his Holiness declared to 1'erugia that
the publication of the Hrief at such a time displeased him greatly, and
was altogether contrary to his intentions (!), he afterwards changed his
mind, and turned over the whole affair to the Commission of Reform.
Notwithstanding this, 1 should at least have obtained a suspension of
the censure but for some fresh communications which arrived later still.
The result of these was that yesterday the Pope summoned me, and
after calling (iod to witness that he had begun to be well-disposed
towards Fra ()., and after praising him for certain letters which he had
received from him, 1 told us that lie had seen another epistle of his,
a formal document issued subsequently to the excommunication, which
had determined him to proceed against the Friar with all the rigours
of the Canon Law ; and on this topic he spoke in a very passionate
manner.- Moreover, lie had heard that the Friar, being excommunicate,
had celebrated the Mass of the Holy Ghost. After this he began
to speak on politics ; but concluded by telling I'aolo Kucellai and
Niccolo Cattani, who wen- present, to thank Jacopo de Nerli for his
good offices in opposing the Friaiv'
2()//i June; Somenzi to Sfor/a. 4 Sends the names of the new
Signory, who, contrary to his hopes and expectations, are for the most
part friendly to the Friar. So he probably will not be expelled the city,
even though the Pope has excommunicated him. Things are going from
bad to worse (i.e. from a Milanese point of view , and it seems as if the
Frateschi were going to have things all their own way ; and this is
because the friends of 1'iero (quali si chiamano li Bisi, ,v/< have made
common cause with them ; and this again is because " li Disperatr' i.e.
the Arrabbiati) thoroughly frightened the "15isi ;; on the occasion of
Piero's fiasco, and were like to have cut off all their heads. Wherefore,
the Greys, who before were disposed to join with the enemies of the
Friar, have now gone oxer to his side, and no one can foresee the
end of these dissensions.
2nd July ; The Signory to Bracci.-' They ha\e received his report
that the Pope has committed the case of Fra Girolamo to the six
Cardinals. They thank him for his good offices, and exhort him to
persevere.
This very brief letter is of interest only as emanating from the
i .; .
1 Probably those of 22nd May and of 251!! June (/./
'-' This letter of Savonarola's, which anm>ed the ar.i;er ot the Pupe, \\.i-. >\i Exconimuninititnun fu'-icr: /.'/.;". >uiniunn>cii in
the foregoing chapter.
3 Nerli was one of the chiefs of ilie ;ui>tociatic p.uiy ^Ciuicciardini, S.'sn.i
Fiorciitina, p. 140).
4 Villari, ii. Ap: end. p. xxix.
5 Marchese, n. 5.
262 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
newly appointed Signory, composed, as lias been said, of supporters
of Fra Girolamo.
On 5th July was held a Pratica at which the following question
was put :
u The Magnificent Signory, bearing in mind the excommunication
issued by the Supreme Pontiff against Fra Girolatno di S. Marco, seeks
advice as to what is to be done in respect of the said excommunica-
tion ; and whether it is advisable to write to the Pope in his favour . . .
or the contrary.'" '
The voting, or rather the speaking, is by panchate (sic) or benches,
each bench or order of the magistracy expressing its opinions
unanimous or discordant as the case might be by means of one or
two spokesmen. The speakers report a majority as in favour of a
letter being written by the Signory as proposed, but a considerable
minority prefer to leave the matter to the discretion of their
magnificent lordships. It is noteworthy that much solicitude is
expressed, not merely for Savonarola himself, but also for the city,
lest it should suffer through his excommunication. One speaker,
Lorenzo de' Lenzi, expresses himself more cordially than the rest.
If the city gives offence to (iod, he says, it cannot hope to prosper.
And if the Signory has more than once addressed the Holy See on
behalf of other citizens who have been excommunicate, how much
more so should they do this for a father and a religious who has
preserved the city, and maintained it, and corrected its vices. On
the other hand Guidantonio Vespucci, who was no friend to the Friar,
after reporting the opinion of his colleagues, added, on his own
account (as the reporter is careful to note), that it would be well to
enquire by whom this matter was set on foot, whether by citizens or
by religious ; because, if this were ascertained, it would be easier to
find a remedy for the mischief.'-' The result of the debate was the
following letter.
8/7* July; The Signory to Alexander VI. ;; Past experience does not
permit us to doubt of the good dispositions of your Holiness towards us
and the city ; wherefore we have the greater hopes of obtaining what we
1 The minutes of this and other debates bearing on the case of Savonarola have
been pul>li.>hcd by Lupi in the Archivio Storico Ilaliana, Tcr/.a Serie, iii. 25 solo^cti\'uin)
that certain of our citizens, who have but little fear of God, have sent to
your Holiness misleading and exasperating reports concerning out-
father, Fra Hieronymo, alleging that his doctrine is contraty to that of
the Gospel, and that his residence here is the ruin of the city. Where-
fore, it has seemed good to us, in the interests of the truth, to write to
your Holiness to bear witness to the soundness of his doctrine, and to
assure you that it has been the salvation of the city, which would be
blessed indeed if all its inhabitants observed those counsels of good
conduct and of peace which he so ceaselessly urges upon them. We are
more than 250 in number, for the most part natives of Florence, and
intimately conversant with him. And being as we are men of soir.e
education and experience, it is not to be supposed that we should thus
defend and uphold one who is an alien by birth unless we were well
assured concerning his life and conduct. We see plainly that the hand
of God is with him, as is proved by the number of conversions that he
has made and continually makes. And lest our testimony should not be
held sufficient, we have procured that a large number of our fellow-
citizens should send their attestation with ours. And if your Holiness
should wish it, we are ready to send up not merely many hundreds, but
thousands of names. We beseech you, therefore, to deign to revoke the
censures passed on Fra Girolamo, and to second his work, whereby you
will acquire merit with God, and will do a thing most pleasing to thi->
city, and especially to those who wish to live a good life. (Signed by all
the Brethren.)
S//i July ; Certain Florentine Citizens to the Tope ,to accompany the
1 This we suppose to he the meaning of the words: " Oisihus m.igis veni.i
clanda quam graviore aliquo pcriculo id vindir.ur ci i. is undated, l'i;i u.i^ .*!>%!, >u-ly \uiuc:;
before, yet not much before, 9lh July, (.s'.v the Mimin.irv i>f iho I'r.-.tica held .'ii
that day.)
264 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
above). 1 We, the undersigned, wish to add our testimony to what the
reverend fathers have said. It is the undoubted truth that the teaching of
Fra Hieronymo has been, not to the destruction of our city, but to its
great profit and peace. \Ve pray your Holiness to withdraw the censuie
conformably to the humble petition of the fathers. If you will do this
(per la sua solita clemenzia) we are certain that you will thereby promote
the glory of God, and your own honour, and the welfare spiritual and
corporal and the true peace and union of this city, which is yours as it is
ours.
On Qth July a Pratica was held relative to the " subscription,''
or joint letter, summarised above.- It was deemed unconstitutional
for private citizens to address themselves to any foreign power con-
cerning the internal affairs of the city. The joint letter, it might be
pretended, came under this standing prohibition. Hence the need
of caution, and of a debate in Council.
One speaker (Altovitij says the facts and circumstances must be
looked into, and if a fault has been committed it must be punished.
Another (B. Ridolri) declares that a testimonial in defence of the good
name of a fellow-citizen does not fall under any prohibition. A third
(Gualterotti) is of the same opinion, but thinks that if it be found that an
offence has been committed against the common weal, it should be
punished. Vespucci thinks no good will come of allowing such a list of
names to go to Rome. It will reveal our dissensions ; those Roman
prelates will not fail, if they can, to make money out of it ; the Tope may
perchance excommunicate all the signatories ; and an interdict of the
whole city- if it should come is an expensive matter, as past experience
has shown. Let the Signory keep back the documents ; as for punish-
ment, let them use their discretion. G. Mannelli reminds their Lordships
that mischief often wears a fair cloak queste cose sempre si covcrtano
di colore giusto, et dipoi hanno altro humore dcntro). He does not like
the subscription at all. But he is called to order by S. Ridolfi, who says
he has not spoken the mind of his fruuliatii, which is th.it the Signory
examine the documents carefully, and act accordingly.
\qth July ; Becchi to the Tcn. :i If your lordships cannot persuade hi>
Paternity to consent to the union of the congregations, or if the Signory
cannot give an undertaking that within two months Fra G. will come to
Rome, the absolution is not to be hoped for. But if the city will do
this, then neither the Pope nor the Cardinals of the commission (of
1 Yillari, ii Append, p. xliii. It appears, from the evident- c given at tlie trial of
Savonarola, lhat this letter was never sent. It was, however, signed by 35-S
persons, whose names may be found in Villari and Casanova, Scclta, pp. 514 .ty,/.
Lupi, p. 28.
3 Gherardi, ibid. A short note from Bracci of I4th July (ibid.} contains
nothing of importance.
THE LONG SILENCK 26;
reform) are disposed to withhold it. The Signory would do well to write
to the Cardinal of Naples. He is the Protector of the Order, and all
defer to him.
7.\st July ; The Signory to Brarci. 1 He is thanked for his Cervices,
and bidden to find out who are the persons that oppose the petition in
favour of Savonarola.
\st August ; Same to same.'-' They are glad to hear that the I 'ope i-
so favourably disposed, and are particularly grateful for the intercession
of Capaccio and Perugia, who are to be warmly thanked.
yd August ; Savonarola to Lodovico Pittorio. 3 After some very
moderate and prudent counsels with regard to fasting, lie proceeds to
speak of his prophecies. To certain friars who have questioned him,
Pittorio is to reply that not only have the predictions not failed, but they
are being fulfilled ; for six yeais ago he warned them to be ready, for
that many of them would die (soon). They have studied the Scriptures
to little purpose if they do not know that the affairs of Christ and His
servants are not to be judged according to a worldly standard. If God
thus chastises His servants, how much more will He punish the wicked. 4
K//I August ; d'Este to Savonarola. 1 '- Kra Girolamo had recently
written to him to strengthen his faith in the prophecies. The Duke-
thanks his correspondent, and confesses that in view of the dilatoriness
of the" King of France, he has begun to doubt whether Charles will
accomplish any great matter ; but this doubt is in nowise contrary to hi->
faith in Fra G., for he understands th.it the Friar never asserted
absolutely that it was this king who was to bring about the events
predicted. But if Savonarola's prediction had been unconditional, he
would have been prepared to believe even this with full confidence
(gagliardamente;. He begs Savonarola to open his mind further on the
subject, assuring him of his readiness to believe \\hate\er he >hall -ay.
and that he will keep the matter absolutely secret and confidential.
I3/// August; Savonarola to Lodovico Pittorio." Those \\lio -a\
that our flock is dispersed are either misinformed or speak with malice.
Our fellow-citizens have shown the charity and esteem they bear u- In-
putting their country houses at the disposal of our young men (during
the plague), and as a measure of prudence \\e have availed ourselves of
their hospitality. As for our excommunication, I >hould esteem it a
matter much more censurable were 1 to purchase an absolution ; so you
may sec what liars those men are who invent such report-. \Ve have
1 Marchese, n. 8.
- Marchcse, nn. 9, 10 (two letters).
;! Cappclli, n. nS. Pittorio was at thi- time chancellor .it the court of
Ferrara.
4 \Ve omit several letters of Somen/i and Manfred! which concern principally
the affair of the Medice.in conspiracy.
* Cappelli, n. 120.
'' Marchese, p. 129.
266 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
done our duty in the matter ; and it seems that the Pope is well
disposed, were it not that some powerful adversary stands in the \\ay.
As for the city, its affairs will show whether we have spoken truly or
falsely. Already the prophecies are in great measure fulfilled.
\4//t August; Savonarola to his brother, Messer Alberto. 1 Our
brother Maurelio (then a Dominican at S. Marco) is well. Our
community lives in great joy, and leads an angelic life. The young men
are gone to the country, etc. If Rome is against me, it is against Christ,
and contends with God. Fear not ; God will win. Do not be alarmed
about my remaining in Florence. I am here to console the afflicted.
Many have begged me to depart, but I would not leave my little flock.
Incredible is the joy of those who even in death do not lose their faith,
so that they may rather be said to sleep, commending their souls to
God, than to die.
i6/// August ; Manfredi to d'Este.- I have heard from Rome that
Fra G. can by no means hope to obtain the absolution sought for
on his behalf by the Signory, unless he will obey the commands of his
General, and that there is reason to fear lest the city be laid under an
interdict. I wrote to him to this effect. He replies that he is well
informed of all that goes on, and that he is ready to defend the cause of
God, or rather God will defend His own cause. As men, when they
undertake some work desire that it should go forward and prosper,
"ad omni modo" (sic), let them believe that God has the same care for
His work. We shall see, he says, whether God or man is more powerful.
He would not allow me to visit him, because some in the convent have
died of the plague and another is sick. We shall see what will come
from Rome, and if anything happens which is calculated to disturb the
peace of the Friar, I am sure that he will find some means to astonish the
folk there, and elsewhere too (fara obstupire le brigate a Roma, et altrove
anche).
2&//i August; Savonarola to Fra Marcantonio of Ficino (O.F.M).' 1
Thanks him for his letter. It is particularly gratifying to have the
friendship of a member of the seraphic Order, and of a distinguished
professor of theology. "Your declaration that you think well of our
affairs is a sign of a good disposition ; for, as you know, faith is one of
the chief gifts of God, and it is acquired rather by living well than by
disputing subtly, nor have we been able to bring forward any stronger
argument on behalf of what we have uttered than to urge that whosoever
is lax and tepid (inrcrtus, sic}* should live well and purge his heart from
all sin, and then he will at last receive the true light (illustrationem) of
1 Marchese, p. 130.
2 Cappclli, n. 123.
3 Cappclli, n. 126.
4 Perhaps we should read incertus. The meaning will then he: If a man
is in doubt let him amend his life, and the light which lie will receive will clear
up his doubts.
THE LONG SILENCE 267
the Lord. iut when the things (which \vc have foretold; shall have come
to pass they will bring forth not faith but certitude." As for what men
say about me, I care nothing at all, provided only that God may be
glorified, and His faith revive in the hearts of men, for which cause I
fight, even unto death. Pray for me, and may we ever live in mutual
charity.
2Q//1 August ; Manfredi to d'Este. 1 The letter concerns the con-
spirators who have been recently put to death. The Duke of Milan
had interceded for the conspirators, and had incurred the reproach of
being a meddler. D'Este had written to the same effect, but his letter
had come too late. Manfredi had kept the missive in his pocket, having
previously told the Signory that his master was well assured that they
would act in the best and wisest way that should be possible. "Whereby
your Highness has acquired a much better reputation for discretion
than the Duke of Milan." These popular governments need to be
humoured.
z6//t September; the Signory to Caraffa.- With many compliments
they beg him to intercede with the Pope for Savonarola. He cannot
confer a greater favour on the city.
28//r September ; \^th October; ~]tk November; \\th December;
The Signory to Hracci. :! A series of letters urging him not to desist
from his efforts on behalf of Fra Girolamo.
In their letter of i3th October the Signory declare their conviction
that Fra Hieronymo will have "done everything," i.e. all that has been
required of him, or whatever Caraffa has recommended that he
should do. These words refer, no doubt, to Savonarola's letter of
the same date, a document which has only recently been brought
to light, and which is of sufficient importance to be given in full.
COXVKNT OK S. MARK,
FI.OKKNCK, \yh Oitobtr 1497.
To tJte Pope for Absolution.
MOST HOLY FATHKR, I kiss the feet of your Holiness. As a
child grieving at having incurred the displeasure of his father desires
and seeks every means and opportunity of appeasing his anger, nor can
any refusal make him despair of regaining his former affection, since it
is written : "Ask and ye shall receive, knock and it shall be opened to
you" ; so I also, being more concerned (sollicitus) on account of the
favour of your Holiness having been withdrawn from me, than for any
other misfortune (jacturam), tly eagerly to your feet, begging you to give
ear at length to my cries, and keep me no longer away from your embrace.
For to whom shall I go, if not, as one of his flock, to the Shepherd whose
1 Cappclli, n. 127. " Marchesc, n. 13. 3 Ibid., nn. 14-17.
268 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
voice 1 love to hear, whose blessing 1 implore, whose saving presence
I ardently desire? I would go at once and cast myself at your feet,
if I were safe on the journey from the malice and plots of my enemies.
As soon as I can do so without risk I will at once set out, and I wish
with all my heart that I could do so now, in order that I might at last
clear myself of every calumny.
Meanwhile, most humbly do I submit in all things, as 1 have ever
done, to your authority, and if through any want of judgment or in-
advertence I have erred in anything, I humbly ask forgiveness. For you
will find in me at least no wilful malice.
Be pleased, therefore, I beseech your Holiness, not to close against
me the fountain of your kindness and clemency, nor spurn one whom you
would find, if once you knew him, not less devoted to you than sincere,
and at all times your most obedient servant. I humbly commend myself
to your Holiness. Your most devoted son and servant,
BROTHER JEROMK OK FKRRAKA,
Of the Order of Preachers.
Every one, it may be presumed, would very gladly welcome any
scrap of evidence, much more any document of first-class import-
ance such as the above, which might help to place the conduct
of Savonarola in a more favourable light than that in which it
has been commonly regarded. And it must certainly be admitted
that the letter which we have ju.it given would seem, at first sight,
to prove beyond the possibility of doubt that his dispositions
were those of perfect submission and obedience. Unfortunately,
however, the circumstances of the case are such as, in ouropinion,
to exclude this conclusion, eminently satisfactory as it would be
if only it were true. There is a short parable in S. Matthew's
(Jospel about the son who, being bidden to go and work in his
father's vine-yard, replied: "I go, sir"; and he went not. 1 Even
so Fra Girolamo, while declaring himself ready to submit to the
Pope in all things, absolutely declined to submit in regard to the
particular thing that was demanded of him. This he plainly declared
to Manfredi a few weeks later, and still more emphatically in the
sermon which he preached on Sexagesima Sunday in the following
year, as will appear in due course. To deny that Fra (iirolamo,
notwithstanding his letter of i3th October, did actually disobey the
Pope, is to disregard his own reiterated statements. The only
defence that can be set up for him is that his disobedience was
justified. That this was so is the verdict of many for whose con-
victions we have a sincere respect ; but we trust that a contrary
1 Matt. xxi. 30.
THE LONG SILENCE 269
opinion may he expressed without offence. Our present concern,
however, is not so much to urge our own individual views, which
are of comparatively little concern to anybody, as to set forth the
whole of the evidence hearing on the case after a fuller and more
systematic fashion than has hitherto been attempted in any work
accessible to the ordinary English reader. As regards Savonarola's
letter of 131!) October, it must at least be admitted that (assuming
its genuineness) it shows that, in resisting Alexander VI., he was not
himself conscious of any want of true loyalty to the Holy See. Was
he right, or was he mistaken? And, if he was mistaken, was his
mistake entirely blameless? These are the questions which the
reader will do well to keep in mind.
i^f/i November', Manfredi to d'Este. 1 The newly elected Ten arc all
favourable to Fra Girolamo, and arc all men of position. The plague is
all but extinct.
\f)Ui November ; Same to same.- D'Este lias incurred some odium at
Florence on account of certain negotiations of his with the Duke of Milan.
Manfredi thought it would be well to secure the good offices of Savona-
rola in order to clear up any misunderstanding, at the same time warning
him to proceed with great discretion." Savonarola has commended the
action of the Duke, praising him for his fidelity to his promises, and for
his prudence in keeping the peace with all his neighbours. He thinks,
however, that it would be no bad thing for the Duke to keep up good
relations with the French, so far as may be consistent with his honour
and interests (quando cum honore et comodo el se possa fare) ; alleging
that he docs not see that the King of France has been as yet rejected by
God. 4 Fra Girolamo also mentioned that he has had a visit from a
certain Florentine who is in the employ of the Emperor (homo adoperato
per la Maesta dello Imperatorc in Italia . This man tried to induce him
to use his influence with his fellow-citizens to persuade them to join the
League. The Friar answered that lie did not meddle in the-e political
matters, and that the Florentine people were quite capable of managing
their own affairs \\ithout his advice. He knew very well that this man
had been sent in order to sound him, and, prohablv. to get him into
trouble. lie hopes that his affairs with the I'ope \\ill soon be arranged
. . . which, if it comes to pass, will turn to hi-; great piaise and com-
1 Cappclli, n. 134.
2 Ibid., n. 135.
3 " Aclducerulomi pero clicto Frate die cum diMrn modo p.>rges>e qticsta
justificatione cli V. F. per onini bono ripped'" a (juolK- per-, me che li p.irora
necessnrio."
4 " Allegando che 'I non vedeva che el l\c <1e Fran/.i per anclie i"< ><;<< reproKito
d.i Iddio."
-jo GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
mendation, and the more so because he has not yielded to the Pope's
demands." '
From these last words alone it would be fair to conclude that the
expressions of perfect submission to his Holiness which are contained
in the newly-recovered letter of Savonarola, must not be understood
as implying any readiness to yield on the particular points at issue.
But, in fact, the much stronger language used by Fra Girolamo in
his next (and last) course of sermons leaves no kind of doubt on
the matter. Of these sermons a somewhat full account will be given
in the next two chapters.
2&//i December: Manfred! to d'Este. 2 The Pope is exhorting the
Florentines to drop their alliance with the French King, who is advised
by his own counsellors to abandon the project of again invading Italy.
y>th December ; Same to same. 3 (lives a list of the Signory appointed
for January and February. They are all men of ability and of good
family (by contrast with some of their predecessors in office), and are
nearly all attached (affezionati) to "our Fra Hieronymo."
" Our Fra Hieronymo " had, meanwhile, begun to show signs of
his intention to break his long silence, as appears from his action
in publicly celebrating Mass and administering Holy Communion
on Christmas Day (1497). To this incident we must recur here-
after. For the present, we conclude with a summary of three
letters which bring upon the scene a new ambassador to the Papal
Court, Messer Domenico Bonsi, despatched to Rome, primarily, as
it would seem, to negotiate for the restoration of Pisa, 4 but holding
also a commission to agitate for the absolution of Savonarola.
9//r January 1498 ; The Signory to Bonsi. 5 He is to use all diligence
to obtain the absolution, ''Integra et libera," of Fra Hieronymo. In
particular, he is to do his best with the Cardinal of Naples ; and, in
general, he is to let no opportunity escape him of furthering the affair.
5/// February ; Bonsi to the Ten/' He has had a long talk with the
Bishop of Perugia about the absolution. Perugia will do his utmost with
1 " Spera sua Paternita die presto sara acconzo el facto suo cum el Papa,
trovandosc la materia ben disposta et sua Snntita inclinata ad farlo ; el che
succedendo li sera di gran laude et comendatione, co maximc non arendo voluto
inclinare ad fare quelle cose che li harea ricerchate sua Santita chel faccesst. "
a Cappelli, n. 139.
3 I bid., n. 140.
4 Gherardi, p. 174.
5 Hherardi, p. 175.
* Ibid.
THE LONG SILENCE 271
the Pope, and Bonsi has urged him to do so, alleging "every possible
reason," etc.
6th February; Same to same. Perugia reports that the Pope is
"cold" about Fra Ilieronymo. His Holiness will see me to-morrow.
8//t February; Same to same. Has had his audience. When he
wanted to speak of Fra H. the Pope stopped him, and said he must first
have an answer from the Signory as to what they would be prepared to
do if Pisa were restored. As to the Friar, the case was very serious, as
affecting the honour of the Holy See, and many of the Cardinals thought
very badly of his not having respected the excommunication. B. replied
by insisting on the excellent qualities and the good works of Fra H., etc.
\2th February; Same to same. 1 Has done his best with the
Cardinals, especially Napoli. It is very difficult to make any head.
They throw all responsibility on the Pope ; and the Pope says that the
affair of Pisa must first be settled, and then he will be disposed to grant
anything. 2
1 Ibid., p. 176.
a In plain words Alexander was quite willing that Pisa should be restored as
the price of the adhesion of Florence to the League. Fra Girolamo's affair might
be settled as a mere incident of the bargain.
CHAPTER XIV
SEPTUAGESIMA 1498
CHRISTMAS DAY, 1497, saw the first public act of dis-
obedience to the sentence of excommunication which Savona-
rola allowed himself. His public celebration of Mass, and his openly
communicating the faithful on that day, naturally produced a marked
impression, and the bold act was regarded with disfavour even by
some of his friends. He did it, says Nardi, "con gran maraviglia
d'ognuno, e dispiacimento non piccolo de' suoi divoti." Landucci,
who does not mention the Christmas celebration, tells us in his
diary how, on the Feast of the Epiphany, the Signory went to S.
Marco to make their offertory, and kissed the hands of Fra Girolamo
at the altar; and this was done, he adds, "non san/.a grande
maraviglia de' pin intendenti, e non tanto degli avversari, quanto
degli amici del Frate. 1 '
The Christmas celebrations having prepared the way, no one
could be surprised that Fra Girolamo should again resume the work
of preaching during the penitential season which soon followed ; and
the faithful diligence of his disciple Ser Loren/o Yivoli has preserved
for us the full text of this last Lenten course. It began, according to
custom, on Septuagesima Sunday, which fell in that year on iith
February, and, jiotwithstanding-the efforts made by the Vicar-General
to prevent this, the first sermons of the series were delivered in the
Duomo.
The preacher took for his text the words: " Domine quid
multiplicati sunt qui tribulant me," etc.
"My Lord [he begins] whereas I am but dust and ashes, I would
wish this morning to address myself in the first place to Thy Majesty.
Thou hast set me afloat, O Lord, upon a wide sea, and I no longer behold
the port. I cannot turn back if I would, and I would not if I could. I
( annot because it is not Thy will ; and I would not berause it is not Thy
SEPTUAGESIMA 1498 273
will ; for Thy will I neither can nor will resist. Where Thou hast placed
me, there I am content to be, only do Thou, I beseech Thee, be with me."
He does not ask for silver and gold but for light: '* Dominc fac ut
videam." He prays for the light of reason, for the light of faith, and also
for the light of prophecy (confortami anchora il lume sopranaturale da
conoscerc le cose future ct occulte) ; and he asks this to the end that he
be neither himself deceived nor a deceiver of the people. He prays, too,
that (iod would now commence a new era ''un nuovo tempo), and that
this may be the beginning of greater things than He has yet done ; and
to the same effect he invokes the Blessed Virgin Mary and the Saints.
Then, turning to the people, "good news,'' he assures them,
"has come from heaven. 1 ' Fear not, ye faint-hearted, for the Lord
is with you.' "
" Soldiers, after a skirmish, are wont to hold a kind of review, or inspec-
tion, for which they refurbish their arms and accoutrements. We, after
our skirmish, have done likewise ; we have held our review, with pro-
cessions and many prayers and hymns and canticles of joy. And now,
why should we fear? Have I not repeatedly told you that we have to
fight and to overcome ? I tell you we shall surely overcome ; and when
our undertaking seems to be entirely frustrated, then will it arise more
glorious than ever. I tell you that never was there a more glorious or
happier time than the present ; and we mean to do great things and
glorious things, with God's help.' 1
He goes on to describe a dialogue that he has lately had with
" human wisdom," which began by calling him a fool, and professed to
convict him out of his own mouth, for he had applied to himself the
text, " stultissimus sum virorum," etc. He admits that he is a fool,
but declares that on this very account he is happy. " For the fool is
not conscious of his own folly, but thinks himself the wisest fellow on
earth, and so he has always a good time." He reminds ' U'isdcm,"
however, that she has quoted only hall the text, which runs : " Yisio
quain locutus est vir cum quo est Deus, et qui Deo secum moraine
confortatus ait : Stultissimus sum/' etc. " Wisdom " had reproached
him with putting his trust in the people. He answers that he places
it not in the people but in (iod.
But some have a scruple about the excommunication. He will
solve this scruple without entering into the nunuti.r t Canon I. aw
(sen/a canoni c sen/a tanti capitoli) ; but tir>t he \\ill remind tlu-m how.
years ago, he foretold that he should have to contend ag.un-t a double
power, the temporal and the spiritual. Anil therefore it was necessary
for the fulfilment of this prophecy that the spiritual sword should be
1 /.<. as appears from the next sermon, in un>\\er to the foregoing pi.m-r.
274 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
drawn. It is because our teaching has led, and does still lead, men to a
good life, that the devil has stirred up against us so many persecutions.
Moreover, it was needful that the wheat should be separated from the
chaff. A first sifting was effected by our preaching ; but because some
of the "tepidi" made a pretence of being good, God has sent this new
winnowing-fan, viz. the excommunication, in order more effectually to
separate the tepid from the good. "Now," he proceeds, "let us enquire
into the question of its validity.
"In every instrument three things are to be considered; the matter,
the form, and the moving power (la virtu). Take, for instance, a saw.
Its matter is iron. Its form is the shape of the instrument, with teeth,
handle, etc. Now, if the workman casts away his saw among other bits
of broken iron, it becomes like them, and is no longer effectively a
saw, for there is no hand to move it. So it is with the prince ; if
he be not guided as an instrument of the superior agent, i.e. of God,
you may say that he is no better than yourselves (di 1 alhora che 'gli c
eguale a te) ; that there is no hand to move him ; that he is like those
broken tools which are all equal ; and you may tell him so. And if he
should reply: 'I hold the power,' you may answer: 'This is not true,
because you are moved by no guiding hand ; you are a broken tool}
And if you were to ask me, ' How am I to know that such an one is not
moved by the supreme agent ?' I could say : ' Consider whether he acts in
opposition to the wisdom of that supreme agent.' And because that
wisdom loves a virtuous life and the common weal, as often as you see
that the prince acts in a manner destructive of these things, you may say
at once : 'You are not moved by the supreme agent, and therefore you
are a broken tool.' Hence S. Thomas says that if the prince should
enact a law which is contrary to virtue and the common weal, the
people are not bound to observe it. 1
" It is to be noted, however, that this error on the part of the prince
may have one of two causes his own malice, or the evil persuasions of
others. But, in either case, the saw is not guided by the hand of the
artificer, and in the present instance I assure you that the Pope's
advisers are not using the saw well with this excommunication, and
will make but a bungling job of it (non segheranno bene a questa volta,
e non faranno buon scanno). For what is their object ? Every child
knows that what they really wish is to do away with a virtuous life,
and to destroy all good government that is for the common weal.
IS'o sooner does the excommunication come than the taverns are thrown
open, and all manner of vice flourishes (mano a taverne, a lascivie, et ad
ogni male ; et il ben vivcre andava per terra). It needs no study of the
Canon Law, but only a little common-sense, to see with what intention
the saw is being worked. I wonder that you should have any doubt
1 Would S. Thomas have approved of an appeal to a popular audience as to
the wisdom or unwisdom, the justice or injustice, of a Papal command concern-
ing the internal affairs of a religious Order? We take leave to doubt it.
SEPTUAGESIMA 1498 275
on the subject, and 1 tell you that it we are banned on earth we are
blessed in heaven. 1
" So much \ve learn from natural reason. Hut faith, moreover, teaches
us that the proper aim and end of all laws, of all ceremonies, of all
theology, is the perfection of charity. Accordingly, whoso commands
what is contrary to charity, which is the fulfilling of the law, let him be
anathema, let him be excommunicate, nay, such an one is excommunicate
of (iod. If an angel were to give such a command (se lo dicesse un
angelo) let him be anathema. . . . Nay, though all the Saints, and even
the Virgin Mary herself, were to do so which is,as I have said, impossible,
nor will they ever do it let them be anathema. Tell me, then, suppose
one sees the wolf coining to devour the sheep, and beholds the destruc-
tion of souls . . . ought he not to lay down his life for his sheep ? And
will such an one be therefore excommunicate ? Do not believe it ! Ex-
communicate is he who acts against charity. Does it then seem to you
that I ought to flee? I have stood firm until now, and 1 tell you I will
continue to stand firm. Or do you wish that I should abandon my sons,
who are also your sons, who have been drawn by God to lead a virtuous
life under the shadow of my protection (sotto 1'ombra mia) ? The good
shepherd does not abandon his sheep, but lays down his life for them ;
I tell you that, rather than abandon them, I would be cut into a thousand
pieces.
"You say to me : ' Bring about this union, enter into this congrega-
tion.' I tell you I will never do it ; I will not have my sons relax their
mode of life, for this were contrary to charity."- So, too, he will not
leave his (lock to go to Rome. Nor will he cease from preaching.
" Have you not seen that since my preaching ceased morality has
declined (il ben vivere e sccmato), and vice has grown bold, and that
everything was beginning to fall into confusion? Look into the matter,
and see if you can tincl any law or canon, or council, or doctor, or bishop,
who says the contrary to what I have told you. And if you do,
cscoiintnicafo siti) let him (or it) be excommunicate. Nay, if there were
any I'opc who had said so I do not say that any I'ope has >nid^so let
him be anathema.
"But some one says: 'O Brother, do you really believe that this
excommunication is not valid ?' Most certainly it is not. ' Hut who has
told you so?' Ciodhas told me so. Mind what I say : (Iod Himself has
' The recrudescence of vice, ol which Savoiuiola >pe.ik>. was ;i tenible c\:i.
But the spirit of opposition to authority which (whatever his own sentiments may
have been) hi-* words undoubtedly tended to piomote, might well be unaided a>
in the long run an even greater evil.
' J A recent writer asserts that Savonarola "had only been commanded, undi i
pain of excommunication, not to put obstacle.- into the way of the union," and
that " he deemed it be.st to remain altogether paivc " in the matter, and "did
not put any obstacle in the way of it." We do not >ee how tlic.-e .-latements can
be reconciled with the Friar's own \vord>.
276 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
told me so. ' O Brother, if your God has told you that it is invalid, our
God has told us that it is valid. We say that Christ is with us/ Nay,
I will prove to you that Christ is with //.c, and that He stands rather with
those who are excommunicated, as we have been, than with those who,
like you, declare that you are blessed. In the days of our Lord an edict
was passed that whoever confessed the name of Christ should be
excommunicate and expelled from the synagogue. 1, for my part, wish
to be with Christ, and to confess Him, and to find myself in the company
of such outcasts. 'But, Brother, many good men are against you.' I
answer that not all those who seem good are so indeed.'' He bids them
consider who they are that most actively oppose him. They are those
whose conduct is scandalous. And who are they that favour his work ?
They are those whose whole course of life is virtuous. On which side,
then, will the wavercrs choose to place themselves ? If on the side of the
wicked, they declare their own wickedness. " For my part, I will stand
on the side of the good. And if one cannot do what is right without
being excommunicate, then I will take my stand with the excom-
municate." The waverers are exhorted to keep constantly in mind the
nefarious purposes for which the sentence has been procured ; if they are
sincere they will know what to do. If they do not see the case as
clearly as he does, let them pray for light, and let them examine whether
perchance it is some subtle pride iqualche sottile superbia) which blinds
them. 1 Nor can any one be excused from fault if, by reason of his
scruples, he should elect to remain neutral. To such he says : ''Do you
wish me to speak the truth ? You have opposed God, because, if every
one had been like you, the city and 'il ben viverc ' would have been
ruined.
'' Now I have a piece of news for you which I have on the authority
of a man of position, and well worthy of credit. He tells me that while
some one was conversing with a certain 'gran maestro' in Rome,
perhaps the greatest of them all [/.<. the Pope], this great personage
declared that all who had spoken to him against the Friar appeared to
be men of evil life, while all those who spoke in his favour seemed
to be good men.
" I tell you that \\hosn opposes tins work opposes Christ. . . . Under-
stand me well, O Koine! \\hoso opposes tins \\ork oppose* Christ.
<) Italy! NVhoso opposes this work opposes Christ. (> Christian
people! ll >ou oppose it you are lighting again.it Christ, and not
against the Friar. It you say that the priests of the (.'lunch are
gathered together against me. I reply that this has come to pass
that the prophecies might be fulfilled, even as in our Lord's I'assion
many things were done that the Scriptures might be fulfilled. In this,
your hour, you make me perforce a prophet ; for you know well that long
ago, and repeatedly, I foretold the opposition of the priesthood and
of the wicked.
Was it, perhaps, some subtle pride which blinded Savonarola himself?
SEPTUAGESIMA 1498 277
"And I tell you that a new time is coming; and great wars are at
hand . . . and \ve must sustain a more severe contest than that in \vhi< h
\vc arc now engaged. () Lord, I do not ask for peace ; War : War'
War ! is my cry. War, I mean, with the devil ; for us it is enough to
be at peace with Christ. As for the excommunication, which is said In
some to be null in the sight of (iod, but externally binding, it !> enough
for me that I am not bound in the sight of Christ (da Christo). and that
He should bless me. <> inv /.on/, I turn t<< Thee ami 1 say : If e-'er I
should seek absolution fnn this excommunication, send u' In //h, but you say : ' I mean because of
the disobedience.' And I say that if the law were observed which
forbids that any one be made a Doctor of Divinity or a Canon without
sufficient learning, there would not be so much ignorance among us." He
concludes this part of the sermon by inviting "you, my priests, and I call
those 'mine 1 who wish to lead a good life," to attend at S. Mark's on
the following Thursday after Vespers, when he will give them ' una
bclla lettione,' and will instruct them as to their duty under present
circumstances. 1 '
Then he goes on to speak of those friars who will not absolve
those who come to hear him. " Would you like me to tell you who
will absolve you ? Well, no, it is better that I should say nothing
about it, I will only say just do like this." " Here let the reader
observe," says honest Yivoli, in a parenthetical note, " that the
preacher said just nothing at all, but jingled his keys one against the
other, whereby every one understood his meaning to be 'dive them
money, and they will absolve you.' ''
1 O Signor inio, io mi volyo a te, c si ti ilico, die //< /'//_/<> w('. Venice, 1540. I'. i>*. The^e
words have, we must eonfe>s. caused us some misgivings as lo the genuineness <>t
the letter "pro ahsolulinne " f|iiotcd in the I.M chapter. It must, however, !<
remembered that the words of the title "pro absnlutione " are not Sa\on.irol.\\
own.
'-' Savonarola must have known \\cll that he had not been, ami never Mould
have been, censured for preaching the ( Jospel, or tor relinking vice a- such. Again,
preaching is a good wok, yet one that needs an ecclesiastical license or faculty.
According to his principles no >nch (acuity \\ou!d l>e needed.
'' No one, we trust, among oui non-Catholic readers will he >o foo!i>h a* to
infer from this passage that the sale of absolutions is par: ot the t'atholic system.
If there were priests in Fra (iirolamo's time "ho were ready to perpetrate this
wickedness, we have here only an illustration of the oM adage: "Corruptio
optimi pessima.''
278 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
"Would you like me also to give you a piece of good advice whereby
you may cleanse your whole territory? Turn than out! (Levategli
via !) ' O Brother, you are speaking too plainly (tu tocchi troppo il vivo).'"
He hastens, however, to explain that he speaks only of bad priests, not
of the good. 1 There will be plenty of confessors to supply their needs ;
but let them go to confession without delay, and let them thank God
who has delivered them from tepidity, that is to say, from the hands of bad
confessors. Let them remember how, in 1478, in the days of the con-
spiracy of the Pazzi (when the Archbishop of Florence was murdered,
and the city laid under interdict \ there were plenty of priests who said
Mass and administered the Sacraments. Were they worse off now than
then ? " I have not murdered an Archbishop, or a priest, or any one
else." It is objected that in those days the welfare of the government
was at issue. And now the government of Christ and the faith of
Christ, and Christian morality are at stake.
He next appeals to his prophetical light as confirming the
invalidity of the sentence. Some one objects :
" ' Brother, I don't believe you ; you have worked no miracles, that I
should be bound to believe you against the Church.' What will you
have (Fa tu)?" he replies. "It has not yet pleased our Lord to grant
a miracle (fare altretanti . ' But you said that the excommunication
would be borne aloft on the point of a lance' (i.e. in triumph, which was
certainly not the fashion in which Camcrino, or possibly his substitute,
brought it). I tell you that not everything has yet come to pass. . . .
But if you have eyes, you must have seen that many signs have followed.
You have seen that in Rome one /ins lost his son," and to one one thing
has happened, to another another thing ; and you have seen who
has died here, and I could tell you, an I would, who is in hell. . . ."' If
everything had come to pass, you would have seen everything. You
have seen a part, because a part has come to pass.
"' But we thought that you were now going to turn the key.' 4 It is
1 Again we may venture to express the doubt whether S. Thomas, for instance
(whose teaching Savonarola is declared to have so faithfully followed), would have
sanctioned an irresponsible appeal of this sort to a kind of ecclesiastical lynch law.
- The allusion is, of course, to the I 'ope and his son, the Duke of Candia.
The reader must judge whcllicr or no these words were needlessly provocative.
"' Some think that he here alludes to Bernardo del Nero. We are loth to
believe this ; and yet the mention of /mr.r.f/ immediately afterwards seems to
point to one who has died at the hands of justice.
4 l.i . to open the casket of hidden truth ; to speak plainly on certain matters
on which he had hitherto l>ccn silent. \Vhat thi-. "turning of the hey'' more
particularly signified will appear from the depositions at the trial, and from
other documents to be hereafter tjuoted.
SEPTUAGESIMA 1498 279
not yet time. Heretofore we have drawn forth only one of these five
stones that David carried ; but it will not be Ion},' before we shall
produce the others. You have not yet constrained me to u>) had
been, not for a speedy return to the post of peace and security, but
for light, " che non ingannassimo et non fussimo ingannati " ; for
the light of reason and the light of faith, and also for the light of
prophecy, "che noi intendessimo le cose future per salute del
popolo." He had prayed also that (UK! would put forth his hand to
accomplish new things, and great things ; and the divine response
to his prayer had been : " Nolite timere pusillanimes, Hominus enim
vobiscum est " " Fear not, ye faint-hearted, tor the Lord is with you."
1 " Ouando ,w<7 constretto." Hut the context seems to requite "(jiianilo ..;'.'
constretto" "when I shall be constrained."
2So C.IROLAMO SAVONAROLA
Once more he reminds them that the excommunication has come
"that the prophecies might be fulfilled," and also for the more
thorough sifting of the good from the bad. And then again once
more he sets forth the reasons for believing it to be invalid. After
this preface the preacher proceeds to assert a bolder proposition
than any he had yet advanced.
He is not going to preach [lie says], but once more to talk quietly
with them; and he undertakes to prove " that whoever obstinately
maintains the validity of the excommunication is a heretic ; and there-
fore I tell you that if such an one be a priest he has forfeited his benefice,
supposing him to have one (ha perso il beneficio, sc c parrochiano) ; you
cannot receive Communion at his hands, nor hold any intercourse
(impacciarti) with him, and therefore you must expel such persons
from the city (bisogna cacciarli dalla citta< For Christians ought not
to hold intercourse with heretics, according to the words of S. John
about a heretic : ' Non dixeritis illi : Avc.'
" O Brother," the objector is made to say, " don't touch on this point."
" I tell you," is the reply, " that now it is necessary to cast the button
from the foil (far la guerra a ferri puliti), that now the whole truth must
be declared."
Having spoken of priests, the preacher takes occasion to say a
word of advice to those mothers who have sons destined for the priest-
hood. Any man who desires a benefice, and the cure of souls, even
though he were an angel, is proud. "You think your son is a good
young man . . . but, if he desires a benefice, with cure of souls, he is
a devil (e un diavolo;. He ought to wait till he is promoted, not to
seek promotion/' This is what he told the priests who came to his
conference on Thursday last, and he added that the hailstorms and the
pestilence of the preceding year had been chastisements sent on account
of bad priests.
Lest any one should doubt his orthodoxy, he submits all that he has
to say to the judgment of the Holy Roman Church ; but at the same
time he reminds them that every man, even the Pope, can err. It
is mere folly to say ''or, as he pli rases it, " You are a fool if you say") that
a Pope cannot err. "You say : ' Yes, as man, not as Pope.' But I tell
you that Popes can err even in these processes and sentences of
theirs." His hearers must be aware how often one Pope has set aside
the ordinances of another : and how many contrary opinions different
Popes have expressed. In such cases, either both have erred, or
at lea>t one. 1
1 Again we cannot help asking: Is this the language of loyalty? Kvery
Catholic knows that Papal infallibility has its specific limitations, and that it i>
nowise concerned with such matters as an individual penal sentence. But to
dwell, in a sermon ad fopiiluni, on the real or supposed blunders of successive
P'lpcs, hardly tends to promote popular reverence for the Holy Sec.
SEPTUAGESIMA 1498 281
Then comes the long retrospect of his dealings with Alexander
VI., to which we have referred in a former chapter, and which need
not be reproduced here. It will \>c sufficient to select a few
characteristic passages.
The Pope's action with regard to the Congregation of S. Marco is
like that of the worthy Podesta of Brescia, who always agreed with the
last speaker. His proceedings resemble those of a chess player who is
hard pressed, and who moves his king backwards and forwards, now
here, now there, to keep him out of check. When the I'ope first forbade
him to preach (in 1495), he answered to the effect that his Holiness had
been deceived. But when his representations were not listened to, he
continued to preach freely. (It is worthy of note that Savonarola makes
no reference here to the supposed permission to preach obtained for
him as is alleged by Caraffa.) "And this was the occasion on which
I came up here and said that / Tivrv not commissioned to preach l>v any
man in this world, nor bv any lord, Inii bv Him 'li'Jio is I.ord of Lords, and
by the Holy Trinity." '
As for the machinations of his enemies, they are directed not
against himself, but against the welfare of the city. " You, my fellow-
citizens, you are 'the Friar,' i.e. it is you. not me, whom they attack."
His doctrine is sound and salutary. It is in conformity with Holy
Scripture, and with the principles of philosophy. It has brought peace
to the city, and had resulted in the abolition of the sport of stone-
throwing (the favourite pastime of the Florentine youth) and other
worse evils ; all of which have begun to revive since he ceased to preach.
Parents forsooth have a scruple about letting their children come to hear
his sermons. But they let them go out at night, and ask no questions.
But why cannot he let some one else preach in his stead? He
would be only too glad to do so, if there were any one capable- of under-
taking the task. But no one is to be found.
Coming back to his original proposition, he affirms once more
that whosoever obstinately maintains the validity of the sentence is
a heretic.
"(Io now. and write this to Rome! You write nothing but lies :
this time write the truth. Men have now become afraid to preach the
truth. Preachers arc become dependents and retainers of groat lord-.
and flatter them accordingly. It was not always so. S. Paul reproved
S. Peter. And if it be said: 'Where is S. Paul now?' it may be
answered: 'Where is S. Peter now:' The proportion .t'. .my rate i
1 \Vc hav been found fault with fur saying th.it Savuiuiola put forward a
claim to a special divine mission which made him independent of the liierarchic.il
jurisdiction of the Church. This app.-ar- to us t<> l>c the practical purport of the
words quoted above.
282 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
kept. Or perchance it is even reversed. You, a layman, in reproving
a priest, may be reproving one who is your inferior, because it may be
that you have more grace than he."
But it is objected that he has himself written to seek absolution.
"Certainly not of my own accord (non io gia per me). 1 To be sure,
they wanted me to write, acknowledging that 1 had been in error. I
would do nothing of the kind. ... It is true that I wrote that for the
avoidance of scandal it would be well that the excommunication should
be withdrawn, but that is all.
"Our enemies are like a night-walker bent on mischief, who, seeing
a lighted torch approaching, and fearing to be recognised, cries out :
1 Put out that light.' But I tell you, blow as hard as you like, you will
not be able to put out this light."
He concludes by inviting them to prepare for this " Pasqua "
which they call the Carnival. He would have it to be a real
" Pasqua," at which every one should confess and communicate,
and organise a triumphant celebration for the honour of Christ.
The Quinquagesima Sermon has one feature which distinguishes
it from its two immediate predecessors. The application of the
words of Holy Scripture is more continuous and more pointed.
The passage about " the idols of the nations " is especially powerful,
as the reader may divine even from the fragments of it which are all
that can here be given.
After the usual repetition of the chief points of the previous dis-
course, Fra Girolamo, who had hitherto held his audience in suspense
as to what book of Holy Scripture he was going to choose for ex-
position in this series of sermons, informs them that to-day he is
going to preacli on the Psalm, " In exitu Israel."
"'But, Father, won't you begin to expound the book to-day? Have
you not chosen it yet?' Oh yes, I have chosen it; but to-day I am
going to speak about this Psalm. And because we have been delivered
out of Egypt, we will sing 'Alleluia.' 'But. Father, the Church does not
sing "Alleluia" at this season.' Nevertheless, we will sing 'Alleluia' to-
day. We shall pass the Red Sea, and Pharaoh will have no power to
hurt us. 2
"Jacob went forth from a barbarous people. Barbarians are those
who cannot speak Latin or Greek or Hebrew. But God's barbarians
are those who cannot speak the language of Chiist. ' Dii gentium . . .
1 Perhaps more literally : "Not I ; at least not of my own accord."
2 " El Fratc perseverava in isparlare contro al Pontcfice," says Parcnti,
" chiamandolo Pharaone ; e per simili altri disonesti nomi " (Kanke, Historisch-
biographische Stndiat, p. 296).
SEPTUAGESIMA 1498 283
os hahcnt ct non loqucntur.' These tcpidi have mouths, but they can't
speak (the language of Christ) : they howl, and bark, and gibber,
but they don't know how to talk aright. 'Aures habent et non audient.'
They have cars, but they don't use them to listen to those sermons
against which they are always talking. Why do they contradict what
they haven't heard ? But can they not at least perceive the sweet
odour of a good life ? No: ' Nares liabcnt et non odorabunt.' Again:
' Manus habent et non palpabunt.' They have hands, but they perform
no good works. I have said that you are idols. An idol must be
pegged to the ground to hold him firm. So you are just pegged down
(inchiodati) to that earth for which alone you care.
" ' Hut, Father, don't you see that the numbers ^of your hearers; are
growing smaller?' Yes, and they will grow smaller still under the
vvinnowing-fan of God. 'But the excommunication?' Oh, 1 tell you
these excommunications are cheap to-day ; any man may have whom he
will excommunicated for a few shillings (per quattro lire). O religious !
O Rome ! O Italy ! nay, to all the world I cry : Come here and listen.
Either this thing is of God, or it is not. If it is of God you cannot
prevail. If it be not of God it will fail of itself. Why, then, all this
opposition? O Rome, it is hard for you to kick against the goad. O
Rome, and ye prelates who oppose me, I warn you that if this thing is
of God you will not be able to destroy it, but it will cast down your
walls. O wicked citizens, you shall be crushed under this weight, and
when you think to have stamped out this thing it will rise again more
full of life than ever."
The preacher then proceeded to make this solemn appeal :
" O Lord, I would that Thou shouldst make haste. We can do no
more. And that God may be the more ready to hasten matters, I
propose, dearly beloved, that on the Carnival day we should all join in
earnest prayer. And I will say Mass, and I will take the Sacrament in
my hands, and let every one earnestly pray that if this thing proceeds
from me, and if I am deceiving myself, Christ ic^uld send :tf>on me fire
from heaven ) which may tlicn and there swallow me /// /// hell (die
Christo facci venire tin fuoco dal cielo sopra di me rhe m'assorba nell'
inferno) ; but that if it is from God lie would make haste. 1 And to the
end that you may have more light, take care that prayers ,to this effect)
are said in all your monasteries, and tell the ' tepidi ' to come, and to
pray that morning that God would deliver you, and that if I deceive you
a tire may come from heaven to destroy me. Write this everywhither,
bid mounted messengers ride post to Rome spacciate staffcttc a Roma) ;
1 There is clearly a false and un-Calholir principle involved in laying down the
conditions under which God is to make lli^ will known. To appeal from the
visible, tangible, living authority of the Church which He has established, to the
evidence of a miracle which lie has not promised, is to expose oneself (and in this
case many others also) to a harmful delusion.
284 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
. . . and bid them pray on that day that if this thing is not of God,
destruction may fall upon me as I have said ;" and so forth with further
iteration.
But some one objects: "You say you will hold the Sacrament in
your hands. But perhaps you do not believe in it (the Blessed Sacra-
incnt), and so you won't care.'' He answers that if he were to act as he
proposes, not believing, this would indeed be an awful crime that would
deserve God's instant chastisement.
'''But you are exposing yourself to risk!' No, I am exposing
myself to no risk ; you will see how joyful I shall be in company with my
Lord (vedrai pur come io mi staro allegro col mio Signore). I am no
fool. I know what I am about. I will stand firm, and you shall sing :
'Stir up Thy power, O Lord, and come to our deliverance.' I shall
stand, as I have said, with the Sacrament in my hand. Ask one of
those ' tepidi ' whether he is ready to try the same experiment."
The concluding words of the sermon offer a pleasing contrast to
a passage in which we find some difficulty in recognising the accents
of true humility.
"Afterwards,'' he says, "we will have the procession of the children.
But, my children, I warn you to be grave. Let your procession be
modest and orderly, and let each say his prayers. And you must
not cry, ' Viva Gesu Christo' again till 1 tell you. For these things
must be done under the guidance of the Holy Spirit, and all in order.
Now we are going to make a great war on the devil and his carnal
pomps (spassi carnali) in place of which we will introduce spiritual
pomps."
In fact, under the favouring auspices of a friendly Signory, the
procession, and the sacred dance, and the bonfire of vanities, were
carried out with greater solemnity than in the previous year. And
whatever may be thought of Savonarola's appeal to heaven, or of
other points in his carnival sermon, there can be no two opinions as
to the conduct of those Compagnacci who showed their spite against
the Friar and their contempt for religion by hustling the children as
they walked in procession through the streets and casting their
crosses into the Arno.
Florence was on the eve of a new election. Henceforth
Savonarola would have to fight his battles without the support of a
friendly Signory. But, whatever his mistakes or his faults may have
been, it was at least not in any human power that he, 1 put his trust.
CHAPTER XV
IIIK DKCI.AK Al'ION OK WAR (l.KNT 1498)
" / 1 L'KRRA a fcrri puliti,"\varist one element by
1 E.. in S. 13, <; frofos of Kxoil. iv. 29, " Coiigrcgavcrunt onmcs .-cniorcs
Illinium IMUC!.''
: b. y. - ; s>. 4. 4 6. 5. > 6. 9.
288 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
means of another, as when tainted air is purified by fire. So also in the
Church. If an individual religious, for instance, acts amiss, you must
have recourse in turn to his Prior, to the Provincial, to the General, and
last of all to the Pope ; but if the Pope will not act (non li provede lui),
and this universal cause should fail you, one must next have recourse to
the Pope in heaven (al Papa celeste), that is, to Christ. . . . And if it
should happen that these universal causes in the Christian common-
wealth not only do not help, but are sources of corruption and exercise
an evil influence to the detriment of the Church of Christ, what is to be
done then ? . . . One must resist this evil influence, one must pray
and have recourse to Christ . . . every one must resist the evil
influence. You say that we must not resist the ecclesiastical power ; but
I say that when power is used to the detriment of the Church it is no
longer an ecclesiastical power, but an infernal power, the power of
Satan." '
It is needless to pursue the quotation further. The reader has
already had abundant evidence of the deeply-rooted conviction of
the preacher, that war, war against an unworthy Pope, had become
for him, and for all good men, a sacred duty. The war in which he
is engaged is not merely in the cause of God, but it is carried on
under divine leadership actively exercised.
" When you see the Pope's mules at a church door in Rome, you say, if
you are familiar with Roman customs : ' The Pope is within.' So, when you
hear the trumpets, and see the standards, and the guard of honour drawn
up at the gates of a palace, you say: 'The Emperor is here." In like
manner the presence of God is to be known by His trumpets (of preach-
ing), and His standards (of a good life), and His guard (of men of
exemplary conduct). But now the trumpets sound to battle, and an
expedition of the hosts of heaven is on foot. S. Peter and S. Paul and
S. Gregory cry : 'To Rome !' S. John, S. Zenobius, and B. Antoninus
cry: 'To Florence!' S. Ambrose prepares to march on Lombardy.
S. Mark threatens Venice, 'the city of them that dwell amid the
waters.' All are ready to chastise their several cities. And S. Benedict,
S. Francis, and S. Dominic will swoop down upon their several Orders. 2
O Florence ! the sack, i.e. the measure of your iniquities, is full. You
must look for a terrible scourge. The Lord will bear witness that I and
my Urcthren have tried our best to ward it off; but it cannot be done.
We have prayed that the scourge might be commuted to a pestilence.
Whether we have been heard or not you will sec. Let every one confess
and be prepared.'' ''
The Book of Exodus, which Fra Girolamo had chosen as the
subject of his discourses during this Lent, abounded in passages
1 S. 22. " S. 19. :! S. 4.
THE DECLARATION OF WAR 289
admirably adapted, or easily adaptable, to his purpose. " Almighty
God," he says, "who Himself dictated this book, has put into it
wonderful meanings." 1 The "spiritual sense," he declares, though
founded on the literal, is not like it confined to one purport, but
admits of application to ever-varying circumstances ; and its applica-
tion to the present time is obvious. -
"The story of Moses and Pharaoh repeats itself. ' Come, let us wisely
oppress them,' said Pharaoh of the Israelites. Now, as then, the wicked
think themselves wise ; and the city chosen by God to be the recipient of
His special graces is called 'foolish Florence, Friar Florence.' Pharaoh
hade the mid wives of Egypt to abuse their office, and destroy the male
children of the Israelites. The 'gran maestri' of our day bid the
preachers belie their function of bringing Christ again to the birth in the
souls of men, and when they will not do so, oppress them with excom-
munications and every kind of persecution." 3 "The Egyptians 'afflicted
and mocked' the Israelites. So do our adversaries to-day afflict you
and mock you, calling you ' hypocrites and pinzocheroni] and styling
your red crosses ' mandrakes.'" 4 " Who hath appointed thee . . . judge
over us?" said the Hebrew to Moses ; and so say the ''cattivi " to him. 5
As, however, he does not use the name of Pharaoh to designate
the Pope alone, but all the "cattivi" and "tepidi," so also he is
careful to say that he does not liken himself to Moses in any ex-
clusive sense. " Many others there are who are guided by the spirit
of God."
The shepherds who came and drove away the daughters of Raguel
when they would have drawn water (Exod. ii. 17), are those wicked
pastors who drive away the souls that belong to Christ. They forbid
them to come to the sermons. "Tell these reverend sirs to come up into
this pulpit themselves, and expound the Sacred Scriptures. Why, some
of them can't even read the Bible ! And I make bold to say that some of
them could more easily discourse about eating and drinking and vice
than about Holy Scripture/' 7
But Moses drove away these bad shepherds with blows, and
himself watered the flock. " Listen to my blows. You priest !
you prelate ! Leave your mistresses and your shameless wicked-
ness, your gluttony and your worldly display, and your dogs." s
The dogs of the clergy, it may be observed in passing, appear to
1 S. 4. '-' S. 9. :1 S. 4. 4 S. 6. i S. 7. 6 ///./.
7 S. S. It will be understood that I-'ra tiirolamo speaks with a degree of
explicit plainness which, in an English translation, requires the use ot paraphrastic
generalities.
8 Ibid.
T
290 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
have especially roused his indignation. " S. Gregory gave bread,
not to dogs, but to the poor." l Again, Pharaoh kept the Israelites
in slavery, engaged in servile works, and would not let them go forth
to offer sacrifice. Moreover, he would provide no straw for the
making of bricks for his buildings.
" If you wish to engage in the servile work of minding worldly things,
Rome will not disturb you. Rome will allow you to accumulate plenty of
riches, which are but as clay or mud, but hinders you from obtaining
those means of grace, symbolised by the straw, which you need if you are
to build a true spiritual edifice." 2
" But now God says : ' I will deliver you from this slavery of wicked
friars and wicked prelates.' Doubt not that God will lift up Mis mighty
arm even unto Rome, and will deliver you in His mighty judgments.
You priests who to-day bear yourselves so proudly will one day hide your
tonsures for very shame. The scourge will surely come. ' Then,' saith
the Lord, ' shall ye know me ; and then will ye confess that it is not the
Friar who has preached to you, but I myself.'"
These words, to say nothing of others which have been already
quoted, would alone be sufficient to show how fully Fra Girolamo
maintained, to the very end of his public career, the character
of an inspired prophet. If, he says, he chose to depart from
Florence, and to trample conscience under foot, and to disobey
the command laid upon him by God, he could easily escape all
persecution. But he is as sure of his mission, and of the genuine-
ness and truth of the divine message which he has to deliver, as he
is that he stands in the pulpit, and that the tunic which he wears is
white. 4 " What do you think we should do," he asks in his last
sermon, " if this absolution were to come? " Would he recant? No.
And why ?
" Because we are ambassadors, and we cannot speak otherwise than
according to our commission. An ambassador, when he speaks in his
own name, may well show all humility and obeisance, but when he speaks
in his master's name, he must utter his message with unshrinking firm-
1 S. 16.
2 S. 15. More emphatic than any of these applications of Holy Scripture is
the passage in which, implicitly comparing the Pope with Phassur, the High
Priest who persecuted Jeremiah, Savonarola declares that this modern Phassur
will come to a bad end. " E a te dico Phassur, che tu anderai in cattivita di
Babilonia, tu e gli habitatori di casa tua, e gli amici tuoi che ti saranno restati,
tt hanno a morire di morte eterna tie//' inferno" etc. (S. 22).
'" S. 1 6.
4 SAM.
THE DECLARATION OF WAR 291
ness. Think not that I will recant ; may God preserve me from wavering
if that absolution which they want should come." '
But perhaps the strangest, if not the strongest, passage bearing on
this subject is one in which Kra Girolamo makes a somewhat bold
application of the parable of the vineyard let out to husbandmen.
"God has sent His preachers into the vineyard. But how many there
are who in these days seek to slay His preachers. Wherefore at last God
has sent His Son. \Vho is this? He is the Truth, for He Himself has
said : ' I am the Way, the Truth, and the Life.' God, then, has sent the
Truth, and has said : ' 1'erchance they will fear my Son.' But they want
to drive the Truth away ; and I warn you that it is not the Friar whom
they seek to drive away, but Christ. Believe me it is so. And do thou. O
Rome, mark well my words : Auferetur a vobis rcgnum the kingdom shall
be taken from you ; Christ will take the Church from your hands, and will
give it to good husbandmen who will turn it to good account. Yidebitis
cito -you will see that this will soon come to pass/'' -
This comparison or identification of the prophetic "truth/ 1 as
declared by himself, with the Son of (iod, by contrast with ordinary
preaching is, to say the least, remarkable. He is as confident as
ever of the approaching conversion of the Turks. As Clod lejected
the Jews and called the Gentiles, so now He will reject the West,
and call into His Church the nations of the East."
A considerable portion of this last series of sermons is taken up
with the topics, now familiar to the reader, of Savonarola's defence
of his own conduct.
His enemies wish to burn his books, as Sabinianus, the unworthy
successor of S. Gregory, would have burnt those of the great Doctor,
saying that he had ruined the Church by his aim.-*. 4 But it they burn hi-
books they will be burning an exposition of the Christian faith. '' It would
be more to the purpose if they would read his books before condemning
them, as S. Augustine was always careful to read the works c\en of
heretical writers.' 5 They charge him with having spoken ill of the Pope,
but he has never named any one. His words, as he long since warned
his hearers, are like hail that falls upon the earth. If any one \\ishos not
to be struck, let him keep under cover. 7 There is one ('.<: Fr.i M.iri.moi
who has spoken outrageously of the Pope in times pa-t. .uul \\hom lie
himself has publicly reproved on that very account. But now that other
preacher is in high favour ; a sure sign that his tirade aga:r.5t the Pope
did not proceed from God, but from the de-sire to please a human master.*
They charge him with having declared that he is a prophet, and that he
1 S. 22. 3 S. 20. 3 S. 9. 4 S. 1 6.
B S. 18. 6 S. 10. 7 S. 18. e Jbid.
292 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
cannot be lawfully prohibited from prophesying. But he has only said
in general terms that a law against prophesying cannot be validly enacted,
because this would be to limit the power of God. 1 He has not said that
every one is bound to believe his predictions, but only that men are bound
not obstinately to contradict them.- Of course, due approval is necessary,
but this he has. 3
His meaning seems to be that he commenced to preach with
due authority, and that the authority which has since inhibited his
preaching is, to this extent at least, null. If it be said that a papal
Brief has prohibited his preaching, he answers that the Brief is not
truly papal. A Pope as Pope could not issue such a Brief, any more
than a Christian as a Christian can commit sin. 4 As for the project
of union, this is only a device of his enemies to drive him away from
Florence.
But are not many of his prophecies in fact unfulfilled? Those who
raise this objection should remember that God works slowly. 6 Joseph
waited fourteen years, Moses forty ; it is only eight years since he began
to prophesy." People mocked Isaiah because the fulfilment of his pre-
dictions seemed to be indefinitely delayed : and so it has ever been with
God's prophets. Ayain, the sun hardly seems to move, because you see
it from a distance ; but if you were to approach it you would see how it
moves. So, too, God moves, or rather works, slowly to our eyes, but
most surely in fact. 6
And yet, though God works slowly to his own appointed ends,
the preacher-prophet clings to the belief that the things which he
has predicted will soon come to pass. " Yidebimus cito" is still the
burden of his prophecy. The signs of the times point to a speedy
issue. The circumstances of the day are like to those "when
this Scripture was written." "Now, that is to say cito, presto,
shall Pharaoh be punished ; the scourge draws near to these ecclesi-
astics, I tell you that it hastens marvellously (che '1 si appropinqua
mirabilmente)."
A curious feature of his apology for his own prophetic mission
is the recognition that he was not the only prophet in the field ; and
the test whereby he discriminates his prophecies from those of
others is worthy of note. He remembers in his boyhood to have
heard men predict things to come ; yet no one interfered with them. 10
And still more recently, many have uttered prophecies and no one
finds fault. This is a sign that such predictions were not of God.
1 S. 5. '- S. 10. 3 S. 9. * Ibid. B S. 5.
* S. 16. " S. 5. 9 S. 7. 9 S. 16. I0 S. 18.
THE DECLARATION OF WAR 293
But his predictions have been productive of good results, they have
powerfully contributed to the introduction of a virtuous life, and
therefore he has been persecuted.
The prediction of future things lias not of its own nature any
tendency to excite persecution. It is only when such predictions pro-
duce a genuine amendment of life that the wicked are impelled to
suppress them. 1 Jeremiah, who prophesied evil of Jerusalem, was
persecuted by Phassur the High Priest, who was "a threat liar," and
who excommunicated the prophet, and put him in the stocks by night ;
but when clay dawned the prophet came forth again and said the same
things as before.- Men demand a miracle as a " sign " that his prophecies
are genuine. But they would do well to remember our Lord's words :
" An evil and adulterous generation sceketh a sign, :> and to bear in mind
that neither Jeremiah nor S. John the Baptist worked any miracle.
The true signs are those of which lie has so often spoken, viz. the pro-
duction of good results, and the consequent persecution. These are the
true seal of the divine approval.
But although passages such as those which have been quoted or
summarised above may fairly be regarded as characteristic of Fra
Girolamo's last sermons, yet there are not wanting others which
more unmistakably show the true moral greatness of the man, and
which compel admiration quite independently of any possible
divergencies of opinion with regard to his prophetic gifts, and to the
defiant attitude which he now held towards the Pope. The eighth
sermon, for instance, contains a really splendid encomium of faith
as conferring on the creature a participation in the immutability of
the Creator.
" God alone moves without being Himself moved ; in Him alone there
is no composition to use the language of the schools between potenti-
ality and act, but He is all pure act. And the more nearly any creature
approaches to (iod, and the more closely he is united with Him, the
more that creature participates in the immutability of ( Iod. If you have
chosen Clod as your end, seek all those means which may lead you to
God and establish you in Him ; and, having reached Him, cling to Him
and embrace Him. . . . Now, my friends, what is that which establishes
the heart of man in God? We have learned alike from experience, from
reason, and from authority, that nothing but faith can ever establish the
heart in God. And not only docs faith strengthen the heart, but it
renders it so firm that it has made very many even to rejoice in the
midst of the torments of martyrdom." 3
And the preacher goes on to point the moral by dwelling on the
1 S. iS. - S. 22. 3 S. S.
294 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
firmness and the joyful spirit manifested by his own followers in the
midst of present tribulations and persecutions. In similar terms he
speaks of the effects of charity.
Scattered through the sermons are remarks which show him
possessed of a shrewd mother-wit, of a sense of humour which helps
him to pierce the outward semblance of things, and lay bare the
inner reality. The devotion to S. Francis and S. Dominic which
has shown itself in the building of splendid convents, on the walls
of which the arms and heraldic devices of the munificent founders
are everywhere conspicuous, this kind of devotion is not all
genuine, but too often proceeds from vain-glory, and from a desire
to gain the subservient allegiance even of monks and friars. S.
Paul said that he who desired a bishopric desired a good work ; but
there is no need to exhort any one to seek a bishopric now, in days
when the pastoral staff has become too precious to strike with.
Again, good religious do not wander about engaging in gossip with
every one they meet. If any one should see one of his community
gossiping in the Piazza, let them throw a councillor's cloak over the
friar's shoulders, and invite him to the Pratica. 1 Some of these
prelates, he says, make a boast of being able to absolve from every
kind of sin, " reserved cases," and so forth. I5ut if Christ does not
ratify the absolution, of what use is it? In connection with the
charge made against Savonarola of teaching and enforcing an
exaggerated asceticism, it may be of interest to note a passage in
the seventh sermon in which he warns his hearers that natural means
must be used to attain natural ends. They must not stand with
their arms folded. "When you rise in the morning, give thanks to
God. Then go to Church to hear Mass. But you must not stay
there all day on your knees. After Mass, go about your business,
public or private,'' etc.
The most beautiful of all the sermons is the last but one of the
series, preached on Saturday, iyth March, and addressed as were
the other Saturday sermons to an audience of women. Its subject
is the Psalm, " How lovely are Thy tabernacles (or tents), () Lord
of Hosts!" Taking up the language of Canticles, he describes the
soul as engaged in an earnest search for the lleloved.
"Perhaps He is to be found 'in tabemarulis pastorum in the
shepherds 1 tents.' What are the tents of (iod? Surely His creatures,
THE DECLARATION OF WAR 295
for in them lie dwells. The soul, then, maybe imagined as wandering
through creation, lifting up, as she goes along, the flap or lappel of each
tent, seeking if the Beloved be there. Convents and religious houses,
these are, or should be, God's tents of war. But alas ! in how many of them
may He be sought in vain. Again, the Psalmist exclaims : 'The sparrow
has found herself a house.' The mind of man, like a bird seeking where
to build her nest, ranges over the world, seeking rest in philosophy, in
literature, in science, and so forth, but in God alone can it find true
repose. He is enough, let it seek no other. 'And the turtle a nest
where it may lay its young.' So, too, the will of man seeks its object
here, there, and everywhere, but in God alone can it find that which
satisfies it."
The steps by which the Hebrew pilgrim proposes to mount to
the divine sanctuary on Sion ("ascensiones in corde suo disposuit '')
are illustrated strangely, as it may seem to the modern reader- by
the seven petitions of the Lord's Prayer ; while the blessings which
he confidently hopes to receive ("etenim benedictionem dabit
legislator ") are brought into relation with the successive blessings
pronounced by God on the several stages of the work of creation as
recorded in Genesis i. The words " Protector noster aspire in nos,"
etc., afford the text for a peroration which was broken off, as Vivoli
tells us, by the sobs and cries of " Misericordia " which spontaneously
burst from the entire crowd of his hearers.
" I can say no more, but only weep. I would fain melt away with
love, here in this pulpit. I do not ask Thee, O Lord, to hear us for our
merits, but for Thy own goodness, and out of regard for Thy "Son.
' Look upon the face of Thy Christ.' . . . Many prayers have been
offered, and will still be offered on all sides ; Thou, O Lord, hast
promised to hear them. . . . But do not now limit Thine action to
lesser matters (non star piu a questc cose basse) set Thine hand now to
great things (a cose magne et a cose grandi) ; have compassion on Tin-
poor little flock (Ic tue pccorclle , whom Thou scest here all afflicted and
persecuted. Thou art their Shepherd, dost Thou not wish them well,
O Lord? ... If I am no longer of any use for this work, take my life !
If I am a hindrance to it, take, () Lord, my life, anil slay me. But what
have these Thy poor sheep done? They have done no evil. I am the
sinner ; look not upon my sins, but look upon Thine own sweetness.
Thine own compassion (al petto tuo, alle viscere tue . niul show us Thy
mercy. Mercy, O Lord, Mercy!"
It was at this point that the tempest of tears broke forth, which
Vivoli lias so feelingly recorded.
CHAPTER XVI
THE POPE AND THE SIGNORY
WE have given an almost exhaustive summary of the discourses
delivered by Fra Girolamo, from the time when, after his long
silence, he resumed the ministry of preaching, till the day when he
bade a final farewell to his devoted hearers. We now resume our
calendar of letters on the subject of the Friar, which had already
been brought down to the commencement of February 1498. The
documents for the most part speak for themselves, and require little
in the way of note or comment.
ist February ; Manfred! to d'Este. 1 You remember how, in the course
of last summer, Fra Girolamo was suspended and excommunicated, for
which cause he has until lately abstained from all public exercise of
ecclesiastical functions, in the hope (?) that the Pope would absolve him
in view of his justification. But, perceiving that there was no prospect
of such a change, on last Christmas Day he publicly sang High Mass,
and with his own hands communicated all the brethren of his convent,
and a great number of the faithful of both sexes. And now, as Lent is
drawing nigh, and as he has been invited to preach in S. Reparata (the
Duoino), it is said that he has decided to commence the sermons somewhat
before Lent, and, accordingly, the work of preparing the benches and
tribunes, for the accommodation of the crowds who flock to hear him,
is being actively pushed on. This has given occasion to much talk,
especially on the part of the Friar's enemies. So I went to see him, in
a convent of his outside the city (S. Domenico at Fiesole), in order to
ascertain his intentions. He told me he had quite made up his mind to
preach during this Lent, and perhaps somewhat sooner, in case a wish to
this effect should be signified by those who have the right to command
him. I asked him whether he was awaiting orders from the Pope, or
from the Signory. He replied that he would not be induced to undertake
this work by command of the Signory, nor even by command of the
Pope, considering the evil life of the latter (\ edutolo continuare nel modo
di vivere che' 1 fa), and that he was well aware that the Pope made no
2 Cappclli, n. 142.
THE POPE AND THE SIGNORY 297
secret of his determination not to withdraw the excommunication. The
upshot was that he awaited the commands of One who li'aa superior to
the Pope and to all creatures. But he would not tell me or any one else
on what day he proposed to begin. He added that he made no account
of the excommunication, the injustice of which, and the whole truth con-
cerning it, would, he hoped, soon be made manifest. I spoke to him of
the murmurs in the city, and of the scandal which might arise. He said
that if he believed the excommunication to be valid he would most
scrupulously observe it ; nor would he preach were he not " more than
certain " that no scandal would arise.
$>th February; Same to same. 1 "Our Fra Hieronymo" has deter-
mined to preach next Sunday. There is great diversity of opinion on the
subject. "We will await the issue of the affair, whereby it will be
possible to form a better judgment as to the grounds of his action,
whether they be divine or human."
I3/// February ; Same to same. 2 Fra II. did preach, and had a great
audience. Among other "notable and memorable tilings," he brought
forward many strong reasons for holding that the excommunication was
not valid, and he once more affirmed that all his predictions would
absolutely be fulfilled. Manfrcdi will try to get a copy of the sermon,
and will send it to d'Este. There is great division and opposition of
views, especially among the canons of the Cathedral. We shall see what
the Pope thinks and does, especially as Savonarola intends to continue
preaching.
I3/7/ February ; Somenzi to Sforza." Fia H. da Ferrara preached in
the great church on Sunday morning, without caring to wait longer for
absolution from his Holiness. The sum of his discourse was that the
excommunication was invalid, and that therefore no account should be
made of it. In confirmation of this he turned to the crucifix which he
had on the pulpit, and prayed that if ever he should acknowledge this
sentence, or seek absolution from it, Christ would not forgive him his sins.
Then he bade his followers to be of good heart and to fear nothing, for
they would certainly be victorious over their enemies ; and declared that
everything which he had predicted would come to pass without fail. The
Signory have yielded to him in everything ; so much so that whereas the
Vicar of the Archbishop (Pagagnotti, himself a Dominican" had caused an
admonition to lie read in all the parish churches to the effect that who-
ever went to hear Fra Jcronimo would be excommunicate, the Signory
have reprimanded him, and forbidden him to exercise his office (che'l
non vadi piu a bancha, nc exerciti piii 1'officio suo in cosa alchunaX
Whereby it is clearly understood that the Signori, or at lea>t a majority
of them, have been the cause of the Friar's preaching.
I7/// Fcbtuary ; Bonsi to the Ten.' 1 -This evening the Bishop of
1 (.'uppdli, n. 143. '-' /.*/./.. 144.
:1 Vilhri, ii. Append, p. 1. 4 M.nchoM-, n. iS.
298 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
Parma (Stefano Taverna), the Ambassador of the Duke of Milan, has
called, and lias told me that it is well known here that Fra G. preached
last Sunday, and that a Cardinal of very great authority strongly con-
demned this conduct, saying that he was well aware that the Vicar has
been forbidden by the Signory (pel publico) to exercise his office because
he had opposed this preacher. The Bishop assured me that he had
done his best to make excuses on behalf of the city to this Cardinal, and
that he will continue to do so, but that he greatly regrets that at so
critical a time so grave a cause of offence should have been given, and
that so favourable an opportunity should have been afforded to our
numerous enemies to stir up the anger of the Pope and of the whole
court. His Lordship urges that it would be well for the Signory to write
to the Pope, and to make whatever excuse can be made. He tells me
that Monsignor Aschanio (Cardinal Sforza) recommends the same. The
writer concludes by expressing his sense of the gravity of the situation,
and by asking for instructions.
2i.<7 l-'cbntary ; Taverna to Sforza. 1 After relating the fact of
Savonarola's preaching, and the affair of the Vicar, the writer declares
that the matter has been made the most of by certain Cardinals in
conversation with the Pope, who is greatly incensed. He has done his
best to mitigate the Pope's anger, and has had a conversation with the
Florentine ambassador (Bonsi , urging him to exhort the Florentines to
act after a different fashion. Bonsi expressed his annoyance at the turn
which affairs are taking, and promised to write at once as the case
required.
2ind February ; Bonsi to the Ten.- I have had an audience of the
Pope together with Bracci, the Cardinal of Perugia being present.
After hearing what I had been commissioned by the Signory to say
(relatively to the a Hairs of Pisa), the Pope wished to know whether you
had made up your minds to resist the King of France, if he should come
into Italy. I told him it was enough that you should promise to be
"good Italians 1 '; more than this I could not say. Then his Holiness
replied that he knew very well you were determined not to dissociate
yourselves from the King, and suddenly rising, he would not hear
another word. As he left the room he turned to me and said : " Let
Fra (iirolamo preach forsooth! I should never have believed that
you would have treated me so Fate pure predicare a Fra G., etc)."
So away he went, leaving Ser Alexandro and myself <|iiitc nonplussed.
The Signory may now see how tilings stand, and what arc their hopes in
this quarter. I await instructions what to do next.
The letter concludes with the relation of an audacious attempt
made on the ambassador's house, a few (lays previously, by a certain
Siencse. The motive may have been robbery, or something worse
may have been intended. The burglar, or would-be assassin, appears
1 Yillari. ii. Append, p. li. " fiherardi, p. 178.
THE POPE AND THE SIGNORY 299
to have powerful friends at his back. Such is the security of life and
property in Rome.
2yd i'cbruarv ; The Ten to Honsi. 1 As you know the facts of the
case, viz. that Fra H. is preaching, and as we have the greatest
confidence in your prudence, and because, as you may well conjecture,
this i\ it matter -chick siirfmsscs the limits of mere inifurc (questa cssere
opera chc excede li termini natural!), we leave everything to your
discretion : and we desire you to thank the Bishop of Parma, and every-
one else who may be helpful, in the name of the city.
From this point onwards lionsi and the Ten will be found to be
in great measure at cross purposes. Bonsi, who had gone to Rome
as a firm supporter of Savonarola, now saw plainly that the case was
hopeless, at least from a diplomatic point of view. It is clear that
from henceforth he found his mission thoroughly distasteful, and the
attempt on his property, or more probably on his life, to which he
refers in several subsequent letters, but which need not be again
touched upon here, did not tend to allay his irritation. The Ten, on
the other hand, are not merely convinced of the justice of Fra
Girolamo's cause, but they are persuaded that, as he holds his com-
mission from (lod, his case demands quite exceptional treatment.
Their strong feelings on this point seem to have blinded them
to the common-sense arguments of the ambassador. To have
determined on open resistance to the Pope would have been to
take an intelligible course ; but to expect the Pope to condone
their support of Fra Girolamo in opposition to his express commands
was rather foolish, as Honsi, a little later, did not hesitate to tell them.
25/// i'cbruarv ; lionsi to the Ten.- Understanding that the I'ope had
been speaking in very honourable terms of our affairs to the Bishop of
Arez/o (Cosimo de' Pa/./i) who has recently arrived here, I sought an
audience this morning in the hopes of finding some favourable opening.
The Pope called me to him, with Ser Alexandro (I'.racci), and we saw
him in company with Perugia, Borgies ./'; , and two others He began
by speaking of his favourable dispositions towards Florence, and
expressed his surprise that the Signory should make so little account of
him as to allow Fra (i. to preach, especially considering the manner of
his preaching ; and then he repeated to me a great part of what he
understood that the Friar had said on the nth inst. Neither Tmk nor
infidel, he declared, would tolerate such conduct, and he charged me to
1 Ghenmli, p. 179. This is a reply to his letter ol the i7ih, summarised
above.
'-' Gherardi, p. iSo.
300 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
send a special messenger to warn you that he will place the whole city
under an interdict if efficacious means are not forthwith taken to put a
stop to the sermons. He spoke of Fra G. in the strongest terms, and
with extreme indignation, and repeated that if he did not desist before
the beginning of Lent, the interdict would most certainly be declared.
And he had chosen to say this in the presence of their prelates in order
that it might be clearly understood that he would by no means change
his mind. And although Ser Alexandro and I did our best to urge what
reasons we could, we were so severely rebuked, and so constantly
interrupted, that we could make no way at all. Then his Holiness
caused some scurrilous epigrams (sonecti) which had come from
Florence to be read aloud, and bitterly complained that he should
be made the theme of ballad-mongers (lo dcbbo essere cosi messo in
sonecti ! i. \Ve said that if such things were laid to the charge of Fra
G. it was a calumny. He, however, went back to what he had already
affirmed (about the interdict), and insisted on my sending off the special
messenger at once. And in fact it is quite useless to insist on the
virtues of the Friar or his reasons and arguments (sua fondamenti), for
they make no impression here. In a word, it is necessary that you
should act with the utmost promptness if you wish to escape the
interdict. After leaving the Palace, I had yours of the 23rd. As
for what you say of the supernatural character of Fra Girolamo's
work, no one in Rome can be persuaded of this ; nor is it of any
use to attempt to secure the support of any one here, especially of
such as have heard what he has said against the Pope. And there are
always plenty of people eager to kindle the flame of indignation against
him (che mecte stoppa et zolfanelli, etc.). I understand your solicitude
that I should be sparing of expense in correspondence, and it is only at
the Pope's urgent command, and much against my will, that I now send
a special messenger. Be good enough to send your letters in such form
that they can be shown to the Pope, according to the usage of this court.
26/// February ; Same to same. 1 Sends two Briefs, the contents of
which he has been unable to learn.
26/// I'cliruarv ; The Pope to the Signory. 2 Recounts how, having
long since heard of " the grave and pernicious errors of that son of
iniquity, Fra Hicronymo Savonarola of Ferrara,' ; he had summoned him
to Rome, had forbidden him to preach, and had commanded him to
submit to the union of S. Marco with the Roman or Tuscan Con-
gregation, and how in view of his continued disobedience he had
commanded that he should be publicly declared excommunicate and
regarded as such, and that he should therefore be avoided by all. Now
he hears that, disregarding these precepts, Fra II. continues to preach,
alleging false reasons to show that he is not excommunicate, and
affirming (damnabiliter affirmandoj many things to the prejudice of the
Catholic faith and the authority of the Holy See ; and, moreover, that he
1 (iherardi, p. 180. a Villari, ii. Append, p. Ixvi.
THE POPE AND THE SICNORY 301
does not hesitate to take part in public processions and to say Mass
and administer Holy Communion ; and further that very many of the
citizens resort to his sermons, and in various ways show him favour and
support, and this with the permission of the Signory, from whom better
things might have been expected. We therefore strictly command you
to send Fra Hieronymo to us, promising that if he shall come, and shall
show himself penitent (ad cor rcdiret), we will both for your sake and
because we will not the death of the sinner, etc. receive and treat him
kindly. Oral the least we command you to confine him ''as a rotten
member" in some private place, where he may be cut off from all
communication with others. And if these precepts be not observed, and
you continue to support him (hominem ita pernitiosum, excommunica-
tum et publico nuntiatum ac de rurresi suspectum;, we shall lay your
city under an interdict, or even proceed to more severe measures.
271/1 rcbruary ; Bonsi to the Ten. 1 He has had an audience, and has
heard the substance of the Brief. His Holiness added that if Fra G.
would obey, and would abstain from preaching after a short time he :;<>///si> facto
excommunicate, and the censure is "reserved'' to his Holiness. The
Friar, hearing of this, has of his own accord ceased to preach in the
Cathedral, and has betaken himself to S. Marco, whither, however, the
majority of his former hearers now resort, and among them the ambassador
of the Duke of Ferrara (Manfredi), and the whole of the Ten and the
Eight, together with others of the city officials.- A Pratica has been
held upon the Pope's Brief, and the issue of the debate was, that the
Signory should reply that they had not thought it well to take any
fresh steps in the matter, persuaded as they are that the Pope would
not have written as he has done if he had been aware of the virtuous life
of the Friar, and of the admirable fruits of moral reformation brought
about by his preaching. They can take no action against him unless
some scandal should arise, and therefore they pray the Pope to hold
them excused. As for his having preached false doctrine, this is a
calumny. This letter, adds Somen/i, has been written in the name of
the Signory, and the Signory has given its consent solely so far as he can
understand in order that the Pope may be instigated to take more
effective measures, and that the lie may thus be given to those who go
about saying that his Holiness does not act proprio motu in this affair.
They think, also, that if the Pope does issue an interdict their hands will
be greatly strengthened, and they will be able to proceed against Fra
H. with a greater show of justice, and with greater vigour. s
The minutes of the Pratica of which Somen/i speaks, have been
published by I.upi, 4 and it is plain from them that a majority were in
1 Yillati, p. liii.
'-' The Ten and the Eight held office for a longer period than the Signory.
Hence it might happen that, as was now actually the case, the Signory and the
Ten (or the Eight; might represent opposite political parties.
3 The Pratica was held on 3rd March, and the letter of the Signory was sent
on the same day. On the other hand, Somen/.i's letter bears the date 2nd March,
and must have been commenced on that day, as its opening words (" Ileri intro
la Signoria nova," etc.) clearly imply. The apparent discrepancy is explained if we
suppose that the letter was not finished and despatched until a day or two later.
4 I.upi, p. 30.
THE POPE AND THE SICNORY 303
favour of representations being made to the Pope on behalf of Fro.
Girolamo. The reasons given are various. The Pope lias been mis-
informed ; he does not specify any false doctrine in particular ; the
demands of his Holiness are dishonourable to the city he would not,
it is averred, have written in this style to the citizens of Perugia ; the
Brief has been obtained by the enemies of Florence; and lastly, to carry
out its prescriptions would lead to a tumult, such is the popularity of
the Friar. \Vhether the motives which induced the Signory to allow
such a letter as that which follows to be written in their name were
really those which Somen/.i ascribes to them, it is obviously im-
possible now to determine. Hut subsequent letters of Sforza's agents
suggest that some at least of their magnificent lordships were quite
capable of this meanness.
yd Miifi/i ; The Signory to the Pope. 1 As soon as Savonarola
received news of the P>rief of your Holiness, wherein he is railed a
"son of iniquity," lie immediately withdrew from the cathedral to his
own monastery, in the hope that your anger would be mitigated, when
you should understand that the accusations laid to his charge are false.
We can hear witness that he is an admirable worker in the Lord's
vineyard, and one who has gathered therefrom such fruits as none other
has been able to gather. For eight years he has preached in our midst,
foretelling future things, and effecting a great moral reformation,
whereby he has stirred up against himself the enmity of many perverse
men, who never cease to multiply false accusations against him. We
regret to be unable to comply with the demands of your Holiness (i
by reason of the debt of gratitude which we owe to a man who lias
deserved well of us, and which it would be dishonourable to the city
to disown ; (2) because we could not take steps against him without the
greatest danger of popular disturbances. We acknowledge the goodwill
of your Holiness towards us, whereof we have recently had gratifying
assurances through our ambassador, and we pray you not to be incensed
against a city so loyal to you, and not to insist upon our doing that
which would be to our grievous detriment.
S!t- oni.' J While forwarding through him
the answer of the Signory to the Pope, they take the opportunity of
confirming what is said in that document by their own testimony to the
admirable fruits produced by Savonarola's preaching. The woi>t results
are to be feared if his Holiness allows himself to be per.-u.uled by the
false insinuations of their enemies to insist upon the execution of his
demands. Such a course will neither tend to the general welfare of
1 Marchese, n. 19. Gherardi, p. iSo, points out tii.it the above i> '.lie true
date.
3 Gherardi, p. 187.
304 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
Italy, nor will it further, so far as the writers can see, any private and
personal interest of his Holiness.
Sa/ru' date ; The Same to Pepi. 1 Informs him of what has recently
taken place in regard of Savonarola, and of the answer made by the
Signory to the Brief. If the Duke (Sforza) is misinformed on these
matters, Pepi is to let him know the truth.
j th March ; Bonsi to the Ten." Having received the letters of the
3rd inst., and the reply of the Signory to the Pope, he went at once
with Bracci to seek an audience. On the way they met the Cardinal of
Perugia, who expressed a doubt whether the Pope would be satisfied
with such an answer, but recommended them to execute their commis-
sion. The Pope made the Bishop of Parma (Sforza's envoy) read aloud
the letter of the Signory, and declared that he was astonished at such a
reply. It was, he said, a wicked letter (una trista lettera), and one
which belied its own expressions of loyalty. As for his being mis-
informed about Savonarola's preaching, his sermons were in print,
and he had read in them the passages in which Fra G. made light of
the excommunication, and spoke of him as "a broken tool," and said
that he would rather go to hell than seek absolution, and reproached him
with the death of his son (the Duke of Gandia). 3 As for the with-
drawal of the Friar to S. Marco, in the first place this was not done
by order of the Signory ; and secondly, the withdrawal was of no effect
if he continued to preach at S. Marco. Moreover, the letter gave no
guarantee that he would not return to the Duomo. He would, then, be
quite justified in forthwith declaring the interdict ; nevertheless, he would
give them another chance, but if they did not obey at once, the inter-
dict would certainly be declared. We did our best to speak in the Friar's
defence, praising his life and doctrine ; but the Pope said that he did not
find fault with sound doctrine, but with obstinate disobedience, and
contempt of the Holy See. As for the reasons alleged against the
validity of the excommunication, he only ridiculed them (facevasi beffe).
Accordingly, adds Bonsi, there is nothing for it but to make good use of
the short time that is left to you for submission, otherwise the interdict
will surely be pronounced. Parma, who stayed with the Pope after we
had left, declared to us on oath that there is no other way out of the
difficulty but to make some show of obedience by putting a stop to the
sermons for a time, or by somehow inducing the Friar to seek for absolu-
tion. If only this can be done, tlu- I'ope will not t hereafter refuse him
Permission to preach. You must understand that the whole court is
against us, and Parma tells me that Piero de' Medici and the Venetian
ambassador are both doing their utmost (offerendo al Papa partiti).
1 Gherardi, p. iSS. Francesco Pepi was the Florentine ambassador at the
Court of Milan.
-' Marchese, n. 20.
3 All this is to be found in the sermons preached on Scpluagcsima and Scxa-
gcsimn Sundays 1498 (supra, chap. xiv. ).
THE POPE AND THE SIGNORY 305
The Pope is persuaded that the letter of the Signory was dictated by
Fra G. The style, he said, was just his. Of course we said we did not
believe that it was so. In a word, we are falling more and more
deeply into disgrace.
9/// March ; The Same to the Signory. 1 The Pope has addressed
another Brief to your Lordships, which I send, as commanded, by special
messenger. It is now absolutely necessary that you should satisfy his
Holiness, who has declared to me that if only Fra Girolamo will obey,
and will cease from preaching for a while, he will absolve him, and suffer
him to preach again. But if he goes on with your permission, and
especially if he continues to speak contemptuously of the Pope, there is
no hope whatever ; and if you are going to resist the Pope in this matter,
you might as well recall your ambassador. Capaccio is doing his best
for you, and except for this matter the Pope is well disposed. Pray
write him a submissive letter, and thank him for his goodwill towards
the city.
Same date ; The Pope to the Signory. Your reply to our Brief has
filled us with astonishment. You speak in defence of Fra H., but as
good Catholics you ought first to have obeyed, and then, if you wished to
do so, you might have recommended him to our favour. As for what
you say about his virtuous life and the fruits of his preaching, these things
ive have never disapproved, nor do we now disapprove them. On the con-
trary, we greatly commend such good works, which are most pleasing to
us; but we condemn his obstinacy, and his pride, and his mischievous bold-
ness, which he shows in contemning ecclesiastical censures, and in lead-
ing others to contemn them, so that he has infected almost the whole
city with the poison of his evil example. The Pope goes on to speak
of the "vain and sophistical arguments" whereby the Friar presumes to
support his contention that the sentence is null and void, and to condemn
his asseveration that he would rather be lost eternally than seek absolu-
tion. " You must not," he adds, " allow yourselves to suppose that we have
been led to pronounce sentence upon him by malicious suggestions.
What you have written about him inspires us with sentiments of paternal
love and compassion, but we grieve that he has been milled by we know
not what spirit of pride into his present contumacious course of action.
The keys were given by Christ to S. Peter principalit- r ; wherefore
whoever declares himself to lie independent of ecclesiastical censures,
cuts himself off entirely from Christ. You must not wonder, then, if,
having tolerated him so far, we can do so no longer. Wherefore, for the
last time, we warn and command you either to send him to us forthwith,
or to confine him in his monastery in such a fashion that he shall hold
no intercourse with any one until, brought to a better mind, he shall
deserve absolution. If you act otherwise you will not be consulting
either your own interests or that of Fra Hieronymo.' 1
1 Gherardi, p. 192. We omit a short letter written on 7th March to the
Signory. It only confirms what Burlamacchi says at much greater length to
the Ten.
U
306 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
March ; Cardinal Ascanio Sforza to the Duke of Milan. 1 You
have already been informed of the vehement indignation of his Holiness
concerning the sermons and most wicked conduct (opere piene di
iniquita !) of Fra H. at Florence. After speaking of the efforts made to
mitigate the Pope's anger, and of the first Brief, the writer goes on to
speak of letters "de una mala natura" received by the Pope from
Savonarola himself, which put the Pope into such a state of commotion,
that Parma could with difficulty calm him. I am deeply grieved, he
adds, to sec the effects of all the good offices of the Pope towards the
Florentines threatened with destruction in consequence of this affair.
As for me, I have recently persuaded the Pope to send another Brief in
order to help forward the good work of crushing the wickedness of Fra
Hieronymo (!).
It might perhaps be concluded from the above that Savonarola's
letter, which we shall presently quote, was really despatched some
days earlier than the date (i3th March) which it bears. But it seems
to us more probable that Ascanio misunderstood some reported
words of the Pope, which really had reference to former letters of
Fra Girolamo, as if they had been occasioned by a document
recently received. For the rest Ascanio's letter is a specimen, which
it would not be easy to better, of the base hypocrisy with which men,
themselves steeped in vice, and a disgrace to their ecclesiastical calling,
could hold up their hands in pious horror at the " wickedness " of
the preacher, misguided though one may believe him to have been.
io/7* March; The Ten to Bonsi. 2 We are greatly rejoiced to hear
of the kind words spoken by the Pope about Fra H. But now we under-
stand that on the presentation of the reply to his Brief (that of 26th
February), his Holiness showed himself somewhat displeased (cssersi di
nuovo alquanto risentita). Therefore we exhort you to use your best
efforts to represent matters in a favourable light, so that the Pope may
understand that the words used by Savonarola do not go beyond what is
customary with zealous preachers (!). The rest of the letter is chiefly
concerned with Pisa.
I bth March; Bonsi to the Ten. 3 He would very much like to be
gifted with such perspicacity as would enable him to perceive in their letters
reasons strong enough to make good their cause. They speak of bciiiL;
rejoiced to hear of the favourable terms in which the Pope has spoken
of Fra G. It will be time to rejoice when Fra G. has shown his
obedience by remaining silent at least for a time. Considering that, if
1 Villari, p. Iv. Ascanio was Lodovico's brother, an ecclesiastic of scandalous
life, like too many of his contemporaries.
2 Gherardi, p. 197. This letter was written, of course, before the arrival of
the Brief of 9th March.
"' Gherardi, p. 198.
THE POPE AND THE SIGNORY 307
he fails to do this, the interdict will certainly follow, the writer quite fails
to see what grounds they have for rejoicing. It is impossible that what
they write should satisfy his Holiness. As for arguments to prove the
nullity of the censure, every one here rejects and ridicules them. You
must not suppose that the authorities will allow their powers to be called
in question, which powers are exercised for the most part in the infliction
of censures. 1 The printed sermons of the Friar have so exasperated the
minds of men here, that there is absolutely no remedy but submission.
Perugia tells me it is of no use to talk about Pisa till this matter is
settled ; and he urges that to silence Fra G. for a time, and to forbid him
ever again to speak contemptuously of the Pope, is a very little thing for
his Holiness to ask of the Signory. And every one else is of the same
opinion, i.e. that you must absolutely obey.
We have given the last two letters in immediate succession
because the latter of them is a reply to the former, but intermediate
between the two is a letter from Savonarola to Alexander VI., which
shows that he at least had no sympathy with the efforts that were
being made by his friends, and by others from political motives, on
his behalf.
I3/// March; Savonarola to the Pope.'-'- -I had always supposed that
it was the office of a good Christian to defend the faith, and to work for
the reform of morals ; but in carrying out this work I have met with
nothing but trials and tribulations ; I have not found one to help me. 1
had hoped in your Holiness ; but instead of this you have turned against
me, and have put it into the power of savage wolves to wreak their
cruelty on me. Nor has any hearing been given to the reasons which I
have alleged, not to excuse a sin, but to prove the truth of my doctrine,
my innocence, and my submission to the Church. Wherefore I cannot
hope any longer in your Holiness, but I must have recourse to Him
alone who chooses the weak things of this world to confound tin-
strong. ... He will help me to prove and maintain, in the face ot
the world, the holiness of this undertaking for which I suffer so much,
and will inflict condign punishment on those who pcrsccuti- me, and seek
to hinder my work. As for me. I do not seek the glory of this work),
but I look for and desire death. Your Holiness will do well not to
procrastinate longer, but to make provision for your own salvation.
On i4th March was held the most important debate, beyond
comparison, of all that had hitherto been held in connection with
the affairs of Fra (lirolamo. Its occasion was the receipt of the
l>rief of rjth March, and it is of so much interest, as giving an insight
into the state of public opinion at this critical juncture, as to descne
separate treatment.
1 " Dovete credere chc non si supportercbhe in alamo modo si disjnitassi drlla
loro auctorita, le quale consistc per hi maggior j'artc nolle ceusuic."
- Villari, ii. 129.
CHAPTER XVII
A FULL-DRESS DERATE
THE Pratica, or debate, which was held in the Collcgio on
1 4th March 1498, was regarded on all hands as of quite
exceptional importance. The number of speakers was unusually
large, and in fact every phase of opinion appears to have had full
expression. The minutes of the discussion have been published by
Lupi, and they give so thorough an insight into the state of feeling
among different sections of the Council of Eighty, and of the office-
holders of the day, that no apology seems to be needed for giving in
this place a somewhat full summary of the official report. The
grammar of the reporter is occasionally at fault, and sentences are
not unfrequently left without the conclusion which the sense requires.
While, therefore, in all important passages we adhere as faithfully as
possible to the very words of the speaker as reported, in other cases
we have been obliged to paraphrase somewhat freely.
It will be understood that each speaker delivers not merely his
own personal opinion, but that of the majority of his panchata, or
bench. Naturally, however, a spokesman would in each case be
chosen whose individual views agreed with those of the majority.
Occasionally the minority also put up a representative, and some-
times the speaker adds a few words on his own account. It will be
seen that the various boards of officials are heard in the first instance,
and after them the several benches of the Ottanta.
Of the Gonfalonieri, nine, whose spokesman is not named, are of
opinion that the Pope has acted in a fatherly manner ("si governi
verso di noi come buon padre "), and that as he has so clearly
expressed his wish, the sermons should at once be put a stop to,
lest out of a small affair a greater should arise. For assuredly an
interdict is a great matter, and much to be feared, since it exposes
men to be plundered and treated as outlaws.
Seven of the Gonfalonieri, however, declare their conviction,
808
A FULL-DRESS DEBATE 309
through Luigi Corsi, that in view of the immense services rendered
by Fra Girolamo to the city, he ought by no means to be treated
harshly.
Let the Brief, and the will of his Holiness be communicated to him,
and let him be exhorted to act according to his conscience, and probably
he will, of his own accord, desist from preaching. If he does not, it is not
to be supposed that any one would wish to hinder the Word of God. Some
of those who have done so in times past have come to a bad end. We
must defend the liberties and the honour of our city, which we shall not
be doing if we take action against a servant of God like Fra H. As for
the Pope, it is to be thought that he will change his mind if we write to
him setting forth the holiness of the Friar's life and teaching.
Niccolo Valori (for the Twelve). 1 It seems to us that the Pope is
exceeding his powers, especially as he has pronounced that the Friar's
doctrine is good. We ought not to be in like manner prejudiced against
him, considering his labours for the salvation of souls.
Giovanni Canacci (pro XII. designatis).- With reference to this
Brief we bear in mind that he who sends it is God's Vicar, who holds
universal jurisdiction ; that we to whom it is sent are the weakest of the
five powers of Italy ; that we live by our merchandise, and that our
merchants arc everywhere to be found. We are, therefore, decidedly of
opinion that the preaching should at once be stopped, and all intercourse
of the citizens with Fra G. be forbidden. And, in fact, it is better both for
us and for him that political matters should be discussed in the Palazzo
rather than in his convent. As for himself, the speaker is strongly of
opinion that the Friar ought to be confined to his cell. It is no disgrace
to the city to give to the Pope what belongs to the Pope. The evil conse-
quences of the detention, or usurpation, of what belongs to another are
shown by the example of Helen of Troy (!), etc., etc.
Antonio della Yigna (pro capitaneis partis Guelfe). On the one hand,
no one would wish to speak of Fra G. otherwise than with reverence, or
to say anything but what is good of him. But, on the other hand, after
weighing all considerations, and considering that our ambassador
has done his utmost for the Friar, and now counsels obedience, it seems
best on the whole to obey the Pope.
Paolantonio Soderini (for the Ten). My Lords are much displeased
with the Brief, which does not show sufficient regard for the dignity and
welfare of the city. Such a Brief would not have been sent to Perugia.
1 The twelve " Buoni Uomini," who acted as assessors of the Signory, and
seem to have had no other official duties (Villari, i. 261).
- The new hoard of Twelve, who had, as it appears, already been elected,
but had not yet entered on their ofVicc. We learn from one of Someiui's letters
(iCth March, infra) that they were all hostile to Savonarola. Canacci was one
of the commission subsequently appointed to examine Savonarola and his
companions.
3io GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
And if the Pope has not considered our honour, at least let the Signory
defend the honour of God. The whole affair proceeds from the astuteness
of our enemies, and tends to the disturbance of the city. If God has
miraculously supported us till now [it is to be thought that He will con-
tinue to do so]. 1 The best plan will be to write, not to the Pope, but to
our ambassador, to the effect that we are ready to yield in all lawful
matters, but that when it is a question of demands suggested by rival
powers yY.i 1 . Venice and Milan) we shall hold ourselves excused before
God and man. This is the stone of offence which has been cast in our
midst to bring the city to ruin, and the Signory should be mindful of their
duty. The letter of our ambassador would give just cause for indignation,
were it not that he had previously reported the loving dispositions of the
Pope towards us.
Ser Baldo (for the Eight). All my colleagues adhere to the teaching of
Fra H., and the Pope's words confirm their conviction. All, therefore,
except one, judge that we ought to suffer him to continue to preach,
especially as Lent is now nearly half over. We think you ought to act as
you have been advised ''by Soderini). One of us, however, is of opinion
that the preaching should be interrupted for a while, in order to avoid
arousing the Pope's anger.
Lorenzo de' Lenzi (''pro officialibus Montis''). My colleagues are
indignant at the Brief and at the ambassadors letter ; for while on the
one hand the critical state of our affairs makes it important that we should
secure the Pope's goodwill, on the other hand, it is intolerable to hear it
proposed that this venerable religious should be arrested at his command,
and should be separated from so noble a house of religion. The speaker
enlarges on the excellence 'tucta perfectione) of Savonarola's doctrine, the
moral reform which he has effected, and the deep debt of gratitude which
the city owes him. He declares, on his own part and that of his colleagues,
that it is the Friar's sermons which have saved the republic from ruin.
To him they owe the preservation of peace, and the institution of the Con-
siglio Grande, which has been a bulwark alike against the tyranny of an
oligarchy and against revolutionary measures (di non far grandi e di non
far novita). Moreover, we ought to esteem God more than all others, for
He is Lord of heaven and earth. My brethren are unanimously of opinion
that on no account ought we to put ourselves in opposition to Christ, for
God alone has supported us hitherto. We advise that the Brief be com-
municated to the Friar, and he be allowed to take his own course. If the
interdict should come, let it be borne in mind that God has delivered us
from worse evils, as when the Emperor came to take part in the Pisan
war. God has ever saved us, and lie will not now abandon us.
Francesco degli Alessandri (pro Conservatoribus) would prefer to leave
the matter to the discretion of the Signory.
Guidantonio Vespucci i [pro doctor! bus, i.e. the lawyers). He speaks on
The reporter has evidently fused two sentences here, the first of which require*
to be completed as above.
A FULL-DRESS DEBATE 311
behalf of five ; the minority will speak for themselves. They are highly
displeased with the Brief ; for they would have wished that every one
should have enjoyed all spiritual consolations during this Lent. Yet, con-
sidering the critical state of affairs, and that private interest must yield to
public, and computing probable losses and gains, they conclude that, on
the whole, obedience is the wiser course. To ask the Pope, as they are
doing, to grant them favours in the matter of Pisa, and of a tithe to be
levied on the clergy, and at the same time to resist his solemn commands,
is to pursue a self-contradictory policy. On the other hand, no one need
have a scruple about inhibiting the sermons, as if thereby we were resisting
God, for this would be done by legitimate authority. Nor is it to the pur-
pose to compare Savonarola with S. Bernardino, for he was not forbidden
by the Pope to preach. It has been alleged that the threat of an interdict
is a light matter. I cannot take this view of the case, for ecclesiastical
censures are the only arms which the Pope can wield. If it be said that
the whole affair has had its origin here rather than in Rome, I am
certainly of opinion that this should be looked into, and if this be found to
be true, that the delinquent ought to be punished. It has been said that
we ought to be solicitous for the honour of God, and for my part I think
that this ought to be put before every other consideration ; but this is
an ambiguous fashion of speech, for the Pope is Vicar of Christ on earth,
and has his power from God; and it is to be believed that whoever obeys
the Pope and his censures, whether just or unjust about which I express
no judgment will gain more merit than by disobeying. The evil conse-
quences which will follow on disobedience are considerable. On the
whole, however, it may be best to communicate the Brief to the Friar,
to see what he will do. If he submits, it may be possible to appease
the Pope. If he will not submit, then it will be time to consider what
is next to be done, and how it can be done without scandal. Of
course, if it were certain that the Friar holds a direct divine commission,
we ought to let him go on preaching. But as this is not certain, obedience
is clearly the wiser course.
Antonio Malegonelle (for the minority of four . We are agreed that
no subject of greater importance has ever come up for debate. The
advantages of obedience are manifest. But we are convinced that this
trouble has been stirred up by the Italian powers in order to work
mischief to the city, and that our enemies have prejudiced the Pope
against Fra H. As for the sermons, it is not to be supposed that any
one will lose heaven either for hearing them or for not hearing them, for,
after all, another preacher may be found. But what forces me to a
conclusion favourable to him is, that he declares it to be God's will that
we should by all means believe him. 1 \Ye must therefore suppose either
that he is a wicked deceiver, or else that he is a good and holy man, and
on the latter supposition he ought not to be hindered from preaching
1 " Io sono constrccto quando lui dice cho gl'c volonta di Dio a crcdcrgii a
ogni modo."
312 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
by any censure, and to prohibit him would be to incur a grievous
curse.
Enca di Stufa (pro sua panchata). 1 We have to consider, in the
first place, the honour of God, then the interests of the city and public
utility. The city, standing alone as she does against many enemies,
has been guided so far by the grace of God. Now, considering the
doctrine of Fra H., and the great fruits which it has produced, consider-
ing, too, that his monastery is distinguished by the holy life of its members,
so as to be worthy of comparison with the "cenobii" of ancient times,
and, moreover, that the Friar speaks by divine inspiration, we do not see
how he can lawfully be prohibited from preaching. In commanding
what he does command, the Pope seems to be exceeding his powers.
For his power extends to spiritual but not to temporal matters. Now,
this whole affair appears to be a temporal matter, a political move of our
enemies. If you obey, the city will fall into great disorder, and the
Pope will take occasion to demand something still more unreasonable.
Nor will our merchants suffer from an interdict which will be manifestly
unjust.
Ridolfo de' Ridolfi. My colleagues think we should obey in part,
but not entirely. They do not think that the Friar ought to be put in
confinement, but they think that he would do well to have patience, and
abstain for a while from preaching. If disorders should thence arise,
they may be dealt with as occasion shall serve.
Piero Gualterotti. We do not advise that the Friar be sent to Rome,
but that he be prohibited from preaching. The powers are disposed to
restore our possessions. It is not well to spoil our prospects by taking
on ourselves another's trouble.
Piero Carnesecchi agrees with the last speaker, but would like to
see the matter referred to the Consiglio Grande.
Giovanni Cambi. Either the Friar is a man of God or he is a wicked
man. In the former case we should expose ourselves to the anger of
God by interfering with him. The Pope is to be highly esteemed, but
in just and lawful matters. If this interdict should come, it will not be
the first of which we have had experience. As for the Pope's promises
to restore Pisa, it is not in his power to do so.
Giuliano Gondi. We recommend you to obey the Brief, for in your
oath on taking office you promised to be loyal to Holy Church. Do not
then perjure yourselves. This man preaches that the Pope is no Pope,
and that we should not believe in him, and other things he says which
a man would not say to his cook. This man will set on foot a sect of
fraticelli such as has been seen here before^ and it is an heretical sect which
you are helping to form. The danger of the interdict is very real and very
great, for it exposes our merchandise to plunder. Messer Enea (StufaJ, if
1 Stufa and the speakers who follow him are members of the Ottanta, not
holding any special office. Each speaks for his bench, or for a portion (whether
the majority or tlie minority) thereof.
A FULL-DRESS DEBATK 313
he had anything to lose, would speak very differently. As for me, I have
merchandise (wine) all over Italy, and if the sentence should be passed,
I shall be bankrupt (non posso fare il dovere a persona). The speaker
concludes by expressing his belief that when Fra II. sees this sentence
he will submit, and will apply for permission to leave the city.
Francesco Valori. To prohibit the citizens of a free city from going
to S. Marco is intolerable. It is error which ought to be punished, but
men should be free to do what is good. If any one has gone there to
treat of political matters let him be chastised. But as for the Brief, God
hates ingratitude, of which we should be guilty were we to oppose a man
who never spared himself in our service. This monastery is now more
truly a school of virtue than it has been at any time during the last fifty
years ; and as for the Friar, I advise you to show him more honour and
esteem than you have shown to any one for two centuries past. Instead
of interfering with his preaching, we ought rather to give him fuller oppor-
tunities for declaring the Word of God. The Briefs are surreptitious
documents (mendicati), due to the machinations of our enemies, who are
not only guilty of heresy (vogliano heresicare), but are doing their best
to bring us to destruction.
Giuliano Maz/.inghi will not discuss the question whether the Friar
be a bad man or a good. Let the matter be discussed in the Consiglio
Grande, which has supreme power. 1 No one would wish to do anything
contrary to the honour of the city. But this will be best consulted by
obedience to the Tope.
Antonio Canigiani. We agree that no more important question has
ever been discussed. Our first duty is to God, and in this duty we should
be wanting were we to interfere with the good work of so holy a man,
whose life and doctrine the Pope himself has commended. The Pope
would not have sent such a Brief to Perugia. He is, indeed, true Pope ;
but Popes are men, and can err. Let us fear the wrath of God rather
than that of the Pope. There are plenty of instances of men who have
even suffered martyrdom rather than offend God. Whether the Friar's
excommunication be valid or not, our liberties are not to be surrendered
to a Pope.
Giacopo Schiattesi. Fra G. is an excellent man (valcnte huomo
of commendable life and devotion, but his sermons have sowed discord
in the city, and have caused dissensions in families, and have brought
us to this present pass. Let him cease to preach for a while, and let
all the citizens unite for the good of the republic.
Guido Cambi.- Let us not hinder the Word of God, declared to us
by a holy man who has been sent by God Himself.
Giovanni Brunetti. Either refer the matter to the Consiglio Grande,
or submit. This way lies the true honour ami security of the city.
Fra G. is a learned man, but any man may be mistaken, and what we
1 Several subsequent speakers are in favour of the n'crtn.iun;. It will not be
necessary to mention the matter in each case.
3U GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
know, by comparison with what we don't know, is very little. Have not
very learned men, for instance Origen, been deceived before now? Even
. Bartolini. We ought not to suffer a hair of the head of this holy
man to be touched, but to defend and favour him. There is no need to
discuss the character of the Pope's commands, for all the trouble
proceeds from the malice of our enemies, whom may God pardon. If
this holy father is the victim of persecution, it is because some one's evil
passions have been aroused.
Bernardo Nasi speaks in even higher terms than those who had
preceded him of the good work done by Savonarola, and insists even
more strongly than they had done that the whole trouble is due to the
machinations of the political enemies of Florence. To refer the matter
to the Consiglio Grande would only breed worse confusion. If the
Signory will but keep their eyes open they will see the truth. There
arc evil-disposed citizens in their midst, as he has good reason to
know from the odious calumnies which have been uttered against
himself.
Giacomo Pandolfini agrees entirely with Mcsser Guido (Vespucci).
The Brief should be obeyed to the extent of putting an end to the
preaching.
Sacchctti, considering that all the good estate of the city since 1494 is
A FULL-DRESS DEBATE 315
due to God, and to the work and prayers of the Friar, sees no remedy but
in prayer, that the anger of God be not provoked by the persecution of
this servant of God.
Ormanoxxo Dcti thinks that all can be summed up thus : Some say Fra
II. has his prophecy from God, and we must not oppose God ; for it is
better to obey God than to obey the I 'ope. Hut those who say this
cannot deny that possibly it is otherwise, i.e. that the Friar is not, after
all, commissioned by God. Others allege that it is certain that we ought
to obey the I 'ope. Now, in a matter of such difficulty, // is better to //<'/ :/// /v a first s/ t -/> : and
thereafter, if the I'ope chooses to proceed further, it is believed that he
will gain all that he wishes for. The election of the twelve Huoni
Uomini has taken place, and is of great importance, for they have a voice
in all deliberations of the Collcgio. The newly-elected men arc all
hostile to the Friar ; and the same result will be seen in all the elections
which are to follow, for a majority of the Consiglio Grande arc of the
same mind. You have already understood from me thru the Ten arc all
supporters of the Friar, and the terms of my commission require that all
my official dealings should he with them, unless your Highness should
entrust me with some special message to the Signory. Tnit having been
1 Yill.-ui, ii. Append, p. hi.
318 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
informed that my communications were not always faithfully reported by
the Ten to the Signory, I sought and obtained a secret interview with
the Gonfaloniere, to whom I read your Highness's letter. He thanked
me warmly, and said it was quite true that the Ten had not faithfully
reported to him and to his colleagues the contents of the letter. He was
glad that I had read it to him, for it was, he said, very much to the
purpose, in view of the discussions now in progress concerning the
Papal Brief.
I7/// March; Same to same. He has informed the Ten. as requested,
of the displeasure of the Pope, and has exhorted them, in the Duke's
name, to take efficacious means to content his Holiness, lest he be
driven to take stronger measures. They replied that they had already
heard of this, and had already written to your Highness begging you to
use your good offices with the Pope. They declare that it would be
impossible to speak too highly of the life and work of the Friar ; where-
fore they are persuaded that if his Holiness were rightly informed of
these things he would not proceed against him as he does. They begged
me to implore your Highness to do your best to appease the anger of the
Pope, that he may proceed no further against this servant of God. And
in requital of your efforts on behalf of Fra H.(!) they bid me promise
you their hearty prayers for your welfare. " Questa e stata la resposta
che sopra cio mi hanno facto questi Signori Died."
i8/"// March; The Signory to Bonsi. 1 They regret extremely that the
preaching of Fra H. should have so greatly displeased the Pope. P'or
his Holiness's satisfaction they now communicate to Bonsi the resolution
at which they have finally arrived, viz. to put a stop to the sermons ; and
they excuse their delay in replying by explaining that the discussion of
such matters in a constitutional way necessarily takes time. The Friar,
however, having been now forbidden to preach, they trust that his
Holiness will accept their excuses, and will show himself favourably
disposed, etc.
Same date ; The Ten to Bonsi. 2 The main facts he will have under-
stood from the Signory. But they wish to add that the real cause of the
delay in replying to the Brief has been due, not so much to the require-
ments of orderly procedure, as to the conviction of many citizens that the
Pope, whose last Brief bears witness to his esteem for the doctrine of the
Friar, and to his sense of the good results which his sermons have produced,
would not have been persuaded to proceed against him except by the
misrepresentations of the enemies of the city. However, notwithstanding
this conviction, it has been judged best to place the duty of obedience to
the Holy See before all private considerations. Therefore the Signory
have determined to put a stop to the sermons. But although this con-
1 Marchesc, n. 21. This is a reply to Ronsi's letter of the 9th. I low
anxiously it was awaited, Bonsi's letters of the same date, and of the igth and
2Oth (summarised l>clow), abundantly show.
" Ghcrardi, p. 202.
THE LULL BEFORE THE STORM 319
elusion has been unanimously arrived at, a large number of the citizens
are deeply grieved at being deprived of the spiritual consolations whirl)
they were wont to experience in hearing him ; and they confidently hope-
that the Pope will, of his goodness, very shortly restore, to them this their
spiritual food. The letter is to be communicated to the Pope and to
others, or not, at Pionsi's discretion.
Same date ; Uonsi to the Ten. 1 He understands that the Pope has
communicated to several Cardinals his extreme indignation at the terrible
invective^ uttered by Fra (i. against his Holiness and the whole court,
and his anger was directed also against the city which permits these
things. The Pope has been advised no longer to be content with a mere
inhibition from preaching, but to demand that the Friar be sent to Rome
without delay ; and, moreover, not merely to declare the interdict, but
to lay hands on all Florentines now in Rome, and to impound their goods,
and if the Friar be not sent to Rome within a fixed limit of time, to
imprison some of the Florentines in the castle of S. Angelo, and to
confiscate their property. To all this the Pope lias agreed, and has
declared that he is minded to indict as much harm as possible upon the
city, in requital of the grievous insults offered to himself and the Holy
See (per vendicarc tanta ingiuria, etc.). The Ten are implored " for the
love of (iod" to take measures without delay to obviate issues so mis-
chievous, and by no means to imagine that their envoy has it in his power
to take any effective steps in so grave a crisis.
Same date ; Somciui to Sfor/a.- Late yesterday evening the Signory
communicated their decision to the Friar. And this morning he declared
that he would preach no more ; but he lias not on this account withdrawn
a jot of what he had previously said ; in fact, they say that in his sermon
this morning he inveighed against his Holiness more strongly than ever.
It is thought here that the Pope cannot, consistently with his honour, rest
satisfied with this. Hut the ambassador of the Signory in Rome, who is
entirely (?) devoted to the Friar, lias written that lie feels sure that his
Holiness will be content, and will proceed no further, it" only the Friar
desist from preaching.
19/// March ; Honsi to the Ten. 3 Conversations with Perugia and
Capaccio entirely confirm his statements of yesterday. He is distressed
at having received no reply to his letter of the Qth inst., which accompanied
the Brief. The Florentine merchants in Rome have begged him to obtain
a wise decision from the Signory. He understands that Picio de' Medici
has been with the Pope, and is in higher favour than heretofore. All t!:r
enemies of Florence are in high spirits (ogni vostro advcrsario . . . pigii.i
hora animo assai).
Same date; The Florentine merchants in Rome to the Si^norv. 4
1 (ihornrdi, p. 204. The writer had, of course, not yet received the letters
last given.
- Yillari, p. Iviii.
3 Ghenirdi, p. 20.}.
4 Gher.udi, p. 205.
320 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
They represent the imminent danger in which they find themselves, in
consequence of the favour shown by the Signory to " the Venerable Fra
Hieronimo," and , the disgrace and the mischief which will accrue to the
city if they are made to suffer. Therefore let the Signory, by a wise
course of action, come to their relief.
2O//i March; Bonsi to the Ten. 1 Is greatly distressed at having
received no reply (to his letter of Qth March !). He hourly awaits
despatches with the utmost anxiety.
Same date ; Tranchedino to Sforza. 2 Messer Zoanne (Giovanni
Bentivoglio) has secret information from Florence that the minds of some
of the chief men are in a ferment, and a tumult is to be expected, which
may issue in a revolution ; either because the French show how little they
care for their Florentine friends, or because the people are in despair, and
see that everything is going from bad to worse, for they begin to be aware
of the hypocrisy and vain-gloriousness of the Friar. The Frateschi are
believed to be in communication with France, promising a subsidy if the
King will come to their assistance.
This, it need hardly be said, is mere political gossip of a malicious
and mischievous kind. As regards the prospects of a revolutionary
tumult, it is only too obvious that the wish was father to the thought.
Whether " la parte Fratesca " was in communication with France it
is impossible to say. Of Fra Girolamo's own message to the king
we shall have to speak presently.
lyd MarcJi ; Bonsi to the Signory. 3 He has communicated to the
Pope the reply of the Signory. The Pope takes it ill that they have not
written directly to him, and will give no definite answer until he has a
letter addressed to himself. He is pleased that Fra G. has ceased to
preach, but he hears that other friars of S. Marco have in their sermons
shown much contempt for the Holy Sec, and is surprised that such
things should be tolerated. If you wish to obtain any favour from him,
he insists, not indeed that you should prohibit these others from preach-
ing, but that they should cease from such language. If the Friar will obey
by being silent for a time, and will afterwards seek absolution, he will
willingly grant it, and will give him permission to preach, for he does
not condemn his doctrine, but his contempt of ecclesiastical censures, etc.,
for if these things were tolerated, the authority of the Holy See would be
destroyed. Bonsi replied that he knew nothing of these other preachers,
and that false reports are often sent to Rome. He now exhorts the
Signory to show their loyalty towards the Pope by satisfying him in all
lawful matters.
1 Ghcranii, p. 207.
- Del Lungo, n. 31 ; Villari, p. lix.
z Ghcr.irdi, p. 200.
3 Ghcr.irdi, p. 209.
THE LULL HE FORK THE STORM 321
24/// Mun/i ; Uonsi to the Ten. '--A letter to the same effect as that
to the Signory, but urging more explicitly that efficacious measure* be-
taken to ])ut a stop to intemperate language in the pulpit, and that the
Signory should by all means write to the Pope in person.
Sn/iic t/uft' ; The Ten to Bonsi.'-' They are greatly troubled to hear
of the I'opc's displeasure in the matter of Fra 11., but they trust that he
will be appeased when he hears that they have carried out, in substance,
what he required. And they trust that his Holiness will shortly restore
to the < iti/ens the spiritual consolation which they derive from hearing
the Friar. This letter is to be shown to the 1'ope, but the writers add,
in a covering letter of the same date, that they know very well that
mischief is being done by persons in Florence, who, to further their own
evil ends, persist in sending false and misleading reports to Rome.
25/Vi March; The Duke of Milan (Sfor/a) to Cardinal Sfor/a. :: He
is sorry (?) to hear that the Pope is displeased with the reply of the
Florentines to his first Brief. 4 We have written to Florence in very
strong terms, and have used our best efforts with the Florentine
ambassador here. :< He (Pepi) has replied that, according to information
received, the Friar will not preach again, and will respect the wishe>
and the honour of his Holiness. Therefore, you have acted most wisely
in not intervening to appease the Pope, and in causing him to write the
second Brief ; for we see clearly that to it is due the changed attitude
of the Florentines, and their submission to his commands.
Same date; Taverna to Sforza. 6 To the information, communicated
by the Florentine envoy, that Fra H. has ceased to preach, the Pope
replied with very kind expressions (parole molto amorevoli et grate ,
assuring him of his good-will towards the city.
26//t Miircli ; d'Este to Felino Sandeo (Papal Secretary). 1 Messer
Zanluca has communicated to us your opinion concerning the defence
of Fra H., composed by the son of M. Cialeotto clella Mirandola, and
dedicated to ourselves. \Ve thank you, and by your advice we write
the accompanying letter to the Pope, assuring him that we never requested
the Count Zanfrancesco iC/iov. l-'r. Pico clella M.) to instruct us concern-
ing the efficacy of the excommunication of the Friar. For we never
doubted the power of his Holiness, and if we had been in doubt, we have
counsellors and learned men from whom we should have sought advice.
We shall give the culpable party to understand that he must not use
1 (ihcrardi, p. 200.
- (iherardi, p. 207.
3 Del Lungo, n. 33.
4 " Ci e rincresciuto grandemente " . . . t-tc. Hut t'lom \\ii.u t"oilo\\.- i:
appears only too plainly that the Duke u.i- u-ioiced to he.u oi" the ditticultie> ir.
which the Signory found themselves
5 /.(:. to bring the Signory to a better mind.
'"' Del Lung", n. 34.
7 Cappelli, n. 145.
X
322 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
our name in connection with such matters, and that he must revoke the
dedication, though, as the tract has been printed, and is in circulation,
it will be difficult for him to satisfy our wish. Pray present our letter to
the Pope.
Same date ; d'Este to the Pope. 1 The writer is greatly indignant that
Mirandola should have presumed to dedicate to himself the tract in
defence of Savonarola, and to give to the tract the form of an answer to
questions alleged to have been addressed to him by d'Este. He calls
God to witness that he never consulted Pico on the subject, and never
doubted the authority and power of the Pope. He assures his Holiness
that in this matter Pico has either lied or indulged in a literary fiction
(in hoc aut finxisse aut mentitum esse), and that he himself is a loyal son
of the Church, and has always spoken honourably of the Pope. He has
written to those whom it concerns, severely reproving them for having
undertaken a task beyond their powers, and one which is unworthy of a
faithful Christian (rem humeris suis imparem et a cujuslibet tidelis ofhcio
alienam).
2jt/t March ; Somenzi to Sforza.- The Signory have forbidden Fra
H. to preach, and he has ceased to do so. But he has made three of his
brethren preach in three different churches, who speak not less freely
than he had done, but perhaps more so, against the Pope and the clergy.
Whence it appears that the wishes of his Holiness have not been
effectively carried out. Moreover, on Sunday last, which was the Feast
of the Annunciation of the B. V. M., he celebrated High Mass, and
communicated a great number of persons, who, as is publicly known, are
all excommunicate. It is clear, then, that there is no other remedy for
this disease than for his Holiness to proceed further in the way of
censures and an interdict, to be declared without fail, unless, within a
stated time, the Friar is expelled from the city and its territories. The
friends of the Friar are doing their utmost to breed divisions in the
Signory, but without success. Certain magistrates have been elected
within the last few days, all of whom are hostile to the Friar ; so that if
only the Pope will persevere in his purpose, the Frateschi will soon be
under the power of our friends, and will no longer be able to intrigue
with the French as they have hitherto done.
28/// Marcli; The Ten to Pepi. 3 You have already understood that, in
accordance with the wishes of his Holiness, the Venerable Fra H.
has ceased to preach. Wherefore it is to be hoped that any obstacle which
may heretofore have stood in the way of the restoration of Pisa may now
be deemed to have been removed. Be good enough to beg his Lordship
(Bentivoglio) to use his good offices on our behalf with the Pope, and to
implore his Holiness not to give ear to the malicious reports of our
enemies.
1 Cappelli, n. 146.
2 Villari, ii. Append. ]>. l.\.
s Gherardi, p. 21 1.
THE LULL BEFORE THE STORM 323
Same dale; Tranchedino to Sforza. 1 He hears that "Lorenzino"
(Lorenzo di Pierfrancesco de' Medici) has made up his mind to leave
Florence. The writer does not know what to make of it, but believes
that the Friar is hostile to him as he is to every one who seems likely to
acquire influence, and to use it against himself. He fears that the Friar
is still capable of creating a disturbance, as he has put up other preachers
in his place to rail against the Holy See, and lie seems to be supported
by those who are in authority. It seems that the Friar has little regard
for the threats of the Signory, and still less for those of Rome (die po< ho
estimi le minaccie del Palazzo et mancho cjuelle di Roma;, which (adda
this pious ambassador) is a very scandalous thing.
Same date; Taverna to Sforza fa fragment .'-' It has been judged
desirable to crush Fra Hieronymo if possible fad reprimerc et annichiiarc,
possendosi, Fra H. da Ferrara) ; and to this end certain Florentines
(resident in Rome) have assured his Holiness that the present Signory
will not fail in their duty to him. Efforts are being made to induce the
Pope to send a prelate to Florence, with full powers to chastise and
imprison the Friar, and to deliver him into the hands of his Holiness.
The Pope, however, has not finally decided what he will do.
2f)tli March ; Somenzi to Sforza. :! Though Fra H. no longer preaches,
he has put up three other friars who speak in more unmeasured terms
than himself (dichono assai pegio che lui). The worst of these is his
companion, Fra Domenico da Pescia, a man who is regarded rather a=> a
presumptuous and loutish preacher than as prudent and fit for his work
(el quale non e tenuto tanto prudente et sufficiente predicatore quanto
presiimptuoso ct best tale}. And whereas these three friars continually
maintain that obedience is not due to the Holy See, especially in the
matter of the excommunication, the nullity of which they openly proclaim,
a certain Fra Francesco, of the Friars Minor, has replied to them in his
sermons. Both parties have drawn up and published their conclusions ;
and as the matter appears to be one which touches the peace and
welfare of the city, the Signory have summoned both Fra Domenico
and Fra Francesco, and they are now in the Palazzo, where a secret
conference is being held.
Same date; Tranchedino to Sforza. 1 My Lord Bentivoglio is
delighted with the news from Florence. It seems a matter of no small
moment that by reason of this Friar the city is in danger of being thrown
into worse confusion than ever ; and it is to be hoped that the present
Signory will show themselves more capable of bringing matter-- to a
1 Del Lungo, n. 55.
- Villari. p. Ixi. The writer is that Uishop i>t Fauna. \\hoi>n 17th Kel'ir.ary
assured Bon.-i that he wns doing his be>t to defend tin- intends of Fl^reiuv in
the Roman court. It will be remembered, however, that even Kon>i',> ardour
on behalf of Savonarola had by this time very sensibly coolc-d.
3 Del Lungo, n. 36.
4 Del Lungo, n. 37 ; Villari, p. Ixi.
324 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
satisfactory result than their predecessors. The writer is confident that
the crisis will not last long, if only those whom it concerns will act
with good sense. 1
3IJ/ Marc/t ; The Signory to the Pope.'-' We have already informed
your Holiness, through our ambassador, of our action in putting a stop to
the preaching of Fra H. We should have written direct to your Holi-
ness were it not that the constitution prescribes that no letter shall be
sent to the Pope except by virtue of a decree of the Collegio, which
cannot be assembled every moment (legibus civitatis nostnt . . . pro-
hibemur ad S.P. dare licteras sine dccreto collegarum nostrarum, qui
singulis horarum momentis (!) congregari non possunt). However, as
you have expressed a wisli to receive a letter from us, we should fear to
seem remiss in our duty were we not to inform you, as we do by these
presents, that we have forbidden Savonarola to preach. And we
are glad to bear witness that he has abstained from so doing for some
days past. We are pleased to hear that our submission has appeased
your Holiness, from whom we hope for a continuance of the good-will
which you have shown to us in the past.
Same date; The Signory to Bonsi. :1 We enclose a letter which you
will present to the Pope. As for what you say about other friars having
spoken disrespectfully of the Holy See, we have made enquiries, but can
learn nothing to this effect (intormatoci, non ritragghiamo cotesto da
nessuno). Use your best endeavours in our behalf, and keep us well
informed. The letter to the Pope contains nothing which you do not
know already.
In the meanwhile, Savonarola, who neither hoped nor wished
for reconciliation with the Pope, had taken a step which, if it were not
successful after a fashion that would have changed the whole course
of subsequent ecclesiastical history, could hardly fail to be fatal to
himself personally. It was now that he finally determined on
despatching his circular letter, as it may be called, to the sovereigns
of Europe, i.e. to the Emperor and to the Kings of France, Spain,
England, and Hungary. The letters have all substantially the same
tenor. ''The moment of vengeance is come, and the Lord desires
me to reveal new secrets. . . . The Church is full of abominations
from head to foot, and you not only apply no remedy, but even
worship that which, is the cause of the evil wherewith she is con-
taminated. Wherefore the Lord is greatly incensed, and for some
1 Another letter from Tranchedino to Sfoiv.i jist March, ihid., n. 38) is here
omitted as of no importance. On 3Oth March, d'Estc writes to Manfredi
(Cappelli, n. 147), asking to be kept informed of all that passes in connection
with Savonarola.
1 Marchesc, n. 23.
'* Marchese, n. 22.
THE LULL BEFORE THE STORM 325
time past has left His Church without a shepherd. ... I now
declare to you that this Alexander is no true Pope (non e Papa),
because, to say nothing of his most wicked crime of simony, ... I
affirm that he is not a Christian, and that he does not believe in the
existence of God, which is to exceed the utmost limits of unfaith."
The writer goes on to exhort the princes to set their hands to the
work of assembling a Council in a suitable and free place. God
would show the truth of what he said, even by miraculous signs. A
few sentences were added in each case, suitable to the dispositions
of the several sovereigns. He appealed to the vanity of the Emperor ;
to Ferdinand and Isabella he wrote that this work was more im-
portant than that of conquering the infidel. Charles VIII. is
reminded of his election by God to bear the sword of his
vengeance. 1 The letters to Henry VII. of England and to the
King of Hungary have not been preserved.
These documents were indeed never despatched. To prepare
the way for them, Savonarola enlisted the services of five trusted
friends, who were each to write a preliminary letter, of which he
provided them with a " minuta," or rough draft, to certain persons
whom he deemed likely to have access to the Emperor, and the
kings of Erance, Spain, England, and Hungary respectively. Among
these five friends Domenico Mazzinghi was to write to his friend
Gioacchino Guasconi, Florentine ambassador in Erance, in order
to convey to him, and through him to Charles VIII., the mind
of Savonarola respecting the Council. This letter, with Guasconi's
reply, has been preserved ; but we reserve it for the present, because
the whole subject of these letters will recur later, in connection with
the trial of Savonarola. It seems probable that for greater security
though, as it turned out, with doubled risk Mazzinghi despatched
two copies of the letter to his correspondent by different messengers-
One copy was intercepted by the spies of Lodovico Sfor/.i, and
forthwith communicated by him to the Pope through his brother,
Cardinal Ascanio.- In the meanwhile, however, fre>h events of a
more stirring nature had occurred, and the last act of the tragic
drama of Savonarola's life had already begun.
1 Yilhui, ii. 132 >oc. \ii. xiii. \iv.. pp. 573 . : M.in^i. pp.
5^4 */'/
- Yillari, ii. 134.
CHAPTER XIX
THE ORDEAL BY FIRE l
THE intercepted letter to the ambassador at the French court,
and the inevitable discovery, sooner or later, of the pro-
jected correspondence with the other sovereigns of Europe, could
hardly have failed to issue in a catastrophe, even if the course of
events had not taken precisely at this juncture an altogether
unexpected turn. But the turn which they actually took had the
effect of putting the incident of the letter, for the moment at least,
into the background.
Already in the Lent of 1497, when Era Domenico Buonvicino da
Pescia was preaching in the church of San Domenico at Prato, he
had found a redoubtable rival in Era Erancesco di Puglia, the
Eranciscan preacher in the church called della Pieve.- This friar
seems to have made it his business to protest against the prophetical
claims of Savonarola, " sparlando molto temerariamente contro V.
Girolamo," as Burlamacchi tells us. To such a pitch did he allow
1 For the incidents with which we are concerned in the present chapter a
considerable mass of contemporary evidence is available, some of it that of eye-
witnesses. Besides the Bonsi despatches, the letter of the friars of S. Marco to
the Tope, and the official reports of the proceedings of the Signory and the Collegio,
we have letters of Somenzi, of Girolamo Benivieni, and of Lionardo Strozzi, written
at the time, the diary of Landucci, and the following tracts, of which the relevant
sections have been published in full by Yillari or by Yillari and Casanova ; viz.
the newly-recovered Cronaca of Simone Filipepi (Yillari and Casanova,. S' ( -clta, etc.,
pp. 453 s,/t/.), the Kpiftola dc ]'ita . . . /'. //. .S'., of l-'ra Placido Cino/./i (//W.,
pp. 3 .f'/'/-/, the (Hornatc of Vivoli (Villari, ii. Due. xvi.), and the 1'iilnera
I)iligcntis of Fra Benedetto da Firen/e (// as the parish priest was called
" pievano," or " piovano" (plebanus).
THE ORDEAL 327
himself to be carried by his imprudent zeal, or jealousy, that he
publicly declared his readiness to enter a burning fire along with Fra
Domenico, in order to test the truth of their respective allegations.
In vain did I'ra (Jirolamo Hartoli, Domenico's companion, try to
persuade him to moderate his language, and eventually, with the
encouragement of some of the local notabilities, a formal challenge
was issued, and accepted by Domenico. The trial was to be held on
Tuesday in Easter week. But whether it was that the challenger
repented of his rashness, or that his superiors wisely disapproved of
the whole affair, on Easter Monday Francesco suddenly left Prato,
on the plea of an urgent summons to Florence. 1
Now, in the Lent of 1498, the same two preachers were actively
engaged at Florence, Domenico occupying the Duomo, which Fru
Girolamo had vacated, and Francesco preaching at Santa Croce.
It was not, however, until Savonarola had been finally silenced that
matters reached a crisis. Then it was that Francesco, on Sunday,
25th March, enforced his denunciations of Fra (Jirolamo by a fresh
challenge to the ordeal by fire.- That the challenge was first given
by the Franciscan there can be no reasonable doubt. The fact is
clearly stated, not merely by several of the chroniclers, but in more
than one passage of the Honsi despatches, and it is confirmed if
confirmation were needed by the dates given, quite independently,
by Benivicni and Landucci. It is not so easy to determine whether
it was addressed, as Nardi relates, and as Francesco subsequently
affirmed, to Fra Girolamo personally; or whether, as Benivieni and
others tell us, its tenor was more general, expressing the willingness
of the challenger to enter the fire with any one who might choose to
maintain, by such a trial, the nullity of Savonarola's excommunica-
tion and the genuineness of his prophetic mission." On the one
1 Burlamaerhi, p. 127. I'.urlaiuacclii, as is natural, attributes Francesco's
hasty departure to a mere pretext (parUssi con i;ran Iretta . . . fece MM
scusa, etc.).
- The date is ^iven l>y lienivieni. I.unihuvi supplies that of Domeiiico's
counter-challenge (271)1 March), though, in common wi'.h I'ulinaii and otheis
he supposes that Domenico took the initiative.
:! " K die da or. i era Contento dispoi>i ad cut rare nel luoco ...-, /.' ./V.'.v />,;
(/'. voleva ancora ej;li eiitrare nel fuoco seco " (Nardi, ed. (lelli. i. 1I7 N .
" Rispondeva (Francesco) . . . die aveva electo l-'i.i (iiiolamo perche ces>is>i
al tutto questo male," etc. (.S'lVAw/v'r/iv/j 1 act l-'i\\:i Miner;', in Yilhui, ii. 1 Vc.
xviii.). On the other hand, Burlamacclii writes : ''Comincio . . . ad exclamar
contro di loro, provocando di nuovo /'. A '.v >:;',.' all' experiment V t p. 1*7' :
while IJenivieni reports that " invito .-.7, /.':/'., <:< " (( dieuuii. p. -Me 1 .
328 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
hand, no one could know, so well as Francesco himself, what
Francesco had actually said or intended, and we know of no
sufficient reason why he should be disbelieved. On the other
hand, the tide of feeling ran so high, that each party was only too
ready to attribute to the other unworthy motives and disingenuous
conduct. 1 The simplest explanation of the conflicting evidence
appears to us to lie in a single clause of Vivoli's narrative. Accord-
ing to him Francesco had declared his willingness to undergo the
ordeal "con lo adversario." - Let it be supposed that by "the
adversary" he meant Savonarola, but that lie was understood to
mean Domenico, or any other champion, and the whole difficulty
disappears. This, at any rate, is the solution which is most credit-
able, or least discreditable, to all parties. And believing, as we do,
in the good faith of both, it is the solution which commends itself
to us. 3
However this may be, it is certain that Savonarola himself
simply ignored the challenge, and that he was most unwilling that
the gauntlet thus thrown down should be taken up by any one on
his behalf. For his own part, says Burlamacchi, he did not con-
sider Francesco as an adversary worthy of his notice (con esso lui
non ebbe mai che far nulla), 4 and he himself tells us that he was at
first most strongly opposed to Domenico's action in the matter, and
that he deeply deplored the misplaced and importunate /.eal of those
would-be friends who strove to bring the dispute to a head. 5
1 " Ipse nunc fugam qiuvrit," writes Benivieni (hf. fit.}. " Poi questo frate
mu to parlarc," says Vivoli (Villari, p. Ixxii.). Burlamacchi (p. 132) makes
Savonarola himself allege that " cgli non fu da lui da principle provocato'';
and even Pulinari (Conti, p. 370) asserts that Francesco at first expressed himself
as willing to enter the fire with Dumenico. But Bnrlamacchi's memory is not
always to be trusted, and Pulinari makes the mistake of supposing that the first
challenge came from Domenico.
- "Si messe a dire in pergamo . . . che con lo adversario era parato fame
experimento," etc. (/minicans. I'omenico had
replied in writing to I'rancesco's verbal challenge. Hence hi-- " >tida " would
hold the first place in the register of documents, as it is in fact given first in
the report of the Ten.
u 1 lence the phrase occurring in ! <% rancesco's paper, " sum par.n us ,j t i //.://./
e/ ffi/nisitioiieHi D&minorum florenfiiiornm.'' It would be a mistake to conclude
from these words that the Signory had instigated him t throw out his verbal
challenge three or four days previously. Hut they did now require him to state
his terms in writing.
1 Marchese, Av. ,//.
330 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
could proceed further, a direct answer must be given to one or other
of the two challenges. 1 Accordingly, Fra Mariano Ughi (O.P.)
subscribed an undertaking to undergo the trial on behalf of the theses
of Fra Domenico, together with the substitute whom Francesco had
promised to name.- But this again was wide of the mark, as is plain
from the terms of Francesco's disfida. The parties were, therefore,
again summoned before the Signory on the following day, and each
addressed the Board. 3 Fra Domenico declared himself not merely
ready to enter the fire, but also to undergo any other ordeal if one
more dangerous could be devised. He demanded that in the
undertaking to be signed by Fra Francesco the words " per ignem " be
explicitly set down. Fra Girolamo, he said, was destined for greater
things, and that his time was not yet come. And whereas the challenge
of Fra Francesco had been addressed to Fra Girolamo, let him now
consent to accept himself, Fra Domenico, in his place. He added
that this was, for himself, a welcome opportunity (una occasione
desiderata). Subsequently he again asked that Francesco would
condescend to accept himself as champion (che volessi humiliarsi a
st-), because Fra Girolamo was reserved for greater things (a essere
actore d'altre maggiore opere) ; therefore, let the name of Domenico
be substituted in the challenge for that of Girolamo, for it was not in
his power to constrain Fra Girolamo ; and perhaps, he added, it
would be contrary to the will of God. I can, however, he said,
refer the matter to him. Subsequently he spoke as follows :
"There are two ways out of the difficulty. One is that those with
whom Fra Girolamo is concerned should draw up terms of a trial or
ordeal with him ; that is to say, the Pope and the Cardinals (!). If Fra
Girolamo be worsted, let himself and his brethren be slain, banished, etc. 4
But if he should be victorious, let there be a general reform and renova-
tion (che la cmendationc etuniversale renovatione si facci, etc. > . . . For
Fra G. has not yet accomplished the things which have to be clone. Vet
I do not wish to oblige him to accept this proposal.'' The second plan
1 " Pcrchc Ic S'j.scriptioni . . . rum .si affrontano," say the Ten to Bonsi (4th
April, Marchese, H>id.}, " furono fatte Ic infrascriptc subscription!, " thereupon
giving those of Ughi and Kondinelli.
2 //'/y the Tope, and in his presence (p. i jJ\
1 " Kt audio do' vostri frati." I'o^tri may he a blunder for .'./>/, hut the
climax seems to require (as the text has) vostri. Savonarola was on friendly terms
with some at least of the Friars Minor.
- Lupi, /!'<. fit. I 'ghi, as has been said, had already drawn up and signed a
paper to this effect.
3 " Col sopradecto frate " ; "the above-named friar " being I'ghi (Marches?,
Inc. hre\vdly
surmises, however, that the whole affair will end in smoke, though it is t>eing
pushed forward with great eagerness by the friars of S. Marco. Fra Placido
Cinozzi relates how, as he walked one day in the convent garden with Savonarola,
a hoy came up to the Father to oiler himself for the ordeal. Savonarola told him
that God did not require this of him, but would bless his good purpose (.'/e mentioned
that Pulinari always speaks of the Dominican champion by his sobriquet as Fra
Domenico /'<;//V;-ifificd
version of the same which was drawn up by, or for, the Signory.
THE OR DEAL 345
discredit is attested by his request that the Signory would provide an
escort to conduct himself and his brethren to S. Marco ; whereas in
the morning he had been content with his own unofficial body-guard. 1
The escort was given, and under its protection the procession re-
turned, pursued by the insults and execrations . of Savonarola's
declared enemies, with whom many of those who had hitherto been
neutral, or even friendly, now allied themselves. The cry was that
the people had been befooled by the Friar.- On their arrival at
S. Marco, Fra (Jirolamo mounted the pulpit and addressed the
women who had persevered there in prayer, explaining that, as the
failure of the ordeal was due to the frivolous and fraudulent pro-
ceedings of the opposite party, the result must be considered as
entirely favourable to the cause which he had at heart. :i The Te
Deum was then sung. Needless to say, there was likewise a Te
Deum at Santa Croce. 4
So far as regards the actual facts, concerning which, if we except
the incident of the exchange of garments, there is no dispute. It is
quite otherwise when we come to enquire into the motives and inten-
tions of the parties concerned. If we may believe Filipepi, the
Franciscan champion never intended to enter the fire at all, but only
to supply a pretext under which Doffo Spini and his gang might
attack the Frateschi, and slay Fra Girolamo and his followers."'
Moreover, he declares that Doffo had made arrangements that on a
sign to be given from the Palazzo he was to make the attack, and,
further, that the sign was actually given, but that ''come a Dio
piacque " he changed his mind. All this he professes to have heard
from Spini himself, and Vivoli adds the circumstance that the affair
was spoken of at certain social or convivial meetings which used to
be held in the shop of Filipepi's brother, the famous painter, Sandro
Botticelli. " Now, that Doffo Spini was capable of any crime may
readily be admitted ; that he had been actively engaged for some
time past in plots against Fra Girolamo is attested not merely by
1 Burlamacchi, p. 143.
" " Fremeva il popolo come quasi schemito " (I'itti. p. 52*.
:i Fra Benedetto, aptid Yillari, iii. Append, p. \c.
4 1'ulinari, p. 375.
"' " Ma . . . il disegno dell' altra par to nun era in veiita di v<>ler cntr.ue nel
fuoco, ma di lar con queMa occasione tngliare a piv/i da' dciii i;io\.uii \\\\c
Compagnacci) fra dirolamo nv; lutti It <'. cit, ; Yivoli, aftiit Yillari, ii. Append, p. ]\\iv.
346 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
Filipcpi, but by the unfriendly chronicler, Cerretani ; l that his
presence on the occasion, together with a band of armed companions
and followers, had no good purpose is sufficiently obvious ; and that
a sign for the murderous attack which he probably intended to make
may have been agreed upon, and actually given, by some highly
placed traitor in the Palazzo we can well believe. But it would not
be wise to accept, as the plain unvarnished truth, Filipepi's recollec-
tions of what a contemptible braggart may have subsequently said in
the midst of his boon companions. And for our part, we see no
reason whatever to doubt the good faith of the Franciscans. The
first challenge, it will be remembered, was given at Prato, where it
can hardly be supposed that the machinations of the Florentine
Compagnacci were the moving cause. Moreover, the earnest prayers
of the Franciscan friars, both in preparation for the event and on the
day itself, hardly leave room for doubt as to their honesty of purpose.
If we suppose that Spini promised Francesco and Rondinelli that he
and his companions would protect them against foul play, and that
he afterwards boasted of his actual intentions, there is foundation
enough for the apocryphal story (as we believe it to be) that they
had received assurances to the effect that the ordeal would not in
any case be allowed to take place. The Signory may be justly
blamed for indiscretion and weakness, if not for partiality, in that
they allowed Spini and his armed company to take up the position
which they occupied in the Piazza. And there may perhaps have
been one or more among their number who would have been glad to
see Doffo's party violent and victorious. But there is at least no
sufficient ground for charging them, as a body, with complicity in all
the nefarious designs of the Compagnacci. The committee appointed
to make the final arrangements was fairly chosen. It consisted of
four members, Alberti and Antinori on the side of the Franciscans,
Gualterotti and Ridolfi on that of Savonarola ; and he himself could
not have chosen more determined supporters.- Vivoli and Fra
Benedetto both incidentally mention the courtesy with which
Savonarola was treated, during the wearisome negotiations, by
Alberti, nor can we without proof take their word for it that this
courtesy was nothing better than a mask for treachery. 3 Lastly,
1 Filipepi, p. 484; Yillari, ii. 139.
2 The names are given by Kra Benedetto (Villari, ii. Append, p. Ixxxiv.),
and by Burlamacchi, p. 140.
3 Vivoli, afiid Villari, lac. fit., p. Ixxvi. ; Benedetto, ibid. , pp. Ixxxv. sqq.
THE ORDEAL 347
when at one point of the proceedings the aristocratic ruffians under
command of Doffo made an ugly rush, they were beaten back by
Salviati's guard ; l nor did they again proceed to open violence
until the following day. For the present their valour exhausted
itself in showering insults, as has been said, upon Savonarola and his
companions.
It only remains to say a word, in conclusion, about the views of
the Pope and his court with reference to the ordeal. Burlamacchi
declares that the Signory wrote to the Pope, asking his permission
for the carrying out of the cimento, that the cardinals assembled in
consistory unanimously decided that the permission should be refused,
and that they notified this decision to the Signory, but that the
answer came too late. Burlamacchi adds that "the Pope feared
lest, if the experiment should succeed, he should lose his tiara (la
mitra), and this was why he refused permission." The documents
published within recent years enable us to correct these statements ;
nor can we agree with Gherardi that Burlamacchi's. account is sub-
stantially correct. No permission was asked ; though the Pope was,
of course, informed of the matter in hand, not merely through Bonsi,
but also, as has been said, by a letter from the community of S.
Marco addressed to himself. On the first occasion on which Bonsi
mentioned the matter, the Pope " was struck with astonishment " on
hearing of the undertaking of Domenico and Ughi (stava bene
admirato delle subscriptioni facte), and asked if the affair would
really be carried through. Bonsi replied that if the Pope would
absolve Fra Ciirolamo the matter would probably go no further, but
that otherwise, under stress of necessity, it would go forward, unless
the Franciscans should change their mind. Nor was it until 8th
March, the day after the event (though the news of it had not yet
reached Rome), that the Pope and Perugia gave expression to their
strong disapproval of the experiment (damnandolo molto) ; a position
from which Bonsi in vain endeavoured to move them by insisting on
the high qualities of Malatesta and Salviati. On the following day
two of the Cardinals declared to Bonsi that the affair had given the
greatest displeasure to the court, principally because one of the con-
clusions ir. question affirmed the nullity of the excommunication.
This was a matter on which, very naturally, the Pope would tolerate
no discussion.
It is very clear, then, that while Alexander disapproved of the
1 Henedetto, ibiJ. p. Ixxxvi.
348 GIROT.AMO SAVONAROLA
cimento, he was by no means a victim to the fear of which
Burlamacchi speaks, and he took no effective measures whatever
to hinder the proceedings. But neither is there any proof that, as
some writers have suggested, he secretly aided and abetted them.
When the news of what had actually happened at last reached Rome,
the shifty policy of the unworthy Pontiff led him at once to address
two briefs to Francesco and to the brethren of his convent re-
spectively, in which he thanked them for the zeal which they had
shown in this miserable affair. 1 Later on, when the tide of popular
favour had even more decidedly turned against Fra dirolanio, the
Signory then in office proposed and carried a resolution conferring
on the Convent of Santa Croce an annual pension of 60 lire, to be
drawn on yth April.- But the very first time that they sent to claim
it, they were contemptuously told to take the price of the blood of
him whom they had betrayed. 3
1 The Briefs, dated nth April, arc given in Quetif, ii. 462-63 (Villari, ii. 179).
They certainly do not prove the previous existence of any deep-laid scheme.
- The deliberation on the subject is given in Perrons, i. 513 (Villari, ii. 161).
3 " Kcco prendete il prezzo del sangue tradito" (Burlamacchi).
CHAPTER XX
THK RIOT
NOTWITHSTANDING the tension of strong feeling, which
was the natural effect of the abortive ordeal, the evening
and night of Saturday, yth April, and the morning of Palm Sunday,
8th April, passed without any open disturbance at Florence. It is
clear, however, that Fra Girolamo had a strong presentiment of an
approaching disaster, for on the Sunday morning, in a brief discourse
to the people assembled at S. Marco, he once more expressed his
readiness to offer his life as a sacrifice for the cause which he had at
heart. 1 There could, in fact, be no doubt that the more unscrupulous
of his enemies had determined to bring about his utter ruin, so far
as it was in their power to achieve this result ; and in the present
conjuncture of affairs nothing was needed but some focus of excite-
ment in which the heat of evil passions might be kindled to a flame.
Such a focus was unfortunately provided in the Duomo on the Sunday
afternoon, for it was understood that Fru Mariano Ughi, one of those
who had signed a written undertaking to enter the fire on behalf of
Domenico's theses, was to preach there after Vespers. His sermon,
as may well be supposed, was anticipated with intense interest by
the adherents of Fra Girolamo, and with a good deal of curiosity by
others; while the Compagnacci, on their part, were determined either
to prevent the delivery of the discourse, or to bring it to a speedy
conclusion by raising a brawl, similar to that by which Savonarola
himself had been silenced on Ascension Day of the previous year.'-'
Pobably the Cathedral chapter would have acted in the best interests
1 " 1'Vce . . . u n scrmone, benclie breve, inolto divoto o lagrimevole, quasi
premin/iando la siui instante tiilmlrmone : il tine del qiule hi in ettetio, che e^li
si otl'eriva in sacrilicio a Dio, ed era parato a >upport.ir la inorte per le sue
pecorelle, etc. . . . Tanto lu senipre questo uomo simile a se sto>so," etc.
(Nardi, i. 121-22).
- Kilipepi. OV/MMI (in Yillari and Casanova, .S", t are for the most part
genuine autographs, and they afford valuable evidence as to many of the details of
the tumult.)
2 Filipepi, pp. 487-88. Filipepi was one of those who actually accompanied
Ughi on this occasion, and therefore his testimony must be preferred to that of
lUirlamacchi, who brings the preacher into the Duomo.
3 " Li amici del Frate tutti si ritirorno verso il monasterio di Sancto Marcho
. . . et dreto alloro se aviorno molti fanzuli, cridando ct tirendo delli sassi ''
(Somenzi to Sforza, Sth April; Villari, p. xcv.). This letter relates the events
of the night from hour to hour, the news being written down, paragraph by
paragraph, as it came in. It contains, however, as many blunders as an average
modern telegram from the seat of war.
4 Dep. of Delia Robbia, loc. at.
352 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
and pursued hurried along the Via del Cocomero, which leads from
the Duomo to the Piazza dell' Anunziata, an inoffensive citizen (" un
nobil giovane de' Pecori," says Burlamacchi), whose only crime was
that he was saying his prayers as he went along, was run through
with a spear, and died on the spot ; and not long after the arrival of
the crowd before S. Marco, another follower of Fra Girolamo, a
poor tradesman, who ventured to remonstrate with the rioters, was
likewise brutally murdered. 1
Notwithstanding the evidence which these murders afford of the
reckless temper of the mob, it is just possible that graver disorders
might have been avoided, had not some few of the friends of
Savonarola, by their impetuous rashness, only too opportunely
played into the hands of their enemies. A very small number
of citizens, foremost of whom was Francesco Davanzati, had in the
course of the previous fortnight conveyed into the convent a little
consignment of arms, offensive and defensive ; and during the inter-
vening period a watch had been set each night under fear of an
attack from the Compagnacci.- No one can seriously blame these
measures of precaution, though it would probably have been better
if Fra Salvestro Maruffi and Fra Francesco de' Medici, who seem
1 Burlamacchi, p. 145.
- Notice of the projected attack had been given to Fra Silvestro Maruffi by
Bernardo da Cante and Bartolommeo Cavalcanti a few weeks previously. Maruffi
commissioned Fra Francesco de' Medici to make some provision. Medici spoke
of the matter to Davanzati, and the latter, in conjunction with Giovanni Capponi,
Matteo Strozzi, and Lionel lo Boni, supplied a dozen or so of cuirasses, helmets,
and shields, eight muskets, a barrel of powder, and some bullets. (Dep. of
Nicholas, ''the shoemaker," pp. ccxxxiii. *anda giunsero
Giov. di Gianno/.zo Manetti con bella compagnia, e visto Giovanni dclla Vecchia
armato in Piazza eon la suu compagnia, lo chiamo, e cosl a cavallo accostandosi
lo prese per il gor/aretto, e dato di pie al cavallo, lo condusse al liargello, dove
lo fecc serrarc " (Kanke, p. 316). Villari brings della Vecchia to S. Marco
later in the night, and will have it that he threatened to bombard the convent
(p. 168).
- "Ft innan/.i che fussi ore 22 (4 r.M.) venue in Piazza qualche Gonfalone
armati, gi idamlo popolo, ch' crano quasi tutli Compagnacci, e commiciorono a dire
e gridare : A casa Francesco I'alcri, a sacco,'' etc. (Landucci). Similarly Parenli
(Rankc, p. 317).
3 Guicciardini, p. 171 ; Nardi, p. I2j ; 1'itti, p. 53 : Parenti, Av. tit,, etc.
4 " Voltasi ... la furia e la moltitudine a casa F. Valori, c ^cnihatlfticiohi
fen he era di/esa cia tjiiegli di casa" etc. (Guicciardini, p. 171). Again: " I-'u
trovato Francesco in una soflitta"; and Parenti .says: '' Fui nascoso ogni cosa
senti" (Kanke, p. 317).
5 Guicciardini (p. 172) gives the names of the assassins, adding that Jacopo
Pitti also plunged his sword, or dagger, into him, hut alter he was already dead.
" t'osi colla morte della privata persona di lui In vendicata 1'ingiuria puhhlica.
. . . Cosa di pcssimo e tirannico esempio'' (Naidi, i. 123^ Guicciardini and
Pitti both observe that no one was ever brought to account lor this murder.
358 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
From Valori's house the mob proceeded, under the guidance of
its patrician leaders, to loot that of Andrea Cambini, and the houses
of Pagolantonio Soderini and of G. B. Ridolfi narrowly escaped the
same fate. They were saved, however, through the intercession of
influential friends, and perhaps, as Guicciardini declares, through
the action of the Signory ; and the fury of the mob wreaked itself
on the humbler dwellings of certain less distinguished supporters of
Fra Girolamo. 1
These exciting occupations had drawn off, as has been said, a
considerable portion of the crowd which had been gathered in the
Piazza of S. Marco, and the inmates of the convent had a respite
of perhaps a couple of hours. But after this interval the rioters
returned to the attack with a more determined rage, and the
gathering darkness favoured the designs of the real authors of these
outrages. It seems probable that the defenders of the convent
once more played into the hands of their enemies by attempting to
cope with them by active hostilities. Moreover a sure way to
increase the excitement and confusion the great bell of the convent
was tolled by way of a summons to the friends of S. Marco.- Jacopo
de' Nerli, a prominent leader of the Compagnacci, lost an eye in the
me Ice ; an incident which would no doubt be turned to the best
account by his friends, as an occasion for still further inflaming the
Somenzi dates the event at 7 r. M. Guicciardini feelingly laments that he should
have been thus suddenly cut off without having time to receive the last rites of
the Church. Burlamacchi, however, says that he had that morning received the
Holy Communion.
1 " .Ma vi concorsono mold uomini da bene, apprcsso a chi non era in odio
Paolantonio (Soderini) come Francesco (Valori), e la Signoria vi mandoa riparare,
in forma che si raffreno quello impcto" (Guicciardini, p. 173). Somenzi (lac. (it. )
speaks of three other houses. Burlamacchi says that Pecori's house was sacked.
Nardi (p. 124) says: "E un altia d'uno artefice divoto," etc. Landucci tells
us that the poor man had been throsving tiles on the mob from the window of
his house.
- "Et in quest hora, chc sono le 24 (i.e. 6 P.M.), tucto il popolo armato e
andato a S. Marcho, per comandamcnto della Signoria (!), a dare la battaglia a
quello monasterio, per pigliare Fiate II., perche la Signoria lo vuole omnino in le
manic, o vivo o morto. Quello che vi sono dentro fano grandc diffesa ct sonano
le campane a martcllo,'' etc. (Somenzi, lac. ani :
" E' flgli del Profeta eran cantanclo
Le Litanie avanti al Sacramento,
Di punto in punto il martirio aspettando."
Domenico declares his conviction that Fra Girolamo's one thought
was to prepare himself and his brethren for death. For six hours con-
tinuously, he says, they prayed, "expecting every moment to be cut
to pieces " : and if any one ventured to look round, or failed to make
the responses to the Litanies, there was always someone to admonish
1 ''Dipoi ritornando la moltitudine ;i S. Marco, dove si faccva difc.-u as.-ai
gagliarda, fit, credo con una lialestia, cavato lo occhio a Jacopo do' Nerli, che
era in cjuello Unmilto capo contro al frate," etc. (lluicciardini, p. 17,^- Smion/i
says, however, in a letter written some days later, that Xerli was wounded "phi
presto forse da li suoy \sic] che da quelli do dentro, per e^-ere la hri^ata and.ua
cum poco ordine, et osserli la pin parte persone male apte ad armo " ^Somen/i to
S for/a, I2th April; Yillari, p. cii.). Kurlamacchi >.iys it was one of the friars,
who, after the rioters had broken in, put out Nerli's eye with his cross.
- Pep., p. ccii.
3 Burlamacchi, pp. 145-41'. It appears fiom Burlaniacchi's account that the
Blessed Sacrament wasiescrved not in the church !>ut in the >aciMy. lie snys
that, after the pn cession : " Kntio poi in xiiMeMi.i. et 'li nuovo p.ua'.oM, pu>e il
Taliernacolo ( ? the ciliorium) con il Sacramento, et posatoli> sopia I'Ali.-r
maggiore, insieme con tutti i .siioi li^li si pose in oraiioiie," etc.
4 (.\\iim 1. Hani, in .-/. .s'. /. , Append. Jj, p. Sj.
360 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
him with the words, " Orate fratres." Delia Robbia and Gini in
their depositions bear witness to this continued prospect of death.
To some youths who were frightened, Alessandro Pucci said : " We
shall sup with God." 1 In all the career of Savonarola this is perhaps
the noblest scene, a worthy theme for a great historical painting.
Soon, however, some of the assailants contrived, by scaling the
walls, to effect an entrance into the cloister, and by this means
reached the door leading from the sacristy into the choir. On their
appearance there, three of the friars, armed with no weapons more
formidable than a crucifix and candles, rushed to meet them,
crying, " Viva Cristo ! " followed by a few of the laity. 2 The
invading party, seized for the moment with a sudden panic, turned
and fled, and a prolonged but somewhat desultory skirmish now
ensued within the convent walls. In this engagement the defenders
gained the upper hand, and a number of the invaders, who had
taken refuge in the cells, found themselves prisoners. Needless to
say, they were dismissed unhurt, with a caution and a blessing. 3
But the attack upon the principal doors still went forward, and
Fra Benedetto distinguished himself by showering bricks and tiles
from the roof on the heads of the assailants, until, somewhat later
in the course of the night, he was commanded by Savonarola to
desist. It is Benedetto himself who relates the incident : 4
" Ed io con alcun' aim, 1'alta scoria
Del tetto della chiesa gittavumo,
Che dell' uscirne a' nemici fu forza.
Lor arme e scuti a furia rompavamo,
Che lapide paria riel piovessi :
Cosi lor forze indrieto tenavamo."
Towards midnight, the flames opened a way into the church
from the square outside, and then it was that the sharpest fighting
took place. The invaders fired on those within ; and on the other
1 Dcp., pp. cciii, ccxlii, ccl, cclii, cclxxiv.
- " E dipoi usei fuora del choro tie frati cho' torch! e chollc chroci in mnno,
ridando : viva christo. ... E dipoi tutti si fugyirono," etc. (Dep. of della
Kobbia, pp. ccxli-xlii;. This is confirmed by (iini's evidence, and by IT.I
Benedetto, Cednts Libani (in ./..S"./., Append, n. 231, p. $4.
3 It is abundantly clear from the evidence given by (iini and della Robbia
that the defenders used their sudden victory with the utmost clemency. They
struck their enemies, by preference, with the flat of their swords or halberds, and
some were disarmed and taken prisoners. " Sanno che noi faciavamo poi loro
onore, c non faciavamo loro dispiacerc" (della Kobbia, Dcp., p. ccxlii).
4 Cedrus Libani, p. 85.
THE RIOT 361
side a certain young German, by name Heinrich, with one
companion, took up their position by the lectern, and used their
muskets freely. Afterwards, retreating behind the altar, they
continued from that vantage-ground their gallant but apparently not
very fatal fusillade. 1
As soon us the door had been forced, Fra Girolamo, grieved
beyond measure at the riot and bloodshed wherewith the church
was being desecrated, and fearing, not for his own life, but lest the
Blessed Sacrament should be exposed to outrage, took the ciborium
from the altar, and bade his brethren accompany him to the
"libreria greca," which lay beyond the dormitory. Once again a
procession was formed, and once again the Litanies were solemnly
chanted in the midst of all the surrounding uproar.- On the way,
Fra Girolamo met Fra Benedetto, intent on his work of defending
the convent. Kindly but firmly he commanded him to lay down
his arms, and from that moment all idea of holding out against the
invaders appears to have been given up. :! The library was now for
the time being used as a chapel, and the long and tedious vigil was
there resumed.
During these proceedings two touching incidents occurred,
which have been recorded by eye-witnesses, and which deserve
mention here. Before Fra Girolamo and his brethren had left the
choir, a young man, one Ridolfo Panciatichi, mortally wounded in
the fracas, was brought in, and laid on the steps of the altar, where
he received the Viaticum from the hands of Fra Domenico, and
expired with a favourite text of his master's on his lips : " Free quam
bonum et quam jucundum habitare fratres in unum." ' And after
the community had assembled in the ''Greek library/' Girolamo
Gini, a poor tradesman of Florence, who had been promised that he
should be admitted into the Order, being now wounded, and fearing
that death was at hand, begged and received the habit/'
1 Pep. df Nicholas, della Rol>l>ia, Gini, ami Mei : Kurlamacchi, p. 140.
2 Nanli, p. 124; Burlamacchi, p. 150; Pop. of Donienico, p. tvii.
' Mi vidilc c! santo chc era all' ra/iune
K mi ripresc con parlaic tin .in.
DKsc : Fii;liolo, ascolta il mi
PrcnJi la crocc, o non I'arn
e c'l
Pi far COM non c mia 'ntni
Allor cr.-so cia.-cun di f.ir ripari. ((>./'<.> !.:fani. p. ??.)
4 Pep. of (. Ciini, p. cell, and ot 1>. Mei, p. cclxxxiv ; liuil.imacclii, p. 148.
Pep. of Gini, pp. cell, ccliii.
362 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
A second messenger had, in the meanwhile, arrived from the
Signory, with peremptory orders that Fra Girolamo, together with
Fra Domenico and Fra Salvestro Maruffi should at once proceed to.
the palace. Fra Girolamo, for his part, was only too willing to go ;
but his brethren, suspecting the authenticity of the mandate, insisted
that the man should bring a written attestation of the formal vote by
which this course had been determined on. While Fra Girolamo
awaited his return, he made a touching address to his brethren and
friends, of which Fra Benedetto, in his Cednis Libani, gives the
substance.
"My sons," he said, "in presence of God, in presence of the
consecrated Host, and in the midst of our enemies, I reaffirm the
teaching which I have delivered to you. What I have said I have
received from God, and God in heaven is my witness that I speak
the truth. I did not know that the whole city would so soon turn
against me ; but God's will be done. My last advice to you is this :
let faith, patience, and prayer be your arms. Sorrowing and grieving
I leave you, to go into the power of my enemies. I do not know
whether they will take my life, but I am certain that, being dead, I
can help you in heaven more than I was able to do in my lifetime
on earth. Be comforted, embrace the cross, wherein you will find
the harbour of salvation." l
Midnight being now passed, Fra Girolamo made his confession
to Domenico, and received the holy Communion at his hands, a
fitting preparation, assuredly, for the fate which he foresaw.
The Compagnacci in force now appeared on the scene, and four
of them were admitted to a parley in the convent. They brought,
or at least professed to show, the official report of the decree.
Benedetto asserts that Fra Malatcsta, the very man who had
declared his willingness to undergo the ordeal on behalf of
Savonarola, played the part of a traitor, and tendered his advice to
the enemy. However this may be, Savonarola and Fra Domenico
determined to obey the summons, notwithstanding the entreaties of
his friends that he would seek safety in flight. He had indeed, at
first, shown some disposition to follow this advice, but when
Malatesta asked him whether it was not the duty of the shepherd to
give his life for his sheep, he put aside all hesitation. Fmbracing
his brethren, and among them Malatesta fii.^t of all, he surrendered
himself to the messeners who at this moment returned from the
THE RIOT 363
Signory bringing the written order. Domenico surrendered with his
master, but Salvestro was nowhere to be found, nor can he be
severely blamed if, under the circumstances, he sought to escape the
hands of justice such justice as was likely to be meted out to him.
He was arrested on the following morning. As Savonarola was led
away, he turned to his brethren and bade them not to lose faith.
The work of the Lord, he said, would go forward, and his death
would but hasten it.
As Fra Girolamo and his faithful companion were led to the
palace, they were loaded with every kind of brutal insult, and it was
with reason that his followers likened his painful journey through
the streets of Florence to the Via dolorosa of our Lord Himself.
Whatever faults or mistakes Fra Girolamo may have committed, he
was at any rate the best friend whom the miscreants that now in-
sulted him had ever had. And whatever may have been the real or
ostensible grounds for his final condemnation, it was not on these
grounds that he was now persecuted by the mob and by their
leaders, but principally because he had fearlessly rebuked vice, and
had held in check for so long a period those evil passions which
were now let loose against him in all their fury.
Somenzi relates, with a satisfaction which is altogether in keeping
with his odious character, how he himself saw the two friars arrive
at the Palazzo, and there put in chains.
CHAPTER XXI
THE TRIAL
THE story of the trial, the condemnation, and the execution
of Fra Girolamo Savonarola and his two companions, Fra
Domenico Buonvicino da Pescia and Fra Salvestro Maruffi, fills
one of the dark pages of ecclesiastical history. It is one which the
historical student might well be glad to pass over unread ; one which
the biographer of Fra Girolamo would naturally prefer to leave un-
written, were it not that the interests of truth call for completeness in
regard of this no less than of other scenes in the drama of the Friar's
stormy life. Partly, however, for the sake of clearness, and partly for
the sake of those readers who may not care to enter into the minutine
of the subject, we propose, first of all, to set forth in general terms
our own conclusions and reflections on this historic trial, and then
briefly to review the course of events during the six weeks over which
the proceedings extended, reserving the details of the evidence, and
a fuller summing-up of the case, for subsequent chapters.
It is easy to understand how a Protestant, of the good old school
which regards the Inquisition and all its works as the invention of
the Evil One, should regard the whole process which ended in the
condemnation and execution of Savonarola as a piece of unmitigated
wickedness. But a Catholic, who has at heart the honour of the
Church even in the dark days of Alexander VI., and in particular
the honour of the illustrious Order of which Savonarola was so
distinguished a member, may well hesitate before subscribing to
such a view. He may well hesitate before venturing to pronounce that
Gioacchino Torriano, the Master General of the Friars Preachers, and
Fra Francesco Salviati, the Prior of the reformed convent of S. Marco,
and Fra Giovanni Sinibaldi, the Master of Novices, and Fra Cosimo
Tornabuoni, and Fra Malatesta Sacramoro, and Fra Giorgiantonio
THE TRIAL 365
Vespucci, and Fra Pietropaolo da Urbino, religions of the same
convent (to say nothing of the other ecclesiastics concerned), were,
in their several degrees all accessory to the guilt of murder. 1 In the
interests of what may perhaps be called rational historical psychology
it would seem that some explanation must be discoverable which,
while saving Fra Girolamo from the imputation of anything worse
than a mistake, or series of mistakes (probably not altogether in-
culpable), may yet exonerate his judges, or at least some of them,
from the far graver accusations which in their zeal for the vindication
of Savonarola some modern writers have been only too ready to lay
to their charge.
Let us begin by laying down, as the basis of what we have to
say, three propositions which will probably be accepted on all
hands.
No one supposes that Savonarola was guilty, in conscience, of any
crime which by reason of its author's moral culpability deserved the
punishment of death.
No one nowadays would wish to uphold the objective reasonable-
ness of the obsolete and barbaric system of extracting evidence by
means of torture.
No one doubts that many of Savonarola's enemies were actuated
by the basest of motives, or that many illegalities were committed in
the course of the trial (especially at its outset), or that the report of
Fra Girolamo's examination, as drawn up by the notary, Ser Ceccone,
had been falsified by omissions, interpolations, and alterations.
And yet there can be no doubt that in his own time, and subse-
quently, there were good men who, judging in accordance with the
principles of civil and ecclesiastical jurisprudence which were then
current, believed that Savonarola was justly condemned. Nor can
this judgment, as it would seem, be set down simply to ignorance of
the facts of the case. For the main facts were as well known then as
now ; and the manipulation by Ser Ceccone of the evidence given at
the trial does not, after all, affect such knowledge as men possessed
independently of the documents pertaining to the process. What,
then, is the explanation ?
In the first place, we would recall to the reader's mind that more
1 Torriano was one of the papal commissaries deputed to tiy Fra Girolamo.
The other Dominican Fathers and Brothers whom we have named countersigned
the confession of Savonarola (Yillari, ii. Doc. xxvi.). It it he alleged that their
signatures were obtained by the juggling substitution of one document for another,
it must be remembered that they had plenty of time in which to rai;~c a protest.
366 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
than once, in his sermons, Fra Girolamo had urged the magistracy
of Florence to put into execution in all its severity the somewhat
draconian code of criminal justice which was still theoretically in
force, though in practice it had begun to undergo some mitigation
under the humanising influence of the Renaissance. That blasphemy
should be punished by the piercing of the tongue with a red-hot iron,
that unnatural vice should be visited with the penalty of death by
burning, that for such or such an offence " a few turns of the rope "
would be a fitting retribution ; these were opinions which Fra Giro-
lamo had not hesitated to express in the chief pulpits of Florence,
and to which he had given the sanction of his great authority. In
judging, then, of the actions of those concerned in his trial, while it
is right to wish that a milder system of dealing with accused persons
had then prevailed, it is also necessary to bear in mind that the
severer methods of mediaeval justice had in many respects at least
his own full approval.
But it will be indignantly replied that his words concerned
criminals, that he was no criminal, and that there is no parity
between the punishment, however severe, of the guilty and the
doing to death of an innocent man, and more especially of one
who had been, in so unique a degree, a benefactor to his fellow-
citizens. Yet it is important to bear in mind that it was not merely
blasphemers and libertines upon whom Fra Girolamo had invoked
the rigours of the criminal law. We have already given a specimen
in Chapter IX. of the terms in which, with all the vigour of his
eloquence, he had urged the Signory to show no mercy to those who
should become involved in plots for the restoration of Piero de'
Medici. And how faithfully, and with what panic haste, this advice
had been carried out under the predominating influence of his
friend Valori in the case of Bernardo del Nero, Lorenzo Torna-
buoni, and the rest, the reader is aware. Now the restoration of
Piero de' Medici to Florence would probably have been a grievous
disaster. Whether a second invasion of Italy by Charles VIII.,
which Savonarola had done his best to invite, would have been a
lesser evil, is a point which is open to dispute. But this at least
may be said, that an intrigue for either purpose was equally un-
constitutional. Moreover, it may fairly be asked whether the
mischief likely to result from the recall of Piero would have
been comparable to the evils of a schism in the Church ; and
yet Savonarola had undoubtedly plotted to bring about a state of
THE TRIAL 367
things which could hardly have issued otherwise than in a schism. 1 It
was distinctly a part of his scheme for the reformation of the Church
that a Council should be called, whose first business, if lie had his
way, would be to depose Alexander VI., or rather to declare him
to be no true Pope. Of the grounds on which I-'ra (iirolamo
maintained (though he had not as yet openly said so in public) that
Alexander's tenure of the Apostolic See was radically invalid, we
shall speak more at large in the concluding chapter of this work.
Meanwhile we would point out that while, on the one hand,
Savonarola might deem himself bound in conscience to use his
utmost endeavours to secure the deposition of Borgia, on the other
hand, those who believed him to be rightful Pope were bound to
defend him, and to defend the Church from what could not but
appear to them a very grave danger. 2 And, indeed, that Savonarola's
attempt never got beyond the utterance of mysterious threats and the
drafting of a few letters is a thing for which we, living four centuries
later,have abundant reason to be thankful to an over-ruling Providence. 3
But the attempt was made, and made in a very determined if in-
effectual manner ; and if it be said that the motives of him who made
the attempt were high and noble, it can only be answered that in
matters which affect the substantial welfare of the body-politic, whether
civil or ecclesiastical, the law cannot take account of motives, unless
it be by way of the mitigation of the sentence of condemnation which
in such a case must needs be pronounced.
It is very easy and very obvious to say, as Agnolo Xicolini is said
to have urged at the time, that all the needful ends of justice could
1 This is the deliberate opinion of Pastor, \\lio in such a matter, will presum-
ably be esteemed a competent judge (History, vi. 51).
2 "The greatest danger seemed to lie in Savonarola's friendship (?) with the
French King, Charles VIII., who had already, on /lh January 1497, obtained
from the Sorbonne a pronouncement in favour of his plans for calling a Council.
Alexander had got to know of these intrigues. ... He now thought that he
had good reason to fear that Savonarola's mysterious threats, Mich as ' Some day
I will turn the key,' or 'I will cry, La/arus, come forth.' were more than mere
empty words " (Pastor, vi. 36). "Even a Pope has some rights of self-defence,
and had Alexander overlooked the contumacy of the Friar, the continuance of
the Papacy [or rather of his tenure of the Papacy] would have been impossible"
(Armstrong in fcngt'ifh ///>.'<>; /V,;7 AVr/Vrr, iv. 455, ,;/.// Pa-tor. AY. ./.'. \
3 Complete success that is to say, surce>s without a concomitant schism- might
indeed have been a blessing. Hut this, we believe, w.is practically out of the
question. Complete failure was better than a half-measure of success attended
bv the evils of a schism.
368 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
have been secured by the perpetual imprisonment of the Friar. To
this, however, it was answered that, in view of the frequent changes of
government at Florence, any one of which changes might have
resulted in his liberation, a sentence of imprisonment was altogether
inadequate to the necessities of the case ; and that the motives which
on merely personal grounds would have suggested a mitigation of the
extreme penalty which he had legally incurred, must yield to the
supreme consideration of the public welfare. 1 This, and not the
desire to gloat over his death, was, we believe, the real reason why
Alexander so persistently urged that Savonarola should be sent for
trial to Rome.
It has been said that if Fra Girolamo had succeeded ; if the
wished-for Council had been called, and had issued in the deposition
or abdication of Alexander, the author of this ecclesiastical revolu-
tion would have been hailed as a saviour of society, and, in a sense,
of the Church itself. That he would have been so regarded by
many is likely enough. But, after all, such a hypothesis is hardly
sufficient for the complete vindication of Fra Girolamo. The objec-
tive morality of an act must be determined by other considerations
than that of its actual or hypothetically possible success or failure.
Nor, in considering the justice or injustice of the sentence passed
upon him, is it altogether to the purpose to quote the hackneyed
lines :
Treason doth never prosper, what's the reason ?
Why, if it prosper, none dare call it treason.
For it does not follow that, because the epigram embodies a
truth, therefore unsuccessful treason must not be punished.
Once more, we are very far indeed from saying that the
execution of Fra Ciirolamo was a desirable thing in itself, or that he
was morally guilty of a grave crime. Still less do we wish to
condone the actions of some of those who were most actively
concerned in bringing about his death. But we do say that, on
Savonarola's own principles, which we hold to have been unduly
severe, the Signory and the papal commissaries would have been
false to their duty if they had not applied to him that strict
measure of retributive justice which he had himself repeatedly, and
with the utmost insistence, declared to be the due of those who
should plot against the common weal.
1 I'urlamacchi. p. 160 ; Yillari. ii. 23.}.
THE TRIAL 369
As to the main facts there was, we repeat, no room for doubt.
Fra Girolamo hud not merely arrived in his own mind at the
conclusion that Alexander was no true Pope; his heart was set
upon seeing that conviction realised in outward act ; he had
publicly threatened to " turn the key " which was to open the flood-
gates of revolt not, indeed, against the Church as such, but against
the actual visible head of the Church, the reigning Pontiff; and he
had taken the first steps towards putting these threats into execution.
The scandalous life of Alexander only made the threats and the
attempt such as it was more dangerous. Technically, at least,
Fra Girolamo was more guilty than Bernardo del Nero, who had
only failed to reveal a plot hatched by others, of which to his own
great displeasure he had become cognisant. Yet Savonarola had
not moved a finger to save Bernardo the torture of " the rope," or
from a cruel death, or even to secure for him and his companions
the right or privilege of an appeal to the Consiglio Grande. A like
death for a crime analogous in the eye of the law to that of
Bernardo he was now to endure.
What gives to Savonarola's end that element of heroism which is
lacking in the death of hundreds of other victims of prosecutions for
treason, is the grandeur of his ultimate purpose, the willingness of
the sacrifice which in intention at least he freely offered for its
fulfilment, the firmness of his unshaken confidence in God alone, and
lastly, the record of a blameless life, spent in the self-denying service
of his Creator and Redeemer and of his fellow-men, which lay behind.
Ser Francesco di Ser Barone, more commonly known as Scr
Ceccone, the shameless falsifier of the deposition or confession of
Fra Girolamo, has received at the hands of posterity his due meed
of scorn and loathing. But, apart from the moral turpitude of his
act, he has done a supreme disservice to history by confusing the
issues by which so far as judgment is allowable and desirable
Savonarola must be judged. Crimes like that of Ser Ceccone are, we
would fain believe, somewhat exceptional. And at any rate before
we include any considerable number of his fellow-citizens, or of
other persons engaged in the trial, in the same condemnation which
must needs be passed upon himself, it would be needful that we
should be quite sure how far they were cognisant of his falsification
of the evidence; and how far they condemned Fra Girolamo on the
score of what he had never really confessed, and how far on the
ground of actions which he unquestionably admitted, and which
2 A
370 GIKOLAMO SAVONAROLA
were in fact notorious antecedently to the employment of rope and
pulley, or of the mendacious notary.
The actual course of events in connection with the trial was as
follows. The arrest of Fra Girolamo took place, as has been said,
in the early hours of the morning of 9th April 1498, which was the
Monday in Holy Week. 1 Fra Domenico was taken together with
his superior, and Fra Salvestro, who had succeeded in concealing
himself for a while, was discovered and hurried off to prison a few
hours later. Nineteen others were likewise placed under arrest,
either on the same day, or in the course of the next fortnight ; and
all were examined, with a view to establishing either their own
guilt, or that of the three chief prisoners.- Among these nine-
teen were three or four of the community of S. Marco ; the re-
mainder were laymen of various ranks and conditions, from persons
of some distinction, like Domenico Ma/x.inghi, Baldo Inghirlami,
and Andrea Cambini, down to "Nicholas, the shoemaker," "Paul,
the wax-chandler," and " Thomas, the beadle." 3
A debate was forthwith held in the Consiglio de' Richiesti as to
whether Fra Girolamo and his two companions should be there and
then tried at Florence, or whether they should be sent to Rome in
case the Pope should demand this. The question was also put as
to what was to be done with reference to the existing Hoards of the
Ten and the Eight, whose members, it was feared, might use their
influence in favour of the prisoners. The conclusion was that a
commission should be appointed to hold a secret examination of
the three friars, with full power to use such means as they might
deem expedient (''quolibet remedio opportuno," an euphemism for
" torture : ') ; and, moreover, that a fresh election of the Ten and the
Eight should be immediately held. 1 The commission was nominated
1 \Vc omit here ;i number of letters in which the Signory communicated their
version of the events of Sth April to various prominent personages, or were
congratulated on the turn which affairs had taken, and mi what their distinguished
correspondents were pleased to call their prompt and energetic action. It is
impossible, without expanding these concluding chapters to an unwieldy length,
to summarise the whole body of contemp irary correspondence bearing on the
fortunes of Fra fiirolamo. And it is the less necessary that we should do so,
because for tiiis portion of the history more authentic document!) are available
than the despatches of ambassadors and other person.-,, not always well informed.
2 Landucci mentions the arrest of Domenico Ma/./inghi as having taken place
on 23rd April (Diario, p. 1 74)-
'' YiMari, ii. Ap|>end. pp. ccxxxii si/i/. 4 Lupi, pp. 65 speak hereafter. Meanwhile, on Wednesday, ijth
April, two papal Briefs were received, one ot which we here
summarise.
I liuil.iniacclii. p. I S4- '1 he words are atttiliuud !>y I'.urlamacciii to Francesco
degli All)i//i, but the error i^ corrected Ivy the ottici.il dccumcnN published by
Yillari v vol. ii., Append. pp. i:\i\i, cxKiii 1 . X.iti is named in the !i.-i oi com-
inis.Moi>er> a.-, at tir>t appointed, but it doe> not ap] ear i:i that ot tho.~e \sh'
actually took part in the examination. l-'rancesco dei;li All>i//i i^ mentioned
in both. It is iii;ht to add that on Jjid May, \siien >eiuence \sa> paed '.<>
the t-ight, one ol their number, Frauce.-co Lini, absented him>ell Jroiu i!.c
proceedings,
'-' N'illaii, <7'/i/., p. cxiviii. (.'/'. p. cxv.
II //'/(/., p. cxvi.
372 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
\2t/t April; Alexander VI. to the Signory. 1 - It is with great satis-
faction (summa cum voluptate) that \vc have learned from your am-
bassador with what opportune diligence you have taken measures to
repress the mad folly of that son of iniquity, Fra Hieronymo Savonarola,
who had not only deluded the people with his vain and pretentious
promises (vanis ampulosisque pollicitationibus), but had subsequently
resisted your commands and ours by force of arms (armatus, cum suis
complicibus). At last, however, he is under confinement ; wherefore we
give thanks to our loving Saviour, who, whereas He is the light which
enlighteneth every man that comcth into the world, would not suffer your
most religious city to be any longer plunged in darkness, and would
make known to all the world your faith and devotion to the Holy Roman
Church. Wherefore we congratulate you, and express to you our satis-
faction with what has been done, and our joy that your city, freed from
the dissensions which have rent it, now enjoys the prospect of peace and
union. And in accordance with your petition we hereby authorise you
to examine ("ctiam per torturam") the Friars Hieronymo, Domenico,
and Silvestro, and all or any of their accomplices of whatsoever condition
and dignity, provided that in the examination you associate with your-
selves some ecclesiastical persons at your own choice.
The Pope then goes on to absolve all and sundry from whatso-
ever ecclesiastical censures they may have incurred in connection
with the attack upon S. Marco, or by continuing to attend the
sermons of Fra Girolamo since his excommunication, or in other
like ways. And as a proof of his paternal care for the city, he
grants a plenary indulgence, on the usual conditions, to be gained
on the following Low Sunday. He concludes by demanding that,
when Savonarola and his associates have been examined, they shall
forthwith be sent to Rome, for which purpose he is about to send
bis own representatives, who shall receive them from the bands of
the Signory.
The Brief was unquestionably well calculated to strengthen the
hands of the Signory in its proceedings against Fra Girolamo.
There were, however, two particulars in which it did not give entire
satisfaction to that august body. In the first place, whereas the Pope
gave full authority for the examination of the Friar and his com-
panions, his letter embodied no retrospective condonation of past
irregularities in this particular; nor did it contain any clause which
could be construed as relieving from ecclesiastical censures those who
might have incurred them by putting Fra (Jirolamo to the torture
1 Ghcrardi, p. 231. The other Brief, which is not known to have been
preserved, was probably the "holla della indulgcntia," to which reference is made
in one of the debates to be presently recorded.
THE TRIAL 373
before the arrival of the authorisation. And secondly, the demand
that the three principal delinquents should he sent to Rome after
their examination by the Signory, was one which wounded the pride
of the Florentines to a degree which, at this distance of time, may
seem surprising.
A Pratica was immediately held to discuss the situation, and the
principal question proposed for debate was, whether Fra Girolamo
and his two companions should be sent to Rome, in accordance
with the terms of the papal Hriefs. 1 "Let us first examine them/'
said Simonc Bonciani, "and in the meanwhile we shall have time
to consider whether it will be well to send them or not." And with
certain variations most of the speakers followed suit. Giovanni
Arrighi is of opinion that the discussion should be adjourned till
after " these holy days (questi di santi)," though no one seems to
have thought that the sacredness of the season afforded a sufficient
ground for postponing the torture of Fra Girolamo. " Let us tell the
Pope," said Ridolfo Ridolfi, "that we have not yet examined the
Friars, but let us give him fair words, and in the meanwhile urge
him to grant us the tithe." This has reference to a request which
the Signory had already made, that the 'Pope would allow them to
levy a tithe on all ecclesiastical property in Florence ; and it is not
a little remarkable how prominent a place is occupied by this
question of the tithe in a discussion which was professedly limited
to quite another matter. " As regards the sending of the Friars,''
said Guidantonio Vespucci, ' let us make some excuse : mean-
while let us make every effort (fare for/a) to secure the tithe."
Alamanno Rinuccini thinks that it will be well to hold out hopes
that the Pope shall have the Friars, or even to offer them to him.
On the other hand, Piero Soderini (nephew of Pagolantonio), is
disposed to stand out for the completion of the trial on the spot.
" Let the Pope," he suggests, "send some one here to examine the
Friars." P>ut on the whole, the tenor of the meeting was clearly in
favour of the temporising policy advocated by the first-named
speaker.
Not a word appears to have been said during this debate on the
subject of the absolution for (-ensures possibly or actually incurred.
There can, however, be no doubt that a letter on the subject was
addressed to the Pope, and that the matter was i eluded as
pressing, in view of the obligation ol fulfilling the paschal precept.
1 I.upi, pp. <>; .>-,/,/.
374 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
It is evident that their magnificent lordships were much concerned
on this point ; though, indeed, one can hardly fail to be reminded of
those Jewish priests who, their hands red with the guilt of innocent
blood, yet feared to enter Pilate's house lest they should be
contaminated, and should be thereby disqualified for participation
in the Passover. On iSth April they write to Bonsi urging him to
induce the Pope to expedite matters.
i8/// April ; The Signory to Bonsi. 1 The ambassador is instructed to
thank the Pope for his Briefs, and in particular for the "holla della
indulgentia" which he has sent. But "perche fu ncccssario a qualchc
buono rispccto examinare Fra Girolamo avanti che vcnissi la liccntia,
qtialcuno e incorso in censura per avcrlo tormcntato ; ne puo csserc
absolute, per non esserc ncl breve clausola alcuna chc parli dc priieterito,
quanto alia tortura, pcro vogliamo itcrum nostro nomine supplichiatc al
Papa per un altro breve, ncl quale si contenga potcre anchora csscre
absolute de praeicrito^ etc.
These fresh supplications were, however, unnecessary, for on the
previous day, lyth April, the Pope had already written to the Signory
that, having regard to their good intentions, and to the gravity of the
circumstances under which they had acted, he granted permission
"Ut confessorem idoneum sccularem vcl rcgularem eligere possitis, qui
vos et eos (alios) ab excessibus hujusmodi ac excommunicatione aliisque
sententiis ccnsuris et poenis ecclesiasticis . . . absolvcre et penitcntiam
salutarem iniungere possit," etc."
In the meanwhile the examination of the prisoners had been
actively carried on. That of Fra Girolamo was held daily, as has
been said, from the Qth to the iyth April, i.e. from Monday in Holy
Week till Easter Tuesday, with the sole exception of Tuesday, the
ioth. :! Notwithstanding all their efforts, however, the examining com-
missioners had not succeeded in eliciting anything of importance
beyond what was already known ; and, notwithstanding the assurance
alleged to have been given by Scr Cccconc that he would "sec to
it (acconciare la cosa)," the garbled report of the evidence drawn up
by him, and published by command of the Signory, contained little
that was of a sensational character. '
1 Marchcse, p. 180 (n. 30).
" Gherardi, p. 242.
" This is distinctly stated in the preamble to the " primo proccsso '' in Yillari,
lo(. (it., p. clxix.
4 Experience having taught us how easy it is to 1>c misunderstood, we venture
to point out that to say that nothing new of serious moment had been elicited by
THE TRIAL 375
What the motives were which led the Signory to make an
abortive attempt to suppress this official edition of the process it is
not possible to determine with certainty. According to Lorenxo
Vivoli and Fra Benedetto, the civic authorities felt that the
published evidence was not sufficient to justify them in the eyes of
the people for proceeding to extreme measures against Fra
Girolamo. 1 And this might be the case, even though the main
facts, concerning which there could be no dispute, were actually
such as, in their judgment, to call for the most severe punishment.
For the people were not likely to be greatly impressed by the
enormity of a plot for the calling of a Council, which was, after all,
the real gravamen of the charge against Savonarola. Hut we are
inclined to think that another reason may have had its weight in
determining the Signory to attempt the suppression of the process.
In the course of Fra Girolamo's evidence, whether truly or falsely
reported in these particulars, a considerable number of names of
prominent citi/.ens arc mentioned. And it may well have been felt
that the publication of these names, in such a connection, and at such
a crisis, was hardly calculated to promote the peace of the city.
It is clear from the debates held at this time that grave apprehensions
were entertained lest disturbances should arise if too great a
number of citizens were punished. And the mere fear of punish-
ment which those would experience who found themselves com-
promised by Savonarola's published confession might well have a
like effect.
However this may be, orders were issued that all copies of the
process should be at once returned to the printer. For the most
part the command was obeyed, but naturally enough some few
remained in the hands of their possessors ; and in course of time
the examination is not the same thing as to say that itst/iing strisiu was, or could
he, proved against him. Cecconc's remark is said to have been overheard liy a
friend of Cino/./i's, who reported it to that writer. " Xota cirea proccssum
et mortem, come un giorno un gran cittadino. di quelli che examinorono il
P. I. Jeronimo, in una bottega che era sua di Arte di lana ovvero di seta, insieme
con ser Ceccone, e parlando, disse : ' Che eosa e questa ? Kl fr.ite non confessa
nulla, noi siamo disfatti, el popol ci lapidera," et >imilia. Allor -er Cecconcdis la cosa in modo che code-to non >ai.i.' K
fecelo. V. ijuesto il re fen uno il i|iiale, essendo di sopra in soppalco, udi ogni
cosa. I.oro non pensavon che di sopra fusse nessuno. S,\i nihil <<.// Itn\"Y/i-/ur" (Cino//i, p. 28^. The evidence of an eavesdropper, reported at
second hand by a partisan witness, is not, however, to he implicitly trusted.
1 Yivoli. Sfs/ii GYi>;v/<:/.7, a*!/,/ Yillari, Av. '//.. p. cxiv.
376 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
a second edition was put upon the market by private enter-
prise. 1
It is clear however that, apart from the question of publication,
considerable dissatisfaction was felt at the result of the first series of
interrogatories, for a second examination was held on aist April,
and the two following days. The torture was applied with increased
violence, but to little effect, for this " second process," which has
been brought to light by Villari in our own days, adds nothing of
moment to what can be gathered from the first. -
But Fra Girolamo was not the only person put upon his trial on
this occasion. The examination of the other prisoners was distributed
over various days from the i ith to the 2yth April, and many of them,
like Savonarola himself, were examined a second time. 3 The 2yth
seems to have been marked by a specially energetic effort to extort
evidence, as the following entry in Landucci's Diary sufficiently attests.
' And on 2/th April all the citizens who had been arrested for this
affair were put to the torture, so that from nine in the morning till night-
fall (dalle 15 ore insino a sera) their cries could be continually heard in
the Bargello " (i.e. the city prison). 4
In one particular Ser Ceccone and his employers could flatter
themselves that they had been successful. Among the effects of
the falsified process of Savonarola not the least remarkable was
the complete break-down, at least for the time, of the confidence
of the most devoted followers of the Friar. On igth April a portion
of the first "process" was read before the Signory and an assembly
of citizens. The devout physician Luca Landucci thus records the
effect of this proceeding in his own case :
''And on iQth April 1498, they read before the Council, in the great
hall, the process of Fra Girolamo, which he had written with his own
hand ; a man whom we had held for a prophet, but who (now) confessed
1 Vivoli (lof. dt., p. cxvi) relates the recall of the official edition, hut says
that a friend of his retained his copy. Yillari seems to be in error when he writes
(p. 201): " Dopo qualche giorno, se ne vide comparire una seconda edizionc."
Had this been so, Yivoli might have been expected to mention it. That two
editions ap|ie.iieJ 'in the fifteenth century, '' as Villari states, is, no doubt true.
And Burlamacchi (p. 163) speaks of the second edition as if it had appeared \\ itliin
thti lifetime of Ceccone, and therefore within a few months of the first publication.
Hut this is not quite the same as saying that it appeared " dopo qualche giorno."
Yillari, ii. 203, and Append, pp. clxxv si/i/.
3 The dates of the various depositions are given at the head of each. They
arc, as has l>een said, in Villari, ii. Append, pp. cxcix srobably true, that
many were in favour of showing mercy to Fra Domenico, of whom
nothing worse could be said, on the most unfavourable hypothesis,
than that he had been misled by Savonarola. To this more
lenient course Romolino is said to have been inclined. But when
it was represented to him that to spare Fra Domenico would
be to provide for the perpetuation of Savonarola's teaching and
work, he replied so the story goes that " one beggarly friar (uno
frataccio) more or less " did not much matter. 1
Of the behaviour of Torriano no record seems to have been
preserved, and in view of the high character which he bore, we may
at least give him credit for having regarded his task in the light of
an unwelcome and unpleasant duty. However this may be, it is
certain beyond dispute that on 2oth May, and the two following
days, Fra Girolamo and his two companions were once more put to
the torture, and once more examined, in particular concerning the
efforts which had been made for the calling of a Council.
For the details of the evidence given at this and at the earlier
examinations the reader must turn, if he has a mind to do so, to the
following chapters.
1 Ijurlamacchi, loc. (it.
CHAPTER XXII
THE DEPOSITIONS OK FRA DOMENICO, FRA SALVESTRO,
AND NINETEEN OTHERS
IN all matters wherein there is need of sifting the true from the
false, it is obviously well to commence with what is certain
beyond dispute. Whatever may be thought of the value of the
alleged confessions, or "processes," as they are called, of Fra
Girolamo himself, there is no question as to the genuineness of the
autograph deposition of Fra Domenico, which has been brought to
light by Villari within recent years, and of which Fra Benedetto
declares that it is " vero in tucto e per tucto." Of Fra Salvestro's
evidence he says that it is " vero ma non in tucto," for it has been
altered by sundry additions and omissions which, however, are, he
says, of trifling moment. Then, too, the depositions of the nine-
teen other witnesses are for the most part in their own handwriting,
characterised as this is in almost every case by more or less marked
peculiarities of phrase and orthography. There can then be no
doubt that the whole collection, which has been published in the
Appendix to Villari's second volume, constitutes a valuable, and, on
the whole, a trustworthy body of evidence. We therefore propose,
before touching upon Fra Girolamo's supposed confessions, to set
forth the substance of those of his companions. They will, perhaps,
be found to be of greater interest than his own, with all its attendant
drawbacks of questionable authenticity and doubtful accuracy.
The principal heads on which the various deponents were
examined are as follows :
I. The alleged visions and revelations of Fra Girolamo.
II. His letters to various European sovereigns.
III. The alleged political intrigues of Savonarola himself and
of the Friars of S. Marco in general.
IV. The " subscription," or joint letter, of a number of Florentine
citi/ens to the Pope in favour of Savonarola.
2 It :S -'
386 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
V. The affair of the Cimento, or Ordeal by Fire.
VI. The Riot on Palm Sunday, 8th April. 1
Concerning the last-named point, enough has been said above,
in chanter xx , and it will be unnecessary to deal with it again.
The other heads of evidence may be taken in their order.
I. The visions and revelations of Fra Girolamo. On this head it
is obvious that no one except Fra Girolamo himself and his two
more intimate companions, Domenico and Salvestro, was in a
position to say anything definite, and, indeed, the other witnesses
do not appear to have been questioned on this subject. The auto-
graph testimony of Fra Domenico is full of interest, and deserves to
be here summarised :
" I, Fra Domenico, a servant of God, having been requested to set
down in writing the truth, so far as it is known to me, concerning the
prophecies and the doctrine preached by the reverend father, Fra
Hieronymo, do here testify, in presence of the most Holy Trinity, and
of the Immaculate Queen of Florence, the Mother of our King and
Redeemer, and of all the heavenly court, that what I shall here write is
the simple truth.
" Our father, Fra Hieronymo, when he was expounding, I think, the
prophet Amos, having set forth some exposition which it was not time to
give, since God did not so will, made use of some expression similar to
that of the prophet himself: ' Xon sum propheta I am no prophet.'
Moreover, I remember to have once heard him say that he hoped that
one of his companions would one day explain how he came by the
knowledge of those things which he had set forth. And when I after-
wards asked him whether he had said this on his own account, he
answered, No (implying that he had said it by divine inspiration).
" I then have ever firmly believed, and as I know of no reason to the
contrary I still believe, that Pisa is to be ours again, and that you will
also come into possession of other lands which were never yours before,
and that Florence will be richer and more powerful and more glorious
than ever, not by her own power, but by that of God and of His Mother ;
and so, too, I believe those other things foretold by Fra Hieronymo
concerning the chastisement of the Church, and the conversion of the
1 We take no account of the stupid calumny that the friars of S. Marco had
hoarded *up treasures within their walls. This, indeed, if we may believe
Benedetto, was one of the principal topics on which it was proposed to examine
the witnesses (Villari, he. cit., p. cxxxii). Those of the witnesses who mention
the Mibjecfdo so only to scout the notion. We gather from the depositions that
certain'goods and a sum of money belonging to the Medici was left for safely in
the convent at the time of Picro's flight. But everything had l>een restored.
This seems to have been the only foundation for a charge which, Considering the
unbounded liberality of Fra Girolamo in the distribution of alms, was as cruel
as it Mas ridiculous.
THE DEPOSITIONS 387
Turks within the lifetime of this present generation. This faith I most
firmly hold. And your Highnesses ought not to take offence at this ;
for this belief of mine docs no harm either to me or to the city ; and in
such matters every one is free to believe what seems good to him. Nor
do I trouble myself about the question ho\v these tilings have been made
manifest by Cod ; nor have I ever deluded the people by preaching about
them, because I have firmly and sincerely believed thc->e tilings, and have
spoken of them solely for the glory of God and the good of your'city, and
not from any motive of vain-glory or human respect.
"It happened once that the guardian angels of us three appeared to
Fra Sylvestro, and with a rope or chain of gold bound us all together,
saying that we must remain united, and that we must have but one heart
and soul, for that God so willed. Wherefore, if ever any small matter of
dissension arose among us, we were reprehended by these angels. And
they told Fra Sylvestro to keep himself humble, and us likewise, for that
prophecies and revelations'do not save the soul, but arc given for the good
of the Church, and that his revelations in particular wore given him not
for his own sake but for that of Fra Hieronymo. Moreover, they (the
angels) wished that when I was preaching in place of Fra Hieronymo (on
account of which employment people used to call me Fra Fattoraccio
Brother Factotum) I should occasionally set forth some revelation of his
or Fra Sylvestro's as if it had been my own. And in like manner,
seeing that we had but one heart, when Fra Sylvestro received some
revelation for the sake of Fra Hieronymo, the latter would put it forth as
his own, such being the will of God. And, in so doing, he uttered no
falsehood (i), because God has done the same thing in other cases, as
may be learned from H. Scripture ; (2) because they had but one heart ;
(3) because the revelations were given for this end (crano ordinatc alia
predica ct a lui) ; and (4) because the prophetic Might' concerning these
and other things was impressed on the mind of Fra Hieronymo. For in
such matters the Might' is like the sense of touch. But the aforesaid
angels warned us that we should keep these matters secret among our-
selves, and should by no means reveal them to any one else, for if we
should do so God would be angry with us. Yet, notwithstanding these
divine favours, we were most unwilling to speak of things to come, and
most careful not to go beyond what we were explicitly commanded to
make known. And if, as very rarely happened, any one of us in some
particular went beyond our commission in such matters, we were severely
reproved and punished.
" I have never professed, nor do I now profess, to have had any
prophetic revelation or vision, except that once I related a certain vision
[described in some detail] as having been seen by myself, which had in
fact been communicated to me by Fra Sylvestro, and which he com-
missioned me, on the part of the angels, to declare that I had myself
seen. And this was no falsehood, for we had but one heart, and in
making the declaration I did but obey God.'' '
1 Yillaii, ii. Append, pp. ccvii syf, and this ' key ' I believed that
he would one day turn." ]
Fra Salvestro Maruffi deppsed, in substance, as follows :
" From my childhood I had a habit of talking in my sleep, repeating
things which I knew by heart. I became a friar at the age of fourteen.
Sometimes I would recite a whole Epistle of S. Paul, and once, at
Venice, I repeated the whole of a sermon in the German language.
" Fra Hieronimo (sic) began to preach at S. Marco in 1490, expounding
the Apocalypse (Epochalipse, sic"), and afterwards he preached at
S. Maria del Fiore (the Duomo) where he foretold the renovation of the
Church, and spoke on his other favourite topics. I was preaching at
San Gimignano, and on hearing of these prophecies was greatly dis-
pleased, and, although I defended him before others, I did not do so from
my heart, and Fra Malatesta would testify that on my return from
San Gimignano I did not believe in him, and thought him deluded.
Indeed, I told him that he seemed to me to be mad and beside himself;
especially as I had known him to be averse to such things. He told me
that he had good grounds for what lie said, and exhorted me to pray to
Messer Dominedio that He would inspire me to believe the truth. I did
so, and whether from my tendency to dreams, or by diabolical illusion, I
felt myself reproved by 'the spirits' for not believing, and on my relating
the matter to him he answered that God wished me well. In particular,
he told me that he had a sign from God w hereby he knew \vhen the
things which he foretold were true, viz. that he felt the cross and the
name of Jesus impressed (scolpito) on his bosom.
"And I often related my dreams to him : and he said that having
prayed about the matter, lie had received an assurance that these
experiences of mine (queste cose nostrc) were truths and not dreams.
And so for the great reverence and faith which I entertained in his
regard I began to believe him absolutely ; and yet I often had my
doubts. He, however, always told me to take his word for it that the
things were from God. And so things went on till about a month ago ;
sometimes I believed and sometimes I doubted, but now I believe
absolutely that it was a delusion. Once I had a certain vision of good
spirits and bad which I communicated to Fra Domenico, and thereafter he,
preaching in the Palazzo, gave out, as I was told, that he had seen the
vision. Another vision I had during the night before the ordeal," etc. 2
1 Villari, ii. Append, pp. ccxvi sqq. - Ibid., pp. ccxx !<]<].
THE DEPOSITIONS 389
" It happened that some twenty or twenty-five times Fra Girolamo
came to me, and told me that he did not know what to preach about,
and begged me to pray for him, as he feared that God had abandoned
him. Then he would make his confession, and after all would preach a
beautiful sermon." i
In connection with the above, a few words from the testimony
of Fra Ruberto Ubaldini may here be given, which serve to
throw light on the internal condition of the convent, and on the
general conduct of Fra Girolamo and his principal companions :
" Some years since, I was sent to Rome about the affair of the
separation of S. Marco from the Lombard convents, with letters from
the Father General, and from the Cardinal cle' Medici, and others, in
support of our cause. And when, after some delay, we had carried our
point, Fra Hieronymo assured us that this affair was the means whereby
God deigned to reform our Order, and to do great things ; and that the
Holy Spirit would be poured upon us in such abundance that we should
be astounded ; and that this was to be a most perfect Congregation, so
that members of all religious Orders would flock to us, as well as seculars
of great credit and of great ability, and that this was to be the most
perfect of all religious congregations. Now to me it did not seem that
the results corresponded to such promises as these after the fashion
which I had imagined. It is true that herein I was somewhat indiscreet,
for, as a result of excessive austerities, many of the brethren were taken
ill, and accordingly it was found necessary to admit some mitigation
of these rigours, for the sake, especially, of the young. Vet I could not
but see that it was a cause of scandal that there should be three great
personages ('gran maestri' Fra Girolamo's favourite teim of reproach)
in the house, who usurped all authority, and claimed for themselves
every kind of liberty and exemption, and practised none of that subjec-
tion which their profession required. It was evident that everything
was settled among these three, with the occasional assistance of Fra
Antonio da Holandia ('che e padre di religiosa vita : ); and that the
business of all the rest of the community was to assent to whatever was
done or determined by these three.- Seeing this, I could not but regret
and murmur at it; and I even complained to Fru Hieronymo, calling
this mode of government a tyranny. Moreover, I talked about these
matters with certain others of the brethren who suffered under the same
1 Vilhiri, ii. Append, p. ccxxxi. Salvotro's deposition concludes with the
words: " Finahuente dico che Fra Ciirolamo v' ha inganiuio.'' We can have
little hesitation in ascribing them, with Villari, to Ser Ccccone. " Le p.Mole
che precedono," he says, " valgono invece a dimostrare la buona fedc e sincerita
di Savonarola'"' (loc. cit., note 3).
- It is, perhaps, worthy of note, that the person named by Savonarola himself
and other witnesses as having been most in his confidence, at least towards the
end, was not Fra Antonio di Holandia, but Fra .Niccolo da Milano.
390 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
temptation as myself, and especially with a certain Fra Antonio da Radda.
For this reason we were always held in subjection, and lost all credit
and reputation in the community, for which I thank God, for this turned
out to be for the good of my soul. Fra Hieronymo, with great tact,
meekness, and humility, reasoned with me on the subject, and in the end
persuaded me ; for, seeing as I did, so much virtue and union of hearts,
and such virtue in the community, I conceived a scruple that I might
hinder the work of God if I did not keep quiet ; and Fra Hieronymo
likewise appealed to my conscience by telling me that I had in many
particulars resisted the will of God as declared by him, whereupon I
humbled myself and begged his forgiveness. Nevertheless, these same
doubts continued to haunt me, especially when I saw Fra Silvestro
spending the whole day in the cloisters, surrounded by a group of
citizens, gossiping with them (con circuli di cittadini a torno et
chiachiere). This I could not approve, and accordingly I once more
grew discontented, and grumbled about the matter with various members
of the community. However, in the end, there was no remedy but
patience. As for Fra Domenico, I believe him to be a man of perfect
integrity, but of considerable obstinacy (di buona purita ma di dura
cervice), and too ready to believe in the revelations and dreams of
women and of weak-minded and foolish persons. And if any one of us
did not believe these things his life was made a burden to him (chi non li
credeva era tra noi in continue martyrio). It was very seldom that
these three joined the rest in community duties, because they were
continually occupied in these affairs of their own, and all this was to me
very disedifying.'' 7 ' i
Ubaldini further relates how, at an earlier date, he had acted as
private secretary to Fra Girolamo, helping him to write, or copying
for him, the tract De Simplicitate, " et tucte le altre sue opere,"
and likewise his letters, but only those of less importance. In those
" primi tempi " he accompanied his superior to Pisa, Lucca,
Pistoia, and Prato, when he went there to preach ("innamorato
della sua doctrina et optimi et honesti costumi "). During the last
two or three years, however, a coolness had sprung up between
them, and his place was taken by Fra Niccolo da Milano. Fra
Baldassari Bonsi and Fra Francesco de' Medici also acted as
his personal attendants ("et io stavo al mio studio et a mia
devotione ").-
II. The Letters to Foreign Princes. A single sentence on this
subject has already been quoted from the deposition of Fra
1 Villari, loc. cit., pp. cclvii sy,
Yillaii, lot. cit., p. clxxi).
- Process of Fra (Jiiolamo, Villari, .\\. ou a copy of a letter
which I have written to the Pope, which you must send along with your
own.' I said : ' Nicholo won't be there, for some months ago I gave
him permission to leave (gli mandai la licentia). Moreover, he has
written to me that those kings (of Spain and Portugal?) are fully occupied
with the African expedition.' Fra Girolamo replied : 'They must first
attend to this affair.' In the end I promised to write . . . and so I took
my leave. In the evening Fra Girolamo sent me, by a friar uhom I did
not know, the draft of which he had spoken, with a copy of the letter to
the Pope. I made two copies of them, and sent them by different ways
to Nicholo. This matter I never revealed to any one, for Fra Girolamo
had communicated it to me in confession." 1 '
Del Nero's letter to his brother has also come down to us, and
has been published by Yillari." It is almost entirely similar to that
of Mazzinghi, given above. The only points of difference are that
it is rather shorter, the passage about the chosen servant of God
being omitted, and that the writer asserts more explicitly than
Mazzinghi that " the Father aforesaid " has been " inspired by God "
to write to the princes of Christendom.
III. Political Intrigues. Of far less real importance than the
question of the efforts made to secure the convocation of a Council
was the charge that Savonarola and his brethren had habitually
engaged in intrigues connected with secular and local politics. On
this point it must be admitted on all hands that the replies ol the
1 II is given by Yillari, Av. vedulotic nc so sc none tutto bcne ; e mai si tioverr.i chom vcrila .
396 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
that he had said to Fra Salvestro that he would not vote for any one who
did not believe in the Friar. And this he confessed in presence of Fra
Salvestro, who declared that he had said it several times. And he (Piero)
said : " I do not remember it, but be it so (io non mia ne ricordo, ma sia
decto)." J
It only remains, so far as this point is concerned, to give seriatim
the shreds of evidence on which the conclusions above stated are
based.
Lionello Boni said :
" As for political intrigues (intelligienza) I assure you that I took no
part in anything of the kind ; and when the magistrates were to be elected,
the course which I followed was to pray to God that He \\ould inspire me
so that I might know for whom to vote. As for my dealings with S.
Marco, I used to go in the morning to Mass, and when the service (1'uficio,
presumably None) was over I used to go home. Then I would return
to Vespers, and when I had finished my office I went away ' a mia
chonsolazione. 5 This was on feast days (i.e. Sundays and holidays) ; on
work days I stayed in my shop. ... I repeat that I held no dealings
with Fra Girolamo, because, as I have already said, after service I went
away to my own affairs (a fare e' fatti mia). Of letters, messages, or
commissions (inbasciate) I know nothing." -
Francesco Davanzati deposed that :
When elections were pending he used sometimes to converse with
F. S. (i.e. Fra Salvestro), F. B. Cavalcanti, and others, as to who would
be suitable candidates. And sometimes they would fix upon a name, as
for instance that of Filippo Buondelmonte, when he was made Gonfaloniere.
But for the most part, Ruberto Ridolti and he himself said no more than
this : " May God of His grace give us a good Signory," or a good Board
of Eight, and this was said with a purely patriotic motive. "As for reveal-
ing the names of the newly-elected Signori before they had been published,
of this [he says] I know nothing. But I remember that when I was myself
elected, the fact of my election was made known to me the evening before
the public promulgation. And in the morning I went to Mass, and I
found Fra Salvestro, and I told him that I expected to be one of the
Signori, and asked his prayers. Then he took me to Fra Girolamo, and
I said the same to him. And this was the first time I ever spoke to him,
and I wish to God I had never known him." . . . a
1 Villari, ii. Append, p. cxxxix. Here we have, of course, the hand of the
notary. But it would seem that here, at least, he is recording an avowal which
was actually extorted ; for, had he wished to lie, he might easily have put into
Cino/.zi's mouth a more compromising admission.
- Ibid., pp. ccxliii sqq,
3 " E Die : 1 volesi ch' io nollo avcsi mai chonociuto" (p. ccxlviii). It is just
possible that the words may mean, "1 wish I had never known /'//' viz. the
act of his election as made known to him Lefore the proper time.
THE DEPOSITIONS 597
Later, 27th April, he admits that in voting he showed some
favour to " quelli del Frate." '
Fra Ruberto Ubaldini da (Jagliano writes :
" For what concerns confessions, I have acted with all simplicity (sono
ito puramente), treating therein of nothing hut what appertained to matters
of conscience. Neither did any one on such occasions seek to draw me
into political discussions, nor would I have suffered them to do so. One
morning Giovanni Minerbetti, having heard a sermon of Fra Girolamo's,
in which the preacher had spoken of a plot to establish a despotism in
the city, asked me what grounds there were for such an apprehension. . . .
I told him that I had heard Fra Girolamo say that he did not believe such
machinations would succeed. . . . Whereby he was reassured and com-
forted. And on another occasion, some time ago, Andrea Larioni wished
to speak with Fra Girolamo, and, as he could not see him, charged me to
ask him whether 1'iero Capponi was ill-disposed towards the Consiglio
. . . for that he and others had been asked by him to do certain things of
which they dreaded the issue. Fra Girolamo answered that he knew
nothing against Capponi, but much in his favour ; but that Larioni ought
to proceed cautiously, and to consider whether what he was asked to do
were good or evil . . . and to act accordingly. This I repeated to him.
As for other " pratiche " I remember none. . . . And whereas I was
constantly in Fra Girolamo's company, I never saw any signs of his
engaging in political intrigues, nor do I believe that he took part in
anything of the kind.
"And in fact l'~ra Cirolanw knew tltc names ofbutfeiv of i lie citizens,
and had but little personal acquaintance with them. But it icas l-'ra
Silvcstro i<.'ho had ahvavs a group of f/u'in about Jiim, whether in his cell
(plena la cella) or in the cloister or in the garden, a circumstance which
greatly annoyed the rest of us." [Here follows a long list of names of
those with whom Salvestro habitually conversed.]"
In the deposition of Domenico Ma/./.inghi we read :
" As for showing favour to one rather than to another in the elections
I never troubled myself about such matters. It is true that sometimes
when the Gonfaloniere di Guisti/ia was to be appointed, Fra Salvestro and
I, with occasionally another friend or two, used to say : ' So-and-so would
be a good man.' lUit who they were among whom such things were said
I do not now remember. Nor do I remember that Fra Girolamo ever
recommended to me any persons who desired to be employed in military
service, except in the case of one man, a native of Fcrrara : and in this
case no more was said or done in the matter." "'
Baldo Inghirlami is at pains to explain that in his dealings with
certain ecclesiastical personages who were suspected of political
1 Yilhxri, ii. Append, pp. ccxlv, ccxlviii, ccxlix.
- //>/(/., pp. cclx .<(/ut strong
as were Valori's political convictions, Cambini calls God to witness
that he never knew him to engage in secret intrigues of any kind.
The witness speaks at some length concerning Valori's varying
relations with Soderini, Giambattista Ridolfi, Francesco Gualterotti,
Antonio Canigiani, and others. But whereas he was suspected of
a design to gain power for himself, he always disclaimed the intention
of making himself the head of a party.
"Towards Fra Hyeronimo (sic), and the whole convent of S. Marco,
he (Valori) showed the greatest possible affection, and showed that he
placed the fullest confidence (tucta la fede sua) in them ; and he declared
1 Villari, ii. Append, pp. cclxix sqtj.
THE DEPOSITIONS 399
that on their behalf he was ready to do anything ; and whenever any
debate arose which concerned them, he always used to send me to give
them notice of it ; and in like manner when they were in need of any-
thing they used to send word to him by me, and he would help and
advise them. And he often assured me that so great was the reverence
in which he held Fra Ilyeronimo that it would go sorely against his
conscience to disturb him by a visit, or even to cause him to be disturbed
on his account I'che si farebbe gran coscientia a richiederlo, o fargli dire
o fare cosa alcuna a stanza sua). And I do not remember that he ever
charged me with any message concerning public affairs. 1 It is true that
quite recently, when the suppression of the sermons was under debate,
M. Francesco Gualterotti and he commissioned me to go and tell
Fra II. that it was the intention of the Signory to suspend him from
preaching, and that they were of opinion that he would do well to desist
of his own accord ; and they begged him to let him know what his inten-
tion was. He replied that he would await the prohibition of the Signory,
and would not voluntarily cease to preach. So too, last year, on the eve
of Ascension Day, when there was a discussion (altercatione; as to
whether he should be allowed to preach or no, Yalori sent me to enquire
whether he was determined to preach. He replied that he was ; and on the
conclusion of the debate he sent him word that the Signory had determined
that lie might preach on the following day, and that therefore he could do
so without risk." -
The deponent admits that when Valori was to he succeeded as
Gonfalbniere by Bernardo del Nero, Valori informed him of the fact,
and that he told Fra Salvestro, Niccolo Ridolfi, and others, in order
that they might inform Bernardo himself, who was at his country
seat. So, too, he made known to Fra Salvestro the names, as he
had heard them, of those who were elected Signori with (liuliano
Salviati, though in this case it turned out that he was mistaken as to
many of the names. As to secret negotiations of Yalori with other
citi/.ens he knows nothing. He believes however, that on one
occasion he went with Niccolo Machiavelli and Tommaso Guidetti
to visit Francesco della Scarfa. And he often used to visit Antonio
Canigiani when the latter was ill ; and twice he called upon Soderini,
the Bishop of Are/xo.
" Once he (Valori) took a paper from his desk and showed me a long
list of some 300 names, saying : ' If we should have occasion to organise
a party (usare inteligentia) these would be our friends, but I don't intend
1 If the reader will note, in this mid other depositions, the kind of exceptions
which are made to the general statement, he will probably he moie fully convinced
than by the general statements themselves, of the groundlessness of the accusation
that the friars of S. Marco mingled in political atTairs.
- Villari, ii. Append, pp. cclxxv .< com-
missioned to mention the matter to Francesco Valori, and I afterwards
understood from Andrea that Francesco replied that the letter (with the
signatures) ought to be burnt, and no copy taken, and that on no account
ought it to be sent to Rome. When I told this to Fra (jirolamo, he did
not seem to make much account of it ; and I suppose it was from in-
advertence that the matter rested so.
"In acting as 1 did, I thought I was doing right, and I did it out of
obedience, not merely to Fra Silvestro, but also to Fra Hieronymo. For
lie, on hearing that I had the matter in hand, was well satisfied that I
should have the management of it, because I was acquainted with so
many (perche havevo notitia delli huomini)/'-
It is curious that Valori, who certainly at first approved of the
letter, and had been the first to sign it, should afterwards have
expressed himself as he is here said to have done. The only
explanation seems to be that he did not like the list of names ;
either because the obscure condition of sonic of the signatories
made the affair a little ridiculous, or (as is perhaps more probable)
because he did not care to find himself in the same boat with men
like Tornabuoni and Pucci, whom, in fact, he himself brought to
the gallows within a very few weeks.
To this full, true, and particular account of the matter the other
witnesses have little to add. Fia Salvestro, however, mentions how
the affair came to be set on foot, and entirely confirms Ubaldim's
evidence. It was understood, he says, at S. Marco, that a joint
letter, signed by many citi/ens, and full of calumnious accusations
against Fra (iirolamo, had been sent to Runic, and it was thought
1 The sentence is so obscure th.U \\e have contented oiiiselvcs with a vny
general paraphrase. The matter is of iiUere.-t cnly ln.c;n;>e Agno'.o Niccolini
stood almost alone among the more prominent politicians of the time in raising
his voice in favour of Fra (lirolamo in the days of his downfall.
- Yillari, ii. Append, pp. cclv .*yy.
404 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
well that a counter-manifesto should be prepared. Accordingly,
the two notaries, Ser T'ilippo and Ser Benedetto, were sent for, and
the matter was put into the hands of Fra Ruberto. The deponents
mention the refusal of certain of the citizens to sign the memorial ;
they said it was a thing got up at the instance of Yalori ; and
Luca degli Albizxi warned Salvestro that it was a dangerous business,
alleging the case of a similar joint letter, written in 1466, which had
turned out badly. Some of the most determined supporters of
Savonarola, e.g. Francesco del Pugliese and J. and A. Salviati,
misliked the affair greatly, but said that, as it had been set on foot,
they would put their names to the letter. 1
Andrea Cambini explains that the origin of the whole affair was
a letter from Bracci to his son-in-law, Ser Bastiano, or one of the
Mannelli, from which the brethren of S. Marco had learned that a
manifesto, hostile to Fra Girolamo, was believed (at Rome) to be in
preparation. They consulted Valori and Ridolfi, who approved the
scheme of a letter in the Friar's defence. It was brought to Valori
for signature, and Cambini likewise signed it ; but he made little
account of it, and never enquired what became of it, "because it
was signed by all sorts of people, seculars, religious, and foreigners." -
He says nothing, however, of any change of mind on the part of
Valori concerning the letter.
V. The affair of the Ordeal. For the sake of completeness we
set down here the account which Fra Domenico gave, at the trial,
of his own part in this business. Fra Girolamo's version of the
story, as given by Ceccone, will be found in the next chapter.
" It is [says Domenico] the demon who has put it into men's minds
that I was guilty of sin in carrying (or rather, in proposing to carry) the
Sacred Host into the fire. I am certain that I should not have been
burnt ; and therefore there would have been no scandal, but rather the
people would have been edified ; and according the devil was angry.
" But when I shall stand in the presence of Christ I will make it clear
to all the people whether in this matter I acted of my own accord, or
by the will and interior movement of God, who willed it so. Nor is it
necessary that every one should understand why He so willed it ; but
let him who does not understand this say to himself: 'I do not under-
stand it' ; and let him not be scandalised or murmur. l>ut all the works
of Christ are as 'a sign that shall be spoken against.' It is enough for me
that I came to the spot determined by all means to enter (the fire;, nor
did I apprehend that any objection would be raised (ne mai pensai d'
Villari, ii. Append, p. ccxxii. - Ibid., p. cclxxiv.
THE DEPOSITIONS 405
liavcre a esscrc appuntato) concerning tlic Sarrcd Host ; because I knew
that although, even without the Host, God would have delivered me, yet in
fact He willed that I should act as I did. I thought indeed that many,
who are no friends of God, would derive no profit from the miracle, but
would certainly attribute it to the Sacred Host, which (they would allege)
could not burn ; as if the species of the Sacrament rould not burn,
though this has often happened. ... A thousand Hosts would not save
a man from the fire if he had not the truth on his side." '
We cannot take leave of Fra Domenico without a tribute to his
character and to his bearing under examination. A man of deep
piety, of most earnest zeal, and of transparent simplicity, he only
needed wiser guidance to have become a model of religious virtue.
Among all the depositions at the trial of Savonarola none approaches
that of Fra Domenico in simple dignity. It commences with the
words :
"God and our Lord Jesus Christ knoweth that I, Fra Domenico, a
prisoner for 1 1 is sake, do lie in nothing that is here set down."'-'
And at the end of its first section, after a fresh protestation that
he has spoken the truth without reserve, the writer concludes :
" I pray your good lordships (vostre Benignita) not to twist my words
after a sophistical fashion, for your wisdom is aware that words ought to
be understood according to the intention of him who uses them, to the
glory of the God of all truth. May He inspire you to believe me, and to
do in my regard the will of Him who is blessed for ever. Amen. 1 ' 3
A little later he writes :
"There is nothing else that I remember ; if you wish to learn anything
else from me, question me like good confessors, and I will do my best to
satisfy you. But believe all I say, and this you may well do ; for having
always had a tender conscience, I know very well that it is a sin to tell a
lie in court, or to keep back what ought to be made known. I have
tried throughout to act as if I were about to die forthwith, which indeed
may well happen, if you torture me. For I am quite broken down and
have lost the use of both my arms, especially the left one, ' el quale con
questa, gia due volte, ho guasto.' Wherefore, 1 pray you, deal gently with
me, and believe the truth of this my simple writing." 4
And again :
"Suffer me, honourable citizens, to recommend to you your miserable
prisoner, from whom, since the first torment of the rope, you have
1 Villari, ii. Append, pp. ccv .<,;,;. - 7f>itf., p. cxrix.
3 Ibid., pp. ccvi $,;,}. 4 //>/. Simone
Filipepi) relates in his chronicle that he did not return his own copy,
and I have myself seen the document." -
This account of the matter, which is confirmed by Fra Benedetto,
is certainly not such as ought to inspire any high degree of confidence
in the published process. There were discrepancies, according to
both writers, not only between what Fra Girolamo said or wrote,
and what Ceccone took down in his notes, but also between what
the notary first wrote and the official copy which was made for the
Signory and preserved in the State archives, and again between the
official manuscript copy and the printed report. Fra Girolamo's
written deposition neither Vivoli nor Benedetto had seen. But
Ceccone's notes had come into the possession of a certain Jacopo
Mannelli, a canon of the cathedral, and an adherent of Savonarola,
who had them from Ceccone's widow. In Mannelli's house
1 The destruction of the document is vouched for, not ly Vivoli, who, on the
contrary, says that some believed it to he still in existence (Villari, ii. Append, p.
cxiii), hut by Kra Benedetto (p. cxxxiii). The latter says that 1'iero degli
Albert! persuaded Madonna I3erlinghieri to burn or destroy the papers after her
husband's death. According to Cino/.zi (pp. 27-28) and Yivoli (/<><. fit.},
Herlinghicri declared that the publication of these papers would have led to the
death of forty ((.'ino/./i says 400) citi/.cns ; whether as bringing them within reach
of the law, or as exposing them to popular hatred, docs not appear.
- Yillari, loc. cit., p. cxiv.
EXAMINATION OF SAVONAROLA .JOQ
Benedetto had read them, and so, it would seem, had Vivoli, and
both of them appear to have had access to the government archives. 1
However, notwithstanding all these grounds for mistrust, we are
convinced that the three documents which make up the process, and
which are given in full by Villari in his Appendix, are very far
indeed from being without historical value. The recorded answers
of Savonarola to the interrogatory administered to him touch upon a
multitude of points concerning which the notary had no motive for
tampering with the evidence, or in which, if he had chosen to
improve upon it, he might easily have given it a more seriously
incriminating character. Moreover, both Yivoli and Benedetto
proceed to set forth, by way of specimen, some of the particulars in
which Ceccone had altered the record ; and although they professedly
give but a few instances out of many, we may feel sure that they
selected those which seemed to them to be the most noteworthy.
Now, of these specified alterations all, or nearly all, have
reference not to overt acts but to the motives and intentions
whereby Savonarola was guided. Here, then, we seem to have a
rule provided for our own guidance. Where the report speaks of
motives and intentions it is to be regarded as in detail at least
entirely untrustworthy ; but not so when it deals with external and
tangible facts. Yet again, even as regards Fra Girolamo's alleged
admission that he was actuated by unworthy motives, that he
deceived the people, and so forth, it must be borne in mind that
even such enthusiastic admirers and devoted adherents of the Friar
as Vivoli and Fra Benedetto do not hesitate to admit that Savonarola,
believing that he was justified in dealing craftily with a crafty
adversary, not only made use of ambiguous and misleading expres-
sions for which no one, it may be presumed, would blame him
overmuch but told downright falsehoods ; for which proceeding
Yivoli is at considerable pains to excuse him.
1 Benedetto, p. cxxxv ; Vivoli, pp. c\vii. Ii is Benedetto alone who men', ions
that Cecconc's notes were in the possession of Mannelli. For purposes of literary
convenience we have spoken of Vivoli and Henedetto a> though they were
independent witnesses. But it is doubtful whether they ought in all cases to l>c
so regarded. The Gionialc of Yivoli and the I'li'iicm /V.V;,Y ';//. of Benedetto
arc both cast in the form of a dialogue ; and although the " Sotiia " of the (7/',v;;,:.v
and the " Agricola " of the ]'nln,'t\i /)/7/^- no doubt represent in a general
way the respective writers, it is obvious that in such a form of composition the
author might attribute even to the chief among his dramatis ffrwiM, knowledge
and experience which were not his own. \Ve very strongly suspect that in many
instances Benedetto has borrowed from Vivoli, or rv'.r rvr/.j.
4 io GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
Of Fra Girolamo's use of ambiguous expressions the most notable
instance is his repeated assertion that he did or said this or that
" for glory," meaning, as Vivoli explains, that he spoke and acted
' for the glory of God " ; whereas Ceccone filled out the phrase and
made him confess that he sought in all things his own honour and
reputation. This was just the sort of trick which was calculated to
impose on the credulous and to destroy the good name of the
prophet ; though it can hardly be supposed that his actual condemna-
tion was based on this false imputation of unworthy motives.
But if we may trust the memory of Fra Benedetto, Savonarola
by no means stopped short at the use of ambiguous language.
Professing, as he does, to have read the original record of the ex-
amination before Romolino a document which Romolino carried
off with him to Rome, and of which only a summary "fatto sub
brevita " by Ceccone remained at Florence this is the account
which he gives of the matter :
" In this final process, whereof I have had the original in my hands
... I found that Fra Hieronymo, being bound, in preparation for the
torture, declared with a loud voice that all those things which he had
preached and foretold in i>erbo Domini were true and not false, and that
he was ready to give his life for them ; and he spoke with great warmth
(molto vivamente) to this effect. Notwithstanding this, the papal com-
missaries, making little account of (non apprezando) his words, had him
hoisted on the rope and most cruelly tortured him. 1 And he, seeing that
they did not wish to hear the truth, began to change his utterances, without
however changing Ins mind (in comincio a mutarc vocaboli, ma non
sententia), pretending to be what he was not ; pretending, I say, yet
without lying, nam fingcre licet sed non per duplicitatcm. . . . And take
note that this method of first declaring the truth and then concealing it
was adopted by Fra Hieronymo on every occasion on which he was put to
the torture . . . which occasions were many during the course of the
forty-five days during which they held him prisoner." *
It is quite unnecessary to follow Vivoli through his long apology
for Savonarola's prevarication if the term be not too strong on
this occasion. The most liberal allowance must of course be made
for a man reduced to such extremities ; and without excusing the
line which he adopted, we certainly have no wish to press the matter
against him as though he had been guilty herein of grievous sin.
1 This only partially agrees svith, hut may perhaps throw some light on, an
obscure passage which will hereafter be quoted from the third process as
summarised by Ceccone, infra, pp. 423, sq
that "he had the design of the Great Council from Him who speaks to him in
the manner aforesnid " (p. cxx).
3 All this may well be a pure invention of those who hated the memory of
Valori.
4*4
himself, or spoke of them only to his most intimate friends,
Domenico, Silvestro, and Fra Niccolb da Milano.
But he took no part in any political intrigues (" intelligence")
for the advance of any party, or for the purpose of influencing the
elections. He merely in his sermons laid down general principles of
government. As regards the details of politics, he considered that
laymen, and especially Valori, Soderini, and Ridolfi, understood
them better than himself. Indeed, they never consulted him about
details, but in a general way they used his name and authority to
enable them to carry their measures. It may be due to Ceccone
that he is made to say that in all this he had a great regard for his
own reputation, and that therefore, when there was any business to
be transacted with laymen, he for the most part employed Fra
Salvestro, or some other, keeping in the background himself. So,
too, it would not be safe to lay stress on the admission that whereas
many came to S. Marco out of devotion, many also came from
political motives, viz., that they might be known, or believed to be,
adherents of "the Friar," and thereby advance themselves.
He has been accustomed to use as intermediaries Andrea
Cambini, Piero Cinozzi, Girolamo Benivieni, Francesco Davanzati,
Carlo Strozzi, and two or three others. Nearly all his dealings with
Valori were by means of Cambini. 1 The chief men of the party
were, Valori, Bonsi, Gualterotti, Ridolfi, Soderini, Mazzinghi, and
some eight or ten others who are named. The names of their
followers may be found in the paper of signatures to the joint letter,
which was left in his desk at S. Marco.
" I rarely spoke with Yalori, but he constantly sent me messages by
Cambini. He was very ambitious, and though I wished him to have
power, I was distressed at his rou^h manners, which alienated all his
friends (die era huomo da scacciare tutti i suoi amici)."
The deponent never attempted to secure the election of any
individual citizen, for lie did not know them well enough. But in
general terms he preached that good citizens should be chosen.
When, however, any particular person was recommended to him by
his brethren as likely to be favourable to the cause ("che fusse buono
all opera nostra'') he would take occasion to speak well of such an
one to the citizens who frequented S. Marco. And so, too, he would
do in the case of those with whom he was personally acquainted,
Valori, Soderini, and the rest.
1 This is entirely confirmed by Camhini's deposition (see above, pp. 39& '/'/)
EXAMINATION OK SAVONAROLA 41$
The only occasion on which he remembers to have more
directly shown favour to an individual candidate was when
Francesco Scarsi (Scarfa ? ) came to ask for prayers that he might be
elected one of the Ten ; and after the election he came to thank
Fra Girolamo for the prayers.
To the question what correspondence of a political nature he had
had with foreign princes or lords, Savonarola replies :
"When the King of France was on his return, I wrote him three or
four letters exhorting him to restore what belonged to Florence, and also
to come back to Italy ; telling him that if he did not do this it would fare
ill with him. I sent him a similar message through Nicolao Alamanni on
occasion of his first visit to France, and I have sent sundry messages to
the same effect by Frenchmen who passed through Florence on their
return to their own country. But the King never paid any attention to
these messages, nor ever sent a reply by letter or by word of mouth. So
that on occasion of Alamanni's later journeys I sent no message by
him ; and in fact I did not trust him, nor did 1 think him the kind of man
who would be likely to have access to the King.
"A certain Fra Lodovico once came to me, and told me in very guarded
language that the Pope wanted the Florentines to send him an ambassador,
or to write him ' qualche buona lettera ' ; and he tried hard to induce me
to persuade the people to think favourably of the Pope vet molto mi
stringera a flare opera che il populo stesse edificato a la via del Papa). I
told him that I had no power to act in such matters, as Lorenzo or Piero
might have done, and I referred him to Franceso Valori, Piero Filippo
(Pandolfini), and Pagolo Antonio (Soderini) ; and after that I heard no
more of him.
" Messcr Luisi Tornaboni once suggested to me to enter into relations
with the ' prefectissa ' of Sinigaglia, saying that this lady was well informed
concerning French affairs. Fearing some snare (dubitava dinganno, J/V)
I referred him to Valori, and heard no more about it.
" When the Cardinal of Bourges (Brissonnet) passed through Florence
I spoke to him, and begged him to solicit the king to return to Italy and
to restore her possessions to Florence. I gave a like message to Filippo
Lorini (mandai F. L. in Francia\ but this was done with the knowledge
of the Ten who were then in office.
" Carlo Orsini and Vitellozo (sic) Vitelli, on their return from France,
called at S. Marco, and urged me to do what 1 could for the king. They
came to me as if I had been ' il Signore dclla terra.' I told them that I
would pray for the king, and that I was well disposed to do all I could
for him." '
Here follow some paragraphs, of no special interest, concerning
Savonarola's dealings (i) with various Frenchmen and Neapolitans,
1 Yillari, AY. at. , pp. clix ./,/.
2 n
4 i8 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
(voleva appicchare la pratica meco), and that I would have no dealings
with him beyond prayer for him." 1
On another occasion some one, unknown to Fra Girolamo, came
to him and sought to interest him in Piero's welfare. But " this
nightbird " (" questo tale nocturno") came only once, and got no
answer but that Fra Girolamo did not think that Piero would ever
return. Nor had he ever any dealings with the Cardinal de' Medici,
except once about some matter of property. The following sentence,
which can hardly be other than genuine, is worthy of note :
" I declare that if Piero had returned, I would have told him what I
had said in my sermons (about him, and would have said) : ' I did it fora
good purpose, and at a time when you were not in power ; had you been
in power I would not have preached against you, but would have spoken
of vice in general terms.' "
After one or two passages concerning Pisa, and about other
matters of minor importance, Savonarola is made to say that in
his expressions concerning the turning of the key, and the opening
of the casket, his object had been to strike terror into his adversaries ;
that his alleged vision in the octave day of the Anunciation had
been a mere invention, which he had concocted "stando nella libreria
greca di S. Marco " ; that his intention in seeking the separation from
the Lombard Congregation had been to secure greater liberty for
himself; and that various alleged visions and dark sayings of his
had been pure inventions. On such points as these it is obviously
impossible to feel any confidence that his words have been correctly
reported.
As for his prediction that " many barbers," or barbarians, should
come to invade Italy, that the Church should be renovated, and the
Turks converted, these things he believes to be true, because he
finds ground enough for such predictions in Holy Scripture; but he
has had no special revelation on the subject. So at least he is made
to declare.
"The 'subscription,' or joint letter, drawn up at S. Marco was not of
my contriving. It was set on foot by my brethren ; but I was pleased
with it, for it both testified and promoted union among the citizens." 3
" It occasionally happened that Fra Silvestro made known to me the
names of the newly-elected Signory before they were made public. Hut
1 Villari. loc. cil., p. clxv. - JbiJ., p. clxvi. 3 Ibid., p. clxix.
EXAMINATION OF SAVONAROLA 419
he did not tell me from whom he had them ; and I did not make much
account of the matter." '
He comes now to the all-important question of the part which he
had taken in endeavouring to secure the assembly of a General
Council. And here there seems to be little reason to suppose that
his evidence has been tampered with. At any rate, the account of
the matter which he gives is tolerably plain and straightforward.
" I declare that I felt great indignation against the Roman court,
because they had persecuted me for having reproved them ; and, more-
over, by reason of their vicious life, I was minded to endeavour to procure
the calling of a Council. Accordingly, I had determined to cause five
letters to be written by various persons whereby five kings should be
exhorted to take this matter in hand. The tenor of these letters was as
follows : That it seemed right that the sovereign princes should be in-
formed of the state of affairs here ; that there was a preacher here who
predicted things to come, and deplored the vices of the Church, and
declared that he could confirm his conclusions by valid reasons ; that this
preacher had himself written a letter to the Pope (a copy of which letter
may be found in my desk, or else Fra Niccolo da Milano has it) ; and
that they, being the heads of Christendom, ought to make provision for the
redress of such abuses, and to convoke a Council. These letters [to be
written by other persons at Fra Girolamo's suggestion] were intended to
prepare the minds of the kings. But I had also determined to write to
each of them myself to the same effect. And I had already prepared a
rough draft of the letters, which ought to be in my desk ; and in each of
them was to be enclosed a copy of the letter which I had written to the
Pope. The kings to whom I had written these letters were : the Emperor,
the King of France, the King of Spain, the King of England, and the
King of Hungary. I employed Giovanni Cambi to write to the Emperor.
Domenicho Mazzinghi was to write in his own name to Giovachin
Guascon (sic), a letter which was to be shown to the king of France ;
Simone del Nero was to write to his brother Niccolo, for the benefit of
the King of Spain ; the affair of the English letter was entrusted to
Francesco del Pugliese, who had an English friend at Florence whom he
was to persuade to write ; and the letter intended for Hungary I sent to
Madonna la Minuta at Ferrara, and to a friend of mine there. The
drafts of these various letters I sent to the several persons named by
means of Fra Niccolo da Milano, and I suppose he still has copies
of them." -
After a few words, probably distorted by the notary, concerning
the motives which had led to the writing of these letters, the deponent
proceeds to say that among his own brethren no one knew of the
1 Yillari, loc. iJ. , p. cxxxvi.
422 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
which occur in this third process are, indeed, such as we would
willingly omit. But were we to pass them over in silence, we should
rightly be held to have failed to give a plain, unvarnished account
of the records which have come down to us. The particulars of an
examination under torture must of necessity be gruesome ; but we
who live in a milder and happier age must be on our guard against
charging with personal inhumanity every one who was concerned in
the administration of a system which, to us, appears simply abhorrent.
The principles which underlay and were supposed to guide the
application of torture were these :
(1) That no man could be legally convicted until he had con-
fessed his guilt ; a principle derived from the Roman law.
(2) That in the interests of the commonweal it was eminently
desirable, in the case of a grave criminal charge, to elicit not merely
a general avowal of guilt, but, as far as possible, the whole truth.
(3) That the only sure means of eliciting the whole truth was the
use of torture. But
(4) That torture could be applied to an accused person only
when there was in the language of the courts a semi-plena probatio
of his guilt, i.e. when his guilt was already established by circum-
stantial evidence. Moreover, it could then be inflicted only under
certain restrictions which, it must be confessed, were not always
observed as to the degree of severity which might be exercised.
Savonarola himself, we repeat, had gone out of his way to advocate
in the pulpit the use of torture. On the hypothesis of his guilt, which
his examiners considered as established by notorious facts, he was
being treated in accordance with his own principles.
After a recital of the names and titles of the commissaries and
their assessors, the document proceeds :
Messer Francesco Romolino above named asked by word of mouth :
Is all that you have said and confessed to my lords here, and to which
you have put your name, true ? And did you confess it sine tortura?
Savonarola : It is true. 1
1 The actual record gives question and answer in tlic third person, and in the
narrative form. In reproducing the substance of it we have adopted that of
direct dialogue. As regards the (jiicstion : "Did you confess sine tortura?" it
must be remembered that, in the language of the courts, a confession was said to
have l>ecn made " sine tortura" provided that the deponent subsequently ratified
what had first been extorted from him by rope or rack. This, Savonarola had,
under protest, and with limitations, already done. But once more Ceccone
suppresses the protest which Fra Girolamo made (now as before) against the
garbling of his deposition.
EXAMINATION OF SAVONAROLA 423
R. As regards these matters, have you had any dealings with other
ecclesiastical persons besides those named in your confession ?
S. Having repented of my sins, I now declare in (iod's presence and
may He strike me dead if I do not tell the truth that I never com-
municated these things to any one except the three Friars, Domcnico,
Salvestro, and Niccolo. Though I did not venture to hope with con-
fidence that I could bring about the Council, I strove to do so, but I never
confided my designs to any but these three, and to the persons whom I
charged to write the letters, to whom I communicated the matter " in
confession."
R. Have you had any dealings with princes ; and which of them did
you trust, and why ?
S. I had no dealings with any of the princes of Italy, because I
regarded them all as my enemies. 1 But I had some hopes of the King of
France, because I had spoken with him ; and of the Hmperor, because
I had heard that he could easily be won over ; and of the King of Spain,
because I had heard that he was hostile to the Court (of Rome) and to
its abuses ; and of the King of England (Henry VII.), because I had
heard that he was a good man. Of the King of Hungary I knew nothing.
But my chief hopes were in the three first named.
R. What Cardinals were your friends, and what dealings have you had
with them ?
S. I considered the Cardinal of Naples as my friend, but I did not
place much confidence in him. For although it was by his means that
we obtained the separation from Lombardy, yet this was brought about at
the instance of Piero de' Medici. Subsequently, after Piero's departure,
I understood that he, and the Cardinal his brother, had prejudiced him
(Caraffa) against me. Of late, I have had no dealings with him nor with any
other Cardinal. Jacopo Mannclli assured me that the Cardinal of Lisbon
was well disposed, but I had no dealings with him. Nor did I ever treat
with M. Filino (Sancleo) for he was hostile to me, as you may learn from
the Fcrrarese envoy, and from Ser Alessandio (Bracci .
R. Did Fra Domenico or Fra Salvestro reveal to you matters heard
in confession ?
S. No ; and in fact Domenico used not to hear confessions.
R. And what about your non-observance of the excommunication ?
S. Herein I sinned, and I pray for mercy.
R. Did you say that the Pope was not a Christian, had not been
baptised, and was no true Pope ?
S. I never said so, but I had in my cell a letter which I had written,
in which this was said. But I never published it, and have burned it.'-'
Having commanded that he should tell the whole truth, and nothing
1 It is to be presumed that he could have m.ule ;in exception in favour of
Krcole d'Este of Ferrara.
- He had, however, yivcn copies of it to M.u/inglii and the others whom lie
had employed to write the letters which have already been mentioned.
424 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
but the truth, Romolino ordered that he should be stripped for the rope.
He then, overcome by fear, threw himself on his knees and said, " Now,
hear me. O God Thou hast caught me (tu mi ha colto), I confess that I
have denied Christ, I have told lies. My Lords of Florence, bear me
witness that I have denied Him for fear of the torture ; if I must suffer,
I will suffer for the truth : that which I have said I have had from God.
O God grant that I may repent of having denied Thee for fear of the
torture. I deserve it." Then he was stripped ; and once more he knelt
down . . . and repeatedly said : " I have denied Thee, O God, from fear
of the torture." Being drawn up (by the rope) he cried : "Jesus, help
me ! this time Thou hast caught me."
Being asked, as he hung by the rope, why he had spoken thus, he
replied : " That I might be thought a good man (per parcre buono). Do
not torment me, I will tell you the truth, for sure, for sure."
The answer, "per parere buono," is certainly obscure in its
context. The idea seems to be that Fra Girolamo admitted that he
had made false statements under stress of torture, in the hope that
the torture would not be applied again ; but that, this device having
failed, he had now tried to make his judges believe that, being a man
inspired by God, they ought not to lay hands on him. But Fra
Benedetto declares, as the reader may remember, that this part of
the process has been shamefully distorted, and that Savonarola, at
the outset, maintained with great constancy, and not " with great
fear," the truth of his revelation.
R. Why did you just now deny what you had confessed ?
S. Because I am a fool.
Being let clown, he said : " When I see the tortures, I lose my self-
control (mi perdo) ; but when I am in a room with a few men who deal
peaceably with me I can express myself better."
R. The process which has been drawn up, is it true ?
S. It is all true ; and I will ever confess it to be so.
R. Why, then, did you just now deny it ?
S. I said it because I thought you would perhaps be afraid to lay
hands upon me.
This answer confirms the explanation suggested above. It is, how-
ever, an explanation rather of what the compilers of the report wished
its readers to believe, than of what Savonarola actually said. As to
his actual words it is, of course, impossible to be certain.
R. Did Fra Salvestro reveal men's confessions to you ?
S. Never, in detail ; but it may be that in general terms he has told
me something which he has heard in this way, but without ever saying
EXAMINATION OF SAVONAROLA 425
that it was so. For the rest, in order to know the affairs of Florence,
there was no need that Salvestro should reveal men's confessions, for I
had other means of knowing all that went on.
R. How so ?
S. Especially by means of Salvestro, who had many dealings with the
citizens, by whose means, apart from confession, lie could learn what
was passing. Yet I did not confide much in Salvestro, nor even in
Domenico, in such matters, for they were apt to betray secrets ; especially
Fra Salvestro, who was very talkative (molto largo), and whom I regarded
as an inconsiderate and not a very good man ; whereas I believed
Domenico to be good and sincere. I was myself the greatest sinner
among them. . . .
The last two questions and answers seem to call for a word of
comment. Lest it should be concluded from them that the revela-
tion of sins declared in sacramental confession was regarded as per
se antecedently probable which it was certainly not it must be borne
in mind that a specific accusation on this head had been made against
Savonarola by his enemies. That this calumny had been diligently cir-
culated in Rome and at Milan, and probably elsewhere, appears from
the fashion in which Burchardus and Sanudo refer to the matter in
their respective diaries, vix. as a thing about which there could
be no dispute. 1 It is probable enough that Romolino was unduly
credulous, and that he really suspected Fra Girolamo of this
sacrilegious wickedness. And this is enough to account for the
question having been asked, and for its repetition, in a modified form,
a little later in the examination. As regards Savonarola's answer, it
might be enough to say that we do not really know what answer he
really made. But if he really said, as Ceccone reports, that Salvestro
might have told him (not that he had told him) in general terms
matters which he had learned in confession, then we must under-
stand the matters in question to have been, not the individual sins
of individual sinners, but such general circumstances as, for instance,
the prevalence of this or that vice in the city. In the absence of any
shred of real evidence we should be sorry to charge the memory of
Salvestro with so much as the suspicion that he was ever guilty of
such imprudence. I>ut Fra Ciirolamo may have thought him capable
of it. \Ve repeat, however, that no one knows what Fra Ciirolamo
actually said on the subject. This much, however, we do know, vix.
that the expression "in confession" was habitually used by Fra
Girolamo and his companions in a very loose and inaccurate sense,
1 Burchardus, DLiniim, Kontanuiii (lul. Tluuisiic), ii. 73 ; Sanudo, Diario
I'cncto, iv. 279.
426 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
as covering even political secrets communicated " in confidence."
But to return to the interrogatory, as reported by the notary :
R. Have you in your sermons used vituperative language concerning
the Pope ?
S. I have never spoken of the Pope by name, but I have made use of
such expressions as to make it evident that I alluded to him.
R. Is it true that you did not observe the excommunication ?
S. It is true.
R. Is it true that Domenico and Salvestro used to reveal confession
one to another?
S. Domenico did not hear confessions and therefore could not reveal
them. But it is true that sometimes he pumped (stuzzicava) Salvestro to
get secrets out of him, though he never asked him in so many words to
reveal matters of confession, for this would have been to betray himself. 1
R. Did you write letters in contempt of the Pope, and for the purpose
of procuring a Council ?
S. I did not write such letters, but I induced others to write them.
But it is only recently that I have thought of this matter. It was not
others who instigated me to this, it was I who instigated them.
R. What good did you think you would do ? And did you not see what
a scandal you would cause ?
S. It was all the result of my pride and my folly.
R. Did you cause dissensions in the city by your preaching ; and did
you favour your own faction ?
S. It is true that I favoured my own party ; but I never encouraged
murder.
R. What about the five citizens who suffered death last August ?
S. I was content that they should be punished with death or exile ;
but I did not interfere in the matter, beyond interceding with Valori, though
not very warmly (ma freddamente), on behalf of Lorenzo Tornabuoni.
On the second day of the examination before the Papal Com-
missioners, Savonarola, being asked concerning the truth of what he
had heretofore confessed, is said to have replied to the following
effect.
" Monsignore, what I said yesterday by way of denial (of my former
admissions) I said like a man beside himself (passionato), and because I
wished to extricate myself from such an extremity of distress (da una gran
briga) ; for these bodily sufferings are such that the very sight of them
affects me more than tortures of the rope would affect another man. All
that was written, and that I signed, at my first and second examinations
was true ; and I have to thank my fellow-citizens that they dealt mildly
with me ; and if at the outset I did not tell the truth, this was because I
1 Some questions on matters all of slight importance, or on matters already
dealt with, are here omitted, and will be omitted hereafter.
EXAMINATION OF SAVONAROLA 427
wished to conceal my pride. But seeing how gently they dealt with me
I determined to tell the whole truth. ... I have been a wicked man,
and now I wish to clear my conscience, and will declare everything as
fully as I can."
This alleged speech, it may be observed, carries on its very
surface the marks of falsification ; for in the published examination it
is precisely at the outset that Savonarola most explicitly admits his
" pride " ; and the fulsome flattery of those who had dealt so " gently"
with him is in flat contradiction with what the notary had set down
a few pages previously, viz. that when he was stripped, by order of
Romolino, he showed his left arm which had been rendered power-
less ("guasto") by the violence of the torture. It was just in the
case of a comparatively long address like this that Ser Ceccone had
the fullest scope for the exercise of a talent which seems to have
been as clumsily as it was maliciously used. No wonder that, as
Burlamacchi and Landucci relate, this infamous notary was mulcted
of more than nine-tenths of his promised pay. 1
R. What dealings have you had with women as concerning their
supposed revelations ?
S. At first I used to converse with women, and learned things from
them, which I afterwards put forth as revelations. But of late I have
avoided all intercourse with them. The persons from whom I had
such things were Ma. Vaggia Bisdomini, Ma. Camilla Ruciellai, Ma.
Bartolomea Gianfigliazi, but to the last named I paid little heed, for she
seemed to me mad.
R. Is it true that you made your brethren hear confessions, and absolve
and communicate the faithful, notwithstanding the excommunication, and
that you allowed those who had been excommunicated on your account
to die (without being reconciled to the Church) ?
S. It is true.
Once more he is asked " con minaccie di fune '' concerning the
affair of the Council, being urged to tell the whole truth. Then,
says the record, he exclaimed :
" O Brother, to what a pass art thoti come ! " And he began to weep
and mourn, and to say : "When I think how I came to enter on this
affair, I cannot but grieve over it ; and I know not how I came to begin
it, but it seems to me like a dream." And then he began to tell the story
as follows :
" This matter of the Council I began to take in hand not more than
three months ayo. . . . And when I began to consider how I should
1 He had been promised 400 ducats, but received only 30, or, as Kra Benedetto
says, 33 (Villari, ii. 204).
428 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
bring it about, I said to myself: I cannot gain over Italy ; at Venice I
have no interest ; Naples is weak ; the Florentines are divided ; the
Cardinals are not to be trusted, they would reveal everything to the
Pope. And so I looked beyond Italy to France," etc.
He then speaks of the attempts which he made to enter into
relations with the Cardinal of San Piero in Vincoli (della Rovere)
and the Bishop of S. Malo (Brissonet), but to little purpose. He
knew neither of them personally. He had some hopes of the
Cardinal of Naples, and had written to him in the hopes of gaining
his goodwill as a first step, but not explicitly about the Council.
Moreover, he had held some conversation with one Michelangiolo
da Orvieto, a dependant of his, about the prospects of a Council.
He had also, through Bracci and his son-in-law, Ser Bastiano, had a
letter from Napoli urging him, in general and guarded terms, " to
kindle the fire." Here obviously with the design of implicating
Caraffa in the business he was either threatened with the rope, or
actually tortured again, but nothing further could be got from him
on the subject, or at least nothing of any importance. The remain-
ing questions, with their replies, are of no special interest.
CHAPTER XXIV
THK KND
" " I A HE vain efforts of the Papal commissaries," says Villari, "had
J. only succeeded in making more evident the innocence
of Savonarola." For our part, we cannot take this view of the
matter. They had not, indeed, drawn from him any confession
that he had formally taught heretical doctrine. And no wonder ;
for among those who had either heard or read his sermons, there
could be no question as to the orthodoxy of his ordinary dogmatic
teaching. 1 When he was asked whether he had professed or inculcated
this or that error on points of faith, his answer was, that to suspect
him of such absurdities was to charge him with being a fool.
Whether his admission made, retracted, and made again that he-
had fraudulently usurped the name and office of a prophet, or again
his persistent refusal to submit the exercise of his alleged prophetic
mission to the judgment of his ecclesiastical superiors, could rightly
be regarded as amounting to constructive heresy, and as deserving
of the penalty of death even in accordance with the jurisprudence
of the age, may be called in question : though it would seem that
these things were in fact so regarded under stress of the strong
feelings which prevailed at the time. Jkit on one point or rather on
two points very closely connected with each other there can be no
doubt whatever. He had endeavoured to procure the deposition of
the Pope, by means of a (leneral Council, to be convoked by
temporal sovereigns ; and herein lay the head and front of his
1 The doctrinal orthodoxy of Savonarola was declared by the commission
appointed to examine his works in 1554 under Paul IV. The /Vii/. '.;'* ni et excipi potest, siiiit
de rera et indnbitata haeresi\ ita quod a niillo fro Romano Pontifia habeatiir . . .
et idem electus, non Apostolicus, sed apostaticus . . . habeatur." And the next
paragraph sets forth that: "Nee hujusmodi simoniaca electio per subsequentem
ipsius inthronizationem, sen tew peris citrsun:, aut etiam omnium Cardinalium
adorationem, sen obedientiam, ullo tutt/nam tentpore eoni'alescaf" (Bullarium,
v. 263).
- "Man braucht mithin gar keinc canonistischen Studien gem.icht /u h.il>en,
urn einzusehen, dass vor dem Krlass Julius II. ein canonischcs (icsetr, welches
eine simonistische Papstwahl fiir ungiltige erklarte, nicht in Kraft war. Die
simonistische Wahl Alexanders VI. im Jahre 1492 war mithin zwcifellos giltig' 1
(Pastor, Bettrtheiltingi p. 15).
:1 Grauert, loc. ('if., pp. 306 syer se a lawful Pope, he was certainly entitled to be treated as
such by the faithful at large, and by private individuals, so long as
he was in actual and undisturbed possession of the Holy See ; and
so, in fact, Savonarola had treated him for several years. Nor could
Savonarola, as a private individual, be objectively justified in raising
the standard of revolt, however much an error of judgment might
excuse him before God. 1 It was not for him, or for any other
irresponsible person, to take the initiative in a movement which
might have so seriously compromised the unity of Christendom. It
is particularly noteworthy that even the Bull Cum tarn divino by no
means leaves it open to all and sundry to raise objections against the
validity of a papal election. By the words "a quocumque Cardinali
qui eidem electioni interfuerit opponi et excipi potest," the right of
raising a protest is strictly limited to the Cardinals, and even among
them it is restricted to those who have been present at the election. It
is obvious, then, that even had the decree been in force in Savonarola's
the Cardinals, and by them alone, issued a further decree by which (according
to Grauert) a simoniacal election was declared to be invalid. Father Emil
Michael, S.J. (in Zeitschr.f. katk Theol., 1896. p. 705) takes, however, a different
view of the matter. (2} It is commonly supposed that the decree, Licet de vitanda,
of Alexander III. (1179) declared even a simoniacal election to the Papacy to be
valid, provided the choice were made by a two-thirds majority among the Cardinals.
This interpretation of the decree Dr Grauert rejects. (3) In fact, he says, the
opinions of medieval theologians and canonists were divided. The prevalent
opinion (viz. that such an election would be valid) was maintained by Augustus
Triumphus, Turrecremata. and de Tudeschis ( Panormitanus), and has quite recently
been sustained by I)r Schnilzer (Schnitzer, pp. 477 ster Generalis. et Francbcus
Romolinus J.U.D. ad Alexandrum I'apam Sextum cle Fratre Hieron. Savonarola
et coniplicibus suis. :> The letter is given in Meier, pp. 389 fo
found in a little booklet of four leaves printed in 1521 (" Romue in campo Floro,"
.r;V), itself probably a reprint from an earlier edition, containing a "Dialogue"'
concerning Savonarola, and also a letter from the J'o|>e to I.iunello Chieregalo.
l>i.ihop of Concordia (2nd April 1498], commending him f<>r having preached
' ad versus falsuin ct perniciosum dogma inujuiiali-. filii fialri-, Hieronymi"
(( ilierardi. p. 1 6, n. 37).
THE END 435
continued to celebrate Muss. 1 Moreover, lie declared that lie liad taken
measures that Fra Silvestro and many other Friars of the same Order
should hear confessions, and report to him what they had heard, and that
he afterwards, both publicly in the pulpit and in private conversation,
inveighed against the sins thus made known to him.- These things he
pretended to have learned by a divine revelation. Moreover, he has
been guilty of crimes so enormous (tanta scelcra et dete.standa flagitia
perpetravit) that it does not seem right to make them known at present
(nondum dicenda videantur). He confessed, moreover, to have been the
cause of sedition among the citizens, of scarcity of provisions, and
thereby of deaths among the poor, and of the slaughter (caedesy of many
citizens of rank. 3 He declared also that he had abused the Sacraments
of the Church." 4
The letter goes on to recite Savonarola's contempt of the
excommunication, his communicating the faithful, and of his
having persuaded many excommunicated persons, even at the hour
of death, not to seek absolution from the sentence which they
had incurred, assuring them that such penalties were invalid, and
that whoever thought otherwise was himself guilty of horrible
heresy. '
" He has confessed also that by letters and messages he has sought
to incite many Christian princes to a schism against your Holiness.
Moreover, to such a pitch of wickedness did this friar, or rather this
1 The real basis of this assertion is, that, when asked whether lie had declared
certain matters, which he did in it regard as sinful, in confession, Savonarola had
answered "No."' In allusion to which point "the Prophet" asks, in l-'ia
Benedetto's dialogue: " F,t dove si truova che 1' huoino sia tenuto ad cunfessarsi
del hene et delle cose die noii sono peccato ? " It must, however, lie admitted
that Fra Ciirolamo had given some occasion tor a misunderstanding "t his own
words, for, Iieing further interrogated how ii was that he had not contested these
things, he replied: "When a man has lost the faith lie docs not care what he
does (non si rura come 1'anima sua vada) 1 ' ; words which, according to Benedetto,
are to lie understood as a perfectly general statement, intended for the special
henctit of Ser Ceccone. hut naturally interpreted as ;i damning admission. l.sVv
Benedetto in Yillari, Av. toiitly denied, the charge which he
is here alleged to have admitted.
"' The only foundation lor this seems to he Savonarola's admission that he had
not raised any protest against the execution ol Bernardo del Nero ami his
companions.
1 This charge may have reference to Savonarola's action on more than one
occasion in making the consecrated Host an instrument, as u were. l>y which
to confirm the truth of his prophetic utterances. .Vtv above, pp. -Sj \ v y.
5 Sit ahove, p. 280.
436 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
nefarious monster (omnipedum nequissimum), proceed, that all his appear-
ance of goodness was but a pretence and a cloak for ambition, and for
his desire to attain to worldly glory. He has been wont to turn to the
crucifix and say to our Lord : ' If I lie, Thou liest.' In a word, such is
the enormity of his crimes that the hand shrinks from writing them, and
the mind from thinking of them.
''As for Fra Domenico, he had frequently dared to say in the pulpit
that the angels would fall from heaven sooner than that anything pre-
dicted by Fra Hieronymo should not come to pass (prius . . . casuros,
quam quicquam . . . non adimpletum iri). And lie used to call on
God, and express the wish that if he lied he might be hung with a halter
and his body be reduced to ashes, and cast to the winds and waves.
\Ve pass over the errors of which this friar might have been the occasion
when he wished to enter the fire carrying the Body of Christ."
The writers then go on to relate how, after a very few questions,
the friars having ratified, "authentice et sponte," what they had
previously confessed, they were degraded, handed over to the secular
arm, and put to execution.
For this letter, or rather for considerable portions of it, we can
offer no excuse. It is not merely that no allowance is made for the
possibility of delusion, and that language of unmeasured harshness
is employed throughout, but Fra Hieronymo is represented as
having admitted what he certainly denied, vi/. that he had
habitually made use of knowledge gained through the confessional,
and that he had, of set purpose, laid himself out to gain such
knowledge. For such a wilful perversion of the truth no palliation
appears to be possible.
Nevertheless, although the letter embodies at least one grave
calumny, it also contains much that is true. And the truth was
sufficient, on Savonarola's own principles, to justify the sentence
passed upon him. As for his two companions, we can only regret
that the notion of complicity in the minds of the commissaries
appears to have been so vague that it was taken to cover the case, not
merely of Salvestro, but also of that manifestly well-meaning though
misguided man, Domenico da I'escia.
After the fullest consideration of the whole circumstances of the
case we are unwilling, on the mere ground of the sentence apart
from the letter wherein it is recorded -to condemn Savonarola's
judges. Every one will now concur in the wish that mercy could
have been shown. But the exercise of the prerogative of mercy
lay, not with the judges, but with their master, Alexander VI.
Luke Wadding, the author of the Annales Alinonim, speaks of
THE END 437
Savonarola as a man "dignus profccto, uti ego . . . non tcmerc
conjicio, qui honorificentiori fine religiosae conversations ctirsum
terminarct " ; and again as "solo fortassis vehementis x.eli nimio
ardore ultra inetas evectus." Yet this same writer, in the very
same section of his Annals, quotes with approval the high encomium
passed upon Savonarola's judge Torriano in the chronicles of
his own Order. 1 Our own deliberate opinion is, that while
Savonarola ought to be acquitted on the charge of having sinned
grievously, it is also right to refrain from charging his judges with
the guilt of judicial murder, or even (considering the circumstances
of the time), from that of excessive cruelty; always bearing in mind
that they acted under command of the Pope. As for the Pope
himself, we are willing to believe that, had Fra (lirolamo and
his companions been sent to Rome, the sentence of death
might not improbably have been commuted for one of imprison-
ment. J)ut the Florentines having refused to send them thither
and this, as it would seem, in accordance with Savonarola's
own desire we cannot be surprised that Alexander should have
directed that the law should take its course, even as, with
Savonarola's tacit approval, the law had taken its course in the
case of Uernardo del Nero.-
Our readers will, we trust, be thankful if we pass rapidly over the
closing scene. Shattered by the repeated tortures which he had
undergone, his soul was yet strong in His strength who is the
support of the downcast ; and he had spent the weary days which
elapsed between his second and his third examination (^51)1 April
to 20th May), days of solitary and rigorous confinement, in well-
nigh uninterrupted prayer. His very beautiful meditations on the
Psalms, "Miserere" (Ps. li.), and "In te Domine speravi " (Ps. xxx.),
composed during his imprisonment, and the '* Rule of a Christian
Life" which he drew up for the use of his gaoler, are a touching
1 " loachinnis Turrianu> i/iicut dnh'issinntin d hiiitianiniinuin /";/// -v. //;
hcnignitate ct inritafc Ordinal gubernasse, iiti'Ii ///.'.V.f/.w ;//>/ .;.?.'/.-, /*.'//.',
oinnii-iis I'cntini, e( at \://i '/;<'/ a.'i./iiaiii f-r,rleudere
potnit extrenunn supplicium in Savonarolain decernendi." Our own view is. on
this particular point, more favourable to the Tope.
438 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
record of his thoughts and aspirations during that time of tribulation.
His last sleep, during the night which preceded his execution, was
taken with his head resting on the knees of one of the members of
the pious confraternity of the Battuti, whose office it was to assist
the dying. After a brief interval of this peaceful repose he once
more rose to pray, and at daybreak he received at his own
hands the Holy Communion, and communicated his two com-
panions. Having been kept apart since the night of their arrest,
six weeks before, they had been allowed an interview on the
previous evening, and now they met again for the last consolations
of religion.
Admonished that the time for the execution had arrived, the
three came forth to die. From the Palazzo Vccchio, a long narrow
platform extended across the Piazza towards the Tetto de' Pisani.
It terminated in a circular scaffold heaped high with the fuel that
was to consume the dead bodies of the condemned men. Above
the pile of wood rose the gibbet with its three halters.
" On the marble terrace of the Palaz/.o were three tribunals ; one near
the door for the Bishop (Pagagnotti), who was to perform the ceremony
of degradation on Fra Girolamo and his two brethren . . . another for
the Papal Commissaries, who were to pronounce them heretics and
schismatics, and deliver them over to the secular arm ; and a third, close
to Marzocco, at the corner of the terrace where the platform began, for
the Gonfaloniere, and the Eight, who were to pronounce the sentence of
death." '
Before each of these tribunals, in turn, the three companions were
led to hear their sentence pronounced, and, strange as it may seem,
to receive at the hands of the Papal delegates a plenary indulgence,
as if in recognition of at least the possibility that they had acted in
good faith. Then, stripped of their religious habit, they were con-
ducted to the scaffold, and Savonarola once more stood face to face
with the people of his beloved Florence. In the words of the
authoress of Romola, he saw " torches waving to kindle the fuel
beneath his dead body,'' and " faces glaring with a yet worse light :> ;
he heard, as His divine Master had heard, " gross jests, taunts, and
curses " ; he was well assured that in the background were many
hundreds of weeping Piagnoni, faithful still ; and he knew that the
very moment of his cruel and ignominious death would be for him
the moment of a great moral victory.
1 Romola, chap. Ixxiii.
THE END 439
And so in a very true sense it was. Fra Girolamo Savonarola
had sounded the long-drawn and wailing blast of a fearless
challenge to all the powers of wickedness. He had slipped
and fallen in the shock of the first onset. Hut the notes of his
trumpet-call reverberated through Christendom, and through the
century that was so soon to dawn upon the world, and woke
many an echo which heartened other men and women besides
S. Philip Neri and S. Catherine of Ricci for their own combat with
evil. The Church was scourged after another manner than that
which he had foreseen. The face of the Church has been renewed,
though not so "soon and speedily "as he had imagined. In sub-
stance, however, more than one of Fra Girolamo's " conclusions " have
been made good, even though his revelations have been for the
most part disallowed. And, all his errors and their consequences
notwithstanding, the Church and the world owe him a debt of
gratitude.
It was Kitchener, not Gordon, who conquered the Soudan. Yet,
had it not been for Gordon's tragic death, there had been no Soudan
expedition under Kitchener. And it may be that the leaders of the
great Catholic revival of the sixteenth century were more indebted
than they were aware to Fra Girolamo Savonarola. The reform of
the Church was to be effected by methods other than his. Not
" cito et velociter " ; not by that brilliant kind of warfare which wins
a battle and loses a campaign ; but slowly and surely, through
patience and long preparation, and a careful adaptation of means to
ends, by the assiduous training of a body of men who, in their turn,
were to drill others one by one in the principles of the spiritual life,
and little by little to leaven the world. And again, not by the
decentralisation of the Church, and the reduction of its rounded
circle to an ellipse with rival foci at Rome and Florence, but by the
uncompromising asset lion of the duty of loyalty to the Vicar of
Christ in his official capacity, whatever might be his personal short-
comings or even vices ; by the full and explicit recognition of the
truth that, " de Sion exibit lex et verbum Domini tie Jerusalem."
And yet, who shall say how far the "excursions and alarums" of the
great Florentine preacher not merely preluded and heralded, but
helped to clear the ground for, the organised religious campaign of
the sixteenth century ?
440 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
" When Savonarola, degraded and unfrocked, ended his life on the
gallows, his cause seemed to be irretrievably lost, and his enemies
triumphed. Nevertheless, he died a conqueror, and he died for the
noblest cause for which a man can give his life for the spread of Cod's
kingdom on earth. The future belonged to him, and he to the Church/' 1
So writes Dr Schnitxer, and we may make his words our own
without either justifying the disobedience of Fra Girolamo, or
unreservedly condemning his judges. Even though his disobedience
may have had its root in pride, and may have made his condemna-
tion inevitable, no one can call in question the burning zeal for the
kingdom of God which was the dominant motive in his life ; and
the fire which consumed his mortal remains may be deemed to have
purged his fault, at least before the tribunal of human judgment.
We have said : " All his errors notwithstanding " ; for those writers
have, in our judgment, done a real disservice to Fra Girolamo's
memory who have striven to show that the life and character of their
hero were all but flawless, and to justify well-nigh his every word and
action. To do this is to miss the lessons which are writ large on the
very surface of his career, and to call aloud for the cold and calcu-
lating application of a discriminating criticism where the verdict of
common-sense might well have sufficed. The lessons to be learned
from the life and death of Fra Girolamo Savonarola are, in our
judgment, so obvious that, but for the unmeasured encomium of his
panegyrists, it had been needless to draw the obvious moral.
The severe austerity of Fra Girolamo's life, his truly wonderful
gift of prayer, his fearless intrepidity, his boundless confidence in
God, his keen insight into the true condition of the Church and of
civil society, his surpassing eloquence, his marvellous influence over
the minds and hearts of men, an influence wielded on the whole for
the noblest of ends all these things claim the admiration which is
due to a truly great and good man. Yet the story of his life reminds
us that even exalted gifts and noble qualities such as these may yet
be unavailing to save a man from being misled by a subtle tempta-
tion into an unacknowledged self-esteem, which may end by sapping
the very roots of obedience, by luring him onwards till at last he
makes private judgment in matters of conduct if not of doctrine
the court of final appeal. And when this point has been reached,
only two issues are possible if the conflict becomes acute; spiritual
ruin or temporal disaster. It was, perhaps, well for Fra Girolamo
' Sclinkzcr, p. Soi.
THE END 441
that temporal disaster overtook him, and that his baptism of fire
came to him in time.
We had intended to say something on the subject of Savonarola
nd the Saints; but a very few words on this head must suffice.
It is well known with what veneration he was regarded by St Philip
Neri and St Catharine de' Ricci. It is perhaps not so well known
that St Ignatius of Loyola would not allow any of his writings to be
kept or read in the houses of the Society of Jesus. Yet St Ignatius
of Loyola was the intimate friend of St Philip Neri, and it would be
the very extreme of impertinence to pretend to balance the merits of
these two great servants of God. The only thing to be said on the
subject would seem to be that St Philip and St Catharine venerated
Savonarola for his eminent virtues, while St Ignatius feared lest the
example of his resistance to the Pope might have evil consequences
in days when it was of supreme importance to emphasise the duty of
obedience to lawful authority. So far as we are aware, neither St
Philip nor St Catherine have discussed, in any writings which now
survive, the question of Savonarola's conflict with Alexander VI.
And an open question it remains. We have expressed our opinion :
Vuleat quantum.
But one emphatic protest we must raise in conclusion. In the
very latest work on Savonarola which has yet appeared, we find the
following words : " Benedict XIV. deemed him (Savonarola) worthy
of canonisation, and allowed his name to appear in a catalogue,
published during his pontificate, containing a list of blessed servants
of (>od, and of other venerable persons illustrious by their sanctity/'
Now, it was pointed out nearly twenty years ago by Father Cirisar,
S.J., whose remarks on the subject have been reproduced by Dr
Pastor, that the "catalogue" in question is for practical purposes
simply an index of the names of persons spoken of in Benedict's
work ])c ServonitH J)ci Beatification ct Canonizatione.^ The function
of an index is generally understood to be that of referring the reader
or student to some passage in the body of the book. Turning up
the passage referred to in this particular case, we read that, on
occasion of the process of canonisation, or beatification, of St
Catharine de' Ricci, Lambertini himself (afterwards Benedict XIV. t.
who was then acting as i; Promotor Fidei, raised the objection that
Catharine had prayed to Fra Ilieronymo Savonarola; that, on the
1 Grisnr, in Zcitsfhr. fur Katholisthc 77:t\\\\^if, iv. 39.2 (iSSo^; T.istor, //
Bfiirtheilung Savonarola*) p. 17.
442 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA
other hand, the postulators of the cause urged many reasons against
the objection ; and that, in particular, " certain persons, carried
away by the heat of argument . . . began to touch, incident-
ally, on the alleged unjust execution of Savonarola and his com-
panions "; but that in the opinion of the writer (Benedict XIV.)
" this argument of theirs . . . was not only devoid of solid foundation,
but also little or nothing to the point." 1 Whether a writer, who
regarded the opinion that Savonarola was unjustly condemned as
" devoid of solid foundation " can be rightly said to have " deemed
him worthy of canonisation," is a question that may be left to the
judgment of the reader. It is, of course, too much to hope that the
"catalogue" of Benedict XIV. will never again be brought up as
evidence by the apologists of Fra Girolamo. The blunder has
survived the exposure of Grisar and of Pastor, and we may take it
for granted that it will continue to make its appearance from time
to time.
But it is greatly to be lamented that the memory of a great and
good man should be so dealt with as to necessitate such protests as
we (following Grisar and Pastor) have felt it our duty to make.
Amiens Cato ; magis arnica veritas. It is by the faithful observance
of the principle underlying these words, and not by indiscriminate
laudation, that his due meed of honour will be most surely paid to
the memory of Fra Girolamo Savonarola.
1 The sentence, which fills nearly a whole column of a folio page, is too long
to quote, even in a footnote. Hut we give, unabridged, the portion of the passage
which hears on the matter in hand. "Major suffragantium numcrus, quin immo
fere uniformis, vim responsionis agnoscebat et confitebatur ; sed, cum aestu dis-
putationis nonnulli abrepti non modo virtutum in vita, ct in obitu, sed eliam mortis
abs(jue legiti ma causa Savonarola et sociis allatae, licet per transennam, verba facere
crepissent, quod tanien mortis absijue sufficienti et legitima causa argument um non
solitni erat vcro fundamento destitutum, sed etiam aut nihil aut parum prodesse
poterat pro vindicando facto Ser\\e Dei ... re delata ad S. M. Bcnedictum PP.
XIII., placuit Sanctitati suit . . . ne de justitia vel injustitia condemnationis
SavonaroKu quaestio . . . revivisceret, decrctum edere," etc. (De Jieatif., lib.
iii. c. xxv. n. 20). The purport of the decree was that, passing over the subject
of the veneration shown by Catharine to Savonarola, the cause of her beatification
should be proceeded with.
THIC KND.
INDEX
NOTK. Primary references arc to surnames where these are known. Jittt mere
local designations of origin (not of lordship}, such as "da Firenze," "da Milano,'^
are not treated as true surnames. In default of the surname the reference is given
under the Christian name. As regards the spelling of proper names, considerable
variety is found in the various documents, the orthography of which has been
followed in the summaries, etc., occurring in the course of the work. But it has
not seemed necessary to reproduce more than a very few of these variants in the
Index.
" AiiOMiN.vi KINS "in the Church, 324,
392 ; and s. v. Rome, " Prolligate
Church," etc.
Absolution from censure, Savonarola
said to have petitioned, 267 f. ; he
refuses to seek, 267, 277, 282
" Absolution for cash payment," 277
Acciaioli (s/c) V,, his Life of P. Cap-
poni quoted, 125 f. notes
Acciaiuoli, family, members of, at S.
Marco, 103
Accoppiatori, a provisional board of
magistrates, appointed in September
1494, 151 f. ; they appoint the Sig-
nory, 1 60 note ; are induced to re-
sign, 165 ; their resignation ascribed
by Savonarola to his own influence,
4 .'3
Adjuration, forms of, used by Savona-
rola, 185, 278, 283, cf. 210, ami s. v.
Christ
Advent sermons, subjects of, 118 and
note . in 1496, 222
Aggaeus (Haggai), sermons on, 124,
H5, '55
Agriculture, neglect of, in Italy, caused
by war, etc., 34
Alamanni, Antonio, causes dispersal of
audience from the Duomo on 1'alm
Sunday 1498, 350
Alamanni, Niccolo, Savonarola sends
messages to France by means of, 415
Albert!. Piero degli, elected Gonfa-
loniere, "motto contrario al Frate,"
231 note : declines to sign the " sub-
scription " in favour of Savonarola,
402 ; appointed one of a committee
to supervise the ordeal, his courtesy
to Savonarola, 746 : one of the
commission appointed to examine
Savonarola, 371 ; persuades Her-
linghieri's widow to destroy the
autograph deposition of Savonarola,
408 note
Albix/.i, Francesco degli, one of the
examining committee, 371 note
Albi//i, Luca degli, member of the
committee on the affair of Savona-
rola, 315 : is an adherent of Savona-
rola, but jealous or suspicious of
Yalori, 413 ; declines to sign the
" subscription," 413
Alessandri, Francesco, >peech of, in
debate, 310
Alexander VI. Uodrigo 15orgia\ his
simoniacal election, a "crowning
scandal," 17 f.. So; its validity
contested and discussed, 367, 4 50 tV. ;
misrule of, 125; political intrigues
of. 10^ : engage> in the "Holy
League," and endeavours to secure
the adhcMon of Florence. 133. 170,
196, 204, 298 ; is favourable to
P. de' Medici, yet disclaims all
knowledge of his plot, 230 : his
vicious life, 87, 105. 296; "con-
structive infidelity," 430 ; he is
declared to be "no true Pope," 203,
US
444
INDEX
Alexander VI. continued.
367 f. ; and "no Christian, "325, 388,
423. He separates S. Marco from
the Lombard Congregation, 97 ;
summons Savonarola to Rome,
July 1495, 180; reunites S. Marco
with the Lombard Congregation, and
inhibits Savonarola from preaching,
185 ff. ; alleged to have tacitly allowed
him to recommence preaching, Feb-
ruary 1496, 199; indignation at his
freedom of speech, 203 ff ; said to
have offered a cardinal's hat to
Savonarola, 210 ; establishes the
Congregation of the Roman and
Tuscan Province, November 1496,
213 ff. ; indignation at lenten ser-
mons, 1496, 226 ff. ; excommunicates
Savonarola, 232 ff. ; corresponds with
the Signory concerning him, February
and March 1498, 300 ff ; threatens
Florence with an interdict, 300 ff.
307, 322, 392 ; disapproves the
ordeal, but thanks the Franciscan
champion, 347 f. ; allows that
Savonarola be examined by torture,
but demands that he be sent to
Rome, 372 ff. ; consents that the
execution take place in Florence,
and appoints commissaries, 383 ff. ;
his action in regard of the trial dis-
cussed, 429 ff. Letters from, 300, 305,
374 ; and s. v. Brief. See also the
analytical table of Contents, espe-
cially of chaps, x., xi., xii., xvi., xxi.
Alfonso of Aragon, Duke of Calabria,
96, 122; King (Alfonso II.) of Naples
117 note, 133 note
" Alleluia," out of season, 282
Alliance, French, with Florence,
favoured by Savonarola, 142, 203,
212, 223, 320; and s. v. "Vision of
Lilies""
Alms, collected or promoted by Savona-
rola, 34, 36, 41, 152, 198, 202, 211,
386 note
Altoviti, (juglielmo, s-pcech of, in debate,
264 ; will not sign the " subscription,"
402
" Ambassador, a stout, with a thin
commission" (i.e. Bracci), 226
"Ambassador of God," duties of an,
290 f.
Ambassadors, Florentine, at Rome,
s. vv. Valori (Fil.), Becchi, Bonsi,
Bracci ; at Bologna, s. v. Cambini ;
at Milan, s. vv. ( aialterotti, I'epi ;
at Venice, s. v. Soderini ; in France,
s. v. Guasconi ; Mantuan, s. v.
(jhivizzano; Milanese, s. vv. Som-
enzi, Tavcrna, Tranchedino ; Roman,
s. v. Rovere, G. della ; Venetian,
s. v. Vinciguerra ; Savonarola's deal-
ings with, 417
Ambiguous language, Savonarola's, 135;
nnd s. v. Contradictions, Equivoca-
tion, etc.
Ambition, alleged, of Savonarola, 412,
413
Ambrose, S., and Theodosius, 286;
will descend on Milan, 288
Amnesty at Florence (i) after flight of
I'iero de' Medici, 148 ; (2) after
establishment of new constitution,
I 59 ff.
Amort, theological writer, on private
revelations, 66 f. notes, 71, 72 note
Amos, the 1'rophet, words of, adopted
by Savonarola, 53
Amos and Zacharias, sermons on, 201,
209, 386
"Anathema, "conditional, on B. V. M.,
275
Angels, the, of FF. Girolamo, Pome-
nico, and Salvestro, Salvestro's
alleged vision of, and communications
from, 387
" Annales Minorum," the, 437
"Annali del convento di S. Caterina
di Pisa," 1 08
Annunciation of B. V. M., Feast of,
1495, vision on this day and on the
octave, 54 ff., 322, 418; in 1498,
public celebration on, 322
Antinori, Tommaso, one of the Com-
mittee to supervise the ordeal, 346
Antoninus, S., his opinion on points of
Canon Law, 239, 244 f., 250; will
descend on Florence, 288
Antonio da Radda, Fia, murmurs
against Savonarola's government of
S. Marco, 390
Antonio di Bernardo, executed for a
political offence, the sole victim of
political hatred after the expulsion of
the Medici, 147
Antonio di Olandia, Fra, Prior at Pisa,
112 ; at Prato, 112, 206 ; enjoys the
confidence of S., 388; commended
as "padre di religiosa vita," ihid.
" An/.iani " of Lucca, letters of, con-
cerning S., etc., 178 ff.
Apocalyse, mcdi.vvnl interpretation of,
o, ; Savonarola's lectures and sermons
on. 26, 388, 41 1
" Apologctirum Fratrum S. Marci,"
the, 216 ff., 222, 248
Apologists of Savonarola, 193, 440 ff.
Apology for Savonarola, Pico della
Mirandola's, 221 note, 248, 250; in-
INDEX
445
donation of d'Ksle al its dedication
to himself, 248, 321 f.
Appeal, right of, in criminal cases at
Florence, allowed and disallowed,
168 and note ; and s. v. " Sei fave " ;
from I 'ope to Council, right of,
maintained by (jerson, 240 ; for-
bidden by the Hull, Execrabilis, 430
and //('A', if. 432, 121 ; and s. v.
Council; to "the Pope in heaven (al
Papa celeste)," Savonarola's, 288;
to public opinion, Savonarola's, 71,
249, 274 noic ; to "ecclesiastical
lynch law," 278
Aquinas, s. v. Thomas Aquinas, S.
Are/zo, Bishop of, Francesco Soderini
erroneously so styled (he was in fact
Bishop of Voltera), 399, 417; I'az/.i,
Cosimo de', 299
Arrigucci, Filippo, consults S. on the
attempt of 1'. de' Medici, 230
Aristocratic party, the, s. vv. " Otti-
niati," ' Arrabbiati "
Ark, Sermons on the, 29 f., 33 itofc,
119 IT.
Armstrong, , on Savonarola and
Alexander VI., 367 note
Arnoldo, Tommaso, Canon of Florence,
present at lirM examination of S., 371
" Arrabbiati,'' the (nickname of the
aristocratic party at Florence), their
testimony lo the reform of the city,
36 ; their hatred of the Mediceans,
147 ; out-voted on the subject of the
new constitution, 175 ; Savonarola's
vehemence against, 175!. ; their
ingratitude, many of them having
been recalled from exile, 212; they
have a majority in the Signory for
May and June 149", 230: they are
believed to have warned Camerino
(the bearer of the Hull of excom-
munication) not to enter the city,
2 }3 ; are defeated in successive
elections during the .summer and
autumn I4')7 by a coalition ol
1'alleschi with Frateschi. 254: have
places on a hybrid committee. 31 S :
according to Cosci and l.tipi would
never have- been so bitter, tint for S.,
170 iii'ti- : an objectionable nickname.
315 //,'/,
Arrest of Savonarola and F. Domenico,
3(uf., 370; of F. Salvcstro, 363.
370: ol nineteen others, 370: of
1). Ma//inghi, 370 note
Arrighi, Giovanni, speech in debate, 373
Artists, activity of under Sixtus IV.
anil Innocent VIII., 23; inlluenced
by S., 37 note
Ascension Day 1497, outrage in the
Cathedral on, sermon interrupted,
etc., 231, 254, 349 ; S. inhibited from
preaching after, 230
Ascetical System, Savonarola's, com-
pared with the " Spiritual Exercises,''
31 ; and s. vv. Rigorism, hasting,
etc.
Ash Wednesday 1496, sermon on,
200
Astrology, folly of, 55
Athanasius, S., his sufferings for justice'
.sake, 237
Attestation of " process," Savonarola's,
garbled by Ser Ceccone. 421
Augustine, S., careful lo read the works
of his adversaries, 291
Austerity of life, Savonarola's, 440; al
S. Marco, 103
Avignon under the Popes, called
" Babylon " by Petrarch, 9
" BAIIYI.ON " in the Apocalypse,
medkeval interpretation ol, 9
" Balia,'' administrative authority of a
provisional kind, 150
Baldo, Ser, speech of, in debate, 309
Ballads ("sonecti") in derision of
Alexander VI., 300
Ballerini, Antonio (S.J.), moral theo-
logian, on unjust censures, 245 I. note
Bnndella (or Bandello), Fra \'inctn/o,
Prior of S. Marco, and allcrwaid.s
(ieneral of Dominicans, 10 its/, , 1 1
Banishment, decree of, against Savona-
rola, attempt to procure, 233 ; passed
during the riot, 355; against 1'iero
de' Medici, and his brother, Cardinal
Giovanni, i>i. 107; against Fr.i
Niccolo da Milanoand others, 371)
Bankrupts, >piiitiul, 2iS
Barba, Fra Mariano della, da (Jenna/-
/ano, preaches at Florence 1482. his
style described by I'olitian. u t. ;
replies to S. in the pulpit, 77 If. : an
exchange of Courtesies, his chaiactci,
7<) : present with I.oren/o de' Medici
in his list illncs>, Si : invited to
preach at Ferrata, oo f. ; preaches
there in successive years, rind also in
Koine, 78 /AW: stiis up the Pope
against S., 232 : >aid to have spoken
insolently of the Pope, and to have
been reproved by S.. j;>, 201 ;
became C ieneral ol the Augiistinians,
7"
" Barbarians, Cod's," 283
''Barbers," many, to be sent by Cod
against Italy ^in allusion to Isaiah vii.
20), 139 and nsff, 418
4-46
INDEX
"Barbers and clerks" among the
signers of the "subscription," 402
Bardi, Agnolo de', speech of. in debate,
336.
Bargello, the, Florentine prison, 357
Barricades on occasion of the ordeal,
339
Barry, Dr William, on Sixtus IV., etc.
l6f.
Bartoli, Fra Girolamo, companion of
Fra Domenico at Prato, dissuades
him from accepting challenge to
ordeal, 327
Bartolini, G. B., speech of, in debate,
314
Basso, Girolamo, Cardinal, 19 note
Bastard princes, an age of, 2 note, 24
note
Bastiano da Firenzuola, Ser, son-in-
law of Alessandro Bracci, corresponds
with Bracci concerning Savonarola,
417, 428; a letter from him gives
occasion to the " subscription," 404
Battista da Firenze, Fra (alias Battista
Antonii), letter of S. to, 89 note;
proposes and carries the incorporation
of S. in the community of S. Marco,
1 02
Bayonne, E. Ceslas (O. P. ), on the pro-
phetical claim of S., 49
Becchi, Ricciardo, Florentine ambas-
sadoratRome, 198, 202; hiscredulity,
234 ; not greatly trusted by S., 417 ;
letters from, 203 ft"., 225 ff., 234, 257,
259, 264
Bell, the, of the Palazzo, tolled to
summon a Parlamento, 130, 150;
of S. Marco, tolled during the riot to
summon help, 358 and note
Bellarmine, Robert, Cardinal, con-
troverts an opinion of Gerson, 251
Benedetto da Ferrarossa, Ser, one of
the notaries employed to supervise
the ''subscription," 402, 404
Benedetto da Firenze, Fra, the sole
authority for Savonarola's disappoint-
ment in love, 4 ; one of Savonarola's
distinguished converts, 37 ; gives the
names of the Committee appointed to
supervise the ordeal, 346; his action
during the riot, 360; his account of
the process of S., 407, 424, 435;
his " Cedrus Lilian!," 103, 359 ff. ;
his " Yulnera diligentis," 326 note.
See also the Bibliographical List, s. n.
Benedict, S., alleged to have publicly
uttered prophecies, 58; will descend
upon his Order, 288
Benedict XIV. Pope (Prospero Lam-
bcrtini), his " catalogue of Saints,"
etc., his opinion on the condemnation
of S., 441 f.
Benedictine monasteries, S. Giustina
and others, reformed, 248
Benivieni, Domenico, advises S. con-
cerning his preaching, 78 ; his ac-
count of the death of Lorenzo de'
Medici, 83 note
Benivieni, Girolamo, influence of S.
over, 37 ; consults S. on the issue of a
Medicean plot, 230; his letteis a
source of information on the ordeal,
326 note, 327, 332 ; S. confides to him
his project of writing to the
Sovereigns of Europe, 420 ; men-
tioned among the leading adherents
of S. , 414
Bentivoglio, Ercole, S. intercedes for,
with Valori to get for him a military
command, 416.
Bentivoglio, Giovanni, Lord of Bologna,
opposes the separation of S. Marco
from the Lombard Congregation,
96 : his tyranny, he puts to death a
local prophet, 129 note; probably
the instigator of a murder at Ferraru,
89 note; promises his services to
P. de' Medici, 195 note ; is amused
at the "astuteness" of S., 202; his
good offices on behalf of S. are asked
by the Florentine Ten, 322 ; is glad
to find S. in grave difficulties, 323 f. ;
Cambini goes on an embassy to him,
and is questioned by him about S.,
401
Bentivoglio, Madonna, behaves in-
solently to S. at Bologna, and is said
to have plotted his murder. 88 f.
Berlinghieri, Giovanni, one of the
Signory, has possession of Savona-
rola's autograph deposition, but will
show it to no one, 408
Berlinghieri, Madonna, persuaded by
P. degli Albert! to destroy the auto-
graph deposition of S., 408 note
Bernardino da Felt re, S. expelled from
Florence for preaching against usury,
74 f.
Bernardino da Siena, S. organises a
" bonfire of vanities, "41 : his preach-
ing does not afford a true parallel
with that of S., 311
Bets laid on S. preaching, or refraining
from preaching, on Ascension Day
1497 : Ihey are declared null, 231
Bellini, family, five members of, at S.
Marco, 103
"Bianchi," the "Whites," 175 note;
a political party in Florence, 161.
And s. v. " Frateschi"
INDEX
447
Bibbiena, Dominican convent near, 109
Bibbicna, 1'iero, secretary to P. dc'
Medici, 123
" Bigi," "the Greys," political party
at Florence, their name implies a
middle position Between the Bianchi,
or popular party, and the Neri, or
advocates of a " govcrno stretto,"
161 ; they profess friendship for S.,
ihid. and note ; S. protests against
the use of the name, 175 note; they
again make common cause with the
Frateschi after 1'iero's attempt to
enter Florence in 1497, 261 (" Hisi ''
,v/V). And s. v. " Palleschi "
Bisclomini, \ aggia, reputed prophetess,
alleged dealings of S. with, 427
Blasphemy, severe penalties for, ad-
vocated by S., 46; to he put down
by public authority at I'rato, 207 note :
recrudescence of at Florence, 213
lilood of Christ, the, profaned at Rome,
392
" Blood, the price of," 348
Bologna, Savonarola at, 6, 10, 88
Bonciani, Simone, speech of, in debate,
373. 3&>
"Bonfire of Vanities," the, 40 f., 199,
284, 301
"Bonfire, a good" (/.<. Savonarola's
execution), said to have been promised
by Komolino, 383
Boni, Lionello, supplies arms to S.
Marco, 352 note ; his account of the
riot, 353 note ; his deposition, 396
Boniface VIII., Pope, and Jacopone da
Todi, 286
Uonsi, Domenico, one of the Ac-
coppiatori, induced by S. to resign
office, 413, cf. 165; signs the "Sub-
scription," 402 ; Florentine ambas-
sador at Rome, 270; attack upon
his house, 298 ; is at cross-purposes
with the Ten, 299; is much impressed
by the readiness of many to undergo
the Ordeal on behalf of S., 333 f.,
347; relations with S. 414. 416 f.;
letters from, 270!'., 297 ft'., 301,
304 f., 306 f., 319(1.
Borgia, Piero, Duke of Gaiulia, son of
Alexander VI., his murder. 255 f. ;
alluded to in Savonarola's words,
"one has lost his son,' 1 278, r/'. ^04
Botticelli, Sandro (alias Filipepi),
Florentine painter, convivial meet-
ings held at his studio, 345
Botticelli. Simone, s. v. Filipepi, S.
Bracci, Alessandro, Florentine ambas-
sador at Rome, 225 f., 232 : a "stout
ambassador with a thin commission,''
226 ; communicates with S., 417 ; a
letter from him gives occasion to the
"subscription," 404; letters from,
226, 257 f., 260 f.
Brescia, Savonarola at, 14, 411; the
Podesta of (a story), 281 ; A. da
Marescotti, Podesta of, 416
" Bricks without straw," 290
Brief, Papal ; E.\i^it vest me- devotioni.^
22nd May 1493 (separation of S.
Marco), 97
Inter cctcros, 2 1st [uly 1495
(S. summoned to Rome), 180
- (Juia di't'ini coiisilii, 8th
September 1495 (-^- Marco reunited
to Lombard Congregation), 184
Quant iiin/ta ct raria, 9th
September 1495 ( on same subject), 1 86
Licet itbcriits, l6th October
1495 (^- inhibited from preaching),
'93
Reformat ioni ct
7th November 1496 (erection of new
Congregation), 213 ft'.
CHI/I .\'i/yV a (/iianiplttriinis,
1 3th May 1497 ; S. excommunicated,
235 <"
Intelltgtuites, supcrioribus
tcinporilnis;, 26th February 1498 (S.
to be sent to Rome), 300 I.
hxpcftanlibns iiobif, 91)1
March 1498 (the Signory blamed for
supporting S.), 305
Zf.r oratorc afnd //i us
dilectitni fiiiitni.
same date (commissaries appointed),
383
fioniiiiimac KiJfiHptor \ Brief
of Clement XIV. referred to\ 22\
Brigit, S.. her prophecies. 58. 09 //<'/<
Brissonnet. (iuillamme, Bishop of S.
Main, 41 ^, referred to as "Cardinal
of Bourses" (but lie \va> Archbishop
of Rheims. ami the Aiihbi>hop .if
Bourges was not a Cardinal. . f. ( \-.\\n-.
.V< TICS Episc(tf*ariini ./cril>ed asa,
I'.runetti. Giovanni, speech of, in debate,
3 ' 3
" lUill to authorise a virtuous life, a,"
wanted, 285
448
INDEX
Bull, Papal, Exccrabilis (Pius II. for-
bids appeal from Pope to Council),
43, 43 2
In minoribus agfntcs (Pius
II. retracts opinions held before
election), 430 ;/io (Julius II.
declares simoniacal election invalid),
430 f-
Huongirolami, (iiovanni, declines to
sign the "subscription/' 402
Buonvicino, Fra Donienico, da Pescin,
takes a leading part in the reforma-
tion of the children of Florence, 43 ;
enjoys the confidence of S., 390, 420,
423 ; not employed as confessor, 423,
426 ; preaches at Prato, 326 ; accepts
challenge to an ordeal to take place
there, 327; preaches in the Duomo
at Florence, ibid. : a " presumptuous
and loutish preacher," 323 ; being
again challenged (as is alleged) pub-
lishes his " conclusions/' and deposits
them with lheSignory,329; is selected
to undergo the ordeal, 331 ; invites
volunteers, 330 and note ; presents
himself for the ordeal, 341 f. ; pro-
poses to enter the fire bearing the
consecrated Host, 343 : defends his
purpose, and declares it to have been
inspired by God, 344, 404^ ; his
conduct during the riot, 354, 359 ;
his arrest, 362. 370 ; his trial, 3641!,
405 f. ; his autograph deposition, and
his testimony concerning the alleged
revelations of S. and Fra Salvestro,
386 ff. ; his character as described by
K. Ubaldini, 390 ; as exhibited under
examination, 405 f. ; proposal to send
him back to S. Marco repudiated by
the community, 378 ; Romo'ino sug-
gests that lie may be spared, but
consents (as is alleged) to his death,
384 ; report of papal commissaries
on, 436 ; execution of, 438
Burlamacchi, Pacific > (O.P.). ''Life of
Savonarola" ascribed to him, 4, 9,
78, and/w.v.v/w. (See Bibliographical
List, s. n.)
Bussino, Fra Tommaso ((). P.), ordered
to return to Lombardy with S., 1 86
CAI.AIIKIA, Alfonso, Duke of, 96, 122 ;
;ind s. v. Alfonso
Calumnies, alleged, against Savonarola,
197, 2O2
Cambi, (iiovanni, tried and executed
for Mcdicean plot, i6Sf.
Cambi, (iiovanni, "di Niccolo," speech
of, in debate, 312; employed by
Savonarola to write to the Emperor
on the affair of the Council, 419
Cambi, Guido, speech of, in debate, 313
Cambini, Andrea, ambassador to
Bologna, 401 ; acts as agent for
Valori, 398 ff., 414; dissuades from
provision of arms for defence of S.
Marco, 353 ; his house attacked
during the riot, 351, and looted,
358; his deposition, 398 ff., 404
Camerino, G. da ; s. v. Gianvittorio
da Camerino
Canacci. Giovanni, speeches of, in
debate, 309, 334, 383
Canigiani, Antonio, candidate for office
of Gonfaloniere, 401 ; speeches of, in
debate, 313, 334 ; frequently visited
by Valori, 399
Canon Law, the excommunication of
S. in the light of, 239, 242 IT. ;
"Canon Law and common sense,"
273 f -
Canons of Cathedral at Florence, un-
wise action of on day of riot, 349
Canonisation, S. alleged to have been
deemed worthy of, 442
Canonists, opinions of, on unjust ex-
communication, etc., 241 ff. ; on
validity or nullity of simoniacal
election to Papacy, 431 f. note
Cante, Bernardo da, gives information
of intended attack on S. Marco,
352 note.
Canti, Piero, speech of, in debate, 314
" Capannucci,'' /.(. carnival bonfires
in use at Florence, 40
j Capecelatro, Cardinal, on Savonarola,
145
Capital punishment, the legal penalty
for Savonarola's acts, 382
Cappelli, Antonio, his collection of
documents, 39 and notes passim :
see Bibliographical List
Capponi, Giovanni, helps to fnrni>h
arms to S. Marco, 352 note
Capponi, (iirolamo, speech of, in debate,
334
Capponi, Piero, declares P. de' Medici
incapable of government, 126 ; is
opposed to vindictive measures, 148
note : one of the speakers in Guicciar-
dini's dialogue, Del ]\e^iniento di
J'iirif.e, 167 tti'/i- ; alleged to be
ill disposed towards the Consiglio
(irande, but defended by S., 397 ;
Sjjcech of, in debate, on gravity of
papal censuies, 202 f.
Caratfa, Olivieri, Cardinal, Archbishop
of Naplcs(commonly called "Napoli '
in contemporary letters), is solicited
INDEX
Caraffa, Olivieri, Cardinal continued
by the Signory to procure the separa-
tion of S. Marco from the Lomb.
Congr., 96 f. ; and lo promote the
extension of the reform, 104 ff. ; and
lo procure permission for S. lo preach,
198 ; he procures the Brief of Separa-
tion, 195 ; and is believed lo have-
obtained permission for S. to preach,
199, 202; is appointed Vicar of the
new Congr., 214 ff., 249 ; and lakes
the matter in hand, 22t, 227, 252,
257 f. ; said lo have been instru-
mental in procuring the excommuni-
cation, 234; is appointed one of the
commission of reform at Rome, 259
((/. 261), 271 ; S. regards him as a
friend, but does not place much con-
fidence in him, 423; said to have
written to him, 428
"Cardinal or Pope, greater than,"
Savonarola's alleged ambition to be,
420
Cardinals, the Roman, opinions of
concerning S., 194, 201, 203 f. ;
concerning the ordeal, 347 ; dealings
of S. with, very few, 423, 428 ; he is
accused of speaking ill of, 204 ff.
Cardinal's hat, alleged offer of, to S.,
210 and note; rejected with scorn,
ibid.
Careggi, Lorenzo de' Medici's villa, Si
" Carnascialeschi, Canti," i.e. licentious
Carnival songs, 40 f.
Carnesecchi, Piero, speech of, in de-
bate, 312
Carnival, the, at Florence, 40 f. ; in
1496, 198 f. ; in 1497, 224; in 1498,
282, 284, 301, 391
Casanova, 1'".., and Villari, P., character
of their " Scella ili Prediche," etc.,
27
" Casket, the opening of the," 418
Castiglione, , Milanese ambassador
at Florence, a letter of, 179 ./'. 104
note
Catherine de' Ricci, S., s. v. Ricci
Catherine of Siena, S., her prophecies,
58, 69 note
Cattani, Niccolo, 261
"Cattivi/' /.(. "the \\icked," stig-
matised by S., 32, 289; and s. v.
"Tristi"
Cavalcanti, Bartolommeo, gives notice
of intended attack on S. Marco. 352
Ceccone, Ser ; s. v. Francesco di Ser
Barone, Ser
" Cedrus Lilian!,'' the, a poem by Fr.i
Benedetto da Fircn/e, 10^, 350 ft".
Censures, Papal, practical importance
of, 203, 311 ff. ; declared invalid
in advance by S., 220; law of
obedience to, conditions of validity,
etc., 243(1. ; Signory absolved from,
372; they set k and obtain a fuller
absolution, 373 II. : and s. vv. K\-
communication, Inieidict
Ceremonies, ecclesiastical, Savonarola',
opinion- on, 32 f., 275 ; no\el
devised by him, 33; and s. \v.
I Jancc, Procession, Litanies
Cerrelani, Bartolommeo, his chronicle,
119, 125, 346, 357 //,-/,
Cerretani, Giovanni, declines to sign
the "subscription,'' 402
Certainty, subjective, of S. relative to
his visions, etc., 52, 65, 275 f. , 283 f ,
290, 412; of Fra Domcnico, 344,
386 f., 404 f.
Challenge to Cod, 66 f. : and s. vv.
Adjuration, Miracle; to ordeal,
337 ff., 420
Charity, commended byS.. 153, 294 f.;
the "forma" of religious life, 218;
the end or purpo-e of all ceremonies,
of all theology, etc., 275
Charles VIII., hi., invasion of Italy
marks a new era, 113: he is hailed
beforehand by S. as the new Cyrus,
114: his negotiations for a passage
through Italy, 1 10 : crosses the Alps,
sack of Rapallo, 12O; pretext for the
expedition, 121 ; motives and in-
tentions, 122: is met by P. ile'
Medici, 123: and by Savonarola,
127; at Florence. 132: departs
thence, 133: rapid conquest of
Naples. I 14. 117, 137: inglorious
return, 117, 155, 1 >7 : sho\\s favour
to I', de' Medici. 137: rough aiisuer
to Florentine envoy-., t''i:i. ; met by
S. at Poggibonsi. 138; delusive hopes
in. 140, 2ii. 224: sends assistance
to Florentines, 223 : S. said to have
preached against, 130; declared by
him to be not yet " repprobato,"
i;6 f., 224: leltei, of S. to, 14! It'..
325,388, 391 I. .415. 410: hevoueh-
sales no reply, 41^: death of. 303:
and s. v. Alliance, French : Invasion,
French
('hasti-cmems predicted or ihre.Uencd
by S.. 40. 201. 200, 38(1. 411 : and
s. v. Tribulation
Chiereg.ito, I.ionello. Bishop of Con-
cordia, thanked by the Pope lor
having preached against S., 434 nc'f
Children, reform ol. .it Floience, ,2,
43 II., i<>S t. : I.anducci on, 100:
collection ot alm> by, 44 I., 202 :
450
INDEX
Children f Innocent VIII., 23 ; marriage of,
with Maddalena do' Medici, 23 note
" Cimento," the, 338 ; and s. v. Oideal
Cini, Francesco, one of the Eight in
May 1498, absent when S. is con-
demned, 371 note
Cinozzi, Girolamo, 394
Cino/.zi, I'iero, deposition of, 394, 414
Cino/zi, Placido, his biographical sketch
of S., 9, 12, 37, 43, f., 77, 326 note,
374 f. note
Cioni, Ser Filippo, a notary charged
to supervise the " Subscription,"
402, 404
"Cito et velociter," the Church to be
reformed, etc., 63, 87, cf. 292, 439
Cittadella, Luigi Nap., on genealogy
of Savonarola family, 4
" Civilta Cattolica," the, on the ex-
communication, 241 note
Claiming and disclaiming, 190 ; and
s. v. Contradictory Statements, etc.
Clement NIV. , Pope, suppression of
Society of Jesus by, 221
Clergy, reprehension of by S., 154,
209, 228, 289 f. , 392, and s. v.
Rome ; bad, to be expelled. 209, 278,
280
Codiponte, Fra S. da, s. v. Stefano da
Codiponte
Coincidences, remarkable historical,
140 note
" Collcgio," the, a consultative com-
mittee at Florence, consisting of the
Signory and the twelve '' Uuoni
I'omini," 150, 163, 175, 317, 324,
334
Colonna family, feuds of, in Rome, 23
Commines (or Comines) Philippe de,
his memoirs, 116 note
Commissaries, Papal, to try Savonarola,
appointed, 383 ; examination of S.
by, 421 ff. ; Yillari on the "vain
efforts "of, 429: their letter report-
ing the result of the trial, 434 ft.;
their action discussed, 368, 429 f.,
432 ff. ; and s. v. Romolino, F. ;
Torriano, G.
Commission of Reform, appointed by
Alexander VI. in June 1497, 259,
261, 264
Commission, special, to examine the
case of S. (i) at Rome in 1496, 204 ;
(2) at Florence, in 1498, 315 ; (3)
in 1554, under Paul IV. , 429 note;
to examine S. personally, at Florence,
1498, 37of.
Committee of Public Safety at Florence,
1497, 233; to supervise the ordeal,
1498, 346
" Compagnacct," the, a political faction
or association at Florence, their out-
rage in the Duoino on Ascension
Day 1497, 231 ; their attempt to
disturb the Carnival procession, etc.,
284, 301 ; their presence at the
ordeal, 340 ; regarded by Pulinari as
a protection provided by God (!), 340
note ; said to have intended a violent
attack on S., etc., 345 ff. ; their
action in promoting the riot, etc.,
349 ff. (ch. xx. passim]
"Compendium Revelationum," the,
30, 49 ff., 115, 118, 124, 129, 182,
411
Complicity, loose notions of, 436, and
,/: 1 68
" Conclusions," Savonarola's famous,
27, 52, 439; Fra Domcnico's, 329,
337
Confession, Sacramental, alleged use
of knowledge acquired in, 379, 434 ff.,
435 and note ; misleading terminology
with reference to, 379 f. , 425 f.
Congregations of the Dominican Order,
relation of, to Provinces, 90 note, 92
note, 1 10, 214 note ; (i ) the Lombard,
61, 90, 97ff, 105, 191, 193, 195, 2i4f.,
220, 389, 418; (2) the Tuscan, 109,
191 : (3) of S. Marco, 89, 91 ff.,
101 ff., 378, 389 ; (4) the Roman and
Tii-can, 214, 220, 227, 236, 238, 241,
248, 250, 264, 275
Conjecture and prophecy, 69
Conscience, God alone the judge of,
160
"Consiglio Maggiore,'' the, at Flor-
ence, recommended by S., after the
Venetian model, 156; the project
supported by Soderini. and ny the
Ten, 157 f.; established, 157 f.: its
character, not purely democratic,
1 3$ f. : right of appeal to, 164; S.
magnifies the authority of 166;
defends his action with reference to,
INDEX
45'
"Consiglio Maggiore " continued
211 ; deplores the admission of un-
worthy members, 222 ; age of ad-
mission to, lowered, 224
"Consiglio degli Ottanta," tlic Floren-
tine Senate under the new constitu-
tion, i63f. , 308
" Consiglio de' Kicliiesti " at Florence,
consisting of the Mighty and certain
magistrates holding places ex offieio,
308, 370
"Consiglio de' Settanta," the elective
Council under the rule of the Medici,
abolished, 151
Consistency of Savonarola's attitude to
Alexander VI., 239
Conspiracy (l) of the Pa/./.i in 1478,
20; (2) of F. Corbi/i and com-
panions in 1496, 168 note, ; (3) of
Mecliccans in 1497, 168 ft'.; and s. v.
Nero, Hcrnardo del
Constitution, the Florentine, 149 ft.,
157 IV.
Contempt of the Holy See, Savonarola's
alleged, 320
Continuity of Florentine constitution,
151 ; and of the foreign policy of the
republic, 150
Contradictions, Savonarola's, 190
Contumacy, Savonarola's alleged, 305 ;
and s. v. Disobedience
" Convcnticoli," secret political meet-
ings, denounced by S., 222, i/is, 430,
432 ; project for assembly of, to de-
pose Alexander VI., 121, 287, 525,
366 If., 375, 384, 419, 423,426ft.,
429 II.; ihi> the principal charge
against S., 366 f. , 369, 429 If.
Cowardice, precautions against, on
occasion of ordeal, 528
Creighlon, Mandell (see I'.ibliographical
List), opinions of mentioned, 14, 16,
1 8, 84
Criminal law, severity of, 366
Cunning, alleged, of S., 57
"Cyrus/' the new, i.e. Charles VIII.
of France, 114(1., i'7> '- 1
DANVKS, sacred, organised by S., 42 f . ,
284
Daniel, the Prophet, the seventy week--
made know n to, 57
" Dark sayings" of S.. 418
Dates, corrected or established, 14,
2b lU'ti, 184, lS6, 194, 2OO, 203 licit,
210 f. //('A'. 212, 224
Davanxati, Francesco, employed by
Savonarola to mike arrangements for
the ordeal. 338 ; helps to supply
arms to S. Marco. 352 ; dissuade* the
defenders from active hostilities, 354 ;
his deposition, 396
David, his dancing before the Ark, 45 :
his live stones, 279
Debates, " Practiche," in Collegio or
Consiglio cle'Richiesti, 125. 135.200.
2O2, 233, 260. 2S2. 302 I"., 3<_H) If.,
334 f-, 370- 373- 3 So '- 3^3 :
manner of conducting. 262
Decentralisation of ecclesiastical govern-
ment, 430
Decretals, the, 58. iSi
Delay in fulfilment of prophecy, 54
Deliverance, manifold, of Florence. 270
Delusion, probable, of S.. 51 if.. (14. 07,
137, 140. 177, loo. 260
Demoralisation, widespread, in Italy, 2.\
Denunciation, s. vv. Invective. Clergy
Deposition, the genuine. u| ' S. . g.ubled,
etc., 408!'.
Despots, Italian, 3 it,'-,-. 23 : ar.d s. v.
" Tyi.inis "
Destitution, at Florence. 34
Detachment, virtue of. inoulo.ital by
S.. 31
Deti, < 'rmano.'/o, sjx'eches .>f, \\\ debate,
3'5- 335
Deuteronomy, the Hook i>f. i)O
Devotion, faUe, stigmatised by S.,
244
INDEX
Diabolical agency, possibility of in
supposed private revelations, 55 > 7 1 >
but not postulated in the case of S.,
71
Dialogue, use of in sermons, by S.,
30: with ''the Tempter," 55 IT. :
with "human wisdom," 2/3 ; the
" Dyalogus de Yeritate Prophetica,"
51 ft'., 65 IT., 428 nolc: in Guicciardini,
"Del Reggimento di Firen/.e," 167
note : in \ ivoli's " Giornate," and in
Fra Benedetto's " Yulnera diligentis,"
409 note
" Dieci," the, Florentine magistracy,
s. v. " Ten, the "
Dino, Uino di, writes to S. from Rome,
417
Dino, Giovanni di, suggested as can-
didate for office of Gonfaloniere, 401
Dino (or Dini), Jacopo di, employed
by S. to arrange benches in the
Duomo, 417
Diplomatic correspondence, s. vv.
Becchi, Bonsi, Bracci, Costabili,
Manfredi, Somenzi, Taverna, Tran-
chedino
Disappointment, Savonarola's, in love,
5: at failure in the pulpit, 13; at
failure of Charles VIII. to carry out
the work of reformation, etc., 137
Disobedience, Savonarola's, 191, 204.
216, 268, 272, 277, 416, 440; and
see Analytical Table of Contents,
especially chaps, x.-xii., xiv. , xv.
Dispensations, alleged invalidity of,
221
" Dispregio del Mondo, del,'' Savona-
rola's tract, 6 f.
Dissensions at Florence, ascribed to S.,
203, 426
Doctrine of S., iSS, 193, 252, 281, 302 :
and s. v. Orthodoxy
Doge, Venetian, nothing corresponding
to in new Florentine constitution,
171 f. : an equivalent sought in the
" Gonfaloniere a vita," appointed in
1502, 172 and ;/<>/< : alleged design of
S. to gain this position for Valori, 413
Dogs, the, of the clergy, 289
Domenico Buonvicino da I'escia, Fra,
s. v. " Buonvicino ''
Domenico da Pon/.o, Fra (O.F.M.),
opposes the projected law of appeal,
161 ft". ; personal rivalry of with S.,
who-c prophetical mission he denies,
162 If. and nolcf : and assures the
people that they have been deceived,
165 f. ; the affair referred to by con-
temporary writers, 164 note
"Dominedio, Mcs>er," 388, 394
Dominic, S. , 102, 288
Dreams, Salvestro's, 388, 390, <;/. 412
Dress, regulations for, suggested by S.,
39
"Drunken counsel," the, of 1". de'
Medici, 1 14 f.
" Dyalogus de Ycritate Prophetica,"
the, 51 II., 65 IV., placed on the Index,
5 1 , 429 note
FASTER, 1498, torture of S. continued
during, 371, 373
" Egyptians," the, enemies of Savona-
rola likened to, 289
' Fight, the,'' Florentine magistracy,
their olficc, 150 ; said to have stopped
a Pope's messenger, 203 ; members
of implicated in a sacrilegious outrage,
231; hostile to S., 233; the whole
Board attends sermons of S., 302 ;
deposed as too friendly to S., and
fresh Board elected, 370; 15. Inghir-
lami a member of, 398
"Eighty, the/'s. v. " Consiglio degli
Ottanta "
" Elect of Cod, the," their office to
enlighten the Church, 144
Elections at Florence, manner of, partly
by sortilege, 149, 158; alleged can-
vassing for, by Friars of S. .Marco
and supporters of S., 284, 395, 414,
418, 431
" Elements," corrupted, 287
Eloquence, Savonarola's, 440
Embassy of Savonarola to Charles
VIII., 1 27 ft". ; second embassy, the
meeting at Poggibonsi, 138
Emperor, s. v. Maximilian
" Enchantment,'' precautions against,
at the ordeal, 343
Enemies of Savonarola, 281, 365
Enthusiasm, religious, on occasion of the
ordeal, 333
Epiphany, 1497, celebration on the,
272
Equivocation, alleged, of S. under
examination. 413
Era, a new, proclaimed by S., 273,
,277
Error, serious, of S., 433, 440 ;
"vincible" and "invincible," 243,
252 : " intolerable," term in use
among canonists, 246 If.
Escort, Savonarola's, 194, 196, 345,
352 note
Espionage, exercised by children under
direction of S., 46
d'Este, Borso, Duke of Ferrara,
splendour of his court, 3 ; patron of
Michele Savonarola, I, 2 //<>/<, 3
INDEX
453
d'Este, Ercole, Duke of Ferrara, his
war with Venice, II ; invites l''ra
Mariano to preach at Ferrara, 90 ;
opposes separation of S. Marco from
Lombard Congregation, 96 ; declines
to enter the League, 134 ; seeks
advice of S. as to relations with
Charles VIII., 136 f. ; warns S. not
In lie compromised by dealings with
the French, 223 ; advised by S., 224 ;
alleged to have visited Florence
to hear S., 227 ; intercedes for
Medicean conspirators, 267 ; praised
by S. for maintaining a peaceful
policy, 269; is indignant at the
dedication to himself of Pico's
"Apology" for S., 321 f. ; referred
to in the deposition of S., 416 ;
letters from, to S., 26^; to Felino
Sandeo, 321 ; to the Pope, 322
d'Este, Lionello, Marquis of Ferrara,
patron of Michele Savonarola, i, 2
note
d'Fste, Niccolo, Marquis of Ferrara, in-
vites Michele Savonarola to court, I
Eucharist, the Holy, Savonarola on,
35, 56 ; and s. v. Host, consecrated ;
Sacrament, etc.
Evidence, circumstantial, required as
a condition of examination under
torture, 422
Exaggerations, Savonarola's alleged,
32, 38, 294 ; and s. vv. Rigorism ;
Invective, etc.
Examination of S. and his companions
to be held secretly, 370; its course,
372 ff., garbling of evidence, etc.,
407 ff. ; second examination, 376 ;
third examination, before papal com-
missaries, 377 IV. (.see Analytical Table
of Contents, chap. xxi. and xxiii. ) : of
oilier prisoners, 385 If. (see Contents, j
chap, xxii.)
Example, evil, the tyranny of, 34
Exchequer, Florentine, exhausted stale
of, 211 ; and s. v. Taxes
" Excommunicate of dod," 275 f. :
" excommunicate with Christ." 270 :
"excommunicate in name," 2X5
F.xcommunication of Savonarola, pie-
sentiment of, 200 ; declared invalid
beforehand, 2i<) (o, 265, 273!'.,' 277,
300 f., 327, 392, 410: to maintain
its validity alleged to be heresy (M.
280; prophecies fulfilled by. 2 So
Excommunications cheap to-da\ ! 283
Excuses, Savonarola's, 181 ff. , 194
Execution of S., etc., 380(1., 428
Exiles, 147, 173; and s. vv. Amnesty,
Banishment
Exodus, sermons on, 286 If.
Expulsion of clergy proposed by S.,
209, 278, 280
Extravagant language of S., 166
E/echiel, sermons on, 222
F//elino da Romano. I
FACTIONS at Florence, 211, and s. v.
Parties
Faith, (he habit of, and belief in
prophecy, 59, 68, 189 ; joy of death
in, 260; a chief gift of God, 266;
a participation in the divine immuta-
bility, 293!.; in S., breakdown of,
, 37 6 ( r -
False information, 192, 219; and s. v.
Calumny, etc.
Falsified evidence, 369, 374 f., 407 f. ;
and s. v. Process
Famine at Florence, 211, 213
Fasting, Savonarola's counsel on, 39, ff.
265 : in preparation for ordeal, 338
Fathers of the Church referred or
appealed to, 28, 59, 237
" Fattoraccio, Fra." nickname of Era
Domenico Buonvicino, 387
Ferdinand of Aragon, and Isabella of
Castile, draft letter of S. to, 325
Ferrante I. (of Aragon) King of Naples,
his death predicted by S., the pre-
diction fulfilled, "6 : opposes the
separation of S. Marco from Lombard
Congregation, 96: his death ascribed
to alarm at the approach of Charles
VIII., 117 note
Ferrante II. (of Aragon). King of
Naples, succeeds Alfonso II., 117
;/.'/< : joins the League, 133
Ferrara, condition of, iff. , 6: S.
preaches at, it : war \\ith Venice,
11, 21 : pacific policy of, 134. 269
l-'enaross.i, See Benedetto da, s. v.
Benedetto d.i F.
Ferrer, S. Vincent, 58
Fiesole, Dominican convent at, united
\\ith S. Marco, lot, 104, ioo, no
Filipepi ( ( ;//.;.c Botticelli^. Simone, his
clr.onicle (see Bibliographical List),
37, 207. 330 ;.v.Y, 343, etc.
" lire horn heaven." called for by S.,
28;
iiren/uola, Ser Ba^iano da: >. v.
Bastiano da F.
Firen/uob, Fra RatVaelle da : s. v.
Rattaellc da V .
Flattery of Florentine people, by S.
454
INDEX
Flattery continued
72, 156: of Alexander VI. by brethren
of S. Marco, 378
Florence, constitution of, 148 fl. ; bless-
ings of, as rehearsed by S., 73 no!c :
the centre or watchtower of Italy,
50, 72, 156, 209; manifold deliverance
of. 212 f., 279; flatter)- of, by S., s. v.
Flattery ; prosperity of. predicted by
S., 62. 143 and note, 386 ; said to be
governed by S. and a troop of
children, 134, 203 f. , 227 ; dissensions
in, ascribed to S., 164 note, 176 note,
194 ft., 203 f., etc. ; the imputation re-
pelled, byS. , 192, and by the Ten, 227
" Folly, holy," 43
Forbearance, need of, under new con-
stitution, 170: of Alexander VI.
towards S., 201
Forged letter of S. to Charles VIII.
waylaid, 212 and note
Forged process, s. vv. Process, Falsified
Evidence
Fortini, Tommaso, speech of, in debate,
3'4
Fortresses, cession of by P. de 1 Medici
to Charles VIII., 123 : popular
indignation at, 124
"Forum internum et externum," in
Canon Law, etc.. 245 f.
France, Florentine alliance with, sup-
ported by a strong party, I22f. :
favoured by S., I34f. , 142, 209,
223; complained of, by Alexander
VI., 203, 226, 270, 298
Francesco del Pugliese disapproves the
"subscription," but signs it, 404;
employed to write to England on
behalf of the projected Council, 419 ;
takes up arms in defence of S. Marco,
" panting like a bull," 391
Francesco di Puglia, Fra (O.F.M.)
challenges Fra Domenico to an ordeal
at Prato, but leaves the city before the
time, 326 f. ; repeats his challenge at
Florence. 327 ; deposits his challenge
with the Signory, but declines to enter
the fire with any one but S. himself,
329: sentence of banishment against,
in case of failure, 337 ; arrives on the
scene, 341 ; negotiations as to con-
ditions of ordeal, 343: his motives
discussed, 332, 345 f. (,/. 327 not,-, 328
nolf] ; is thanked, with his brethren,
by the Pope, and they are rewarded
by the Signory, 348
Francesco di Ser Barone, Scr (commonly
rilled " Srr Ceccone "), falsifies the
deposition of S., 365, 369, 374, 404,
407!., 421. 4>>: and s. v. Process
Francis. S., Christ spoke to, 56; will
descend upon his Order, 288 ; invoked
by Dominicans at ordeal, 342
Franciscans, some friendly to Savona-
rola, 266, 331 ; of S. (We, their
behavioural the ordeal, 338, 342, 344,
346 f.
" Frataccio, Uno (one beggarly friar
more or less)," 384
" Frateschi," party-name at Florence,
,254, 3'5. 320, 339 f., 345>. 35 f -
French invasion, s. v. Invasion
"Friar Florence," 289
" Friar" sauce, 222
"Friar you," my fellow - citizens are
the," 287
Fulfilment of prophecy, s. v. Prophecy
Functions contrived by S., 33; and
s. v. Ceremonies
" Fuorusciti, Potenti," "the plague of
powerful exiles," 147 ; and s. v.
Exiles
GAI.I.O, S., s. v. San Gallo
Gambling at Florence, 45 ft"., 213; at
Prato, 207 note
Gandia, Duke of, s. v. Borgia, Piero
Genesis, sermons on, 118, and s. v. Ark
Gennazzano, Fra M. da, s. v. Barba
Mariano della
Gerson, Johannes, on Prophecy, etc.,
66, 71 ; on limits of duty of obedience,
240, 25of.
Gherardi, Alessandro, his collection of
documents (see Bibliographical List),
14, and notes passim : dates corrected
by, s. v. Dates
Ghimenti, Michelc, citizen of Prato,
signs the "forma vivendi," 207
Ghivizzano, , Mantuan ambassador
at Florence, describes the reform
effected by S., 36, 38
Giacomo di Sicilia, Fra (O.P.), ap-
pointed to carry out project of new
Congregation, 216
Gianfigliazzi, Bartolommea, reputed
prophetess, 427
Gianfigliazzi, Jacopo, accompanies P. de'
Medici to the French camp. 123 note
Giannotti, Donato, on the Florentine
constitution, etc., 149
Gianviitorio da Camerino, 232, 257 ft.
letter of, 258
Gimignano, S., s. v. San Gimignano
Gini, Girolamo, takes the habit during
the Kiot, 361 ; his deposition, 353,
360 f.
" Giornate," the, of Lorenzo Vivoli (see
Bibliographical List), throws light on
the examination of S., 407 fl".
INDEX
Girnldi, Antonio, declines to sign the
"subscription," 403
Giugni, Filippo, declines to sign the
"subscription," 402
Giustina, S. , s. v. Santa Giustina
"Glory," the alleged motive of S., the
intentional ambiguity of the word,
410, 412
Gundi, Giuliano, speech of, in debate,
312
Gonfaloniere a vita, appointment of a,
at Florence, 1502, 172 ; alleged
design of S. to secure the appoint-
ment of Valori as, 413
Gonfaloniere di Giuslizia, the chief
magistrate at Florence, 149 ; and
s. vv. Yalori, Fr. ; Nero, 15. del ;
I'opolescbi, 1'.
Gon/aga, Cristofano, alleged intercession
of S. on behalf of, 416
"Good men,'' s. vv. " Buoni Uomini,"
and " Twelve, the "
"Good news from heaven," S. pro-
claims, 273, 279
Gordon, General, S. compared with,
439
Gossip, of Fra Salvestro, 390, 395 ; and
s. v. Marufli, Fra, S.
Government, Florentine, s. v. Con-
stitution, Florentine
" Governo Stretto," the name or de-
scription of the aristocratic polity of
pre-1 Medicean times, desired by many
after the expulsion of I', de' .Medici,
'57. 175. 413
"Gragnola," /.<. "Hail," S. likens his
preaching to, 291
" Gran maestri," 289 : three (Savona-
rola, Pomenico, and Salvestro) at
S. Marco, 389
"Gran maestro," A, i.e. the Pope, 285
" Grand!," s. v. "Ottimati"
Grauert, Pr Hermann, his opinion on
the validity of simoniacal election to
the Papacy, 430, 432 f.
"Gravity," in processions,recommendcd
by S. to children. 43, 284
"Great things in Italy,'' projected by
S., 420
( Iregorovius, Ferdinand, his opinion on
the League, 133
Gregory, S., will descend on Rome,
288; his charity to the poor. 201 :
his books in danger of being burnt
by Sabinianus, ibid.
"Greys," political pnity at Florence,
s. v. "Higi"
Grisar, Haitmrmn (S. I.), on lienedict
XIV. 's " Catalogue of Saints,' 1 etc.,
441.
G
ualterotti, Francesco, Florentine am-
bassador at Milan, 202 ; speech of,
in debate, 264, 312, 335 ; a. inciulxrr
of the committee t supervise the
< rdcal, 346; enumerated among the
chief supporters of S., 414
uasconi, (iioacchino, Floientine am-
bassador in France, 325; S. repeatedly
writes to him, 417; induces Ma/-
/inghi to \\rite to him, 325, 391,
419 ; his reply, 391, 393
uasti, Cesare, his opinion on the
invitation of S. to Lucca, 177
uicciardini, Francesco, averts the
complicity of Sixtus IV. in the con-
spiracy of the Pax/.i, 2O no/r- : char-
acter of his treatise," Pel Keggimento
di Firen/e," 167 note ; his " Piscorsi
sulle muta/.ione," etc., 149 note : his
views on the Florentine constitution,
chap. ix. passim (text and notes) ;
his account of the riot, 357 II.
uicciardini, Piero, one of the s|>eakers
in the dialogue "Pel Reggimento,"
etc., 167 note, 169; speech of, in
debate, 315
uidetti, Tommaso, 399
Guilty or not guilty?" not the issue
which the Papal Commissaries had
to try, 384,,;: 433.
" HAIL," " La gragnola," Savonarola's
description of his own preaching as
2<)I
Harlots, Roman, 201
Haste in examination of S. , 371
Hearers of Savonarola's prophecies are
believers therein, So
"Hell" " Mandami in inferno!"
2~\; ''I could tell you \\lio is in
h - ," 278
Hemy VII. of Fngland, letter to, 325,
410. 425: written because S. had
" beard that he was ag'nxl man," 4- }
Hereby, alleged, of Savonarola, 50,
204. 402. 4 J<), 438
Heretic, whoever maintains the validity
of the excommunicalion declared by
S. to be a. 280, 2Si, 435
lleiod, fullilled prophecy agnin-t hi-
\\ill, 237
Hilary, S., siifierings of, et.\, 237
Holy Week and Faster 1408. 371. 374
Host, consecrated, made instrument in
as>eveiation of alleged liuth. 275 ft..
343 f., 4:0, 435, and ;/.?/<
Humility, a tc^t of icvelntion, etc., 1>O,
153. 188. 251
Hungary. King of, S. writes IK, etc.,
325. 410. 423
456
INDEX
Hypocrisy of Alexander VI., suggested,
195
Hypocrites, the followers of S. called,
'289
" IDOLS of the Gentiles, the," 282
lesio, Francesco da, signs the " sub-
scription," 402
Ignatius of Loyola, S., his ascetical
system compared with that of S., 31 ;
importance attached by him to educa-
tion of youth, 45 ; on spiritual colour-
blindness, 52 f. note; will not allow
the works of S. in houses S.J., 441
Illegalities committed in the trial of
s., 365
Illuminism, a dangerous form of, 68
Illusion, possibility of diabolical.
recognised by S., 55 f. ; by Fra
Salvestro, 388
Imagination, scope given to. exposing
S. to danger of delusion, 30, 55
Immunities, ecclesiastical, must yield
before exigencies of charity, 209
Imposter ? was S. an, 51
Imprisonment, perpetual of S. proposed,
368, 433
Inconsistency of S., 190; and s. v.
Contradictions, Claiming and Dis-
claiming
Independence, prophetical, of S., 1 88,
305 ; and s. v., Mission, etc.
" Infidelity, constructive/' 430
Infidels, conquest of, hoped for by S.,
420
" Influence, the evil," to be resisted,
288
Inghirlami, Baldo, Dep., 354 f; arrest
of, 370 ; deposition of, 354 f.
Ingratitude of Florentine people to S.,
192, 2ii; of "Arrabbiati" and
" 1'alleschi '' in particular, 212 f.
Innocence, personal, of Savonarola in
his early religious life, IO ; so far as
grave sins are concerned, probably
to the end, 433
Innocent IV., I'ope, as canonist, on
the duty of obedience to ecclesiastical
superiors and limits thereof, 242,
247
Innocent VIII., Pope, his election, 21 ;
his character, 22; his reign, l6f.,
22 f . : his nepotism, 23; marriage of
his children, etc., itii">'<> 3 2 7, 350, 353 ff ~-> 3?6
Languages, Semitic, studied at S.
Marco, 103
Lapaccini, Ciuliano, former superior of
S. Marco, IO2
"Lawlessness in tlie Church," danger
of, 279
Laxity of religious orders, etc., 24, 105,
191, 218, 221, 275
Laymen, volunteer for ordeal, 331
" Lazarus come forth ! " 228 f.
League, of Sixtus IV. with Venice, 21 ;
"The Holy League" against Charles
VIII., e!o., 133, 176, 196, 203, 209,
211 f., 223, 226 f. 269 ; efforts of, to
secure the adhesion of S., 208 f. , 223 ;
S. fears the agents of, 416, cf. 182 f.
Leghorn, temporary cession of, to
Charles VIII., 123; the King sends
help to Florentines at, 223
Len/i, Lorenzo de', speeches of, in
debate, 262, 310, 336
Leo X., Pope, s. v. Medici, (liovanni
de', Cardinal
Letters to Princes, Savonarola's, 141 fi.,
325, 381 I"., 385, 390 ft'., 419, 423:
declared unconstitutional, 381 f., 385,
391. And s. vv. Charles VIII.,
Ferdinand, etc., Henry VII.. Maxi-
milian (Emperor), 1 lungaiy (King of),
d'Kste (K.), Sfor/a (L.)
Liberata, Liperata.s. v. Maria Liherata,
S.
Liberty, Florentine notion of, 148, cf. 47
" Libreria greca," the, at S. Marco,
S. retires to during the riot, 301 ;
said to have invented one of his
visions there, 418
Lie, a, alleged by Landucci to be the
foundation of the building raised by
S-. 377
Light, supernatural, prophetic, etc., 52,
56, 59, 266, 273, 276, 278 f. 282
Lilies, s. v. Vision of Lilies
Litanies, a favourite devotion with S.,
chanted, 342, 359, 361
Loches, Lodovico Sforza imprisoned at,
207
Lodovico, Fr.i, brings secret message
to S., 415
Lombardy, S. preaches in, 14, 411
Lopez, Juan, Cardinal, Bishop (.f
Perugia (styled '"Perugia" in con-
temporary letters) mentioned in de-
spatches from Florentine ambassadors
in Rome; at first favourable to S.,
afterwards advises submission, etc.,
205, 234, 257 f., 261, 298 f., 304, 347
Loiini, Filippo, S. sends a message by
him to France, 415
Lottini, L. (J. (O. P.). his opinion that
S. was not excommunicated, 241 note
Louis XII., of France, holds Lodovicu
Sforza prisoner, 207
Loyalty, Catholic, to the Holy See,
280 note
Loyola, S. Ignatius, s. v. Ignatius,
S.
Lucca, Dominican convent at, 104,
Iio; Savonarola invited to, etc.,
177 f. ; S. at, 390
Luigi of Aragon, 23 ;/<>/<'.
Luotto, Paolo, his work on Savonarola
(see Hiltliographic.il List), 28, 35,
134, I> S 4
Lupi, C. , his collection of Florentine
debates, 176 ;/<>/<, 308, 336, and iistc>
fassiin
Lynch law, ecclesiastical, 278
MACCHIAX KI.I i, Niccolo. records the
foundation ol S. (iallo, 13; mentioned
399
Madonna dell' Impruncta, a highly
venerated statue of P. V. M. brought
in procession to Florence. 213
Maggi, !>.. Fra Sebastiam (O. P.), l>ears
\\ilnessto Savonarola's innocence of
life in the noviciate, etc.. 10 : tin-
case of S. submitted to, iSo: Briet
(^na'ii Hin'tit, etc., addressed to, /,'!,/:
objected to by S. as "jiuiex ineiito
suspectus," 1<)I : an apparent mis-
understanding on this point cleared
up, 103: un\\oithy motives imputed
to by S. //'/,/'. ; the appointment Mis.
pended, 104 f. : his high qualities
attested by his beatification. 10 /.v.Y.
103, :SJ
Malatesta Sacramoro da Kimini. 1'r.i ;
s. v. Sacramoio. Fia M.
458
INDEX
Malegonelle, Antonio, speeches of, in
debate, 3", 335
" Mandrakes,'' scurrilous nickname for
crosses, 289
Manetti, Giovanni, one of the Gon-
falonieri delle Arti, arrests della
Vecchia on U)e day of the riot, 356 f.
and note
Manfredi, Manfredo, Ferrarese ambas-
sador at Florence, requests 1'. de'
Medici to allow Fra Mariano to preach
at Ferrara, 90 ; interviews Mariano,
but to no purpose, 91 ; consults S. on
relations between d'Este and France,
136; reports sermon of S., 139 f. ;
popularity of S., 154: rivalry of S.
and da Pon/o, 160, 162 notes ;
action of Pope relative to Medicean
conspiracy, 230 ; election of Signory
favourable to S., and machinations
of the enemies of Florence, 255 note ;
S. assures him that he will not obey
the Pope, 268 ; Simone del Nero
finds him in communication with S.,
393; letters from. 197, 225, 266 f.,
269 f . , 296 f.
Manifesto, of S. against the excom-
munication, 236; against S., alleged
to be in preparation at Rome, 404 :
of brethren of S. Marco against papal
precept, s. v. " Apologeticum Fratrum
S. M."
Mannelli, family of, alluded toas favour-
able to S., 404
Mannelli, Guido, speeches of, in debate,
264, 380
Mannelli, Jacopo, Canon of Florence,
reports Cardinal da Costa favourable
to S., 423 ; has in his possession the
notes of Ser Ceccone on the examina-
tion of S., 408
Mansi, Giovanni Domenico (Arch-
bishop of Lucca 1764 ff. ), on the con-
demnation of S., 431 tifl/t', 437 note
Mrtrcantonio da Ficino, letter of S. to,
266 f.
Marco. S., convent of; s. v. San Marco
Marescotti, Agamemnon, Podesta of
Brescia, dealings of S. with, 416
Maria, S., "del Fiore," " Liberata,"
"Liperala" (sii'), <"" " Keparata,"
designation of the Duomo, or
cathedral, of Florence, 74, 388, and
pa * si in
M.iriar.o della Harba. da Genna/xano,
Fra ; s. v. I5arba, Fra M. della
Mark, S. " will descend" on Venice,
etc., 288
Marseilles, arrival of corn ships from,
Martelli, Uraccio, speech of, in debate,
386
Martino (or Marti) Bartolommeo,
Cardinal, Bishop of Segorl>e, helps
to appease the indignation of the
I'ope against S., 205
Martyrdom, S. desires, 210 and note,
285 f.
Marutti, Fra Salvestro (or Silvestro,
O. P.), on the death of Lorenzo de'
Medici, 83 note ; organises the " sub-
scription in favour of S., 403 f. ; said
to have received a revelation that Fra
Domenico should enter the fire with
the Sacred Host, 344 note ; procures
arms for defence of S. Marco, 352 f. ;
his arrest, 363, 370 ; his trial, 374 ft";
his process " vero ma non in tucto,"
385 ; his deposition relates his habit
of talking in sleep, his dreams, the
assurance of S. that they were super-
natural visions, his doubts as to the
prophecies of S., etc., 388 f. (if. 387) ;
a vision removes his doubts, 411 ;
his visions alleged to have been held
of small account by S., 412 ; enjoys
the confidence of S., 414, 420, 423 ;
yet not in a high degree, 425 ; names
of newly elected Signory made known
to him, and by him to S., before
publication, 418 ; alleged communi-
cation by him of knowledge gained
in confession, 423 ff., if. 435,
and s.v. Confession ; his execution,
438 f.
Mary, the Blessed Virgin, devotion to,
of Sixtus IV., 17 ; of Savonarola, 35 ;
alleged visions of, 54, 61 ff. And s.v.
Madonna
Maximilian I., Emperor, enters the
''Holy League," 133; sends an
embassy to Florence, 212; takes
part in the war against Florence ibid.
and iii'ti- ; his sudden flight, 223;
referred to by S. as a providential
deliverance, 279; letters of S., and
of Giovanni Cambi on behalf of S.,
to, 324 f., 419, 423
Maz/.inghi, Domenico. arrested, 370 and
note; deposition of, concerning his
letter to Guasroni on the project of
the General Council, 391 ; text of the
letter, 392 ; named by S. as one of
the chief of his supporters, 414:
occasionally spoken to by S. about
employment of condottieri, 416;
employed by him to write to
Guasroni (ut su^ra], 419
Ma/./olini, Sylvester (" Prierias''), on
canonical obedience, 243
INDKX
459
" Meddling with Roman affairs," charge
of, brought against S,, 203, 205
Mediccan party ; s. vv " 1'alleschi,''
"Bigi"
.Medici, tlie government of, 151, 173 ft.;
moral inlluencx 1 of, 17 5
Medici, Cosimo do', founds the convent
ofS. Marco, 79 f., found-; procures
the establishment of the Council of
Seventy, 151 ; his dictum that "States
cannot be governed by paternosters,"
170; his distinguished services to
the republic, 175
Medici, Fra Francesco, de', provides
arms for the defence of S. Marco, 352
Medici, Giovanni de', Cardinal (after-
wards I 'ope LeoX.), Lorenzo's ad vice
to, on his going to Rome, 23 ; favours
the separation of S. Marco from the
Lombard Congregation, 96 f. : his
flight from Florence, 160; sentence
of outlawry against him, 131 ; said
to have spoken highly of S., 258 ;
mentioned, 273 ; S. has had no
dealings with except once, 418;
believes that he and I'iero prejudiced
Caraffa against him, 423
Medici, Giuliano de', murdered in the
Cathedral of Florence, 1478, 24
Medici, l.orcn/.o de', founds the convent
of S. Gallo, and favours Fra Mariano
da Genna/xano, 13 ; alleged to have
been persuaded by 1'ico della
Mirandolato summon S. to Florence,
14 ; his advice to his son the Cardinal
(iiovanno de' M., 23: remonstrates
with S., by means of messengers, on
his prophetical utterances, 50, 75 :
his death predicted by S., 76 ; induces
Fra Mariano to preach against S..
77; S. declines to visit, So: himself
visits S. Marco and bestows alms,
So f. : his last illness and death,
contradictory accounts of, Si fl. : his
political system and services to the
republic, 151, 175
Medici, I.oren/o " di Pierfrancesco "
de', recalled from exile, 132 ;/<>/<. a
member of the Committee of Public
Safety. 3 1 5 f : S. alleged to be
hostile to him. $23
Medici, Maddalcna de', married to
Franceschelto Cibo, 23 ;/,>'<
Medici, I'iero de', succeeds I.oren/o, hi-
character, 85 : alleged to have pro-
cured the mission of S. to Kologna, a
groundless conjecture, oo and //.'.Y :
is willing that Fra Mariano should
go to Ferrara, oof. : no evidence ol
his hostility to S. at this lime (I4<\>\
91 ; favours llie separation of S.
Marco from the Lombard Congrcga-
tion, 96 ; made arbitrator l.< twreii S.
Marco and the Lombard Fathers,
98(1'; obsequious lettc-r of S. to,
100; S. predicts that he will behave
foolishly on occasion of the French
invasion, 114 >t,>/, ; his vacillating
conduct, 115. 122 f. ; his embassy
to Charles VIII. and surrender <>f
certain fortresses, 123 f.; declared
incapable of government, 126: his
return to Florence, his flight, a
sentence of outlawry passed against
him, 130 f. : various opinions on the
motives of his expulsion, the prospect
of his restoration, etc., 172(1"., 366;
he accompanies Charles VIII. from
Rome to Sieii, 137. 5: but he him>elf icpudi.ito the
suggestion. /,'', '.;'.
Merry. \\,>rks ot, inculcalcd by s., ;4 :
and practised by him. -S 5 : ar,ivielo. a dep, r.d.uit
of Cardinal C.natt.i. >. talks \\ith on
the prospects of a Coui.cil. 4-^
Militia, spiiitua!. ol" childr.-:i. 4;
Minoiiies, ihe. VI- : and s. \-. Fnv-
460
INDEX
Minuta, Madonna la, a letter to be
sent through her to the King of
Hungary, 419
Miracle, a, not necessary for the attesta-
tion of prophecy, 58; promised,
demanded, or appealed to, by S.,
66, 239, 278 f., 293; and s. v.
ordeal
Mirandola, Pico delta; s. v. Pico delta
Mirandola
" Misericordia," cries of, at end of
sermon, 295 ; the accused to be
punished " con misericordia," 381 f.
Misrepresentation, alleged, of Savona-
rola's acts, etc., 274; and s. v.
Calumny, False information, etc.
Mission, alleged divine, of S., iSS,
196, 209, 220, 253, 281, 299, 413
" Monkish munitions of war," 352 note
Montedoglio, Checco (.r/V). Count of,
dealings of S. with, 416
Montepulciano, Dominican convent at,
214
Montesecco, , his confession con-
cerning the conspiracy of the Pazzi,
20 note
" Moor, the," the common designation
of Lodovico Sforza, 182 ; and s. v.
Sforza, L.
Moors, the conversion of, predicted ;
s. v. Turks
"Moral victory'' achieved by S.,
438 f. ; and s. v. Victory
Morality, principles of political, 170
Moses, Savonarola likened to, 2Sg
Motives, how far to be considered in
criminal process, 367
NAH.KS, King of, s. vv. Alfonso II.,
Ferrante I. and II. ; league of with
Pope, Fmperor, Venice, Milan, etc.,
s. v. League
"Napoli," the usual designation, in
despatches, of Cardinal Caraffa,
Archbishop of N., s. v. Caraffa
Nardi, Jacopo, his "History of
Florence,'' 21 note, 272, 326 note,
327, 344, 351, and notes passim
Nasi, Bernardo, speech of, in debate,
" Nephews or sons?" bastard offspring
of the clergy, 285
Nepotism of the Popes, and especially
of Sixtus IV. and Innocent VIII.,
.18, 23
Neri, S. Philip, his gentle spirit, 39;
his abstention from politics, 145 ;
encouraged by the example of S.,
439: his veneration for S., 441
Nerli. Jacopo "di Tanai" de', speaks
unbidden in the Consiglio de
Kichiesti, and is checked by his
father, 126; a prominent member of
the aristocratic party, 175; thanked
by the Pope for his exertions against
S., 261 ; declines to sign the " sub-
scription," 402 ; loses an eye in the
riot, 358
Nerli, Tanai, reproves his son for
speaking unbidden in debate, 126
Nero, Bernardo del, an object of hatred
to the aristocratic party, 147 note ;
one of the speakers in Guicciardini's
dialogue "Del Keggimento di F. ,"
167 tio/c ; views attributed to him
therein, 173 f. ; elected Gonfaloniere,
224 f. ; the election gives fresh hopes
to the Palleschi, 225; and induces
Piero de' M. to make an attempt to
re-enter the city, 229 f. ; a plot to
assassinate him during his term of
office, 417 ; a member of the Com-
mittee of Public Safety, 233; im-
plicated by silence in Piero's plot,
168, 254; is tried and executed,
1 68 f. ; S. declares that he was
content that B. d. N. should be
- punished, 426 ; is blamed by some,
defended by others, for not having
intervened to save him, 168 f. ; Sforza
and d'Este write to the Signory in
his behalf, 267 ; his case in some
respects parallel to that of S., 366,
3 6 9, 433- 437
Nero, Niccolo del. agent for his brother
Simone in Spain, 393, 419
Nero, Simone del, is induced to write
to his brother Niccolo on the project
of the Council, 393. 419; his de-
position, 393
Neutrality, as between himself and his
enemies, including the Pope, declared
by S. to be inexcusable, 276
Newman, Cardinal, on reaction after
reform effected by S., 36
Niccolini, Agnolo, an object of hatred
to the aristocratic party at Florence,
147 note : declines to sign the " sub-
scription," 403 ; speech of in debate,
335 ; said to have suggested that S.
should be imprisoned, not executed,
3 6 7,,432
Niccolo da Milano, Fra (O. P. ), acts as
private secretary to S., 378, 390;
enjoys his confidence, 389 note, 420,
423 ; employed to convey the draft
letters to be sent to ambassadors, etc.,
419; writes to the Signory offering
to give evidence against S., 378 f. ;
banished for ten years, 379
INDEX
" Nicholas, Master," a theologian who
speaks in favour of S., 204
Nicholas, "the shoemaker," arrested
soon after S., 370; gives evidence
as to the provision of arms for the
defence of S. Marco, 352 note ; ami
as to the actual defence, 353 and
note
" Nightbird, a,'' (" questo tale
nocturno"), visits S. and endeavours
to draw him out on political matters,
418
Nicknames, political, s. vv.
" Arrahbiati," " Bigi, ' "Compag-
nacci," " Frateschi," " 1'alleschi,"
" Piagnoni''
Nineteen prisoners, arrest of, 370;
depositions of, 385 ff. , and chap. xx.
notes passim
Noah, the time of the Deluge made
known to, 57
Nullity, alleged, of Excommunication,
the; s. v. Excommunication
Nuns, advice to, 154
OHKDIKNCK, the practice of by S., 48 ;
the duty of, how limited, etc., 201,
203, 208, 219, 221, 237, 241, 249,
275
Observance of censure alleged to be
unjust, duty of, 242, 246, 249
Observance, the stricter, in the
Dominican Order, 191, 221
Observantines, Dominican, 214, 219;
and s. v. Congregation
Obstinacy of S., 196, 416; and s. v.
Disobedience
Oliphant, Mrs, her work, "The Makers
of Florence," on continuity in Floren-
tine politics, 150 note : on the abuses
of the Parlamento, 166 note; ex-
onerates S. from blame in connection
with the execution of I', del Nero,
169
Olivi, 1'iero, a mediaeval prophet, 6<)
note ; describes " the carnal Church "
as " 1'empia Babilonia," 9
O'Neil, J. L. (O.I'.), on relations
between S. and Loren/o de' Medici,
So note
" Oratio pro Kcclcsia," Savonarola's,
21 f.
Ordeal, the, 326 If. (chap. \ix. /< >'
totuin (for details see Table ot
Contents): Fra Domenico on, in
his deposition, 404 f. ; S. on in his
deposition, 420 f. : the Papal Com-
missaries on the proposal to enter
the lire with the Sacred Host, 436
Organisation of moral reform, the
necessity of, recognised by S., 40;
carried out, 40 ft.
Orsini, family feuds of, in Rome, 23
Orsini, Carlo, a condotticre in the
service of Charles Mil., mils at S.
Marco on hi-, return from Fiance,
4'5
Orsini, Virgilio, takes military service
in support of Piero de' Medici, and
threatens Florence, 195
Orthodoxy, doctrinal, of Savonarola,
maintained by himself, 187, 200, 216,
280 f. ; not seriously questioned,
429; vindicated by commission ap-
pointed to examine by Paul IV., 429
note ; and by Father Proctor (O.P. ! ,
ibid.
Orvieto, the Bishop of, Giorgio della
Kovere, complains that Florence is
ruled by S., 134
Orvieto, Michelangiolo da; s. v.
Michelangiolo da O.
" Ottanta," the ; s. v. "Consiglio degli
Ottanta"
' ( Htimati," the, aristocratic party in
Florence, 147, 157, 160, 175; and
s. v. " Arrabbiati "
"Otto," the; s. v. "Eight, the"
P.vr,Ac;NOTTl (or I'aganotti), Benedetto
(O.I'.). Bishop of Yaison and Yicar-
General of Florence, tries to prevent
S. from preaching in the Duomo on
Septuagesima, 1498, 272; admonishes
the faithful not to attend the sermons,
297 f. : an
" Palle," tho device of the Medici, tot
"P.ille! Palle!" the rallying civ of
the Medici, 130, 225
" P.illcNchi." the Medicean party at
Hoietice, 101, 1751., Z\2, 230: are
in a hopeless minority. 175: but
effect a coalition \sith the "Frateschi."
!<>i ;;..',, 2>4 : ihough ic.illy hostile
toS.. 170. jjo ; .ue accused by him
462
INDEX
" Pallesclii '' continued
of ingratitude, 212: engage in plot
for restoration of 1'iero, 168 (s. v.
Xero, B. del)
I 'aim Sunday 1498. events on, 349 It.
I'ahulaiuis (Petrus de Palude),* on
canonical obedience, etc., 239, 250
Panciatichi, Kidolfo, .slain in the riot,
an edifying death, 361
1'andolfini, Giovanni, Bishop of Pistoia,
letter of, to the Ten, recording that
he has defended S. before the Pope,
203
Pandolfini, Giacomo, speech of, in
debate, 314
Pandollini. Pierfilippo, an object of
hatred to the aristocratic party, 147
note; mentioned in deposition ol S.,
415
Panormitanus, Abbas (Xicolaus de
Tudeschis) : s. v. Tudeschis, X. de
Parable, use of, by Savonarola, 54
Parcnti, Piero. speech of, in debate,
381 : his chronicle quoted, etc., on
the law of the appeal from the " Sei
fave." 159 If. ; on the political attitude
of the " Palleschi" or " Biji," 161
note ; on the mission of Camerino to
present the Brief ( >f excommunicatii >n,
233 : on the riot, 350 and note, 353
//<.'/<-, 356 f. notes
Parlamento, the, at Florence, the
ultimate resource in times of political
crisis, i^o; the Council of Seventy
abolished by, 151 ; often a means of
curtailing popular liberties under
colour of exercising them, 165 f. ; S.
bitterly inveighs against, 166 ; it is
abolished, 165. 167; referred to in
deposition of S., 413
Parties, political, at Florence, 147. lor,
179, 2^4: and s. vv. " Arrabbiati,"
' Biji," " Frateschi," " Otiimati,"
' Palleschi,'' '' Piagnoni "'
Paschal Communion, directions for
making with fervour, 35
Paschal precept, the anxiety of Signory
to fulfil. 373
" Pasqua," a, at Carnival, 282
Pas>ion of Christ, Savonarola's devotion
to. 35
Pastor, Dr Ludwig, his "History of
the Popes," 16 : opinions quoted,
etc., 17 f. tiott's, 20 1. noti's, 24 and
note, 36. 38, 41, 43, 46 note, 122.
407, 441
Pati'-nce, thedutyof, inculcated byS.,34
Paul, S., spoken to by God, 56 ; with-
stands S. Peter, 219, 282 ; will
descend on Rome, 288
Paul the wax-chandler arrested, 370 ;
gives evidence concerning the riot,
353
Pavia, Savonarola preaches at, 14
Pa/xi, conspiracy of the, 20, 278
Pazzi, Cosimo de', Bishop of Arezzo, 299
Peace, Savonarola's counsels of, 147,
196, 225, 269 ; and s. v. Amnesty
Pecori, de', murdered in the riot,
352
Pellegrino, Fra (O.P.), a lay brother at
S. Marco with whom P. Cinoxxi was
familiar, 394
Penance, Savonarola's counsel of, 208
Pepi, Francesco, Florentine ambassador
at Milan, defends S. at that Court,
260, 321 ; letters to, 304, 322
Perrcns, F. T. , his " Life of Savona-
rola " in some measure followed by
Pastor, 38; quoted on the death of
Lorenzo de' Medici, 84 note
Persecution, a test of prophetic truth,
256, 290, 293 ; expected by S., 207,
274, 286 ; and s. v. Truth
Perugia, Bishop of ; s. v. Lopez ;
Dominican convent at, 110, 214 f.
Pescia, Fra Domenico Buonvicino da ;
s. v. Buonvicino
Pessimism, tendency of S. to, 7
Pestilence, S. has prayed for a, as the
least of evils that can be expected,
288: and s. v. Plague
Peter, S., why did God choose him?
57 : withstood by S. Paul, 219, 282 ;
will descend on Rome, 288 ; the
power of the keys given to him,
" principaliter," 30^
Petarch, calls Avignon " Babylon," 9
Pharaoh, the Pope likened to, 282, 289,
292
Pharisees, contemporary, 32
Phassur, the Pope likened to, 293
Philosophy, principles of, how known,
56
" Piagnonacci ; s. v. "Piagnoni
" Pingnoni," i.e. "the Mourners" (./.
F./.ech. ix. I If.), a nickname of the
followers of S., 36, 350 and note:
Cosci and I.upi on this and similar
party names, 176 note
Pico della Miiandola, Galeax/o, S.
writes to, and warns of his impending
death, which happen.-, within two
years, 208 and note
Pico della Mirandola, Giovanni (the
elder), saicl to have met S. at the
general chapter of the Dominican
< Irder at Reggio, 14 ; his death on
the day on which Charles VIII.
entered Florence, 140 note
INDEX
I'ico della Mirandola, Giovanni Fran-
cesco (the younger), his accouiil of
the views of S., 15; and of the death
of Lorenzo . del Nero, etc.,
i6Sf. note: on Valori's action in the
riot, 356 note
Pittorio, Lodovico, chancellor Hi-
secretary to Ercole d'Este, letters of
S. to, 39, 256, 265
Plague at Florence, the, 215, 254 It.,
403 ; and s. v. Pestilence
Plots, various, s. vv. Corbi/i : Forged
Letter ; Nero, K del : Pa//!
Podocatharus, Ludovicus, Bishop of
Capaccio, secretary to Alexander VI..
259 note ; Florentine ambassador
intercedes with, in favour of S.. 205,
257 ; he counsels submission, 310
Poggibonsi, S. meet* Charles VIII, at.
I3S. MI.
Police of children, organised by S., 45 tl.,
199
1 Policy, foreign, of Florence, import,
ance of vigour and continuity in.
173 ; and s. v. France, alliance \sith
; Politian (1'oli/iano) Angclo, on the
preaching <>( Fra Mariano, 12: on
the death of Lorenzo dc' Medici, 83 f.
Political morality, principle.-! of, i"o
Politics, Savonarola and, 75, 113 It.,
'45, 4'3
Politics, authority of the Pope in, 196 ;
S. and, 57, 75, 113(1., '45, 393"-,
4'3 tf.
" Polixze," i.e. confidential documents :
one containing a ".secret of (>od''
sent by S. to d'Kste, 136, 225, /".
379 f. ; on political affairs, 400; da
I 'on/o, Fra Domcnico, s. v. Domenico
da P.
: Poor, the oppression of, 5, 7, 34 ;
counsels for, 34
1'ope (Alexander VI.), Savonarola's
invectives against, s. v. "Rome' 1 ;
project for deposition of, s. vv.
Alexander VI.; Kovere, ( ',. della;
Council
" Pope in heaven," the, to be appealed
to, 288
Popes, the, of latter part of fifteenth
century, Dr \V. Many on, 15: and
s. v. Sixtus IV., Innocent VIII.,
Alexander VI.; can err, 280
Popoleschi, Piero, ( ionfaloniere di
(iiusti/.ia, hostile to S., 317
" Popolo c Liberia!" rallying cry in
Florence, 130
"Popolo! Popolo!" rallying ciy in
Florence, 357
Popular government at Florence, 14^ u.
Popular party at Florence, s. v.
" Frateschi "
Popularity of Savonarola, 2031.;
waning. 211 ; revived, 255, 303.
" I'ostille," 01 glosses, interpolated by
Ceccone in Savonarola's de)>ositi<>. 214: negotiation* fot
union of. with S. Marco, iiol.: ex-
pulsion ot "conventuals" liom. and
negotiations with them, -M I f. : tian-
lened to ne\v Congregation, 216 :
Savonarola at. 205 I'., 300 ; Via
Domenico at. 546!.: first challenge
to oideal given at. ; /'/.;'.
Prayer, Savonarola's gift of. 440.
./. 350 f.
INDEX
Treadling, character of Savonarola'.-,
27 It.; S. prohibited from, in October !
1405, 194 ; after Ascension Day 1497, !
230 f., 254; with disastrous results,
according to S., 274; in l.cnl 1498
(in the i)uomo), 287 (at S. Marco).
3i6
Predictions, Savonarola s, s. v. Pro-
phecy
Presentiment, Savonarola's, of excom-
munication, of impending di>aster,
349: of persecution and death
Prevarication, Savonarola's alleged,
410
" Price of Blood," the, 348
Pride, danger of, a source of delusion,
etc., 47, 66, 73, 193, 276, 440
Prierias ; s. v.. Mazzolini
Priests; s. v. Clergy
Priesthood, vocation to, S. in, 280
Prince, the, good government depend-,
on, 76
Princes, vices of, 15, 23: alleged
familiarity of S. with, 57, 41511".,
423; letters to, 141 ft'., 207 f, 235,
419, 4^3
Prior of S. Marco, S. elected, 79f.
" Priori degli Arti," a Florentine magis-
tracy, 149
Private judgment, practically the ulti-
mate court of appeal for S.. 440
Probability, sufficient for prudent action,
i/o, 217
Proce>> or processes of Savonarola, ac-
count of by Yivoli and Fra Benedetto,
407 If.; garbled by Ser Ceccone, 365,
369, 407!'!'.; the lir>t misstatements
of, 371 ; published and withdrawn,
374 f. ; a portion of read before the
Council, 376 f.; extracts from, sent
to the Pope, 380; its contents,
41 iff.; the second, unimportant,
376. 421 : a portion of read before
the Council, 380 ; the third, before
Romolino and Timano, 383 f. ; it>
contents, 422 t'l".
Proce^ion-, 40, 42 f., 202, 273, 284,
30'. 394
Procurator! del Palazzo, 150
Profane language, rite in the city, S.
urge-, its siipprevion, 213 ; and s. v.
Blasphemy
' Profligate Church," the, Savonarola's
addie-- to, 278
Promotions, unworthy, to ecclesiastical
otticc-, etc., 17
ProniMtor Fidei," I.nmbcrtini (after-
svanU Benedict XIV.) fultiN the
office of. 441
Prophecy, the place of, under the New
Testament, 56, 58, 64 ; medieval,
69 and note, (f. 58 ; conditional, /o,
129, 340, or absolute, 62 f., "o, 340 ;
tests of, 654, 190 (and s. v. Perse-
cution); limitations of, 60 ; fulfilment
of, 60, 75 f., 1 13 ft"., 182, 188, 190,
202 ; by unwilling agents, 237 ;
through persecution, 276; through
excommunication, 280 ; delay in
fulfilment of, 54, 256, 278, 292 ;
cannot be forbidden, according to S.,
187, 292; but is subject to authority,
189 ; alleged neglect of other matters
for, 194 f. ; fame of, to spread
through the world, 237, bservance, Congrega-
tion, etc.
Reformation, the Protestant, 228
Reggio, Chapter of Dominican Order
M, 14
Reillenstuel, Joannes, on observance
of censures, etc., 246 n^tc
Relics, no protection to the wicked,
209
Renaissance, the, 5
Rene of Anjou, his claim to the king-
dom of Naples, 121
Renovation, of Church, s. v. Reform
Reparata, S. Maria, s. v. Maria
Reparata, S.
Reprisals, danger of, on the part of
the French troops, 1/7
Reserve maintained by S. in the pre-
diction of future events, 52
" Reserved cases,'' 302
Revelations, alleged, of S. 49 It'., 196,
255, 380 It"., 411 f., 424, 427 ; manner
of, 52
Invalidation, provisional, of invalid
election to the Papaey, hypothesis of,
431
Review, a spiritual, 273
Revolt, the "turning of the key" a
declaration of. 3<)
Revolution without bloodshed, a, 212
Riario. Cirolamo, Count, nephew of
Sixtus IV.. n) nolt ; his ambition.
K); his complicity in the conspiracy
of the l'a//i. 20: his responsibility
for the war with Ferrara. 21
Riario, Pietro, Cardinal, 19 f. ; nephew
of Sixtus IV. , 19 note : his immorality
and ostentatious extravagance, 19 f.
Ricci, S. Catarina de', her veneration
for Savonarola, 438, 441
Rider of the war horse, Chiist repre-
sented as the, 285
Ridolli, Bernardo, speech of, in debate,
264
Ridolli, Giovanni Hittista, approves the
scheme of the "subscription,"' 404;
alienated from Valori by condemna-
tion of his brother Niccolo, 169 ; one
of the committee to supervise the
ordeal, 346 ; di-cu-ses the matter
\\ith S. on the previous day, 420:
the mob threatens to loot his house,
358; S. attests his difficulty in
inducing him to follow the lead of
Valori, 413 f.
Ridolli, Niccolo, condemned for
Medicean conspiracy, It8t. ; men-
tioned, 147 ;/ ( ',Y. 300
Ridolli, Kidolfo, speeches of, in debate,
312. 373. 386 f.
Ridolli, Schiatta, speech of, in debate,
264
Ridolli, Vincen/o, murders Francesco
Valori, 357
Rigorism, alleged, of S., 38 f.
Rinuccini, Alamanno. proclaims that
1,'ghi will not preach on the day of
the riot, 373
Rinuccini, Alessandro, Fra ((). P.), goes
to Rome to urge the separation ol S.
Marco from the Lombard Congrega-
tion, 96
Rival preachers, jealousies of, 161 :
and s. vv. B.nba. F. Maiiano della,
and 1 >omenico da 1'on/o
"Roasting, a good." design, d by S.
for the Franciscan champion in the
ordeal. 421
Robbia, Luca della. helps in the defence
of S. Marco, his deposition quoted
on the riot. 351 ti'. <>.Y<
Rohr, Dr J., on medi.vval prophecy. < nephew of Sixtus
IV., 19 note ; exercises undue
influence over Innocent VIII., 22;
desires the calling of a Council and
the deposition of Alexander VI., and
to this end favours the invasion of
Charles VIII., 121 ; alleged attempt
of S. to enter into relations with,
428; and s. vv. Julius II. ; Bulls,
Papal
Kucellai, Bernardo, remonstrates with
S. on behalf of Lorenzo de' Medici,
75 : speech of, in debate, 381
Rucellai, Camilla, her alleged revela-
tion in favour of a design to assassi-
nate 15. del Nero, 417; alleged
dealings of S. with, 427
Kucellai, Ciirolamo, speech of, in
debate, 334
Kucellai, 1'aolo, bidden by the Pope to
thank J. de' Xcrli for his exertion
against S., 261
" Ruffians, aristocratic," 347
" Ruina Ecclcsiae, De,'' Savonarola's
poem, 7
" Ruina Mundi, De,'' Savonarola's
poem, 5
Ruth nnd Mirheas, sermons on, 209
SAHIMANUS, Pope, blamed his pre-
decessor S. Gregory, 291
Sacchetti, , speech of, in debate,
3'4
Sacrament, the Blessed, s. vv.
Kucharist, Host; the "species" of,
405, c/i 343; and s. v. "Substance
and Accidents "
Sacraments, the frequenlation of, S.
on, 40 : administered by S. notwith-
standing the excommunication, 427
Sacramoro, Fra Malatesta, da Rimini
(O.I'.), brings a message from
Camilla Rucellai to S., 417 ; volun-
teers for the ordeal, 333 f. ; his offer
makes a great impression in Rome,
334) 347 ' senl by -S. to mike
arrangements, 338 ; said to have
betrayed S. on the night of the
riot, 362 ; countersigns the garbled
deposition of S., 364 ; takes a leading
part in regard of the letter whereby
the community of S. Marco disowns
S., 378 ; is banished for ten years,
379
Saints, the, and Savonarola, 441
Salvestro Maruffi, Fra ((). P.); s. v.
Marutii
Salviati, family, several members of,
at S. Marco, 103
Salviati, Alamanno, mentioned as a
prominent supporter of S., 404, 413,
416
Salviati, Francesco, Archbishop of Pisa,
murdered in the Duomo of Florence,
20, 278
Salviati, Fra Francesco (O. P.) goes to
Rome on the affair of the separation
of S. Marco from the Lombard
Congregation, 106 ; as Prior of S.
Marco countersigns the garbled
deposition of S., 364
Salviati, Giuliano, one of the
Accopphtori, and one of the first
to resign with I). Bonsi, 413 ;
elected one of the Signory, 399 ;
declines to sign the "subscription,"
403 _
Salviati, Jacopo, secretary to Piero de'
Medici, letter of, to Piero, concern-
ing the separation of S. Marco from
the Lombard Congregation, 98;
incurs odium of political adversaries,
147 note; mentioned as a prominent
supporter of S., 404, 413, 416
Salviati, Marcuccio, captain of a special
guard on occasion of the ordeal, 340;
friendly to S. 347 note; protects the
Dominican Friars from the Compag-
nncci, 3 17
Salviati, Fra Ruberto, volunteers for
the ordeal with Fra Malatesta, 333 f. ,
347 ; see above, under Sacramoro,
Malatesta
San Gallo, Augustinian monastery near
Florence, founded by Lorenzo de'
INDEX
467
San Qa\\o continued
Medici, 13 ; S. sings Mass at, invited
by ) ra Mariano, 79
San (Jimignano, Savonarola preaches
nt, an! political
motives, 215 I. ; to be incorporated in
the new Congregation, 214 ; members
of S. Marco to be sent thither, and
resident members to be dismissed at
discretion of S., 216
San I.oren/.o, church of, at Florence,
under the patronage of the Medici,
86 note ; S. preaches at, in I4S'2, 12 ;
and again in 1402. S6, 118 //<>/<
San Marco, Dominican church and
convent of, at Florence, formerly a
Silvestrine monastery, but refounded
by Cosimo de' Medici and enriched
by him, So ; its history, 92 and ;/<>/ f -\ ;
S. comes to for the fust time, and
is made '"lector" at. II : returns to.
26; made prior of, 79 f. ; negotiations
for separation of, from the Lombard
Congregation, 89 If. : the Uriel" of
separation obtained by Ciratla, 97 f . ;
the alleged motives ol S in proem ing
it, 90!"., 418; his real motives set
forth by himself, 93 It. : the work of
reform ^vigorously carried out at.
102 If. : " angelic life " at, 260 : high
encomiums on, of l.en/i and Yaloii.
310, 313; other convents associated
with, under the name of the Congre-
gation of S. Marco. 104 If. : and s, v.
Hesole, I'isa, I'rato, S.is.xo ; to bi-
n-united with Lombard Congregation,
1X5. een hostile to him, 423
Sansorii Kiario, Rulfaclle, Cardinal,
nephew of Sixtus I\'., 29 note;
present in Florence at the time of the
conspiracy of the l'a/yi, and im-
prisoned, though not an accomplice,
20
Sjiita Croce, family feuds of, in Koine,
23
Santa Croce, Franciscan church and con-
vent of.at Florence. da I'onzo preaches
at, in controversy with S.. null. ;
a 1'rief intended for S. Marco,
addressed lo, in error, 184 and //<>/<;
Francesco di Pnglia puts forth his
challenge at, 327; the community of,
and the ordeal, 338. 341 II. ; t'hcir
|>robable motives and intentions,
345 ft. ; thanked and rewarded by
the I'upe and the Signory, 348
Santi, l-'ra, s.iid to have brought a
message to S. from 1'. de' Medici.
225
Santo Spirilo, church of, at Florence,
publication of the excommunication
of S. at. 236
Sar/anaand Sar/anella, cession of. wi:h
other fortresses, to Charles \ 111..
'23
Sasso, S. Maria del. Dominican
residence, raised to the r.ink of a
prior}'. UK): and colonised from S.
Marco, i lo ; incorporated witli new
Congregation, 214
Savonarola, family, of I'adu.in origin, i
Savonarola, Albeito, 1 rothcr of Ciro-
lanio, his charity to the po,>r, 2 and
//.'/c- .' letter of ( I. lo, 200
Savonarola. Haitoli>mme>>, 2
Savonarola. Flena \ buonacci'isi),
mother of (iirolamo, hi- affectionate
relations with, 2 /<; letter to. n
SAVON \Kni A. CiiK"t \MO, his lectures
and sermons, subjects and dates of,
\i\.. I 10 If.. I iS //..V . .MI the
Apocalyp---, 20 I.. 53 (where S.
hiuist-ll gives a wrong date), 411
(^S. gives die date correctly\ 388 ;
on (ienesis and the Ark. 2of., 33
rts.'f. 11711.: on Ajjgaeus (.Haggai),
124 I , 145 I.: o;i Amos and Xaclurias,
468
INDEX
Savonarola, Girolamo continued
200 f. ; on Ruth and Micheas. 2090".;
on Ezcchiel, 222, 228 f. ; on Exodus,
272 ff., 285!}'. (chaps, xiv. xv., /w-
sim) ; before the ordeal, 340 f. ; to
his brethren before his arrest, 362 :
letters from, to his father, 6 ; to his
mother, n ; to Fra Domcnico, 74;
to " una Badessa di Ferrara," 93 ft. ;
to P. de' Medici, 100; to Charles
VIII. and other sovereigns, 141 ff.,
324 f., 4'7; the matter referred to in
despatches, 296 If.
Sermons, Savonarola's, list of, with cor-
rected or suggested dates, 118 and
note ; and in Bibliographical List and
Index, under SAVONAROLA
Services, the, of Savonarola, to Florence,
166, 172; enumerated by the spokes-
man of the children, 47 ; and by S.
himself, 191 f. ; and s. v. Constitu-
tion, Reform
" Settanta, Consiglio de'," the elective
body under the Medici, 151
"Seventy, the," s. v. "Settanta,
Consiglio de' "
Severity in administration of justice
urged by S , 63, 213, 222, 366,
422, /V: murdered in the church
of S. Stefanoat Milan, 2bth December
1476, 24
Sfor/a, ( iiangalea//o. Duke of Milan,
kept in confinement by Lodovico
Sfor/a. 121 : death of, 124
Sfor/.a, Isabella (of Anjou and Naples'*,
complains to Italian princes of the
ill treatment of her husband (.lianga-
lea//o, 121
Sfor/.a, Lodovico (" The Moor"\
regent and afterwards Duke of
Milan, opposes the separation of S.
Marco from the Lombaid Congrega-
tion, <)o ; usurps the regency ol
Milan, and keeps the young Duke
(liangaleay/o in confinement. 1 2 I :
invites Charles \ III. into Italy as a
means of strengthening his power.
i/'iif.: alters his policy on the death
Ciianijalea/7.0, i
enters th
" Holy League " against the Fiench.
i/iii/. : his emissaries reasonablv feared
by S., 182, ,/". 416; alleged to l..i\e
intercepted a forged letter put|>ojting
to be from S. to Charles VIII., 212
intercedes for Medicean conspirators
267; negotiationsof, with d'F.ste, 269
his treacherous assurances of friend-
ship for Florence, 317; intercepted
Mazzinghi's letter to (lunsconi on the
project for a Council, and com-
municates it to the I'opc, 325;
letters of, 208, 321. (For letters to
Sfor/a see under i-avonarola, Somcn/i,
Taverna, Tranchedino. )
Siena, Charles VIII. at, 137; in league
with 1'. de' Medici against Florence,
195 //<'/<, Dominican convent at,
abortive attempt to unite with S.
Marco, 104 ; to be incorporated in
the new Congregation, 214, -
saiy for ! lorence, 280; and s. v.
" \Vinnowing-fan "
" Sigillum : '' s. v. Seal of Confession
Signory, the, chief magistracy at
Florence, changed every two months,
149: fivmir the separation of S.
Marco from the Lombard Congrega-
tion, and the union of other con-
vents with S. Marco, 96, 104(1.: and
the reform of 1'rato. Iioff.; S.
preaches before in the I'ala//o, 76,
if. 153 and ;/<>/V, 171: members of
attend his seimons, 156; invite him
to resume sermons in Lent 1406.
2OO ; the members of said to be
appointed by S.. 203: but in fact
nothing serious proved as to canvas-
sing, etc.. 393!!'.: alleged revelation
of names of. liefore publication, 3,
3<>9 : the Ten at cioss-pui poses with
(the Signoiy being hostile to S.' 1 , in
May and June 1407, 233: prohibit
S. from preaching. May 1407. 2^of. :
lavourable to S.. |r,!\ 1407 to
February i.(oS. 254. 284 : reproved
by S. lor showing too much con-
sideration for the l'"pe : piohibit S.
fiom preaching in the Duomo, Lent
KioS, jS7 : alleged treacherous action
ol. 30 j f. ; "pcisuade" S. to cease
from ]>rtaching .it >. Marco, Lent
I4')S. 316: divided in i>pinion aUnit
S. , 317 : cile belou- them tiie |\irtics
to the onlenl. 321) tt.: arr.ingemeir.s
m.ir avoiii.mce of a
i lot. 339 I.; they dismiss U>th parties.
344!.: their actior. di-cussc*!. 34(1:
their behaviour ciuring The rio;, ;^; ;
47o
INDEX
Signory (ontinncd
and in connection with the trial of
S. and his companions, 371 (see
Analytical Table of Contents, chap,
xxi.) ; letters of (l) to the Pope () unfavour-
able to him, 324, 373 : (2) to Caraffa,
all favourable to S., 96, 104, 107, 267 ;
(3) to their ambassadors in Rome (m," 16; his personal piety,
17: his desire to increase the tcni-
torial possessions of the Holy See,
16, iS ; his nepotism and promotion
of unworthy favourites, 17!!.; the
scandalous excesses of his nephews,
19 If. ; his action in relation to the
conspiracy of the Pazzi, 20 f. ; in
which, however, he was not an
accomplice, ibid. ; his responsibility
for the war with Ferrara, 21, if.
l6f. ; the interdict on Florence,
1478, and Venice, 1484, 21 ; his
character, 19 note
\ Skirmish, the, in S. Marco, on the day
of the riot, 360 ; and s. v. Riot
Sleep, Fra Salvestro's habit of talking
in, 388
Society of Jesus, suppression of, by
Clement XIV., illustration from, 221
Soderini, Francesco, Hishop of Yoltcrra
(not of Are/.zo as in text 1 , 399, 417
| Soderini, Pagolantonio, remonstrates
with S. concerning his predictions,
on behalf of Lorenzo de' Medici, 75 ;
ambassador at Venice, 157; originates
the project of a change of government
at Florence, 155: his alleged motive,
ibiti. ; favours the establishment of a
Council on the Venetian model, 157 ;
as a member of the Ten proposes a
measure to that effect, 157 f. ; is one
of the interlocutors in Guicciar-
dini's dialogue, " Del Reggimento di
Firen/.e," 167 note : mentioned as
one of the leading members of his
party, 398, 400, 4i4f. ; his varying
relations with Yalori, 398 : from
whom he is alienated by the execution
of the Medicean conspirators, 169 and
note : speeches of, in debate, 309,
336 ; appointed one of the committee
on the affair of S., 315: the mob
threaten to loot his house, 33!)
Soderini, Piero, speech of, in debate,
373 ; made Gonfaloniere for life in
1502, 172
Somen/.i, Paolo, chancellor of Lodovico
Sforza, and Milanese ambassador at
Florence, his correspondence valuable
for the history of the time, 197 : ho|x;s
to gain over S., and, through him,
Florence, to the League, 209, 223 ;
attributes treacherous designs to the
Signory, 303 ; himself gives treacher-
ous assurances of friendship to the
Signory, 317: his minute account of
til-.- riot, chap. xi\. nstt's /<*?: 303'
" Sonerti, "/.,-. scurrilous ballads con-
cerning the Pope, read in his presence,
and alleged to be life at Florence,
300
4/1
"Sons or nephews?" i.e. the bastard
children of the clergy, and especially
of the 1'opc and prelates, 285
Sortilege, use of, in elections, 149 and
note, 222 note
Spain, joins the " Holy League,'' 1.33;
S. writes to King and Queen of, and
causes a letter to be written, etc., 325,
393, 419
" Species sacramenti," 405 ; and s. v.
" Substance and Accidents"
Speeches of S. to Charles VIII., 127 If.,
139
Spina, (iiovanni, employed by S. as
messenger to Simonedel Nero (>/.-'.),
393
Spini, Ridolfo ("Doflb"), chief of the
Compagnacci (. I'. ), said to
have changed clothes with Fra
Domenico at the ordeal, 343
Stro/./i, Alfonso, declines to sign the
" subscription," 402
Stro/./.i, Laodamia, illegitimate daughter
of Lorenzo Stro//i, refuses the hand
of S. in marriage, 4
Stro/./i, I.ionardo, letters of, concern-
ing the liot, 326 //'/.', 338 //c'/t'
Stro//.i, Lorenzo, a Florentine exile at
Feriara, neighbour to Michele
Savonarola, 4
Stro//i, Malteo, helps to provide aims
for the defence of S, Marco, 352
note
Studies, Savonarola's, 4 f. : cour?e of
at S. Marco, 103
Stufa, F.nea di, speech of, in debate,
3' 2
Stufa, Guglielmina di, letter of, 162 >;>'/<
Subjective tests of prophecy, 65 ; ai.d
s. v. Certainty
Submission, reiterated profcvions >.f,
by S., 59, 187, 192, 201, 234, 237,
268, 270, 280, 301
" Subscription," or joint letter, of
Florentine citi/ens in favour of S.,
263 f. ; occasioned by a letter of
I'.racd to Hastiano da Firen/iiola,
404 ; favoured at first by Yalori, 402,
404 : but afterwards disliked by him,
43l organised by Fra SalveslM,
4211 f. ; and Fr.i R. Ubaldini, 401 If.,
with help of notaries, 402, 404;
signatures to, 402 f. ; some of obscure
men, il>iideal. 845
Tempter, the, dialogue with, in the
"Compendium Kevel.itionum." ^5 if.
"Ten, the," the M'untinc foreign
ottire, 150, 157, loS, 224. 233, 2<>o.
302, 318, 320, 333, 330, 370; letteis
of, 107, 202, 227. 234, 2sS, 20.),
303 I., 317, 321 I., 41;
" "l'i pidi." the c!a--> inteimedi.uc i e-
t\\een tin- good .Mid the openly
wicked (, vv. " t '.itmi." "Tii^ti" 1 .
and repie-enicd ;>s openly or stcietly
hostile, 32, 33 /;.'.'<, 70 /.v.v, 72
472
INDEX
Tepid i " eonfiiiiicd
note, 228, 237, 274. 278, 284.
289
Terminology, misleading, in use at S.
Maio>. .580, 425
" Tertullian, the, of his aye," S. de-
scribed as, 38
Thcodosius, Kmp. and S. Aiubr., 286
Theological studies, Savonarola's, 4 ;
at S. Marco, 103
Thomas Aquinas. S., studied by
Savonarola, 4 : his Sunima frequently
referred to in Savonarola's sermons,
29. 35 : mi private revelations. 71 :
on obedience. 274
Thomas. % ' the beadle," or crier, his
deposition, 370
''Times, the, and the moments,"
Mariano's sermon on, 77: reply of
S. to, 78 ; the ''Compendium Kevela-
tionum on, 5^
Tithe, a, on ecclesiastical property
demanded by the Signory, 373:
granted. 383
Tocco. Felice, on medieval inter-
pretation of the Apocalypse, 9 ; on
mediaeval prophets, 69 note
Todi. lacopone da, s. v. Jacopone da T.
Tornabuoni, family, several members
of, at S. Marco, 103 : one of, wounded
in the streets of Florence, 132
Tornabuoni, Fra Cosimo (<>.!'.), invites
Lorenzo T. to sign the "subscrip-
tion," 405 : countersigns the garbled
deposition of S., 364
Tornabuoni, Lorenzo, accompanies
Piero de' Medici to the camp of
Charles VIII., 124 ; signs the "sub-
scription, 403 ; but is offended at not
having been asked sooner, and writes
his name apart from the rest, ihid. :
implicated in Medicean conspiracy,
tried, condemned, and executed,
i68f., ff. 357, 366, 403, and s. v.
Nero, l'>. del : S. intercedes for
"ma freddamente," 426; his death
avenged on Valoii by Simonc Torna-
buoni mentioned, 147 note
Tornabuoni, Luigi, advises S. to enter
into relations with Giovanna della
Rovere, the " 1'refettissa " of Sini-
gaglia, 415
Tornabuoni, Simonc, assassinates
Valori, 35?
Torriano, Kra Giovacchino, General of
the Dominican < >nlcr, sup]>orts S.
Marco against the Lombard Con-
gregation, 101, 105 ; confers on S.
ihe powers of a Provincial, 104 f. :
raises the residence of S. Maria del
Sasso to the rank of a Priory, 109 :
creates S. Vicar of the Congregation
ofS. Marco, 109 f. : visits Pralo, and
transfers the Dominican convent there
to S. Marco, ejecting the "con-
ventuals," but making provision for
them, inf.; requested to send S.
to Lucca, 177; concurs with the
Brief, Reformation} et Ang inciito, 215;
and promotes the project of the new
Congregation, 221, 249, 252 ; but
still favourable to S., 216 : his
authority tacitly ignored by S., 252;
appointed Papal commissary to try
S., 364, 365 f., 383 f. : the examina-
tion before him (conducted by Komo-
lino), 421 ff. ; the action of the
commissaries discussed, 430 ff. ; their
letter to the Pope, possibly not
Torriano's, 424 ff. ; portions of it
inexcusable, ibid, and notes : his
high character, 437 <;/". 384 f., letters
of, 101, 104 f. , icKjf. , 112,424
Torture, the use of advocated by S.,
366, 422, ff. 432 f.: and s. vv.
Punishment, Severity ; not to be'
defended /;/ .fir, 365 ; but those who
used it not necessarily cruel, 422,
433 f-'' principles and limitations
which governed and rcstticted its
use dc jure, though not always
observed, //>/e of, 211,
2M
INDKX
47.
"Tiisti," /.<. " tlic wicked," 32; ;m.\ CIACI.IANO, Fra Ruberto
(< >. P.), his deposition on the state of
internal discipline al S. Marco, 3elt, 411 It. : but explained as an
equivocation. 4 10
Valle, della, family lends of, in Rome,
-3
Valori. Filippo, Florentine ambassador
in Rome. oo
Valori. Francesco, remon-tiate- \\ith
S. on behalf of I.oren/o de' Medici,
75 (" Filippo" in the lex! ii an error
here) ; became the chief supporter of
S. with whom however he communi-
cates chiefly through A. Camhini,
39'S I. ; is unwilling to become the
head of a parly, his irritable and
haughty temper which alienaU- hi>
political allies, 39>S If., 414 ; a meml>cr
of the Committee of Public Safety,
233; and of the Committee on the
affair of S., 315 ; approves and signs
the subscription, 401 : which is
ascribed to him as chief promoter,
404 : but afterwards di-approvcs it,
and recommend-! that it be not sent,
403 : his probable motives for this
change, ifn'il. ; elected (ionfalonierc,
22} ; is chiefly instrumental in pro-
curing the condemnation of the
Medicean conspirators, and thereby
give offence to many, loS f. and
notes : speech of, in debate, warmly
eulogizing S. and the community of
S. .Marco, 223 ; is al S. Marco on
the day of the riot, but takes no part
in the defence, and leaves early,
355 f. ; his home sacked, his wife
killed, and himself assa-.-inated by
V. Ridolli and S. Torn.tbuoni (l S. to
make him (ionfaloniere tor life. 413
alori, Niccolo, speech of, in debate,
309
ecchia, (lioacchino della, captain of
the guard on occasion of the ordeal,
340; is friendly to S.. 340 ;/.>.Y :
is summarily aiie-tcd on the day of
the riot, 350 f. and ;;,','<> : strange
error of \ illaii concerning, 357 ii<\',-
Veduti," and "Seduti," i.?. holder-
of olticc by honorary or actual tenme.
158
enality ol officials at the Papal Court,
-.5
enice, constitution of, piai-cd by S.,
1501., 413: the Council of, ,'*/,/..
interdiction, 21: war of with l-'ciraia.
II. 21 ; j.iin- the l.<-ague, 133: S.
IKI- no intcu -t at. 42^
entuii, I.uigi. speech i>t, in dcb.itc.
3M
eiacity, a title t>> belief, even in
mallei- of piiv.vte icvela'.ion, 314
c-iMicci. family, members of a! >.
Marco. 103
e-pucci, (liiitlanlKiiio, lemotistrati -
with S. .n behall ! L. >ten.-o .
DOM JOHN ROBKRTS, O.S.B.
By
DOM BEDE CAMM, O.S.H., B.A., Oxox
Juries! of S/ Thomas's .IM,'y, Kniiu^tou
OPINIONS OF THE PRESS.
THE PALI. MALL C.A/KTTK (Dec. 18, 1897).
"The pictures Father Camm gives of the Jesuit seminary at Valla-
dolid and of tlie Benedictine .Monastery of Santiago de Compostella arc
both interesting and beautiful ; the account of the bitter feud between
the Jesuits and the Benedictines gives us a high idea of the authors
scrupulousness in matters of history. . . . The book has great historical
interest. Moreover to Father Camm it was a labour of love, and is
therefore written with sympathy and real feeling.''
THE TAIILKT (Dec. 25, 1897).
"This life is a welcome addition to the literature connected with our
English martyrs. The author has spent considerable pains on the book,
and has succeeded in adding a good deal to what we already knew from
Challoncr, whose account of the martyr has been hitherto almost our
only source of information. The work has been a labour of love ; and
the task of reading it is a profitable one, not merely on account of the
intrinsic value of the facts, but specially because of the spirit in which it
is written. That spirit is one of peace, as indicated by the Benedictine
device of Pax,' which is stamped upon the cover. . . . Our author gives
us a short history of the Yen. Mark Barksworth, and brings up evidence
to show precisely the right which he had, at the hour of his martyrdom,
to call himself a professed son of St Benedict. . . . The narrative part
OPINIONS OF THE PRESS- Continued.
of the present work occupies 278 pages. At the end of the book there is
a series of Appendices containing some of the documents in the story.
Last of all there is a good index."
THE MONTH (First Notice, Ar. 1897).
" Father Camm's book bears marks of the most painstaking resean h.
He seems to have consulted every possible source of information which
could throw light on his subject, and in fact to have made the period
with which he is concerned quite his own.''
THE MONTH (Second Notice, Jan. 1898).
" In this interesting study, Dom Bede Camm sets before us a man of
remarkable character, the fearless, active, outspoken Benedictine, John
Roberts, a martyr of no ordinary kind. Until now the story of his heroic
death was practically all that was known about him, but Dom Camm has
ransacked Europe, one might almost say, in search of further particulars;
and has succeeded so well, that we can now study in detail, not only the
martyr's life and character, but his times as well. ... It is an illustra-
tion, too, of the thoroughness of the authors work, that he exhibits his
hero to us in contact, as a missionary priest should be, with all sorts and
conditions of men. ... As a monk he embraced a life of perpetual
seclusion, as a missioner he was sent on many a long and perilous
journey. Then we read of escapes and banishments, of capture and
recapture, of busy work in London alternately with the solitude of the
monk's cell and the felon's dungeon. There is a feast in his honour in
prison ; there are the pleasantries of a heart at rest on the scaffold ;
many things, in short, stranger than those we are accustomed to find in
fiction. Oftentimes there were trials from the good, sometimes the
consolation of an unlooked-for conversion ; always labour, occasionally
success. And the end was 'a spectacle to angels and to men.' Dom
Camm has given us a book which will find, we hope, many attentive
readers."
APPROBATIONS
THE LORD BISHOP OK HEX HAM ANI> NEWCASTLE :
"Your book has perfectly (It-lighted me: it is full of interest, and
gives a knowledge of the times of the martyr that is perfectly invaluable.
I will do my best to promote the sale of it."
THE Ar.r.oT PRIMATE 01- THE ORDER OF Sr BENEIMCT:
" It has been my ardent wish to write to you and to express the very
intense pleasure your book gave me. It is really a yood work : and I
ask God to give you strength to continue your studies so as to be able
soon to give us another volume of your scries.' 1
THE DEVOTION
OF THE
THREE HOURS' AGONY
ON GOOD FRIDAY
Translated from tlic SpanisJi Original of
FATHER ALOXSO MKSIA, S.J.
JJ7//t a;! Historical Introduction l*v
FATHER IJERHKRT THURSTOX, S.J.
Crown STO. C/ot/i, Is. 6d. Leather, 2s. 6d. net.
EXTERNAL RELIGION
ITS USE AM) A HUSK
GEORGE TYRRELL, S.J.
Al'TIIok o! ' HARD SAYIMIS," AND ".NOVA ET VETKKA."
"'External Religion' is i inorc important contribution
to Catholic literature than anvthini; the author has vet given
* o * o
to us/' 'J /n' Month.
Cn>-idi STV>. Price 3s. 6d.
LONDON
S A X 1) S & CO.
UNFVEK. CALIFORNIA LIBRARY, LOS ANGELES
1 1 i i : . r- tr\
A 001 014 549
College
Library
TV.
97