1013 
 
 K77«2i 
 
 A: 
 
 a; 
 
 o\ 
 o\ 
 
 0! 
 
 01 
 
 1 \ 
 1 \ 
 
 31 
 
 1 = 
 
 51 
 
 f 
 
 Considerations on the De- 
 :^ev^.f5pncies of (rre'^t-Rrit^iiin. 
 
 By 
 Hercules Langrishe 
 
 S.T:'>v   
 
 1%
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 LOS ANGELES
 
 CONSIDERATIONS 
 
 O N T H E 
 
 DEPENDENCIES 
 
 O F 
 
 GREAT-BRITAIN. 
 
 »- 
 
 WITH 
 
 OBSERVATIONS 
 
 ON A 
 
 PAMPHLET, 
 
 INTITLEJtt 
 
 The Prefent State of the Nation. 
 
 LONDON: Printed for J. A L M O N. 
 
 DUBLIN: 
 
 Re-printed for J. W I L L I A M S, at N^ 5, hi 
 Skinner-Row. M DCC LXIX.
 
 [ 6 ] 
 
 revenues to defray the ordinary expcnces^ 
 without annually breaking in upon that fund 
 appropriated for difcharge of the debt, it is 
 evident, that fomething more than the qua- 
 lifications of High Birth, Fortune, or even 
 Virtue itfelf, is neceifary to regulate the 
 great concerns of the Britifh Empire : fome 
 improvement of Difcipline, fome reftotation 
 of Oeconomy, fome difcovery of Refources 
 mufl take place, in order to prevent the de- 
 ftrudion of England. 
 
 It appears that the regular expences of 
 government at this time of tranquility, 
 amount (exclufive of the intereft of the 
 national debt) to little lefs than four mil- 
 lions ; and that the {landing Ways and 
 Means produce about 2,322,000/. confe- 
 iquently that to make up the fupply for the 
 year, it is neceffary to borrow above a mil- 
 lion and an half from the Sinking Fund, 
 which certainly ought to be facred to the 
 payment of our immenfe debt. 
 
 That the debt of the nation (after the 
 redudion of the feven millions fmce the 
 peace) amounts to about 141,000,0007. 
 the annual intereft of which is about 
 4,500,000/. 
 
 That the laft war encreafed the debt no 
 lefs than feventy-fiv& millions ; the annual 
 
 intereft
 
 [ 7 J . 
 
 intereft of which is flated at about 2,600,000/. 
 which added to an encreafe in the peace 
 eftabhfhment of 1,500,000/. makes an an- 
 ijual additional charge on the nation of 
 above four milHons, in confequence of the 
 laft war j and therefore on the plainefl 
 principles of calculation, another war, un- 
 der a continuance of the prefent mode of 
 management, jnuft end in the ruin of Eng- 
 land. 
 
 That of this debt 52,000,000/ are due to 
 foreigners, the intereft of which is above 
 1,500,000/ this fum is to be deduded from 
 the balance of trade, which is not, accord- 
 ing to this author, above two millions and 
 an half in favour of England. 
 
 . Thefe great national points are ftated in 
 this pamphlet with great clearnefs, and I 
 do believe on good grounds. I agree there- 
 fore with the author, that this view of 
 things calls for the moft ferious attention ; 
 but I difagree with him in his plan of reme- 
 dy, as inadequate to the end, and incon- 
 fiftent with policy, juftice, or indeed prac- 
 ticability. 
 
 B 2 The
 
 [ 8 ] 
 
 The fiat e of Great-Britain is this. 
 
 The peace eftablifhment, with a little re- 
 formation, may be reduced to 3,300,000 
 
 The national debt is 141 Mil- ( 
 lions, the intereft of which IS \ 4,Soo.ooo 
 
 ^. 7,800,000 
 
 This 7,800,000/. is the fiim to be provi- 
 ded annually for the expences of England. 
 To the accomplifhment of which the author 
 of the ftate of the nation propofes, that Ire- 
 land fhould contribute ,100,000/. and the Co- 
 lonies 200,000/. making together 300,000/. 
 which is jufl the difference between 
 7,800,000/. and 7,500,000/. fer annum. 
 
 This extra-Britifh contribution to the 
 Britifh Eftablifhment, is the principal ob- 
 jed which I propofe to confider. 
 
 Firfl:, then, as to Ireland, let us enquire 
 whether this would be reafonable or prac- 
 ticable i and examine how far the relative 
 condition and abilities of Ireland have been 
 juftly ftated by this author ; even fuppofing 
 this 100,000/. per annum an object of weight 
 enough in the fcale of Britifh expence to 
 demand fuch confideration, or juftify fuch 
 an expedient. 
 
 I have this moment before me the na- 
 tional accounts of Ireland, which were 
 
 laid
 
 [ 9 ] 
 laid before parliament the laft feffion, and 
 fhall from them flate the annual fum raifed 
 on that kingdom in taxes; and then exa- 
 mine into its means, its refources, and the 
 proportion it bears to Great-Britain, in its 
 ability and its exertion. 
 
 In the year ending Lady-day 1766, the 
 produce of the /. s. d. 
 
 Hereditary revenue was 67 1 ,649 13 5 
 The additional'duties 245,954 8 iii 
 The loan and other ap- j ^n iai 
 
 propriated duties , 3 
 
 X^ 990.745 4 3x 
 The amount of the whole is nearly one 
 
 million of money, adually raifed every 
 year on Ireland. And when I add to this, 
 that on comparing the expences of govern- 
 ment with this produce of the revenues, it 
 was apprehended by the Irifh parliament, 
 that this fum might turn out inadequate to 
 the expences, and therefore they pafTed a 
 Claufe of Credit in the bill of fupply, em- 
 powering government to borrow 100,000/. 
 if it fhould be found neceffary, in the in- 
 terval between that and the next feffion of 
 parliament ; — and this, tho' fome additional 
 taxes were granted; and all the old ones con- 
 tinued ; the' Ireland already owes a debt 
 
 of
 
 [ 'o J 
 
 of near 700,000/. which not only has not 
 been diminifhed fince the peace commen- 
 ced, but has been every fefTion encreafmg 
 in confequence of votes and ads of credit, 
 befide paying a penfion lift equal to the in- 
 tereft of a debt of 2,275,000/. All this 
 being confidered, 1 (hall not be accufed of 
 facrificing much of accuracy, if, for the 
 fake of perfpicuity and facility of compa- 
 rifon, I ftate the annual fupply raifed on 
 the kingdom of Ireland at one Million ; and 
 when we take into our calculation the new 
 tax on abfentees, and probable mcreafe of 
 the revenue from the redudion of duty on 
 tea, by Vv^hich that commodity will be 
 reftored to the Cuftom-houfe, from whence 
 it has been banifhed by excelfive duties, I 
 am convinced, if I ftate the revenues at a 
 Million, I do not exceed the adual produce 
 of this prefent year. 
 
 It appears from the full calculation of 
 this author, that the fum to be raifed an- 
 nually in England is 7,800,000/. which 
 for expence of management, and eafe of 
 calculation, I fliall call 8,000,000/. 
 
 Thus we fee Great-Britain pays eight times 
 as much in taxes as Ireland. 
 
 Let us now examine, whether England 
 
 has
 
 [ " ] 
 
 has more or lefs than eight times the ability 
 of Ireland to pay ; then we fhall be able to 
 judge, whether Ireland pays more or lefs 
 than her proportion to the general caufe. 
 England contains thirty-fix millions of a- 
 cres ; of which thofe who have taken the 
 lateft furveys, admit twenty millions to be 
 in perfed cultivation, and well worth one 
 pound per acre ; which with the other 
 16,000,000 under pafture, fheep, wood, 
 &c. valued only at 8j. fer acre, make a 
 rental of 26,400,000 /. to which in confi- 
 deration of the infinitely advanced value of 
 land and ground-rent in and about London, 
 York, Briftol, and all the other cities and 
 trading towns of England, we muft at the 
 loweft computation add 3,600,000 /. more ; 
 and this brings the rental of England to 
 thirty millions. 
 
 I have frequently known it ftated at 40, 
 and fometimes at fixty millions ? therefore 
 1 am certain of not exceeding in my valua- 
 tion at thirty millions. 
 
 As for Ireland, it is by nature in fo great 
 a proportion marfhy and mountainous, and 
 fo far deficient in culture and population, 
 that the eleven millions of Irifh plantation 
 acres which it contains cannot pofllbly be 
 eftimated at more than three millions. 
 
 Thus
 
 [ 12 ] 
 
 Thus England is in this refped: ten times 
 as great as Ireland ^ notwithftanding the 
 taxes of the former are only eight times as 
 great as thofe of the latter. As for the 
 perfonal property of England, it exceeds 
 that of Ireland itill in a much greater pro- 
 portion, including many articles, which 
 that country either has not at all, or in a 
 proportion below all comparifon with the 
 fuperior country ; fuch as plate, jewels, 
 furniture, fhips of war, merchant-fhips, 
 &c. &c. fo that, at the lowefl computation 
 of the wealth of England by any political 
 arithmetician, it will, I believe, be uni- 
 verfally admitted, that the real and perfo- 
 nal property of Great Britain united, are 
 fixteen times as much as thofe of Ireland ; 
 and yet it pays but eight times as much. 
 There is another method of comparing the 
 wealth of the two countries, namely, by 
 the expencesoi each individual. The ex- 
 pences of every inhabitant of Great Britain, 
 from the king to the beggar, are eftimated 
 at lo/. per head. Thofe of Ireland do not 
 exceed 2/. loj. — Computing then Great 
 Britain at eight millions of inhabitants, and 
 Ireland at two, the confumption of the one 
 
 is
 
 [ 13 ] 
 
 is eighty millions, of the other only five ; 
 {q that Great Britain fpends (and confe- 
 quently has) lixteen times as much as Ire- 
 land. Thus there refults a reciprocal con- 
 firmation from the agreement of thefe two 
 mediums of computation ; each individual 
 of England having four times as much as 
 €ach perfon in Ireland, ought to pay four 
 tim.es as much : otherwife they are not 
 taxed proportionably. But, as England 
 pays only eight millions, whilft Ireland pays 
 one, each perfon in England pays only 
 twice as much as each perfon in Ireland, 
 and confequently but half as much as he 
 ought. And here I cannot avoid fubjoin- 
 ing an obfervation on this fubjed, made by 
 a perfon of the greateft eloquence and abili- 
 ties : Bread and beer are the neceflaries 
 of life in England, milk and fait the lux- 
 uries of Ireland ; and it is their luxury, 
 and not their poverty, that difables the 
 people of England to bear more taxes ; 
 '' for if they would live but as the inhabi- 
 ''' tants of Ireland, and reduce their annual 
 expence from lo/. to 2/. ioj. each, their 
 " annual expence would decreafe from 
 " eighty millions to twenty ; which would 
 " make a faving of fixty millions each year. 
 " Sp that the whole national d^bt of Eng- 
 
 C " land 
 
 
 a
 
 
 [ ■+ ] 
 
 ^' land would be paid off, if the pcopir 
 would confent to live but two years and 
 a half^ as the people of Ireland are con- 
 demned to live perhaps for ever.'' 
 Thefe difproportions are amazing, yet 
 they certainly fubfift; and if it be m a great 
 degree difficult for the people of England 
 utterly to alter their manner of living, let 
 them retrench, in fomc degree^ or at leaft 
 let them ceafe to call on frugality and indi- 
 gence to fupply, not their wants^ but their 
 luxuries. It may indeed be irkfome to men 
 to fubftrad any thing from fuperfluities, 
 to which they have been accuftomed, but 
 to fubftrad from the neceffaries of life is 
 impoffible. Frugality is a refource, which 
 has not yet been tried in England — in Ire- 
 land it has been tried as far as it will go. 
 
 If lands m Ireland have of late rifen in 
 their value, it is in a great meafure owing 
 to the avidity of the landlord, and the 
 parfimonious habits of the tenant, who pays 
 the former the whole of the advance, and 
 ftill referves no more than exiftence to him- 
 felf Provifions too are growing very near- 
 ly as dear in Ireland, as in England ; but in 
 the latter, as this dearnefs proceeds from 
 the plenty of money, in Ireland it is the 
 confequence of the fcarcity of proviiion. — 
 
 For
 
 [ 15 ] 
 
 For let a country be ever fo fertile in itfelf, 
 if it have not a refource againft fuperfluity 
 by foreign trade, it never will be able to 
 fupply itfelf; — and accordingly, with all 
 its natural advantages, Ireland has always 
 been obliged to import from other coun- 
 tries a great proportion of her confumption 
 of Corn ; and at this day, w4th all her 
 boafted improvement, induftry, and falutary 
 laws, (he is yet unable to feed her own in- 
 habitants, but is obliged to fend near i 50,000/. 
 per annum out of the kingdom for different 
 kinds of grain. And by a paper lately pub- 
 lished by the Dubhn fociety, it appears, that 
 of two millions of money fent abroad, for - 
 foreign articles, one million is for commodi- 
 ties which Ireland might provide for itfelf. 
 Is there not almoft a rebellion in England 
 when the people cannot eafily get the bell 
 white bread ? 
 
 How different is the cafe of Ireland ! The 
 tumults which lately were raifed in that 
 kingdom, were the irregular difcontents of 
 a defperate people, who, through the rapar 
 city of landlords^ and variety of extortion 
 exercifed hy dealers in tythes^iound it almoft 
 impoffible by the hardeft labour to procure 
 potatoes. This was downright rebellion ! 
 
 C 2 ^ The
 
 [ >6 ] 
 
 The common people of England gene- 
 rally feed on wheaten bread, butter, cheefe, 
 bacon, and beer ; whereas in Ireland, the 
 northern people live on oaten bread and 
 milk -y thofe of the fouth and weft iiniver- 
 fally on potatoes ; to which fcarcely any of 
 them afpire to add milk, the whole year 
 rounds but really and truly (however im- 
 probable it may be to an Englifhman) do 
 frequently fupport themfelves by nothing 
 but potatoes and water. 
 
 The wages given throughout Ireland to 
 labourers are as univerfal at 6d. per day, as 
 they are throughout England at a fhilling. 
 What is the reafon of this difference ? Is it 
 that 6d. in Ireland will produce as much as 
 one fhilling in England ? that is impoflible ! 
 For I have this moment the Englifh and 
 Irifli News-Papers before me ; by which I 
 find, that the medium price of meat and 
 Corn is not much above one-twentieth high- 
 er in England than in Ireland, and the com- 
 modities are certainly one-twentieth better, 
 which makes the prices in fad equal. ( i ) The 
 
 cafe 
 
 (i) There is no particular in which fhe people of 
 England afe more miftaken, than in the prices at 
 which they rate the feveral articles of Irifh confurtip- 
 tion ; they think Ireland the chsapejly whereas the faft 
 is, that it is the moft frugal country in Europe ; the 
 ' generality
 
 [ '7 ] 
 cafe is, the Englifi labourer will not be fa- 
 tisfied iinlefs he feeds on white breads cheefe, 
 bacon, and beer, which he cannot do for 
 
 much 
 
 generality of things are as cheap in England, and very 
 many are and mull, from the nature of their trade and 
 reftridions on the Irifh commerce, be much cheaper than 
 in Ireland ; of which I fhall mention fuch as occur to 
 me, tho' I fhall not be able in my catalogue to com- 
 prehend every article. Woollen-drapery almoft or all 
 kinds, iron, tin, copper, coals, hops, bark, earthen- 
 ware, hard-ware, all kind of mechanical-tools, gold, 
 filver, Bruffels and all kind of laces, lamp-black, white 
 and red lead, liquorice, faffron, fugars, tobacco, cot- 
 ton, indigo, ginger, fpeckle-wood, Jamaica-wood, fuf- 
 tick, and other dying-woods, rice, m.elafles, beaver- 
 fkins, and other furs, pitch, tar, turpentine, tea, cof- 
 fee, chocolate, fego, pepper, cloves, cinnamon, and 
 all manner of fpices, ftamped and flained linens, mad- 
 der, needles, Unfecd and train-oil, paper, pewter, toys, 
 timber of feveral kinds, all manner of drugs both for 
 manufadure and medicine, china-ware, porcelain-earth, 
 pearls and all precious-ftones, ivory, taffatees, and in 
 ihort every thing which is brought either from the Eaft 
 or \7eft-Indies ; and finally, as to the great article of 
 human fubfjftence Corn, let me' obferve, that there is 
 r.o year in vvh'ch a great quantity is not imported into 
 Ireljind from England, which would not be the cafe if 
 Corn bore in any great degree an higher price in Eng- 
 land J for the' there is a bounty of five fhlllings per 
 quarter paid on exportation of wheat, and fo in 
 proportion for other grains, yet hazard, freight, 
 damage, infurance, commilTion and delay, are all 
 fuch dedudions from this bounty, that they would^ 
 fcarcely be at the trouble of exporting their Corn, to 
 fell it at a price muth lower than that which their own 
 piarkets afford"
 
 [ i8 ] 
 
 much lefs than a (liilling; whereas th&lrijlj 
 labourer is contented to fubfift on potatoes 
 and water, or efteems himfelf happy, if he 
 can procure himfelf potatoes and milk ; and 
 all this he can do for fix-pence. Thus the 
 grievance of England does not fubfift in the 
 high price, but the high iife of provifions ; 
 and if the time fhall ever come, in which 
 the labouring man fhall change his bread 
 and cheefe for roaft-beef, there muft then 
 be an end of the trade of England ; for no 
 commodity can be merchantable, manufac- 
 tured at the expence which that muft induce. 
 Thus the wants of England are artificial, or 
 the effeds of extravagance ; the neceflities 
 of Ireland are natural^ and proceed from 
 meer poverty. When Mr. Poftlethwayt 
 fays, that labour is cheap in Ireland in con- 
 fequence of the cheapnefsof provifions, he 
 miftakes the caufe ; and when the people of 
 England complain, that the price of pro- 
 vifions is exhorbitant, they mean (as the 
 author of the farmer's letters obferves) by 
 frovijions the fuperfluities of life. And the 
 lame excellent author has made an exa6t cal- 
 culation of the expence at which a labour- 
 ing man, his wife, and three children,^ can 
 fubfift comfortably, at the prefent price of 
 things, provided he is induftrious and lives
 
 [ '9 ] 
 as a labouring man ought. He is not al- 
 lowed the beft wheaten breads nor does his 
 wife drink tea, yet twice in the week he has 
 meat made into a good foup, good bread, 
 beer, cheefe, or rice milk at the worft. 
 The whole expence of this oeconomy being 
 deduded frorn their earnings, and allowing 
 one pound for licknefs or cafualty, there 
 remains a balance at the end of the year 
 to this family of 1 3/. 1 31. 
 
 The extravagant manner in which the 
 labouring people adually do live, reduces 
 that balance to 3/. ioj. It is not then the 
 high price of provifions or taxes that really 
 do render them oppreffed : this they may 
 fee by turning their eyes to their neighbours 
 the Dutch. With them the manufadurer 
 muft pay, if he will confume it, for fuch 
 bread as the Englifhman would eat, 3^. 
 fer pound i and for ilefh-meat ()d. He 
 pays one-third of his earnings in taxes, and 
 the Englifhman not much above one-tenth ; 
 yet the Dutchman's wages are only 14^. 
 per day, which is at a medium about the 
 price paid in England, and yet this frugal 
 and induftrious people manufacture the 
 produds of various countries, and under- 
 fell them all, at their own markets. 
 
 In
 
 [ 20 ] 
 
 In France, the taxes are peculiarly op- 
 preffive on the poor, yet labour is there 
 three times as cheap as in England ; and, 
 on the other hand, we may fee that Bir- 
 mingham, notwithftanding the high price 
 of provifions, has not only rivalled Geneva, 
 the moft plentiful and frugal part of Eu- 
 rope, but has entirely taken from her the 
 •enamelled and lacquered trade, which flie 
 was in poiTelTion of And as for Ireland, 
 what an Englishman would call the neceifa- 
 ries of life, are within a very fmall degree 
 as dear there as in England ; yet as I before 
 obferved, the price of labour is but one 
 half as high. But the author of the State of 
 the Nation fays, the people of Ireland may 
 afford to make this annual contribution of 
 100,000/. becaufe they do not pay hand 
 ^ax^ Malt Tax^ Houfe or Window Tax, no 
 duties on Soap, Candles, Salt, or Leather. 
 
 Good God ! what matters it under what 
 titles or denominations it is that money be 
 laifed on the people, if it be actually levied ? 
 Thejpe are abilities and difabilities to bear 
 particular taxes peculiar to every country. 
 A tax "upon bread would be the moft op- 
 prelfive tax in England, upon potatoes in 
 Ireland; the Hearth-money was difcon- 
 tinued in England foon after the Revoluti- 
 on,
 
 [ 21 ] 
 
 on, as a badge of fubjedion j and the ex-* 
 tenfive Land Tax, which this author recom- 
 mends, is a judicious tax for Efig/dnd, biit 
 Would be an opprelfive one iri Ireland. Al- 
 moft the whole lands of Ireland being in the 
 hands of the Proteftants, and two-thirds of 
 the inhabitants being Papifts, a Land-Tax 
 fo far as it operated would be, at leaft in 
 the firft inftance, partial., and therefore in- 
 jurious : For tho' I would not wifh on ac- 
 count of religious differences to fubjed rtieti 
 to any feverities, I would not, on the other 
 hand, confer immunities Oil tion-cohformi- 
 ty, or give two-thirds of the community arl 
 exemption from a tax, to lay a penalty as 
 it were on the eftablifhed religion. The fum 
 raifed on the people of Ireland is one mil- 
 lion ; on England eight millions. As the 
 confumption of England and Ireland is dif- 
 ferent, the objed of their refpedive taxes 
 muft be different. — The revenues in Eng- 
 land are raifed by Cujioms., Excife, Land' 
 TaXj Malt Tax, Window., Stamp, Salt, Can- 
 dle, Leather Duties, &c. In Ireland by 
 Cujfioms, Excife, %iit. Crown and Compoji- 
 tion Rents, Hearth-money, Ale and Wine Li- 
 cences, Cafual Revenues, &c. &c. 
 
 The queftion is on the fum raifed ; the 
 means muft always differ according to the 
 
 D circum-
 
 [ 22 ] 
 
 circumftances of the country : otherwife 
 Ireland might retort the argument of this 
 author and fay, " the people of England can 
 " bear Hill more taxes, becaufe they do not 
 " pay Hearth-money, or Quit-rent." (i) 
 
 Let us however make a clofe examination 
 into the reality of thofe exemptions from 
 taxation, which have been attributed to Ire- 
 land. — And firft as to the hand-Tax. 
 . This tax, when it is flated at three fhil- 
 lings in the pound, does not an equal and 
 exa£t afTelTment exceed (2) one fliilling in 
 the pound, on every acre of land in Eng- 
 land ; in Scotland not three-pence in the 
 pound. Ireland, it is true, does not pay a 
 
 Land 
 
 (i) The author of the Prefent State of the Nation 
 fays, * the net produce of the public revenues of Ireland 
 
 * in I 766, arofe altogether from Port-duties or Cuftoms, 
 
 * an Inland duty or Excife upon Beer, Ale, or ftrong 
 
 * Waters, made for fale, and a tax upon Fire-Hearths.' 
 Was it by accident that this author, who feems io inti- 
 mately acquainted with the ftate of Ireland, has omit- 
 ted to mention in his recital of Irifh Taxes, ^it-Rents, 
 Croivn-Rentf, Compojit i on-Rent s , Port-Corn-Rents, Wine- 
 Licences, Ale-Licences, Cyder-Licences, Cyder-Excife, duties 
 on Hawkers and Pedlars, on Cards and Dice, on Coaches and 
 other Carriages, prizage of Wines, Light-houfe duties, Ca-^ 
 fual-revenue, &c. &c. &c. 
 
 (2) If the rental of England be 30,000,000/. one fliil- 
 ling in the pound is 1,500,000/. which is the exa6t 
 amount of the Land-Tax when flated at three fhillings 
 in the pound.
 
 [ 23 ] 
 
 Land Tax, at leaft under that denominatioiij 
 but it pays a ^lit Rent of about 2d. i- per 
 acre. Now allowing throughout the king- 
 dom three acres to the value of a pound an- 
 nual, which every one who knows the coun- 
 try knows is as little as can be allowed, there 
 is aji actual Land-Tax of "jd. h in the pound ; 
 which is not fo very much inferior to what 
 England really pays, and almoft three times 
 as much as Scotland pays. But without hav- 
 ing been at the trouble of mentioning a cor- 
 refponding impofition, or concealed Land- 
 Tax, I might have ftated the prohibitions of 
 Irifh trade as a feries of Land Taxes, as fo 
 many difcouragements to cultivation, which 
 alone makes land valuable, and adual deduc- 
 tions from the value of whatever the land 
 does produce. Is it to be imagined, that fo 
 little as y. in the pound is deduded from 
 the landed property of Ireland, by depriving 
 it of the market of univerfal commerce ^ 
 Would not an Irifh farmer readily advance 
 lis rent 31. in the pound to his landlord, if 
 le could in return give him every market 
 n the world open to what he has to difpoie 
 c ? He certainly would. But the cafe is in 
 leland, that home confumption being in 
 th general the ultimate refource, fuperfluity 
 is he terror and the fcourge of the farmers ; 
 
 D 2 and
 
 1 24 ] 
 
 and the confequence o^ univerjal plenty^ may 
 be with them univerfal poverty^ Let us 
 only confider, fo far as the tillage lands of 
 England extend (which are twenty millions 
 of acres) what a repeal or indemnification of 
 the Land Tax is the liberal bounty on expor- 
 tation of Corn. Whilll wheat even bears an 
 advantageous price to the farmer until it be 
 481. per quarter, there is a bounty paid of 
 no lefs than 51. on exportation of a quarter, 
 w:hich is not above 3:^ flone : fo that when 
 tke year is fo plentiful as to produce fix of 
 thofe quarters per acre, there will be a boun- 
 ty received of thirty fhillings on the produce 
 of each acre of wheat. This law not only 
 gives this great bounty to corn lands, but 
 muft, if not defeated by mifmanagement, 
 convert all the lands of England into fuch.— 
 There is an humble imitation of this law in 
 Ireland, but it is utterly ineffectual ; the 
 bounty not taking place until wheat be of fb 
 low a price as 30J. per quarter, which quarter 
 confifts of forty flone. If that plenty fhoulc 
 ever happen, the bounty to be paid on expor 
 tation is only 3J. ^d. for every 40 ftones (f 
 wheat, which is little more than half tie 
 bounty England would pay at the fame tin?. 
 This law therefore never has been, nor pj)- 
 bably ever fhall be executed in Ireland. — Ho 
 
 howeer
 
 [ 25 ] 
 
 however think, that much acknowledgement 
 is due to thofe who procured that law, tho' 
 at prefent inoperative, as it is founded on 
 the beft principles of cultivation, and may- 
 be the objed of future improvement, (i) 
 
 It is true, that for thefe two or three years 
 paft, artifice, or the terrors of imaginary- 
 want, have frequently fupended the operation 
 of thofe admirable bounties, by utterly pro- 
 hibiting the exportation of grain, But 
 
 thefe are temporary cautions, the wifdom of 
 which is contra vertible ; or rather (if I were 
 to fpeak my opinion) the abfurdity of which 
 is incontra vertible ; for nothing will pro- 
 duce uniform plenty but uniform demand •, 
 and farmers will by degrees ceafe to till the 
 ground, if they find they are not at any 
 event to derive from foreign necefiities in- 
 demnifications of their feveral loffes by bad 
 harvefts. Befides, there is not any manufac- 
 ture fo profitable to the nation as agriculture ; 
 it is, as Montefquieu calls it, " a manufadure 
 " which muft be eftablifhed before any other 
 " can." And it appears, that in five years 
 from 1745 to 1750, there was exported out 
 of England corn to the amount of 7 ,40 5,786/. 
 
 fo 
 
 (i) That law was pafled when the Earl of Hertford 
 was Lord Lieutenant of Ireland.
 
 [ 26 ] 
 
 ib that I am entirely convinced that the ex- 
 portation of corn, under the bounty, if it 
 were not fo frequently to yield to the impa- 
 tience and ill policy of the populace, would be 
 more advantageous to England, than almoll 
 all the other trade of that country •, their fu- 
 periorfkill and fuperior encouragement, join'd 
 to the regularity of their feafons, would en- 
 able them to fupply feveral countries with 
 grain cheaper than they could raife it them- 
 felves, and fifteen millions of uncultivated 
 acres would be improved and enclofed ; po- 
 pulation would encreafe in a great degree, and 
 the people would be employed in the manu- 
 fadure of a commodity, every article and ru- 
 diment of which is Britifh ; — the immenfe 
 defuaiid would produce plenty^ and the prices 
 at home would be lower than they are at this 
 moment, tho' the exportation of corn is pro- 
 hibited. And the truth of this affertion is 
 proved by a view of the Windfor table of 
 grain, by which it appears, that notwith- 
 ftanding the univerfal advance in the value 
 of all other things, yet wheat has been 
 cheaper for thefe laft 75 years than it was 
 before ; and the price had been regularly 
 rifing before the bounty was granted, and 
 has as regularly been on the decline ever 
 
 fmce.
 
 [ 27 ] 
 
 lince. If this be not a proof, there is no 
 certainty in nature. 
 
 In fhort, if, upon the failure of any fo- 
 reign harveft, there is regularly to be a pro- 
 hibition at the Englifh market, every coun- 
 try will be under a neceflity at all events of 
 applying themfelves to agriculture for their 
 own exiftence, as they can no longer hope 
 to be fupplied in their fcarcity from England. 
 But what 1 have endeavoured to urge on this 
 occalion is not, it feems, the fafhionable doc- 
 trine at prefent. If a few drunken artificers 
 in London cannot procure by the labour of 
 three days^ as much of the hefi wheaten bread 
 as they can confume mfix^ they are up in re- 
 hellion i and then mufi: be bribed by a fhort- 
 fighted adminiftration into peace by an em- 
 bargo J the natural fruits of which ?iVQ future 
 wants and future rebellions. In fhort, it is 
 now the policy to facrifice the farmer to the 
 mechanick, which mufi: end in the ruin of 
 both ; for it is laid down by a judicious wri- 
 ter as an invariable maxim, " that whatever 
 " encreafes the fa le ofa produdion, encreafes 
 " the quantity of it ; and therefore if you 
 " would have the bread cheap for your ma- 
 " nufadurer, you muft fuffer the exporta- 
 " tion of corn to be certain and unobftruc- 
 '•' ted." Ifhall, in addition to this, only re- 
 mind
 
 [ 28 ] 
 
 mind England, that fhe formerly fnppHed 
 Sweden with corn, but that this fupply be- 
 came fo precarious from wanton prohibitions, 
 that felf-prefervation forced them into agri- 
 culture, and at prefent not one fhip-load 
 of corn goes from England to Sweden. And 
 here I cannot but lament Xht prefent prohibi- 
 tion., which in its operation extends to Ire- 
 land as well as England, and that to its great 
 injury. In jfhort the continent are told, 
 once for all, " You muft apply yourfelves 
 to agriculture, for you fhall fee, that 
 whenever you are in fcarcity, we fhall 
 ftop our ports, let our plenty be what it 
 may. You muft either follow the exam- 
 ple of the Swedes, and at all events raile 
 corn for yourfelves, or apply yourfelves, to 
 fome other market, more regular and ra- 
 tional." The confequence to England 
 will be, that foreigners muft do fo. Eng- 
 land will lofe this moft valuable of all her 
 branches of trade ; and when corn is no lon- 
 ger to be exported as a commodity^ it will not 
 be to be found as a necejfary. And the pecu- 
 liar misfortune of Ireland is, that tho' ftie is 
 now f)ofleired of more grain than ever fhe 
 had before, yet the Englifti redundance will, 
 for the fake of the bounty, and convenience 
 of navigation, be fent to Ireland in great 
 
 quantities 
 
 (C
 
 I 29 ] 
 
 quantities, to the deftrudion of their farmer's 
 and agricultute. And this is not mere fur- 
 mife. I have this moment a letter in my 
 poffefTion, from the moft eminent corn mer- 
 chant in Ireland, mforming me, that great 
 cargoes of corn are daily expeded from Eng- 
 land. 
 
 The next tax under confideration, from 
 wfiich Ireland is exempted, is the Window 
 tax. But let it be remembered, that Ireland 
 pays Hearth-money^ a tax more oppreffive, 
 rmd on a more indifpenfable neceffary, and 
 one which, in proportion to the circumftan- 
 ces of the two kingdoms, is of much greater 
 amount. 
 
 They have not a ftamp duty in Ireland ; 
 yet even that I cannot fay they are totally 
 exempted from, as the ultimate decilion of 
 all law proceedings has been transferred to 
 England; and great is the tax which Ireland 
 pays in defraying the various expences of 
 folicitation, and attendance on appeals and 
 WTits of error in England : and whatever 
 proportion of this Englifli tax neceffarily 
 falls on the fubjeds of Ireland, is an addi- 
 tion to the taxation of Ireland, and a de- 
 dudion from the taxation of England. 
 
 In fhort, whether the taxes of Ireland be 
 Gonlidered colledively or in detail, they 
 
 E will
 
 [ 30 J 
 
 will be found heavier than thofe in Eng- 
 land -y for however people difagree, as to 
 the minute materials of calculation, yet it 
 mufl: be admitted, that Ireland pays one- 
 eighth of the fum that England pays, and 
 it is impoffible to doubt, that England is 
 ten times as rich. Thefe are two fads, 
 upon which there can be no difference of 
 opinion, and the conclulion is certain and 
 obvious. Let me likewife add, that the 
 taxes are particularly opprellive in Ireland, 
 becaufe they are paid by about one-fourth 
 of the community, three- fourths livmg 
 without the ufe almoft of any one taxable 
 article, for potatoes are not yet excifed ; 
 and hearth-money and tobacco duties are 
 the only taxes to which they can be liable : 
 whereas the taxes in England are not only 
 in quantity lighter, but in equality more im- 
 perceptible. We muft, however, acknow- 
 ledge, that the proportion, which this au- 
 thor makes to Ireland, is conceived in terms 
 of liberality, and, I really believe, with fair 
 intentions towards that kingdom : but he 
 argues from a remote view of a country un- 
 ■der circumftances of depreffioii, which are 
 inconceivable to him ^ and the advantage- 
 ous enlargement of commerce, which he 
 wduld confer on-Ireland, both juftice and 
 ;// ... policy
 
 [ 3r ] 
 
 policy require that fhe ihoiild pofTefs, rfiere- 
 Jy to enable her to fupport her prefent con- 
 tribution. But when fhe is already ftrain- 
 €d beyond her ftrength, when England, 
 with all her complaints, is dimimjhing her 
 national debt, and Ireland encreafing hers ; 
 when the former is* mendmg, tho' ilowly, 
 in her circumftances, and the latter not 
 ilowly growing worfe, even in a time of 
 peace, of laying up, or at leaft of recover- 
 ing, it w^ould be fomewhat hard to expe6t 
 that fhe fhould purchale, by a certain in- 
 cumbrance, a probable alleviation ; and for 
 a precarious rivalfhip with France in the 
 woollen trade, or fome fuch commercial 
 lottery, fend away fo great a proportion, 
 (even one-fifth) of the current cafh of the 
 kingdom, over and above the immenfe 
 futns already remitted to England from that 
 country. 
 
 Ireland is an Ifland, which may certainly 
 boafl of natural advantages, but they have 
 hitherto been generally either unimproved 
 or unemployed ; with fine harbours, but 
 little commerce, and a fruitful foil, but lit- 
 tle alTifted as yet by cultivation. It contains 
 about eleven millions of Irifh plantation 
 acres- not above two-thirds of which are 
 
 E 2 inha-
 
 [ 32 ] 
 
 inhabited, and not one-half under any rcia- 
 fonable degree of cultivation, which is evi- 
 dent, from its never yet having been able 
 to produce corn nearly equal to the con- 
 fumption of a country, which has the fewefl 
 inhabitants, and thofe too a people w^ho 
 confume lefs than any people perhaps in the 
 world ; taxed in a greater proportion than 
 Britain, with a great majority of its inha- 
 bitants too miferable from their poverty to 
 contribute to the fppplies, and about two- 
 thirds debarred by religious policy, from 
 almoft every opportunity of contributing tQ 
 the wealth, or ftrength of the country. 
 Who, becaufe they are not fuppofed to be 
 attached tP tlie government by principle, are 
 not to be bound to it by intcrejl ; and by the 
 evil conftrudion of well defigned laws, are 
 not fuffered to depofite with the ftate, even 
 hoft ages for their loyalty. — Who, are not al- 
 lowed either incitements to induftry, or 
 pledges of fidelity, by being precluded from 
 enjoying fecurity for their money, or any 
 valuable poffefllon in their land. — Who are 
 kept by the kws in a flate of preparation 
 for revolt, with their properties as transfer- 
 able as their perfons, without hazard., attach- 
 ment or obligation to reftrain them j iafhort, 
 
 with'
 
 t 33 I 
 without any interefi: in the pubhc prefer- 
 yation. 
 
 There is one branch of trade, which Ire- 
 land enjpys in a very perfed degree, that 
 is the linen manufacture. This is infinitely 
 advantageous to Ireland, and, let me add, 
 highly fo to England too ; for the money 
 fhe fends thither for linens only takes a pro- 
 grefs fpeedily to return agam ; whereas the 
 money fent to purchafe foreign linens never 
 returns. This I do admit to be a valuable 
 branch of trade ; however, the utmoft at- 
 tention of the legiflature of that country 
 lias not been able to extend it, in any de- 
 2;ree of confideration, beyond one of the 
 tour provinces, and it feems impolTible in 
 the nature of things that it fhould be made 
 univerfal in that kingdom. — And when we 
 examine the Cuftom-hou.fe entries, we are 
 much deceived as to the value of the ex- 
 portation$ under this head.- — As linen pays 
 no duty, oftentation and exaggeration of 
 capital induce the merchant to make his 
 entry greater than his exportation. And 
 ftill this manufadure is of fo narrow ex- 
 tent, and bears fo fmall a proportion to 
 the demands of England, that over and 
 above w'hat fhe imports from Ireland (which 
 
 is
 
 [ 34 ] 
 
 is:,v!alued at 500,000/. /f^r annum) fhe im- 
 ports Flax^ liiien, thready lace^ camhrick^ 
 lawn^ and Unen^ from Ruifia, Silefia, Swit- 
 zerland, Hambourgh and Bremen, to the 
 annual amount of a million and a half It 
 IS however a flourifhing and advantageous 
 branch of commerce, fo far as it extends ; 
 but it is, as I before obferved, almoft entire- 
 ly confined to one-fourth part of the king- 
 dom.— The fole commerce almoft of the 
 other three parts, is the victualling trade. — 
 As that country is circumftanced and ref- 
 trained, this trade is certamly profitable ; 
 k brings a good deal of money into the fouth 
 of Ireland, and is certainly better than no 
 trade at all, or the live-cattle trade; and 
 at pfefent there is no other trade for which 
 to commute it - therefore it is an ob- 
 jed: of Irifh regard.— I muft however fay 
 (tho' I combat local advantages and private 
 partialities) that of all kinds of trade it is 
 the ieait advantageous •, it operates againft 
 |)Opulation and tillage, which are particu- 
 larly defective ^ ijR- that ifland ; for half the 
 count'Ty is really inliabited only by cattle ; 
 ^rid a great majoi*ity of thofe who inhabit 
 the remainder, live in* extreme poverty, 
 aftd are obliged to other countries for a great 
 '^i propor-
 
 [ 35 ] 
 
 proportion of their corn. Thus they export 
 thofe commodities which employ the fewell 
 hands to prepare, inch as Beef, Pork, But- 
 ter, Hide, and Tallow ; and they import 
 Corn, which of all commodities employs 
 the greateft number of hands. — A ruinous 
 exchange ! — I do not fay, that the exporta- 
 tion of Corn is always prohibited in Ireland, 
 or that the importation is enjoined ; but 
 the great bounty in England in fo great a 
 proportion exceeds that of Ireland, that 
 whenever exportation is allowed, England 
 mufl underfeli Ireland, not alone in foreign 
 markets ; but as the great and populous 
 towns in Ireland lie on the eaftern and 
 Ibuthern fea coafts, the convenience of na- 
 \agation and greatnefs of the bounty ena- 
 ble England to underfeli Ireland in Corn at 
 her own markets. 
 
 Having . examined the great objeds on 
 which the commerce of Ireland con be em- 
 ployed, let us enquire into the objeds upon 
 which it cannot be exercifed ; and that ap- 
 pears from a review of the feveral reftric- 
 tions which have from time to time been 
 impofed upon it by the Rnglijh parliament.— 
 By the.Englifh ftatute of the 15th of Ch. IL 
 no produdion of Eurppe is to be export- 
 ed
 
 [ 36 ] 
 
 cd to the Colonies, unlefs the fame b6 
 fhipped in England, Wales, or Berwick on 
 Tweed, except fait for New Foundkind, 
 wine from Madeiras and Azores -, from 
 Scotland and Ireland provifions, fervants, 
 and horfes. — This a6t was amended, in fa- 
 vour of Ireland, by the ad of 3d and 4th 
 of Oj Anne, by which that kingdom was 
 allowed to fend white or grey linen cloth 
 dire&.ly to the plantations. 
 
 By the 7 and 8th of King William, " no 
 " plantation goods can be landed in Ireland, 
 " unlefs firft landed in England." 
 
 By the 10 and i ith of W. III. no manu- 
 fadured wool is to be exported from Ireland, 
 nor wool, under an heavy Fine, unlefs to 
 England, 
 
 By the 7th of Geo. I. no commodity, the 
 produce of the Eaft Indies, is to be im- 
 ported into Ireland, but from England. 
 
 An ad was paffed in the 4th of Geo. I. in 
 fome little degree of alleviation of the 7th 
 and 8th of King William ; by which Ire- 
 land is permitted to import dirc&ly from the 
 plantations any goods, not particularly enu- 
 merated. — But I cannot avoid mentioning 
 the articles exempted by name from this 
 indulgence. " Sugars, tobacco-, cotton, 
 
 wool.
 
 
 
 t 37] 
 
 ** wool, indigo, ginger, ifpeckle, and Ja- 
 maica wood, fbftick, or Other dying- 
 wood, rice, melaffes, beaver-ikins and 
 other furs, c6pper-6re, pitch, tar, turpen- 
 tine, mafts, yards, bowfprits." They are 
 not by another ad to import from thence 
 " hops," and by andther to iexport " glafs 
 ♦' or filk," kc. 
 
 Does this great indulgence amount to 
 niuch more than this !^ "-The former a6l 
 *^ faid, Ireland fhall iriipoft nothing • tliis 
 a£l permits her to import every thmgixom. 
 the Colonies, except what the Colonies 
 have to export of any valil'eJ' For really 
 after the before-mentioned exceptions the 
 plantations do hot produce anything of ve- 
 ry great value except Corn and timber ; the 
 firft whereof is imported to the difcpurage- 
 ment of agriculture, and the fecond is bet- 
 ter imported from Norway • befide IbrnQ 
 denomi nations of that are prohibited. ^^ ,,.^ 
 It appears then, from a review of the'fe 
 I^w^s, that the only tfaide of any degfee of 
 tonfideratioh wHich is to fuppoft the mil- 
 liori annually raifed by faxes, and the feve- 
 ral drains and incunil!) ranees which I fhall 
 hereafter in part rhentioh, is tlie Ihieii Ma-^ 
 hiifaEiurL v\rhich only extends to one-fourth 

 
 [ 38 ] 
 
 of the kingdom — and the Vi6iualli?ig trade 
 chargeable with the objedions I before made 
 to it. 
 
 What the profits of this trade are to the 
 kingdom, let us in the next place enquire. 
 
 Upon examining the Cuftom-houfe books 
 it appears, that the value of the exports of 
 Ireland for the year ending Lady-day 1767, 
 (a remarkable year of exportation) amount 
 
 to, — -— £' 2,842,599 
 
 Imports for the fame time, 2,147,079 
 
 Balance that year in favour? r c 
 
 of Ireland, | ;^- 695,52° 
 
   111 I   |»^— I !■ ■!   M| 
 
 But on a medium of fix years laft paft by 
 the moft accurate calculation, the balance 
 in favour of that country amounts only to 
 485,925/. 
 
 I will however flate the balance of trade 
 one year with another at 500,000/. As for 
 ttie -illicit trade, whatever it, may be, it is 
 .^ti againlt the kingdom, except the wool 
 fmuggled to France, which is a pernicious 
 trade, and fome camblets, ferges and coarfe 
 fluffs run from, the wxfl of Ireland to Por- 
 tugal. But the latter have for fome time 
 h^^n reduced to fo fmall a quantity, as 
 fcarcely to deferve confideration 5 and the 
 
 whole
 
 [ 39 ] 
 whole of thofe exportations are far from 
 being equal to counterbalance the illicit 
 importations of tea^ fpirits^ tobacco and 
 fuch like. Let the balance then ftand at 
 500,000/. which is above 14,000/. higher 
 than it appears on the books ; and confider 
 on the other hand, what various deductions, 
 and ruinous drains are operating againft this 
 trade of 500,000/. per annum value. Every 
 article, as I before obferved, that the Eafl 
 Indies or America produce, mufl be pur- 
 chafed in England ; and all the profits of 
 commerce, freight, infurance, and feveral 
 exaggerations of value, are added to them 
 when the Irifh purchafe them. Whatever 
 they buy, they buy at the deareft rate ; and 
 they have nothing to fell (linen excepted) 
 but the fimple, native commodities of beef, 
 pork, hide, tallow, and butter — -fimple com- 
 modities I call them, for the operations 
 they undergo to prepare them for exporta- 
 tion, do not deferve the name of manufac- 
 ture. 
 
 It has been obferved in " the State of the 
 nation^'' that fifty-two millions of the nati- 
 onal debt of England are due to foreigners, 
 fo that the intereft, being 1,500,000/. an- 
 nually remitted to the feveral creditors, mufl 
 
 F 2 be
 
 [ 40 ] 
 
 be dedu(5led from the balance, of trade^ — • 
 This is very true ! 
 
 Let us then examine fimilar dedu6lions 
 from the fmall balance of Irifh trade. 
 
 A pamphlet has lately been publi{hed in 
 Ireland under the diredlion of the Dublin 
 fociety, fpecifying each particular perfon 
 and article from whence the general con- 
 clufion is drawn — by which it appears, that 
 the fums remitted annually to England out 
 of the Ii^ifh eitates of perfons who live there, 
 amount to ~- —   £. 381,900 
 
 Out of the penfion lift, the whole ) 
 
 of which amounts to 91,207 /. 3 7 ' 75 
 From places and employments, 143,000. 
 Tra veiling expences of merchants y 
 
 and traders, who annually go / ^   
 to England to, buy and fell va- f '^°° 
 
 rious comm.odities, - J 
 
 Education and inns of court, 35,000, 
 
 Law-fuits and folicitation, — 19,000, 
 Military contributions of feveral ^ 
 
 denominations as therein par-> 142,207, 
 ticularly fpecified, — j 
 Adventures to America, — 40,000. 
 
 Infur,ance of fhips, ■= — - 3o,ooQ> 
 
 £. 869,382 
 
 If
 
 [ 41 ] 
 
 If we were to attempt deducing this fum 
 from the balance of trade, we fhould not 
 only annihilate this balance, but create 
 one againft that country of 369,382/. per 
 annum. 
 
 In Mr. Prior's publication, about thirty 
 years ago, he ftated his abfentee lift at 
 621,000/. per annum. 
 
 But I fhall be contented, to avoid all pofli- 
 ble controverfy, with the authority of Mr. 
 Pofllethwayt, one of the greateft names in 
 commerce, who cannot be fuppofed a very 
 partial advocate for Ireland ; who only fpoke 
 from what he knew, but who could not 
 polTibly know all. He, in his differtations 
 on the Britifh commerce, ftates the expence 
 of Abfcntees^ Pen/tons^ Employments^ and 
 Troops abroad^ at 486,000/. per annum againft 
 Ireland. Even if this were the amount 
 of that charge, which it certainly is not, 
 dedud it from the balance of 500,000/. 
 and it reduces the real national balance to 
 14,000/. per annum. Thus I am contented 
 to ftate the balance as high as poflible ; 
 and contrary to the teftimony of their own 
 evidence to take the authority of an Eng- 
 iifh writer. When the author of the State, 
 of the Nation has confidered the feveral ma- 
 terials
 
 [ 42 ] 
 
 terials that I have laid before him, he will, 
 I am convinced, have candour enough to 
 Gonfefs, that there is not a country in Eu- 
 rope, fo unimproved and unpeopled of 
 
 {6 fmall a capital and limited a commerce, 
 which is fo heavily taxed as the kingdom 
 ©f Ireland ; — and that it is a matter of afto- 
 nifhment how fhe contributes as much as fhe 
 does, rather than of reproach that fhe does 
 not contribute viore ; efpecially, as half of 
 the cafh of Ireland is brought up to the me- 
 tropolis, and there fpent in foreign luxu- 
 ries, M^oTi foreign guefts ; who are thereby 
 taught to conceive an erroneous opinion of 
 the condition of Ireland ; and imagine the 
 magnificence and plenty of Dublin extend 
 themfelves over the whole country. But 
 they are miflaken — the fpiendor of the city 
 is not fo much the ftgn of Wealthy as the 
 caiife of poverty : and this muft be obvious, 
 not only to every man who has travelled 
 through the country, but who has been at 
 the trouble of making calculations on the 
 commerce, manufa<^ures, and population 
 of it. 
 
 Hov^ever, under all thefii difadvantages, a 
 national loyalty, and fortunate fituation 
 have rendered Ireland a more profitable ap- 
 pendage
 
 [ 43 ] 
 
 pendagetothe Britifli monarchy, than Gaul, 
 and Spain, and Germany united were to 
 Rome, when they were provinces of that 
 Empire. The lituation of Ireland is fuch, 
 that whatever defence England affords her 
 is eventual, andconfequentialtoher defend- 
 ing herfelf ; there are no fliips of VN^ar re- 
 gularly ftationed in her ports, nor fleets 
 cruizing along her coaffs ; nor is England 
 at any extraordinary expence in the protec- 
 tion of that kingdom. And tho' Ireland de- 
 rives a fecurity from the alliance, it cofts 
 the country that confers it nothing, and is 
 recompenced and requited by ten thoufand 
 advantages to England. — Her internal de- 
 fence (fuch as it is) compofed of an ar- 
 my of officers^ is fiipported at her own ex- 
 pence ; the modification of it is the work of 
 Engliih councils, and every body knows it 
 is the weakefl imaginable •, the payment 
 belongs to Ireland, and that is exorbitant. 
 But befides this, ilie furnifhes fix entire re- 
 giments, and pays them for the protection 
 of thofe very colonies with which flie is 
 fcarcely permitted to trade ; and remits the 
 money for their pay regularly to London. 
 The civil contributions of that country are 
 very confiderable. The reprcfentative of 
 
 the
 
 t 4+ ] 
 
 the king is maintained there in great Iplen- 
 dor, propagating the influence, and erlcrea- 
 fing the dependancies of Brititti authority j 
 all at the national expence. And above two- 
 thirds of the fums granted for the civil lift 
 are remitted to England under different 
 heads. For the fupport of the Royal Fa- 
 mily, in penfions of all denominations, and 
 falariesto abfent place-men, of which there 
 are not a few. Add to this, that Irelarid is 
 not only a nurfery but a college of foldiers 
 for England ; from whence they relieve 
 their garrifons by entire regiments, and re- 
 plenilli their army by perpetual drafting. 
 But this is not all. From the laws I have 
 recited, all that the Eaft and Weft produce 
 iiiuft be bought at London market, fo that 
 two-thirds of the whole imports of Ireland, 
 are from England ; and the currents which 
 carry money from Ireland to Englatid are fo 
 powerful and uniform, that not fo little as 
 one-third of their acquifitions, be they 
 great or fmall, muft ultimately center in 
 England: and it is very remarkable, that 
 the adual current cafti of Ireland (which, 
 independent of paper, does not very much 
 dxceed 500,000/.) was of as great amount 
 ibon after the revolution, as it is at prefent. 
 
 Another
 
 [ 45 ] 
 Another important article is, the acceflion 
 to the British navigation, which reiijits 
 from Ireland. Mr. Poftlethwayt, who 
 made his calculation feme years ago, com- 
 putes that the tonnage of lliips employed in 
 the Irifh trade was 286,594, of which fo 
 great a proportion wereEngli/h and Scotch, 
 33236,634; Irilh only 33,312. And the 
 fame author not only afferts but proves, 
 that from the revolution to this day Eng- 
 land has not profited by Ireland in a lefs 
 annual fum than a ?mllion and a half-^ and it 
 muftbe remembered, that the ^^ State of the 
 ISlatiorP proves, the whole ballance of trade 
 in favour of England to be no more than 
 two millions and a half. 
 
 Befidcthefefeveral pecuniary advantages •, 
 the patronage of promotions, ecclefiaftical 
 and civil in that country, is in a great pro- 
 portion applied to Englifh purpofes ; as 
 appears from a review of the prefent oc- 
 cupancy of fome of their principal offices. 
 
 The heads of the Church, the State, the 
 Army, and the Law, in that kingdom have 
 for acourfeof years been ofanother country ; 
 of the 22 right reverend Prelates, the na- 
 tives only furnifh feven ; and their connec- 
 tions muft neceffarily direct feveral of the 
 benefices in their difpofal into foreign chan- 
 nels — of the feven chief judicial offices, two 
 only are occupied by Irifhmen — of the for- 
 
 G ty
 
 [ +6 ] 
 
 ty two regiments on the eftablifliment, 
 feven only are commanded by Irifhmen. 
 Of the fourteen great officers on the ftafF, 
 five only are of that country ; and befide 
 all this, feveral of the principal employ- 
 ments are granted in reverfion, out of the 
 Kingdom. So that whcrefoever you turn your 
 eyes, or dire6l your obfervation, you find 
 Ireland adminiftering to the advantage of 
 England. When Vv^e have fummed up the 
 catalogue of benefits (many of which I 
 have omitted) how different do we find the 
 prefent from theantient relative fituation of 
 Ireland to England! At a time in which 
 Ireland could fcarcely make any one return, 
 it was thought worth while to fend over 
 great fums from England for the prefer va- 
 tion of that kingdom to the Britifh empire. 
 In the reign of Henry VI. Richard Duke 
 of York was font Lord Lieutenant to Ire- 
 land ; we have the conditions tranfmitted 
 down to us on which he v/ould accept that 
 government : they are as follow. 
 
 ""' That hefhould be Lord Lieutenant for 
 " ten years, and have the whole revenues 
 '' at his difpofal without account. That 
 ■• he fliould likewife receive out of England 
 *' ^ooo marks the firft year, and 2000 e- 
 " very year after. That he might let or 
 ^farm any of the King's places j levy 
 
 " what
 
 [ 47 ] 
 ** what men he pleafed, and appoint his 
 '' own deputy." 
 
 In the reign of Edward III. Sir Wilh'am 
 WindforLord Lieutenant engaged and in- 
 dented with the King to govern Ireland for 
 11,213/. 6s. and Sd, per aiinum -^ and Sir 
 John Daviesobferves, that Qiieeji Ehzabeth 
 fent over to Ireland for the fuppreifion of 
 the three great Tebellions of O'Neal, Def- 
 mond, and Tyrone, a million of money. 
 It is likewife certain, that Lord Strafford 
 was the firft, who attempted to fupport the 
 government of Ireland, without being a 
 charge to England. Can it be imagined, 
 that thofe expences were fuftained thro' 
 knight errantry, or from proximity, or any 
 relation of that nature ? By n® means ! 
 England could not juftify it, nor was Ire- 
 land intitled to it. It was on principles of 
 found policy, and national advantage. 
 
 If Ireland then in times of barbarifm was 
 thought of fuch moment to the British mo- 
 narchy, what care and cultivation is fije at 
 this day intitled to, in confidcraLion of the 
 infinite benefits flie confers on England ? I 
 am aware that it may be faid (for indeed 
 any thing may be faid) that in reciting the 
 great expences England has formerly in- 
 curred for the prcfervation of Ireland, I 
 have.eftablifhed to England a jufl title of 
 indemnification from Ireland. If that were 
 
 G 2 really
 
 [ 48 ] 
 really the cafe, has fhe not had already an 
 indemnification ample beyond the utmofl 
 extent of her hopes ? Could (he have form- 
 ed an imagination that her efforts fhould 
 have been rewarded by a million and a half 
 of money every year, and the enjoyment of 
 the benefits v^^hich I have before recited, 
 without interruption for almoft a century ? 
 It would be ridiculous to call this otily in- 
 demnification. But the fa^l is, that from 
 the iituatioQ of Ireland, it was worth to 
 England the apphcation of all her powers, 
 to annex it to her empire j for as it has 
 been obferved by the judicious Sir Francis 
 Brewefter in his elTay son trade, "fincelre- 
 " land is above water, England cannot be 
 " fate, if that kingdom fhould be in any 
 " hands but her own." And therefore the 
 Kings of England, who are likewife Kings 
 of Ireland, without having the leafl idea 
 of the immenfe commercial and pecuniary 
 advantages which have fince refulted to 
 them, muft have ufed their utmofl endea- 
 vours to preferve the connexion and co- 
 operation of Ireland. 
 
 No title then can be founded in thofe fe- 
 veral expences which England has incurred 
 for that purpofe, except only that of obedi- 
 ence to the mutual fovereign, for which they 
 on the other hand are intitled to protedion, 
 
 on
 
 [ 49 ] 
 
 and liberty. And let me further obferve, that 
 the de!ence of Hanover mthe Lift -u/^r, '.Cv^ft 
 England rnore^ than the protedion of Ireland 
 has done for almoft an hundred ytars ; and yet 
 in that time Ireland has conferred on Eng- 
 land not lefs than an hundred millions of 
 money It has not however been propofed, 
 that Hanover fhould make a contribution to 
 the Britifh Eftablijfhm.-^nt. I do not talk of 
 obligations-fbetween countriesj they are of- 
 ten 
 
   We may form fome Idea of ihe magnitude of this 
 expence by confidcnng the immenfe fortunes made by the 
 feveral contradors in the lall war, Sii L. D s 
 
 whofe contract was made on the mcft advantageous 
 ttrmsto the publick, and fulfilled with the ulmoll fide- 
 lity, is notwithftanding, faid to have inade by it near 
 half a million flerling. I mention this juft to give fome 
 idea of the German expences : far from intending the 
 leafl difiefpe6l to that gentleman, who has acquired a 
 great fortune by abilities and integrity, and enjoys il in 
 generofity and beneficence. 
 
 t When the people of Ireland fpeak on the fubjeQ: of 
 obligalioiis, they ftate them thus. — " When England 
 received nothing from Ireland except the allegiance of 
 her inhabitants, fhe expended her trealure, and her 
 blood, to fecure that allegiance to herfelf, and to pro- 
 teft her fr m her enemies : and in doing fo, flie aQcd 
 according both to policy, and juflice; for by retaining 
 the dominion of Ireland, fhe purchafed her own flrength 
 and her own fecurity ; and by protecting her, Hie but 
 paid a debt which flie owed ; protection being alwavs due 
 where allegiance is paid. In protecting Ireland fhe can- 
 not be faid aCtually to have conferred an obligation upon 
 
 her
 
 [ 49 ] 
 ten chimerical, and almoft always tran- 
 fitony. Nations of their own free will fel- 
 
 dom 
 
 litT, fuppofing even that protefition to be the moft ex- 
 penfive, and the mod vij^il^xat ; for as Ireland neitlier 
 makes war for her own account, nor peace for her own 
 advantage, but follows the fortunes of Enghind with- 
 out partaking of her cour.cils^ fo it is juft tSiat Ireland 
 fhould be proreded in a darlger to vx'hich for the fake of 
 England llie is expofed. And as Ireland by the allegi- 
 ance which (lie pays is expoied to injury, if fhe has not 
 a right to irdemvufication and reward, fhe has at leail: a 
 right to te prote^cd.'''' It may be objeded, " If Ireland 
 were feparate from England would die not he expofed 
 to injury— r-vvould flie not have wars upon her own ac- 
 count?" The anfwer is obvious, " then they would be 
 upon her own account." If we engage in a contefl: at 
 our own dilcretion, and for our own advantage, we 
 have no right to the protection of others. But if we 
 engage for the fake and at thepleafure of another perfon, 
 that perfon fhould prote6t us from injury to the utmoffof 
 his pov/ers. Therefore the national allegiance of Ire- 
 land may be flated as an equivalent for the national pro- 
 te<£fion of England. And to prove that it is an equiva- 
 lent, we have great authorities in our favour— the poli- 
 cy of the Vv'hole Vvorld and of all ages : even France pays 
 the eflabhfliment of her colonies, and Rome protefted, 
 not only her provinces, but every nation that bore the 
 name of ally to the Romans. Let us now confiderwhat 
 Ireland gives to England, befides her allegiance ; and 
 what England gives to Ireland, befides her proteftion. 
 
 Firfl then Ireland has a large demand againfl England 
 on this account, that fhe pays the principal expence of 
 her own prote61:ion — fhe pays the army that is to de- 
 fend her : fhe even pays a part ot the army that proteQs 
 the dominions cf Fneland : and exhibits the firfl in- 
 fierce tlYat is to be found in the annals of mankind from 
 the, beginning of hiflory to this day, of a dependant na- 
 tion giving protedion, inflead of rectivi/ig it. Let us 
 
 then
 
 _ [ 51 J 
 dom do any thing but for their own advan- 
 tage. The contributions of Ireland to Eng- 
 land, 
 
 then confider the advantages which England receives 
 from the apphcation of the Irifh revenue, from penfions, 
 employments, &c. Let us confider her prcfits by the 
 reftrictions oF the trade, and the abridgment of the na- 
 tural rights of Ireland ; or rather let us compute v.hat 
 Ireland Juffers, than what England gains by them : for 
 the charge againft ^ perfon who deprives us of any 
 thing, IS to be rated not at tiie amount of his gains, but 
 of our loffes ; and if, added to this, any injuries have 
 been done to our liberty and our conftitution, at what 
 Ihall we eftimate th.em ? 
 
 Of all thefe articles the ballance due to Ireland is 
 compofed ; for we do not take into our eilimate the 
 blood which fhe has expended, the lofs of all the rights of 
 fovereignty, theabfentees which drain lier of her riches ; 
 all thefe arc the fair and natural confequences of her na- 
 tional allegiance to England ; and if England gives her 
 pertett protection in return, we efrcem them to have 
 been paid for. But on the other hand, if at any time 
 England has given her no protection whatfoever, but 
 what the fecuriiy of her own coafls required, the 
 blocking up the harbours of the enemy, and the inter- 
 cepting fleets of uncertain deflination. If England not 
 only did not provide for the internal defence of Ireland, 
 but when <he had provided tor it at her own expence, 
 has deprived her of apart of her defenders. — If even 
 when invafion was threatened, fhe has applied the army 
 of Ireland to the defence of oiher territories, not cither e- 
 qual in their importance, norexpofed to equal danger, — 
 If this has been the cafe, it itiuil certainly be taken into 
 the account, in flating the national ballance. 
 
 What on the other hand has England to ccunterbnl- 
 lance this demand ? " She has permitted Ireland to adopt 
 her laws and conllitution. But it would be abfurd to 
 ftate this an obligation : had Ireland no -jonncction v/ith 
 
 England,
 
 • [ 52 ] 
 land, I will fuppofe confequential to their 
 reciprocal relations, and in many inftances 
 more the fruits of circumftance than of libe- 
 rality : the protedion England afford in re- 
 turn cofts her little^ and is in a great degree 
 the refult of proteding herfelf. Mutual ad- 
 vantage 
 
 England, (he might have done fo. Any nation may imitate 
 fhe conftitution of England, that purchafes a corre6t 
 edition of her ftatutes, and chufes to adopt them. To 
 fuffer a nation to adopt our laws is no benefit, but to 
 prevent their doing fo if ihey pleafe would be an injury. 
 But the king of England made a charter of a compa6t 
 with Ireland conferring freedom, and therefore advan- 
 tageous. He was king of Ireland as well as of England ; 
 but ftate it as you pleafe, in that compa6l the intereft of 
 England was confulted at lead as much as that of Ireland : 
 but being a compaQ:, whillt it is obferved on both fides, 
 nothing is due by either ; but if England at any time has 
 invaded that freedom, fhe is then the debtor of Ireland. 
 Thus much for the benefits which England has conferred. 
 If flie protected to the utmofl: of her power, fhe has re- 
 ceived an equivalant in the allegiance of Ireland, and a 
 large account remains yet unballanced. But if fhe 
 has omitted to do fo, v/e fnall find nothing but an imper- 
 fefl prote6l:ion where a perfe£i one was due, and a com- 
 pa6t conferring a free conilitution, which compa61: has 
 frequently been violated. But let this be forgotten, 
 Ireland feels no refentment, demands no recompence ; 
 file acknowledges as much dependance as is confiftent 
 wi'ib liberty ; but with fuch aballance in her favour, Ihe 
 has at lead a title to u'.e the words of a poor French 
 nobleman to his monarch, ** All that a poor fubjeQ: afis 
 cfyouv Majefty is — that yourraajeily would £cfk nothing 
 of him. Or to be rilll more moderaie, flie makes this 
 requeS., " do not do me an injury, when by doing fo, 
 you do yourfelves no fervice."
 
 [ 53 ]. 
 
 vantage is the union of nations. And pri- 
 vate communication the bond of afFedtion. 
 Thefe in the nature of things are the only re- 
 lations that can be permanent between bo- 
 dies of men. And thus may GreatBritain and 
 Ireland be to the lateft times united, by the 
 indifTolubletiesof general;intereft,andacon- 
 ftant communication of good offices : and 
 he deferves to be efleemed an enemy to both, 
 who Ihould attempt to weaken that confti- 
 tutional dependance fubfifting between 
 them. Whatever may be the original 
 and incontrovertible rights of Ireland 
 as a kingdom, fhe, with the other ap- 
 pendages of Britain yields to the cir- 
 cumftances of the times, and complication 
 of the Britifh empire j by which it has tn 
 jofne mt;afure become neceffary, that " a 
 *' general fuperintending power fliould be 
 '' fomewhere depofited, for the arbritation 
 *' of commerce, and for direding, reftrain- 
 *• ing, and regulating the external relations 
 " between the different members of the em- 
 " pire.'* This power cannot relide any 
 where with fuch propriety, as in the Britifh 
 legiflature. It is indeed a great power! Tho' 
 it cannot abridge the iw^^r;./// liberty of a fm- 
 gle man, it can reftrain the external opera- 
 tions of whole kingdoms, and if it wrre to 
 be exercifed to the utmoft extent, wou'din 
 many inftances efFed the purpofes even of 
 
 H internal
 
 [ 54 ] 
 internal coertion. The Legiflature of Great 
 Britain will I dare fay make a prudent, and 
 jufl ufe of it ; in former times they did not. 
 It is rnoft true that their firft and greateft ob- 
 jed ihould be, the commerce of the princi- 
 pal country ; and no trade fhould be permit- 
 ted to any part of his Majefty's dominions, 
 injurious toEngland : but where they have 
 prohibited the trade of a ^ojhole nation for the 
 partial benefit o'i ^. particular county^ town o^ 
 village^ they have Ijeen unwife and unjull. 
 Ofthelaws that 1 have recited relative to the 
 Irilii trade, feveral have been framed in this 
 principle. There was a law paffed formerly 
 in England prohibiting the exportation of 
 live-cattle from Ireland, left that trade 
 fhould interfere with fome breeding farms 
 in the weft of England. This law turned 
 out (contrary to the intentions of thofe 
 who made it) advantageous to Ireland : the 
 confequence was, that immediately the 
 breeding-lands were converted into Iheep- 
 walks, and wool was cultivated. England 
 then, purfuing the progrefs that fhe had 
 begun, prohibited the exportation of that 
 ivool manufadured^ or the wool itfe/f] unlefs 
 to England. The refult of which has been, 
 that Ireland being deprived of the woollen- 
 trade, and a competition arifing in that 
 branch betwsen France and England, by 
 the eftablifliment of a great manufacture at 
 
 Abbey-
 
 [ 55 ] 
 
 Abbeyville, the frugality of France has 
 enabled her to give an higlier price for IriHi 
 wool than England can, and yet underfell 
 her at foreign markets. It cannot then be 
 doubted that Ireland, unable to manufac- 
 ture her own wool, v;ould fell it tq the 
 highefi bidder ; and accordingly they" have 
 fmuggled into France every yea^ fo eonli- 
 derable a quantity as 26^250 (tones, which 
 have enabled 'France to work up 78,750 
 ilones of w^ool j for o;;e third of wool is 
 neceilary to the working up two thirds of 
 theirs. 
 
 In fhort the fa6l is at this day, that the 
 convenience of getting wool from Ireland 
 (which no law can prevent) and the cheap- 
 nefs of labour in France, have concurred 
 entirely to deprive England of a molt va- 
 luable part of the woollen trade ; yet 
 ftill, to ufe the words of Mr. Poftle- 
 thwayt, " this fear, or rather infatuation 
 *' in regard to the valueof our lands, makes 
 " us perfift in a prohibition, that not only 
 ** injures the Iriih and ruins ourfeives, but 
 " enriches and aggrandizes the French ; 
 *' for as the cafe (hands, Ireland or France 
 '^ mufthave the woollen manufadure. 
 
 The fame policy takes place with regard 
 to MolafTes and fugar. Ireland cannot im- 
 port them from the plantations diredlv, but 
 
 H 2 niuit
 
 [ 56 ] 
 muft firft enter thein in England ; wherefore 
 the Iri[h, to avoid the coils, danger, and 
 lofs of time of two voyages, fail direc^lly to 
 the French ports, and furnilh themfelves 
 with their brandies and fugars, without at- 
 tempting to meddle with the produce of 
 the Britifh plantations, and this to the 
 amount of a fum, which, fo long ago as 
 Sir Matt. Dicker's time, was 150,000!. per 
 annum. All this being the worft policy 
 imaginable, why is it not altered, if it were 
 only for the fake of England ? Ireland de- 
 fires no advantage o-utr England in com- 
 merce, but over France-, and is fheto pay 
 England a fiipend for obtaining that ? 
 
 Would it be reafonable of England to fay 
 to Ireland, " The French, our natural ene- 
 *' mies and rivals in trade, have, from the 
 '' cheapnefs of their labour, beat us out of 
 «^ the woollen trade. You, from your 
 «' frugality and induftry, are certainly, on 
 " the other hand, able to underfell them ; 
 <« to withold from them the material by 
 " which they work, and finally to wreft 
 ♦' this trade out of their hands. However, 
 " notwithflanding that whatever you ac- 
 *' quire would be an acquifition jrom the 
 " enemyy and an addition to the wealth and 
 '* navigation of the Britifh empire ; and sl 
 ♦* great proportion of it muft immediately 
 
 *' center
 
 [ 57 ] 
 ** center in England ; though we have, to 
 " all intents and purpoies, loft this trade 
 *• ourfelves, — in fiiort, though retaking this 
 " prize from France would be to the laft 
 " degree advantageous to us, yet you ihall 
 " not be permitted to do fo, unlefs you 
 '' pay us, in return, a large lum of money 
 " yearly for it/' Can any thing be ima- 
 gined more abfurd, or more unjuft? No 
 power has a right to impofe a prohibition, 
 except-for the good cf the whole -^ what can 
 we fay then of that prohibition, which does 
 an injury to ourfelves and our friends, to 
 do a benefit to our enemies ? Yet fuch is 
 the inference on The Stoite of the Nation, and 
 fuch is the policy of England on this 
 fubjecl. 
 
 But whilft it is an incontrovertible fad, 
 that withdrawing the prohibition on 
 certain woollen manufadures from Ireland 
 would be injurious to France, and therefore 
 advantageous to England, it is not a matter 
 inftantly to be determined, in what courfe 
 of time Ireland fhould fo far profit by this 
 trade, as to be able to pay out of the king- 
 dom any thing near ioo,ooo[. per annum iox 
 it ; for, though this is not the fole, yet 
 as it is the principal objc£t of commercial 
 indulgence propofed by this author, as an 
 indemnification forthisannualcontribution, 
 
 I (hall
 
 [ 58 ] 
 
 I iLall make it a principal objed of my ex- 
 amination. And b^re let me obiVrve, that 
 all that France would iojey Ireland would 
 not gain. Suppofe the wool heretofore ex- 
 ported to Frcince amounted, as has been 
 faid, to 26,250 flone. if this were manu- 
 fadured in Ireland, Ireland would gain the 
 manufa^mreof 26,2 5of»:one of wool. But 
 it mull be remembered, that France would 
 thereby lofe the manufaduring of 78,750 
 flone ; for France cannot work without one 
 third mixture of ours. By this it is evident, 
 that France would loofe exactly three times 
 as much as Ireland would gain, which is at 
 leaft as much the concern of England as 
 Ireland ; or, if the French were after this 
 to manufadlure, they muft purchafe their 
 wool at fo high a price, that England might 
 reaffume a fhare of this trade. Every cir- 
 cumftance in the laws and policy of Ireland 
 has, for fome years, tended todiminifh the 
 quantity of wool in that kingdom. The 
 propagation of the linen manufacture, the 
 feveral laws for encoura8:ement of til- 
 lage, and the great profits of the Vi(Slual- 
 ling trade, have all had fo great an opera- 
 tion, that above one third of the quantity 
 is diminiflied fince the year 171 1. To 
 which muft be added the increafe of peo- 
 ple ^
 
 [ 59 ] 
 pie ; which, eftimating them as the author 
 of " Di[Jertatio^is on the Britijh commercey 
 has done, only at i,6b6,ooo, the quantity 
 of manufadured wool neceffary for their 
 cloaths,, furniture, and burials, would a- 
 mount, according to that author, to 
 1,061,250/, per anmiui. Now this author 
 fays, that if Ireland were to manutadure 
 fully Qvtry ftone of wool over and above that 
 employed in their own confumption, and 
 not fend as they now do, yarn or worfted 
 to England, it would amount in value to ' 
 only 378,750/. per annum. Now if the ge- 
 nerally received computation be juft, that 
 the people of Ireland amount to two mil- 
 lions, the confumption of 3^4,000 perfons 
 muft be deduced out of this 378,750/. 
 Accordmg to the calculation which he has 
 laid down with refpcCl to the other million 
 fix hundred and fixty-fix thoufand, of a- 
 bout I2J". 9^. per head, this confumption 
 amounts to 2/2,925/. which being deduc- 
 ted out of 378,75c/. Vv'ould reduce the va- 
 lue of the whole poffible exports by this 
 trade to 165,825/. provided, as i before 
 obferved, we admit the ufual and moft ac-' 
 curate computation of the numbers at two 
 millions J a computation which I admitted 
 
 when
 
 [ 6o ] 
 
 when it was unfavourable to me. But as 
 it always (hall be my obje6t to inveftigate 
 truth, rather than to avail myfelf of an 
 authority favourable to my argument; i 
 will not therefore allow the full extent of 
 Mr. Poftlethwayt's calculation, altho' it be 
 in my own favour ; but I will admit the 
 confumption of every inhabitant of Ireland 
 to be only at ten fhillings per head; two 
 ihillings and nine-pence lefs than he fuppo- 
 fed it. In this I am certain that I have not 
 over-ftated •, and if this be admitted, the 
 confumption of the inhabitants of Ireland 
 will be one million only j confequently, as 
 he computes it at 1,061,250/. I dedu6l 
 61,250/. from the confumption of Ireland, 
 and acid it to her export. But as this 61, 250 
 pounds v/orth is to be exported, I fuppofe 
 it to be highly manufadured, which I would 
 not fuppofe it to be, were it to be confu- 
 raed in Ireland. This fuperior degree of 
 manufaduring being conferred upon it, it 
 would be encreafed in its value one third, 
 and v/ould therefore be worth 81,666/. 13/. 
 ^4. I add therefore this 81,666/. 13/. 4^. 
 to the fum of 378,71^0/. at which Mr. Pof- 
 tkthwayt computes the value of all the 
 
 wool
 
 [ 6i ] 
 
 wool of Ireland that could be exported, if 
 manufadured fully ; the fum then of 
 460,416/. 1 31. \d. is the ntmofl: value of 
 the wool that could be exported from Ire- 
 land, fuppofmg that every fleece of wool, 
 not made ufe of by the inhabitants them- 
 felves, were compleatly and fully worked up, 
 that is to fay, m^de up into fine dyed cloth. 
 Thus 460,416/. ly. /\.d. is the value of that 
 whole commodity highly wrought up for 
 exportation. From whence you muft de- 
 dud the value of the wool, which before 
 was a vendible commodity, and the propor- 
 tion of that is one-fifth. 
 
 /. S. dc 
 
 Take then from this fum 7 , a^ , r ^ r ^ 
 Qf \ 460,416 13 4 
 
 One-fifth 92,083 6 8 
 
 o 
 
 Dye-StufFs of all denomi- j 
 nations, oil, and drugs, \^ 
 necefTary for thisquan- \ 
 tity of cloth - -J 
 
 68,333 6 8 
 10,000 o 
 
 All the poffible profits? ^g ^ g 
 to the nation, ^ #0 ^^ ^ddd 
 
 — <»   
 
 I It
 
 [ 62 ] 
 
 It appears then to a certainty that this-. 
 fum of 358,333/. 6s. Sd. is the greatefi: pof- 
 fible profit to the nation from this exporta- 
 tion, fuppofing every article of it fu//y ma- 
 nufadured. 
 
 Now that it fhoiild be fo manufadured, 
 is impoilible ; the competition of England 
 in fine Spanilh cloths would make that im- 
 pradicable, and indeed Ireland could not 
 reafonably exped it. But even tho' the 
 laws and rivalfhip of England did not inter- 
 pose (which they certainly would) the ma- 
 nufacture for exportation would not, under 
 a courfe of years, make fuch a progrefs, as 
 to exceed in any confiderable proportion 
 coarfe cloths, fecges, camblets, &c. And 
 this degree of manufa6hiring diminifhes the 
 value of what I ftated before by one-third at 
 ieaft^ which* one-third making ug^^^^L 
 Ss. lod.i: being dedu-ded from 358,333/. 
 6 s. Sd. reduces the highefl: poflible ba- 
 lance in favour of Ireland to 238,888/. 
 ly s. g d. 
 
 But in fiating the whole poffible balance 
 to the nation on the wopllen trade at 
 
 ■■"'^t 238,888
 
 [ 63 ] 
 
 ^.238,888 i^js. 9(/. 7 per annum, I have 
 fuppofed every fleece of wool not confumed 
 at home, to be wrought up m the manner 
 1 before defcribed for exportation ; which is 
 really fuppoling an abfolute impoffibility : 
 Fadors would ftill be employed to purchafe 
 wool, woollen yarn, and worfted, for Eng- 
 lifh ufe, which England will always have 
 an intereft in purchafmg, and which, ac- 
 cording to Mr. Poftlethwayt, would very 
 little diminifh, though the exportation of 
 manufadured wool were allowed. His 
 words are thcfe : (i) " There will be always 
 " in England and Ireland as many people on 
 *' the trade of buying the wools and yarns, 
 " for which \nq (meaning the Englidi) pay 
 " ready money, as there will be purchafers 
 " of their wools fully manufadured, which 
 "" if fent here to be fold for exportation, 
 " muft be on long credit ; and, if fent a- 
 " broad on their own accounts, will be 
 " fubjed to uncertain fales, and as uncer- 
 *■'- tain payments." This confideration in- 
 duces him to dedud from his balance in 
 favour of Ireland, which he ftates at 
 ^.378,750, no lefs a fum than /^. 300,000 
 
 I 2 and 
 
 (i) Dia. Vol. II. Page 844.
 
 [ 6+ ] 
 
 and finally concludes (page 843, vol. II.) 
 *' That all the Vvoollen goods Ireland can 
 *' fully maniifadure for exportation, will 
 " amount to no more than ^. 78,750." 
 
 That the greatcft liberty of exportation 
 which Ireland could enjoy, would not en- 
 tirely prevent England from purchaling raw 
 wool, worfted and yarn, is certam : For 
 though to manufa6lure fully is more a na- 
 tional objed, yet to the perfon who has the 
 wool or yarn to fell, it is a matter of indif- 
 ference, whether he fells it to an Irifhman, 
 to manufadure himfelf, or to an Eng- 
 liili fador to carry to England ; it is the 
 prtce that mufl determine with him, and 
 that will be generally in favour of the latter. 
 However, though it would ferve my argu- 
 ment, I will not agree with that author in 
 flating the export of wool and woollen yarn 
 to Engknd on that contingency, as great 
 as it is at this day ; on the contrary, I think 
 it is not to be imagined, that England 
 fhould purchafe as much from Ireland, when 
 ihe has competitors in that m.arket, as at 
 prefent when {he has none. But I am fure 
 if this judicious writer has, on account of 
 the wool and yarn, that would continue to 
 be fent to England, deduded   300,000 A 
 ' ' '" from
 
 [ H ] 
 
 from his Irlfh balance, I fhali be within 
 all bounds of moderation if I fuppofe it 
 100,000/. which is three times as little as 
 that author fupj^ofes it, and this fum be- 
 ing deduded from the balance which I have 
 calculated of 238,888/. 171. 9^ will reduce 
 the whole poffible balance in favour of ire- 
 land by the epcportation of manufadured 
 wool, to 138,888/. 17/. ^di. But to prove 
 beyond the poflibility of doubt that the 
 liberty of exporting woollen cloths, &c. 
 would not prevent the Irifh from felling to 
 England great quantities of wool, yarn, 
 and worfted ; let us look into the cultom- 
 houfe books, and we fliall find, that though 
 a great linen manufadure is eftablifhed in 
 Ireland, yet (he fells England annually, 
 above 30,000 Hundred weight of linen 
 yarn; which, as fome of it is fine working 
 thread, cannot, at a medium, be valued at 
 lefs than 1 6d. per pound ; at which price it 
 amounts to 240,000/. 
 
 If then Ireland fends fo great a quantity 
 of the material of an eftablifhed manufac- 
 ture to England, where that manufadhire is 
 in its infancy, is it not certain that fhe will 
 fend in a greater proportionable quantity of 
 wool and woollen yarn, the materials of a 
 
 mann-
 
 I 66 ] 
 
 manufadiire yet in its infancy in Ireland, 
 but eftablifhed in England ? It is incontra- 
 vertible. 
 
 And after all thefe dedudions from this 
 branch of commerce, I mufi: obferve, that 
 the efforts of France to procure wool from 
 Ireland, rather than make a total refig- 
 nation of this trade, would be fo vigorous, 
 that neither national advantage, nor legal 
 reftridion, neither policy nor penalty would 
 prevent (at leaft for fome years) the far- 
 mer from felling his wool to the highefl: 
 bidder, who will certainly be the French 
 merchant ; and it muft be remembered, 
 that for every flone of wool fent to France, 
 there muft be a dedudion from this 
 138,888/. 171. 9^i. of no lefs a fum than 
 forty fhillings. 
 
 I will now fuppofe, for the fake of ar- 
 gument, that the 200,000/. which is pro- 
 pofed as an indemnification to Ireland for 
 paying a tax of 100,000/. were immediately 
 to be received by the individuals of that 
 kmgdom, in confequence of the free exer- 
 cife of the woollen trade, which I think I 
 have proved to be impoffible. 
 
 The advantages arifing to a nation from 
 the introdudion of a new manufa^dure, are 
 
 of
 
 [ 67 ] 
 
 of two kinds : Firft, it employs the idle, 
 and by finding employment for them, it 
 is a caufe of its population ; but this effed: 
 is not felt immediately, and though it will 
 in time encreafe the numbers of a nation, 
 and confequently its ability to bear taxes, 
 yet that encreafe mufi: be the work of 
 years. 
 
 The other advantage is, that it occafions 
 to the nation either afavingofmoney, which 
 it otherwife would export, or a greater re- 
 turn of money from foreign nations ; and 
 thus in proportion to the extent of its ope- 
 ration, it turns the balance of trade in fa- 
 vour of the nation ; and this eifed is felt 
 m.ore immediately. If Ireland were to 
 manufadure her wool, fo as to add 200,000/. 
 to the value of the commodity, it does not 
 follow from thence that fhe would receive 
 200,000/. of clear benefit or acccifion to her 
 wealth •, or that the balance of trade would 
 be turned in her favour in fo large a fiim as 
 iioo,ooo/. For though Ibme would be em- 
 ployed, m that manufadure, who before its 
 inttodudion, were entirely, or almoft entire- 
 ly idle, yet many would be employed in it, 
 wh(^ before were induftrious, though pof- 
 fibff not employed in {<& profitable an in- 
 
 duflry*
 
 [ 68 ] 
 
 duftry. Now, whatever was gained by 
 their former iiidiiftry, was a benefit to the 
 nation, and upon their induftry being 
 converted to the manufaduring of wool, 
 that former benefit ceafes : whatever they 
 earn by agriculture, or by other manufac- 
 tures iefj profitable than the woollen, 
 from which they are diverted, is as cer- 
 tainly loit to the nation, as what they gain 
 by the w^oollen, is gained to it : confe- 
 quently the for?ner muft be deducted out of 
 the latter^ in computing the national be- 
 nefit, and the clear gain to the nation, 
 is only the exceeding of the profits of the 
 one, over the profits of the other. 
 
 If the hands, who earn 200,000 /. in the 
 woollen trade, did before earn 50,000/. 
 in agriculture, the clear profits of the 
 woollen amount to but 1 50,000, /. becaufe 
 by its introdudion, that 50,000/. which 
 was before gained to the nation, is gained 
 no more. Thus it appears, that though 
 Ireland fhould encreafe the value of her 
 wool 200,000/. by manufaduring it, fhe 
 would not really gain 200,000 /. but a 
 large dedudion muft be made in our com-^ 
 putation, of the benefit arifing from it to 
 the nation : It is irnpofTible to compute 
 
 before-
 
 '-% [ ^9 J 
 
 b^fofe-liand, how great that dedudioit 
 fhould be, but it is evident that it mufl be 
 confiderable. 
 
 I will now fuppofe that Ireland were 
 tmmediately to gain by the woollen trade, 
 or any other additional branch of com- 
 merce, 200,000/. free from all manner of 
 dedudions ; that her inhabitants fhould 
 receive it quite clear ^ and fhould aduaily 
 have 200,000/. to fpend, more than they 
 had before, and that every farthing fhould 
 be fpent in Ireland ; it does by no means 
 follow from thence, that fbe would be 
 thereby enabled to pay 100,000/. more of 
 taxes, or revenue. Were indeed the whole 
 of this 200,000/. to go immediately into 
 the Exchequer, it would then enable 
 the ftate to pay 200,000/. more than it 
 did before ; but the fadt is, it would not — 
 it would go into the pockets of indivi^ 
 duals, to be fpent by individuals. Now, 
 from the money which individuals fpend, 
 there can be extraded but a certain pro- 
 portion, and that a fmall one, for the re- 
 venue. Every thing almoft is taxed, and 
 therefore, in almoft every thing which he 
 purchafes, he pays fomething to the ftate ; 
 but this is a fmall proportion, not above 
 one-fifth ; for, in Ireland, the proportion 
 
 K of
 
 I' 7^ 1 "*> 
 
 of* the money fpent by the pecJpIe, and of 
 the money extracted from their expendi- 
 ture, for the purpofes of the ftate, is about 
 five to orie, — the firft, five milHons; the 
 latter, one. (i) If, therefore, there fhould 
 be an acceflion to the individuals of the 
 clear fum of 200,000/. which, I have proved, 
 they could not pofTibly have by the woollen 
 trade. If that acceffion were to happen in 
 an injiant^ and if it were to be all fpent in 
 Ireland, it would not enable the ftate to pay 
 above 40,000/. per annum of revenue, more 
 than it pays at prefent. 
 
 Thus I have proved that this manufac- 
 ture never can arrive at the higheft degree 
 of perfection in Ireland ; that if it did, it 
 could not polTibly add 200,000/. fer an^ 
 Tiwn to the wealth of the nation -, and that, 
 if by this, or any other indulgence, they 
 could acquire this addition, it would not 
 enable them to pay an additional 100,000/. 
 fer annum in taxes. — But though thefe fa6ts 
 were dubitable, which they certainly are 
 not, can any thmg equal the abfurdity of 
 impofing a tax, at the time you are only 
 
 fowing 
 
 (i) This is a greater proportion than England pays. 
 Engla^.d, fubftrafting from her expenditure for taxes, as 
 the higheftj not above one-eighth.
 
 [ 7' ] 
 
 fowing the feeds of its fupport ? It is like 
 laying a burden on the fhoulders of an in- 
 fant, becaufe, when he becomes a man, he 
 may be able to bear it. 
 
 I have ftated, with the utmoll care and 
 fidelity, the proportionable powers of Ire- 
 land to England ; its exertion and its 
 abilities ; the benefits it confers, and the 
 returns it receives ; and I think it is, on 
 the whole, impofTible to deny, that .Ireland 
 does, at this moment, pay at leafl: as great 
 a proportionable tax, as any nation, under 
 difadvantages which no other people expe- 
 rience. 
 
 The ordinary revenues of 
 
 France are 1 1 ,600,000/. 
 
 Of Spain - 5,092,400 
 Of England 8,000,000 
 
 Of Ireland - 1,000,000 
 
 Thus proportioned and circumfianced in 
 burdens and difabilities, it is impoihble that 
 Ireland can engage for any new grant, of 
 a conliderable amount at leaft, until fhe 
 fhall have "for fome years reaped the fruits 
 of future acquifitions. With a balance of 
 trade in favour of that country fo ridicu- 
 loufly low, as that every conceflion that 
 can be made, cannot raife it above 14,000/. 
 
 K 2 per
 
 [ 72 ] 
 
 per annum^ and which, in all human cal- 
 culatioQ, has been greatly exaggerated, by 
 artifice or vanity, by the arbitrary entries 
 of linen merchants, to propagate their own 
 credit. With fuch a balance, 1 fay, and 
 a currency of little more than 500,000/. 
 Ireland cannot try experiments, the intro- 
 dudion of which is to be, the annual re- 
 mittance of 100,000/. into another coun- 
 try, an additional revenue to be ^aifed on 
 Its inhabitants. 
 
 As for the Colonies, it is eafy to fay, 
 " they are abundantly able to contribute to 
 " the expences of England 200,000/ per 
 " annum ;" but, I am fure, at this tiniey 
 it is not eafy to determine in what manner j 
 and, by the accounts we have of the reve- 
 nues lately colleded by the commiffioners 
 of the cuftoms in America, it is evident, 
 that this is not the harvefl-time there for 
 a rapacious minifter. 
 
 If the Colonifts incurred a debt of 
 2,600,000/ during the laft war, it is, at 
 leafl, as flrong a token of their liberality, 
 as of their wealth, and rather more, as 
 this was an anticipation only of their reve- 
 nues, among themfelves, a great part of 
 which v/aq not raifed in money, nor liable 
 
 to
 
 [ 73 ] 
 
 to iiitereft, nor to be paid by funds. But, 
 be that as it may, this is not a time to rmg 
 new impofitions in their ears : when they 
 fhall be reftored to order and tranquihty, 
 then, if we may judge from the teftimony 
 of this 2,600,000/. they will not be deficient 
 in their contributions. 
 
 And certainly every part of his Majefty's 
 dominions ought to contribute to the gene- 
 ral prefervation of the Britifh Empire • at 
 the fame time proportioning their contri- 
 butions to their abilities^ in the firfl place ; 
 in the next, to the advantages they derive. 
 For, as it is impoffible that men can ex- 
 ceed their means, fo it is unreafonable to 
 exped they fhould make the fame exertion 
 in fupport of a good or a bad conftitu- 
 tion, to confirm bondage, or defend their 
 liberty. 
 
 " Burdens, fays Montefquieu, are wil- 
 " lingly borne, as the price of freedom ; 
 " under any other condition, men will 
 " not fupport them, unlefs they be com- 
 " pelled ;" and if they be compelled^ they 
 cannot fupport them lo7ig. For why fhould 
 they pay, when they receive no confidera- 
 tion in return -, or how fhall they exert 
 themfelves, when even victory fhall not 
 
 leave 
 
 k 
 
 i
 
 [ 74 ] 
 
 Jeave them free ? For what have people to 
 fear, or to defend, who do not poffefs an 
 inviolable right in their hberties and pro- 
 perties f As for w^eakh, the great article 
 •of contribution, it muft flow from human 
 induftryj and will human induftry be ever 
 exerted, if the fruits of it be rendered 
 precarious ? And, in truth, if the cafe of 
 thefe Colonifts were as fome perfons have 
 Hated it, it would be in vain to expert 
 either zeal for government, or attachment 
 to acquifition amongil: them. — ^What are 
 they to be folicited to by this addrefs ? 
 " You fliall, as the prize of adventure, 
 " and reward of induftry, enjoy the Bri- 
 " tifh birth-right of granting away as much 
 " of your property, in free-will offerings, 
 " as you pleafe ; but others fhall have the 
 " right of taking away the remainder^ or 
 " fuch part as they fhall think proper." 
 Yet this is the import of feveral laborious 
 compofitions on this fubje6l ; which feem 
 to me, as if they were framed but to 
 weaken and diftrad the Britifh empire. If 
 the Americans were really under thefe cir- 
 cumftances, what mockery would it be to 
 remind them of the excellence of their con- 
 Jiitutioji^ or call on them to exert them- 
 
 felves
 
 [ 75 J 
 
 felves in defence of their country? What 
 have they in fuch a conftitution to admire, 
 or, in fuch a country, to defend ? It would 
 be but to infult them with their fubje6iion, 
 and call on them to aj/ert their chaim. 
 
 The author of The State of the Nation, 
 whilft he impofes a tax of 200,000/. per 
 annum on the (Colonifts, admits that it is 
 reafonable they fhould fend reprefentatives 
 to parliament. — Not by any means as ne- 
 ceffary to give the parliament a right to 
 difpofe of their property, their lives, or 
 their liberty. — That the parliament have 
 already power fo confummate, as to be 
 capable of no augmentation by that acqui- 
 fition : " But the prodigious extent of the 
 " Britifli dominions in America, the rapid 
 " increafe of the people there, and the 
 " great value of their trade, all unite in 
 giving them, fuch a degree of importance 
 in the empire, as requires that more at- 
 tention fhould be paid to their concerns 
 by the fupreme legiflature, than can be 
 " expeded from it, lo long as the Colo- 
 " nies do not eled any of the members, 
 " of which the Houfe of Commons is com- 
 " pofed." Here indeed the author flates 
 the very principle of legilktion, among 
 
 freemen, 
 
 4( 
 u
 
 [ 76 ] 
 
 freemen, and the indifpenfability of fepie« 
 ientation to Icgiflation, and more efpecially 
 to taxation ; for that is one of the mofl im- 
 portant of all concerns : And if, from the 
 confiderations this author has mentioned, 
 it is reafonable the Colonifts fhould have re- 
 prefentatives ; — to tax them without fuch, 
 would be unjuft ; and what is unjuji no 
 body of men have a right to do. Juftice 
 limits, (if I may ule the expreffion,) even 
 the omnipotence of the omnipotent. But I 
 am fure that the Englifh parliament will 
 decide thefe weighty matters, according 
 to wifdom and juftice. 
 
 I do not therefore mean to expatiate on 
 the infinity of their powers, nor on confti- 
 tutional rights^ which England may ajjfert^ 
 and the colonifts deny — Thefe points of 
 law and policy have already been ftated to 
 the public in a pamphlet, intitled " The 
 ■Cafe of Great Britain and America," (3d. 
 edition) with fuch weight., precijion., and 
 depth of thought^ as muft have convinced 
 •every unprejudiced man ; the prejudiced 
 nothing can convince. I only add on this 
 part of the fubjed, that no body of men, 
 defcended in a twentieth degree from 
 Britons, will live contentedly under this 
 maxim of 2;overnment " That perfons 
 
 *' diftant
 
 
 in] 
 
 '' diftant from them a thoufaiid leagues, 
 * are to tax them to what amount they 
 pleafe, without their confent. — Without 
 knowing them or their concerns, — with- 
 out any fympathy of affection or intereft 
 towards them, — without even fharing 
 themfelves m the taxes they impofe, — 
 On the contrary, diminishing their own 
 burdens exadly in the degree in which 
 they encreafe theirs." Power may en- 
 force this dodrine, but the declarations of 
 an \pracle could not make it compatible 
 with liberty. — Yet writers have been found 
 to fupport it; and even the infirmity of 
 human inflitutions, and the imperfec- 
 tion of the Bntiih reprefentation, have 
 been urged to prove that America fhould 
 have no reprefentative at all. 
 
 But let them confider that imperfed as 
 the reprefentation of that country may be, 
 yet there is not a fpot in Britain, which 
 IS not within the pale and compreheiffion 
 of reprefentation. The principal towns 
 and cities fend their members, and the 
 ieffer towns and villages, not incorporated, 
 are each a part of fome county which 
 chufes reprefentatives. And there is not 
 
 L almofl
 
 [ 78 1 
 
 almoft in the whole kingdom one man fa' 
 inconliderable, as not to have fome fliard* 
 or influence in a general elcdion ; though 
 the modes of eledion prefcribed by par- 
 liament may withhold him from the very 
 act of voting. — But if reprefentation in Eng- 
 land be partial, does it follow from thence 
 that America fhould have no reprefentation 
 at all ? And, as the above author obferves^ 
 if England have not the bejl conilitution 
 human invention could form, is it a reaion 
 that America fhould have the worji^ And 
 let the author of " The State of the Na- 
 tion" confider, the declaration of the fta- 
 tute of James the firfl, which he quotes as a 
 foundation of the power of the parliament. 
 The whole body of the realm, and 
 every particular member thereof, either 
 " in perfon, or by reprefentation by their 
 own free ele£iion^ are by the laws of the 
 realm deemed to be prefent in the high 
 court of parliament." Can the people of 
 America be fuppofed to be prefent in 
 perfon, or by reprefentation by their own 
 freeekfiion ^ It would be an abfurdity to fay 
 fo. And his quotation, in the fame note^ 
 astathe County Palatine of Chefter, im- 
 ports 
 
 C4 
 
 U 
 i.f.
 
 I 79 J 
 
 ports nothing more than this, that the 
 parliament did, without proving they 
 had any right) in former times hmd that 
 country before it was reprefented. That, 
 in the rei2;n of Henry VI. in, probably, the 
 very firll: inftance wherein they had been 
 taxedj they petitioned the king againft it ; 
 who did agree with them that it was a 
 -fiolation of their privileges.: and though, 
 perhaps, it was not immediately after, yet 
 it has long (ince been rejeded, as uncon- 
 ftitutional ; and at this day, in common 
 w^ith every other part of England, Chefhire 
 fends members to reprefent her m parlia- 
 ment. 
 
 This author admits that the feveral Colo- 
 nies fliould enjoy the privilege of adjufting; 
 the ways and means ^-.hy which they ihould 
 -raife their different proportions of the 
 200,000/. per annum,   which he, in the name 
 of the Britifh Icgillature, impofes on them 
 -in the grofs. And why is this indulgence 
 granted ? Undoubtedly, becaufe they mufl 
 be fuppofcd beft to know the conditions 
 and refources of ther refpcdive countries. 
 
 And is not this a ftrongcr reafon why the 
 quantity of this gift, as well as the mode of 
 rajftng it, fhould cxclulively belong to 
 
 L 2 them ?
 
 [ 8o ] 
 
 them ? Othetwifc^ -this indulgence wouki 
 amount to no more than that of firft con- 
 demning a man to death, and afterwards 
 leavinsto his choice the 7720^^ of his execu- 
 
 Bat the author proceeds, 
 " Whilfl: eight miihons of fiibje.cls in- 
 ^' habitmg Great Britain are made to pay 
 " four milHons on' account of a war, one 
 "great obje£l of which was the fafety 
 ^' and profperity- of the Colonies ^ it furely 
 f'jiisr.'Tiot too much' to require of the 
 .^ft'two milh'ons of fubicds refidins: there, 
 " 200,000/. per annum for the general fer- 
 " vice." But if the dodrines with regard 
 to the Colonies, laid dowii by this author, 
 and feveral others, be adraitted, this ex- 
 poftulation is rather infult than argument ; 
 for according to thejm,' the fafety and prof- 
 perity of the colonies, to which they con- 
 tribute, is nothino; more than-.** 'The li- 
 " berty of procuring money by their in- 
 ^' duftry, that it may be taken from them. 
 " at the difcretion of the ftate .which pro- 
 .*■ teds them." — who are they afraid fhail 
 take from them thefe valuable privileges r 
 Or is there a nation under heaven, to 
 which the colonies could be united, which 
 
 would
 
 [ 8i j 
 
 would not permit the inhabitants to laboitu* 
 for wealthy if they were to retain to them- 
 feives the power of taking it from them 
 without their confent^ 
 
 The great objecSt of the w^ar J/jould be 
 ftated, as it was. — It was to vindicate from 
 France the colonies of America^ and to make 
 them, the great fgurce of commerce., firength., 
 and navigation to Great-Britain. And a 
 glorious object it was ! Not to do merely 
 a piece of courtefy, or kindnefs to the de- 
 fcendents of Britons who happened to be 
 fettled in America, or to get a trifling tri- 
 bute of 200,000/. per annum from them : But 
 for preventing that inexhauftible fund of 
 ftrength and riches from falling into the 
 hands of an enemy, and applying it to 
 the everlafting power of Great-Britain. 
 And an everlafting fource of advantage 
 will they prove, if her policy fhall make 
 friends of thofe, whom fortune has made 
 Jubjects. Let her wifdom keep them de • 
 pendent zVz every external relation^ but let 
 them experience internal liberty., and a fecu- 
 curity in their acquifitions. And England 
 can, by her fuperior powder and incontro- 
 verted fuperintendency, ever provide that 
 their property fhall not be increafed, with- 
 out
 
 [ 82 ] 
 
 out at the fame time encreafing the benefits 
 they confer on the mother country. 
 
 The original formation of_ Ibciety was 
 for the general advantage of all who com- 
 poie it; and conformity to its laws can 
 oniy be maintained by a prefervation of 
 thofe advantages. Tell the Colonifts that 
 you have fpent feventy-five millions in a 
 war^ by which England is confirmed in the 
 advantag;eous pofTefTion of the Colonies, and 
 by which the Colonies have been refcued 
 {vomjlavery. — Tell them, that whilfl you 
 have enfured the returns of their induftry 
 to yourfelves^ you have made them fubjeds 
 of a f^ate, in which to be a fubje6f^ is 
 to be a freeman : — tell them this, and 
 you will folicit their gratitude, and may 
 rely on their co-operation ; for then their 
 intereft and their duty, their obligations 
 and aifedions, will be all engaged in fup- 
 port of their allegiance. Let them fee 
 that they are freemen, and fhew them the 
 advantages of being members of a free 
 Itate, and then you will make them, 
 though they had neither virtue nor gra- 
 titude, unalienable friends to the Britifh 
 government. 
 
 But
 
 [ 83 ] 
 
 But if after all — after you had really 
 conferred thefe benefits upon them, they 
 fhouid yet turn out factious or difobedient, 
 (which is to the laft degree improbable) — 
 be but once fure, but be very fure, that 
 the conflitution is on your fide, — that yon 
 eredt not your ftandard againft law and 
 jufiice^ ' — I fay jn that cafe, with fuch a 
 caufe and fuch an alliance, you may laugh 
 at the oppofition of America to the mother 
 country. — But it is a formidable thing to 
 enforce by arms a violation of right, and 
 draw the fword againft the liberties of a 
 people. — And I lay it down once for all 
 as a maxim, which neither the fubtilty of 
 genius, the authority of fenates, or the 
 terror of the fword can overturn, " That 
 " any people, whofe property is at the dif- 
 " cretion of others, are in a ftate of flavery, 
 " — and that the very idea of property is 
 " deftroyed, if it may be taken without 
 " the confent of the owner. ( i ) 
 
 This 
 
 (i) But what would be the Condilion of the Ameri- 
 cans, if added to this Claim over their Property, obfo- 
 iete Laws fhoiild be revived to deprive them of their 
 Lives too ? If the Colonifts be told, on their oppofing 
 ^vhat they tliink an Invafion of tlieir Rights, — tho' their 
 Refirtance be the Refiftance of Humiliation and Loyalty 
 • — of Prayer and Supplication, not of Force or Arn^s; — 
 
 of
 
 f 84 ] 
 
 This is a principle which I am lurt- is 
 enthroned in the heart of the beft of kings, 
 and will for ever be vindicated by the Bri- 
 tifli parhament. — 
 
 On the late occalions of difagreement, 
 the people of America may pofTibly have 
 mifbehaved, and direded their oppofition 
 in fome particulars in a mode that was ex- 
 ceptionable ; but if that be the cafe, it is 
 little to be wondered at ; for difobedience 
 and anarchy ever have been, and ever will 
 be, the fruits of oppreflion. 
 
 Let thofe anfwer for this, who advifed 
 the firfl: violation of American liberty^ by 
 impofing the Ji amp- duties. 
 
 This 
 
 yet we fliall not only confidcr them as Traitors, but call 
 forth from Obfcurity a dangerous Statute, the Reproach 
 of the v/orll of Reigns ; a Statute, which has been bu- 
 ried in Oblivion 250 Years ; in order not only to de- 
 prive them of the common Right of being try'd by their 
 PgerSy but to fubftitute in the place of it a Trial by their 
 Enemies — at leatl their opponents — in the contert ; with- 
 out a poiTibility of having the afTiftance of Friends, or 
 the Teftimony of Witneffes to defend them. A Law (o 
 dangerous, that when whole Countries became Rebels, 
 und that for the Purpofe of deftroying the prefent happy 
 EfiabUfliment, and placing the Pretender on the Throne ; 
 — when Prcferyation required that fcm.e Examples 
 fnould be mad^fBhere was not, however, to be found 
 an Empfon or a Dudley to advife the Revival of this Sta- 
 tute ; but a particular Att was paflcd for that particu- 
 lar cccafion.
 
 [ 85 J 
 
 This, however, the Britifli parliament 
 ^eedily redreffed, — not becaufe the peo- 
 ple refifted, but becaufe the meafure was 
 repugnant to the principles of the conjiitu- 
 tio7i. — 
 
 If it were not, it is to be prefumed their 
 oppofition had been ineffedual. — It muft 
 however be confeffed that exertion difcovers 
 to a people their ftrength, and injuries will 
 tver produce that exertion. 
 
 I fmile when I hear it faid, " There 
 " have been good accounts from America, 
 " all things are quiet there." — The fad is, 
 the people there feem to be fober and de- 
 termined. — But no good news can ever 
 come from America, except by the return 
 of the Ihip that carries them good news 
 from England. — The colonifts at prefent 
 are unable^ in any confiderable degree, to 
 contribute to the regular eftablifhment of 
 Britain, — they are at prefent unwilling too, 
 for both their abilities and their attach- 
 ments depend on the good treatment they 
 receive. — 
 
 Give them by your indulgence a capacity^ 
 and you will by that give them an incli- 
 nation too. — The ftrength of all the co- 
 lonies united, is weaknefs when oppofed 
 to Great-Britain : yet even Great-Britain 
 
 M fhould
 
 [ 86 j 
 
 fhould tremble, if they were united agairifi 
 her in a juji caitfe. — 
 
 Let liis not fay we do not feel the dif- 
 content of America. — We do not feel it, 
 'tis true, in her oppolition, or from her 
 arms ; but we feel it in the infults of our 
 natural enemies ; we feel it in our im- 
 potence or our fear to check the progrefs 
 of their ufurpation, and the extenfion of 
 their empire; — we feel it in the facrifice 
 of our generofity and of our glory, — we 
 feel it in the wounds of an illuftrious peo- 
 ple, and the contempt of all Europe. 
 . -The fuperior -power and legiflative pre- 
 eminence of England, without violating a 
 law ©f- juflice, or reducing America to 
 llavery, can for ever enforce her depen- 
 dence 5 and raife on the Colonies wholefale 
 Ju:p^ltes for the benefit of England ; fup- 
 plieSi-by which the giver would be en- 
 riched. — 
 
 Let England then cherifh the Colonies, 
 let her make them happy and free, and 
 they will be induftrious and rich : and the 
 nature of dependencies co-operating with 
 the wifdom of parliament, Ihall turn the 
 tide of their acquilitions into the mother- 
 country.— Let them have a conjiitution and 
 they will ^'yer itj-^give them ^property and 
 
 they
 
 t 87 i 
 
 they will defend it; give ihcm freedom., 
 and they will adhere to you ; give them 
 commerce, and they will enrich you. 
 
 It has been obferved by Montefquieu, 
 that countries are not cultivated in pro- 
 portion to their fertility, but their liberty ; 
 the moft fruitful parts of the earth- are 
 defarts, when -the rnoft barren are culti- 
 vated. . This is an obfervation fuggefted 
 by'wifdom, and eftablifhed by experience. 
 And we may be affured that as the only 
 effedual method of taxing America is to 
 make her rich. — The only method of making 
 her rich, is to make her free. — For do 
 not imagine you will be intitled to the 
 gratitude of the Colonifts for defending 
 them from the French, unlefs you make 
 your government better than theirs ; and 
 it will not be better, if you take their 
 money from them withaut their confent. 
 Place not fuch reliance in the flrength of 
 armies, or the authority of affemblies, as 
 to imagine they can alter the ftated and 
 immutable relations of thing-s. — All the 
 armies that formerly conquered the enemies 
 of America, and now may be employed to 
 conquer her friends, and all the councils 
 that direded them, though they may en- 
 force a temporary fubjed:ion, are unable to 
 • .--" ' M 2 make
 
 [ 88 J 
 
 make flavery the law of the land. — And 
 whatever may be the efforts of interefted 
 declamation, or mercenary abihties, they 
 never can overthrow the dodlrlnes ad- 
 vanced in that conititutional pamphlet in-^ 
 titled The State of Great-Britain and Ame- 
 rica. And I wifli every line of it were 
 engraved in the breaft of the miniftry - 
 then fhould we fee the colonies reftored to 
 freedom, allegiance, and induftry ; and 
 England reaping the fruits and returns of 
 the benefits fhe has conferred. 
 
 This mufl be the condud of Great-Bri- 
 tain towards her dependencies.— And the 
 mofl rapacious minifler, if he were wife 
 and permanent^ would from avarice adopt 
 it. When the reftitution of their rights, 
 and revival of their commerce fhall make 
 them wealthy, they will probably be able to 
 fupport the whole expence of their defence ; 
 and certainly, if they be well treated, that 
 expence will be diminifhed. But I am 
 fare the minifler, who begins his work by 
 impofing a foreign taxation on them to 
 the amount of 200,000/. per annum., would 
 render the colonies unable to become really 
 •ufeful to England, and thereby defeat 
 the great obje€i of the war : — And all this 
 would be hazarded for a confideration fo 
 
 ridiculoufly,
 
 [ 89 ] 
 tldlculoufly minute, that together witii 
 the Iriih contribution, if England were 
 tottering, it could not prop that mighty 
 
 fabrick /or one day. 
 
 Narrow exa^lnefs and official calculation 
 may be fubfervient, but fhould never be 
 predomniant in the Englifh minifterial cha- 
 racter. To keep the accounts of an ofiice, 
 and to regulate the government, the po- 
 licies, and the commerce of a great em- 
 pire, are indeed provinces of different 
 extent. 
 
 The man who, to live a year longer of 
 adminiftration, would patch up a fupply 
 by a little American plunder, and then 
 tell the nation " That to fupport their own 
 dignity, they mufl: aflert this outrage, — 
 that fubordination and ilavery are fyno- 
 nimous, — that the omnipotence of par- 
 liament muft be difplayed in an ad: of 
 injuftice, — that they mufl be wicked^ left 
 they appear to be wcakr — Who for the 
 fake of an expedient, would alienate the 
 affedions of two millions of loyal fubjeds, 
 and condemn to military execution all who 
 fhould be found in the rebellion oi f elf -de- 
 fence. Who, if from the fliort duration of 
 his authority, there yet remained one amongfl 
 the dependencies not adually alienated by 
 
 publick
 
 [ 90 ] 
 
 publick oppreflion, would endeavour to dif- 
 gnft it by degrading, ofFenfive, and unne- 
 ceffary declarations. — If fuch a man there 
 be, — let him not offer his pernicious coun- 
 fels to the beft of kmgs ; — but rather let 
 us remember, that one of the greateft of 
 the Romans, Tiberius Graccus, called a 
 praetor to publick judgment, becaufe he 
 had alienated from Rome the affedions of 
 the provinces !— -If fuch a man there be, — 
 let him never be minifter of England. 
 For fuch an appointment would throw all 
 the dependencies of Great-Britain into de- 
 ipair ; and though he might be a Jacrijice, 
 he could never be an atonement ! 
 
 I have now concluded the courfe I in- 
 tended to purfue : — happy, if what I have 
 offered may tend to advance the interefts 
 of any part of the empire.; — and furely a 
 knowledge of the circumftances of each, 
 is neceffary to the government of the 
 whole. — - Happy, if I can for a moment 
 recal the fentiments of the times from 
 thofe pernicious dodrines, which have 
 fpread difcontent, if not difaffedion, to 
 the extremities of his Majefty's dominions ; 
 which have relaxed the bonds of union 
 and brotherly love, that make the weak 
 Jirong^ and the ftrong invincible. — For we 
 
 may
 
 [ 9' 3 
 may be affured it is by the co-operation of 
 interefts and affedions alone, that this ftu- 
 pendous fabric can long be united and 
 maintained. — And it is impoffible that its 
 union can be permanent, unlefs all be 
 Jlavcs, or all be free j for if freedom be the 
 principle of the empire, every member mull 
 think it is his* birth-right ; and Britons 
 can never call Jlaves their fellow-fubjecis, 
 l^et not then the fundamental prin- 
 ciple's of the conftitution be on any ac- 
 count relaxed, or facnficed, to trifling ex- 
 pedients ; nor fufFer a precedent of fla- 
 very to be eftablifhed even for England 
 hei-felf — For if the time fliall ever come 
 in which Britifh liberty fhall be devoted, 
 her diflblution will not begin in the center 
 of the empire ; but (to ufe the words of 
 a perfon of the firft abilities) " She will . 
 " feel fubjedion like the coldnefs of death, 
 " creeping upon her from all her extremi- 
 " ties." 
 
 Long may (he remain at the head of the 
 empire, fuperintending, reflraining, con- 
 folidating !— Which fhe may for ever do, 
 without difl^rbing a fmgle fhade of inter- 
 mil liberty. May fhe have every power 
 neceffary to her profperity j — but it can 
 
 never
 
 [ 92 ] 
 never tend to her profperity, to make 
 Jlaves of fellow-fuhje&s. — Commerce and 
 virtue would accompany their freedom in 
 her flight, and httle would be the boaft of 
 an idle territory. 
 
 If England be overburdened by taxes, — 
 let her at leaft begin with reducing fome 
 of her unnecefTary expences, — let her efta- 
 blifh fome oeconomy, — let her regulate her 
 land tax, — which is in its difpojition the 
 moil unequal, and in itfelf the moft unex- 
 ceptionable tax, for the policy of England. 
 —Let not 1 80,000 /. annually be raifed 
 by lottery on the fubjed, more than the 
 .ftate receives, nor other articles of fupply 
 be warped to gratuities. — Let not the pub- 
 lic treafure be perverted to private favours, 
 or the public good betrayed to popular 
 
 prejudices. Let the taxes on necej'aries 
 
 be transferred to fuperfluities, or at leaft 
 fuffer not the habits of luxury to confound 
 the two terms, as convertible or fynoni- 
 mous ; — and, above all, efiahlijf^ agricul- 
 ture on a regular and uniform exportation ; 
 and that will produce not only plenty, but 
 w^ealth. — If, however, after this, England 
 fhould feel diftrefs ; let her dependencies, 
 if they be able, affift her : — But the firft 
 
 Hep
 
 t 93 ] 
 
 ilcp is, to make them Jo. Let Ireland and 
 the Colonies enjoy every degree of com- 
 merce, compatible with the trade of Eng^ 
 land. — I wi(h for no more : and their ac- 
 quifitions, after a progrefs conferring bene- 
 fits as they flow, will finally fettle in 
 England. — This will refult from the natu- 
 ral cmrje of things : if it did not, it might 
 be ft) directed by the external fuperinten- 
 deticy and commercical policy of the Britifh 
 legislature.— -And this is the utmoft extent 
 of taxation, that one people can exercife 
 over another. 
 
 If there were any fuch minifter in Eng- 
 land as that great Sully, whom this author 
 celebrates, he would feel the excellence 
 of this refledion, '' That the beft means 
 " of making the dependencies of the em- 
 " pi re ufeful^ are to make them happy ^ and 
 " the beft way to tax them^ is to confer 
 " benefits upon them!' 
 
 This is not a vain ufe of words, but it 
 is good policy and national wifdom. And 
 if ever the day fhall come, in which thefe 
 fentiments fhall dired the Britifh councils, 
 then fliall we fee the Colonies look up to 
 their mother country, not as to a parent 
 who gave them birth, only to defraud 
 
 N them
 
 [ 94 ] 
 
 them of their birthright ; but as one inti- 
 tled to their fupport in her infirmity, for 
 fhe protected them in their infancy^ and 
 cuhivated them in their maturity. — Then 
 we fhall fee the trade, navigation, and 
 prolJ3erity of the empire flourifh, and every 
 one of his Majefty's fubjeds contending 
 with his neighbour, who fhall bell maintain 
 the general good, and do moft in fupport of 
 the greatefl monarch in the world, whole 
 dominion is founded in the affedions of a 
 free people. 
 
 FINIS.
 
 m'T
 
 THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 
 This book is DUE on the last date stamped below 
 
 «EC'D LDUHd 
 
 Form L-:- 
 23m-10/-t4(2491> 
 
 ^UNIVERSITY O: 
 AT 
 LOS ANGELES 
 LIBRARY 
 
 ^A
 
 000 Ou 315