LIBRARY 
 
 %ITY OF 
 RHIA 
 
 . SArt DIEGO
 
 PRIZE ESSAYS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION 
 
 1905
 
 To this Essay was awarded the 
 
 HERBERT BAXTER ADAMS PRIZE 
 
 IN EUROPEAN HISTORY 
 
 for 1905
 
 BY 
 
 DAVID SAVILLE MUZZEY, PH. D. 
 
 NEW YORK : 1907 
 
 REPRINT 
 
 WASHINGTON : AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION 
 
 LONDON : HUMPHREY MILFORD 
 
 OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 
 
 1914
 
 COPYRIGHT, 1914 
 
 BY THE AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION 
 WASHINGTON, D. C. 
 
 THE LORD BALTIMORE PRESS 
 BALTIMORE, MD., U. S. A.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. PAGE 
 
 The Spiritual Franciscans . l 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 The Spirituals of the March of Ancona . 18 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 The Spirituals of Provence 29 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 The Tuscan Spirituals . 49 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 The Michaelists ... -6 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 Conclusion w 
 
 APPENDIX I: The Genealogy of the Spiritual 
 Franciscans . . . ' 7 1 
 
 APPENDIX II : Generals of the Order and Roman 
 Pontiffs, 1200-1334 
 
 APPENDIX III : Bibliographical Notes on the Early 
 Legends of Saint Francis . -73 
 
 APPENDIX IV: Bibliography 87 
 
 (v)
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS. 
 
 When an idea finds acceptance in the world, it clothes 
 itself in forms available for it and adapted to it. 
 Socialization means institutionalization. For if an idea 
 is to have growth, it must adopt propagandism; and 
 propagandism implies the equipment of missionaries, 
 the establishment of posts and stations, the instruction 
 of neophytes, the control of agents, the commission 
 of tribunals in a single word, organization. To a 
 majority of converts to any religious ideal this course of 
 development seems normal and desirable, the index of 
 the triumph of the ideal among men. But a minority 
 have always deplored such adaptation and institution- 
 alization as a weak compromise with the world, or even 
 as a treasonable surrender of the pure ideal to those 
 very powers of evil for whose destruction it was con- 
 ceived. Moreover, the zealous minority, bound into a 
 closer solidarity by the very fact of their minority, their 
 puritanism heightened by persecution, have quite com- 
 monly developed the pathological traits consequent 
 upon the conviction of persecuted innocence and im- 
 potent fidelity. They have appealed from the world to 
 heaven, from time to eternity, from man to God. Their 
 language has ceased to be a medium of human com- 
 merce, and has become an instrument of supernatural 
 oracles. Their refuge has been in retreat, absorption, 
 mysticism, prophecy, ecstasy. Their fate, in so far as
 
 2 THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS 
 
 they have not been crushed by persecution, reconciled 
 by persuasion, or sobered by compromise, has been a 
 gradual weakening to final euthanasia. 
 
 The Franciscan zealots were such a minority. 
 Their fortunes during the century from the death of 
 Saint Francis of Assisi to the death of Pope John XXII 
 form an important chapter of medieval history. For 
 not only did they manifest in themselves all the traits 
 of the righteous and persecuted minority mysticism, 
 asceticism, prophetism but they also had a part to 
 play in events of general significance for Europe. They 
 were the occasion of deliberation of cardinals and 
 princes, of the publication of solemn bulls and the 
 decrees of ecclesiastical councils. They had a hand in 
 the creation of popes and antipopes. They stood be- 
 tween a hostile curia and a Holy Roman Emperor. 
 They won the favor of kingly courts. They formed 
 centres of attraction for heretics of various types. 
 
 Yet these remarkable enthusiasts have received but 
 scant attention at the hands of the historians of the 
 Church. Hardly any serious effort was made to dis- 
 criminate and investigate the various groups of Fran- 
 ciscan zealots which appeared in the provinces of Italy 
 and southern France until the Jesuit scholar Franz 
 Ehrle in 1885 began his series of publications in the 
 Archiv fur Literatur- und Kirchengeschichte, entitled, 
 " Die Spiritualen, ihr Verhaltniss zum Franciscaner- 
 orden und zu den Fraticellen ", " Zur Vorgeschichte des 
 Concils von Vienne ", and " Petrus Johannis Olivi, sein 
 Leben und seine Schriften "/ As the titles show, 
 Ehrle's work was concerned primarily with the Spiri- 
 
 1 Archiv fiir Literatur- und Kirchengeschichte (A. L. K. G.), I, 508- 
 569; II, 108-164, 249-336, 353-416; III, 1-196, 409-552, 553-623; IV, 1-201.
 
 THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS 3 
 
 tual Franciscans of the late thirteenth and the four- 
 teenth centuries. The same year (1885) there ap- 
 peared a trenchant critical analysis of the Franciscan 
 order in the earlier years of the thirteenth century, by 
 Karl Muller,' and the first volume of a series of careful 
 publications of early Franciscan texts by the Minorite 
 brothers of the College of Saint Bonaventura at Qua- 
 racchi, near Florence. 3 These books marked rather 
 than inaugurated the revival in the study of the Fran- 
 ciscan movement, which was stimulated by the celebra- 
 tion of the seven hundredth anniversary of the Pove- 
 rello's birth (1882), and which has continued strong to 
 the present time. 
 
 Since the appearance in 1894 of Paul Sabatier's Vie 
 de Saint Francois d'Assise, the literature of the Fran- 
 ciscan revival has been characterized by two tendencies : 
 the first toward the study of the earliest years of the 
 order, and the second toward the separation of Fran- 
 ciscan scholars into two sharply defined groups 
 Sabatier's followers and Sabatier's opponents. 4 In the 
 intense polemics over the early years of the order, the 
 history of the later development of the Spiritual party 
 has been unduly neglected. Even Ehrle's magnificent 
 contribution has lain unused and almost unread, except 
 for the gleaning of some quotations from Angelo da 
 
 * Die Anfange des Minoritenordens und der Bussbriiderschaften, Frei- 
 burg, 1885. 
 
 3 Analecta Franciscana, sive Chronica aliaque Documenta ad Historiam 
 Minorum Spectantia, ed. Quinzianus Muller et al. ad Claras Aquas, 
 1885 ft. 
 
 * The most determined opponents of Sabatier have been the Bollandist 
 Van Ortroy and Faloci-Pulignani, editor of the Miscellanea Francis- 
 cana. The chief question at issue has been the authenticity and date 
 of certain documents purporting to come from Francis' immediate disci- 
 ples. A statement of the case for and against Sabatier's " school " would 
 need more space than a foot-note can afford. See Bibliographical Note, 
 Appendix III.
 
 4 THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS 
 
 Clarino's Historic, Tribulacionum as proof texts in the 
 controversies over the origins of the order. 8 
 
 The object of this essay is to give a survey of the 
 Spiritual Franciscans through the entire first century of 
 the order, from the death of Saint Francis to the days 
 of Pope John XXII. For logical purposes I shall 
 neglect the chronological order, taking as a starting 
 point an event just in the middle of the period under 
 survey and working both backward and forward there- 
 from. 
 
 At the chapter-general of the order held at Narbonne 
 in 1260, the minister-general, Bonaventura, was com- 
 missioned to write the legend of Saint Francis.' The 
 chapter at Pisa three years later solemnly approved the 
 work ; while the next chapter, held at Paris under Bona- 
 ventura's presidency in 1266, published the following 
 significant decree : " Item praecipit generale Capitulum 
 per oboedientiam quod omnes legendae de beato Fran- 
 cisco olim factae deleantur; et ubi invenire poterunt 
 extra ordinem ipsas f ratres studeant amovere, cum ilia 
 legenda quae facta est per Generalem sit compilata 
 prout ipse habuit ab ore illorum qui cum beato Fran- 
 cisco quasi semper fuerunt et cuncta certitudinaliter 
 sciverint ". T 
 
 8 Mr. H. C. Lea in his History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages, 
 (vol. Ill), has used Ehrle's writings for his short chapter on " The Spiri- 
 tual Franciscans ". 
 
 ' " Legenda Sancti Francisci, Bonaventura auctore." Acta Sanctorum, 
 Oct., torn. II, 3, i. 
 
 T Found in a manuscript of sermons at Gubbio, and published by 
 Rinaldi in the preface to his edition of the Vita Secunda S. Francisci 
 by Thomas of Celano, 1806. Luke Wadding, the annalist of the Order, 
 knew of the decree suppressing the legends prior to Bonaventura's, but 
 he wrongly attributed it to the chapter of Pisa. He says: " Utramque 
 historiam obtulit [Bonaventura] triennio post in comitiis Pisanis fratri- 
 bus ordinis quas . . . suppressis aliis quibusque legendis admiserunt ". 
 Wadding, Annales Minorum, zd ed., Fonseca, Rome, 1731 ff., ad ann. 
 1260, no. 1 8.
 
 THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS 5 
 
 That this decree was not simply a guileless, disin- 
 terested measure " to secure liturgical harmony ", as 
 Van Ortroy contends, but was part of a policy to have 
 done with the dangerous influence of the party which 
 stood for a return to the early purity and simplicity of 
 the order, is shown by the fact that the same chapter of 
 Narbonne drew up the official catalogue of the Con- 
 stitutions of the order, and prescribed in the first rubric 
 of the same that all other existing Constitutions should 
 be destroyed. 8 
 
 The moment of Bonaventura's accession to the 
 generalship of the order was a critical one. His pre- 
 decessor, John of Parma (1247-1257), had been a pro- 
 nounced patron of the strict party, himself a man of 
 stern ascetic piety. 9 Under his generalate the party had 
 dared to assert itself in prophetic writings which 
 breathed a tone of hostility to the Roman Church, and 
 to hail the dawn of a new era of the Spirit, in which the 
 " true Franciscans " (themselves, naturally) should 
 rule. The great order was seriously compromised in 
 the eyes of the Roman court. The time had come to put 
 a stop to the ravings of fanatics. Bonaventura, though 
 he was himself a mystic 10 and keenly alive to the world- 
 
 8 Analecta Bollandiana, XVIII (1899). See also Ehrle's original dis- 
 cussion of the subject in the A. L. K. G., VI, " Die alteste Redaction der 
 Generalconstitutionen des Franciscanerordens ". 
 
 8 For the opposition of the " lax " Franciscans to John of Parma see 
 Wadding's Tacitean passage, ad ann. 1256, no. i : " Hinc secretum mur- 
 mur, frequentia conciliabula, deinde constans in hominem conspiratio 
 quae eousque prorupit ut de multis accusarent virum probum apud Pontifi- 
 cem ". 
 
 10 See his works, the Breviloquium and the Itinerarium Mentis in 
 Deum, ed. Hefele, Tubingen, 1861. Thomas Davidson has declared the 
 latter work " a complete manual of mysticism ".
 
 6 THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS 
 
 liness which had crept in among the brothers, 11 never- 
 theless did not hesitate an instant when it was a question 
 of saving the reputation of the order in the eyes of the 
 great Catholic Church. In the chapter of Citta della 
 Pieve he proceeded with such severity against the 
 " fanatics " that even the saintly John of Parma him- 
 self was condemned, and would hardly have escaped 
 prison had it not been for the timely intervention of his 
 friend, the cardinal Ottobonus Fliscus, later Pope 
 Hadrian V." 
 
 How well the decree of the Parisian chapter of 1266 
 succeeded in retiring the earlier legends of Saint 
 Francis is strikingly shown by the embarrassment of 
 the Spiritual party a few decades later. Angelo da 
 Clarino and his followers knew that the Poverello had 
 " communicated many things to his companions and the 
 earliest brethren ", which had been lost in consequence 
 of Bonaventura's decree. 13 They were therefore limited 
 to a few meagre documents like the cedulae and rotuli 
 of Brother Leo in the conduct of their case against the 
 lax majority of the order. Moreover, the early Rules, 
 in which Saint Francis had expressed his own will for 
 his order, were superseded by the emasculated official 
 Rule, which was approved by the pope in 1223 (regida 
 bullata). The earlier biographers " mention the several 
 
 11 Bonaventura says of the abuses in the Order: " licet tepidis et inde- 
 votis et secundum carnem sapientibus . . . quasi facilia et excusabilia et 
 irremediabilia videantur ". Opera S. Bonaventurae, Epist. I. (Quaracchi, 
 III, 468-469). 
 
 " Historia Septem Tribulacionum Ordinis Minorum, by Angelo da 
 Clarino; Ehrle in A. L. K. G., II, 285-286 (cited below as Hist. Trib.). 
 1 " Communicaverat enim sanctus Franciscus plurima sociis suis et 
 fratribus antiquis, que oblivione tradita sunt, turn quia que scripta erant 
 in legenda prima . . . deleta et destructa sunt ipso [ Bonaventura] 
 jubente." Hist. Trib., folio 326. Ehrle, A. L. K. G., II, 265-266. 
 
 14 Legenda Trium Sociorttm, 35, 57; Vita Secunda, auctore Celano, 3, 
 68; 3, no.
 
 THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS 7 
 
 Rules which the saint composed, but from Bonaven- 
 tura's day these Rules fell into oblivion, and were, like 
 the early legends, lost to the Spirituals of the four- 
 teenth century. 15 
 
 The crusade of the opening years of Bonaventura's 
 generalate against the Franciscan writings which could 
 become dangerous weapons in the hands of the Spiritual 
 party, though not accompanied by cruel persecutions 
 like those under Boniface VIII and Clement V, nor 
 attended by the dramatic scenes of the long struggle of 
 the party against the implacable John XXII, neverthe- 
 less was the very chief crisis in the history of the order. 
 It marked the consummation of the policy begun by 
 Gregory IX in his famous bull, Quo elongati saeculo, 
 namely, the subordination of the order to the Roman 
 curia. Until Bonaventura's time the strict minority, 
 although a party of protest, and subject to some perse- 
 cution, were not schismatists. They had seen the order 
 growing worldly and rich, building fine churches and 
 competing for chairs of learning in the universities. 
 They had seen it binding itself in closer and closer obli- 
 
 15 See Sabatier, Speculum Perfectionis, seu S. Francisci Assisiensis 
 Legenda Antiquissima, Paris, 1898, Introduction, pp. lix-lx. In insisting 
 on the fact that the use of the primitive Rule (1210-1221) by the author 
 of the Speculum Perfectionis places the composition of the legend in the 
 early part of the thirteenth century, Sabatier remarks: "A partir de 
 Bonaventure, la regie primitive tombe dans 1'oubli. Les Franciscains 
 spirituels du commencement du XIV e siecle ne songerent pas a Ten 
 tirer ". But Van Ortroy in 1902 found in the library of Saint Isidore 
 a manuscript containing the " Declaration of the Rule of Angelo da 
 Clarino ", showing that the early Rule was known to this prominent 
 Spiritual of the fourteenth century. Lemmens in his recent edition of 
 the Opuscula Sancti Patris Francisci Assisiensis (Quaracchi, 1904) 
 attacks Sabatier's position, as if it were taken after Van Ortroy's dis- 
 covery (p. 165). To this Sabatier very justly replies in the tenth 
 fascicule of the Opuscules de Critique Historique (Paris, 1904): "Me 
 pardonnera-t-on si je reponds que n'etant ni prophete ni meme devin, il 
 m'aurait etc difficile de tenir compte en 1898 d'une oeuvre signalee pour 
 la premiere fois le 15 Octobre, 1902?" (p. 122). 
 2
 
 8 THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS 
 
 gation to the pope, by the acceptance of various con- 
 cessions and exemptions. They hoped still, however, 
 for reform in this present age and for the continuance 
 of the order, under the guidance of spiritually minded 
 leaders, in the path of obedience to the Rule and Testa- 
 ment of Saint Francis. 16 When John of Parma was 
 elected to the generalate a prayer of thanksgiving went 
 up from the hearts of the patient saints, and the im- 
 petuous Brother Giles saluted the new chief with the 
 cry of plaintive triumph : " Bene et opportune venisti, 
 frater, sed tarde venisti "." Their rejoicing was cut 
 short however. John of Parma was not strong enough 
 to sustain the attacks of the lax majority inspired by 
 Rome. He was accused of insubordination, presumptu- 
 ousness. and heresy; " and at the chapter of Ara Coeli 
 in Rome (February, 1257) he was compelled by the 
 pope to resign." 
 
 Therewith the hopes of the zealots for the realiza- 
 tion of their ideals in the present age and in the order 
 
 *' See the account of the seventy-two brothers who came on an em- 
 bassy to Innocent IV in the time of Crescentius (1244) to plead for 
 the reform of the Order. Hist. Trib., 293, Ehrle, loc. cit. Angelo dig- 
 nifies this protest by the name of " schism ", which seems to me a pre- 
 mature use of the word. 
 
 " " Socii s. Francisci qui tune supererant laetabantur et gaudebant, 
 quia in ipso [John of Parma] s. Franciscum in spiritu resurrectum cerne- 
 bant. Gratia agimus tibi, Domine, dicebant, quia recordatus es nostri " 
 . . . Hist. Trib., 31, Ehrle, loc. cit. Cf. Wadding, ad ann. 1247, no. 4: 
 " Vir sanctus . . . cuius electio pacem ordini restituit ". 
 
 18 See above, note 9. Charges at length in Wadding, ad ann. 1256, 
 no. 2. 
 
 19 There is a dispute among the early historians of the Order whether 
 John of Parma resigned voluntarily or under pressure from the pope. 
 Angelo (Hist. Trib., 34b), Bernard of Bessa (Ehrle, in Zeitschrift fiir 
 katholische Theologie, VII, 343), Salimbene (Chronica, ed. Parma, 1857, 
 p. 137), and Wadding (loc. cit.) support the former view. On the 
 other hand, the author of the Cronica XXIV Generalium reports a cer- 
 tain legend of Peregrinus de Bononia as authority for the enforced 
 resignation: " Et ego, inquit, in capitulo fui mediator inter ipsum et 
 ministros, et hoc habui ex ore eius ". H. Denifle, in A. L. K. G., I, 
 147. Perhaps Peregrinus's legend was one of those lost after 1266.
 
 THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS g 
 
 at large were rudely shattered. They drew farther and 
 farther apart from the lax majority, and took refuge in 
 the mystical interpretation of Scripture and in apoca- 
 lyptic hopes. Under the leadership of that obscure 
 genius, Petrus Johannis Olivi in Provence, and of Uber- 
 tino da Casale, Liberate, and Angelo da Clarino in Italy, 
 they established strong centres for the promulgation of 
 the ascetic-apocalyptic ideas of the Abbot Joachim of 
 Flora, and brought upon themselves the bitter persecu- 
 tion of the heads of the order. Even the hunted victims 
 of the Inquisition, the sly Cathari and the meek Wal- 
 denses, were less hateful to the great community of the 
 Minorites than were these puritanical separatists. 
 " Never was meat sold dearer in a butcher's shop than 
 the price your flesh would bring ", said the inquisitor 
 Thomas of A versa to Brother Liberate, who was in- 
 judiciously tarrying in his district. 20 The history of the 
 persecution of the zealots in Provence, Tuscany, 
 Umbria, the March of Ancona, and the Kingdom of 
 Naples, in the years from the Council of Lyons (1274) 
 to the death of John XXII (1334), forms a stirring 
 chapter of medieval history. We may say, then, that 
 the generalate of Bonaventura marks the dividing line 
 between the two periods in the history of the Spiritual 
 Franciscans : the first period extending from the early 
 protests in the order to the deposition of John of Parma 
 and the measures of Bonaventura for the suppression 
 of the literature inspired by the zealous companion of 
 Saint Francis; the second period extending from the 
 
 20 " Et conversus ad fratrem Liberatum dixit: Non potest expritni 
 lingua quantum fratres Minores aversus te odium conceperunt. Et 
 ego, si voluissem te vendere, nunquam alicuius animalis carnes fuerunt 
 ita care vendita in macello." Hist. Trib., 540.
 
 io THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS 
 
 Council of Lyons to the extinction of the schismatists 
 by John XXII. 
 
 The recovery of pieces of literature which antedate 
 the official legend of Bonaventura has been, until the 
 last generation, only occasional. Luke Wadding, the 
 classic historiographer of the order, and an indefati- 
 gable collector of manuscripts, used a number of such 
 pieces in his monumental Annales Fratrum Minorum 
 (Antwerp, 1625 ff.). But Wadding was neither exact 
 in the description nor careful in the preservation of his 
 sources. The Bollandist Suyskens, 21 in the eighteenth 
 century, published, along with Bonaventura's, two 
 earlier legends of the Poverello : one written by Thomas 
 of Celano at Pope Gregory IX's bidding, in 1228- 
 1229 ; 22 the other, by three companions of Saint Francis, 
 Brothers Leo, Angelo, and Rufinus. 23 A third step in 
 the recovery of the early legends was the publication by 
 Father Rinaldi at Rome in 1806 of Thomas of Celano's 
 Vita Secunda S. Francisci** From 1806 no advance 
 was made in the study of the sources of the Franciscan 
 movement until recent years, when Ehrle, Miiller, 
 Sabatier, Van Ortroy, Little, Mandonnet, and other 
 scholars have contributed important documents and 
 critical articles to early Franciscan history. 
 
 21 Ada Sanctorum, Oct., torn. II, pp. 683-723, 723-742. A new edition 
 of the legend of Celano, published by H. G. Rosedale, London, 1904. 
 (See notice of same in Bibliographical Note, Appendix III.) 
 
 22 MS. Latin 3817 [Alcove] of the Bibliotheque Nationale of Paris: 
 " Apud Perusium felix dominus papa Gregorius nonus, secundo pon- 
 tificatus sui anno, quinto Kal. Martii [Feb. 25, 1229] legendam hanc 
 recepit et censuit fore tenendam ". The last three words indicate that 
 even as early as 1229 there were competing legends of the saint. 
 
 23 Legenda Trium Sociorum. Acta Sanctorum, Oct., II, 723-742. 
 
 24 Scraphici Viri S. Francisci Assisiensis Vitae duac, Rome, 1806. The 
 Second Life was written at the invitation of the General Crescentius, 
 1246-1247. See Prologue I: " Placet vobis . . . pervitati nostrae in- 
 jungere ", etc. . . . For new developments in the criticism of this 
 legend see Appendix III.
 
 THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS 11 
 
 Doubtless such literature as is now recovered and 
 printed is only a meagre scrap of what was written in 
 the early years of the order, and what may still, in great 
 abundance, be awaiting discovery especially in the 
 monasteries of the Low Countries and northern Ger- 
 many, because there they were furthest from the hands 
 of the censor." 
 
 We have not hints alone, but proof positive, that there 
 was a lively literary activity in the order before the 
 middle of the thirteenth century. In the first place, the 
 closing words of the endorsement of the Vita Prima by 
 Thomas of Celano contain strong suggestion that there 
 were conflicting interpretations of the life of Saint 
 Francis as early as the year 1229." Secondly, when the 
 legend just mentioned became impracticable as the 
 official legend of the order, on account of the disgrace 
 and defection of Brother Elias, the chapter of Genoa 
 (1244) issued a general invitation to the Minorites to 
 write down whatever they knew of the life of Saint 
 Francis, and submit it to the General Crescentius for 
 the compilation of a new legend." Thirdly, the only 
 piece of writing that has come down to us as a result of 
 the solicitation of the chapter of Genoa, the Legenda 
 Trium Sociorum is only a fragment. It recounts the 
 early life, the conversion and the ministry of the Saint, 
 down to the year 1220, in great detail; 28 then it skips 
 
 K M. Sabatier has already begun the search among the convent 
 libraries of Belgium, but thus far with little success, " a cause de la 
 mauvaise grace rencontree dans les couvents ", as he writes me in a 
 recent letter. 
 
 26 See n. 22. 
 
 21 Glassberger's Cronica, ad ann. 1244, in Analecta Franciscana, Qua- 
 racchi, II, 68 (1889). 
 
 28 See n. 23. 
 
 29 See chs. 1-67.
 
 12 THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS 
 
 the years of quarrel between the zealots and the party 
 of Elias, and ends with a hasty notice of the death and 
 canonization of Saint Francis. 80 It promises in the Pro- 
 logue to relate the miracles as well as the conversation 
 of the Saint, but there is no trace of miracles in the 
 legend as we have it." 
 
 Now all this points to an activity of parties in the 
 earlier decades of the Franciscan movement, far differ- 
 ent from the atmosphere of monotonous miracles which 
 envelops Bonaventura's official legend. We find the 
 ascetic " companions " of the Saint, Bernard of Quinte- 
 valle, Leo, Angelo, Rufinus, Masseo, Giles men who 
 receive no mention at all in the legends of Celano and 
 Bonaventura in decided opposition to the measures 
 introduced by Elias for the popularization of the order. 
 Their norm of conduct was the Rule of Saint Francis 
 sine glossa, which Gregory IX in his bull Quo elongati 
 ( 1230) " interpreted " in such manner as to exclude the 
 laxer party from obeying its spirit, while they observed 
 all the while its letter." Their gospel was the Testa- 
 ment of Saint Francis, which the same bull of Gregory 
 
 * See chs. 68-73. 
 
 31 There have been two notable attempts at the reconstruction of the 
 Legenda Trium Sociorum within the past seven years. In 1899 two 
 Roman Minorites, Marcellino da Civezza and Teofilo Domenichelli, pub- 
 lished what they claimed to be the complete text of the legend, re- 
 translated into Latin from the publication by Melchiorri (1856) of 
 an old Italian translation made by Achille Muzio di San Severino in 
 the year 1577. The author believes this translation to have been made 
 from a manuscript of the thirteenth century. Of M. Sabatier's dis- 
 covery and publication of the Speculum Perfections, in 1898, as the 
 basis of the Legend, I shall speak presently in the text of this essay. 
 Sabatier, as recently as March, 1903, recovered fifteen new chapters 
 of the Legenda Trium Sociorum. See Bibliographical Note, Appen- 
 dix III. 
 
 ** The Spiritual Franciscans of the fourteenth century looked back 
 with indignant protest on this " betrayal " of the trust of St. Francis. 
 Ubertino da Casale, in his Arbor Vitae Crucifixi, a mystical work pub- 
 lished in 1305, says: " Est stupor quare quaeritur expositio super lit- 
 teram [the Rule of Saint Francis] sic apertam "; V, 3.
 
 THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS 13 
 
 IX declared not binding on the order at large, on the 
 irrelevant ground that a minister-general could not 
 bind his successors as if Saint Francis' relation to the 
 order were analogous to that of John Parenti or Elias ! " 
 Their manifesto was a legend (or several legends) 
 whose contents were mutilated and whose circulation 
 was suppressed by ministerial authority.* 4 
 
 M. Sabatier, in a magnificent piece of critical sifting 
 of a sixteenth-century source, has recovered what he 
 claims to be the oldest version of the legend, or group 
 of legends, of Saint Francis, compiled by Brother Leo 
 in 1227 as a protest against the incipient extravagance 
 of Brother Elias and his followers. 85 It was immedi- 
 ately recognized by scholars of all shades of opinion 
 that the document published by Sabatier was of great 
 importance for the history of the order. A spirited 
 controversy is still being waged over it by the cham- 
 pions of the Conventual Franciscans, on the one side, 
 and M. Sabatier, with a few sympathetic helpers, on the 
 
 83 " Ad mandatum illud vos dicimus non teneri . . . cum non habeat 
 imperium par in parem " (!). Bull, Quo elongati, 1230. 
 
 34 This statement refers to Bonaventura's decree of 1266. But M. 
 Sabatier ingeniously suggests that even the Vita Secunda of 1246 may 
 have been planned with the same end in view. He thinks Celano was 
 chosen by Gregory IX as a sort of chairman of a committee to sift 
 and order the material brought in, in response to the invitation of the 
 chapter of Genoa (note 27), and to destroy the " dangerous " portions. 
 " Critical Study of the Sources " in appendix to the Life of St. Francis 
 of Assisi, Eng. tr., p. 386. The view is not supported by sufficient 
 evidence for unreserved acceptance; but it is a very tempting hypothesis. 
 See Appendix III. 
 
 35 Speculum Perfectionis, seu S. Francisci Assisiensis Legenda An- 
 tiquissima, auctore Fratre Leone, Paris, Fischbacher, 1898. In hunt- 
 ing for the lost chapters of the Legenda Trium Sociorum, Sabatier 
 analyzed the Speculum Vitae S. Francisci, published at Venice, 1504. 
 Separating from this very uneven composite work some chapters of the 
 Fioretti, bits of St. Francis' own works, and comments on the Indul- 
 gence of the Portiuncula, Sabatier reduced his source to 118 homogene- 
 ous chapters which he believed to be a very early legend of the Saint. 
 The Speculum Perfectionis (Cod. Mazarinus, 1743) was found to con- 
 tain 124 chapters, of which 116 correspond to Sabatier's 118 (!).
 
 14 THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS 
 
 other. M. Sabatier has met the attacks of the orthodox 
 Franciscans with patient respect, and replied to them 
 with scrupulous honesty of scholarship. 36 He may have 
 yielded rather hastily, in his enthusiasm, to the temp- 
 tation of declaring, with too little qualification, the time 
 and motive of the composition of the document, 37 but he 
 has shown beyond reasonable doubt that the Speculum 
 Perfectionis is built up, in its present shape, on the 
 earliest and most valuable legendary material of the 
 Saint that we possess (sayings of early companions, 
 cedulae and rotuli of Brothers Leo and Angelo, etc.). 
 It is the elder brother of the Legenda Trium Sociorum, 
 completing that valuable but fragmentary source in 
 just the respect most needed the portrayal of the re- 
 ligious and social ideas of Saint Francis. The Speculum 
 Perfectionis (or its ancestor) may have been sup- 
 pressed by Elias, just as the most valuable part of the 
 Legenda Trium Sociorum was suppressed by Crescen- 
 tius. 38 
 
 We may therefore follow the line back from Bona- 
 ventura, through the group of writings called out by 
 the invitation of the chapter of Genoa, to the earliest 
 legends of Thomas of Celano and Brother Leo : 
 
 LEGENDS OF THE ZEALOTS OFFICIAL LEGENDS 
 
 Rotuli and Cedulae of Brother Leo, I Celano, by 
 
 as original of the Speculum Perfectionis, order of Gregory IX 
 
 (12.27) and Legenda Vetus (1229) 
 
 I I 
 
 Legenda Trium Sociorum, by II Celano, by order of 
 Leo, Rufinus, and Angelo (1246) on invita- ^- Crescentius (1247,) 
 
 tion of Chapter of Genoa (1244) (revision of Leg. Trium Soc. ?) 
 
 Legend of Bonaventura, 1261 
 
 (Written by order of Chapter of Narbonne, 1260, 
 
 approved, 1263, made official, 1266) 
 
 36 Cf. Revue Histonque, LXXV, 61-101. 
 " See Bibliographical Note, Appendix III. 
 88 See n. 34.
 
 THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS 15 
 
 In addition to the early legends, we have one very 
 valuable source for the history of the Franciscan zealots 
 both before and after Bonaventura's time in the works 
 of an Italian Spiritual of the fourteenth century, 
 Angelo da Clarino. His Epistola Excusatoria, pre- 
 sented to Pope John XXII in 1317, and his Historia 
 Septem Tribulacionum Ordinis Minorum, written about 
 1330, are both apologies for the orthodoxy and orderli- 
 ness of the Spiritual party in the midst of persecution 
 through its whole existence. 39 The first four of the 
 Tribulations deal with the years anterior to the Parisian 
 decree of 1266. 
 
 The picture which we get from all these sources of 
 the early history of the brothers of the stricter observ- 
 ance of the Rule and Testament of Saint Francis is that 
 of a protesting minority rather than a revolting faction. 
 They have not yet thought of a separate order, but only 
 of a purified order. They have not developed a the- 
 ology ; for their whole creed has been obedience to the 
 ideal of poverty as pursued by their master. They 
 have endured persecution, not because they boldly ad- 
 vanced to champion new heresies, but because they re- 
 fused to drift with the tide of prosperity and accept the / 
 standard of life prescribed for them by the pope and 
 his advisers. Wherever we open the story of the early 
 persecutions we find the same tale; the zealots protest 
 against the violence and extravagance of Elias and are 
 shut up in prison ; 40 they make up a committee of 
 seventy-two to carry their complaints of Crescentius' 
 
 33 Both published by Ehrle in A. L. K. G., I and II (except the first 
 two Tribulations). Dollinger's text in the Beitrage zur Sektenge- 
 schichte des Mittelalters, Munich, 1890, II, 417-427, is very unsatis- 
 factory; whole pages are wanting. 
 
 40 Subject of the second Tribulation. Outlined only in Angelo da 
 Clarino's Hist. Trib., Ehrle, A. L. K. G., II, 120.
 
 16 THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS 
 
 mismanagement of the order to the pope, but are antici- 
 pated by the machinations of Bonadies, and sent in 
 pairs into distant exile ; 41 they rally to the support of 
 John of Parma, but only to see their champion deposed 
 and escaping by a hair's breadth the prisoner's cell. 42 
 It was a prolonged moral struggle 43 for supremacy 
 between the party of accommodation to prevailing 
 ecclesiastical standards, and the party of uncompro- 
 mising fidelity to the lofty ideal of self-abandonment 
 and self-emptying which was set up by the Poverello. 
 The party of accommodation won when they overthrew 
 John of Parma, and they clinched their victory by the 
 Parisian decree of 1266. 
 
 The history of the Spiritual party under the suc- 
 cessors of Bonaventura presents a considerable contrast 
 to that of the early zealots. It is a story of schism and 
 rebellion in the order, of compromising relations with 
 heretical sects, and of warfare with the Roman curia. 
 We have to do here with several quite distinct groups 
 of zealots in Provence, Umbria, Tuscany, the March of 
 Ancona, Sicily, and Naples, which were not bound to- 
 gether organically or even intimately associated with 
 each other. Strict observance of the Rule of Saint 
 Francis was the only common bond of these groups. 
 On the questions of attitude to the pope, of obedience 
 to the heads of the order, of purity of Catholic doctrine, 
 there was considerable diversity. It is necessary, there- 
 fore, to treat distinctly the various groups of zealots 
 after Bonaventura's time. 
 
 41 Subject of the third Tribulation. A. L. K. G., II, 256-271. 
 
 42 Subject of the fourth Tribulation. A. L. K. G., II, 271-289. 
 
 43 Even the first Tribulation (1220-1226) is described by Angela as 
 " secretum schisma et magna dissentio ", Ehrle, loc. cit.
 
 THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS 17 
 
 OUT primary source here again is the Historia Tri- 
 bulacionum of Angelo da Clarino, which grows more 
 extensive and explicit as it approaches the fourteenth 
 century, and deals with events in the author's own 
 memory. Furthermore, we have the works of Petrus 
 Johannis Olivi, the chief of the Provencal group of 
 zealots, and the dossier of the proceedings against Olivi 
 and his followers at the Council of Vienne (1310- 
 1312) ; voluminous bulls and constitutions of Pope 
 John XXII, directed against the refractory brothers 
 of Provence and Italy; and the documents relating to 
 the quarrel between John XXII and the schismatic 
 Michaelists. 44 The various chronicles and annals of the 
 order (especially Wadding's) have saved us many 
 scattered notices of the Spirituals not found in the con- 
 tinuous sources. 
 
 We shall now follow the fortunes of the Spiritual 
 Franciscans in their various groups from the close of 
 Bonaventura's generalate (1274) to the extinction of 
 the schismatic Parfiisser, who deserted the pope for 
 Lewis, the " cursed Bavarian ". 
 
 44 Olivi's writings are published, together with a sketch of his life, 
 by Ehrle in A. L. K. G., Ill, 409-540. The documents of the 
 tribunal of Clement V are in the same author's " Zur Vorgeschichte des 
 Concils von Vienne ", ib., II, 353-374, III, 1-196. John XXII's decretals 
 in Extravagantes Johannis XXII, Corpus Juris Canonici, Friedberg, 1881, 
 II. The documents relating to the quarrel over poverty, in Karl Miiller's 
 Der Kampf Ludwigs des Bayern mil der romischen Curie, Tubingen, 
 1879.
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 THE SPIRITUALS OF THE MARCH OF ANCONA. 
 
 " While the council (of 1274) was being celebrated 
 at Lyons, a rumor arose among the brothers in Italy, 
 and especially in the province of the March of Ancona, 
 that the pope wished to force the Minorites and the 
 Brothers Preachers to receive possessions and hold 
 them in their own right. This news was received with 
 various comments among the brothers, some of them 
 deploring the fact that the pope should conceive such 
 a plan, others maintaining that the brothers at large 
 would live more comfortably and peaceably by accept- 
 ing the decree, and that innumerable scruples would be 
 lifted from their hearts. 1 The discussion of the matter 
 waxed warm, threatening to divide the brothers into 
 two irreconcilable camps. One party strenuously main- 
 tained that the pope had a right to ordain such a statute, 
 and that it was every brother's duty to obey. Their 
 
 1 The Rule of St. Francis contained the express prohibition: " Unde 
 nullus fratrum, ubicumque sit et quocumque vadat, aliquo modo tollat 
 nee recipiat nee recipi facial pecuniam aut denarios . . . quia non de- 
 bemus maiorem utilitatem habere et refutare in pecunia et denariis 
 quam in lapidibus ". Regula (1221), cap. 8. As the order grew, 
 however, and funds became necessary for the maintenance of churches 
 and convents, Gregory IX (at the instigation of Elias?) in the bull 
 Quo elongati (1230) virtually abrogated this provision of the Rule 
 by providing agents (nuncii) who should receive and manage all moneys 
 donated to the order. The brothers' hands were still kept from the 
 contaminating touch of the dejiarii, but the flimsy subterfuge must have 
 seemed a mockery of honor to the few who wished to observe the 
 Poverello's commands. 
 
 18
 
 SPIRITUALS OF THE MARCH OF ANCONA 19 
 
 opponents said (and not so wisely) that the pope had 
 no right to change a statute which was revealed by 
 God, a confirmed by the pontiffs before him, 3 and recom- 
 mended by the lives of the Apostles. The dispute grew 
 more violent, till finally the men who were for obedience 
 to the pope above all else clamored for proceedings 
 against their opponents by a diligent inquisition, to 
 force them to retract their erroneous opinions." ' 
 
 Such is Wadding's account, taken almost literally 
 from Angelo da Clarino, 5 of the beginning of the sys- 
 tematic persecution of the Spiritual Franciscans. The 
 " rumor " which gave occasion to the rebellious stand of 
 the Italian zealots proved baseless ; ' but was enough 
 to kindle to a flame the smouldering fires of protest in 
 the souls of the faithful brothers who lived in the 
 mountain-girt convents of the March of Ancona. 7 
 
 2 It was the claim of St. Francis that his Rule was not the work 
 of human wisdom, but a revelation from God. When Pope Honorius 
 III, in 1221, attempted to get him to modify some of its provisions, he 
 replied: " Pater sancte, ego ista verba in regula non posui, sed Christus ", 
 MS. Laurentiana, Codex XX. Compare the words of St. Francis in his 
 Testament: " Nemo mihi ostendit quid deberem facere, sed Altissimus 
 ipse mihi revelavit ". Wadding, ad ann. 1226, no. 35. 
 
 3 E. g., Pope Innocent IV's bull Ordinem Vestram, 1245. 
 
 4 Wadding, ad ann. 1275, no. 68. The fascinating story of the whole 
 movement has been published by Ehrle in the A. L. K. G., II, 301-327. 
 My indebtedness to Ehrle appears on every page of this essay. 
 
 "Hist. Trib., fol. 48b. Ehrle, loc. cit. 
 
 s It may have started from an extreme interpretation of the twenty- 
 third decree of the Council of Lyons (Mansi, XXIV, 97): "quod nulla 
 religio mulierum sustineatur nisi habeat unde possit sustentari in 
 domo sine mendicitate et discursu ". 
 
 T We have ample proof that the aggressive party of zealots in the 
 March of Ancona antedated by more than twenty years the Council of 
 Lyons. The Cronica XXIV Generalium informs us anent the election 
 of Crescentius (1244): "Hie generalis senex ingressus est ordinem . . . 
 qui parum post factus minister Marchie invenit in ordine unam sectam 
 fratrum non ambulantium secundum Evangelii veritatem [sic!], qui se 
 meliores aliis existimabant ". However, we have no notice of the " sect " 
 till after the Council of Lyons.
 
 20 THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS 
 
 Angelo da Clarino himself was one of these brothers, 
 and his chronicle here takes on the completeness, the 
 vividness, the accuracy of the man who is writing of 
 what be has experienced among his closest friends and 
 compatriots. It would be difficult to find in the whole 
 literature of the medieval church a tale more varied and 
 exciting than that of the persecution of these Spirituals 
 of the March of Ancona. 
 
 The inquisition demanded by the papal party was es- 
 tablished, and some of the most influential zealots, re- 
 maining obstinate in their single attachment to the Rule 
 of Saint Francis, were committed to prison. A reign of 
 terror was instituted. Criticism of the acts of terror 
 was interdicted on pain of fresh torture. The chiefs of 
 the party (Angelo, Liberate, Thomas of Tollentius) 
 were kept in prison until the election of Raymundus 
 Gaufridi as minister-general in 1289. Gaufridi was in 
 thorough sympathy with the zealots. 8 He liberated the 
 imprisoned men, and, at their own urgent request, sent 
 them on a mission to King Haiton of Armenia, far 
 from the persecution of the jealous brothers of the 
 laxer observance.' But hatred followed them even be- 
 yond the seas. The brothers of the province of Syria 
 (one of Saint Francis' earliest conquests) compelled 
 their minister to send a " slanderous letter " to the King 
 of Armenia and to the Minorites in his realm, in which 
 the little group of missionaries were accused of 
 apostasy, schism, and heresy. The noble king refused 
 
 8 Like John of Parma, Gaufridi was obliged to resign (1295) by the 
 pope (Boniface VIII). He later began the defence of the Spirituals 
 before Clement V's tribunal (1310), but died before the case was finished. 
 
 When Gaufridi was told why the zealots were in prison he exclaimed, 
 " Utinam omnes nos et totus ordo tails criminis noxa tenereturl" Hist. 
 Trib., fol. 503.
 
 SPIRITUALS OF THE MARCH OF ANCONA 21 
 
 to be prejudiced against his visitors, but the hatred of 
 the Syrian brothers became so keen that Liberate and 
 his group deemed it best to return to Italy and seek 
 exculpation and protection from the minister-general 
 of the order. The animus of the Italian brothers 
 against them was intense. When Liberate and Angelo 
 sought a resting-place in their own province of the 
 March, until they could get an audience with the gen- 
 eral, they were rudely repulsed by the vicar of the 
 province, who declared that he would " rather receive 
 and shelter a band of fornicators in his province than 
 these two men ". 10 
 
 In less than a year after the return of the missionaries 
 from Armenia, however, an event happened which sud- 
 denly raised the zealots from a position of precarious 
 vagrancy to one of secure power. The papal conclave, 
 after two years of wrangling between the creatures of 
 the French king, led by the Colonnas, and the Italian 
 " patriots ", led by the Orsini, in a transport of apparent 
 reconciliation chose for the supreme lord of Christen- 
 dom a decrepit eremite monk, Peter of Morro. The 
 splendid train of cardinals and archbishops filed up the 
 steep mountain side of the Abruzzi to his lowly hermit- 
 age, and hailed the unwilling monk as the successor of 
 Saint Peter. Resistance was vain ; and the hermit came 
 down to Rome as Pope Celestin V. 
 
 It was all a sham and a pageant. Celestin V was only 
 a pawn in the game played by the astute Cardinal 
 Benedetto Gaetani to keep the Colonnas out of power. 
 In a few months another move was made on the chess- 
 board of Italian politics. The pawn was sacrificed 
 
 10 Hist. Trib., fol. sab.
 
 22 THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS 
 
 " Persuaded " by Gaetani to resign an act unprece- 
 dented in the history of the papacy the poor old 
 hermit willingly confessed before the assembled digni- 
 taries of the church his inability to rule as pope, and 
 retired in favor of the Cardinal Gaetani himself, that 
 famous Boniface VIII, who " came in like a fox, ruled 
 like a lion, and died like a dog ". 
 
 Celestin V was naturally a patron of the brothers of 
 the stricter observance, and he was besides a friend of 
 Liberato's. Therefore the minister Gaufridi, unable to 
 protect the zealots himself, sent them to Celestin. u The 
 pope did for them all they asked, and more. He com- 
 mended their purpose to live strictly by the Rule of 
 Saint Francis, absolved them from all obedience to the 
 authorities of the order, gave them the name of " Poor 
 Hermits of Celestin ", appointed Brother Liberate as 
 their head and Cardinal Napoleone Orsini as their 
 protector in the curia, and assigned them several her- 
 mitages of the Celestinian Benedictines. 
 
 But a sudden reversal of fortune came when Celestin 
 V left the chair of Saint Peter's, December 13, 1294. 
 Boniface VIII immediately declared all the acts of his 
 predecessor which were not approved by himself null 
 and void (April 8, 1295). Naturally, the favors 
 granted by Celestin to the zealots of the March had not 
 been approved by Boniface. The condition of Liberate 
 and his companions was worse than before Celestin's 
 accession. Then they had been only a disaffected, pro- 
 testing, persecuted minority ; now they were schis- 
 
 u " Interea fratre petro de Morrone ad pontificatum assumpto, placuit 
 generali ministro et omnibus principalioribus fratribus in quibus Christus 
 et eius spiritus inhabitare firmiter credebatur, quod ad sanctum pontificem 
 frater Petrus de Macerata et eius socius [Angelo?] succederent." Hist. 
 Trib., fol. 52b.
 
 SPIRITUALS OF THE MARCH OF ANCONA 23 
 
 matics. They had abjured the name of Franciscans, 
 and consequently forfeited all claim to the protection 
 of the order. It was a rash deed, and the punishment 
 was severe; but we may learn how sorely they were 
 tempted to the deed by the fact that eighteen years 
 later their brothers in Tuscany were not deterred by 
 their fate from repeating their act of defiance, in the 
 face of bitter persecution. 
 
 According to the narrative of Angelo da Clarino, the 
 Minorites began their persecution of the Poor Hermits 
 of Celestin even before Celestin's abdication. They 
 " sharked up a list of lawless resolutes ", u and hunted 
 them with violence. After Celestin had made lo gran 
 rifiuto, there was small chance for help. The schis- 
 matics fled to an island (quaedam parva insula) some- 
 where in the east, where they hoped to escape the notice 
 of their pursuers. But the Minorites at home were im- 
 placable. They accused the fugitives of the worst 
 heresy of the age, Manicheism, and subjected them to 
 an inquisition. When this failed to bring them to 
 punishment, their enemies appealed to Boniface VIII, 
 through the minister-general John of Murro, who had 
 the pope's ear. Boniface, finding that the only offence 
 justly charged against the zealots was their extreme 
 devotion to the Rule of Saint Francis, replied to their 
 persecutors, " Let them alone, for they serve God better 
 than you "." Then the wily accusers played their trump 
 card. " Holy Father ", they cried, " these men are 
 heretics and schismatics, who are preaching throughout 
 the world that you are not rightfully pope, and many 
 
 a Hist. Trib., fol. 533: " Stipendio conducunt catervam bominum mun- 
 danorum ". 
 
 " " Sinite eos servire Deo, quia ipsi faciunt melius quam vos facitis." 
 Hist. Trib., fol. 530. 
 
 3
 
 24 THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS 
 
 such things ". Boniface could bear least of all things 
 to have the legitimacy of his office called into question, 
 especially at a time when his relations with the two most 
 powerful kings of Europe, Philip the Fair of France 
 and Edward Longshanks of England, were strained to 
 the breaking point. 14 The accusation was effective. 
 Boniface issued a letter of condemnation against the 
 zealots, and committed their punishment to the Patri- 
 arch of Constantinople and the Archbishops of Athens 
 and Patras. There is no doubt that the Spirituals under 
 the lead of Liberate and Angelo were innocent of 
 sedition against Boniface VIII, though they looked 
 with disfavor, quite naturally, on his assumption of the 
 tiara." Their whole object was the peaceable enjoy- 
 ment of independence in the observance of the Rule of 
 Saint Francis. Italy was full of religious vagabonds, 
 however, at the close of the thirteenth century, 1 ' who 
 generally combined a social-political purpose (the herit- 
 age of Arnold of Brescia) with their religious vagaries. 
 It was inevitable that the extremists among the Spiri- 
 tual Franciscans, in whose eyes a regimen that was not 
 to be approved was no more to be tolerated, should 
 
 14 " Nihil aegrius audiebat Bonifacius quam vel levissime de sua auc- 
 toritate et canonica electione dubitari, eo praesertim tempore quo Gal- 
 lorum rex Philippus Pulcher aspere et temere nimis hoc vulnus frica- 
 bat." Wadding, ad ann. 1302, no. 7. 
 
 ls When subjected to the Inquisition under the Patriarch of Con- 
 stantinople in 1299 it was found that they prayed for Boniface as 
 pope, and, when persecuted beyond endurance in their Eastern refuge, 
 they sent messengers with their letters of apology to Pope Boniface. 
 Hist. Trib., fol. S4b. The disposition of the Spirituals toward Boniface 
 personally, however, may be seen in the savage poems of execration 
 addressed to him by Jacopone da Todi. Cantu, Eretici d'ltalia, I, 129 ff. 
 
 16 Compare Boniface VIII's orders to all bishops in 1296-1297 to reduce 
 the Bisochi to submission, and compel them either to enter some ap- 
 proved order (Lateran Council of 1215) or lay aside their religious 
 habits. Lea, History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages, III, 37.
 
 SPIRITUALS OF THE MARCH OF ANCONA 25 
 
 coalesce with these violent " reformers ". In fact, we 
 find a group of them in 1297 proceeding to the election 
 of a new Celestin as pope in Saint Peter's, a certain 
 Brother Martin of Bodici, from Provence. The in- 
 quisitors soon hunted the unfortunate pope-makers out 
 of the neighborhood of Rome. The latter took refuge 
 in Sicily a land which seems to have been as popular 
 an asylum for religious exiles since the days of Fred- 
 erick II as was England for the political exiles of the 
 nineteenth century." 
 
 But to return to Liberate and his group. After try- 
 ing in vain to escape the persecution encouraged by 
 Boniface's letter of condemnation, they decided to make 
 another plea before the pope. Their letters were inter- 
 cepted by the Minorites. As a last resort, Liberate him- 
 self started for Italy, to defend the zealots in person at 
 the Roman court. But Boniface died (October n, 1303) 
 before Liberate reached him. The leader of the Spiri- 
 tuals then fixed his hopes on Boniface's successor, 
 Benedict XI, to whom he was introduced in Perugia 
 in the early summer of 1304." But hope was again 
 deceived. Benedict died in July, and the French and 
 Italian parties began anew their wrangle over the suc- 
 cession to the tiara. After a vacancy of eleven months 
 the French bishop, Bertrand of Bourges, was chosen 
 pope, and enthroned as Clement V. He was pledged to 
 Philip IV of France as completely as any modern can- 
 didate is pledged to his party boss. Liberate again 
 started for Rome to plead his case before the pope, but 
 again the shadow of death stood between him and his 
 
 11 Jordanes, Cronica, 236, 3, in Muratori, Antiquitates, XI, 766. 
 M The visit is not mentioned in the Hist. Trib., but Angelo speaks of 
 it in his Epistola Excusatoria, fol. 1480 (A. L. K. G., I. 531).
 
 26 THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS 
 
 desire. He was stricken with a mortal illness on his 
 way. 
 
 Meanwhile Angelo marshalled the brothers in the 
 east, and brought them back to Italy. Angelo himself 
 found favor with Cardinal Orsini. His followers, after 
 a searching examination into their orthodoxy by Isnard, 
 at Rome, constituted themselves into the congregation 
 of " Clarines " in the March of Ancona. They were 
 never free from persecution. Such of the Celestins as 
 were taken by the inquisitor Thomas of Aversa, in 
 Naples, were put to dreadful tortures under the name of 
 Lombard heretics of the sect of Dolcino." 
 
 The sources fail us for the continuous history of the 
 Spirituals of the March after the first decade of the 
 fourteenth century. That their influence was consider- 
 able we know from scattered notices in the later chron- 
 icles. Rudolphus, for example, a chronicler of the 
 strict party, calls the province of the March provincia 
 stellata. 20 The group of Angelo, on the whole, pre- 
 served itself from offensive separatism. It is to this 
 fact, I believe, that we must attribute the otherwise in- 
 explicable fact that Clement V expressly allowed the 
 group to continue free from the discipline of the order. 21 
 
 John XXII, however, was of a different stamp from 
 the " mild and considerate " (mitis et mansitetus) 
 Clement V. He was determined to purge the Church 
 of every trace of nonconformity. In 1317, notwith- 
 standing the elaborate plea of Angelo in the Epistola 
 
 19 The details of their merciless persecution are related in the Hist. 
 Trib., fols. 553-580. 
 
 20 Quoted by Wadding, ad ann. 1289, no. 34. 
 
 21 " Veni igitur ad curiam in illo anno in quo concilium viennense cele- 
 bratum fuit [opened October 16, 1311], et propositum est meum negotium 
 et sotiorum domino dementi papae, et placuit ei quod Domino ser- 
 viremus in statu in quo eramus " (. e., as " Poor Hermits of Celestin "). 
 Epistola Excusatoria, fol. 1463.
 
 SPIRITUALS OF THE MARCH OF ANCONA 27 
 
 Excusatoria, he issued the decretal Sancta Romana, 
 which classed together under a sweeping excommuni- 
 cation " all those who, under the name of Fraticelli, 
 Beghines, Bizochi, and Brothers of the Poor Life, in 
 Sicily, Italy, and France, were organizing an independ- 
 ent order, under the pretence of observing strictly the 
 Rule of Saint Francis, receiving multitudes into their 
 sects, building or accepting as gifts fine houses, begging 
 in public, and electing superiors "."* Angelo did not 
 obey this decretal of John XXII. Taking advantage 
 of the pope's nearer and more serious troubles with the 
 Provengal Spirituals, 23 he returned to his brothers in 
 Italy, and continued to be their " general " until his 
 death in 1337. A manuscript discovered and published 
 by Ehrle in 1888 u contains the report of an inquisition 
 held in 1334 in the province of Rome, before which 
 several of Angelo's followers were summoned as Fra- 
 ticelli. From this report it appears that the sect re- 
 garded Angelo as their " minister-general ", that there 
 were under him several " guardians ", that his secretary 
 (socius) visited the various brotherhoods, that he him- 
 self, as general, sent out letters commanding obedience, 
 and that the sect observed strictly the Rule and Testa- 
 ment of Saint Francis, and looked for the advent of a 
 Spiritual pope. 26 
 
 Wadding in his Annales Minorum gives us a full ac- 
 count of the work of the later Spirituals of the March, 
 
 21 Extravagantes Johannis XXII, tit. VII, Friedberg, loc. cit. 
 
 23 See chapter III. 
 
 14 Vat. Cod. 4029. 
 
 Ehrle, A. L. K. G., IV, 8 ff. I quote a bit to show the flavor of the 
 document: " Interrogatus quis est generalis eorum respondit quod est 
 frater Angelus Clarani de Fossabruno [sic!] . . . item dixit quod dictus 
 frater Angelus scripserit sicut generalis ipsis fraticelli morantibus in 
 loco Poli." MS. Vat. Cod. 4029, fol. 7sb, 76.
 
 28 THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS 
 
 in the fourteenth century (John de Vallibus, 26 Gentile 
 da Spoleto," Paolo da' Trinci 28 ) in establishing on the 
 basis of the sectaries of Angelo an orthodox community 
 of brothers of the strict observance, which, after 
 various quarrels and fruitless negotiations with the 
 order at large (the Conventuals), 29 was finally recog- 
 nized by Leo X in his bull, lie et vos in vineam (May 
 28, 1517) . 80 Their history lies beyond the limits of this 
 essay; and we turn our attention now to the second 
 group of Spiritual Franciscans. 
 
 28 Wadding, ad ann. 1334, no. 24; 1343, no. 10. 
 
 27 Wadding, ad ann. 1350, no. 16; 1355, no. i. 
 
 28 Wadding, ad ann. 1368, nos. 10-13. 
 
 29 Wadding, ad ann. 1383, no. i; 1387, no. i; 1418, no. i. 
 
 30 Wadding, ad ann. 1517, no. 20.
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 THE SPIRITUALS OF PROVENCE. 
 
 It will aid us in the appreciation of the Spirituals of 
 Provence if at the outset we bear in mind certain 
 marked characteristics, determined by geography as 
 well as by history, which distinguish them from their 
 brothers in Italy. The southern part of France was a 
 region peculiarly susceptible to intellectual revolution 
 in the Midde Ages. Various heresies of dogma and 
 vagaries of philosophy made their way from the east, 
 across the Lombard plain, to find a home in the rich 
 valleys of Provence and Languedoc. The fierce Albi- 
 gensian crusade at the beginning of the thirteenth 
 century had made a desert of the land, but had not cured 
 the temper of its inhabitants. The old kingdom of Ray- 
 mond of Toulouse harbored heretics in abundance 
 still after it had been incorporated into the orthodox 
 realm of Louis of France. 
 
 Perhaps the most striking fact of the social condition 
 of southern France as compared with Italy in the 
 thirteenth century was the wide diffusion of culture. 
 The land had been receptive to the first voices of that 
 early humanism which, but for the torture of men's 
 bodies by the Holy Inquisition and the torture of their 
 senses by scholasticism, might have put the work of the 
 sixteenth century back into the thirteenth. The re- 
 mains of the literature of the troubadours and satirists 
 of the Middle Ages bear witness to an increasing 
 
 29
 
 30 THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS 
 
 brotherhood of sanity. The religious reformer ap- 
 pealed directly and confidently to the people. He 
 entered their homes. He preached in their wide fields. 
 The hermitage never found an abiding-place in the 
 plains of Provence, but rather on the rough sides of 
 the Apennines and the lonely fastnesses of the Abruzzi. 
 In Tuscany and the March of Ancona the zelanti drew 
 apart from society into little groups and brotherhoods. 
 In Provence there were no such gilds of saints. The 
 leaven of the zealots pervaded the shops and kitchens of 
 the country. It was there that the Spiritual Fran- 
 ciscans became practically amalgamated with the lay 
 sect of the Beghines. A glance at the records of the 
 Inquisition of Toulouse 1 shows that the inquisitor 
 found the democratic heresies of the vagrant reformers 
 wide-spread. The Spirituals of Provence were not so 
 much a sect as an influence. It is not until well into the 
 fourteenth century that we can trace any signs of or- 
 ganization for offence or defence among them. 
 
 Again, in Italy there was invariably and inevitably a 
 political tinge to all heresy or suspicion of heresy. 
 There was the pope close at hand, the lord of large 
 territories and the master of armies. Since the days of 
 the Saxon Ottos, yes, even since Charles the Great, the 
 tremendous " combine " or conflict between emperor 
 and pope had controlled the fortunes of the Italian 
 towns as the moon sways the tides. Heresy in Italy 
 generally meant revolt against the Roman pontiff and 
 his court. It expressed itself in open deed rather than 
 in covert opinion, and was dealt with as a practical 
 political problem rather than a speculative theory. 1 
 
 1 Liber Sententiarum Inquisitionis Tolosani, ed. Limborch. 
 
 * Note the example of Brother Elias, who, when removed from the 
 generalate by Gregory IX, immediately went over to Gregory's mortal 
 foe, the Emperor Frederick II.
 
 THE SPIRITUALS OF PROVENCE 31 
 
 We have seen how the crucial moment came in the 
 career of the zealots of the March of Ancona, not when 
 they were accused of Manicheism, but when they were 
 charged with denying the legitimacy of Boniface's 
 accession to the papacy. So we shall see in the next 
 section how quick the Tuscan group of Spirituals were 
 to draw the practical logical consequences of what they 
 considered to be the prejudgment of their cause by the 
 tribunal of Clement V. But the Spirituals of Provence 
 were not quick to action. They had no political temp- 
 tation to antagonize the pope. It was not until John 
 XXII, at the instigation of Michael of Cesena, forced 
 them to fight, by declaring it a heresy to wear short 
 gowns and condemn granaries and wine cellars, that 
 they came into direct conflict with the Roman court. 1 
 The idolized leader of the Provencal Spirituals, Petrus 
 Johannis Olivi, had even written to Conrad of Orfida, 
 upbraiding the Italian Spirituals for questioning the 
 legality of the abdication of Pope Celestin V. 4 
 
 The dominant influence of Petrus Johannis Olivi, 
 just named, was the third distinguishing mark of the 
 Spirituals of Provence. This remarkable person was 
 not only the stalwart champion of the strict observance 
 of the Rule and Testament of Saint Francis in his life, 
 but after his death he became the patron saint of the 
 Spirituals of Provence. His writings, which, accord- 
 ing to the testimony of one of his most noted disciples, 
 exceeded by seventeen fold the Sentences of Peter Lom- 
 bard," were held in almost equal reverence with Holy 
 
 3 Bull Quorundam exegit caecitas, April 13, 1317. Wadding, ad loc. 
 
 4 Letter printed in the Historisches Jahrbuch der Gorresgesellschaft, 
 III, 657 ff. 
 
 5 " Et sciat sapientia apostolica quod quantitas librorum fratris Petri 
 . . . ascendit plus quam X et VII vicibus ultra quam textus libri 
 Sententiarum." Ubertino da Casale's apology before the tribunal of 
 Vienne, Codex A 60, fol. iga., Chapter library of Padua.
 
 32 THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS 
 
 Scripture.' There is not a crisis in the history of the 
 Spiritual Franciscans of Provence, down to their ex- 
 tinction by John XXII, that is not at the same time an 
 inquisition over the writings of Olivi. And since there 
 was a great deal of speculative theology in those writ- 
 ings, the case of the Provencal Spirituals was compli- 
 cated by questions not at all relevant to its nature. The 
 enemies of the party, fortified with Olivi's works, were 
 \ skilful in shifting the debate from the ground of morals, 
 where the zealots really stood, to one of dogma. The 
 Italian Spirituals had many leaders Liberate, Angelo 
 da Clarino, Conrad of Ofnda, Ubertino da Casale, Ray- 
 mundus Gaufridi, Tramundus of Tolentino but no 
 " uncanonized saints " or infallible oracles. 7 The issue 
 between them and their persecutors was kept to the 
 practical question of obedience to the order and to the 
 pope. 
 
 Our sources for the history of the Spirituals of Pro- 
 vence, while far more numerous than those for the 
 Italian group, are far less satisfactory. Angelo da 
 Clarino treats of the French group, to be sure, in the 
 fifth and sixth of the " Tribulations " ; but the most 
 cursory reading of his pages is enough to show the im- 
 mense difference between them and the account of the 
 Spirituals of the March of Ancona. Angelo was him- 
 
 9 In the inquisition of 1321 in Toulouse Olivi is characterized as 
 " sanctus non canonizatus . . . quern Deus canonizaverat in vita et in 
 morte ". Lib. Sent. Inq. Tolas., ed. Limborch, p. 319. 
 
 T A letter from Angelo da Clarino written from Avignon to his con- 
 freres in Italy describes the immense concourse of clergy and people 
 that flocked to Olivi's tomb at Narbonne on the day of his " feast " 
 (March 14, 1313). It was " not less than what was customary at the 
 feast of Saint Mary of the Portiuncula ". Published by Ehrle (from 
 MS. Strozziana) in A. L. K. G., I, 544. John XXII ordered the bones 
 of Olivi to be exhumed and his sepulcher with its votive offerings to be 
 destroyed. Ib., II, 293.
 
 THE SPIRITUALS OF PROVENCE 33 
 
 self a member of the latter group, and he tells the story 
 of their fortunes in a direct, continuous, vivid style, 
 which is convincing from the first word to the last. His 
 account of the French group, on the other hand 
 except for the years 1317-1318, when he himself was 
 one of those under examination by John XXII at 
 Avignon is vague and rambling. It consists of a few 
 facts, interspersed with mystic disquisitions on the Rule 
 of Saint Francis, appeals to God to judge the cause of 
 the zealots, laudations of Olivi, miracles in a word, 
 padding. It is the work of a man who realizes that he 
 is handling a subject of importance enough to demand 
 several pages more than he has the material at hand to 
 fill. Moreover such few facts as Angelo gives concern- 
 ing the party prior to 1317 are not always to be relied 
 on. For example, he tells us, 8 in a rather fabulous vein, 
 how Olivi, after the condemnation of a part of his 
 writings by the Parisian censors in 1282, made his way 
 to the Minister-General Bonagratia 9 at Avignon, un- 
 bidden, and preached before him with such power and 
 fervor that the minister, gladiatus corde, repented of 
 the severe measures he had conceived against Olivi, 
 and shortly afterward gave up the ghost! Now we 
 have from Olivi's own hand a letter of self-justification 
 written in 1285 to the Parisian censors, in which he tells 
 us how he had tried in vain to get the ear of the 
 authorities to exculpate himself from the errors charged 
 against him. 10 Such a triumph as that at Avignon in 
 1283, recounted by Angelo, must have put an end to the 
 inquisition. 
 
 Hist. Trib., fol. 43!). 
 
 Bonagratia Tielci, minister-general 1279-1283, not to be confounded 
 with Bonagratia of Bergamo, champion of the " lax " party at Vienne. 
 10 Olivi's letter published by Ehrle in A. L. K. G., Ill, 418.
 
 34 THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS 
 
 Except for pieces like the letter just mentioned, we 
 have nothing to take the place of Angelo's continuous 
 narrative. Ehrle has published a number of these pieces 
 (most important of which are an Index of a projected 
 work on the history of the Spirituals of Provence by 
 Raymond of Fronciacho, procurator of the order, and 
 Ubertino da Casale's defence of Olivi) in his two long 
 articles in the Archiv entitled, " Zur Vorgeschichte des 
 Concils von Vienne ". u Wadding had some of these 
 documents," but, like Angelo, he did not have the 
 material necessary to place them in their true historical 
 setting. The important defence of Olivi by Ubertino 
 da Casale before the tribunal of Clement V, for ex- 
 ample, Wadding puts back into the year of Olivi's 
 death ( 1298), thus robbing it entirely of its significance 
 as an apology before the head of the Church, and reduc- 
 ing it to a private funeral panegyric." At the same 
 time, the annalist has full and accurate information on 
 the life of Olivi. 14 For Wadding then, in the seven- 
 teenth century, as for the Spirituals of the fourteenth, 
 Olivi completely overshadowed his party. 
 
 We have references in Fra Salimbene's Chronicle, 
 that masterpiece of medieval gossip, to early Spirituals 
 and Joachites in Provence; and also scattered notices 
 in the collections of Baluze and D'Argentre, and the 
 Liber Sententiarum Inquisitionis Tolosanae. 
 
 A source which we do not possess deserves mention 
 among these fragments for the value it will have, if 
 ever discovered to be actually in existence. That is the 
 
 ".4. L. K. G., II, 353-416; III, 1-195. 
 11 Ad ann. 1310, no. 4. 
 
 13 Ad ann. 1297, no. 36. 
 
 14 Ad ann. 1278, no. 28; 1282, no. 2; 1285, no. S> I2 9O, no. 10; 1292, 
 no. 13; 1297, nos. 33 ff.
 
 THE SPIRITUALS OF PROVENCE 35 
 
 collection of documents by Raymond of Fronciacho, of 
 which we have mentioned the Index in the preceding 
 paragraph. The work is divided into five parts, as 
 follows: Part i (8 chapters) discusses the Rule of 
 Saint Francis and the four papal " interpretations " 
 of the same in the thirteenth century. 18 Part 2 (46 
 chapters) contains the history of the Provengal Spiri- 
 tuals up to Olivi's time, dr. 1275 a subject on which 
 we have almost no information at all and, further, 
 discusses the influence of Olivi on the party up to the 
 time of the summons of the leaders of the Spirituals to 
 Avignon (1309)." Part 3 (41 chapters) is devoted to 
 the proceedings at Avignon and Vienne (1309-1312). 
 Part 4 (25 chapters) treats of the rebellion and pun- 
 ishment of the Spirituals of Narbonne and Beziers 
 (1314-1318). Part 5 (18 chapters) contains the his- 
 tory of the Tuscan group of Spirituals (1312). The 
 Index alone to this collection of documents occupies 
 twenty-six large octavo pages of fine print. What 
 must be the fulness of the work itself which " roars so 
 loud in the index"! Was it ever completed? Does it 
 still lie undiscovered in the corner of some monastery? 
 With this brief notice of the sources, let us proceed 
 to the history of the Provengal Spirituals. The tend- 
 ency of the apologists for the party of the stricter 
 observance is to carry the party as a well-defined sect 
 back into the days of Saint Francis himself. As we 
 have seen above, however, in spite of such manifestos 
 as the Speculum Perfections, it was not until the 
 
 15 By Gregory IX (1230), Innocent IV (1245), Nicholas III (1279), 
 and Nicholas IV (1289). 
 
 16 Raymond most unfairly connects the Franciscan zealots with the old 
 heretical sects of Nicolaitans and Manicheans as well as with the recent 
 Apostolicians and Waldensians, in this part of the Index.
 
 36 THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS 
 
 middle of the thirteenth century that the viri spirituales 
 began to be distinguished as a sect within the order. 
 The generalate of the zealous John of Parma (1247- 
 1257) was naturally a period of rapid incubation of 
 their ideas. It was then that the hope for the reform 
 of the order from within flourished ; and the Joachitic 
 prophecy of a new stage of religion, in which the viri 
 spirituales should be God's instruments in the conver- 
 sion of the whole earth, was revived, retouched to fit 
 the Franciscan order, wilfully misinterpreted in certain 
 points, and launched against the Church of the day in a 
 volume which created more commotion than any other 
 book of the thirteenth century: namely, the Introduc- 
 torius in Evangelium Aeternuvn, published by the Fran- 
 ciscan Gerhard de Borgo San Donino at Paris, in 1254. 
 The book was exhibited in the parvis of Notre Dame, 
 so that all who ran might read." Brought to the notice 
 of Pope Alexander IV by the Parisian theologians, who 
 were hostile to the Franciscans on account of a dispute 
 of several years' standing over professorial chairs, the 
 work of Gerhard was investigated by a papal commis- 
 sion of three cardinals, sitting at Anagni, and condemned 
 as heretical, October 23, 1255." The Intro duct onus, 
 
 " It is mentioned by Jean de Meung in the Roman de la Rose (verses 
 11204 ff.) as 
 
 " Ung livre de par le grant diable, 
 Dit 1'Evangile pardurable. . . ." 
 
 18 The tempting subject of the relation of the Introductorius to the 
 Evangelium Aeternum of Joachim of Flora, " the abbot gifted with 
 prophetic soul ", is not germane to this essay. Joachim has been interest- 
 ingly treated by Renan (Revue des Deux Mondes, 1886, vol. LXV), 
 Preger (Kgl. Bayer. Akademie der Wissenschaften, Munich, 1874), Tocco 
 (L'Eresia nel Media Evo, Florence, 1884), and Reuter (Geschichtc der 
 religiosen Aufklarung im Mittelalter, 1875); but best of all by Denifle 
 (in A. L. K. G., I, 49-145), who not only discusses with great acumen 
 the relation of the Introductorius to Joachim, but prints the full text of 
 the protocol of the commission of Anagni, by which the work was con- 
 demned.
 
 THE SPIRITUALS OF PROVENCE 37 
 
 though written by a Franciscan zealot, was by no means 
 a manifesto of the Franciscans (as Reuter tried to 
 prove it), even of those Franciscans who cherished the 
 prophetic views of Joachim of Flora. Salimbene, for 
 example, was a confessed Joachite ; and yet he speaks of 
 Gerhard's work in scathing terms of censure," and wit- 
 nesses to its baneful effects on the order. 10 Further- 
 more, the terms of Alexander IV's condemnation make 
 clear that he did not hold the order, or any considerable 
 part of it, responsible for Gerhard's impudent book." 
 The episode served to bring the question of the 
 Joachitic prophecies into the foreground, however; 
 and their influence was discovered to be so potent 
 among the Provencals that the provincial Council of 
 Aries ( 1262 or later) saw fit to condemn the writings of 
 the Calabrian abbot en bloc. 2 * 
 
 The next fact in the history of the Spirituals was the 
 Council of Lyons (1274), with its determined attitude 
 of hostility to the multiplying groups of vagrant mendi- 
 cants, who, under the palladium of the Franciscan 
 name, were defying the orders of the Lateran Council 
 of 1215. We have already seen how an exaggerated 
 
 M " Excogitavit fatuitatetn componendo libellum, et divulgavit stulti- 
 tiam suam propalando ipsum ignorantibus fratribus. Multas falsitates 
 contra doctrinam abbatis Joachim scripsit." Salimbene, Cronica, ed. 
 Parma, 1857, pp. 102-233. 
 
 M " Occasione istius libelli improperatum fuit ordini et Parisius et 
 alibi." Ib., p. 102. 
 
 ""Quod dicti [Minores] nullum ex hoc opprobrium nullamque in- 
 famiam incurrere valeant . . . et obloquitores et aemuli non possint 
 exinde sumere contra ipsos materiam detrahendi." Letter of Innocent to 
 the Archbishop of Paris, D'Argentre, Coll. Judic., I, 166. 
 
 11 The Council condemned the " libri Concordantium et alii libri 
 joachitici qui a majoribus nostris usque ad tempora manserunt intacti, 
 utpote latitantes apud quosdam religiosos in angulis et a nostris doc- 
 toribus indiscussi ". Mansi, Hist. Cone., XXII, 1001. Salimbene has an 
 amusing account of a prior reading his forbidden Joachim in a grape 
 arbor behind the convent.
 
 38 THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS 
 
 rumor of the purposes of this council started the move- 
 ment in Italy which resulted in the revolt of the 
 Spirituals of the March of Ancona and the ultimate 
 schism of the " Poor Hermits of Celestin " from the 
 order. In Provence the influence of the council against 
 the Spirituals was more than balanced by the contempo- 
 raneous emergence of Petrus Johannis Olivi as the 
 leader of the zealots. 
 
 Olivi, born in 1247, and educated at the University 
 of Paris, had entered the order (convent of Beziers) 
 in the year 1260, the fatal year of the Joachitic proph- 
 ecies. He immediately distinguished himself by his 
 speculative and exegetical writings. In 1278 he was 
 called to account for some unorthodox sentences in a 
 book on the Virgin Mary, and on the order of Minister- 
 General Hieronymus Ascoli (afterward Pope Nicholas 
 IV) he burned the book. 23 His ascetic writings, which 
 Wadding says were even then inviting a schism in the 
 order, 24 seem not to have been noticed until the chapter- 
 general of 1282, assembled at Strassburg, accused him 
 of " publishing a great deal hostile to the order at 
 large ".** The Minister-General Bonagratia, at the 
 behest of the chapter, went to Paris, and there sum- 
 moned a commission of seven chief men of the order to 
 examine the works of Olivi a suggestion that those 
 works had already reached a goodly bulk." The results 
 
 13 Wadding, ad ann. 1278, nos. 27, 28. Angelo, Hist. Trib., fol. 4ib. 
 
 24 " Tendebant tune alii in laxiorem vitam non secundum spiritum . . . 
 quibus Petrus sese opposuit. Alii vero ei adhaerebant et vitam vene- 
 rantes et doctrinam sequentes." Wadding, ad ann. 1278, no. 29. 
 
 35 " Accusatus fuit Petrus quod plurima libere nimis contra communi- 
 tatem ordinis frequenter proferret." Ib., 1282, no. 2. 
 
 M The source for the commission of inquisitors at Paris is mainly the 
 Cronica XXIV Generalium, edited by the College of Saint Bonaventura, 
 Quaracchi, vol. III. Angelo fails us here completely.
 
 THE SPIRITUALS OF PROVENCE 39 
 
 of the commission were embodied in a scroll containing 
 thirty-two passages of questionable orthodoxy, culled 
 from all of Olivi's works. The scroll was supplemented 
 by a letter (the famous Litter ae sept em Sigillorum) 
 in which were twenty-two positive propositions sub- 
 mitted to Olivi for subscription. Olivi concurred in the 
 judgment of his censors, and signed the letter of the 
 seven seals, although he objected that the heads of the 
 order were confusing their disciplinary powers with 
 inquisitorial prerogatives. He justly complained in his 
 apology, dated from Nimes in 1285, that the commis- 
 sion spoke with all the finality of assurance of the 
 Roman pontiff or a general council. 27 Olivi's profession 
 of faith satisfied the heads of the order for a time, 
 apparently ; for we find him appointed as lector in the 
 convent of Santa Croce in Florence by the General 
 Aquasparta (1287-1289), a noted Conventualist ; M and 
 transferred by Aquasparta's successor Raymundus 
 Gaufridi (1289-1295) to the higher place of lector at 
 Montpellier. It was about the time of Olivi's transfer 
 to Montpellier that the persecutions of the Spirituals 
 of Provence began. 29 At the next following chapter- 
 general of Paris (1292) Olivi appeared and argued for 
 the strict observance of the Rule of Saint Francis, 
 coupled with obedience to Rome and to the order a 
 counsel which may have been possible of observance 
 
 27 " Ac si omnia ibidem ['. e., in the letter of the seven seals] contenta 
 esset mera fides aut autentica determinatio romani pontificis vel con- 
 cilii generalis ", says Olivi in his Apologia, published for the first time 
 by Ehrle in A. L. K. G., Ill, 418-421. It is a masterpiece of patient 
 logic, enough alone to prove Olivi a born leader of thought. 
 
 28 Aquasparta is contrasted by Dante (Paradiso, XII, 124) with 
 Ubertino da Casale, the former as " fleeing ", the latter as " tightening " 
 the Rule of St. Francis. 
 
 " Cronica XXIV Generalittm, ad ann. 1290, copied by Wadding almost 
 verbatim, ad ann. 1290, no. n.
 
 40 THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS 
 
 in 1292, but was made impossible by popes like Boniface 
 VIII and generals like John of Murro.* Olivi again 
 satisfied the order as to his obedience, and was left, for 
 all we know, to end his days in peace (March 14, 1298). 
 We lose sight of the Spirituals of Provence from 
 Olivi's death until near the close of the first decade of 
 the fourteenth century. It is then that the followers of 
 Olivi begin to stand out as a well-defined group. They 
 had patiently borne the continuous persecution of the 
 lax majority of the order for years, when, in the spring 
 of 1309, Arnold of Villanuova, the physician of Charles 
 II of Sicily, and a friend of the party of the strict ob- 
 servance, induced his royal master to write to the 
 minister-general, demanding a cessation of the unjust 
 persecutions in Provence, under threat of appeal to the 
 pope. M This letter, coupled with a petition to the 
 burghers of Narbonne, had the effect of bringing the 
 Provencal zealots before Clement V, who ordered Ray- 
 mundus Gaufridi (the ex-minister-general), Guido of 
 Mirepoix, Ubertino da Casale, and others to draw up 
 a statement of the abuses in the order which needed 
 correction. At the same time he appointed a tribunal 
 of three cardinals to hear and judge the case, and, since 
 the Spirituals whom he had called upon to present their 
 case were exposed to annoyance from the heads of the 
 order, he issued the decretal Dudum ad Apostolatus 
 
 80 Raymond of Fronciacho in the Index mentioned above speaks of a 
 letter of John of Murro in which " mandat sectam fratris Petri Johannis 
 exstingui et sectatores dispergi ". A. L. K. G., Ill, 15. Cf. Hist. Trib., 
 fol. 47b. 
 
 81 " Tune [after Olivi's death] siluerunt, latuerunt et abstentaverunt 
 se ex iis plurimi [of Olivi's followers] ruinam gladii persequencium 
 non ferrentes, fueruntque sub pressura donee Deus per hominem ama- 
 torem veritatis Reinaldum de Villa Nova . . . regem induxit ad scriben- 
 dum litteras efficaces general! ministro "... Hist. Trib., fol. sgb.
 
 THE SPIRITUALS OF PROVENCE 41 
 
 (April 14, 1310), exempting the Spirituals from the 
 jurisdiction of the order during the investigations. 82 
 
 Ubertino's indictment of the order was scathing. He 
 detailed twenty-five abuses against the Rule of Saint 
 Francis and ten more against Nicholas Ill's decretal 
 Exiit qui seminat (1279). He was feebly answered in 
 a writing signed by Minister-General Gonsalvus, Alex- 
 ander of Alexandria, Bonagratia of Bergamo and 
 others. Refutation and counter-refutation followed, 
 and the matter resolved itself into a literary debate 
 between Raymond and Bonagratia, the voluminousness 
 of which may be judged from the list of the titles of 
 the pamphlets, preserved in Raymond of Fronciacho's 
 Index? 
 
 The champions of the Spirituals demanded nothing 
 more than the reformation of the order, but their op- 
 ponents skilfully shifted the argument to the theological 
 plane, making capital out of the earlier suspicions 
 against the writings of Olivi. 84 They picked out eight 
 points of heterodoxy (it had been thirty- four in 1283 !) ; 
 and when the Spirituals accused them of treachery to 
 the ideals of Saint Francis, they replied by the counter- 
 charge of rebellion against the orthodox faith. With 
 these mutual recriminations the matter dragged on for 
 two or three years, until Clement V in 1312 issued the 
 bull Exivi de Paradiso, which was adopted as a canon 
 of the Council of Vienne then sitting. 85 The Exivi was 
 promulgated as the final adjustment of the quarrel. 
 As it stands, it contains terms very favorable to the 
 
 33 Wadding, ad ann. 1310, no. 3. 
 
 33 A. L. K. G., II, 17, 26. 
 
 ** See n. 23, above, p. 38. 
 
 35 For the whole proceedings, see Wadding, ad ann. 1310, nos. 1-8. 
 The bull Exivi is printed in full in Melissanus de Macro's supplement 
 to Wadding, ad ann. 1312.
 
 42 THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS 
 
 Spirituals, proscribing the abuses and luxuries in the 
 order which Ubertino had scored. But it does not, as 
 Angelo da Clarino claims, 38 allow the Spirituals to live 
 apart, exempt from the discipline of the order. It is 
 impossible that Clement V could have countenanced 
 anything like schism in the order, though he may have 
 ordered the dissenting brothers to be treated kindly 
 until he finally remanded them (summer of 1313) to 
 the full authority of the general and the ministers. 
 Only a few of the zealots threatened schism, says Wad- 
 ding, sub pallio zeli. They all finally came around to 
 obedience and some even did penance for their stubborn 
 resistance : " dies suos pie et laudabiliter in religione 
 terminarunt ". 3T Considering the events of the years 
 1314-1318, however, this view of Wadding's appears 
 rather roseate. 
 
 Clement V's Exivi did not bring the desired harmony. 
 The zealots were so tenacious of their case and so fully 
 intrenched in popular favor in Provence, that Alex- 
 ander of Alexandria, Gonsalvus' successor in the gen- 
 eralate (1313-1314), thought it advisable, while hold- 
 ing to the letter of Clement V's Exivi, to allow the 
 Spirituals the three convents of Narbonne, Beziers, and 
 Carcassonne, with the further indulgence that the pre- 
 lates assigned to them should be always personae 
 gratae. 3 * The experiment proved a signal failure. 
 Alexander died a few months after his grant, and dur- 
 
 36 Hist. Trib., 6sb, 66a. Lea thinks that the Exivi as it stands may be 
 modified from its original tenor. He reminds us that the Canons of 
 Clement V were delayed for revision and finally published by John 
 XXII in 1317. "That they underwent changes in this process is more 
 than probable ", says Lea, Hist. Inq. of the Middle Ages, III, 60. 
 
 37 Wadding, ad ann. 1312, no. 5. 
 
 88 " Volo, inquit [Alexander], quod vobis dentur prelati, non dis- 
 plicibiles." Deposition of a brother of Narbonne. A. L. K. G., Ill, 159-
 
 THE SPIRITUALS OF PROVENCE 43 
 
 ing the long vacancy in the generalate (which coincided 
 with the two years' vacancy in the papacy after Clement 
 V's death) the convents at Narbonne and Beziers be- 
 came rallying-places for malcontents. Wadding has a 
 lively passage on the situation : " The chair of Saint 
 Peter and the headship of the order of the Minorites 
 being vacant for a long time, those brothers of the 
 stricter observance whom a little while before Clement 
 had brought back to the bosom of the order separated 
 from their brothers with rash impatience, and one 
 hundred and twenty of them, with the help of certain 
 lay friends (Beghines) in Provence, ejected the pre- 
 lates from the convents of Narbonne and Beziers. They 
 were joined by many of the Franciscans of the stricter 
 observance from other provinces. 39 The citizens of 
 Xarbonne and Beziers supported them zealously, on 
 account of their devotion to the memory of Petrus 
 Johannis Olivi." " 
 
 The interregnum in the order and the papacy was 
 brought to an end in 1316 by the election of two men of 
 uncompromising severity of character, Michael of 
 Cesena and Pope John XXII. Both were determined, in 
 their respective offices, to recover the authority which 
 had been impaired by the long vacancy. Michael ad- 
 dressed the pope immediately on the subject of restor- 
 ing unity in the order. He sent Raymond of Fron- 
 ciacho (the author of the Index} and Bonagratia of 
 Bergamo (the prosecutor at Vienne) to meet John 
 
 39 In an earlier paragraph Wadding speaks of the survivors of the 
 dreadful persecution of the Italian Spirituals by Boniface VIII and 
 John of Murro, who had fled to France to appeal to the pope. " Mox ad- 
 haeserunt aliis fratribus in regione Provincie quos viderunt sui zeli 
 participes et a communitate ordinis recessisse." Ad ann. 1307, no. 4. 
 
 * Wadding, ad ann. 1314, no. 8.
 
 44 THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS 
 
 XXII in consistory and to lay before him five petitions : 
 first, that the Fraticelli be punished; second, that the 
 brothers who had fled to Sicily * be reduced to obedi- 
 ence; third, that Ubertino da Casale be imprisoned; 
 fourth, that all appeals to the order be forbidden ; and 
 fifth, that the Beghines be forbidden to assume the 
 garb of the order and preach their heresies under cover 
 of the Franciscan name. 42 The petition thus called for 
 the correction of the Spirituals and their allies through- 
 out the whole zone of disturbance from Provence to 
 Sicily. It was the word of a man who intended to finish 
 with rebellion once for all. Angelo da Clarino, who 
 was one of the brothers summoned to Avignon as a 
 result of this petition, and whose Historia septem Tri- 
 bulacionum, consequently, becomes again at this point 
 a source of the first value, informs us that the petition 
 was made up almost entirely of lies and slanders, and 
 that " the supreme pontiff shuddered at the grievous 
 evils, crimes, and heresies which the community set 
 down to the account of the zealots ", 43 
 
 John XXIFs response to the petition was immediate 
 and cordial. He ordered King Frederick of Sicily to 
 apprehend the fugitives in his kingdom, and commis- 
 sioned Bertrand of Tours, provincial minister of Aqui- 
 taine, to force the rebellious brothers of Narbonne and 
 Beziers to conformity and obedience. 44 When the Pro- 
 vengal zealots refused to obey Bertrand's orders, and 
 presented to the pope a petition signed by forty mem- 
 
 41 See chapter IV for the details concerning these brothers. 
 
 42 Index of Raymond of Fronciacho, part IV, ch. 7. A. L. K. G., Ill, 
 27. 
 
 Hist. Trib., fol. 673. 
 
 44 A full account in Wadding (ad ann. 1317, nos. 9-14) who, besides 
 Angelo's source, had important papal documents from the rich archives 
 of Avignon.
 
 THE SPIRITUALS OF PROVENCE 45 
 
 bers, John summoned them to Avignon within ten days, 
 on pain of excommunication. 45 " About the Feast of 
 Pentecost ", says Angelo, " sixty-four * brothers from 
 the convents of Narbonne and Beziers came to the 
 supreme pontiff. They did not turn in at the Francis- 
 can convent, but, entering the town of Avignon, 
 marched directly to the papal palace and stood all night 
 before the doors, refusing to depart until the pontiff 
 gave them audience ". One of their number, Bernard 
 Delicieux, a man of great modesty, astonishing learn- 
 ing, and irresistible eloquence, set forth their case be- 
 fore the pontiff and his cardinals in such circumspect 
 and persuasive speech that his adversaries despaired of 
 replying. It soon became evident to the zealots that 
 their case was prejudged, and that they had been sum- 
 moned not to be heard in defence but to receive their 
 sentence. Bernard and those who attempted to follow 
 him were silenced on one flimsy pretext or another." 
 Gaufridus de Cornone was the victim of an especially 
 shameless piece of bullying by the pope. John was 
 anxious to keep this eloquent saint from talking and, 
 just as the latter was about to begin, interrupted him 
 with the irrelevant remark, " Brother Gaufridus, I 
 wonder that you clamor for the strict observance of the 
 Rule, when you own five gowns yourself ". 
 
 Gaufridus : " Holy Father, you are deceived ; it is 
 not true that I own five gowns, saving your reverence." 
 
 45 Index of Raymond of Fronciacho, part IV, ch. 16. Letter of cita- 
 tion in Wadding, ad ann. 1317, no. u. 
 
 48 Lea, loc. cit., Ill, 70, says, " They set forth seventy-four in num- 
 ber ", but the Hist. Trib. says " sexaginta quattuor ". 
 
 41 Hist. Trib., fol. 68a. It is amusing to contrast with Angelo's 
 laudation the description of Bernard in the Index- of Raymond of 
 Fronciacho. There he appears as a braggart and blasphemer who had 
 been in jail three times and deserves to be there still. Part IV, ch. 18. 
 A. L. K. G., Ill, 29.
 
 46 THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS 
 
 John XXII : " Then we lie, do we ? " 
 
 Gauf ridus : " Holy Father, I did not say, nor would 
 I say that you lie ; but I did and do say that I do not own 
 five gowns." 
 
 John XXII : " We order you to be arrested, till we 
 see whether it be true or not that you own five gowns." 
 
 No wonder that the rest of the deputation despaired 
 of further audience and fell on their knees before the 
 pontiff crying, "Justice, Holy Father, justice!" 
 Their cry fell on deaf ears. The leaders were com- 
 mitted to prison, the rest remanded to their convents, 
 there to wait, under strict oversight of their superiors, 
 until the pope deliberated further what to do with them. 
 In a few days he ordered them to be subjected to an ex- 
 amination on the basis of his Constitution Quorundam 
 exegit caedtas (April 13, 1317), which confirmed to 
 the general of the order absolute jurisdiction on the 
 points of garments and granaries. Twenty-five brothers 
 failed to satisfy the examiners, and were turned over to 
 the inquisitors at Marseilles. Four continued " hard- 
 ened " in the presence of the inquisitors, and were 
 handed over to the secular arm. They were burned 
 at the stake in Marseilles, May 7, I3i8. 49 By the 
 same inquisitorial sentence, it was forbidden on pain 
 of excommunication to defend or countenance the 
 errors of the Spirituals, or to have in one's possession 
 any of the works of Olivi. 50 
 
 The fires kindled at Marseilles were a signal for the 
 extermination of the Spiritualists throughout Provence. 
 We hear of burnings at Narbonne, Montpellier, 
 
 48 Hist. Trib., fol. 693. 
 "Ibid. 
 
 50 Index of Raymond of Fronciacho, part IV, ch. 24. A. L. K. G., Ill, 
 30-
 
 THE SPIRITUALS OF PROVENCE 47 
 
 Toulouse, Lunel, Lodvere, Carcassonne, Cabestaing, 
 Beziers, Montreal. Mosheim tells us of a band of a 
 hundred and thirteen Spirituals sacrificed at Carcas- 
 sonne from 1318 to 1350." Wadding tells us that the 
 Franciscan inquisitors alone burned one hundred and 
 fourteen of the zealots in a single year (1323)." And 
 Angelo compares the indiscriminate frenzy of the per- 
 secutors to the fierceness of rabid dogs and wolves." 
 The works of Olivi were condemned at the Pentecostal 
 chapter of 1319 at Marseilles, and even the bones of 
 many saints who had died uncondemned (though sus- 
 pected), were cast out of their tombs." The result of 
 the fierce persecutions was to stamp out the Spirituals 
 in Provence. A few of the most radical of the party 
 were driven into violent but unavailing schism. They 
 revived the wildest interpretation of the writings of 
 Joachim of Flora, and revelled in vaticinations of the 
 fall of the carnal Church. John XXII, for the pro- 
 mulgation of the Quorundam exegit, became the Anti- 
 christ of the Apocalypse. The martyrs of Marseilles 
 were honored by a special cult. Saint Francis was to 
 
 81 Mosheim, De Beghardis et Beguinabus, 1790, p. 499. 
 
 13 Wadding, ad aim. 1317, no. 45. 
 
 1 " Et ancusabant simpliciter gradientis pro maliciosis et oboedientes 
 pro inoboedientibus et fideles et catholicos pro infidelibus et schis- 
 maticis ymitantes canes et luppos rabidos, qui in rabiem conversi nihil 
 aliud quam mordere appetunt et absque timore bestias et homines in- 
 differenter invadunt." Hist. Trib., fol. 7ob. That the Beghines were 
 confused with the Third Order of St. Francis, much to the detriment of 
 the Franciscans, is shown by an examination of the Lib. Sent. Inq. 
 Tolas, and Bernard of Gui's Practica, part V. Bernard in his Flares 
 Chronicorum even says that the Beghines took their rise from Olivi's 
 " Postil on the Apocalypse " (quoted by Ehrle in A. L. K. G., Ill, 456). 
 The name Beghine seems to have been definitely fastened upon the 
 suspected Franciscans at the provincial Council of Beziers in 1299. 
 Mansi, Hist. Cone., XXIV, 1216. Compare Tocco's opinion: " I Beguini 
 non erano se non terziarii francescani ". L'Eresia nel Media Evo, p. 
 355- 
 
 "Hist. Trib., fol. 6ga.
 
 48 THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS 
 
 return in the flesh and preside over the " holy " Church 
 in the third and perfect age. Olivi's writings were in- 
 terpolated with passages from the prophecies of Joa- 
 chim. Olivi himself was celebrated as the Enoch of the 
 Third Age, the second Saint Paul, and even endowed 
 with all the graces of the human Christ." A highly 
 colored legendary account of Olivi's death, the Tran- 
 situs Sancti Patris, was made the hand-book of the 
 party. They despised their brother Spirituals in Italy 
 as cowardly opportunists, 88 and predicted the speedy 
 extinction of all sects but their own. They were the 
 true Church, destined to endure to the end of the 
 world." In this extravagant sect the unreconciled 
 Spirituals of Provence lost their social significance, and 
 sank into oblivion. 
 
 85 See the trial of the " prophetess " Naprous Boneta, in Lea, III, 82. 
 
 56 At the time of the separation of the brothers of the March (1294), 
 it had been the Provencal Spirituals who were the " moderates ". Olivi 
 wrote in 1295 to Conrad of Offida, reprimanding the Italian group for 
 denying the legitimacy of Boniface VIII's accession to the papacy. 
 
 67 Lib. Sent. Inq. Tolas., pp. 303, 305, 307, 310, 330.
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 THE TUSCAN SPIRITUALS. 
 
 While the great debate over the correction of abuses 
 in the order was raging between Ubertino and Bona- 
 gratia in the presence of Clement V and the prelates 
 attending the Council of Vienne, " the brothers of Tus- 
 cany, seeing clearly the hatred of the Community 
 against them, and knowing well that their own destruc- 
 tion was aimed at, took counsel with a certain holy and 
 wise man named Martin, canon-regular of Siena, and 
 decided upon flight. This brother Martin, hearing and 
 to some extent seeing with his own eyes how violent 
 the conduct of the Community was, said to the zealots, 
 whose holy walk and conduct he had observed, 
 ' Brothers, believe me, your enemies will drive you out 
 of your convents. For they do not obey the authority 
 of the Church, but flout it. If you were but three in 
 number, you could still elect a general ; and I am ready 
 to prove in the presence of the pope and all the cardinals 
 that your secession from the Community is a sacred 
 right, and that the election which you make is canonical 
 and just.' The zealots had confidence in the advice of 
 this wise man (who was, to be sure, ignorant of the 
 effect of the course which he advised), and chose a 
 general and other officers for themselves according to 
 the Rule of Saint Francis a proceeding which brought 
 obloquy on them and on all their associates. Then the 
 supreme pontiff and all the cardinals, even those who 
 
 49
 
 So THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS 
 
 favored the earlier proposal, 1 were greatly shocked, and 
 were easily persuaded to believe all the evil reports 
 circulated about the Spirituals. And although the 
 latter sent an epistle to Clement V just before his death, 
 protesting that they were ready to obey him as dutiful 
 children and to endure his correction, the letter never 
 reached the pontiff, because the friends to whom it was 
 entrusted did not dare to present it. The Tuscan 
 zealots likewise sent messengers to Pope John XXII 
 on the same errand, but the messengers were seized and 
 imprisoned by the Community and the message never 
 reached its goal." ' 
 
 The foregoing passage, inserted by Angelo da Clarino 
 in his inadequate account of the proceedings of the 
 Council of Vienne, is almost all we know of the little 
 group of Tuscan zealots, who impatiently broke away 
 from the Community and fled to Sicily in the years 
 1312-1314. Wadding tells us that a certain Jacobus da 
 Tundo of Siena is his source for the knowledge of the 
 Tuscan Spirituals, 3 but, as no chronicler bearing such a 
 name has been discovered, we are not much helped by 
 the information. There is more suggestion in a few 
 scattered notices in the writings of Ubertino da Casale, 
 Angelo da Clarino, and Raymond of Fronciacho. Uber- 
 tino was doubtless the leader of the group of Tuscan 
 Spirituals ; * and had he not been temporarily absent, 
 fighting their cause before the tribunal of Clement V, 
 the revolt of 1312 would probably never have taken 
 
 1 This proposal (negotium) was the request of Ubertino that the 
 Spirituals might be allowed to separate peacefully from the Community 
 since reconciliation seemed hopeless. Clement's decision came in the 
 summer of 1313 (see p. 42, above, n. 38). 
 
 *Hist. Trib., fol. 653, i. 
 
 3 Wadding, ad ann. 1307, no. 4. 
 
 4 " Hie frater Ubertinus habitans in monte Alvernae provincie Tuscie."
 
 THE TUSCAN SPIRITUALS 51 
 
 piace. Ubertino tells us in his reply to the charges of 
 Bonagratia against Olivi's doctrines, how sorely the 
 Brothers Minor in Tuscany had betrayed the ideal of 
 Saint Francis. They had full cellars and granaries. 
 They had amassed wealth and put it out at usury. They 
 had even added dishonesty to avarice. 8 The provoca- 
 tion of the zealots to revolt from such disloyal followers 
 of Saint Francis was heightened by the persecution 
 which they had to endure from hostile prelates. In a 
 letter of Angelo da Clarino, written from Avignon 
 (1313) to his brother Spirituals in Italy, the hope is 
 expressed that Pope Clement will be pleased to treat 
 the prelates of Tuscany who are persecuting the Spiri- 
 tuals beyond endurance as he treated Bonagratia of 
 Bergamo for the same offence in Provence. 8 From 
 Raymond of Fronciacho we learn the names of the con- 
 vents in which the Tuscan revolt took place: Car- 
 mignano (near Florence), Arezzo, and Ascanio (near 
 Siena). Raymond, who we must remember was a de- 
 termined foe of the Spirituals, says that the latter drove 
 the Minorites of the Community out of their convents 
 by sheer force. When overcome in arms, some of the 
 Spirituals took refuge in private houses that were 
 opened to them, while others (forty-nine in number) 
 
 5 " Item pecunia nomine oblacionis in pluribus locis provincie s. Fran- 
 cisci et aliquibus Tuscie recipitur et diversae fraudes fiunt in missis 
 novis "... quoted by Ehrle, A. L. K. G., Ill, 68. 
 
 ' " lam enim fratrem Bonagratiam adjudicavit perpetuo carceri et 
 omnes prelates de provincia Provincie tanquam excommunicatos citavit, 
 et speramus quod similiter faciet de prelatis Tuscie qui non cessant in 
 contemptum Dei et ecclesie sanctos fratres . . . vexare." MS. Strozziana 
 (Florence), 63b. This manuscript containing the letter just quoted 
 and the Epistola Excusatoria (see p. 15, above) was discovered by the 
 Bollandist Papebroch in the manuscript collection of Senator Strozzi of 
 Florence in 1660, and is now in the National Library of the same city. 
 It is described and (in part) printed for the first time by Ehrle in 
 A. L. K. G., I, 509-570-
 
 52 THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS 
 
 fled to Sicily, where King Frederick received them 
 kindly. Clement V warned the rebels in two letters to 
 desist from their schism, and when warning proved 
 vain he commissioned the Archbishop of Genoa and 
 the Bishops of Lucca and Bologna to suppress the 
 recalcitrants. The Inquisition was established against 
 them, and a second detachment took refuge in Sicily, 
 where we hear of their organization by Henry of Ceva, 
 a refugee from Boniface VIII's persecution. Forth- 
 with a letter was dispatched from Avignon, signed by 
 several cardinals, to the prelates of Sicily, warning 
 them to crush out the schism by all means possible. 
 John XXII followed the matter up, immediately after 
 his election, by a letter to King Frederick in the same 
 style. 7 The formal and public condemnation of the 
 Tuscan schismatics followed in the bull Gloriosam 
 ecclesiam non habentem maculam nee rugam (January 
 23, 1318). 8 
 
 In point of numbers and of subsequent influence this 
 movement of the Tuscan Spirituals is not of particular 
 consequence. It is significant chiefly for the rapidity 
 with which the breach with the order was consummated. 
 It gives us a singularly clear picture of the irreconcil- 
 able status and claims of the Community on the one 
 hand and the Spirituals on the other. Furthermore, it 
 is interesting as a most decisive step in the organization 
 of the Fraticelli. 
 
 Perhaps no other term in the whole vocabulary of 
 medieval heresiology has been so loosely used as the 
 word " Fraticelli ". Lea in his History of the Inquisi- 
 tion of the Middle Ages (III, 158), speaking of the 
 
 'March 15, 1317. Published in Wadding ad ann. 1317, no. 9. (P. 44, 
 above, n. 44.) 
 
 8 Index of Raymond of Fronciacho, part V entire. A. L. K. G., Ill, 
 30-31-
 
 THE TUSCAN SPIRITUALS 53 
 
 zealots in Germany, says : " Though we occasionally 
 hear of Fraticelli in these regions, it is rather as a con- 
 venient name employed by monkish chroniclers than as 
 really representing a distinctive sect ". It is not the 
 monkish chroniclers alone, however, that have sinned 
 against clearness of definition in respect to the Frati- 
 celli. Among modern writers on medieval history it is 
 difficult to find one that is at pains to define the sect 
 clearly. Gieseler applies the name to the Spirituals who 
 were driven out of the convents of Narbonne and 
 Beziers by John XXII in 1317.' Riezler also uses the 
 name for the Spirituals of Provence, with the addi- 
 tional information that Henry of Ceva was their 
 leader ! 10 Carl Schmidt in the article " Fraticelli " in 
 the Realencyklopddie fiir Protestantische Theologie 
 employs the term indiscriminately for the group of 
 Angelo in Italy, the evicted brothers of the convents 
 of Provence, and the Beghines persecuted by the Inqui- 
 sition of Toulouse. He says, further, that the sect 
 vanished before the middle of the fourteenth century. 
 Finally, even Lea himself is far from explicit in his 
 use of the word. In his chapter entitled " The Frati- 
 celli ", u he treats of the schismatic Franciscans of the 
 Community who, under Michael of Cesena and Bona- 
 gratia, joined forces with Lewis of Bavaria against 
 John XXII ; " of the " remains of the moderate Spiri- 
 tualists of Italy who had never indulged in the dan- 
 gerous enthusiasm of the Olivists, but were willing to 
 suffer martyrdom in defence of the sacred principles 
 of poverty " (p. 144) ; of the group under Henry of 
 
 Lehrbuch der Kirchengeschichte, II, 3, p. 206. 
 
 10 Die literarischen Widersacher der P'dpste zur Zeit Ludwigs des 
 Bayers, p. 62. 
 
 11 Hi st. Inq. of the Middle Ages, III, 129-180. 
 u See chapter V.
 
 54 THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS 
 
 Ceva in Sicily, " which, when John XXII triumphed 
 over the order, gathered in its recalcitrant factions and 
 constituted a sect whose strange persistence under the 
 fiercest persecution we shall have to follow for a cent- 
 ury and a half" (ib. ; compare Schmidt's statement 
 above) ; of the Ghibelline heretics of Todi, and the 
 Bavarian's anti-pope; of the sectarians in Languedoc 
 and Provence, whose suppression was facilitated by 
 the " rigorous severity with which the Spirituals had 
 been exterminated " (p. 167) ; of heretics of the March 
 of Ancona awaiting extirpation even in the middle of 
 the fifteenth century (p. 175) ; and of the Observantine 
 movement, 13 which " may be credited with the destruc- 
 tion of the Fraticelli, not so much by furnishing the 
 men and the zeal required for their violent suppression 
 as by supplying an organization in which their ascetic 
 longings could be safely gratified" (p. 179). Thus all 
 of the dissatisfied Franciscans, in all of their vicissi- 
 tudes, religious and political, from the beginning of the 
 fourteenth century down, are grouped under the title 
 " The Fraticelli ". 
 
 In fact, the clear demarcation of any of the mystic 
 anti-hierarchical, popular sects of the thirteenth and 
 fourteenth centuries is practically impossible. Europe 
 from the North Sea to the Mediterranean simply 
 swarmed with them. There were Reclusi, Murati, 
 Humiliati, Beghines, Beghards, Apostolic Brethren, 
 Brothers of the Free Spirit, Brothers and Sisters of the 
 Order of the Militia of Christ and the Blessed Virgin, 
 Brothers and Sisters of Penitence, Continentes, Ter- 
 tiarii, etc., etc. The Lateran Council of 1215 had for- 
 bidden the creation of new religious orders, and this 
 astounding multiplication of lay brotherhoods was the 
 
 u See above, p. 28, nn. 26-30.
 
 THE TUSCAN SPIRITUALS 55 
 
 response. Then the Council of Lyons (1274) at- 
 tempted to check these brotherhoods," but to no pur- 
 pose ; they increased toward the close of the thirteenth 
 century faster than ever. Composed as they were al- 
 most entirely of men and women from the humbler 
 walks of life," with no education themselves and with a 
 hearty hatred of learning- as one of the chief tempta- 
 tions to pride and worldliness ; M without official recog- 
 nition, except as they joined themselves to one of the 
 approved orders, like the Humiliati or the Tertiarii of 
 Saint Francis or Saint Dominic," is was obviously im- 
 possible for them to leave much material for the chron- 
 icler and the historian. We have to get such distinctive 
 impressions as we can from the official documents of the 
 curia and from the inquisitorial processes. 18 Moreover, 
 an unfortunate quarrel between the Franciscan and 
 Dominican chroniclers of the first half of the seven- 
 teenth century did much to obscure the origin and 
 character of the Fraticelli. Abram Bzovius, the Domini- 
 can continuator of Baronius's Annales, accused the 
 Spiritual Franciscans of hatching the heretical sect 
 
 14 Cone. Lugdun., c. 23. Mansi, XXIV, 96. 
 
 18 Alvarus Pelagius, De Planctu Ecclesie, II, 5, says that they were 
 " porcarii, pecorarii, armentarii, caementarii, carbonarii [compare the 
 Carbonari of the nineteenth century], fabriferarii ", and the like, who 
 left their workshops, " mutato habitu sed non corde ". 
 
 16 An amusing account of the trial of one of these " half-monks of 
 the Middle Ages " is incorporated in a manuscript entitled " A Tractate 
 against Beguines and Beghards ", published by Haupt in the Zeitschrift 
 fur Kirchengeschichte, XII, 86. The speaker is the inquisitor: " Quae- 
 savi eum sive cognoverit Domini orationem. Primum sorrisit, demum, 
 me gravius instante ut diceret, extensis manibus et elevatis oculis ad 
 celum clamavit: ' Ach Gott, mein Gott, wie hast mich verlassen!' et 
 penitus non novit principium nee finem." 
 
 1T Alvarus Pelagius (loc. cit.) speaks of them as " sicut passeres in- 
 solenter de monte in montem transmigrantes "; and Matthew Paris (ad 
 ann. 1244), says, " sub nullius sancti regula coarctati nee adhuc ullo 
 claustro contenti ". 
 
 * See Ehrle's diligent collection in A. L. K. C., IV, 64-138. 
 
 5
 
 56 THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS 
 
 which caused the Catholic inquisitors a century and a 
 half of labor to extirpate. The Irish Franciscan of the 
 stricter observance, Hiquey, felt called upon to defend 
 his order, and especially his branch of the order, in a 
 work entitled Nitela Religionis Franciscanae. Wadding 
 was compiling his Annales Minorum, our standard 
 chronicle of the order, at the time. He was a fellow- 
 countryman of Hiquey's, and also a brother of the 
 stricter observance of the Rule of Saint Francis. He 
 entered the controversy, and instead of scientifically 
 investigating who the Fraticelli were (as he might 
 have done with the material at his disposal), he bent 
 all his efforts to prove that the sect never had any con- 
 nection with the Franciscans, but arose in Germany." 
 Instead of accepting the historian's duty of impartial 
 analysis, Wadding here yielded to the temptation of 
 selecting his material as a partisan. He arbitrarily 
 groups the Fraticelli with the pseudo-Apostolics, the 
 Brothers of the Poor Life, the Beghines and Beghards, 
 as " practically one sect, obtaining its different names 
 either from various restorers or from the difference in 
 popular nomenclature ". 20 Wadding's deservedly great 
 authority has caused his theory concerning the Frati- 
 celli to be received by scholars even to the present day." 
 But Ehrle, in a fine study of the Fraticelli, 22 has collected 
 all the papal documents and inquisitorial records relat- 
 ing to the Fraticelli, and proved beyond a doubt that 
 
 19 Wadding, ad ann. 1317, nos. 23-44. 
 
 20 Wadding, ad ann. 1317, no. 42: " Potiori opera et maiore studio 
 potuissem hie ostendere [Why didn't he?] in unam sec tarn coaluisse 
 pseudo-apostolos, Fraticellos ", etc. Cf. ad ann. 1297, no. 30: " di- 
 versaque nomina sortitos vel ex diversis restauratoribus aut populi 
 nomenclatura ". 
 
 21 For example, Panfilo da Magliano, Storia di S. Francesco, 1876; 
 and Loofs in Theologische Literaturseitung, 1887. 
 
 "A. L. K. G., IV, 64-180.
 
 THE TUSCAN SPIRITUALS 57 
 
 we have in them a sect of purely Italian origin, traceable 
 to the Franciscan Spirituals. It would be beyond our 
 purpose to discuss Ehrle's article at length. The 
 points which he makes and ably defends are as follows : 
 
 1. The oldest document in which the word " Frati- 
 celli " occurs (John XXII's Sancta Romano, of Decem- 
 ber 30, 1317) applies the term to the group of Spirituals 
 led by Liberate and Angelo da Clarino* (see chapter 
 II, above). 
 
 2. The name is not used of all the schismatic fol- 
 lowers of Michael of Cesena (see below, chapter V), 
 but only of such of them as came out of the Spiritual 
 party. 
 
 3. The name is never used in the sources to designate 
 the Spirituals of Provence who broke away from obedi- 
 ence to the order in 1317." 
 
 4. Neither Segarelli nor Dolcino nor their successors, 
 the Apostolic Brothers, can be called Fraticelli. 21 
 
 5. Besides the followers of Liberate and Angelo, the 
 members of the Tuscan group of Spirituals also are 
 called Fraticelli. 
 
 Now it is only in this last point that Ehrle seems to 
 me not to have maintained the thoroughness and critical 
 
 ** Raymond of Fronciacho, Index. A. L. K. G., Ill, 32. Hist. Trib., 
 fol. 673. Tocco, Bollettino di Storia degti Abruszi, 1895, p. 15: "I Frati- 
 celli o poveri Eremiti di Celestino V ". 
 
 ** Lib. Sent. Inq. Tolas., ed. Limborch, p. 326. 
 
 * Angelo's fierce outburst of wrath against these Apostolics (.Hist. 
 Trib., fol. 6ob) would be in itself sufficient to prove that they cannot 
 be classed in the same company with his followers. The language he 
 applies to them, as well as the reputed prophecy of St. Francis, that 
 these Apostles of Satan would arise, precludes the possibility of their 
 having their origin in the order. There were, to be sure, many points of 
 contact between these Apostolics and the Fraticelli, such as Joachitic 
 dreams, laudations of poverty, anti-hierarchical tendencies; but, for all 
 that, the Fraticelli differed sharply from the Apostolic Brothers in 
 holding to the Rule of St. Francis, in confining their hostility to Rome 
 to the pontificate of John XXII only, and in much better organization.
 
 58 THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS 
 
 acumen of the rest of his article. He does not give the 
 Tuscan Spirituals any particular prominence in the 
 development of the Fraticelli as a sect ; whereas it 
 seems to me clear that they were practically the origi- 
 nators of the sect. I say " of the sect ", because the 
 term " Fraticelli " was not originally a term of oppro- 
 brium applied by the Church or the order to heretics or 
 schismatics, but a popular appellation, almost a term of 
 endearment " the Little Brothers ". It was the name 
 given to the followers of Saint Francis who wore the 
 scant tunic and begged their bread from door to door, 
 like the early brothers of the order ; and, furthermore, 
 no designation of his followers could have been more 
 after Saint Francis' own heart than just the word 
 " Fraticelli ". When the word is first used by the pope, 
 however, in a formal bull of condemnation (Sancta 
 Romana, 1317) it signifies rebels and heretics. John 
 XXII in a letter to Charles, Duke of Calabria (March 
 7, 1317) acknowledged that he got the term " Frati- 
 celli " from popular usage. 28 
 
 The bull Sancta Romana was published just after the 
 dramatic negotiations of the curia with the rebellious 
 brothers of Provence. 27 Its purpose was to chastise in 
 a body the sectaries who were breaking away from 
 obedience to the order. Now the Tuscan brothers had 
 been the leaders of the defection. It was their rash 
 deed of 1312 that made the innocent name of " Frati- 
 celli " a hissing at the court of Avignon. It even seems 
 to me that Ehrle's chosen quotation to prove that the 
 Fraticelli were originally Angelo and his group better 
 suits the interpretation that refers the word to the 
 
 28 " Nonnulli prophani qui fraticelli vulgariter nuncupantur." A. L. 
 K. G., IV, 65. 
 
 2T See p. 46, above, n. 48.
 
 THE TUSCAN SPIRITUALS 59 
 
 Tuscans. It is a sentence from the invaluable Index 
 of Raymond of Fronciacho, which we have had occasion 
 to notice so often : " VIII capitulo ponitur alia lictera 
 eiusdem domini nostri papae [John XXII] per quam 
 dampnat et cassat statum et sectam Angeli et Liberati 
 eorumque complicum fraticellorum et omnium Bizo- 
 chorum, et incipit Sancta romana ". (Part V, ch. 8.) 
 Commenting on this passage, Ehrle says : " Ich glaube 
 dass diese Stelle bedarf keine Erklarung; die Fraticelli 
 sind nach ihr die Anhanger (complices} Angelo's und 
 Liberato's." * But does not the word complices 
 mean " confederates " rather than " followers " ; and 
 would it not better designate an allied group like the 
 Tuscans ? In that case the word " fraticellorum " 
 would be in apposition with " complicum " only, and 
 not with the phrase " Angeli . . . complicum " ; and 
 we should have the two groups of " the sect of Angelo 
 and Liberate " on the one hand, and " their confederates 
 the Fraticelli (the Tuscan rebels)" on the other. 
 
 The term " Fraticelli ", once adopted by the Church as 
 a term of opprobrium, soon lost its original popular 
 meaning of the " Little Brothers ", and was used quite 
 indiscriminately for " rebels ". Italian heretics were 
 persecuted for contempt of the hierarchy under the 
 name of " Fraticelli ", down beyond the middle of the 
 fifteenth century. It was the lot of the little company of 
 Tuscan Spirituals who broke away from the authority 
 of the order, then, according to our interpretation of 
 the documents, to bring the name of " Fraticelli " into 
 reproach with Rome, and to give the signal for a 
 century and a half of bitter persecution. 29 
 
 * A. L. K. G., IV, 140. 
 
 19 Wadding, ad ann. 1334, no. i; 1335, no. 10; 1354, no. i; 1374, no. 22. 
 Cf. ad ann. 1368, no. 4: " Nullis artibus comprimi . . . potuit in Italia 
 Fraticellorum contagio."
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 THE MICHAELISTS. 
 
 The episode of the struggle between John XXII and 
 the heads of the Franciscan party over the doctrine of 
 the poverty of Christ and the Apostles is not, strictly 
 speaking, a part of the history of the Spiritual Fran- 
 ciscans. In that struggle the Minorites were divided on 
 a different line from that which marked the boundary 
 between the Community and the zealots. Men of each 
 of these parties were on Michael's side against the pope. 
 Nevertheless, for two reasons it seems desirable to 
 speak of the Michaelists in concluding our sketch of 
 the Spiritual Franciscans. In the first place, many of 
 the Spirituals (at least of the Fraticelli) 1 were enlisted 
 in the battle, not that they loved Michael more, but that 
 they loved John less, and saw here a chance to be 
 avenged on him for the persecutions he had set on foot 
 against them. In the second place, this struggle over 
 the poverty of Christ developed into a political struggle 
 when Michael, William of Ockham, and Bonagratia 
 fled from Avignon to join Lewis of Bavaria; and it 
 therefore shows the Fraticelli in the new role of political 
 demagogues. 
 
 There seems not the slightest cause for the bitter 
 fight over the dogma of poverty, beyond John XXII's 
 pugnacious and domineering spirit.' It looks as if the 
 
 1 Collection of documents in Nicolaus Minorita, ed. Baluzius-Mansi, 
 III, 2065. 
 
 1 Villani the historian describes John XXII as, " virtute invictus, faci- 
 lis irae, propositi tenax, in cibo temperatus, iuris utriusque valde peri- 
 tus ". 
 
 60
 
 THE MICHAELISTS 61 
 
 Dominicans used him as a tool to work their spite 
 against the Franciscans. During the trial of a Spiritual 
 at Narbonne in 1321 the Dominican inquisitor invited 
 a Franciscan teacher of the convent of Narbonne, one 
 Berengar Talon, to give an opinion on the orthodoxy 
 of the defendant's statement that Christ and the 
 Apostles had no property, either individually or collect- 
 ively. Berengar replied that the statement was ortho- 
 dox, sanctioned as a tenet of the order by Nicholas 
 Ill's bull of 1279, Exiit qui seminat. Therefore the 
 inquisitor accused Berengar of heresy and ordered him 
 to recant. When Berengar refused to budge from the 
 doctrine of the order, and started for Avignon to appeal 
 to the pope, the Dominican was before him, and was not 
 disappointed in his hope that John's recent experiences 
 with recalcitrant Minorites would influence him to take 
 sides against Berengar. The pope, who should have 
 recognized the validity of Berengar's position and for- 
 bidden the inquisitor to meddle with his Franciscan 
 neighbors, was foolish enough to foster the quarrel by 
 pompously reserving to himself the decision of the case. 
 The tyrant is generally a pedant too. In the bull Quid 
 nonnunquam (March 26, 1322), he suspended Nicholas 
 Ill's Exiit qui seminat. This was a slap at the Francis- 
 can order, and was promptly resented. The chapter- 
 general of Perugia (May, 1322), without waiting for 
 John's final word in the case, published a decree in 
 which it declared that the doctrine of the poverty of 
 Christ and the Apostles was orthodox, and was even 
 approved by John's own bull Quornndam exegit 
 ( I 3 I 7)- John was furious. In the bull Ad conditorem 
 (December 8, 1322) he gratified both his tyranny and 
 his pedantry to the last degree. He revoked the Mino- 
 rites' privilege, granted seventy-seven years before by
 
 62 THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS 
 
 Innocent IV, of holding property in the name of the 
 Roman See, exposing the flimsiness of his pretext in 
 long chains of logic. The next year (November 12, 
 1323), in the bull Cum inter nonnullos, John formally 
 decided the question of Christ's poverty in the negative. 
 The action of the chapter of Perugia was condemned, 
 and henceforth the maintenance of the doctrine of the 
 poverty of Christ and his Apostles was declared to be a 
 heresy. The battle between the dictator-pope and the 
 order of Saint Francis was fairly joined. 
 
 The folly of John XXII's presumptuous behavior 
 toward the strong order of Saint Francis appears 
 doubly great when we remember the political condi- 
 tions of the time. Only two months before the promul- 
 gation of the bull Ad conditorem the most important 
 battle of the fourteenth century had been fought at 
 Miihldorf. There Lewis the Bavarian was victorious 
 over his rival for the imperial crown, Frederick of 
 Austria, the ally of the King of Naples and the pope. 
 In the victorious Lewis the pope had an antagonist 
 against whom he needed all the allies he could muster. 
 At this critical moment he was foolish enough to 
 alienate the Franciscans by his piece of petty, revenge- 
 ful pedantry. Lewis the Bavarian, who cared as little 
 for the doctrine of the poverty of Christ as he did for 
 the Grand Turk, was shrewd enough to enlist the dis- 
 affected Minorites in his cause at once. The " Protest 
 of Sachsenhausen ", 8 by which he replied to the pope's 
 sentence of excommunication, contains a long excursus 
 from the pen of a Franciscan writer (or writers), in 
 which John is declared to have " risen against the Lord 
 Jesus, his Mother, and the Apostles, and attempted to 
 
 3 Karl Miiller, Der Kampf Ludwigs des Bayern mit der romischen 
 Curie, Tubingen, 1879, I, 180.
 
 THE MICHAELISTS 63 
 
 destroy the evangelical doctrine of perfect poverty, the 
 beacon of our faith ". The seraphic Francis, the docu- 
 ment continues, was sealed with the stigmata, and his 
 Rule was thus confirmed beyond the power of any 
 " leaden seal " to disturb. 4 
 
 It has been recognized for centuries that the Mino- 
 rites had a hand in the protest of Sachsenhausen, but 
 just whose hand it was still remains unknown. Riezler 
 believes that it was Ubertino da Casale ; " and in fact we 
 have in Ubertino's writings the simile of the stigmata 
 and the seal.' Still we learn from Raynaldus' that 
 Ubertino was in Avignon until 1325 ; and the fact that 
 John XXII treated him with consideration until that 
 time, even requesting from him a written opinion on 
 the dispute over the poverty of Christ, 8 argues against 
 his being the author of the excursus. Marcour * thinks 
 that the author was Henry of Thalheim, provincial of 
 Upper Germany, who was one of the signers of the 
 decree of Perugia, and who was deposed from his high 
 office at Constance in 1323. Preger points to Fran- 
 ciscus de Lutra, a fugitive from Avignon, as the author, 
 and is certain that the excursus is from the pen of a 
 Spiritual. 10 This position Ehrle criticises as untenable," 
 
 76., p. 81. 
 
 8 Riezler, Die literarischen Widersacher der Papste sur Zeit Ludwigs 
 des Bayers, Leipzig, 1874, p. 73. 
 
 9 Ubertino's reply to Bonagratia at Vienne: "quod regula a Christo 
 data, quam bullavit bulla mirabili, volens institutionem ipsius in sanctae 
 regulae testimonium paucis post eius confectionem diebus passionis 
 suae stigmatibus insignire ". A. L. K. G., Ill, 87. 
 
 I Annales Ecclcsiasticae, Rome, 1652, ad ann. 1325, no. 20. 
 * Baluzius-Mansi, II, 279. 
 
 9 Anteil der Minoriten am Kampfe eviischen K. Ludwig IV von 
 Bayern und Papst Johann XXII, 1874, p. 83. 
 
 10 Ueber die Anfdnge des kirchenpolitischen Kampfes unter Ludwig 
 dem Baiern, in the Abhandiungen of the Munich Academy, Historical 
 Class, XVI, 138 ff. 
 
 II Olivi und die Sachsenhauser Appellation, A. L. K. G., Ill, 540.
 
 64 THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS 
 
 and shows by quotations from Michael of Cesena's 
 tracts that the language used in the excursus could have 
 been employed by a Franciscan of the Community as 
 well as by a Spiritual. Karl Miiller, in his exhaustive 
 work quoted above on the contest between the Bavarian 
 and the pope, found the original of a short piece of the 
 excursus in a tract of Bonagratia of Bergamo; 13 and 
 Ehrle, in the article just cited, has shown that a much 
 larger section of the excursus is taken from the eighth 
 Quaestio of Olivi. Other parts of the excursus may 
 be traced to Franciscan documents, but there is little 
 prospect of finding who was the author of the whole." 
 
 Lewis followed up his victory at Miihldorf with bold 
 aggressiveness. He put into effect the doctrine of im- 
 perial independence announced in the Protests of Niirn- 
 berg and Sachsenhausen by marching to Rome in 1327, 
 electing an antipope, and receiving at his hands the 
 imperial crown of Charles the Great. Lewis' antipope, 
 Nicholas V, was the Franciscan friar Peter of Corbario. 
 
 The heads of the order, meanwhile, were in virtual 
 imprisonment at Avignon. Their position was becom- 
 ing precarious in the extreme. The Bavarian's head- 
 long course was involving the order deeper and deeper 
 in the sin of rebellion. John XXII met the crisis with 
 resolute severity. In 1325 Ubertino da Casale was 
 summoned for trial. He fled to Lewis. In 1326 the 
 writings of Olivi were again subjected to censorship 
 and the Commentary on the Apocalypse was ordered 
 to be burned. In 1328 John detained the minister-gen- 
 eral, Michael of Cesena, in Avignon, while he sent his 
 
 u Op. cit., p. 86. 
 
 13 Glassberger's Cronica (1508): "Hoc tempore composita fuit quae- 
 dam scriptura de qua habebantur suspecti fratres minores, quam attri- 
 buebant duci Bavariae Ludovico." Anal. Francisc., II, 148.
 
 THE MICHAELISTS 65 
 
 own legate to the chapter of Franciscans assembled at 
 Bologna to prevent the reelection of Michael to the 
 generalate. But the chapter defied the pope and 
 elected Michael. John summoned the general to his 
 presence, but the latter, following the example of Uber- 
 tino da Casale, fled from Avignon to join Lewis of 
 Bavaria. With him went Bonagratia of Bergamo and 
 the famous scholastic William of Ockham. John im- 
 mediately assembled a " packed " chapter of the order 
 at Paris, in which Michael was deposed from his office 
 and Gerhard Odo, a submissive creature of the pope, 
 was elected in his stead (1329). 
 
 Michael's open rebellion against the pope, which was 
 probably necessary to save him from disgrace and im- 
 prisonment, was too bold a step for the order at large to 
 sanction. The same man who had been supported en- 
 thusiastically by the chapter of Bologna in May found 
 himself an exile and an outcast in July. The Minorites 
 could not be sponsors for Lewis' extreme measures. 
 The time was three centuries past when a Holy Roman 
 Emperor could march to Rome to make and unmake 
 popes. Although the Bavarian's antipope was a Fran- 
 ciscan, nevertheless only four brothers of the order 
 would endorse the emperor's presence and purpose in 
 Rome. 14 In the Ghibelline towns Lewis's progress oc- 
 casioned some revival of the enthusiasm with which 
 Dante had hailed Henry of Luxembourg twenty years 
 before; and we find records of inquisitorial action 
 against " fratres rebelles, pseudo-f ratres Minores, 
 sequaces Michaelis, fautores sectae Michaelis ", in 
 Todi, Amelia, the Pennine province, and other parts of 
 Italy." But the Minorites had ceased to be of any use 
 
 14 Martene, Amplissima Collectio, II, 763. 
 " Ehrle, A. L. K. G., IV, 150.
 
 66 THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS 
 
 to Lewis, when the dogma of the poverty of Christ 
 could not be used to further the cause of German inde- 
 pendence. Lewis protected his old allies, the self- 
 exiled fugitives of the Minorites, in a Franciscan con- 
 vent in Munich, where Bonagratia, Michael, and Ock- 
 ham with a few followers maintained defiance to the 
 pope to the last. 18 
 
 John XXII died in 1334, and with his death the 
 personal element of the quarrel between the papacy and 
 the Franciscans was gone. " Nicholas V " had already 
 made his peace with Avignon four years before John's 
 death, repenting his insolent blasphemy in sackcloth 
 and ashes. In the succeeding decade most of the dis- 
 affected Minorites returned to their allegiance to the 
 order. Pope Clement VI, in 1349, called on the General 
 Farinerius to bring the last of the persecuted rebels to 
 terms, but the general replied, " They are only a hand- 
 ful ; let them die in peace ". So the Parfiisser of Lewis 
 the Bavarian died out and, except for the persistent 
 Fraticelli of Italy, the order had peace. 
 
 18 Ockham even went so far, in the Opus nonaginta Dierutn, as to ap- 
 peal to a general council, and called the pope a heretic for refusing to 
 summon the same. The idea was revived toward the close of the cen- 
 tury by the Parisian theologians and eventuated in the great but futile 
 councils of the fifteenth century.
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 To sum up the results of our investigation, we find, 
 from the very inception of the Franciscan order, two 
 tendencies at work. One was the determination to 
 make the order a potent influence on the age and a 
 world- factor in history, by securing its close connec- 
 tion with the papacy, acquiring numerous convents, 
 increasing membership as rapidly as possible, building 
 fine churches, securing privileges and exemptions from 
 the pope in a word, by entering into competition with 
 the established monastic orders. The other tendency 
 was the equally strong determination to preserve the 
 order from the corrupting influences of wealth and 
 privilege, to keep the members true " Brothers Minor ", 
 imitators, not alone admirers, of Saint Francis. 
 
 The former tendency quite naturally soon gained the 
 ascendancy ; the more rapidly, as it had for its cham- 
 pion a man of tyrannical force of will and exceptional 
 executive ability, Brother Elias of Cortona. Ineffectual 
 protest or voluntary retirement to some hermitage was 
 all that was left for the zealots. 1 They remained a 
 protesting minority within the order, looking forward 
 
 1 Wadding says of Brother Leo, head of the zealots, in Elias' time: 
 " Successit fr. Leo ad eremitorium Fabriani in patientia et longanimitate, 
 tempus redempturus quoniam dies mali erant, ab alto exspectans malorum 
 remedium ", ad ann. 1229, no. 2. Salimbene says of Elias: " Ministros 
 provinciales ita tenebat sub baculo quod tremebant eum sicut iuncus 
 tremit cum ab aqua concutitur ". Liber de Prelato, II. 
 
 67
 
 68 THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS 
 
 to the time of purification, when all the sons of Saint 
 Francis should be holy; and at the same time losing 
 that hold on their times which would have taught them 
 that such a consummation as they hoped for was hope- 
 less. Their only attempt at concerted action before the 
 middle of the thirteenth century, so far as we know, 
 was the deputation of the seventy-two brothers to the 
 pope, in Crescentius' generalate. That was quickly 
 broken up, and the brothers were scattered to the 
 farthest provinces of the order. 2 
 
 About the middle of the thirteenth century, however, 
 we find forces at work which consolidated the protest- 
 ing zealots into a party. Chief among the forces were : 
 first, the election to the generalate of the zealot John 
 of Parma; second, the appropriation of the prophetic 
 writings of Joachim of Flora and their manipulation to 
 suit the dawning apocalyptic hopes of the zealots; 
 third, the attitude of John of Parma's successor Bona- 
 ventura, who immediately gave the champions of the 
 stricter observance of the Rule to understand that no 
 hint of hostility to the see of Rome or of an esoteric 
 authority of the " companions " of Saint Francis would 
 be tolerated. 
 
 After Bonaventura we mark an ever widening rup- 
 ture between the fautors of the papal interpretations of 
 the Rule of Saint Francis and the champions of its 
 observance " to the letter ". The Council of Lyons of 
 1274 almost provoked a schism in Italy, and the perse- 
 cutions to which the zealots were subjected led in 1294 
 to the actual separation from the order of a group of 
 zealots of the March of Ancona, led by Liberate, 
 Angelo da Clarino, and others (chapter II). 
 
 * See above, p. 8, n. 16.
 
 CONCLUSION 69 
 
 The zealots of the March of Ancona had the sanction 
 of Pope Celestin V in their withdrawal from the order, 
 and by his permission took the name of " Poor Hermits 
 of Celestin ". But the Tuscan zealots, who broke away 
 from the order in 1312 (chapter IV), had no such 
 authority for their action. It was rebellion pure and 
 simple ; and it made the name of " Fraticelli ", or 
 " Little Brothers ", by which the zealots of Italy were 
 popularly called, a term of reproach and a synonym for 
 " rebel " and " schismatic ". 
 
 At the time of the secession of the Tuscan brothers, 
 the case of the Spirituals versus the Community was 
 being argued before Pope Clement V at Avignon. 
 Clement's decision, embodied in the decree Exivi de 
 Paradiso, was, on the whole, favorable to the party of 
 the stricter observance, although it enjoined on them 
 obedience to the officers of the order. In the long in- 
 terregnum which followed, both in the generalate and 
 in the papacy (1314-1316), the zealots of Provence 
 were tempted (sub specie declinandae persecutionis} to 
 expel the priors from the convents of Narbonne and 
 Beziers, so declaring themselves independent of the 
 discipline of the order. They were promptly punished 
 by John XXII (1317-1318), and the Inquisition was 
 set to work to crush out the last traces of insubordina- 
 tion in Provence (chapter III). 
 
 Meanwhile the Fraticelli were being hunted down in 
 Italy. They gave the inquisitors trouble down to past 
 the middle of the fifteenth century. The more moder- 
 ate of the Italian zealots, who wished to follow the pre- 
 cepts of Saint Francis strictly and still neither quarrel 
 with the order nor defy the pope, made several attempts 
 during the fourteenth century to get convents granted
 
 70 THE SPIRITUAL FRANCISCANS 
 
 them in which they might lead their severe life un- 
 molested by jealous brothers and untempted by worldly 
 offices. They were finally successful under Paolo da' 
 Trinci (1368). The Brothers of the Stricter Observ- 
 ance were formally separated from the Community in 
 1517, by Pope Leo X's bull lie et vos in vineam.
 
 APPENDIX I. 
 
 THE GENEALOGY OF THE SPIRITUAL 
 FRANCISCANS. 
 
 Lax party 
 
 Saint Francis 
 
 Strict party 
 
 Brother Elias 
 The Community 
 
 Brother Leo 
 The Spirituals 
 
 The Celestins 
 (Chapter II) 
 1294 
 
 The Tuscans 
 (Chapter IV) 
 1312 
 
 The Prov 
 (Chapter 
 1309-1; 
 Persecu 
 Beghine 
 tres rel 
 el 
 
 en<jals 
 III) 
 H8 
 ted as 
 s, fra- 
 lelles, 
 c. 
 
 Brothers of the Fraticelli F 
 
 raticelli 
 
 Strict Observance *~~ 
 
 (1368) 
 Recognized by 
 LeoX 
 (1517) 
 
 Persecuted till 
 1466 
 
 The Michaelists 
 
 or 
 
 Parfiisser of Lewis 
 
 of Bavaria 
 
 (Chapter V) 
 
 1321-1345 (dr.)
 
 APPENDIX II. 
 
 Generals of the Order and Roman Pontiffs 1200-1334 (from 
 
 the Catalogue of Bernard of Bessa, Zeitschrift fur 
 
 Katholische Theologie, VII) . 
 
 DATE 
 
 GENERAL 
 
 POPE 
 
 1198 
 
 
 Innocent III 
 
 1216 
 
 
 Honorius III 
 
 1227 
 
 John Parent! 
 
 Gregory IX 
 
 1232 
 
 Elias of Cortona 
 
 
 1240 
 
 Albert of Pisa (8mos.) 
 
 
 1241 
 
 Aymo of Fevesham 
 
 Celestin IV (18 days) 
 
 
 
 (vacancy two years) 
 
 1243 
 
 
 Innocent IV 
 
 1244 
 
 Crescentius of Jesi 
 
 
 1248 
 
 John of Parma 
 
 
 1254 
 
 
 Alexander IV 
 
 1257 
 
 Bonaventura 
 
 
 1261 
 
 
 Urban IV 
 
 1265 
 
 
 Clement IV 
 
 1268 
 
 
 (vacancy two years) 
 
 1270 
 
 
 Gregory X 
 
 1274 
 
 Hieronymus of Ascoli 
 
 
 1276 
 
 
 Innocent IV (4 mos.) 
 
 
 
 Hadrian V (2 mos.) 
 
 
 
 John XXI (8 mos.) 
 
 1277 
 
 
 (vacancy six months) 
 
 1278 
 
 
 Nicholas III 
 
 1279 
 
 Bonagratia of Tielci 
 
 
 1280 
 
 
 (vacancy six months) 
 
 1281 
 
 
 Martin IV 
 
 1284 
 
 Arlotto of Prato 
 
 
 1285 
 
 
 Honorius IV 
 
 1287 
 
 Matthew of Aquasparta 
 
 (vacancy ten months) 
 
 1288 
 
 
 Nicholas IV 
 
 1289 
 
 Raymundus Gaufridi 
 
 
 1292 
 
 
 (vacancy two years) 
 
 1294 
 
 
 Celestin V 
 
 1295 
 
 John of Murro 
 
 Boniface VIII 
 
 1303 
 
 
 Benedict XI 
 
 1304 
 
 Gonsalvus of Valboa 
 
 (vacancy eleven months) 
 
 1305 
 
 
 Clement V 
 
 1313 
 
 Alexander of Alexandria 
 
 
 I3M 
 
 (vacancy two years) 
 
 (vacancy two years) 
 
 1316 
 
 Michael of Cesena 
 
 John XXII 
 
 1329 
 
 Gerardus Odo 

 
 APPENDIX III. 
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE ON THE EARLY LEGENDS 
 OF SAINT FRANCIS. 
 
 A lengthy discussion of the sources of the life of Saint 
 Francis would be out of place in the text of an essay dealing 
 with the history of the Spiritual Franciscans. But for two 
 reasons it seems right to refer in a note to these sources : first, 
 because almost the whole of the present great interest in the 
 history of the Franciscan movement is in the question of the 
 relative value of the interpretation of the character and pur- 
 pose of Saint Francis as given, on the one hand, by the official 
 legends of Celano and Bonaventura, and, on the other hand, 
 by the more fragmentary and dubious writings purporting 
 to have come from the companions of the Saint ; and secondly, 
 because the knowledge of what confidence the zealots them- 
 selves had in the documentary support of their cause helps us 
 to understand the claims of their later literature, as well as the 
 unyielding fervor of their opposition to the curial closure of 
 Gregory IX's Quo elongati and Innocent IV's Ordinem 
 vestrum. 
 
 The Legenda Prima of Thomas of Celano, the fragment of 
 the Legenda Trium Sociorum, and the official Legenda of 
 Bonaventura, published by the Bollandist Suyskens in the 
 Acta Sanctorum (October, vol. II, 1768 ff.), together with the 
 Legenda Secunda of Thomas of Celano, discovered by 
 Rinaldi and published at Rome (1806), constituted, until about 
 twenty years ago, the only sources for the history of the 
 origins of the order of Saint Francis. It was recognized, to 
 be sure, that the later chroniclers of the order, especially the 
 classic annalist Luke Wadding, had access to much material 
 not contained in the Legends of Celano and Bonaventura; 
 but that that material was of enough value to modify seriously 
 the accepted interpretation of the early historians of the order 
 
 73
 
 74 APPENDIX III 
 
 was not dreamed of. Even the works of Saint Francis him- 
 self, published with considerable pains but little critical sense 
 by Wadding (Antwerp, 1623) were unheeded in the study of 
 the order. 
 
 Karl Muller's Die Anf'dnge des Minoritenordens und der 
 Bussbriiderschaften (Freiburg, 1885) and Franz Ehrle's 
 studies on the relation of the Franciscan Spirituals to the 
 order at large, in the Archiv fur Literatur- und Kirchen- 
 geschichte (1885-1889), opened up the field for a new appre- 
 ciation of the sources. The great value of Muller's brilliant 
 and radical criticism of the origins of the order was in the 
 emphasis which it put on the fragmentary Legenda Trium 
 Sociorum, till then the Cinderella in the family of Franciscan 
 Legends. By showing the close dependence on it of Celano's 
 Legenda Secunda, Miiller prepared the way for Sabatier and 
 other scholars to seek further light on the early writings of 
 Saint Francis' companions through the recovery of the lost 
 chapters of the Legenda Trium Sociorum. The shift of 
 interest from Celano and Bonaventura to the companions of 
 the Saint is the crucial fact in the new study of the Franciscan 
 sources. 
 
 Following the way opened by Miiller and Ehrle, sifting the 
 chronicles of the fifteenth, sixteenth, and seventeenth cen- 
 turies for fragments from the immediate surroundings of 
 Saint Francis, carefully studying the writings of the Saint 
 himself, ransacking the convent libraries of Europe for Fran- 
 ciscan documents, Sabatier has succeeded, almost single- 
 handed, in revolutionizing the traditional view of the early 
 years of the order. Instead of the undisturbed story of the 
 spread of missions, the multiplication of miracles, the pro- 
 gressive commitment of the discipline of the order to the 
 Church, the grateful acceptance of the declaration of the mind 
 of Saint Francis from the mouth of the pope, we have a story 
 of conflict within the order and persecution from without. 
 Even the earliest of the current biographies of the Saint, the 
 Legenda Prima of Thomas of Celano, is a polemic, justifying 
 the " practical " course of the expansionist Brother Elias 
 against the attacks of Leo, the leader of the puritan faction 
 among the early companions. 1 
 
 1 See p. 67, n. i.
 
 APPENDIX III 75 
 
 Against this thesis of Sabatier's the defendants of the tra- 
 ditional interpretation of Saint Francis protest, led by the 
 Jesuit Father Van Ortroy (in the Analecta Bollandiana), 
 Monsignore Faloci-Pulignani (in the Miscellanea Francis- 
 cana), and Professor Delia Giovanna, author of the article 
 " San Francesco d'Assisi Giullare " in the Giornale Storico 
 della Letteratura Italiana (vol. XXV, 1895). The champions 
 of the Saint Francis of Catholic tradition argue for the suf- 
 ficiency of Celano and Bonaventura as biographers of the 
 Poverello, deny any serious disagreement between the Church 
 and any considerable part of the order, and maintain that 
 the documents purporting to come from the companions of the 
 Saint (even the Bollandist Legenda Trium Sociorum, in the 
 case of Van Ortroy, Anal. Boll., XIX, 1900, pp. 119-197) are 
 forgeries of the end of the fourteenth or the beginning of the 
 fifteenth century. 
 
 The Franciscans of the Strict Observance, while good 
 Catholics, are favorable to Sabatier's vindication of the gen- 
 uineness of the early " spiritual " sources. Two of them, the 
 Fathers Marcellino da Civezza and Teofilo Domenichelli, re- 
 cently paid with exile from Rome their too radical views in 
 the publication of their reconstructed Legenda Trium So- 
 ciorum? After having the " true history " of the order un- 
 questioned since the days of Saint Bonaventura it must have 
 come like something of a shock to Catholic scholars to read 
 that the first century of Franciscan tradition has been " piena 
 di tante oscurita da parere un dedale inestricabile ".' 
 
 Unfortunately there has been considerable manifestation of 
 the odium theologicum in the argument of the case against 
 Sabatier, whose procedure has been strictly scientific. The 
 following paragraph from Mariano's article on the modern 
 biographers of Saint Francis is typical of the attitude of too 
 many of the Catholic scholars : " Che cosa e infatti San Fran- 
 cesco rappresentato del Sabatier? E suppergiu lui stesso, un 
 Paolo Sabatier, un anticipata incarnazione della persona sua, 
 un appartenente alia sinistra radicale del moderno protestan- 
 tismo, venuto gia al mondo or sono secoli, animato dagli iden- 
 
 1 See p. 12, n. 31. 
 
 3 La Leggenda di San Francesco, scritta da ire snot Compagni, Rome, 
 1899, Introduction, p. xxix.
 
 76 APPENDIX III 
 
 tici concetti dissolvent! e negativi, tendente identicamente a 
 far man bassa sul Cristianismo positive e storico, e in conclu- 
 sione sulla religione ". 4 And Monsignore Faloci-Pulignani has 
 practically converted his once scientific periodical, the Mis- 
 cellanea Franciscana, into an organ of attack on Sabatier's 
 theological position. Remonstrated with by Father Minocchi, 
 in the Rivista Bibliografica Italiana, 1898, for his unfair 
 treatment of Sabatier, he replied : " Minocchi e padrona di 
 aver simpatia per chi accusa Gregorio IX, il gran amico di 
 San Francesco . . . di farsi paladino di un partito di zelanti 
 che non volevano sentir parlare di papa, il che e eresia . . . 
 mai non puo vietare a noi di denunciare al pubblico lo scopo 
 del Sabatier che e quello di voler sottrare al Catolicismo la 
 gloria di aver dato al mondo San Francesco d'Assisi ". 8 All 
 of which is militant theology and not historical criticism. 
 
 The document about which the storm of criticism has raged 
 most fiercely is the Speculum Perfectionis, published by Sa- 
 batier in 1898, as " the oldest legend " of the Saint. 8 Mr. 
 Alfred G. Little gives a list twenty lines long (which he " does 
 not pretend is complete") of the titles only of works called 
 out by the publication of the Speculum Perfectionis? The 
 circumstances of Sabatier's discovery of the Speculum Perfec- 
 tionis have already been given. 8 The Explicit of the Codex 
 Mazarinus (1743) which Sabatier regards as confirmation of 
 his conjecture of the priority of the Speculum Perfectionis 
 over all other Legends of Saint Francis, ends with the words : 
 " Actum in sacrosancto loco sanctae Mariae de Portiuncula 
 et completum V ydus May anno Domini MCCXXVIII " 
 (May n, 1228). Apart from this exact date of the Explicit, 
 Sabatier urges in support of his theory the fact that the 
 later " spiritual " writings of Angelo da Clarino (Historia 
 septem Tribulacionum) and Conrad of Offida (Arbor Vitae 
 
 * " Francesco d'Assisi ed alcuni dei suoi piu recenti Biografi ", in the 
 Atti delta Reale Accademia di Sciense MoraR e Politiche, Naples, 1896, 
 p. 258. 
 
 8 Misc. Francesc., Foligno, VI, 78. 
 
 * Speculum Perfectionis, seu S. Francisci Assisiensis Legenda Anti- 
 quissima, Fischbacher, Paris, 1898. 
 
 1 " The Sources of the Life of Saint Francis of Assisi ", in the English 
 Historical Review, October, 1902, XVII, 643-677. 
 8 See p. 13, n. 35.
 
 APPENDIX III 77 
 
 Crucifixi) contain quotations from the writings of Brother 
 Leo which are frequently found in the Speculum Perfections ; 
 that the style and matter of the Speculum Perfections show 
 unmistakable signs of very early composition (little of miracle 
 or prophecy, very human view of the Saint, preference for 
 the early Rule of 1220-1221 over the official Rule of 1223) ; 
 that Gregory IX's emphasis in the bull Quo elongati (1230) 
 on his " f amiliaritas longa " with the Saint, and his claim 
 " plenius novisse intentionem eius ", is a direct reply to the 
 " nos qui cum ipso f uimus " of Brother Leo ; and especially 
 the dependence of Thomas of Celano's Legenda Secunda upon 
 the Speculum Perfectionist 
 
 However, there are perhaps equally strong points to urge 
 against the date 1228 for the Speculum Perfectionis. The 
 commendatory letter of the authors of the Legenda Trium 
 Sociorum, addressed to Crescentius in 1246, in presenting 
 matter very closely related to the Speculum Perfectionis, 
 says : " Credimus quod si venerabilibus viris qui praef atas le- 
 gendas confecerant haec nota fuissent ea minime praeteris- 
 sent " a sentence hardly intelligible if the Speculum Perfec- 
 tionis had been written twenty years earlier. Furthermore, 
 the grievance of Leo over the erection of the new basilica at 
 Assisi (which is assumed by Sabatier as the occasion of the 
 publication of the Speculum Perfectionis) could not well have 
 been prior to the laying of the corner-stone of the edifice by 
 Gregory IX, in July, I228. 10 
 
 Finally, it is characteristic of the whole work of Sabatier 
 that he himself was the discoverer of a codex in the Ognissanti 
 Library at Florence," whose Explicit closes with the words, 
 " Actum in sacrosancto loco sanctae Mariae de Portiuncula et 
 completum V idus maii MCCCXVIII " (May n, 1318; 
 modern style, 1317). The Explicit of the Ognissanti codex is 
 probably the original, as that of the Mazarinus shows inter- 
 polations. Therefore Little, Boehmer, and other distinguished 
 
 8 See Sabatier's Introduction, and his reply to Van Ortroy in the 
 Revue Historique, LXXV, 61-101. 
 
 10 See M. Barbi, Bolleltino della Societit Dantesca, VII (1900), 73; 
 A. G. Little, English Historical Review, loc. cit.; H. Boehmer, Analekten 
 sur Geschichte des Franziskus von Assisi, Tubingen and Leipzig, 1904. 
 
 u Collection d' Etudes et de Documents sur I'Histoire du Moyen Age, 
 vol. II, Paris, 1900.
 
 78 APPENDIX III 
 
 Franciscan critics have accepted the year 1317 as the correct 
 date for the Speculum Perfectionis. Sabatier himself has not 
 accepted this date. So far as I know, his last public utter- 
 ance on the subject is in his Examen de quelques Travaux 
 recents sur les Opuscules de Saint Francois. 12 There he 
 urges that there is nothing in the external criticism of the 
 manuscripts to determine whether the scribe of the Mazarinus 
 has changed a C into an M, or the scribe of the Ognissanti an 
 M into a C; that the Speculum Perfectionis has remarkable 
 homogeneity for a compilation made in the fourteenth cen- 
 tury; and that it and the Legenda Trium Sociorum (largely 
 Brother Leo's work) are the only early documents on Saint 
 Francis bearing an exact date. He concludes with the judg- 
 ment : " II faut conclure que, si la date de 1317 est exacte, elle 
 indiquerait non la date de la compilation mais la date de la 
 copie d'une oeuvre preexistante. . . . Que le Speculum Perfec- 
 tionis soit une compilation ou une oeuvre ecrite d'une trait, 
 qu'il soit de 1228 (1227) ou de 1318 (1317), il nous vient de 
 Frere Leon "." Little concedes as much, in fact, when he sums 
 up the case as follows : " The greater part of the Speculum 
 Perfectionis consists of documents transmitted to Crescentius 
 by the Three Companions in 1246. It also contains earlier 
 and later writings of Friar Leo. All these were collected 
 together and arranged by the friars of the Portiuncula in 
 J 3!8 (1317). Some slight alterations and interpolations were 
 made at this date, but in general the actual words of Leo 
 and the other socii have been preserved. Though the Spec- 
 ulum Perfectionis was not written in 1227, it still remains 
 the most valuable authority for the inner life of Saint Francis, 
 and to Sabatier belongs the credit of having restored it to its 
 rightful place." " 
 
 13 Opuscules de Critique Historique, fascicule X, Paris, 1904. 
 
 13 Opuscules, loc. cit., p. 143. M. Sabatier assured me in a letter, dated 
 August 10, 1905, in reply to the question whether he still held to the 
 early date: " Oui, je crois toujours qu'il date de 1227." 
 
 14 English Historical Review, loc. cit., p. 622. Father Leonard Lem- 
 mens, successor of Ignatius Jeiler as prefect of the College of Saint 
 Bonaventura, believes there were two recensions of the Speculum Per- 
 fectionis: one made about 1277 from the documents submitted to 
 Crescentius by the Companions in 1246; and a later one, compiled at 
 the Portiuncula in 1317. He believes he has the first (containing 54 
 of Sabatier's chapters) in a manuscript of St. Isidor in Rome. Docu- 
 menta Antiqua Franciscana, Quaracchi, 1901, part II.
 
 APPENDIX III 79 
 
 Compared with the Speculum Perfectionis, the reconstructed 
 Legenda Trium Sociorum published by Civezza and Domeni- 
 chello is of minor importance. It undoubtedly represents a 
 Latin manuscript considerably more complete than the Bol- 
 landist fragment; but there is no reason for entertaining 
 the optimistic view expressed by the authors in the sub-title: 
 " pubblicata per la prima volta nella vera sua integrita ". The 
 fact that many of its chapters are mere summaries of chapters 
 in the Speculum Perfectionis which are themselves in all 
 probability material submitted to Crescentius by the com- 
 panions of Saint Francis, is enough to show that we are not 
 dealing here with a work " nella vera sua integrita ". Its 
 publication was hardly worth the price of exile ! 
 
 Meanwhile the champions of the official Legends of Celano 
 and Bonaventura continue to find the Bollandist fragment of 
 the Legenda Trium Sociorum something of an embarrassment. 
 Pulignani" and Delia Giovanna" stoutly maintain that the 
 legend is both genuine and complete as we have it in the Ada 
 Sanctorum. Van Ortroy, whose critical acumen could never 
 be satisfied with so direct a denial of every mark of internal 
 evidence, seeks to prove that the Legenda Trium Sociorum is 
 a clever forgery dating from the fourteenth century, and made 
 up of pieces from Celano, Julian of Speyer, Bonaventura, 
 Jordan of Giano, the Speculum Perfectionis, the Vita Aegidii, 
 etc., etc. 18 But the attempt to silence the evidence in the 
 Legenda Trium Sociorum of early writings by the companions 
 of Saint Francis is vain. Too much of the Legend itself 
 has been preserved, and every newly discovered manuscript 
 and every newly analyzed compilation bears witness to the 
 soundness of Sabatier's fundamental thesis of the very early 
 existence of " spiritual " sources, however many conjectures 
 or points of detail here and there in the lively polemic may 
 prove to have been wrongly conceived. 18 
 
 "Van Ortroy, Anal. Boll., XIX, 458. 
 
 14 Misc. Francesc., VII, 81-119. 
 
 Giornale Stor. Ital., XXXII, 383. 
 
 18 Anal. Boll., XIX, 119-197. Sabatier's forceful reply in Revue H\s- 
 torique, LXXV, 61-101. 
 
 19 See above, p. 7, n. 15. The most astonishing theory of the Legenda 
 Trium Sociorum is proposed by Salvatore Minocchi in the Archivio 
 Storico Italiano, 1900, XXIV, 81, " Nuovi Studi sulle Fonti biografiche
 
 8o APPENDIX III 
 
 Another of the sources of Franciscan history which has 
 given perplexity to scholars and on which valuable light has 
 been thrown in the last few years is the so-called Legenda 
 Secunda of Thomas of Celano. It had been known to an- 
 nalists and historians of the order from the thirteenth century 
 to the nineteenth that in addition to his Legenda Prima of 
 Saint Francis, written at Gregory IX's bidding in 1228, 
 Thomas of Celano wrote at least one other life of the Saint. 
 Brothers Jordan of Giano and Salimbene of Parma, both 
 chroniclers of the thirteenth century, mention a second work 
 ("secundam legendam, alium librum") by Celano; and the 
 Cronica XXIV Generalium (fourteenth century), Mariano of 
 Florence (fifteenth century), Glassberger (sixteenth century), 
 and Wadding (seventeenth century) continue the tradition. 
 A copy of the Legenda Secunda by Celano was offered to the 
 Bollandist Suyskens when he was at work on the life of 
 Saint Francis, but he declined it, 20 thinking that Wadding was 
 mistaken in his notice among the sources of the life of Saint 
 Francis of an ampliorem historiam by Celano " quae com- 
 muniter nuncupatur Legenda Antiqua ". 21 Perhaps only a frag- 
 ment of the Legenda Secunda, which failed to justify the 
 description of the annalist, was offered to Suyskens. It was 
 not until 1806 that the Legenda Secunda was published by 
 Rinaldi at Rome. 
 
 A new edition of Rinaldi's work by Amoni appeared in 
 1880. The title-page of the Amoni edition reads, Vita Secun- 
 da, seu Appendix ad Vitam Primam. The only manuscript 
 of this Legend known up to 1899 was No. 686 of the library 
 at Assisi (fourteenth century). It has on its fly-leaf in a 
 modern hand : " Memoriale beati Francisci in Desiderio 
 Animae, id est vita eiusdem Francisci secunda a Thome de 
 Celano praememorati s. patris discipulo conscripta". Both 
 the Rinaldi-Amoni edition and the MS. 686 of Assisi are ac- 
 
 di S. Francesco d' Assisi ". On the strength of a single expression 
 (quasi Stella matutina) in a Vatican manuscript (7339), which corresponds 
 to a reference in Bernard of Bessa's De Laudibus, Minocchi makes an 
 elaborate argument for John of Ceperano's authorship of the Legenda 
 Trium Sociorum. 
 
 20 Commentarius Praevius, ch. 7. 
 
 Wadding, Annales Minorum, II, 240.
 
 APPENDIX III 81 
 
 companied by an introductory letter, addressed to Crescentius 
 and the chapter of Genoa, 22 " Placuit sanctae Universitati 
 vestrae ", which is attested by the Cronica XXIV Generalium: 
 " Et post frater Thomas de Celano de mandate eiusdem 
 ministri [Crescentius] et generalis capituli primum [sic!] 
 tractatum legendae b. Francisci, de vita scilicet et verbis et 
 intentione eius circa ea quae pertinent ad regulam compilavit, 
 quae dicitur Legenda Antiqua. Quae dicto generali et capitulo 
 dirigitur cum prologo qui incipit, Placuit sanctae Universitati 
 vestrae ". 23 
 
 But how, if this Legenda Antiqua is the Legenda Secunda 
 of Thomas of Celano, can the Rinaldi-Amoni edition speak of 
 it as the " Appendix " to the first Legend ; and how can the 
 Cronica XXIV Generalium call it a primum tractatum! 
 Moreover, the latter source goes on to say of John of Parma, 
 the successor of Crescentius (1248-1257): "Hie generalis 
 praecepit multiplicatis fratri Thomae de Celano ut vitam b. 
 Francisci quae Antiqua Legenda dicitur perficeret, quia solum 
 de eius conversatione et verbis in primo tractatu, de mandate 
 fratris Crescentii generalis praedicti compilato omissis mirac- 
 ulis fecerat mentionem, et sic secundurn tractatum qui de 
 eiusdem s. patris agit miraculis compilavit quern cum epistula 
 quae incipit Religiosa nostra solicitude misit eidem generali "." 
 There was a completion, then (perficeret), of this primus trac- 
 tatus under John of Parma, containing the miracles of the 
 Saint. One further complication to be reckoned with is 
 Fra Salimbene's statement that Crescentius " praecepit fratri 
 Thomae de Celano qui primam legendam b. Francisci fecerat 
 ut iterum scriberet alium librum, eo quod multa inveniebantur 
 [contributions of Leo's party?] de b. Francisco quae scripta 
 non erant; et scripsit pulcherrimum librum tam de miraculis 
 quam de vita quem appelavit Memoriale beati Francisci in 
 desiderio animae ". (Cf. fly-leaf of codex of Assisi 686, men- 
 tioned above.) " 
 
 Now neither the Rinaldi-Amoni edition nor the Assisi codex 
 686 contains the miracles spoken of in the Cronica XXIV 
 
 ** See p. 11, n. 27. 
 
 33 Anal. Franc., Quaracchi, III (1897), 262. 
 
 24 Anal. Franc., Quaracchi, III (1897), 276. 
 
 25 Fra Salimbene, Cronica, ed. Parma, 1857, p. 60.
 
 82 APPENDIX III 
 
 Generalium and Cronica of Fra Salimbene ; though some stu- 
 dent of the codex (Papini?), not finding any other secundum 
 tractatum, has adopted for it Salimbene's title, Memoriale B. 
 Francisci in desiderio animae. 
 
 The question of the Legenda Secunda was in this confused 
 state when in 1899 Father Antoine de Porrentruy of the 
 Capuchins bought at the sale of the private library of an 
 Italian nobleman (Buoncompagni) what proved to be a manu- 
 script of the fourteenth century, entitled Memorialis Gestorum 
 et Virtutum S. Francisci. This manuscript fulfils in every 
 way the announcement of the Cronica XXIV Generalium and 
 Fra Salimbene, containing, after the Legend, a short account 
 of the canonization of the Saint and fourteen chapters of 
 miracles performed by him living and dead. Rev. H. G. 
 Rosedale has borrowed this manuscript of Pere Edouard d' 
 Alengon, archivist-general of the Capuchins, and published it 
 as the true Legenda Secunda in his recent book, St. Francis 
 of Assisi according to Brother Thomas of Celano (London, 
 1904). Rosedale believes that the discovery of this manuscript 
 clears up the mist surrounding the Legenda Secunda. The 
 Legenda Antiqua of the Cronica XXIV Generalium, the Assisi 
 codex 686, and the Secunda Vita of Rinaldi-Amoni are one 
 and the same thing, namely, an appendix to the Legenda 
 Prima of Thomas of Celano. 26 Rosedale then arranges the 
 writings of Thomas of Celano thus : 
 
 I. Tractatus Primus, containing (a) the Legenda Gregorii 
 (our Legenda Prima of 1228), and (b) the Appendix ad Vitam 
 Primam (our Rinaldi-Amoni Legenda Secunda of 1247). 
 
 II. Tractatus Secundus, containing (c) the Life and Mir- 
 acles of Saint Francis, from the " Buoncompagni codex ", 
 written under John of Parma (1248-1257). 
 
 This conclusion of Rosedale's seems to me unwarranted. 
 The works lettered (b) and (c) belong together, rather than 
 those lettered (a) and (b). For aside from the absurdity of 
 an " Appendix " written nineteen years after the Legenda 
 Prima, both the Cronica XXIV Generalium and Salimbene 
 point to the grouping of (b) and (c) together. The former 
 says that Celano's work under John of Parma was to com- 
 plete (perficeret) that done under Crescentius ; the latter, 
 
 26 Rosedale, op. cit., Introduction, pp. xxix-xxxiii.
 
 APPENDIX III 83 
 
 looking back on (b) (c) as a whole, attributed it all to the 
 invitation of Crescentius. If this Buoncompagni codex is 
 really " nothing less than the pulcherrimum librum of Salim- 
 bene" (Rosedale, Introduction, xxi), then Salimbene must 
 have erred in dating it from the generalate of Crescentius in- 
 stead of John of Parma. Rosedale's argument to dispel " the 
 reader's first disposition to consider the Buoncompagni codex 
 as merely the Legenda Antiqua (b), with the miracles added" 
 (Introduction, p. xxxii), seems to me very weak. However, we 
 have a valuable document in the newly found manuscript of 
 Porrentruy's, which Rosedale, by the courtesy of Pere d' 
 Alengon, has first made public. It is only a pity that Rose- 
 dale's book is marred by such unpardonable typographical 
 errors as Assisii and Crescentius da Jesu, among many minor 
 slips. 
 
 The discovery of the Speculum Perfectionis has proved that 
 Suyskens builded better than he knew in rejecting the Le- 
 genda Secunda of Thomas of Celano, if offered to him in the 
 form of the Assisi codex 686 or the Rinaldi-Amoni edition. 
 For of the three parts of the Legend there contained, the first 
 corresponds closely to the Bollandist Legenda Trium Socio- 
 rum (as pointed out by Miiller in 1885), while the second and 
 third parts contain about eighty chapters of the Speculum 
 Perfectionis. Moreover, the material in the second and third 
 parts is arranged topically, like that of the Speculum Perfec- 
 tionis, while the first part follows the Legenda Trium Socio- 
 rum in the form of a continuous biography. The theory of 
 Sabatier w seems to me inevitable : under the lax Crescentius, 
 Celano suppressed the inconvenient material furnished by the 
 companions of Saint Francis ; but at the bidding of the zealot 
 John of Parma he let the " spiritual " writings come out 
 (as they now appear in the Speculum Perfectionis). 
 
 Between the Legenda Prima of Thomas of Celano and the 
 writings called out by Crescentius' invitation at the chapter 
 of Genoa (1244), we have a notice of biographies of Saint 
 Francis by John of Ceperano and Julian of Speyer. 28 The 
 former is as yet undiscovered ; w the latter has been identified 
 
 27 See p. 13, n. 34. 
 
 28 Wadding, Annales Minorum, II, 240. 
 
 39 See Minocchi's theory of Ceperano's Legend, p. 79, n. 19.
 
 &4 APPENDIX III 
 
 by Weis with the anonymous Vita in the Commentarius Prae- 
 vius to the Bollandist Ada Sanctorum (October, torn. II). * 
 Fragments of a Dialogue on Saint Francis, prepared by 
 Crescentius, still existed in the time of Bernard of Bessa, 81 
 which Lemmens claims to have discovered and promises to 
 edit. 82 
 
 Getting back to the Legenda Prima of Thomas of Celano, 
 we have a source authenticated beyond question. Even the 
 date of the Legend is determined to within a few months. 
 The Legend recounts the canonization of the saint, which took 
 place July n, 1228, while the endorsement on the Mazarinus 
 codex 8 * sets as the terminus ad quern the 25th of February, 
 1229. There are nine manuscripts of the Legend extant (de- 
 scribed by Rosedale, Introduction, pp. xiii-xxvii) scattered from 
 Barcelona in Spain to Ossegg in Bohemia. These codices 
 show no important variations, and thereby prove that the clos- 
 ing words of Gregory IX's decree, 34 et censuit fore tenendam, 
 were thoroughly effective. The Legend, whether or not 
 written as a reply to the attacks of the " Spiritual " Leo 
 (Speculum Perfectionis) on the " practical " policy of Brother 
 Elias, represents the interests of Elias, "quern loco matris 
 sibi elegerat [Francis, himself!] et aliorum fratrum fecerat 
 patrem ". The Legend has no word for the troubles of the 
 order in 1219-1220 ; M it does not mention the early zealots, 
 Leo, Angelo, Masseo, Bernard, Rufinus, Egidius ; it ignores 
 the early Rule of 1210-1221 ; it skips the chapters-general of the 
 order. 84 
 
 The Celanese Legend was rendered in verse by John of 
 Kent before 1230, and the quaint hexameters have been 
 published by Cristofani, librarian of the commune of Assisi. 87 
 
 30 J. E. Weis, Julian von Speier, Forschungen sur Franciskus- und 
 Antonius-Kritik, Munich, 1900. 
 
 81 Anal. Franc., Quaracchi, III (1897), 263. Sabatier, Opuscules, 
 vol. III. 
 
 32 Do cume 'nta Antiqua Franciscana, Quaracchi, 1902, part III, p. 19. 
 
 ** See p. 10, n. 22. 
 
 34 See p. ii, n. 27, 
 
 35 Cf. the Chronicle of Jordan of Giano, ed. Quaracchi, I (1885), 
 chs. 9-12. 
 
 34 Elias omitted all chapters-general during the autocratic term of 
 his generalate, 1232-1239. Salimbene, p. 34. 
 
 91 Cristofani, I/ pi& antico Poema della Vita di San Francisco, scritta 
 innansi al anno 1230. Prato, 1882.
 
 APPENDIX III 85 
 
 The writings of Saint Francis himself (Opuscula) have 
 been sadly neglected by the historians of the order. To be 
 sure, Wadding published them, with little critical work, be- 
 fore the middle of the seventeenth century (Antwerp, 1623), 
 and a few biographers of the Saint, whose sympathies have 
 been with the Spirituals, have made use of the Opuscula?* 
 But generally the Legends have been preferred to Saint 
 Francis' own writings as a source for his life. At present the 
 criticism of the older " spiritual " writings has led us back 
 through Leo to Saint Francis himself.* 1 Three important 
 works touching the Opuscula S. Francisci have been published 
 lately, viz : Opuscula S. Francisci Assisicnsis secundum codices 
 manuscriptas, etc., by L. Lemmens (Quaracchi, 1904) ; Analek- 
 ten sur Geschichte des Franciscus von Assisi, by H. Boehmer 
 (Tubingen, 1904) ; and Die Quellen zur Geschichte des Heili- 
 gen Franciscus von Assisi, by Goetz (Gotha, 1904). Sabatier, 
 in the tenth Fascicule of the Opuscules de Critique Historique* 
 reviews these works, concluding with the remark : " II y a 
 dix ans fut tente le premier effort pour rechercher dans les 
 Opuscules une des sources de 1'histoire de Saint Frangois.* 1 
 Aujourd'hui historiens et critiques ne se sont plus separes que 
 sur les details : tous s'accordent a voir dans les Opuscules la 
 pierre de touche sur laquelle il faut eprouver la valeur des 
 diverses legendes." 
 
 To sum up the present status of the sources of the life of 
 Saint Francis before Bonaventura and the decree of the 
 Parisian chapter of 1266, we have : 
 
 1. The Opuscula of Saint Francis, offering many points of 
 contact with the early " spiritual " sources. 
 
 (Ed. Wadding, Antwerp, 1623; Heroy, Paris, 1880; Boeh- 
 mer, Tubingen, 1904; Lemmens, Quaracchi, 1904.) 
 
 2. The Legenda Prima of Thomas of Celano (1228), adopted 
 as the official biography of the Saint by Gregory IX, 1229. 
 
 (Ed. Suyskens, A A. SS., 1768; Rinaldi, Rome, 1806; Amoni, 
 Rome, 1880; Rosedale [as Legenda Gregorii], London, 1904.) 
 
 38 E. g., Chalippe, Vie de St. Franfois d'Assise, Paris, 1728. 
 TO " L'Oeuvre de Frere Leon n'est en quelque Sort que le prolongement 
 des Opuscules." Sabatier, Speculum Perfections, p. xxv. 
 
 40 See p. 78, n. 12. 
 
 41 In Sabatier's own Vie de Saint Frangois d'Asisse, Paris, 1894; 
 Etude Critique des Sources.
 
 86 APPENDIX III 
 
 3. The Speculum Perfectionis, probably arranged in its 
 present form by the friars of the Portiuncula in 1317, but con- 
 taining material directly transmitted from Brother Leo and 
 his associates. 
 
 (Ed. Sabatier, Paris, 1898.) 
 
 4. The Legenda Trium Sociorum, written in 1246, in re- 
 sponse to Crescentius' call for material on the life of Saint 
 Francis, by the companions Leo, Rufinus, and Angelo. The 
 material was "edited" (probably by Celano) and reduced to 
 the fragmentary form in which we find it in the Ada Sanc- 
 torum. 
 
 (Ed. Suyskens, AA. SS., 1768; Le Monnier, Paris, 1828; 
 Civezza and Domenichelli, Rome, 1899, from an old Italian 
 version of the sixteenth century.) 
 
 5- The Legenda Secunda of Thomas of Celano, a product 
 of the same historical conditions as the foregoing source, writ- 
 ten 1248-1257; corresponding in its first part (written under 
 Crescentius) with no. 4, and in its second and third parts 
 (written under John of Parma) with no. 3. 
 
 (Ed. Rinaldi, Rome, 1806; Amoni, Rome, 1880; Rosedale, 
 London, 1904.) 
 
 6. The Legenda of Julian of Speyer, mentioned in the 
 thirteenth-century chroniclers Jordan of Giano and Bernard 
 of Bessa. Of no significance. 
 
 (Ed. Suyskens, A A. SS., Comm. praev., 1768; Van Ortroy, 
 Anal. Boll., 1902.)
 
 APPENDIX IV. 
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY. 
 
 [Works discussed in Appendix III are starred in this list.] 
 
 A. 
 
 SOURCES. 
 
 *i. 5". Francisci Opuscula. 
 
 Lemmens, Quaracchi, 1904. 
 Boehmer, Tubingen, 1904. 
 
 *2. Legendae by Celano. Rosedale, London, 1904. 
 
 *3. Legenda Triton Sociorum. 
 
 Da Civezza and Domenichello, Rome, 1899. 
 *4. Speculum Perfectionis. Sabatier, Paris, 1898. 
 
 *5. Analecta Franciscana, etc. 
 
 Muller et al, Quaracchi, 1885 ff. 
 Vol. I, Chronicles of Jordan of Giano and Thomas of 
 
 Eccleston, 1885. 
 
 Vol. II, Chronicle of Nicholas Glassberger, 1887. 
 Vol. Ill, Chronicle of the XXIV Generals and the 
 De Laudibus of Bernard of Bessa, 1897. 
 
 6. Historia Septem Tribulacionum, auctore Angela da 
 
 Clarino. Ehrle, Archiv, II, IV, 1885. 
 
 7. Annales Minormn (2d ed.). Wadding, Rome, 1731. 
 (The classic source for the history of the order. A 
 polemic in favor of the strict observance of the Rule. 
 Charming style, but too much emphasis on miracles, 
 missions, and hagiography.) 
 
 8. Cronica Fra Salimbene Parmensis. Parma, 1857. 
 (Diffuse and often trivial, but of value for the rela- 
 tions of the order to the Ghibelline forces of northern 
 Italy.) 
 
 7 87
 
 88 APPENDIX IV 
 
 g. Memorabilia Jordani de Giano. See no. 5, vol. I. 
 
 (Written in 1262. Valuable for the early years of the 
 order in Germany, and especially as a corrective to 
 Celano on the troublesome years 1219-1220.) 
 
 10. De Adventu Minorum in Angliam, Auctore Thomas 
 of Eccleston. See no. 5, vol I. 
 
 Brewer, London, 1858. 
 
 (Valuable for list of early ministers-general, and for 
 the account of the chapter of 1239, in which Elias was 
 deposed.) 
 
 11. Writings of Petrus Johannis Olivi and Ubertino da 
 Casale. Ehrle, in Archiv, 1886-1887. 
 (Defence of the "Spirituals" in Italy and Provence.) 
 
 12. Bernardi Guidonis Practica Inquisitionis Haereticae 
 Pravitatis. Douais, Paris, 1886. 
 (Part V contains cases of procedure against "those 
 commonly called Beguines, who also pretend to be of 
 the Third Order of the Rule of Saint Francis ".) 
 
 13. Directorium Inquisitorum of Nicholas Eymerich. 
 
 Pegna, Venice, 1607. 
 
 (Valuable for Inquisition of the fourteenth century in 
 Spain and Portugal.) 
 
 14. Bullarium Franciscanum. 
 
 I-IV, Sbaralea, 1759 ff. 
 V, Euler, 1898. 
 
 (Contains papal bulls, letters, decrees referring to the 
 order, from various Registers of popes and Morini's 
 Speculum Minoritum, Venice, 1509.) 
 
 15. Regesta Pontificum Romanorum. 
 
 Potthast, Berlin, 1874. 
 (A full collection of papal bulls from 1198 to 1304.) 
 
 16. Joachim Florensis in Apocalipsim Libri VI; accedit 
 Psalterium X Cordarum. Venice, 1707. 
 (The genuine works of Joachim, contrasting in their 
 attitude toward the Roman curia with the pseudo- 
 Joachitic writings of the thirteenth century. See p. 55, 
 n. 16.) 
 
 17. Sacrorum Conciliorum nova et amplissima Collectio. 
 
 Mansi, Florence, 1759 ff.
 
 APPENDIX IV 89 
 
 18. Corpus Juris Canonici. Friedberg, Leipzig, 1879. 
 (For the decretals of John XXII.) 
 
 Occasional notices touching the subject of this essay are 
 found in the following collections of sources : 
 
 19. Annales Ecclesiastici. Raynaldus, Rome, 1652. 
 
 20. Historia Angliae. Matthew Paris, ed. London, 1866. 
 
 21. Antiquitates Italicae. Muratori, Arezzo, 1773 ff. 
 
 22. Ponies Rerum Germanicarum. 
 
 Boehmer, Stuttgart, 1843. 
 
 23. Regesta Imperil (1314-1347). 
 
 Boehmer, Frankfort, 1839. 
 
 24. Monumenta Miscellanea Varia. 
 
 Baluzius-Mansi, Lucca, 1761. 
 
 25. Spicilegium Veterum . . . Scriptorum. 
 
 D'Achery, Paris, 1723. 
 
 26. Collectio Judiciorum, etc. D'Argentre, Paris, 1728. 
 
 27. Thesaurus Novus, etc. Martene-Durand, Paris, 1717. 
 
 B. 
 
 LITERATURE. 
 I. 
 
 ON SAINT FRANCIS AND THE SPREAD OF THE ORDER. 
 
 28. Vita di San Francesco. Bonghi, Citta di Castello, 1884. 
 (The only one of the many lives of the Saint called out 
 by the anniversary of 1882 that is large and scholarly 
 in its treatment. In most of the Italian biographies 
 the polemic or edifying purpose is evident.) 
 
 29. Vie de Saint Francois d'Assise. Sabatier, Paris, 1894. 
 (The classic biography of the Saint. Brilliant scholar- 
 ship combined with the utmost charm of style.) 
 
 30. Francois d'Assise. Renan, Paris, 1879. 
 (A sympathetic study of the^ Saint the best before 
 Sabatier's in the Nouvelles Etudes Religieuses.)
 
 90 APPENDIX IV 
 
 *3l. Die Anfange des Minoritenordens und der Bussbru- 
 derschaften. Miiller, Freiburg, 1885. 
 
 32. " Franz von Assisi und die Griindung des Franciskaner- 
 
 ordens." Hegler, 1895. 
 
 (Article in the ' Zeitschrift fiir Theologie und Kirche, 
 criticising Sabatier's work as too radical.) 
 
 33. Die Niederlassungen der Minoriten im Rheingebiet. 
 
 Koch, Leipzig, 1881. 
 
 (Valuable for the early history of the Franciscans in 
 Germany, but painfully detailed and dry.) 
 
 II. 
 ON THE THEOLOGY OF THE FRANCISCANS. 
 
 34. L'Eresia nel Medio Evo. Tocco, Florence, 1884. 
 (Shows the progress first from heresy to schism, then 
 from schism to heresy in medieval thought. Identifies 
 the Spiritual Franciscans with the heretical Beghines.) 
 
 35. Die Geschichte der religiosen Aufkl'drung im Mittel- 
 
 alter. Reuter, Berlin, 1875. 
 
 (The classic presentation of radical religious thought 
 in the Middle Ages. Not so sympathetic a treatment of 
 the Franciscans as Tocco's.) 
 
 36. History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages. 
 
 Lea, New York, 1880 ff. 
 
 (A work of the very first rank, but rather severe on 
 the Church. Vol. Ill contains an account of the per- 
 secution of the Spiritual Franciscans.) 
 
 37. L'Inquisition dans le Midi de la France, au XIII 6 et au 
 XIV* Sitcles. Molinier, Paris, 1880. 
 (Very exhaustive and scholarly account of the perse- 
 cutions suffered by the suspected Spirituals of Pro- 
 vence and Languedoc.) 
 
 38. L' Italic Mystique. Gebhardt, Paris, 1889. 
 (Study of the radical and quietistic influences at work 
 in Italy in the Middle Ages.) 
 
 39. Articles on Olivi and the Council of Vienne. 
 
 (For the combat of the Spirituals of the fourteenth 
 century with the papal court at Avignon.)
 
 APPENDIX IV 91 
 
 III. 
 
 ON JOACHIM OF FLORA AND THE ETERNAL GOSPEL. 
 (See page 36, note 18.) 
 
 IV. 
 ON THE POLITICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THE FRANCISCANS. 
 
 40. Der Kampf Ludwigs des Bayern tnit der romischen 
 Curie. Muller, Tubingen, 1879. 
 (For discussion of authorship of the Sachsenhausen 
 Protest.) 
 
 41. Die literarischen Widersacher der Pdpste zur Zeit 
 Ludwigs des Bayers. Riezler, Leipzig, 1874. 
 
 More general works containing considerable material of im- 
 portance on the subject of this essay are: 
 
 42. L'Heresie et le Bras Seculier au Moyen Age. 
 
 Havet, Paris, 1880. 
 
 43. Beitrage zur Sektengeschichte des Mittelalters. 
 
 Dollinger, Munich, 1890. 
 
 44. Geschichte K. Friedrichs des Zweiten und seiner Reiche. 
 
 Winkelmann, Berlin, 1863. 
 
 45. Geschichte Innocenz des Drittens. 
 
 Hurter, Hamburg, 1834. 
 
 46. Pierre de la Vigne. Huillard-Breholles, Paris, 1865. 
 
 47. Histoire Litteraire de la France, vol. XXII. 
 
 Leclerc-Renan, Paris, 1865. 
 
 48. Histoire Diplomatique de Frederic II. 
 
 Huillard-Breholles, Paris, 1870. 
 
 49. Les Poetes Franciscains en Italic au XIII e Siecle. 
 
 Ozanam, Paris, 1882. 
 
 50. Studies in Medieval Life and Literature. 
 
 McLaughlin, New York, 1894.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Acta Sanctorum, 4 n., 10 n., 73, 84. 
 
 Akademie der Wissenschaften, 36 
 n. 
 
 Albert of Pisa, 72. 
 
 Albigenses, crusade of, 29. 
 
 Alencon, Pere d', 83. 
 
 Alexander IV, Pope, 72; Gerhard's 
 book condemned by, 36, 37. 
 
 Alexander of Alexandria, 72; pol- 
 icy of, toward the Spirituals, 42- 
 43; refutation of, 41. 
 
 Amelia, inquisition in, 65. 
 
 Amoni, ed. Legenda Prima, 85 ; ed. 
 Speculum Perfections, 83; ed. 
 Vita Secunda, 80-82, passim, 86. 
 
 Anagni, commission of, 36. 
 
 Analecta Bollandiana, 5 n., 79 n. 
 
 Analecta Franciscana, etc., 3, 3 n., 
 ii n., 64 n., 81 n., 84 n. 
 
 Ancona, March of, Spirituals of 
 (Poor Hermits of Celestin), 16, 
 68, 69, 71; accused of Maniche- 
 ism, 31; aid from Pope Celestin 
 for, 22, 26 n. ; dissension among, 
 over possession of property, 18- 
 19; history of, 18-28, 32-33; in- 
 fluence of, 26; later work of, 27- 
 28; opposition of, to Boniface 
 VIII, 23-25, 31; papal recogni- 
 tion of, 28; persecution of, 9, 
 19-21, 22-26, 23 n., 24 n., 26-27, 
 26 n.; separation of, 38, 48 n. ; 
 termed Fraticelli, 54, 57 n. 
 
 Angelo da Clarino, 8 n., 32, 84; 
 cedulae and rotuli of, 14; ef- 
 forts of, in behalf of the Spir- 
 ituals, 26-27; Epistola Excusa- 
 toria, 15, 25 n., 26-27, 26 n., 51 
 n. ; followers of, 26, 26 n., 28, 
 53. 57, 58-59; Historia Septem 
 Tribulacionum Ordinis Mi- 
 
 norum, 3-4, 6 n., 8 n., 9 n., 15, 
 17, 19, 20, 23, 23 n., 25 n., 26 n., 
 32-33, 34, 38, 40 n., 42, 44, 45, 
 46 n., 47, 50, 57 n., 76; leader 
 of the Spirituals, 9, 27, 27 n., 
 68 ; letters from, 32, 5 1 ; mission 
 of, to the pope, 22 n. ; opposi- 
 tion of, to the lax Franciscans, 
 6; persecution of, 20, 20 n., 21; 
 popularization of the order op- 
 posed by, 12; Rule of, 7 n.; Saint 
 Francis legend of, 6 n., 10, n- 
 12, 13 n., 14, 73-86, passim. 
 
 Apostasy, Spiritual Franciscans ac- 
 cused of, 20. 
 
 Apostolic Brethren, 35 n., 54, 55, 
 57- 
 
 Aquasparta, General, see Matthew 
 of Aquasparta. 
 
 Ara Coeli, Franciscan chapter of, 8. 
 
 Archiv fur Literatur- und Kirchen- 
 geschichte, 2-3, 2 n., 5 n., 8 n., 
 15 n., 17 n., 19 n., 27 n., 32 n., 
 33 n., 39 n., 40 n., 42, 44 n., 45 
 n., 46 n., 47 n., 52 n., 57 n., 
 58 n., 63 n., 74. 
 
 Archivio Storico Italiano, 79 n. 
 
 Arezzo, convent of, 51. 
 
 Aries, Council of, Gerhard's writ- 
 ings condemned by, 37, 37 n. 
 
 Arlotto of Prato, 72. 
 
 Arnold of Brescia, 24. 
 
 Arnold of Villanuova, effort of, in 
 behalf of the Spirituals, 40, 40 n. 
 
 Ascanio, convent of, 51. 
 
 Asceticism, among the Franciscans, 
 
 2. 
 
 Ascoli, Hieronymus, see Nicholas 
 
 IV, Pope. 
 Assisi, library of, codex in, 80-81, 
 
 83- 
 
 93
 
 94 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Athens, Archbishop of, 24. 
 
 Atti delta Reale Accademia di Sci- 
 enze Morali e Politiche, 76 n. 
 
 Avignon, archives of, 44 n. ; court 
 of, 58; Franciscans imprisoned 
 at, 64; proceedings at, 35. 
 
 Aymo of Fevesham, 72. 
 
 Baluze, Etienne, Miscellanea, 34, 
 
 63 n. 
 Barbi, M., Bollettino della Societa 
 
 Dantesca, 77 n. 
 Baronius, Annales, 55. 
 Beghards, religious sect, classed 
 
 as Fraticelli, 56; "Tractate 
 
 against ", 55 n. 
 Beghines, religious sect, 30, 54, 55, 
 
 71; decretal concerning, 27; ef- 
 forts against, 44; history of, 47 
 
 n.; Spiritualists aided by, 43; 
 
 classed as Fraticelli, 53, 56; 
 
 " Tractate against ", 55 n. 
 Beitrage zur Sektengeschichte des 
 
 Mittelalters, 15 n. 
 Belgium, researches in the convent 
 
 libraries of, n n. 
 Benedict XI, Pope, 25, 72. 
 Bernard Delicieux, 45, 45 n. 
 Bernard of Bessa, 8 n., 72, 84, 86; 
 
 De Laudibus, 80 n. 
 Bernard of Gui, Flares Chronicum, 
 
 47 n. ; Practica, 47 n. 
 Bernard of Quintevalle, 12. 
 Bertrand of Bruges, see Clement 
 
 V, Pope. 
 Bertrand of Tours, papal order to, 
 
 44- 
 Beziers, Council of, 47 n.; convent 
 
 of, 42, 43 ; persecution at, 47 ; 
 
 Spirituals of, 35, 44-46, 47, 53. 
 Bizochi, 24 n., 27. 
 Boehmer, H., Analekten sur Ge- 
 
 schichte des Franciscus von As- 
 
 sisi, 77 n., 85; ed. Opuscula of 
 
 Saint Francis, 85; opinion of, 
 
 77-78. 
 Bologna, Bishop of, 52; Franciscan 
 
 chapter of, 65. 
 Bonadies, Spirituals exiled by, 16. 
 
 Bonagratia of Bergamo, 33 n.; 
 Clement's treatment of, 51, 51 
 n. ; dispute of, with Ubertino, 
 41, 49; efforts of, against the 
 Spirituals, 43-44; followers of, 
 53; opposition of, to John XXII, 
 60, 65, 66; supposed author of 
 the Protest of Sachsenhausen, 
 64- 
 
 Bonagratia of Tielci, Minister- 
 General, 33, 72; Olivi's works 
 ordered examined by, 38. 
 
 Bonaventura, as head of the Fran- 
 ciscan order, 5-7, 72; attitude of, 
 toward the Spirituals, 68; Brevi- 
 loquium, 5 n.; early legends of 
 Saint Francis suppressed by, 4-5, 
 4 n., 6, 6 n., 7, 13 n. ; Itinera- 
 rium Mentis in Deum, 5 n. ; of- 
 ficial legends of Saint Francis 
 by, 4, 4 n., 10, 12, 14, 73-75, 79; 
 Opera, 6 n. ; schismatic litera- 
 ture suppressed by, 9. 
 
 Bonaventura, Saint, College of, 3, 
 38 n., 78 n. 
 
 Boneta, Naprous, 48 n. 
 
 Boniface VIII, Pope, 7, 20, 40; 
 accession of, 22, 48 n. ; death of, 
 25; letters to, 24 n., 25; machina- 
 tions of, 21 ; opposition of Spir- 
 ituals, 23-25, 24 n., 31; orders 
 of, 24 n. ; persecutions ordered 
 by, 24-25, 52; treatment of the 
 Spirituals by, 22-24. 
 
 Brothers Preachers, see Domini- 
 cans. 
 
 Bulls, papal, 2, 6, 7, 12-13, 13 n., 
 17, 18 n., 19 n., 40-42, 46, 47, 52, 
 57, 58, 61, 69, 70. 
 
 Buoncompagni Codex, 82, 83. 
 
 Bzovius, Abram, 55-56. 
 
 Cabestaing, persecutions of Spir- 
 ituals at, 47. 
 
 Cantu, Eretici d' Italia, 24 n. 
 
 Carbonari, 55 n. 
 
 Carcassonne, convent of, 42; per- 
 secution of Spirituals at, 47. 
 
 Cardinals, letters from, 52. 
 
 Carmignano, convent of, 51.
 
 INDEX 
 
 95 
 
 Cathari, the, 9. 
 
 Celestin IV, Pope, 72. 
 
 Celestin V, Pope, 72 ; abdication 
 of, 31; aid given the Spirituals 
 by, 22, 69; election of, 21; res- 
 ignation of, 22. 
 
 Celestin, Poor Hermits of, see 
 Ancona, March of, Spirituals of. 
 
 Celestinian Benedictines, 22. 
 
 Chalippe, Vie de St. Franfois d' 
 Assise, 85 n. 
 
 Charles II, of Sicily, efforts of, in 
 behalf of the Spirituals, 40. 
 
 Church, Roman, hostility toward, 
 5; maintenance of, 18 n.; non- 
 obedience to, 49; Saint Francis 
 to control, 47-48. 
 
 Civezza, Marcellino da, ed. Le- 
 genda Trium Sociorum, 12 n., 
 79, 86. 
 
 " Clarines " of the March of An- 
 cona, 26. 
 
 Clement IV, Pope, 72. 
 
 Clement V, Pope, 7, 51, 72; bulls 
 of, 40-41, 41-42, 41 n., 42 n., 69; 
 Canons of, 42 n. ; correspondence 
 of, 50, 52; death of, 43; decision 
 of, 50 n. ; election of, 25; inves- 
 tigation of, 40-41; leniency of, 
 toward the Spirituals, 26, 26 n., 
 41-42; tribunal of, 17 n., 20 n., 
 31, 34, SO. 
 
 Clement VI, Pope, order of, 66. 
 
 Collection d' Etudes et de Docu- 
 ments sur I'Histoire du Moyen 
 Age, 77 n. 
 
 Colonnas, the, disputes of, 21. 
 
 Commentarius Praevius, 80 n., 84. 
 
 Community, 71; hostility of, toward 
 the Spirituals, 49, 50, 50 n., 52, 
 69; Michaelists in, 53, 60, 64. 
 
 Conrad of Offida, 31, 32, 48 n. ; 
 Arbor Vitae Crucifixi, 76-77. 
 
 Constantinople, Patriarch of, 24, 
 24 n. 
 
 Continentes, religious sect, 54, 55. 
 
 Convents, maintenance of, 18 n. 
 
 Councils, ecclesiastical, decrees of, 
 2. 
 
 Crescentius, General, 10 n., u n., 
 68, 86; complaint against, 15-16; 
 
 Dialogue of Saint Francis, 84; 
 documents submitted to, 78, 78 
 n., 79; election of, 19 n. ; Le- 
 genda Trium Sociorum sup- 
 pressed by, 14; letters to, 77, 81; 
 work on legend under, 82, 83, 86. 
 
 Cristofani, ed. II piit antico Poema 
 della Vita di San Francisco, 84. 
 
 Cronica XXIV Generalium, 8 n., 
 19 n., 38 n., 39 n., 80, 81-82. 
 
 Curia, Roman, relations of the 
 Franciscans to, 2, 7, 16; docu- 
 ments of, 55. 
 
 Dante Alighieri, Paradiso, 39 n. 
 
 D'Argentre, Coll. Judic., 34, 37 n. 
 
 Davidson, Thomas, 5 n. 
 
 Della Giovanna, 79. 
 
 Denifle, H., article by, 8 n., 36 n. 
 
 Documents Antiqua Franciscans, 
 78 n., 84 n. 
 
 Dollinger, 15 n. 
 
 Dolcino, religious sect, 26, 57. 
 
 Domenichelli, Teofilo, Saint Fran- 
 cis legend published by, 12 n., 
 79, 86. 
 
 Dominic, Saint, 55. 
 
 Dominican, chroniclers, 55; friars, 
 18; inquisitor, 61. 
 
 Ecstasy, religious, i. 
 
 Edward I, of England, 24. 
 
 Egidius, see Giles. 
 
 Ehrle, Franz, articles by, in Archiv 
 fiir Literatur- und Kirchenge- 
 schichte, 2-3, 5 n., 6 n., 8 n., 15 
 n., 17 n., 19 n., 27 n., 32 n., 33 
 n., 34, 39 n., 47 n., 51 n., 55 n., 
 56-58, 56 n., 63, 63 n., 64, 65 n., 
 74; id., in Zeitschrift fur Katho- 
 lische Theologie, 8 n. ; contribu- 
 tion of, to Franciscan history, 
 4 n., 10; manuscript discovered 
 by, 27. 
 
 Elias, of Cortona, General, 18 n., 
 71, 72; attacks upon, 74; defec- 
 tion of, 1 1 ; leader of the lax 
 party, 67, 67 n., 84; policy of, 
 84; protests against, 13, 15; re- 
 lation of, to the order, 13; re- 
 moval of, from the generalate,
 
 96 
 
 INDEX 
 
 30 n. ; Speculum Perfections 
 
 supposedly suppressed by, 14. 
 England, political exiles in, 25. 
 English Historical Review, 76 n., 
 
 78. 
 Europe, Franciscan influence upon, 
 
 2; religious sects in, 54. 
 Extravagantes Johannis XXII, etc., 
 
 17 n., 27 n. 
 
 Faloci-Pulignani, controversy of, 
 as to Sabatier's thesis, 3 n., 76- 
 
 79- 
 Fanaticism, suppression of, 5-6. 
 
 Farinerius, General, 66. 
 
 Fioretti, the, 13 n. 
 
 Fliscus, Ottobonus, see Hadrian V, 
 Pope. 
 
 Florence, National Library of, 51 
 n. 
 
 France, culture in, 29-30; Francis- 
 cans in, 2, 27; intellectual revo- 
 lution in, 29. 
 
 Francis of Assisi, Saint, 2; anni- 
 versary of, 3; conversion and 
 canonization of, 12, 82, 84; 
 death of, 4, 12; disciples of, 3 
 n. ; early legends of, 4-5, 4 n., 6, 
 
 7, 10, 10 n., 11-15, 73-86; litera- 
 ture concerning, 87-90; prophe- 
 sied return of, 47-48; prophecy 
 of, 57 n. ; Protest of Sachsen- 
 hausen and, 62-63; relation of, 
 to the order, 13; religious and 
 social ideas of, 14; Rule of, 6-7, 
 
 8, 12, 15, 16, 18 n., 19 n., 20, 
 22, 23, 27, 31, 33, 35, 39. 39 n., 
 41, 49, 56, 57 n., 63, 68, 77, 84; 
 Testament of, 8, 12-13, 15, 19 n., 
 27, 31; Third Order of (Terti- 
 arii), 47 n., 54, 55; treachery to 
 the ideals of, 12-13, 4* ; works 
 of, 13 n., 74, 85; see also various 
 lives as Vita Secunda, Speculum 
 Vitae S. Francisci, etc. 
 
 Francis, Saint, Dialogue on, 84. 
 Francis, Saint, Life and Miracles 
 of, 82. 
 
 Franciscans (lax party), 71; 
 abuses, luxuries, and wealth of, 
 6, 7, 41, 42, 49, 51; attitude of, 
 toward the Michaelists, 60-66; 
 chapters-general of, 84; chron- 
 iclers of, 55; constitutions of, 5; 
 dissensions among, 5-6, 7, 9-10, 
 18; efforts and aims of, 67; Eli- 
 as's measures concerning, 12; gen- 
 erals of, 72; growth of, 7; his- 
 tory of, 73-74; influence and im- 
 portance of, 2; invitation to, to 
 write the life of Saint Francis, 
 1 1 ; meagreness of literature con- 
 cerning, 2-4, ii ; of Armenia, 
 20; origin of, 4; periods in the 
 history of, 9-10; publications by, 
 3, 3 n. ; revival of study of, 3; 
 Spirituals persecuted by, 9, 15- 
 16, 19-21, 22-27, 4'4 I S4> Spir- 
 ituals's attack upon, 5 1 ; struggle 
 of, with John XXII, 60-66; sup- 
 pression of fanaticism among, 5- 
 6; works concerning, 2-4, 10, 
 87-90, 91; under Bonaventura, 
 5-6; under John of Parma, 5; 
 see also Community, the. 
 
 Franciscans, Conventual, contro- 
 versies of, 13-14, 28. 
 
 Franciscans, Spiritual, accusations 
 against, 55-56; article on, 76 n. ; 
 chapters-general of, 84; consoli- 
 dation of, into a party, 68; de- 
 fense of, 20 n. ; dissensions of, 
 5-6, 7-8, 7 n., 12, 12 n., 16- 
 17; efforts and aims of, 67-68; 
 Fraticelli originating from, 56- 
 59; genealogy of, 71; groups 
 of, 16; history of, 15, 73-74; lit- 
 erature concerning, 73-90, 91; 
 orthodoxy of, 15-16; persecution 
 of, 9-10, 15-16, 54, 60; poverty 
 of Christ upheld by, 60-66; Saint 
 Francis legends written by, 14; 
 struggle of, with John XXII, 60- 
 66; see also Ancona, March of, 
 Spirituals of; Fraticelli; Mi- 
 chaelists; Provence, Spirituals 
 of; Tuscany, Spirituals of. 
 
 Franciscus de Lutra, 63-64.
 
 INDEX 
 
 97 
 
 Fraticelli, decretal concerning, 27; 
 efforts against, 44; in Italy, 66; 
 lack of material concerning, 55; 
 opposition of, to John XXII, 60; 
 organization of, 52; origin of, 
 SS'59! persecution of, 69; term 
 of reproach, 58, 59, 69; use of 
 the term, 52-54. 
 
 Frederick II, Emperor, 30 n. 
 
 Frederick III, Duke, of Austria, 
 defeat of, 62. 
 
 Frederick III, King, of Sicily, 
 kindness of, toward the Spirit- 
 uals, 52; letter to, 52; papal 
 order to, 44. 
 
 Free Spirit, Brothers of the, 54, 55. 
 
 Gaetani, Benedetto, Cardinal, see 
 Boniface VIII, Pope. 
 
 Gaufridi, Raymundus, 32, 72; ap- 
 pointment of Olivi by, 39; 
 leniency of, toward the Spiritu- 
 als, 20, 20 n., 22; papal order to, 
 40; resignation of, 20 n. 
 
 Gaufridus de Cornone, 45-46. 
 
 Generalate, interregnum in, 43, 69. 
 
 Genoa, Archbishop of, 52; Francis- 
 can chapter of, n, 14, 83. 
 
 Gentile da Spoleto, 28. 
 
 Gerhard de Borgo San Donino, 
 Introductorius in Evangelism 
 Aeternum, 36, 37. 
 
 Germany, independence of, 66; 
 Spirituals in, 53. 
 
 Geschichte der religiosen Aufklar- 
 ung im Mittelalter, 36 n. 
 
 Ghibelline heretics, 54. 
 
 Gieseler, J. K. L., Lehrbuch der 
 Kirchengeschichte, 53, 53 n. 
 
 Giles, Brother, 8, 12, 84. 
 
 Giornale Storico Italiano, 79 n. 
 
 Glassberger, Cronica, n n., 64 n., 
 80. 
 
 Goetz, Die Quellen zur Geschichte 
 des Heiligen Franciscus von As- 
 sist, 85. 
 
 Gonsalvus, of Valboa, Minister- 
 General, 42, 72; refutation of. 
 
 Gowns, decretals concerning, 31, 
 46. 
 
 Granaries, decretals concerning, 
 3 if 46. 
 
 Gregory IX, Pope, 10, 19, 35 n., 
 72, 76; bulls and decrees of, 7, 
 12-13, 18, 18 n.. 73, 77, 84; cor- 
 ner-stone laid by, 77; Elias re- 
 moved by, 30 n. ; Thomas of Ce- 
 lano selected by, to write the 
 Saint Francis legend, 13 n., 80, 
 85. 
 
 Guido of Mirepoix, papal order to, 
 40. 
 
 Hadrian V, Pope, 6, 72. 
 
 Haiton, King, of Armenia, mis- 
 sion to, 20-21. 
 
 Haupt, publication by, 55 n. 
 
 Henry of Ceva, 52, 53. 
 
 Henry of Thalheim, 63. 
 
 Heretics, attracted by the Fran- 
 ciscans, 2; Fraticelli said to be, 
 58, 59; Spiritual Franciscans 
 and, 1 6. 
 
 Heresy, doctrine of poverty con- 
 sidered, 62; in France, 29; in 
 Italy, 30-31; Spiritual Francis- 
 cans accused of, 20. 
 
 Heroy, ed. Opitsculu of Saint 
 Francis, 85. 
 
 Hieronymus of Ascoli, 72. 
 
 Hiquey, Nitela Religionis Francis- 
 canae, 56. 
 
 Historisches Jahrbuch der Gorres- 
 gesellscltaft, 31 n. 
 
 Honorius III, Pope, 19 n., 72. 
 
 Honorius IV, Pope, 72. 
 
 Humanism, in France, 29-30. 
 
 Humiliati, religious sect, 54, 55. 
 
 Innocent III, Pope, 72. 
 
 Innocent IV, Pope, 8 n., 35 n., 72; 
 bulls of, 19 n., 73; deputation 
 sent to, 68; letter from, 37 n. 
 
 Inquisition, at Narbonne, 61; in 
 Provence, 69; proceedings of, 
 55; Spiritual Franciscans sub- 
 jected to, 24 n., 46-47, 52, 65; 
 tortures of, 9, 29.
 
 INDEX 
 
 Institutionalization, advantages and 
 disadvantages of, 1-2. 
 
 Isnard, Spiritual Franciscans ex- 
 amined by, 26. 
 
 Italy, Franciscans in, 2; inquisi- 
 tion in, 65; religious conditions 
 in, 30-31; religious vagabonds 
 in, 24-25; Spirituals in, 27, 48, 
 Si, 53- 
 
 Jacobus da Tundo of Siena, 50. 
 
 Jacopone da Todi, poems of, 24 n. 
 Jean de Meung, Roman de la 
 Rose, 36 n. 
 
 Jeiler, Ignatius, 78 n. 
 
 Joachim of Flora, Evangelium Ae- 
 ternum, 36 n. ; prophecy of, 36, 
 37 38, 47, 48, 68; ideas of, 9. 
 
 John XXI, Pope, 72. 
 
 John XXII, Pope, 2, 4, 7, 15, 72; 
 bulls of, 17, 17 n., 26-27, 31, 46, 
 47, 52, 57, 58, 61, 62; character 
 of, 60 n. ; correspondence of, 
 50, 52; death of, 9, 66; Extrava- 
 gantes, 17 n., 27 n.; opposition to, 
 53, 57 n. ; order of, concerning 
 Olivi, 32 n. ; severity of, toward 
 the Spirituals, 10, 17, 26-27, 32, 
 42 n., 43-46, 69; struggle of, 
 with the Michaelists, 60-66. 
 
 John de Vallibus, 28. 
 
 John of Ceperano, biography by, 
 80 n., 83-84. 
 
 John of Kent, poem by, 84. 
 
 John of Murro, 23, 40, 40 n., 72. 
 
 John of Parma, as head of the or- 
 der, 5, 8, 68, 72; charges 
 against, 8; condemned for fa- 
 naticism, 6; deposition of, 8, 9, 
 16, 20 n. ; influence of, 36; work 
 on legend under, 81, 82, 83, 86. 
 
 Jordan of Giano, Chronicle, 25 n., 
 79, 80, 84 n., 86. 
 
 Julian of Speyer, legend of, 79, 83- 
 84, 86. 
 
 Languedoc, heresy in, 29; sectari- 
 ans of, 54. 
 
 Lateran Council of 1215, 24 n., 37, 
 54- 
 
 Lea, H. C., History of the Inqui- 
 sition, 4 n., 24 n., 42 n., 45 n., 
 48 n., 52-53. 
 
 Legenda Antigua, So, 81, 82. 
 Legenda Gregorii, 82. 
 Legenda Pritna, by Thomas of Ce- 
 
 lano, n, 73, 74, 80-87. 
 Legenda Secunda, by Thomas of 
 Celano, 4 n., 6 n., 10, 13 n., 73, 
 74, 77, 80-83, 86, 87. 
 Legenda Trium Sociorum, 6 n., 10 
 n., 11-12, 13 n., 14, 73-86, pas- 
 sim. 
 
 Legenda Vetus, 14. 
 Leggenda di San Francesco scritta 
 
 da tre suoi Compagni, 75 n. 
 Lemmens, Father Leonard, opin- 
 ion of, 78 n. ; Opuscula Sancti 
 Patris Francisci Assisiensis, 7 
 n., 85. 
 Le Monnier, ed. Legenda Trium 
 
 Sociorum, 86. 
 
 Leo, Brother, 67 n., 71, 84; docu- 
 ments of, 6, 14; Legenda Trium 
 Sociorum, 6 n., 10, 11-12, 13, 13 
 n -> J 4> 73-86, passim; Legenda 
 Vetus, 14; opposition of, to Elias, 
 74; popularization of the order 
 opposed by, 12, reply to, 77; 
 Speculum Perfectionis, etc., 12 n., 
 13, J4. 35, 84; works of, 78. 
 Leo X, Pope, bulls of, 28, 70. 
 Lewis of Bavaria, Protest of 
 Sachsenhausen, 62-64, 63 n., 64 
 n. ; Spirituals join, 17; struggle 
 of, with John XXII, 53, 60, 62- 
 63, 64-66. 
 
 Liberato, 32; death of, 26; efforts 
 of, in behalf of the Spirituals, 
 25-26, 25 n. ; followers of, 57, 
 59; leader of the Spirituals, 9, 
 22, 68; persecution of, 20, 21, 
 
 22. 
 
 Litterae septem Sigillorum, 39, 39 
 n. 
 
 Little, A. G., article by, 76, 77 n. ; 
 contribution of, to Franciscan 
 history, 10; opinion of, 77-78.
 
 INDEX 
 
 99 
 
 Little Brothers, see Fraticelli. 
 
 Lodvere, persecution of Spirituals 
 at, 47- 
 
 Loofs, article by, 56 n. 
 
 Lucca, Bishop of, papal commis- 
 sion to, 52. 
 
 Lunel, persecutions of Spirituals 
 at, 47. 
 
 Lyons, Council of, 9, 10, 18; de- 
 cree of, 19 n. ; hostility of, to the 
 Spirituals, 37-38, 68. 
 
 Magliano, Panfilo da, Storia di S. 
 Francesco, 56 n. 
 
 Mandonnet, Pierre, contribution 
 of, to Franciscan history, 10. 
 
 Manicheism, Spirituals accused of, 
 2 3> 3i, 35 n. 
 
 Mansi, J. D., Hist. Cone., 37 n., 
 47 n., 55 n. 
 
 Mariano of Florence, 80. 
 
 Marseilles, martyrs of, 47; perse- 
 cution of Spirituals at, 46. 
 
 Martene, Amplissima Collectio, 65 
 n. 
 
 Martin IV, Pope, 72. 
 
 Martin of Bodici, 25. 
 
 Martin of Siena, revolt of Spir- 
 ituals instigated by, 49. 
 
 Mary, Saint, of the Portiuncula, 
 32 n. 
 
 Masseo, 84; popularization of the 
 order opposed by, 12. 
 
 Matthew of Aquasparta, General, 
 39, 72. 
 
 Mazarin codex, 76, 78, 84. 
 
 Melchiorri, Saint Francis legend 
 published by, 12 n. 
 
 Melissanus de Macro, 41 n. 
 
 Memorialis Gestorttm et Virtutem 
 S. Francisci, 82. 
 
 Michael of Cesena, 72; documents 
 of, 64; followers of, 57; severity 
 of, toward the Spirituals, 31, 
 43-44; struggle of, with John 
 XXII, 53, 60-66; see also Mi- 
 chaelists. 
 
 Michaelists, 71; struggle of with 
 John XXII, 17, 60-66. 
 
 Middle Ages, humanism during, 
 
 29-30. 
 Militia of Christ and the Blessed 
 
 Virgin, Brothers and Sisters of 
 
 the Order of, 54, 55. 
 Minocchi, Salvatore, article by, 76; 
 
 theory of, 79 n.-8o n., 83 n. 
 Minorites, see Franciscans. 
 Miracles, accounts of, 33; of Saint 
 
 Francis, 12. 
 Miscellanea Franciscana, 3 n., 76, 
 
 76 n., 79 n. 
 
 Missionaries, equipment of, i. 
 Montpellier, Olivi as lector of, 39; 
 
 persecution of Spirituals at, 46, 
 
 47- 
 Mosheim, De Beghardis et Be- 
 
 guinabus, 47. 
 Muller, Karl, contribution of, to 
 
 Franciscan history, 10; Der 
 
 Kampf Ludwigs des Bayern, 17 
 
 n., 62 n., 64, 64 n. ; Die Anfange 
 
 des Minoritenordens, etc., 3, 3 
 
 n., 74. 
 Munich Academy, Abhandlungen 
 
 of, 63 n. 
 
 Murati, religious sect, 54, 55. 
 Muratori, Antiquitates, 25 n. 
 Muzio di San Severino, Achille, 
 
 translation of, 12 n. 
 Mysticism, i, 2, 5. 
 
 Naples, Spirituals of, 16; persecu- 
 tions at, 9. 
 
 Narbonne, convent of, 42, 43; 
 Franciscan chapter of, 5, 14; 
 persecutions at, 61; petition to 
 burghers of, 40; Spirituals of, 
 35, 44-46, 53. 
 
 Neophytes, instruction of, i. 
 
 Nicholas III, Pope, 35 n., 72; 
 bulls of, 40, 61. 
 
 Nicholas IV, Pope, 35 n., 72; or- 
 der of, 38. 
 
 Nicholas V, Pope, 64, 66. 
 
 Nicolaitans, 35 n. 
 
 Nicolaus Minorita, 60 n. 
 
 Nurnberg, Protest of, 64.
 
 100 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Observantine movement, 54, 70, 71. 
 Odo, Gerhard, 65, 72. 
 Ognissanti Library, 77-78. 
 Olivi, Petrus Johannis, accusations 
 against, 33, 38-40; Apologia, 39, 
 
 39 n.; Commentary on the Apoc- 
 alypse, 47 n., 64; death of, 34, 
 40, 40 n., 48; followers of, 40, 
 
 40 n., 53; influence and writings 
 of, 17, 17 n., 31-32, 31 n., 32 
 n., 34, 35, 38-40, 41, 43, 46, 47, 
 48, 64; leader of the mystics, 9; 
 legend concerning, 33; letters 
 from, 31, 33, 33 n., 48 n.; order 
 concerning the bones and sepul- 
 cher of, 32 n.; Quaestio, 64. 
 
 Olivi und die Sachsenhduser Ap- 
 pellation, 63 n. 
 Opuscules de Critique Historique, 
 
 7 n., 78 n., 85. 
 
 Orsini, Napoleone, Cardinal, 22, 
 
 26. 
 Orsini, the, disputes of, 21. 
 
 Papacy, interregnum in, 43, 69. 
 
 Papebroch, Bollandist, 51 n. 
 
 Parenti, John, 13, 72. 
 
 Parfiisser of Lewis of Bavaria, 
 see Michaelists. 
 
 Paris, Archbishop of, 37 n. ; cen- 
 sors of, 33, 38-39, 38 n.; Fran- 
 ciscan chapter of, 4, 6, 15, 16, 
 65. 
 
 Paris, Matthew, 55 n. 
 
 Patras, Archbishop of, 24. 
 
 Pelagius, Alvarus, De Planctu Ec- 
 clesie, 55 n. 
 
 Penitence, Brothers and Sisters 
 of, 54, 55- 
 
 Pennine provinces, inquisition in, 
 65- 
 
 Peregrinus de Bononia, legend of, 
 
 8 n. 
 
 Perugia, chapter-general of, decree 
 
 of, 61, 62, 63. 
 Peter Lombard, Sentences, 31, 
 
 31 n. 
 Peter of Corbario, see Nicholas 
 
 V, Pope. 
 
 Peter of Macerata, 22 n. 
 
 Peter of Morro, see Celestin V, 
 Pope. 
 
 Philip IV, the Fair, of France, 24, 
 25- 
 
 Pieve, Citta della, Franciscan 
 chapter of, 6. 
 
 Pisa, Franciscan chapter of, 4, 4 n. 
 
 Poor Life, Brothers of the, 27, 56. 
 
 Popes, attitude of the Spirituals 
 toward, 16; conflict between, and 
 the emperor, 30; creation of, 2; 
 Franciscans under the authority 
 of, 8; list of, 72; obedience to, 
 32, 39-40; protest to, 16; revolt 
 against, 30; treatment of John 
 of Parma by, 8, 8 n. 
 
 Porrentruy, Antoine de, 82, 83. 
 
 Portiuncula, friars of, 78; Indul- 
 gence of, 13 n. 
 
 Poverty of Christ and the Apos- 
 tles, doctrine of, 17 n., 53, 60- 
 66; laudations of, 57 n. 
 
 Preger, W., article by, 36 n. 
 
 Propagandist^ scope of, i. 
 
 Property, dissension concerning 
 the possession of, 18-19; re- 
 versal of the decree concerning, 
 61-62; Rule of Saint Francis 
 concerning, 18 n. 
 
 Prophetism, i, 2; see also Joachim 
 of Flora. 
 
 Provence, persecution of the zeal- 
 ots in, 9; religious conditions 
 in, 29, 30; sectarians of, 54. 
 
 Provence, Spirituals of, 16, 17, 
 29-48, 69, 71; difference between 
 and the Italian Spirituals, 29-32; 
 disputes of, with the lax major- 
 ity, 41; hostility of the Council 
 of Lyons toward, 37-38; influ- 
 ence of the Joachitic prophecy 
 upon, 36-37; leniency toward, 41- 
 42; persecution of, 39-41, 43- 
 47; revolt of, 47-48, 57; sources 
 for the history of, 32-35; termed 
 " Fraticelli ", 53; trouble of, 
 with the pope, 27.
 
 INDEX 
 
 101 
 
 Quaracchi, Minorites in, 3. 
 
 Raymond of Fronciacho, dispute 
 of, 41; efforts of, against the 
 Spirituals, 43; Index, 34, 35, 40 
 n., 41, 43, 44 n., 45 n., 46 n., 
 52 n., 57 n., 59; writings of, 34- 
 35, So, Si- 
 Raymond of Toulouse, 29. 
 Raynaldus, Annales Ecclesiastici, 
 
 63- 
 
 Realencyklopadie fur Protestan- 
 tische Theologie, 53. 
 
 Reclusi, religious sect, 54, 55. 
 
 Renan, article by, 36 n. 
 
 Retreat, religious, i. 
 
 Reuter, H., article by, 36 n., 37. 
 
 Revue des Deux Mondes, 36 n. 
 
 Revue Historique, 14 n., 77 n., 
 79 n. 
 
 Riezler, Sigmund, Die literarischen 
 Widersacher der Pdpste, etc., 53, 
 63. 
 
 Rinaldi, ed. Legenda Prima, 85; 
 ed. Vita Secunda S. Francisci, 
 4 n., 10, 73-86, passim. 
 
 Rivista Bibliografica Italiana, 76. 
 
 Rosedale, Rev. H. G., ed. Legenda 
 Gregorii, 85; ed. Legenda Se- 
 cunda, 10 n., 86; St. Francis of 
 Assist, etc., 82-83, 82 n., 84. 
 
 Rudolphus, 26. 
 
 Rufinus, 84; Legenda Trium Soci- 
 orum, 6 n., 10, 11-12, 13 n., 14, 
 73-86, passim; popularization of 
 the order opposed by, 12. 
 
 Sabatier, Paul, article by, 77, 79 
 n.; attacks upon, 13-14, 74-79; 
 contribution of, to Franciscan 
 history, 10; ed. Speculum Per- 
 fectionis, 7 n., 12 n., 85, 86; let- 
 ter from, 78 n.; oldest version 
 of Saint Francis's legend dis- 
 covered by, 13; Opuscules de 
 Saint Francois, 78; researches 
 of, ii n.; review by, 85; thesis 
 
 of, 74-79, 83; Vie de Saint 
 
 Franc, ois d' Assise, 3, 13 n. 
 
 (Eng. tr.), 85 n. 
 Sachsenhausen, Protest of, 62-64, 
 
 63 n. 
 
 Saints, bones of, exhumed, 47. 
 Salimbene, Fra, account by, 37 n. ; 
 
 Cronica, 8 n., 34, 37, 81 n., 82, 
 
 83, 84 n.; Liber de Prelato, 67 n. 
 Santa Croce, convent of, 39. 
 Satirists, literature of, 29-30. 
 Schmidt, Carl, article of, on the 
 
 " Fraticelli ", 53, 54. 
 Scriptures, mystical interpretation 
 
 of, 9. 
 
 Sectaries, 28, 54, 58. 
 Segarelli, 57. 
 Seraphici Viri S. Francisci As- 
 
 sisiensis Vitae duae, 10 n. 
 Sicily, prelates of, 52; religious 
 
 exiles in, 25; Spirituals in, 16, 
 
 27, 44, 50, 52, 53-54. 
 Socialization, meaning of, i. 
 Speculum Perfectionis, 7 n., 12 n., 
 
 13, U, 35, 76-79, 78 n., 83, 86. 
 Speculum Vitae S. Francisci, 13 n. 
 Strict Observance, Brothers of, 54, 
 
 70, 71. 
 Strozzi, Senator, MS. collection 
 
 of, 51 n. 
 Suyskens, legends of Saint Francis 
 
 published by, 10, 73, 80, 85, 86. 
 Syria, Franciscans of, 20-21. 
 
 Talon , B e ra n g a r , accusations 
 against, 61. 
 
 Tertiarii (Third Order of Saint 
 Francis), religious order, 47 n., 
 54, 55- 
 
 Thomas of Aversa, Spirituals per- 
 secuted by, 9, 26. 
 
 Thomas of Celano, Saint Francis 
 legends of, 4 n., 10, n, 14, 73- 
 86, passim; Saint Francis mate- 
 rial sifted and destroyed by, 13 n. 
 
 Thomas of Tollentius, imprison- 
 ment of, 20, 20 n.
 
 IO2 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Tocco, Bollettino di Storia degli 
 Abruzzi, 57 n. ; L'Eresia nel Me- 
 dia Evo, 36 n., 47 n. 
 
 Todi, Ghibelline heretics of, 54; 
 inquisition in, 65. 
 
 Toulouse, persecution of Spirituals 
 at, 47, S3- 
 
 Toulouse, Inquisition of, Liber 
 Sententiarum, 30, 30 n., 32 n., 
 34, 47 n., 48 n., 57 n.; persecu- 
 tions of, 53. 
 
 Tramundus of Tolentino, 32. 
 
 Transitus Sancti Patris, 48. 
 
 Trinci, Paolo da', 28, 70. 
 
 Troubadours, literature of, 29-30. 
 
 Tuscany, prelates of, 51. 
 
 Tuscany, Spirituals of, 16, 49-59, 
 69, 71; history of, 35; hostility 
 of the community toward, 49, 50, 
 52, 69; persecutions of, 9, 51, 
 52; revolt of, 23, 49-52; termed 
 " Fraticelli ", 56-59. 
 
 Ubertino da Casale, 32; apology 
 of, 3i n., 34; Arbor Vitae Cru- 
 cifixi, 12 n. ; dispute of, 41, 49, 
 51, 63 n.; efforts against, 44; 
 joins Lewis, 64; leader of the 
 Tuscan Spirituals, 9, 50-51, 50 
 n. ; papal order to, 40; request 
 f 5, So n - > supposed author of 
 the Protest of Sachsenhausen, 
 63; writings of, 50. 
 
 Umbria, persecution in, 9; Spir- 
 ituals of, 1 6. 
 
 Urban IV, Pope, 72. 
 
 Van Ortroy, F., article by, 5, 5 n., 
 79 n. ; contribution of, to Fran- 
 ciscan history, 10; controversy 
 of, as to Sabatier's thesis, 3 n., 
 7S'79'i e d. Legenda of Julian of 
 Speyer, 86; manuscript discov- 
 ered by, 7 n. 
 
 Vienne, Council of, 17, 31 n., 41, 
 49, 5, proceedings at, 35. 
 
 Villani, Giovanni, 60 n. 
 
 Vita Aegidii, 79. 
 
 Vita Prima S. Francisci, by Thomas 
 of Celano, n, 73, 74, 80-87. 
 
 Vita Secunda, by Thomas of Ce- 
 lano, 4 n., 6 n., 10, 13 n., 73, 74, 
 77, 80-87. 
 
 Wadding, Luke, Annales Fratrunt 
 Minorum, 4 n., 5 n., 8 n., 10, 
 17, 19, 24 n., 26 n., 27-28, 31 n., 
 34 n., 38, 39 n., 41 n., 42, 43, 
 43 n., 44 n., 45 n., 47, 47 n., 50, 
 50 n., 52 n., 56, 56 n., 59 n., 67 
 n., 73, 80, 83 n. ; ed. Opttscula 
 of Saint Francis, 74, 85. 
 
 Waldenses, 9, 35 n. 
 
 Weis, J. E., identification of leg- 
 end by, 83-84; Julian von 
 Speier, 84 n. 
 
 William of Ockham, 60, 65, 66. 
 
 Wine cellars, bull concerning, 31, 
 31 n. 
 
 Women, decree concerning, 19 n. 
 
 Zeitschrift fur Katholische Theo- 
 
 logie, 72. 
 Zeitschrift fur Kirchengeschichte, 
 
 55 n.
 
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