[CUL Annex| - university of California san diego JN 951 18Q9 W4 2 I "3" 1822 01 506 2920 LIBRARY UNIVERSITY Of CALIFORNIA SAN 0IE3O OBNIA, SAN piEGO ^ 3 1822 01506 2920 I nu um V I UNIVERSITY OF C^^j^'.^IA. SAN DIEGQ LA JOLLA. CALIFORNIA PLAN OF REFORM, PROPOSED BY SIR FRANCIS BURDETT, CORRECTLY REPORTED IN TWO SPEECHES DELIVERED IN PARLIAMENT, RECOMMENDING AN INOUIRY INTO THE STATE OF THE REPRESENTATION. TO WHICH ARE ADDED Mr. PERCEVAL'S OBJECTIONS TO THE MOTION, AND A L I S T OF THE MINORITY WHO VOTED FOR IT 3fn tj)e I^Dufe of Comnions;, June \5tli, 1809- rRINTEP BY ORDER OF THE COMMITTEE WHO CONDUCTED THE tATE WESTMINSTER ELECTION. EonHon: PRINTED FOR BONE AND HONE, OPPOSITE SOMERSET HOUSE, STRAND. I soy. Richard Tatlor and Co., Printers, Shoe Lane, London. ADVERTISEMENT. JN JL HE following Correct Report of the Speeches delivered by Sir Francis Burdett in the House of Commons, in support of his Motion for an Inquiry into the State of the Representation, is submitted to the Pub- lic, as a refutation of the gross and unfounded calum- nies, with which the advocates of corruption have en- deavoured to asperse the character of the patriotic Re- presentative of Westminster. The perusal of these pages will convince the British Nation, that the worthy Baroriet*s Plan of Reform calls for no change, con- templates no revolution, but is, on the contrary, a tem- perate effort to restore to the Constitution its original spirit, and to secure to the People " the reality and uses of Representation in Parliament.'''' The Speech of the Chancellor of the Exche- quer, in opposition to this plan, is also given according to the best report of it that could be obtained, in order that, wherever the subject of Reform may be con- sidered, the people may be acquainted, that, as the mat- ter now stands, they are regarded as accomplices \n all the corruptions, and crimes, connected with the present system ; and that even the Ministers would blush for what they do, could they not console themselves under the delusive notion that the Country is friendly to cor- ruption. It is of the utmost importance, that by this declara- tion the Minister has acknowledged, that the voice of IV the People must decide the question. They must now speak their sentiments, in language that cannot be mis- understood. They must firmly and unceasingly de- mand a radical and effectual Reform, if they have the smallest regard to their own reputation ; for if, atthe next Session of Parliament, the Minister can possibly retain his opinion that they would rather unite to oppose Reform than any thing else, all mankind may attribute the corruptions of the English Government to the de- pravity of the English People. The Minister's apology for the course he pursu^s^ is, in effect, an " appeal to the People.*' Let every one who desires Reform answer that^ppeal as he ought; and every principle of justice must unite to grant the wishes of the Nation. Westminster J June 29, 180&. PLAN OF REFO R M. I\. BILL having been introduced into Parliameni by Mr. CuRWEN with a design to icsirain the profligacy of the Bo- rough monger svstt-m, and that attempt, feeble as it was, havino- been wholly defeated by ministerial amendments, on the l'2th inst., previous to the Bill being passed, Sir Fkancis i:'uaDKTT rose and declared that, in everv con- sideration he was able to give the Bill, from the moment of its original introduction, and through the various discussions which attended its further progress, he could arrive at no other conclu- sion than that it was ameasureof indemnity for past corruptions, and of security for future similar offences. It had been con- tended by the last speaker (Mr. D. Giddy) that no improvement or reform was necessary, inasmuch as all the defects of which complaint was made arose from the legitimate influence of pro- perty ; and that of course political power was and ought to be connected with such influence. Without explaininir the grounds upon which such a political proposition ouijht to be taken, the argument of the hon. Gentleman answered itself. For if those places and that influence, which arc the effects of property, and from property alone take their title to influence, are to be thus defended, what was the defence for the continuance of influence unconnected with property, where emolument was the produce and no diily the exercise? Was, he asked, such a species of influence to draw the same support for political power as property? If it were not, and so he cnntendeJ, then he would ask, In what consisted the uti'ity of this measurf, and in \Ahat way could its proposed advantages operate? As B a>i cncniy to corniption, he asked, did it diminisli either Its sources or lis innucncc? Did it, llioiuih professing Reform, edcct any fie measure of advanlajze, the aecomplishnienf of uhieh could alone prove the use of Parliamentary Reform ? The Jinnourahie Mover, who originally iniroduced the Bill, coi:!d, in its present stale, scarcely acknowledge it as his measure. His, indeed, nmst be a mobility of political feeling, if, so niaa- morphosed, he could recognise it as his own, melted down as it had been so completely in the crucible of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. By whom was it supported ? What influence, under those changes which some would affect to call improve- ment?, now recommend it to the sanction of the House? Strange to tell, this measure of reform, this remedy for existing evils, this, which in its operation was to have the powcriul efl'ect of preventing their recurrence, was now recom- mended, fostered, and improved by the very persons who either had committed, were accused of committing, or by iheir votes in that House had sanctioned the very criminal trans- actions and offences against the principles of the constitution and the independence of Parliament, which this very Bill. 5o supported, now went to remedy and redress. Could the House forget what was the nature of the plea, when such transactions were offered to be proved at its bar? — when the vcrv author of this Bill (for, so changed, so perverted from its orioinal import, he could not call it any longer the mea- sure of the honourable Gentleman behind him (JNIr. Curwen) had himself been accused of conniving at such an offence ; — when his noble colleague (Casilereagh) near him had from bis own lips been self-convicted — when, incited, from every side of the House justification, and not correction, was the tenor of individual sentiment and of general discussion. And in wliat did that justification consist ? It was only to be found in the extensiveness of this great constitutional offence. Now, it did happen in our courts of criminal jurisprudence, where the ignorant, and the poor, and the wretched had to answer for their misdeeds, that those very crown lawyers who here defended that crime upon its extensiveness and its fre- quency, converted that very frequency and extensiveness in ihe former case, into an aggravation of the criine^ and into an 3 additional argument for the propriety of conviction and the necessity of a severe punishnient ! Had the House, when such ofleoces were directly charged against individuals, heard auy such constitutional doctrine from those whose sit\iations bound them to deliver it? No, no. Neither direct accusa- tion, acknowledged frequenc\-, nor admitted extensiveness had produced any eflect, until the evil itself, and the source from whence it emanated, became too evident to be lonjrer concealed from the people, or protected by those interested. And what, after all, was the remedy? — A measure in its origin far from being effectual, but, under its present modifications, ' only, what he must repeat, an indemnity for past otTences and a security for future corruptions. — There has, however, re- sulted this beneficial consequence — that the country feels, that this House acknowledges the absolute necessity of somcthintr being done. You yourselves have now admitted the propriety of the question. You have discussed a species of what vou call reform. Whatever reform such a mea.^ure may create in the regulations of your f louse, I strenuously deny that it tends to any reform in the Representation of the People. 1 am, Mr. Speaker, and ever have been, ready to avow my opinions upon all public subjects, and I do presume my convic- tion of the absolute necessity of a reforn) in the constitution is very well ascertained. Were I then to subscribe to the pre- sent measure, as constituting any essential part of the reform which I feel to be necessary, I should then be guilty of not only having aggravated the evil, but of having added injury to insu-!t, in the disappointment such a course of conduct would give to the fair hopes of the countrv. I speak thus, because I am convinced that such an affectation of reform would not satisfy that enliohtencd portion of the British people to whose judgement and whose discrimination, whatever the Gentlemen who meet here may sav to the contrary, I am and ever shall be most desirous to give credit and attention. All that has been or is denianded are the rights of the Constitution. Upon that Constitutioi> individuals will speak according to liie particular bias of their opinions and their objects. [Ihor! hear ! frmn the j\Jinisteri(il Benches.) 'I'hose Grntlemen who so loudly cheer, perhaps, suppose me to have been caught in soujc trap. B 2 They will, however, please to recollect that T have professed to be no speculator upon the Constiiiition, that I have- rfguiated iny opinion by the Statuies of Parliamcnl, and thai for every abuse of which I have complaincl, and for every remedy which I have felt it my duty to propose, I have u^ivcn from those Statutes both chapter and verse. Notwithstanding such has been my conduct, I have been opposed with objection* inconsistent with theniselves. By a noble Lord (Porehester) it has been objected that, in deducing my views from the Statutes of ihe land, I have restricted ntvself to a narrow, low, and uninstructive line of information — by others I have been charged with being the supporter of abstract charges inappli- cable to the practical and beneficial excrci.se of our public duties. The time is now arrived when 1 feel it necessary no longer to leave roona for those insinuations which have been so frequently and so generally expressed under the definition of public demagogues and popular agitators, and of which I know that I was the butt. On my part there shall be no anjbiguity. I wish the people, upon this vital question of Keform, to know the nature and extent of my oi)inion ; and I am determined that this House shall not separate — that its members shall not return amongst their constituents — in fact, that this House shall not continue longer in the contaminated state in which it has exhibited itself, without giving some pledge to the country of its future intention upon the vital (juestion of Reform, and thereby giving peace and confidence to the public mind. With that object it is my intention to come down to this House and propose a short Resolution, calculated to inform both this House and the People of the length I am inclined to go. I have only to add, that my views on the subject are neither hastily considered, nor suddenly put into a practical system. Whatever opinion may be ultimatelv pronounced upon them, I feel the consolation of having weighed them with attention. I have theref re only to take the present opportunitv of givmg notice, that tomorrow I will submit to this House a Reso- lution, binding it early in the next session to take into its consideration the propriety of a Parliamentary Reform. When the day arrived on w liich Sir Francis iiad promised to propose his Resolution, there was not a suHicient number of Memhers present to make a House. It is usual in such cases to renew the notice; which cuslom had the honourable Baronet complied with, it is probable he might have been uhimaiely bafiled. On the 15th inst. therefore he stood up in his place and developed his plan to Parliament in the following words; — Sir, 1 rise to oiler to the attention ol'ihe House a iMan of Re- form, not for its immediate adoption, hut for its future con- sideration; to state my opinion to the House and the public upon this subject, and to propose to the House to come to a Resolution (according to frequent custom at the close of a session), the object of which is, to hold out an assurance to the country, that the House will, at an early |H'rii)d in the next session, take into its consideration the necessity of a Jieforra in the State of the Representation. 'I'his course I am urged, amongst other reasons, to adopt. In order to get rid of the misrepresentation (imintcnlional I am willing to believe) which has been so long and so actively })ropagated, with regard to my views and opinions on this mo- mentous point ; the mischievous trndencv of v. Inch misrepre- sentations, as affecting nivself personally, would alone have very little inducnce upon my mind; but it has much, com- bined with the public interest. As involved in this most essential v'^ucsiion, I therefore feel it a duty to myself and tlie public to relieve this subject Irom all mispresentation, ambi- guity, and misconception : and in now proposing for discus- sion, but not for immediate adoption, the outline of a specific Plan, I am answering those repeated calls which have been made upon me in this House, to state to this House, and to the public, definitely and precisely, what my views arc upon the subject (perpetually agitated) of Parliamentary Reform, that henceforward it may be fully and clearly understood, how far I do really mean to go, and at wluit point I mean to stop. , This is a subject which has long engaged niy most ar.>cio;:s attention ; and though I very early stated my opinion respect- ing it, that Oj)inion was not thou'ihtlessly I'ormed, or rashly hazarded; but after the nu)3i diligent mquiry, and niinute in- vestigation. If 1 did not then oiler it to the public attention without due rcileetion, still less did it originaic m those views and mi&chievous mutivcSjto which it has been lalsclv ascribed. — a desire to excite disrnntent, and to agitate the public mind bv exa^igcrated statenienls of undefined grievances, beyond the reach of practical constitutional redress. I am ready to ad- mit, if such were the case, that my conduct wrjuld be as cul- pable as those who most misrepresent it woidd wish it to be considered ; and I am willing to confess, that to excite dis- content in the public mind by fixing its eye upon necessary and unavoidable evils, beyond the power of remedy, would be as exceptionable and disl.oncst a procccditig, as to mislead them from their true remedy, ar.d obstinately to withhold that easy redress which the Constitution so clearly points out, and so amply affords. In this case, I shall cautiously abstain from any exagcera- tion of pi-iblic grievance, or any expression calculated to excite in any gentleman, or set of gentlemen, the slightest irritation, or asperity of feeling; it being my wish that the question should stand on its own merits, that it should be coolly and candidly considered, and that it should be the subjcci, not of ancry confeiuion, but of fair discussion. At the same time, there are some doctrines and opinions which have been re- cently promulgated in this house, of so misleading and mis- chievous a tendency, that I cannot allow myself to pass them over altogether without son:ie animadversion. The course I have prescribed for myself is to state the evils arising out of the defective state of the representation, and then to point out the remedy, which is simple, and perfectly practicable, not only consistent with the habits and interests of the people, and in unison with the laws and constitution of the country, but is (as I think T can show) the Constitution it- self: Let others deal in whimsical speculations, in unde- fined mvsterious notions of a Constitution, which eludes the grasp, and soars above the conception of ordinary minds, let them amuse themselves wiih intricate theories and fine-spun metaphysics, whilst I shall hold fast by that plain and substan- tial Constitution, adapted to the contemplation of common understandings, to le found in the Statute Hook, and recog- viicd In/ the Common Law of the Land. — If it can be show n that the principles on which I proceed are erroneous, uncon- stitutional, and inconsistent with the ancient, fundamenlal laws of England, 1 shall stand corrected, and willingly aban- don mv proposition ; but if, on the contrary, I shall be able to demoustraie, that the present system is the creature of in- novation, and a departure from the old, esia.\j\\shcd, unrepealed laws of the country, and that a recurrence to the practice of these laws is an easy and adequate remedy for the evil ; though I may not indujoe a hope of the concurrence of this House, yet I may hope for the approbation of 'the Public j and, at all events, I shail enjoy the satisfaciion of knowing that I have performed an essential dutv, both to the people and myself, ia bringmg forward the present inquiry. Before I proceed to the consideration of the subject more immediately before the House, I think proper to make some re- marks upon those very extraordinary doctrines to which I have before alluded. — It has been asserted that corruption is not only a part of our Constitution — that it was not only necessary and to be tolerated, but (as it should seem) that the Constitution was to be tolerated for the sake of the corruption. We have heard it seriously alleged, that w itliout ihc auxiliary of corruption in this House the Constitution would be inse- cure, ihat the government could not be carried on. It has been described as " growing: with our growth, and strength- ening with our strength:" it had been more consolatory to have been informed that it xlccayed with our decay, and di- minished with our decrease. One can hardly conceive a more unhappy quotation lor the purposes of those who have madr the allusion. What is it the poet speaks of when he savs it " Grows with our growth, and strengthens with our strength?" It is a state of disease necessarily terminating in tinal disso- lution : " The young disease, which must subdue at length. Grows with our growth, and strengthens with our strcnglh." It applies strongly, indeed, in favour of those who call for some remedy to arrest the progress of destruction, for some stimulus to re-invigorate the Constitution, and save it from decay by extirpating the vile and loathsome canker of cor- ruption, which, preying upon the vitals, palsies the energies and consumes the substance of the country. — 'I'he various and ccntradiclory arguments by which this corru|)tion has been attempted to be detended challenge jjartieular olvservation : at one time it has been alleged to be so trilling; as to be un^ 6 tvorthy ofnur nofirc; it is represented then as " mere cnce^C- pariiifTS ami caiullc ends." It may, however, be worth re- marking (hy the bye) an English prove.b to be found in Ray's CuUeciion, w hieh says " all the King's cheese goes in parings ;" and it' a cheese is cut siniight through the middle it is all parings; whilst at other times these cheese-parings assume a shape so formidable as to render any attempt to diminish them fruitless and unavailing: so that, inconsistent in argument, consistent in principle, the defenders of corruption, as it suits their purpose, either represent it as a pygmy beneath notice, or a aiant not to be contended with : from which alter- nate modes of defence wc are forced to inter that, in the minds of some genllemcn, corruption, be it small or be it great, is not only not to_ be checked or controlled, but to be fostered and encouraged : we are to hug our disease, and dote on dissolution. But so very opposite is my idea upon this subject, that I say, Ee corruption small or great, let it assume what form or shape it may, it is an intolerable evil : in the first stage of it I would have said *' Principiis vhila:" at our high tide of it I will exclaim " Ne plus ultra," that delay is death. The question now is, how the career of this destroyer is to be arrested ? In my opinion, there is no way of doing this with effect but by a Reform of this House. Another doctrine equally mischievous as the former, which it was triumphantly said no human creature could contradict, was that of all men acting from mixed motives. This may- be a convenient doctrine for public men, but I trust will appear as unfounded and indefensible as the arffuments just alluded to in support of corruption, either on account of its supposed insignificance or real magnitude: its object and bearing is, in fact, to cut up all morality by the very roots; there could be no national around for confidence or esteem were such a doctrine once admitted. If all men are supposed to act from mixed motives, how can any man's character be known ? How ascertain the proportion (upon which all de- pends) of good and bad in the mixture? How discover from what motives any action springs, or whether it be entitled to praise or censure ? From the confidence and boldness with which this ex- traordinary doctrine has been advanced, it may seem ha- 9- riirdows to risk a refutation of it; I shall nevertheless at- tempt to shew that the reverse is the fact, and that, so far from men actiuLT generally frcjm mixed motives, thev never act So at all ; and however meiaphysrcal n)ay be the notions of some gentlemen, I defy ihem, with all their rciincjient and stibtilety, to produce a mixture (7i motives in their own mind.s. Alotives are as in)po9sil)le to mix as parallel lines lo meet. Many motives, it is true, may concur to impel a man to one act, as many roadj may lead to one to.vn ; many rivers direct their course to one sea, but they are not on that account nrlxed. Avarice, ambition, love of country, n)ay conduce to one end; though one of these passions may predominate, the motives re- main unnuxcd ; but when put m opposition one to tlit; othiCr, the impossibility of mixing them becomes apparent, the Strongest motive o ercomes the rest. The position is quite unphilosophical, and the idea of n)ixed motives akoaether absurd. Surely, no one vvill caH in question the doctrine of a ruling {)assion, strong, even in death, to which we see and daily liear of men oflering thcmserves up willing victims. As our sense?, though they may be affected altogether, are still distuict, in like manner our mimls, though thev may be affected at one and the same time by m(>re motives than one, yet do they remain unmixed. But thtre may be a great convenience in adopting this doctrine of mixed motives, shnilar to that expericrfced some time since in keeping mkred arcoimts • such mixture servinir to create confusion and avert detection. I dciv any nian, however, to shew that such a doctrine isrecoii- crleablc either with moralitv or logtc. 'Iliere is one other doctrine, wliich cannot be passed over without animadversion, equally dangerous in my muid with ih-e foregoing ones. It has beenlield, that whiln///e/orw5 of the Constitution remained, there was something so excellent in the mcrf.Jarms, that nf)t only was the por-session of th^m of the highest value, but a htipe was thereby justified of an ame- lioration of the state of the country. My opinion is duecilv the reverse of this, in whi.-h 1 am supported by the atiihority of the greatest historians and writers upon political subjects > ■A'ho have uniformly laid it doun, that of all tyrannies a le£fi$- idiive t)Tanny exercised under ihfijonns of a free governnjeut, C 10 is the most treniendoiia and fatal, because without hope of rcuTitdjr. Tacitus, vviiosf- penetration and ahilily will not be disputed, depicting the melancholy condition ot the Roman Empire undrr that relentless tyrant Tiberius, describes it as most de- plorable, not only on account of flagitious acts proceeding from hypocrisy and despotism united, but still more so on account of iu hopeless condition, whilst, under the mask of freedom, uncontroulable power was exercised, because that cruel tvraimy was carried on undtr the forms of the ancient Constituiion. I'here was still a Senate delating, Consuls ap- pointed, and Tribunes of the people, and all ike forms of the aucienl republic studiously preserved ; and by how much the more those forms served as a cloak to hide the odious features of despotic power, by so much the more was it terrible, irresis- tible, and severe: " Quantoq^ie majore," says Tacitus, '* liber' talis imagine fcgcbavtur, tanto eruptvra ad infensius servi- trum ;" thereiore I am not at all disposed to be saiislied with the forms, wheal the spirit and essence of the Constitution have fled. We have been reminded of the old fable of the Stag and the Horse, introduced with the view, as it should seem, of warn- ing the people against throwing themselves into the arms of one pouer in order to avoid ialling into those of ajiother. The ai)p!ication of this fable could not be mistaken ; it meant that the People should not seek to ally themselves v/ith the Crown in order to rid themselves of the grievance of a corrupt House of Common?. To that warning i cannot lend an ear, having no dread of the prerogative of the Crown ; whicii I know forms part of the law of the land, and is material and necessary to maintain the Constitution. Mij only oppre^ hension is from the usurpaticji of the legitimate prerogative^ ly the Borough- monger faction, and the consequent al'use of it ly the agents of that Jacfinn ; vntruly styling themselves - Ministers of the King, Servants of the Crotvn, through the medium of ihis Honse falsely denominating itself the Repre- sentative of the People.— ^U' desire, therefore, is to erect a barrier against such usurpation and abuse, by a restoration of the fair balance of the Constitution, by giving to each branch 11 its lawful right : thus, providing at once for the defence of the prerogative of the Crown, and the protection of the undoubted unahenable rights of the People : and I think there is no difficulty in shewing that thev go well together, that one is ill trust for the protection of the other, and that in conse- quence of their having been separated contrary to the princi- ples and in violation of the ancient usage of our Constitution, those abuses of which the people now complain first crept in, and being once admitted, liave made such rapid and irenicni- dous strides towards our destruction ; in the midst of which, all the speciowi forms of our Constitution have been studiously observed. Thus, as in Rome, the observance of forms, instead of being valuable, as securing any benefit, or justifying any hope, serves only to aogravate the mischief, by addiTig hypo- crisy to despotism, and to embitter the sufferings by deluding and mocking the people. — I niust not be misunderbtood — u(j person is more anxious than myself for the retention and maintenance of those forms ; my wish is to have the suLstance also, that the people may not be any K)nger duped by ap- pearances which serve only to perpetuate the cheat. A charge has been made by the abettors of corruption against those who wish for reform, as innovators and subverters of the Constitution of the country, whereas, the sole object of us reformers is, to rescue the country from the eff'ccts of the innovation that has been introduced. 'J'hose who speak so much of innovation seem to forget what the great Lord Bacon has said, that " of all innovators, time is the greatest." Will you then, while all things are changing around you, delerminc to stand still? Will you still cling to a Kcitten-borouofi system, the creature of innovation, nursed by usurpation, and matured by corruption? for such shall I shew it to be. Is it reasonable that sovereignty should be attached to particular spots and places, and to convert into Private Property that v^'hich the Constitution has declared to be a Public Truit — to permit an usurped local sovereignty, inde|)endcnt of the Kinu", independent of the People, and destructive to both ? — The prerogative of the Crown, had it been maintained free from cncroachiTJcnts, would never have sulfered this anomaly, this ill-shaped monster, this Rotten-borough system, at once c 2 IS tormidai)lc and contemptible, to hive (indmnmed the Consti- tMiion. During the whole coixi-sc of our history, from the time of William the Conqu.ror to that of William the Third, down to which the legitimate prerogative of the Crown was exercised by the King, no Buch absurdity was conceived as a Rotten-borough Parliament.— That part of the prerogative to issue Writs to such places as were judged from tin>e to time, accordinir to their importance, most fit to send proper and discreet per-ons to the Common Council of the Nation, was a most wise and salutary provision in the code of the Consti- tution, and well calculated to prevent the occurrence of those evils of which bo loudly and with so great reason we at this day complain — Can we suppose that any King in the pos- session of his iust prerogative, would have thought ot address- ing a Writ, when he was exercising that great function of hi? p'-erogative, the assembling the Great Council of the Nation, to rotlen Roroughs? or that it would have been endured if he had ? The King's writs runj " yld Proceres et Dominot et Communes Rtgni," under which description no rotten Boroufrh could be included. Can it be imagined that St. iVlawes, the posts of Gatton, or the stones of Midhurst, would have been required to send wise and discreet burgesses to assist with their advice in the Great Council of the Nation? James the First, on his accession to the throne, upon summoning the parliament, wiselv exercised this prerogative by issuing a proclamation, forbidding the sending writs to decayed bo- rouohs*; nor was it till the prerogatives of the Crown were encroached upon at the sera of the Revolution, when the seeds of this Rotten-borough system, which have since grown so luxuriantlv, and have produced such poisonous efl[c;cts, the baneful influence of which we now so sensibly feel, were with woeful prodigality fir94 scattered over the land, that the coun- try was deprived of that corrective wisely lodged in the hands * •' Next, that all tlic slieritfs bo clinrged thnt they do not direct any precept for electing- and returning of anv burgesses to or for anv ancient borough withui thtir counties, l)eing so utterly ruined and decayed, that there arc not sulTicieiit rcsyantcs to make such choice, and of whom lawful election may be made."— Se« Cobbett's Parliamentary History, vol. 1. p. 9G9. i;^ laFthe Crv)wn by the Consliiulion, for ils preservation against the unavoidable innovations of time, wliilst the people, artfully led to ascribe all the evils of the two former rcisus to prero- gative alone, willingly acquiesced in ils retrenchment ; — in which they made a fatal mistake, a mistake originating in the idea that ihcy extended their, own liberties in proportion as they curtailed the prerogative of the Crown — an imrredient in the Constitution as essential to its existence, as is an uncor- nipt, full, and fair Representation of the People in this House. Had the constitutional power of the Crown remained un- diminished, this House would not now be in its present con- iaminated state, the just and ^rcat prerogative of the Crown would have been exercised beneficially, and jiiven the King his proper weight in the administration of national affair*, whilst the People would have a shieldr— and a shield and not a sword is all the people expect, in an uncorrupted and fairlj- elected House of Commons. — This I cake to be the Constitu- tion of England — but out of this usurpation upon the Crown, conspiring with the innovations of lime, a third power has arisen, that of the Borough-mongers — the creature of innova- tion, the worm of corruption, always unknown to our laws, now become greater than the laws, equally hostile to Kinjiand People, misrepresenting one to the other, filling the mind of one with jealousy, the ears of the other with alarm, which, bv perpetuating discord, reigns sole arbiter of the strife, and establishes its ignominious dominion over both. My first object, therefore, is, torain'tte the King ami the People, iij the constitutional bond of Allegiance on the one hand, and Protec- tion vn the other. *' The wisdom of our laws," says Sir Edward Coke, " is most apparent in this, that any departure from their established principles, although at the time wearing the specious appear- ance of advantage, never fails to bring along with it such a train of unforeseen inconveniences, as to demonstrate iheir excellence and the necessity of again havliuj; recurrence to tliem." And, how strikingly tliat observation is cxemplilied in the consequences which have followed the departure from Jhe principles of the Constitution, which has led to the fsta- 14 blishnicnl of tliis grievous Borough-monger system, the in- consistency of which with the principles of our laws and in- stitutions, so glaring in the terms of the Writs of elections, and in every other point of view, no one can dispute. The simple principle upon which, as upon a pivot, the whole of this suhjcct of Representation turns is this, — that the free sub- jects of this kingdom have a Right of Property in their own goods ; in other words, that the People of England cannot be legally and constitutionally taxed without their own con- sent. — I suppose this will not be denied ; and yet it is equally indisputable, that this principle is absolutely annihilated by the present frame of the Representation of this House, to whicli a Petition on your table offers to prove that one hun- dred and fifty-seven individuals have the power of returning a majority J so that the whole property of the free subjects of this kingdom is, in violation of this first and plain principle, at the disposal of 157 Borough-mongers ; or in other words 157 Borough-mongers have usurped, and hold as private pro- perty, the sovereignty of England : — and can we be satisfied with this miserable, pitiful substitution for the King and Constitution? — Can the People rernaui contented with the legislation of such a power ? — Impossible. Believe me. Sir, the discontent that exists in this country arises principal- ly from the certain knowledge tiie People now have of the corrupt state of this House, and their exclusion from that shave in the Constitution to which they are by lai debt has been incurred in resisting the perfidy and restless ambition of the hoase of Bourbon, the oihcr half in striving to replace it on the throne of F'rance, this is not true ; the fact is, the whole has Deen in- curred in the prosecution of the scheme of corrupting this House. This question is so completely decided bv Magna Charla, (" which," as Lord Coke says, *' is such a fellow that he will bear no equal,") so strongly fortified by all our consiitutiDnal laws, that no inferior authority can be required; but, were I so disposed, I could cite a hoiit of legal and constitutional writers; and all those members of this house who have from time to time expressed their sentiments in support of this measure, whose arguments were never confuted, and whose talents, though successful on all other occasions, were un- availing when exerted in support of Kcform. This problem, however, is easily solved, when we consider that the appeal is made to the Boron;' h-moneers themselves, whose inio»est is oppooite to the measure. Their interest is ditlereut from that of the People. Having taken the Laws and the Constitution for mv guide, in prepariuig the measure I shall have to propose, I at the tame time examined attentively all those plans for carrying the same principle into execution, which have at different times been proposed; and having avoided all those intricacies which I considered as so many impediments in the way, have reduced it to that plain and simple form, the express image of the Constitution itself. — My plan consists in a very few, and very simple, regulations ; and as the disease wt. now labour under has been caused by the disunion of Property and Poli- tical Right, which Rfason and the Constiiulion say should D 18 never he sepnrated, tlic remedy I shall propose will consist in rc-uniiing them. For this purpose I shall propose: — That Freeholders, Householders, and others, subject to direct Taxation in support of the Poor, the Church, and the State, be required to elect Members to serve in Parliament. That each County he subdivided according to its taxed male Population, and each subdivision required to elect one Reprcscntalive. That the Votes he taken in each Parish by the Parish Officers ; and all the Elections finished in one and the same day. That the Parish Officers make the Returns to the Sheriff's Court to be held for that purpose at stated periods. And, That Parliaments be brought back to a Constitu- tional Duration. The simplicity of this plan appears from its being the true Constitution of England, which has already prepared all the meaiii of carrying it into immediate effect ready to our hands ; and I make no hesitation in delivering it as my well-digested opinion, that under the operation of this Reform, it would be attended with much less difficulty to return a whole Parliament, than to settle a dispute at a vestry about a parish pauper. By the adoption of this plan of Reform, those disgraceful prac- tices, which now attend even c^nuity elections, would be put a stop to. No bribery, perjury, drunkenness, nor riot; no *^ Wealthy Brewer," as was humourously described, who, disappointed of a job, takes, in consequence, " the indepen- dent line, and bawls out against corruption:" no opportuni- ty would remain for such mock patriotism : — no leading attorneys galloping about the country, lying, cheating, and stirring uo the worst passions amongst the worst people: — no ill blood engendered between friends and relations — setting families at variance, and making each county a perpetual de- 19 pository of election feuds and quarrels: — No Dcmagogueing, — If I am a demagogue, I am as complete ?iJelo de ie as can well be imagined, — this puts an end to the occupation: — There would be an end lo all odious and fanciful distinctions of persons and property — all would be simple and uniforin ; their weight and influence proportioned to their intrbmc value ; no qualifications, nor disqualifications ; — no invidious exclu- sions by reason of any office, fr(jin the highest to the lowest, either in the elector or the elected — no variable, fantastical, litigious rights of voting — no possibility of false votes — no treating — no carrying out voters — no charges of anv kind — no expense, legal or illegal — no contested elections. — The peo- ple would liave a choice without a contest, instead of a con- test without a choice ; — no sham remedies worse than the disease pretended to be cured — No Grenville Act. Here I speak feelingly ; I have undergone this remedy. — It is the remedy of a toad under a harrow. — " Hand it^nara malis, miseris sxicciirr ere disco." That Act, which has been so highly extolled, was itselt called a Refonn ; as all the Acts aggravat- ing the mischief, which have been SLibstitutcd for the Consti- tution, are called in this House. Under the operation of that Act I have suffered a greater pecuniary penalty than any which the law would have inflicted for any crime I could have committed ; this remtdtj is a luxury a man must be very rich indeed to indulge himself in. I could not afford it a second time, and preferred abandoning my seat after having been returned, to urwdergomg another operation of the Grenville Act. One great object I have in view is to relieve other gentlemen from the like benefits, by preventing the necessiiy of havmg recourse to such lemtdies in future — by getting rid of all disputes, and contested elections, this good consequence will result from the adoption of this plan : besides preventing endless litigation, rumous ex- pense, perjurv, ill blood, and periodical uproar and confusion, this House will be saved one- third of ils time in Election Com- mittees ; and the Statute Vumk will be relieved from the shameful burden of one hundred and thirteen confused and intricate lavs, — all pitiful substiiutes for the Constitution. 'I'bere may be some gentlemen who think wc should not 30 get a better assembly within thit f-Iouse by this or any other plan of Reform. — Even supposing, but by no means admitting, such should unaccountably be the case, the positive evils we should set rid of are sufficient recommendations to its adoption. It must also give rise to other important results : those who complain of popular clamour, of persons allving themselves with the people against the sentiments and decisions of this House, would cease to have any room for complaint. In the evt'ut of such a Reform no such clamour could exist, no such alliance could be formed ; for tlu-n the sense of the People would be truly and fairly collected aithin these walls. The benefits that would inmicdiately follow the adoption of this Reform are incalculable. Thoucrh { am not one of those who would apply a sponge to the Debt of the Nation, yet am I firmlv peisuadcd, that a reformed House of Commons would introduce, such a system of oecoiiomv, both in the col- lection and expenditure of the public revenue, as would give instant ease to the subject, and finally, and that at no very distant period, by a due application of national resources to national objects, mid to them, (dime, free the people from that enormous load of debt and consequent taxation, under which ^the nation is weighed down. Three descriptions of persons, I will admit, would have great cause to complain of this Reform ; The Borough -mon- gers — the Lawyers — and the King's Printer. The whole of the question then is, Which is to be preferred, the interest of the vkhole Empire, or the interests of the Borough-mongers, the Lawyers, and the King's Printer ? At all events, I hope this consequence will follow, that after this night ii will not be assorted nor insinuated, that I have anv concealed purpose, that I shrink from speaking my 5pntiment§ frankly, that I decline to act an open part, or that I have any designs beyond those I avow : notwithstanding what I have urged, I beg leave to repeat, that \ am open to conviction ; that I am still ready to listen to all fair reasoning on the subject ; that I have nothing to bias my mind ; nor any other view than the public good. It will, at the sam£ time, be naturally understood, that having; devoted so much of my time and reflection to this subject of vital imporlaace, SI my opinions cannot easilv be shaken, nor affected by slight and common- place arguments. I have stated fully and di^passion3teK', and I hope clearly and suli^factorilyj to this House and to the Public, the remedy tor all our grievances, which I have been so otten called upon to produce. I have obeyed that call ; in ihat at least I have given satisfaction. — The remedy I have proposed is simple, constitutional, practicable, and sale, calculated to give satis- faction to the People, to {-reserve the rights of the Crown, find to restore the balance of tlic Constitution. 'I'hese have been the objects of my pursuit, to these have I always directed niy attention — high-r I do not aspire^ lower I cannot descend, I conjure this House to consider the necessity of doing some- thing to satisf\' the rational expectations of the public, that we should not go back- to our respective parts of the country \\\ our present acknowledged contaminated condition, without hokhng out some reasonablu hope to the country, for its peace and tranquillity, that a Htiorm adequate to the removal of the enprmoLjs and niuhi plied abuses and corruption now known to exist, and which I contend can only be eflTccled by a House of Commons fairly chosen by the people, will early in the next session l)e entertained with good faith, and taken into our most serious consideration.^— I would have the timid, who stand so much in dread of Innovation, bear in mind, that the simple remedy now proposed ih but a recurrence to those I.,aws and that Constitution, the departure from which has been the sole cause of that accumulation of evils which we now endure — that in many cases timidity is no less fatal than rashness — and " that the omission to do what is necessarv, seals a commission to a blank of danger." — T shall now con- clude with mow xnn^. That this House will, carli/ in the next Session of Parliament, take into consideralion the necessity oj" g. Rtform in the Representation, Mr. Madocks having seconded tlie motion, Mr. PiiKCEVAL thought it incumbent upon him, after what had fallen liom the Honourable Baroiiel, to trouble ihc House y. ith a few observations. The object of the Honourable Baronet oi'P'^^^ted to be, that $2 the House should give a pledge, that it would early in the next Session go into a Committee on the state of the R' pre- sentation. Uc saw n(} reason whatever for entering upon the question of Keform at all, and therefore cou'd ihu agre» to vote for any such pledge. In many of the propositions stated by the Honourable Baronet, he was unable to follow him. Among other things, he assumed it as a fact, thai (he people were iji general desirous of a Reform. Tins he absolutely denied — and atfirmed that, on the contrary, thev\^prt' more united against Reform than almost upon any other question— because they thought Reform unnecessary. He admitted that the Honourable Baronet was accustomed to associate with a certain description of persons who were desirous of Reform, and who would willingly pass such Resolutions on the subject as he proposed to them. But it did not at all follow from that circumstance, that the generality of the people were favourable to Reform. He really was at a loss exactly to know what the Honourable Baronet proposed to himself. 'I'he Honourable Baronet said, that all he wanted was to be found upon the statute law of the land. What could he find there that could destroy the ordinary practice of the Constitution ? The sta- tutes indeed were explicit on the subject of the Representa- tion — but something more than this was to be found in the practice of the Constitution with regard to that House. What did the Honourable Baronet propose to do with respect to the privileges of that House ? — The right of originating taxation belonged to that House at present, by the practice of the Con- stitution, although not confirmed by any express statute. Was the Honourable Baronet content to get rid of this too among other things? The Lords, certainly, had never given any express assent to this privilege, and would the Honourable Baronet rank it amongst those abuses which had grown up in opposition to the prerogative, or the right of the other House of Parliament ? The Honourable Baronet maintained that 113 Statutes would be got rid of; that if his plan should be adopted it would overthrow bribery, corruption, tumult, .Sc. Now how was this to be effected ? Would no contest take place for the representation of the Honourable Baronet's districts ? If con- tests should take place^ then there must be canvassing j anq all those temptations to bribery, corruption and perjurv would prevail in spite of the Honourable Baronet's regulations, to the full as much as they prevailed in the actual state of things. Yet these were the hopes which he held out to those who were disposed to listen to his propositions ; but how these hopes were to be realized from his plan, he was at a loss to conceive. But the Honourable Baronet would further an- nihilate the regulation with respect to the 40-shlllino- free- holds, and all that the law had done on that subject to this day; and would divide the country into districts, in which all should have a vote who paid direct taxes to the State, or the Church, or the Puor. [Sir F. Burdett — No; those who pay to them all.] Well, taking it so, there might still be doubts as to what should be considered as direct taxes. The Property Tax, the Taxes for the Poor, and the Assessed Taxes, were direct; but to setrle this point completely, there must at least be (>v\q pretty large statute in'^tead of the 113 of which we were to get rid V\'"as this the way in which the Honour- able Baronet prr-.p • ed lo do away the necessity of employing so many lawyers? (H/ar, hear!) The Honourable Baronet talked of the advantage of getting rid of the Grenville Act, and of all ihe statutes against bribery, corruption, &c. — But why should peijury be more difficult under liis plan than it was at nrt'Sf nt ? In his districts a man who had already voted, might come under another coat and swear that he had not voted before, just as easily as the thing could now be done in a c amty {Hear, hear!) He saw no reason whatever to sup- pose that any good could arise from the plan in this respect. The truth was, that such a plan could never produce the ex- pected effects, unless the Honourable Baronet could alter not only the constitution but the frame of the human mind — un- less he could at once get rid of human prejudices and human passions. This much he thought it necessary to say ; and he did not think that there was any occasion for his going further. As to the Honourable Baronet's proposition, that the House had adnutted that some Reform was necessary, he never understood that any such admission had been made. He did not believe that the House would allow that it had ever made any such admission; and the manner in which the Honourable Baronet's proposition had now been received, con- vinced him that he was correct in his opinion. It would be really raising the plan of the Honourable Baronet into an im- l)or(anc:e which it did not deserve, to dwell upon it at any greater length. The House, he observed, was ready to come to a decision ; and all that he could say, in addition to the re- marks he had already made, would only serve to create em- barrassment and delay, in a matter which was already suf- ficiently clear. On putting the question the numbers were : For the Resolution, 15 Against it - - - 74 Majority against the Motion, - - 59 LIST OF THE MINORITY. _ . _ •» c I r r If^eymouth av.d Mdcombe Charles Adams, Esq. Member for -j -^ « -^ * Sir Francis Burdett, Bart. - - - IVMrninzUr Lieut. Gen. Alex. Campbkll, - - Culrossy Dumftrllne, ^e. HARViiY C. CoMBK, Esq. Aid. [Tellr) London James Ramsay Cutheert, - - - - Apphly Hon. Christ. Hutchinsom, - - - Corl George Knapp, Eiq. ------ yllingdon Cha. Shaw Le Fevre, Esq. - - - Reading Wm. Alex. Madocks, Esq. (Tcl/er) Boston William Maxwell, Esq. - - - - Peter Moore, Esq. ------ Coventry Henry Thornton, Esq. South'wark Cha. Hanbury Tracey, Esq. . - - Tcwleslury Sir Thomas TuRTON, Bart. - - - - Scuthwark GwYLLiM Lloyd Wardle, Esq. - - Ohhampton Cha. Callis Western, Esq. - - - Maiden John Wharton, Esq. Beverley * Lord Cochrane, the other Meniber for Westminster, was in the House before the division, but was absent, according to Mr. CoBSETT, occidetitally, at the time of the division; and the Hon. Mr. Lyttleton, Member for Worcestershire, according to the Morning Chronicle, paired oir. *^* The Borough of Sonthwark alone can boast that Both her Hcpresent.uives vi;ted for this Motion. Ruhura iui^iur and Co., Prir^te":, Sluxr-Lune, Loimcfi, TO THE FRIENDS OP PARLIAMENTARY REFORMATION. The Expenses attendant on advertising and publishing the Proceedings of the various Meetings, and other Exertions in the arduous struggle for Parliamentary Reform being very con- siderable, the Committee, who are acting gratuitously, request that the Friends to that measure will forward their Subscriptions to Samuel Brooks, Esq. the Treasurer, No. 110, Strand. NEW AND INTERESTING PUBLICATIONS tATFLY PRINTED FOB. BONE AND HONE, BOOKSELLERS AND PUBLISHERS, OPPOSITE SOMERSET HOUSE, STRAND. I. In Octavo, Price One Skillingf A CORRECT REPORT OF THE SPEECH delivered by Sir FRANCIS BURDETT, Bart., in the House of Commons, on Monday, the 13th of March, 1809, on the CONDUCT OF H. R. H. THE DUKE OF YORK— Printed by Order of the Committee who conducted the late Westminster Election. — SECOND EDITION. 11. 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