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 [publications 
 
 OF THE 
 
 {University of (Pennsylvania 
 
 SERIES IN 
 
 Political Economy and Public Law 
 
 No. 20. 
 
 A HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN 
 WHALE FISHERY 
 
 Walter S. Tower, 
 
 Instructor in Geography, University of Pennsylvani 
 
 Published for the University 
 
 PHILADELPHIA 
 
 1907 
 
 THE JOHN C. WINSTON CO., Selling Agents 
 1006-10 Auh Street, Philadelphia, Pa,
 
 I 
 
 V 
 
 v 
 
 « 
 
 WD 
 3\(o3 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 Whaling was once a great industry in the United 
 States. Whole communities were dependent on its 
 success. When voyages were successful there was 
 prosperity and plenty. When voyages failed there was 
 V* hardship and hunger. Fortunes were made and lost. 
 ^v The foundation of many a stately old mansion in New 
 England rests on "oil and bone." But whaling was not 
 a passing boom, not a thing apart from all other interests, 
 not local in nature and local in effect. Its influence as 
 a social and economic factor was widespread. Whaling 
 was a unit in a great whole — a part of the vast industrial 
 interests of a growing country. It is so no longer. Whal- 
 ing is practically dead. The almost complete cycle of 
 ^ whaling activity is a good lesson in economics — the 
 lesson of a flourishing enterprise quickly wiped out by 
 changing economic conditions. The history of whaling 
 forms an important chapter in the commercial history 
 \' of the United States. 
 
 The history of the American whale fishery, however, 
 is not an untried field. From time to time discussions 
 of different phases or periods in the development of the 
 fishery have appeared in print. But there seems still 
 to be a field for further work along much the same lines. 
 On the whole these previous works on the whaling 
 industry are incomplete — incomplete as regards both 
 time and treatment. The most recent history was 
 published in 1876, but the discussion of the years subse- 
 quent to 181 5 is unfinished. Furthermore none of the
 
 i v Prejac e 
 
 authors have accorded whaling its proper significance 
 as a factor in commercial development. The histories 
 have been chronicles instead of interpretations. 
 
 The present history of the American whale fishery 
 aims to give a comprehensive idea of its origin and 
 growth from colonial times to the present, emphasizing 
 the economic aspects. A chapter on the origin of 
 whaling in Europe, which may seem not to belong here, 
 has been introduced at the outset as a background for 
 our own early colonial efforts. The subsequent chapters 
 deal solely with the ups and downs of the American 
 fishery, and they attempt to give an intelligent inter- 
 pretation of the conditions inducing prosperity or 
 depression in this rather typical New England industry. 
 The chapters on the "Rise of Pacific Whaling," the 
 "Decline of American Whaling" and "Whaling Products 
 in Commerce," will prove the most interesting and 
 most valuable to the economist or the student of trade 
 and industrial conditions. Appendix I will be found 
 to give practically all of the available statistics relating 
 to the whale fishery during the last century. Most of 
 these tables have never before appeared in print, being 
 compilations and combinations from a variety of sources. 
 Appendix II gives a rather full list of references to books 
 and articles about whaling. A critical analysis of the 
 most important will be found in the introductory chapter. 
 
 Much valuable information and important data have 
 been obtained from a wide range of sources, to which 
 reference has been made in every case. I am indebted 
 to the Carnegie Institution of Washington, D. C, for 
 aid received in preparing this volume. I also owe 
 thanks to Professor Emory R. Johnson, of the Uni-
 
 Preface. v 
 
 versity of Pennsylvania, who has kindly read the manu- 
 script and offered helpful suggestions and criticisms ; 
 to Mr. George R. Phillips, editor of the " Whalemen's 
 Shipping List,'' and especially to Mr. George H. Tripp, 
 Librarian of the New Bedford Public Library, and his 
 assistants, for their unfailing courtesy and readiness to 
 aid in facilitating my work. 
 
 Walter S. Tower. 
 
 Philadelphia, Nov. i, 1906.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 PAGB 
 
 Original and secondary sources of data — William Scoresby, "An 
 Account of the Arctic Regions" — Origin and development of 
 whaling — Ohed Macy, "History of Nantucket" — Early Amer- 
 ican whaling — Daniel Ricketson. "History of New Bedford" — 
 Lorenzo Sabine. "Report on the Principal Fisheries of the Amer- 
 can Seas" — C. M. Scammon, "An Account of the American 
 Whale Fishery" — Pacific whaling— Alexander Starbuck, "His- 
 tory of the American Whale Fishery" — Colonial whale fishery — 
 Criticism of Starhuck's history — G. Browne Goode. "Fishing 
 Industries of the United State-" —"Whalemen's Shipping List." I 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE ORIGIN OF WHALING. 
 
 Early European whaling— Kiscay fishermen — llakluyt's reference 
 to first whaling — Norwegian fishery — Early references to 
 French whale fishery — Danish record Beginning of English 
 whaling In the sixteenth century — Later Biscay fishery — 
 End of French Whaling — Rise of the English industry — Spits- 
 bergen fishery —Rivalry for whaling supremacy — Russian Com- 
 pany — Dutch and Spanish competition — Division of Spits- 
 bergen grounds — Dutch success — South Sea Company — Green- 
 land Companj — English reverses— English bounties— Dutch 
 supremacy — Decline of Dutch industry — Similarity in histories 
 of Dutch. English and American whaling 8 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE RISE OF AMERICAN WHALING, FROM THE SETTLING 
 
 OF MASSACIILSKI IS TO THE WAR OF iSu. 
 
 Abundant supply of whales— Colonists' knowledge of whaling — 
 Early records in colonial laws — Ownership of drift whales 
 First whaling in Massachusetts— Plymouth colony — Salem —
 
 viii Contents. 
 
 PAGB 
 
 Early whaling in Connecticut — The Long Island fishery — 
 Shore whaling— Boat whaling — Whaling from Martha's Vine- 
 yard — Nantucket whalers — Condition of the fishery at the end 
 of the seventeenth century — Subsequent develoqment — Rapid 
 rise of Nantucket — Organization of "shore" whaling — Capture 
 of first sperm whale — Deep sea whaling begun — Extension of 
 the voyages— Nantucket whaling before the Revolution — The 
 Long Island fishery in the eighteenth century — The Cape Cod 
 industry after the year 1800 — Provincetown and Davis Straits — 
 The fleet from Boston — Rhode Island whaling ports previous 
 to the Revolution — Other minor ports — New Bedford whaling 
 1 755- 1 775 — Whaling difficulties — French and Spanish pri- 
 vateers—Royal bounty — Embargo of 1755 — Gulf of St. Law- 
 rence and Belle Isle fishing grounds- — Navigation laws of 1757 — 
 Importance of colonial whaling interests — Restrictions on 
 whaling — Prosperity of 1767-1775 — The whaling fleet in 1774 — 
 The embargo of 1775— The Revolutionary War — Suspension 
 of whaling — Nantucket crippled — Special privileges to Nan- 
 tucket in 1781 — End of the war — Whaling losses during war — 
 Revival of whaling — Ports and fleets — Prices — British market 
 closed — Hopeless prospect — Massachusetts bounties — Small 
 demand and over-production — Depression in whaling — Whale- 
 men remove from Nantucket— French market opened — French 
 Revolution — Stagnation again — Ups and downs of whaling, 
 1S00 to 1812 — Embargo of 1807 — Outbreak of hostilities — Con- 
 dition of whaling in 1S12 — Whaling suspended during the war. 19 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE GOLDEN ERA OF WHALING (1815-1860), 
 
 Whaling from 1X11-1815 — Revival of whaling — Nantucket and other _/ 
 ports resume operations — Successful voyages, new grounds. 
 high prices, good markets — Nantucket in the lead — Growth 
 from 1820-1835 — Extension in the Pacific — New ports engaged — 
 fleets increased — Condition in 1835 — From 1835-1860 — The 
 industry in 1846 — Prosperity after 1846 — Causes of the boom of 
 1846 — Distribution of the fleet — Minor ports 1820-1860 — First 
 signs of decline — New Bedford as the center of whaling inter- 
 ests — The New Bedford district — Foundation of New Bedford 
 prosperity 47 

 
 Contents. ix 
 
 * 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE RISE OF PACIFIC WHALING 
 
 PAGE 
 
 First Pacific voyages— Extension of Pacific voyages — First Arctic- 
 whaler — The first whaler from San Francisco — Shore whal- 
 ing at Monterey — The rise of the San Francisco fleet — The 
 steam whaler introduced — Wintering in the Arctic — San Fran- 
 cisco as a rendezvous — Refineries on the Pacific Coast — San 
 Francisco now leads — The Arctic fishery 5S 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE DECLINE OF AMERICAN" WHALING. 
 
 Statistics of whaling at its height — The decline after 1857 — Statis- 
 tics for representative years, 1846 to 1906 — Extent of the de- 
 cline — First ports to abandon the fishery, 1841-1846 — More 
 rapid decline from 1848- 1874— Decline since 1875— Status of 
 the fishery, January 1, 1906— Decreasing prices of whale pro- 
 ducts—More valuable bone — Causes of whaling decline — Un- 
 certainty of the industry — Longer and more expensive voy- 
 ages— The California gold fever — The rise of the cotton mill 
 in New England — The discovery of petroleum — Whale pro- 
 ducts supplanted by petroleum products — Effects of Civil War — 
 Losses during the war — The disaster of [871— Losses in the 
 Arctic 6° 
 
 CHAPTER VII, 
 
 APPARATUS AND METHOD OF CAPTURE; BOATS; 
 CREWS; WHALE PRODUCTS AND THEIR USES. 
 
 Primitive instruments— First iron harpoons— The harpoon, line 
 and hand lance — The harpoon gun— American whaling guns- 
 Bomb lance— The darting gun for Arctic whaling— Whaling 
 rocket — Other devices, nets, electricity and poisoned harpoons — 
 Vessels used— The whaleboat— Power launches— Sloops- 
 Schooners— Ship-, brigs and harks in the Pacific— Arctic whal- 
 ing and the introduction of steamers — Composition of the pre- 
 sent fleet — The fate of whaling vessels— Crew- of whaling 
 sels — Indians in the colonial fishery— Foreigners in later years— 
 "Lay" system of wages— Whaling grounds- Atlantic regions— 
 Expansion in the Pacific— Grounds now frequented—Whale 
 products— Sperm- oil and its use-— Whale oil and its uses- 
 Process of refining— Spermaceti— Whalebone and its prepara- 
 tion—Increasing value— Uses— Ambergris— In Morocco 80
 
 ( 'onients. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 WHALE PRODUCTS IN COMMERCE. 
 
 PA(JK 
 
 Meager records of early colonial trade — The Long Island industry- 
 Boston and Connecticut ports — Whale oil the important com- 
 modity — Trade to England and the West Indies— Beginning 
 of trade from Nantucket — Competition with the English fish- 
 try — Prosperity previous to the Revolution — The European 
 market— Foreign trade stopped hy the war — Stimulation after 
 the war— Depression due to heavy English duties — Encourage- 
 ment by bounties in Massachusetts — The commercial treaty 
 with France and the French market — Unstable conditions, 
 1790-1812 — The effect of the War of 1812 — The renewal of 
 trade in whale products — Foreign shipments increased — Domes- 
 tic consumption more important — Foreign trade during the 
 Golden Era — The rapid decline of foreign shipments after 
 1S65 — Present condition of the market — Disappearance of for- 
 eign market for oil — Bone the mainstay of whaling — The effects 
 of changing conditions 08 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 PRESENT STATUS AND FUTURE PROSPECTS. 
 The fleet of 1906 — Comparison with previous years — The ports 
 engaged in whaling — Distribution and composition of the 
 fleet — Imports in 1905 compared with previous years — Prices 
 in 1905 — Ports of entry for whale products — Whaling in the 
 future — Dependence on bone — Mainly in the Pacific — The Atlan- 
 tic fishery — No sign of revival 112 
 
 APPENDIX I. 
 Statistics of whaling — Table I, tonnage of, and number of vessels 
 in, the whaling fleet, 1794 to 1906 — Table II, vessels from the 
 different ports, 1804-1905 — Table III, annual imports of whale 
 products — Table IV, annual exports of whale products — Table 
 V. average prices of oil and bone — Table VI, vessels and ton- 
 nage of the San Francisco and North Pacific fleets — Table VII, 
 annual imports at New Bedford and at San Francisco — Table 
 
 VIII, the Nantucket fleet and annual imports, 1762-1772 — Table 
 
 IX, the Massachusetts fleet and annual imports, 1771 to 1775 — 
 Table X. the Massachusetts fleet and annual imports, 1787 to 
 1789 "7 
 
 APPENDIX II. 
 Bibliography — Standard references— Minor references — Periodical 
 references : whale fishery ; whales and whalers — Occasional 
 references 132
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 Introductory Chapter. 
 
 Like many other branches of industry in America, the 
 whale fishery has received much attention in the literature 
 of the country. Narrative writing, histories of localities, 
 histories of the fisheries, and magazine articles, have 
 found a fruitful theme in recounting one phase or 
 another of this strange industry. But, strange as it may 
 seem, there is practically no complete history of the 
 whale fishery in existence. It seems appropriate, there- 
 fore, to introduce here a somewhat detailed analysis or 
 critical survey of the most important literature on the 
 subject. 
 
 In the bibliography, which appears as Appendix II 
 of this volume, a certain number of works by different 
 authors are classed as standard references; that is, the 
 principal books dealing with the subject of the whale 
 fishery. To discuss the different works in chronological 
 order will be simplest. 
 
 The first important work to be noted is that by William 
 Scoresby, entitled "An Account of the Arctic Regions," 
 dated 1820. Scoresby was an English naval officer, 
 and in his discussion of the whale fishery he deals 
 solely with the European, and principally the British, 
 industries. By far the most valuable part of this history 
 is the complete and detailed treatment of the origin and 
 early development of whaling. Scoresby seems to have 
 covered the original sources with a great deal of exactness
 
 2 A History of the American Wliale Fishery. 
 
 and in most cases he cites the authority for, or the 
 source of, his facts. So far as could be determined 
 Scoresby furnishes the only available English account of 
 this phase of whaling. From him has been drawn almost 
 all of the first chapter in the following history. Several 
 American writers have touched upon the same phase 
 of whaling history, but, one and all, they have drawn 
 their material from this same source. Scoresby's book 
 is a classic as regards the early history of whaling, and 
 in addition it gives a very good outline of the principal 
 European fisheries up to the second decade of the nine- 
 teenth century. 
 
 Macy, the historian of Nantucket, wrote a history of 
 his native island up to the year 1836, which is a valuable 
 source of information concerning the early development 
 of whaling in this country. Almost until the time 
 Macy wrote, Nantucket was the leader in the whale 
 fishery, so that whatever he records takes on a double 
 value. From the very nature of the book, a general 
 history of the whole island, the references to whaling 
 are necessarily scattered. But the fishing was so 
 important to the islanders that a fairly connected history 
 of it at that place is more or less constantly interwoven 
 with the rest. 
 
 The "History of Nantucket," by Macy, is one of the 
 few important original sources in the history of the 
 whale fishery. A large part of the facts presented 
 are the result of years of personal observation and 
 experience on the ground. Much of the rest was obtained 
 from local records. The fact that many of these records 
 have since been destroyed by fire makes Macy's book 
 practically the only good source of information con- 
 cerning the Nantucket fishery. The book also gives 
 an intensely interesting portrayal of the conditions in a 
 community dependent on a single industry — and that 
 industry as full of ups and downs as was the whale
 
 Introductory Chapter. 3 
 
 fishery. Nowhere else in the literature is there a more 
 vivid account of the way in which a people's environ- 
 ment literally forced them to a particular industry, and 
 how that industry shaped and modified social and 
 economic conditions. As a real interpretation of the 
 whale fishery, Macy's book stands practically alone. 
 
 The "History of New Bedford," by Daniel Ricketson, 
 is unfortunately not so valuable as Macy's history, in 
 its discussion of the whale fishery. New Bedford was 
 a greater whaling port than Nantucket ever was, but 
 Ricketson seems to have given the industry relatively less 
 attention. This fact is particularly to be regretted, 
 because, as in the case of Nantucket, many of the New 
 Bedford records were destroyed by fire. Ricketson 
 gives many interesting and valuable facts concerning 
 the local industry, but there is little beyond that — prac- 
 tically nothing, in fact, to give much suggestion about 
 the industry as a whole. 
 
 In the decade between 1870 and 1880 there were 
 printed the only histories of whaling which have appeared 
 in this country. They were: the "Report on the Prin- 
 cipal Fisheries of the American Seas," by Lorenzo Sabine ; 
 the "Marine Mammals of the Northwestern Coast of 
 North America, with an Account of the American Whale 
 Fishery," by Scammon; and, finally, Alexander Star- 
 buck's "History of the American Whale Fishery from 
 its Earliest Inception to the year 1876." 
 
 Sabine's work needs little mention since it is neither 
 as complete nor as thorough as the other two. Scammon, 
 on the other hand, gives a fairly good portrayal of cer- 
 tain phases of the subject. In the first part of his book 
 Scammon devotes himself almost entirely to the natural 
 history of the whales, the different species, their char- 
 acteristics, distribution and relative values. The more 
 valuable part of the discussion is that part dealing with 
 the Pacific whale fishery, to which branch of tin industry 
 Scammon gives most of his attention. Nowhere else is
 
 4 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 there such a complete statement of the origin and devel- 
 opment of the fishery on the west coast. The accounts of 
 shore and "between season" whaling are especially valu- 
 able and at the same time very interesting reading. 
 Scammon's work is essentially the statement of the con- 
 ditions of the western fishery rather than in the nature 
 of a history of the whaling industry. 
 
 Alexander Starbuck may be said to be practically 
 the only one who has written an actual history of the 
 whale fishery. His book was published in 1876 under 
 the title, "History of the American Whale Fishery from 
 its Earliest Inception to the year 1876." The title, 
 however, is somewhat pretentious, since in several ways 
 the history is rather incomplete. But whatever its 
 limitations, Starbuck 's work is now, and always must 
 be, the classic treatise on the American whale fishery. 
 The many references to Starbuck in the following 
 chapters will show how frequently he has been drawn 
 on for facts. Starbuck has been accused more than 
 once of being inaccurate and unreliable. But if these 
 accusations are true they must be founded on minor 
 points. In the use of the book there was ample oppor- 
 tunity to judge of its value. In most important questions 
 the authority or source is stated. Whenever possible 
 these were verified before being accepted for this present 
 history, and almost without exception they were found 
 to be correct. 
 
 The most valuable part of Starbuck's work is in his 
 history of the fishery in colonial times. This part of the 
 work is the most thorough and the most complete, 
 though in many places the general arrangement of topics 
 makes it rather difficult to follow the real course of 
 development. Starbuck drew quite extensively from 
 Macy, and in most cases he acknowledges the fact. But 
 in other cases, Macy was unmistakably the original 
 source though no reference is made to that author. 
 In some cases, also, Macy's full presentation conveys a
 
 Introductory Chapter. 5 
 
 better, if not a somewhat different, impression from 
 that gained in reading Starbuck's adaptation of it. 
 That, however, is a rather unimportant matter, but for 
 an authority it is best to use Macy directly wherever 
 possible, rather than to use Starbuck's more recent work. 
 
 In the chapters covering the period from the begin- 
 ning of whaling by the early colonists, down to the end 
 of the war of 1812, Starbuck's history is generally ser- 
 viceable and satisfactory. But the history of whaling 
 subsequent to 181 5 is by no means as adequately treated. 
 There is no clear statement of the conditions underlying 
 the great growth of whaling interests from 1825 onward, 
 in fact, there is very little said about the growth itself. 
 Starbuck touches on some of the important causes 
 which started the decline of whaling and there he stops. 
 In a book of nearly 800 pages, about 170 odd pages are 
 given up to the historical discussion, and the rest is 
 devoted to lists of clearances, entries and cargoes, of the 
 individual vessels from 1784 to 1876. These records 
 are valuable in a way, but not sufficiently important to 
 deserve so much space when the history of the industry 
 itself was left unfinished. 
 
 Three rather serious defects appear in Starbuck's 
 work: (1) the fact, already noted, that the period 
 from 1825 to i860 receives but little attention in spite 
 of the fact that it was the most important era in the 
 whole history of whaling. Why Starbuck did not 
 discuss it clearly is hard to understand. (2) He places 
 no emphasis whatever on the commercial and economic 
 aspects of the industry. In fact, he scarcely mentions 
 the development of trade in whale products. Yet the 
 whale fishery was one of the most important of the New 
 England fisheries and its products formed a large part 
 of the country's export trade during the early days of 
 whaling. (3) And finally, from his more or less irreg- 
 ular arrangement of topics it is rather difficult to trace 
 the growth of whaling interests. Starbuck's work was
 
 6 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 the best of its time, but it unquestionably left the field 
 open for a more thoroughly analytical discussion of the 
 whale fishery, especially in its economic relations. 
 
 It was stated that the works of Sabine, Scammon and 
 Starl >uck were the only histories of whaling. The great 
 work on the "Fisheries and Fishing Industries of the 
 United States," compiled under the direction of G. 
 Brown Goode, in 1884, contains a history of whaling. 
 But in most respects it added practically nothing to 
 what had been done by Scammon and Starbuck. Page 
 after page are quoted directly from these two authors, 
 without going beyond what they wrote. Hence there is 
 essentially the same incomplete treatment of important 
 periods and important aspects of the industry. 
 
 This report is, however, very valuable in one respect, 
 that is, in its description of apparatus and methods of 
 capture. Scammon discussed that phase somewhat 
 and Starbuck touches it incidentally in a number of 
 places. But Goode 's compilation gives a very exhaus- 
 tive account of apparatus, boats, methods of capture, 
 and securing and preparing the products. On this 
 phase of the subject Goode is by far the best authority 
 up to 1884. 
 
 So much for the few works which have dealt with 
 the history of whaling. Only one other source needs 
 special mention, that is the "Whalemen's Shipping List 
 and Merchants' Transcript," a trade journal published 
 in New Bedford, Mass., since 1843. The " Shipping List " 
 began as a mere monthly transcript of clearances, entries 
 and cargoes — a small octavo pamphlet. Later on it 
 more than doubled in size and was enlarged to a quarto 
 magazine, issued every Week, which included important 
 discussions concerning the fishery. It is still issued 
 weekly, but it is now only a single sheet, the most eloquent 
 expression of the decline of whaling. The "Shipping List" 
 is without question the best single source of information 
 regarding the condition of the industry since 1845. Its
 
 Introductory Chapter. 7 
 
 files are a veritable mine of valuable facts and suggestions. 
 Its publication of statistics concerning the whale fishery- 
 is alone ample justification for its existence. So far as 
 is known the New Bedford Public Library is the only 
 library having a complete file.
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 The Origin of Whaling. 
 
 A little over a half century ago the whale fishery was 
 one of the most prosperous and profitable industries of 
 Southern New England. The arrival and departure of 
 whaling vessels were everyday events at New Bedford, 
 then the greatest of all whaling ports. Now the coming 
 of a schooner full laden, from a short successful voyage 
 causes a flurry of comment as an unusual occurrence, 
 and the older generation recalls the days when whaling 
 was in its prime. The exciting stories of voyages, of 
 shipwreck, fierce encounters with whales, hairbreadth 
 escapes, as well as the more prosaic question of profits 
 and losses no longer furnish an important topic of con- 
 versation as they did in the younger days of our fathers 
 and grandfathers in many a New England town. Within 
 the history of this country whaling has risen, passed its 
 zenith and has now nearly sunk below the horizon of 
 industrial importance. Few industries offer an oppor- 
 tunity for such a complete study of the rise and decline. 
 No other industry's history presents a more interesting 
 story. 
 
 It is a common thing to find, when whaling is men- 
 tioned, that many persons look upon it as having been 
 what might almost be called an American monopoly, 
 doing business mainly from New England ports. But 
 about the middle of the seventeenth century, when the 
 Massachusetts settlers were making their first attempt 
 in the capture of whales, the Biscay fishermen had 
 already extensively engaged in the whale fishery. The 
 Dutch and English had followed their examples. The
 
 The Origin of Whaling. 9 
 
 Russia or Muscovy Company, of English merchant 
 adventurers, had succeeded in obtaining a royal charter 
 granting them a monopoly of whaling, and other mari- 
 time nations of Europe had turned their attention to 
 this new enterprise of capturing whales in the northern 
 seas. It seems appropriate, therefore, in a history of 
 the American whale fishery to trace briefly the origin 
 and earlier history of the industry in other countries, 
 for the sake of making clear whatever inter-relationship 
 there may be. 
 
 Most historians give the Biscayans the credit of being 
 the first to succeed in capturing whales, the date of their 
 operations being generally set as about 1575. It is hard 
 to tell, however, whether this Bay of Biscay enterprise 
 was the first regular whaling industry, for references to 
 the capture and killing of whales may be traced as far 
 back at least as the latter part of the ninth century. 1 
 
 Probably the earliest authenticated account of a fishery 
 for whales is referred to by Hakluyt. 2 Ohthere, a native 
 of Halgoland, undertook a voyage to the north about 
 890 A. D., skirting the coast of Norway to the entrance 
 of the White Sea, until "he was come as far toward the 
 north as commonly the whale hunters used to travel." 1 
 
 The fishery referred to was one carried on supposedly 
 by the Norwegians at that time, but the importance of 
 their industry is not known. 
 
 The Normans, in their invasions of France may have 
 carried with them the methods of harpooning and cap- 
 turing whales. It is possible, however, that the Bis- 
 cayans may have known these arts before the Normans 
 
 'Most of the following references to whaling previous to 1600 are 
 drawn from Scores! >y : "A Voyage to the Arctic, and an Account of the 
 Northern Whale Fishery." [Scorcshy states (note, p. to) that a work 
 by S. J. B. Noel. " Memoire sur 1' Antiquity de la Peche de la Baleine 
 par les Nations Europ^annes," Paris, 1705, is the best authority on 
 ancient whale fisheries] 
 
 'Hakluyt: "Voyages" Vol. 1, p. 4 
 
 i loc. cit.
 
 io A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 came, for the French were undoubtedly acquainted 
 with the business at a very early date. Thus, in a book 
 entitled "Translation et des Miracles de Saint Vaast," 
 published about 875, mention is made of whale fishing 
 on the French coast; and in another book "Vie de Saint 
 Arnould Eveque de Soissons," printed in the eleventh 
 century, there is an account of a miracle performed by 
 the saint in helping to capture an escaping whale, in 
 which particular mention is made of the fishery with 
 the harpoon. 4 About the same time William the Con- 
 queror gave the Convent of the Holy Trinity of Caen 
 a tithe of the whales captured at or brought to Dive. 5 
 This fact, with other similar entries in the records, 
 indicate that a more or less regular whale fishery was 
 then carried on near the coasts of Normandy and 
 Flanders. A French manuscript of the thirteenth century 
 makes mention of whale's flesh being used for food. 
 The great D'Aussy, in his work "La vie privee des 
 Francais," makes it appear that the flesh, and particu- 
 larly the tongue, was sold in the public markets of 
 Bayonne, Cibourre and Beariz, and that it was regarded 
 as a delicacy. 6 It is supposed that the whales were 
 taken along the coast and that the flesh was therefore 
 sold in a fresh state. But whether whaling was a regular 
 industry is uncertain. 
 
 A Danish work, supposed to have been written 
 about the middle of the twelfth century, states that the 
 Icelanders were in the habit of pursuing whales and 
 that they lived on the flesh of some one of the species. 7 
 
 It is not clear whether the English made any very 
 early attempts at actual whaling, the first references 
 to whales appearing in the fourteenth century. At that 
 time Edward III of England, had a revenue of £6 sterling 
 
 * Scoresby, p. 12. 
 'Scoresby, p. 13. 
 1 Scoresby, p. 14. 
 1 Scoresby, p. 11
 
 The Origin of Whaling. 1 1 
 
 on every whale taken and brought into the French 
 port, Beariz. By 1338 this revenue was important 
 enough to be the subject of a petition by the English 
 admiral stationed at Bayonne, and it was awarded to 
 him in consideration of his naval services. 8 By a royal 
 act in 131 5 Edward II had reserved for himself the 
 rights to all whales cast by chance on the shore, and two 
 centuries later Henry IV gave the Church at Rochester 
 the tithe of whales taken along the shore of that bishopric* 
 But these and the other early English references, so few 
 in number, all leave doubt whether the whales referred 
 to were pursued and killed in the open sea, or were 
 merely those accidentally run on shore. 
 
 Thus, up to the sixteenth century, the Norwegians, 
 French, Icelanders and English had in some degree 
 turned their attention to the revenue to be derived 
 from whales. Any estimation of the importance of the 
 whale fishery among these nations during the early 
 period is purely conjecture. About all the records show 
 is that the taking and utilization of whales was a common 
 practice at least among these four European nations, 
 and that the industry was apparently conducted on the 
 largest scale by the French. Certain it is that the 
 Biscayans, both French and Spanish, were the most 
 distinguished whalemen during the sixteenth century. 
 
 The Bay of Biscay fishery depended on a kind of 
 "fin whales" which were in the habit of frequenting the 
 bay at certain seasons of the year. When their capture 
 developed into a more regular industry, however, the 
 whales became shy and less abundant. The whalers, 
 desiring a more constant fishery than the brief season 
 in the bay, and being good sailors, pursued the whales 
 into the open sea. Before the end of the sixteenth 
 century, these Biscayans, following in the track of 
 Sebastian Cabot, had extended their voyages as far 
 
 8 S<- ■ 14. 
 
 • Scoresby, p. 15-16.
 
 12 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 west as the Banks of Newfoundland, touching Iceland 
 and Greenland on the way. From Gosnold's journal 
 of his voyage in 1602 it is also probable that they cruised 
 southward along the New England coast. 10 It is impos- 
 sible to say what proportions the Biscayan industry 
 ever assumed, though it is unquestioned that the Biscay 
 whalers were the mainstays of many of the whaling 
 fleets of Europe for a long time after whaling became 
 an important industry. The Icelanders, with whom 
 the Biscayans came in contact, were attracted by the 
 prospect of a new branch of commerce. They fitted 
 out vessels, and uniting their energies with those of the 
 Biscayans, carried on such an extensive fishery that 
 toward the end of the sixteenth century the number 
 of vessels employed by the united nations amounted 
 to fifty or sixty sail annually. 11 As late as 1721 twenty 
 ships were sent out on whaling voyages from different 
 ports in the Bay of Biscay, but toward the latter part 
 of the eighteenth century the occupation appears to have 
 been totally abandoned. 12 
 
 The French in general had greatly neglected the 
 whale fishery during the seventeenth century. In 1784 
 they attempted to revive it, fitting out ships at Dunkirk 
 and offering inducements for Nantucket whalemen to 
 remove to that place, but before the project was well 
 begun it was interrupted by the French Revolution 
 and whaling as a French enterprise was practically 
 abandoned. 
 
 After the French, the English were the next important 
 nation to embark in the whaling industry. The first 
 English attempt of which there is any satisfactory 
 account, was made in 1594, when ships were fitted out 
 for Cape Breton, at the mouth of the St. Lawrence, 
 part of the vessels were to engage in hunting the walrus, 
 
 10 Ricketson: History of New Bedford, p. 56. 
 
 11 Scoresby, p. iS. 
 11 Scoresby, p. 163.
 
 The Origin of Whaling. 13 
 
 the rest in the whale fishery. One of the vessels carried 
 home a large quantity of whalebone, which had been 
 cast up from the wreck of two large Biscay fishermen 
 in St. George's Bay. This bone was probably the first, 
 at least the first recorded, importation of whalebone 
 into England. 13 
 
 It was the Spitzbergen fishery, however, which 
 attracted most of the English ventures, this northern 
 fishery growing out of the attempts to discover a north- 
 east passage to China and from the trading of the Russia 
 Company to Moscow by way of the White Sea and 
 Archangel. The discovery of the Greenland grounds 
 followed that of Spitzbergen as a natural outcome of 
 the spirit of adventure of the time. The merchants of 
 Hull fitted out whaling vessels as early as 1598, con- 
 tinuing regularly for several years, on the coasts of 
 Iceland, near North Cape, and about Spitzbergen after 
 its rediscovery by Hudson in 1607. In that short time 
 the whale fishery, as Scoresby says, 14 "proved the most 
 lucrative and most important branch of national com- 
 merce, which had ever been offered to the industry of 
 man." The English, however, had but little opportunity 
 to reap benefit from this trade before other nations ap- 
 peared as competitors. 
 
 Whaling was a novel enterprise in the commercial 
 world at the opening of the seventeenth century. It was 
 practical and easy because the whales were found in 
 abundance in convenient places, and the fishery was 
 expected to enrich the adventurers far beyond any other 
 branch of trade then carried on. It inevitably drew 
 the attention of all the commercial people of Europe, 
 Scarcely had the English established themselves in the 
 Spitzbergen fishery before they were followed by the 
 Dutch, Spanish, French, Danes and Hamburg mer- 
 chants. 15 
 
 15 Scoresby, p. 18. 
 
 14 p. 19. 
 
 11 Scoresby, p. 100.
 
 14 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 In 1 612 the vessels of the Russia Company met off 
 Spitzbergen one Dutch and one Spanish ship from Biscay, 
 fitted for whaling. The Dutch vessel was driven off, 
 thus marking the beginning of a long struggle between 
 the two nations for possession of this much desired 
 trade. The next year, 161 3, to protect itself from these 
 invaders, the Russia Company secured a royal monopoly 
 of the fishery. By this charter all other persons, whether 
 Englishmen or foreigners, were excluded from participa- 
 tion therein. The company prepared for an armed 
 enforcement of the monopoly. Again Dutch and 
 Spanish vessels were encountered with the addition of 
 some French, 18 all of which were attacked and either 
 driven away or allowed to leave in peace on giving up 
 all or part of the cargoes they had secured. The con- 
 flicts, however, consumed much of the whaling season, 
 and in spite of the levies made on the foreign vessels the 
 venture ended in a financial loss for the company. 
 
 These conditions of rivalry, sometimes peaceable, 
 sometimes resulting in actual conflict and bloodshed, 
 continued until about 161 9, when a conference was held 
 to adjust the differences. The English, Dutch and 
 Danes each claimed exclusive right to the fishery — the 
 first two basing their claim on priority of discovery, 
 the last on the supposition that Spitzbergen was a part 
 of Greenland. The coast of Spitzbergen is very irregular, 
 making many bays and harbors all of which were largely 
 resorted to by whales. It was finally agreed that these 
 bays and harbors were to be divided among the different 
 nations and were to be considered the sole possessions of 
 those to whom they were allotted. 17 These arrange- 
 ments having been adopted, whaling was carried on 
 more peacefully, each nation, including English, Dutch, 
 Danes, Hamburgers and Biscayans carrying on the 
 
 19 Scoresby, p. 25-26. 
 17 Scoresby, p. 36.
 
 The Origin of Whaling. 15 
 
 fishery exclusively in its own possession or along the 
 sea coast, which was free for all. 18 
 
 After the division of the whaling grounds the Dutch 
 prosecuted their fishery with perseverance and profit. 
 They were successfully imitated by the Hamburg mer- 
 chants and by other Elbe fishermen. But the English 
 made only occasional voyages. Sometimes the Russia 
 Company and sometimes London merchants sent out 
 vessels, but more often the English vessels engaged in 
 other branches of trade. 19 The English, as well as all 
 the other early adventurer's in the whale fishery, were 
 dependent on the Biscayans, for they, from long years 
 of training, were skilled in the business. Harpooners, 
 coopers and cutters of fat, the most important officers, 
 were usually all Biscayans. 20 This dependence on 
 foreigners for help was one of the chief causes of the 
 early English failures in the whale fishery. 
 
 So consistently unsuccessful were the English whalers 
 that the British Parliament in 1672 deemed it necessary 
 to pass an act to stimulate the industry. All whale 
 products were exempted from import duties for a period 
 of ten years, except when imported through colonies. 
 Colonial imports paid duties of six shillings per ton for 
 oil and fifty shillings per ton for bone, while foreign 
 imports paid £9 and £i§ respectively. But in spite 
 of the fact that th n whale fishery was successful, 
 
 the British attempts resulted mainly in failure.' 1 
 
 In 1725 the South Sea Company embarked in the 
 whaling business with twelve ships, but met with only 
 indifferent success. The company ver, 
 
 for eight years, when, in 1732, whaling was abandoned 
 after the loss of large sums 1 >f money. Another company, 
 known as the Greenland Company, had been chart' 
 
 l$ Scorcsby, p. 38. 
 
 19 Scoresby, p. 4'' 
 
 30 Scoresby, p. 39. 
 
 oresby, p. 64.
 
 i6 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 toward the end of the seventeenth century mainly with 
 a view to carrying on whaling in the Greenland and 
 Davis Straits fields. The company was chartered for 
 fourteen years with a capital of £82,000, but before 
 the expiration of the charter the capital was entirely 
 consumed by the heavy losses. 22 At the same time 
 the Dutch whalers were uniformly successful. 
 
 The same year that the South Sea Company abandoned 
 whaling, 1732, Parliament granted an annual bounty of 
 twenty shillings per ton on all British whaling vessels of 
 200 tons or upward. But only two vessels sent out by 
 private individuals benefited from it. In 1740 the 
 bounty was increased to thirty shillings per ton and 
 officers of fishing vessels were exempted from liability 
 of impressment into the British navy. Again, in 1749, 
 another ten shillings was added to the bounty, making 
 a total of forty shillings per ton annually. 23 The effects 
 of the bounty, with the other inducements, were such 
 that the British whaling industry again assumed a 
 respectable and hopeful appearance, and by 1755 it was 
 fairly well established. 24 
 
 The bounty was continued with some changes until 
 1798, when it was reduced to twenty shillings per ton. 
 where it remained for many years. After 1785 the 
 number of British ships fitted for whaling voyages rose 
 as high as 250 sail 25 in a single year, and for several 
 years it averaged over 150 ships annually. Thus, by 
 national support, in the form of bounties, the British 
 whale fishery was established on a firm basis, but only 
 after the lapse of almost two centuries of an intermittent, 
 precarious existence. 
 
 Among all the nations of Europe the Dutch stood 
 highest as whalers. They were in early days famous 
 
 " Scoresby, p. 104. 
 " Scoresby, p. 72-73. 
 14 Scoresby, p. 75. 
 M Scoresby, p. iig-120.
 
 The Origin of IV haling. 17 
 
 for their maritime exploits ami they were more assiduous 
 in the northern whale fishery than any other nation, 
 pursuing the trade for a long time with great vigor. To 
 them is attributed the improvement of the harpoon, 
 the use of the reel and line and the lance. 26 The Dutch 
 began whaling about 161 2, following the English into 
 the Spitzbergen region, and they were consistently more 
 successful than any other nation. It was no uncommon 
 thing, says Scoresby, 27 for them to procure such vast 
 quantities of oil that empty ships were required to take 
 home the superabundance of the product. 
 
 During the early years the Dutch whaling industry 
 was a monopoly in the hands of a company similar to 
 the English Russia Company. In 1642 this monopoly was 
 r moved, but the fishery continued to flourish with 
 even greater prosperity. Between 1660 and 1670, 400 
 to 500 Dutch and Hamburg ships visited the coast of 
 Spitzbergen yearly, while the English sometimes did not 
 send a single vessel. 28 But the inevitable consequence 
 of such activity was soon apparent, because of the con- 
 stant and vigorous pursuit, the whales became scai 
 receding first to the open sea and then to the protec- 
 tion of the ice. The fishery was more dangerous, and 
 where success had been so regular as to be regarded as 
 a certainty there were now frequent unsuccessful 
 voyages and losses from encounters with ice. The trade, 
 therefore, began to decline. But the decline of the 
 Spitzbergen fishery resulted in the opening of the Davis 
 Straits fishery, the Dutch, in 1719, being the first to send 
 vessels there. 28 
 
 All through the seventeenth and early eighti 
 centuries the Dutch whaling industry was in a pros- 
 perous condition, sending out an average of over 150 
 
 M Ricketson, New Bedford, p. 55. 
 37 p. 41-42. 
 
 iresby, p. 56. 
 M Scoresby, p. 64
 
 i8 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 ships annually up to about 1730. 30 After that year 
 the size of the fleet seems to have decreased gradually, 
 for by 1770 only about forty vessels a year were engaged, 
 in whaling from Dutch ports. From 1770 the Dutch 
 fishery began to decline more rapidly, following the 
 general decline of the Dutch commercial eminence. 
 Where the Dutch had held so marked superiority over 
 the English for more than a century and a half, the 
 conditions were now reversed, through the stimulus 
 given to English whaling by the royal bounties. By 
 181 5 the Dutch industry had fallen so low that the 
 government deemed it necessary to give direct money 
 bounties for its encouragement, and provided for the 
 payment of 4,000 florins towards outfitting every 
 whaling vessel. Thus the Dutch fishery passed in 
 reverse order through the same stages as did the English. 
 The history of the American whale fishery will reveal 
 many conditions analogous to the phases through which 
 the European fisheries passed. Beginning in the same 
 small way of carrying on operations from shore or near 
 the land, whaling in America grew to be a regular deep 
 sea fishery as whales grew scarce. It passed through 
 the same stages of years of fluctuating successes and 
 precarious existence, periods of prosperity and years 
 of support by bounties. Though the American fishery 
 began later, its growth was rather more rapid than the 
 English fishery. By the time that American whaling 
 ventures were entering on their period of greatest pros- 
 perity, the English activities were still receiving val- 
 uable support from the tonnage bounties paid to whaling 
 ships, and the Dutch strength was nearly expended. 
 History frequently repeated itself in the case of the 
 whale fisheries of different nations, but the conditions 
 under which it existed made the American industry the 
 greatest of all. 
 
 30 Scoresby, table, p. 156.
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 The Rise of American Whaling from the Settling 
 of Massachusetts to the War of 1812. 
 
 By 1620 the English and Dutch Spitzbergen whale 
 fishery had assumed such importance that the methods 
 and advantages of the industry must have been well 
 known to the early New England colonists before they 
 came to America. Thatcher 1 says that the early settlers 
 were at first undecided whether to adopt Cape Cod for 
 their new home or to look for some more attractive site, 
 and that one of the main arguments in favor of the 
 Cape Cod locality was the prospect of profitable fishing 
 it afforded; "for large whales of the best kind for oil 
 and bone came daily alongside and played about the 
 ship. The master and his mate, and others experienced 
 in fishing, preferred it to the Greenland whale fishery, 2 and 
 asserted that were they provided with the proper imple- 
 ments £300 or £400 worth of oil might be secured." 
 
 That whales were abundant at this time both in deep 
 water and along the coast seems undoubted. According 
 to Starbuck, 8 Captain John Smith, in 1614, found whales 
 so plentiful along the coast that he turned aside from 
 the original object of his voyage to pursue Hum. And 
 Sabine quotes from the journal of Richard Mather, who 
 came to Massachusetts Bay colony in 1635, where the 
 latter tells of seeing, off the New England coast, "mighty 
 whales spewing up water in the air like the smoke of a 
 chimney ... of such incredible bigness that I will 
 
 1 Thatcher: History of Plymouth, p. 21. 
 
 J The italics are mine. 
 
 ' Starbuck: History of American Whale Fishery. Footnote, p. 5.
 
 20 A History of the American W hale Fishery. 
 
 never wonder that the body of Jonah could be in the 
 belly of a whale." 4 
 
 It is evident from these facts that there was an abund- 
 ant source of a profitable whale fishery, w T hile Thatcher's 
 statement indicates that among the first colonists there 
 were men, at least well acquainted with, if not actually 
 experienced in, whaling. It is quite generally accepted 
 that along with the idea of religious freedom one of the 
 main purposes in the settlement of Massachusetts was 
 the founding of a fishing colony. The. right to fish 
 without restriction of any kind was one of the important 
 provisions of the royal charter. The first emigrants to 
 the Bermudas, about fifty in number, w r ere sent out in 
 1612. Richard Moore, a ship's carpenter, was the first 
 governor, and the instructions given to him specified 
 various sources of wealth which might be derived from 
 the colony. Among these sources ambergris and wdiale 
 oil were included as important. The history of American 
 whaling, therefore, may be said to begin almost with 
 the settlement of the New England colonies, though 
 several decades elapsed before it appears to have become 
 a regular or at all important pursuit. It is quite prob- 
 able, however, that some attempts at whaling were made 
 before the time of any recorded account now^ available. 
 
 Most of the early references to whales and whaling in 
 the Massachusetts colonies, now available, occur in the 
 legislative records. The subject of drift whales appears 
 to have attracted a good deal of attention in both the 
 Plymouth and the Massachusetts Bay colonies, for there 
 are numerous instances of orders relating to their owner- 
 ship and disposal. Thus, according to Freeman, 5 the 
 town of Eastham, in 1662, voted that a part of every 
 whale cast ashore should be appropriated for the support 
 of the ministry. But almost without exception these 
 early references speak only of drift whales, thus making 
 
 4 Sabine: Fisheries of the American Seas, p. 42. 
 'Freeman: History of Cape Cod, II, p. 362.
 
 The Rise of American JVImling. 21 
 
 it uncertain when the actual pursuit and capture of 
 whales began to be practiced by the inhabitants of 
 Massachusetts. 
 
 The first unmistakable indications that whaling had 
 become a regular business in Massachusetts appear in 
 1688 when Secretary Randolph wrote home to England: 
 "New Plimouth colony have great profit by whale 
 killing. I believe it will be one of our best returns, now 
 beaver and peltry fayle us." 8 The records of the Massa- 
 chusetts colony for the same year show a memorandum 
 setting forth the principle that "each company's" harping 
 iron and lance be distinctly marked on ye heads and 
 socketts with a poblick mark." 7 This principle is essen- 
 tially the long recognized law of whalemen that "the 
 craft claims the whale." The Plymouth colony records 
 for 1690 show the appointment of "inspectors of whales" 
 as a means of preventing suits by whalers. 8 
 
 In 1688 an inhabitant of Salem, Mass., claiming that 
 he had been engaged'in whaling for twenty-two years, 
 petitioned the colonial authorities for a patent for 
 making oil. And four years later a number of Salem 
 whalers complained that whales struck by them and 
 bearing their irons had been taken by Cape Cod whalers." 
 From these facts it appears that whaling had come to 
 be a regular and plainly important business from several 
 towns in the Massachusetts colonies before the end of 
 the seventeenth century. 
 
 Whaling was early recognized as a regular pursuit in 
 the Connecticut and the New r York colonies. In 1647 
 the general court at Hartford granted a sort of mono- 
 poly of whaling in Connecticut to one Whiting. 10 This 
 is the first record of whaling in that colony, and the 
 
 • Starbuck, p. 8. 
 
 Mass. Col. Mss., Treas., Ill, p. So. 
 
 • Plymouth <- <>l Records, VI, p. 253. 
 
 • Starbuck, p. 18. 
 
 10 Quoted by Starbuck, p. 9, from Conn Col Record, I, p 154
 
 22 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 venture, if ever tried, probably amounted to little, since 
 there is no further reference to whaling until ( many- 
 years later. It seems probable, however, as Starbuck 
 asserts 11 that the first really organized prosecution of the 
 whale fishery by Americans was made by the settlers 
 at the eastern end of Long Island. Howell 12 states 
 that the town of Southampton, on the southern shore 
 of Long Island, was founded in 1640 as an offshoot 
 from the colony at Lynn, Mass., and that almost from 
 the very first the settlers recognized the possibilities of 
 deriving revenue from the taking of whales. Accord- 
 ingly, in 1644, the town was divided into four wards 
 of eleven persons each, whose duty it was to attend to 
 all drift whales cast ashore in their ward. Whenever 
 a whale was secured, it was customary to select by lot 
 two persons from each ward to cut it up. Every inhab- 
 itant was to share equally in the division, except the 
 cutters, who had a double portion for their labor. This 
 cooperative industry may be regarded as the direct 
 ancestor of the famous system of a "lay" or share of the 
 catch in vogue over a century later. 
 
 That the practice of taking only drift whales cast 
 ashore soon gave place to active pursuit of whales and 
 killing from boats is shown by a number of old records. 
 Thus, in 1672, the towns of Easthampton, Southampton 
 and Southwold, at the eastern end of Long Island, in a 
 memorial to the court at Whitehall, N. Y., stated that 
 they had "spent much time and pains ... in settling the 
 trade of whale fishing in the adjacent seas, having 
 endeavored in it above these twenty years past." 11 
 According to this statement boat whaling must have 
 commenced as early as 1650. In 1668 several inhabitants 
 of Easthampton formed a company and entered into 
 an agreement "binding certain Indians to go to sea 
 
 " Starbuck, p. 9. 
 
 " Howell: History of Southampton, p. 179-1 So 
 
 " Starbuck, p. 1 1 .
 
 The Rise of American Whaling. 23 
 
 whaling." 14 The Indians were to be paid three shillings 
 per day, the craft and necessary tackle being furnished 
 by the partners. Howell says that boat whaling soon 
 came to be of so much importance in the community 
 that every able man in the town (Southampton) was 
 obliged to take his turn in watching for whales from 
 some prominent place on the shore, and to give the 
 alarm as soon as one was seen near the coast. It was not 
 unusual for expeditions of several boats each to be 
 fitted out for whaling along the coast, the voyages 
 generally lasting about two weeks. The boats were 
 so small, however, that they never ventured far from 
 land, the men usually camping out on shore during the 
 night. Indians, under the command of one or two 
 white men, were largely employed in these early opera- 
 tions of boat whaling. 13 
 
 The whaling business of Eastern Long Island had 
 become important enough in the last two decades of 
 the seventeenth century to.be the cause of more or less 
 conflict with the authorities of the main New York 
 colony. The trouble arose largely from the practice of 
 the whalers in making Boston or some Connecticut port 
 their trading center, instead of taking their oil to New 
 York. As early as 1684 an act was passed laying a duty 
 of 10 per cent on all oil and bone exported from New- 
 York ports to any outside ports except directly to Eng- 
 land or to the West Indies. 19 But the act accomplished 
 very little in the way of forcing the Long Island whalers 
 to send their products to New York to be exported. 
 These records are chiefly valuable, however, because 
 they furnish about the only suggestion of the early trade 
 movements of whale products. 
 
 The only other place to engage in whaling p:v 
 to 1700 was Nantucket, or Sherburne as it was called, 
 
 14 Starbuck. p. 1 2, 
 
 15 Starbuck, p. 10. 
 18 Starbuck. p. 15.
 
 24 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 until 1795. It is true that as early as 1652 '\vhale 
 cutters" were appointed at Martha's Vineyard, 17 and 
 that other orders dealing with the ownership and dis- 
 posal of whales appear occasionally from that time on, 
 but there does not seem to have been any regular busi- 
 ness of whaling before the end of the century. 
 
 With the Nantucket colony the conditions were quite 
 different. To quote from Macy, 18 the historian of the 
 island, the first whaling expedition in Nantucket "was 
 undertaken by some of the original purchasers of the 
 island; the circumstances of which are handed down 
 by tradition, and are as follows: A whale of the kind 
 called 'scragg' came into the harbor and continued there 
 three days. This excited the curiosity of the people and 
 led them to devise measures to prevent his return out 
 of the harbor. They ' accordingly invented and caused 
 to be wrought for them a harpoon with which they 
 attacked and killed the whale. This first success 
 encouraged them to undertake whaling as a permanent 
 business, whales being at that time numerous in the 
 vicinity of the shores." 
 
 The date of this first venture is not known,. but by 
 1672 the inhabitants of the island regarded whaling as 
 sufficiently important to warrant the making of a pro- 
 posal to one James Loper to carry on a regular whaling 
 business from that place.. As an inducement to carry 
 on whaling in all seasons for two years he was to receive 
 ten acres of land, enough common pasturage for three 
 cows, twenty sheep, one horse, and all the wood and 
 water he needed for his use. At the same time a similar 
 offer was made to a cooper if he would ply his trade in 
 the island. It is said that the latter accepted the pro- 
 posal while the former did not, hence the benefit to the 
 whale fishery was not marked. 19 
 
 17 Starbuck. p. 18. 
 
 18 Macy : History of Nantucket, p. 28. 
 
 19 Macy. p. 42.
 
 The Rise of American W haling. 25 
 
 From that time until 1690 there is a lapse in the 
 history of Nantucket whaling. There is a tradition 
 among the islanders, says Macy, 20 that in 1690 several 
 persons were standing on a hill watching the whalers 
 off shore ; one of the islanders, of prophetic soul, pointed 
 to the sea, saying "There is a green pasture, where our 
 children's grand-children will go for bread." However 
 true the tradition, the content of the supposed prophecy 
 was fully realized in later years. 
 
 In the same year (1690) the islanders found "that the 
 people of Cape Cod had made greater proficiency in the 
 art of whale catching," and sending thither, they . . . 
 "employed one Ichabod Paddock to remove to the island 
 and instruct them in the best method of killing whales 
 and obtaining the oil." 21 As Starbuck says, 22 "judging 
 from subsequent events he must have proved a good 
 teacher and they most apt pupils." 
 
 Thus, before the end of the century in which American 
 colonization began, whaling was established as a regular 
 business, if still on a small scale, in the different Massa- 
 chusetts colonies, especially from Cape Cod; from the 
 towns at the eastern end of Long Island, and from 
 Nantucket. At all these places the fishery had gone 
 through the same stages of first taking only whales 
 ashore, and later developing into a regular practice ol 
 boat whaling. True it is that the industry was still very 
 much in its infancy, but it is interesting to note that 
 almost every locality subsequently to become important 
 in its whaling interests had begun the enterprise Kfore 
 1700. The notable exceptions were New Bedford, 
 Mass., and New London, Conn. 
 
 With the opening years of the eighteenth century 
 Nantuek.'t rapidly came to be the foremost whaling 
 port. The very situation and character of the island 
 
 10 Macy, i'. 43- 
 " Macy, ]>. 42. 
 n Starbuck, p. 17.
 
 26 A History of the American Wliale Fishery. 
 
 seemed to favor, even to necessitate, the following of 
 fishing pursuits. The island was comparatively sterile, 
 making it difficult to gain a livelihood from tilling the 
 soil, and being small in area, less than fifty square miles, 
 meant a constant struggle with nature. It was but 
 natural therefore, for a large proportion of the inhabi- 
 tants to turn to the sea for their living, and whaling was 
 the most attractive and profitable pursuit. Whales were 
 so plentiful about the shores that at first the islanders 
 secured all the oil they desired without venturing out of 
 sight of land. 
 
 "The south side of the island," says Macy, 2 ' "was 
 divided into four equal parts, and each part was assigned 
 to a company of six, which, though thus separated, 
 carried on their business in common. In the middle 
 of this distance (about three and one-half miles to each 
 division) they erected a mast" from which a lookout 
 kept constant watch for whales at sea. As soon as a 
 whale was seen boats were sent out in pursuit, the whale 
 when captured, being towed ashore where the blubber 
 was tried out at the works on the beach. Many Indians 
 were employed in these boat-whaling operations, each 
 crew being composed partly of aborigines. It was not 
 long before the Nantucket people were the most expert 
 whalemen in the country, as a logical outcome of so 
 ardently following this one pursuit. 
 
 The year 171 2 was epoch making in the history of 
 whaling. In that year a Nantucket whaleman, named 
 Christopher Hussey, while cruising along the coast, was 
 blown out to sea by a strong northerly wind. In the 
 course of his involuntary voyage he came across a number 
 of sperm whales, and killing one, brought it home with 
 him, 24 the first sperm whale known to have been taken 
 by American whalers. As early as 1688, however, a 
 petition had been made to the Governor of New York 
 
 M Macy, p. 44. 
 14 Macy, p. 42.
 
 The Rise of American Whaling. 27 
 
 asking for permission to carry on "a fishing Design about 
 the Bmanus Islands and Cap florida, for sperma 
 Coeti whales and Racks." 25 But there is no record to 
 show that the venture was ever carried out. 
 
 Hussey's exploit, however, worked a radical change 
 in whaling methods. Up to that time whaling, wherever 
 it was followed in the colonies, had been confined to the 
 taking of drift whales and later the so-called shore or 
 boat whaling, the operations being carried on entirely 
 within sight of land. Now the Nantucket people began 
 immediately to fit vessels, usually sloops, of about 
 thirty tons, to whale out in the "deep" as it was called, 
 to distinguish it from shore whaling. The vessels were 
 fitted for cruises of about six weeks, the blubber of the 
 whales taken being stored in hogsheads and brought 
 back to the try works on shore where the oil was ex- 
 tracted. 28 By 1 71 5 Nantucket had six sloops engaged 
 in this new fishery, and by 1730 there were twenty-five 
 vessels of from thirty to fifty tons employed in deep-sea 
 whaling. 
 
 The shore fishery was still carried on even as late as 
 1760, 27 though Macy seems to imply that it reached its 
 greatest importance about 1726. But the inevitable 
 decrease in the number of whales near land soon became 
 apparent. The change of whaling from a shore to a 
 sea industry had already begun, the fitting of larger and 
 larger vessels and the extension of voyages was only a 
 question of added years. Perhaps of greatest impor- 
 tance, Hussey's adventure introduced sperm oil, which 
 in its superiority over other oils was for many decades 
 to be the most important and most valuable product of 
 the whale fishery, while the pursuit of sperm whales was 
 to be one of the most powerful factors inducing the 
 
 " Quoted by Starbuck, p. 15, from Mass. Col. Mss., Usurpation, VI, 
 p. 126. 
 
 29 Macy, p. 46. 
 17 Macy, p. 44.
 
 28 . 1 History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 development of the business. Whaling was already on 
 the path which a little over a century later was to lead 
 it through many a hard struggle to its world-wide promi- 
 nence as an American industry. 
 
 As the large vessels were added to the fleet, the voy- 
 ages were increased and new regions were visited. During 
 the first few years of deep-sea whaling it was the general 
 practice for the vessels to go to the "southward," as it 
 was called, where they cruised until July. Then they 
 returned, refitted, and went to the eastward of the 
 Grand Banks to finish the season. 28 Davis Straits were 
 visited by the whalemen as early as 1732, 29 and in 1737 
 the "Boston News Letter" records the entrances and 
 clearances of several vessels from that locality. Accord- 
 ing to Macy, 80 the Nantucket whalers extended their 
 cruises as follows: Coast of Guinea, 1763; Western 
 Islands, 1765; coast of Brazil, 1774. Local tradition 
 says that the first Nantucket whaler to "cross the line" 
 arrived home on the day of the Battle of Lexington and 
 Concord. 
 
 "Between the years 1770 and 1775," says Macy, 31 in 
 writing of Nantucket whaling, "the whaling business 
 increased to an extent hitherto unparalleled. In 1770 
 there were a little more than 100 vessels engaged, and in 
 1775 the number exceeded 150, some of them large brigs." 
 Nantucket at the opening of the Revolution was enjoying 
 the full tide of success in her great whaling industry. 
 The Nantucket whaling interests were by far the most 
 important in the colonies. Nantucket led the way in 
 all things pertaining to whaling, and the whalers from 
 other ports followed its example. The whaling success 
 had turned the sterile island into a flourishing, pros- 
 perous community, when the war came and all was 
 
 28 Macy, p. 50. 
 
 39 Starl»uck, p. 24. note. 
 
 30 Macy, p. 54. 
 
 51 Macy, p. 233.
 
 The Rise of American Whaling. 29 
 
 changed. But before discussing the effects of the war, 
 it is necessary to consider the condition of some of the 
 other principal ports. 
 
 The Long Island fishery, which had been among the 
 most prominent at the close of the seventeenth century, 
 receives but meager mention in the records during the 
 eighteenth century. In the first decade or two there are 
 occasional orders relative to whales and whaling, 32 but 
 little to indicate that the business was growing to much 
 extent. During most of these early years, just as in 
 the century before, whaling was a constant source of 
 conflict between the whalemen and the colonial author- 
 ities. Thus in 171 1 the latter issued a writ to the sheriffs 
 directing them to seize all whales. In later years, 
 Southampton, Easthampton and the other early whaling 
 towns seem to have been supplanted by the younger 
 port, Sag Harbor, 33 but even as late as 1760 only three 
 sloops were fitted from that port. Nantucket had far 
 outstripped its early rival. 
 
 On Cape Cod the fishery was more progressive. The 
 "Boston News Letter," 34 in 1727, says, "We hear from 
 the towns on the Cape that the whale fishery among 
 them has failed much this winter, as it has for several 
 winters past, but having found out the way of going to 
 sea upon that business, and having had much success in 
 it, they are now fitting out several vessels to sail . 
 this spring, more than have ever been sent out from 
 among them." From this item it seems safe to conclude 
 that the people of Cape Cod had followed the example 
 of the Nantucket whalers, and that at least as early as 
 1726 the original shore whaling had been supplemented 
 by deep-sea whaling. 
 
 Ten years later the same authority states" that a 
 
 32 Starbuck, p. 26 ff. 
 
 33 Starbuck, p. 43. 
 
 54 Mar. 20, 1727. quoted by Starbuck, p. 31. 
 
 35 "Boston News Letter," Apr. 21, 1737, quoted by Starbuck, 
 note, p. 32.
 
 30 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 dozen vessels, some of them of a hundred tons burden, 
 were fitting that spring at Provide etown for the Davis 
 Straits fishery. "So many men are going on these 
 voyages," says the account, "that not more than twelve 
 or fourteen men will be left at home." During the next 
 two or three years the whaling seasons were poor, and 
 many of the people on the Cape were in straitened cir- 
 cumstances." After 1 741 the whaling voyages were 
 interfered with by the depredations of French and 
 Spanish privateers, and for some years the voyages to 
 distant grounds seem to have been abandoned, as there 
 were no reports of arrivals from or departures for the 
 Davis Straits fishery. 37 
 
 The fishery seems to have survived in Cape Cod towns, 
 however, and to have been in a fairly prosperous state 
 at the opening of the Revolution, for in 1775 there were 
 thirty-six vessels engaged in whaling from the towns of 
 Wellfleet, Barnstable and Falmouth. The vessels were 
 from 75 to 100 tons burden and were engaged mainly in 
 the northern fishery. 
 
 As regards the whaling operations from towns about 
 Boston, the facts are very meager during the years pre- 
 ceding the Revolution. Before the opening of the cen- 
 tury the business had been carried on in a small way at 
 Salem. It is probable, therefore, that it was continued 
 at that place and perhaps at other places along the 
 coast. But just where or to what extent it is impossible 
 to tell. Whether Boston was at this time an actual 
 participant in whaling is hard to determine, since it is 
 known that vessels from the whole colony were accus- 
 tomed to make that place their port of entry and clear- 
 ance. In 1775 Boston was credited with twenty vessels, 
 and Lynn with two, averaging 100 tons burden, but how 
 many of those registered from Boston were actually 
 Boston vessels no one knows. 
 
 " Starbuck, p. 33. 
 17 Starbuck, p. 38.
 
 The Rise of American Whaling. 31 
 
 The Rhode Island colonists had been carrying on a 
 whale fishery in a small way within the colony, probably 
 as a shore or boat fishery, for a number of years previous 
 to 1 73 1, 58 when the colonial assembly passed an act 
 providing a bounty of five shillings a barrel for oil and 
 a penny a pound for bone. 59 Starbuck, however, states 
 that deep-sea whaling was carried on from Rhode Island 
 ports as early as 1723. 40 To support his statement he 
 quotes the "Boston News Letter" of that year, which 
 records the arrival of a whaling vessel at Newport "with 
 the largest sperm whale ever seen up to that time in 
 that region." 
 
 The reports of Rhode Island whaling during later 
 years are as unsatisfactory as the question about when 
 it really began. Occasional records are to be found of 
 the arrivals of whaling vessels," and during some years 
 quite a thriving business seems to have been done. 
 Before the war with England began, Newport, Provi- 
 dence, Warren and Tiverton, together with Swanzey, 
 across the line in Massachusetts, made Narragansett Bay 
 an active whaling locality. 
 
 In addition to the places already mentioned, New- 
 London, Conn., entered the list toward the middle of 
 the century. At Williamsburg, Virginia, the stimulus 
 of whaling success was felt, and in 1 751 , a sloop was 
 fitted out for whaling along the southern coast. The 
 venture was successful, but there is no record to show 
 how long the business was followed at that place." At 
 Martha's Vineyard deep-sea whaling appears to have 
 begun about 1738, when a Nantucket whaleman n mov< d 
 there and began the fishery with his sloop. But for 
 some reason the fishery from the Vineyard never thrived 
 
 " Arnold : "History of Rhode Island," II, p. 110. 
 
 " Arnold, p. 103. 
 
 46 Starbuck, note, p. 35. 
 
 41 Starbuck, p. 43. 
 
 a loc. tit.
 
 32 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 as it did from the sister island of Nantucket, perhaps 
 because the former, being larger and more fertile, did not 
 force the inhabitants to look to the sea for a livelihood. 
 In 1775, when Nantucket had a fleet of 150 vessels, 
 aggregating 15,000 tons, Martha's Vineyard had but 
 twelve vessels with a total burden of 720 tons. 
 
 New Bedford (then Dartmouth) was almost the last 
 place to appear as a whaling port before the outbreak 
 of the Revolution. The exact date of its beginning is 
 not known, though it was probably just prior to 1760. 
 In that year, says Starbuck, 44 in the deed of a tract of 
 land located within the present town of Fairhaven there 
 was a clause reading, "always excepting and reserv- 
 ing . . . that part of the same where the Try house 
 and Oyl shed now stands." How old these buildings were 
 is not known. In the history of New Bedford, 45 Joseph 
 Russell, the founder of the town, is also said to have been 
 the pioneer in the whale fishery from that place. "It is 
 well authenticated," says the account, "that Joseph Rus- 
 sell had pursued the business as early as 1755." The town 
 was then known as Dartmouth, and from just what part 
 of it these vessels were fitted is uncertain. In 1755 the 
 land now covered by the city of New Bedford was still 
 forest. Not a single house marked the place where less 
 than a century later was destined to stand the greatest 
 whaling port the world has ever known, the city which, 
 in the full glory of whaling prosperity, would send out 
 more vessels than all other American ports combined. 
 
 In 1765 four sloops from New Bedford were engaged 
 in the whale fishery, 46 and ten years later the town of 
 Dartmouth was credited with eighty vessels with a 
 tonnage of 6,500 tons, 47 thus bringing this locality, in the 
 
 43 Starbuck, p. 41 
 
 44 Starbuck, p. 43. 
 
 45 Ricketson: History of New Bedford, p. 5$ 
 48 Starbuck, p. 4.3. 
 
 47 Starbuck, p. 57, note.
 
 The Rise of American Whaling. 33 
 
 space of two decades, into a rank second only to Nan- 
 tucket. 
 
 The actual condition of the whale fishery during these 
 years of growth and expansion cannot be traced with 
 any continuity from year to year, because of the absence 
 of records. It is worth while to note, however, certain 
 influences which were at work, affecting the fishery in 
 general, or in particular localities. 
 
 As early as 1741 the participation of England in the 
 war of the Austrian Succession gave France and Spain 
 the long desired opportunity to prey upon English com- 
 merce, and the colonial interests came in for their pro- 
 portion of loss. It was just at this time, too, that the 
 practice of deep-sea whaling was becoming fairly well 
 established. The presence of French and Spanish 
 privateers hovering near the coast, however, hindered 
 the development of this new phase of the industry, 
 especially in the Davis Straits region. As Starbuck say-, 4-1 
 "the period from 1750 to 1784 was the most eventful 
 era to the whale fishery that it ever passed through. 
 For a large proportion of the time the business was 
 carried on under imminent risk of capture, first by the 
 Spanish and French and after by the English." The 
 Davis Straits fishery was eventually quite abandoned, 
 the vessels frequenting the grounds in the vicinity of th 
 Western Islands were constantly liable to losses from 
 capture, and most of the operations were confined to 
 the Grand Banks, along the Gulf Stream and about the 
 Bahamas. 49 
 
 But in spite of these unfavorable conditions the state 
 of the fishery was such that Hutchison could say of this 
 period, 30 "the increase in the consumption of oil . 
 in Europe has been no small encouragement to our whale 
 fishery. The flourishing state of the island of Nantucket 
 
 48 Starbuck, p. 36. 
 
 49 Starbuck. ;> 56. 
 
 80 Hutchison : History of Mass., Ill, p. 400.
 
 34 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 must be attributed to it." In addition to the advan- 
 tage of usually profitable markets, the colonial whalemen 
 could benefit from a royal bounty provided for by an 
 act of Parliament in 1748. The bounty amounted to 
 twenty shillings per ton, but in order to receive it the 
 vessels must be built and fitted in the colonies and must 
 remain in Davis Straits or vicinity from May until August, 
 unless they met with accident or secured a full cargo 
 before that date. 51 It does not appear, however, that 
 the bounty had any marked effect on the colonial in- 
 dustry either in increasing the tonnage employed or in 
 adding to the Davis Straits fleet. 
 
 In 1755 the colonial whalemen were greatly restricted 
 by an embargo laid on the "Banks" fishermen, during 
 the preparations for the expedition against Nova Scotia, 
 though, as Starbuck says, 52 "the risk of capture by French 
 drivateers was so great that it of itself must have quite 
 effectively embargoed many of them." The embargo 
 was continued in 1757 in spite of the fact that in the 
 previous year the colonists had been subject to a duty 
 for the support of a frigate to defend the Banks fishery. 
 
 This same year, 1757, however, the people of Nan- 
 tucket were given permission to pursue their whaling 
 voyages, as the result of a petition to the Massachusetts 
 general court. One of the main reasons for granting 
 their request was that "their livelihood entirely depends 
 on the whale fishery." 53 
 
 When the Gulf of St. Lawrence and the Straits of Belle 
 Isle were opened to the colonial fishermen in 1761, the 
 whalemen very quickly took advantage of the oppor- 
 tunity to share in the wealth of that fishery. But their 
 hopes of good profits were not realized, for in the same 
 year Parliament not only levied a duty on imports of 
 whale products from the colonies, but also prohibited 
 
 51 Starbuck, p. 37. 
 5: Starbuck, p. 38. 
 M Starbuck, p. 39.
 
 The Rise of American Whaling. 35 
 
 their exportation to any other market. At the same 
 time the residents of Great Britain were benefiting from 
 a bounty in which the colonists were not allowed to 
 share. 54 These measures were evidently a part of Eng- 
 land's policy in their rivalry with the Dutch for supremacy 
 in the whale fishery. But their efforts were in vain. 
 The American fishery was destined, in the face of every 
 difficulty, to far outrival either the English or the Dutch 
 interests. 
 
 One of the best indications of the state of the colonial 
 whale fishery at that time is found in the statements of a 
 petition to Parliament asking for the abolition of the 
 import duty on whale products from the colonies. It 
 says "in the year 1761 the province of Massachusetts 
 Bay fitted out from Boston and other ports ten vessels 
 of from seventy to ninety tons burden for this purpose. 
 That the success of these was such as to encourage the 
 sending out of fifty vessels in the year 1762 for the same 
 trade. That in the year 1763 more than eighty vessels 
 were employed in the same manner." 55 This reference 
 to the number of vessels employed must refer solely to 
 the towns in the original Massachusetts Bay and Ply- 
 mouth colony, for in 1762 Nantucket alone had seventy- 
 eight vessels engaged in whaling. 56 
 
 The colonial whalers who tried to take advantage of 
 the newly opened St. Lawrence and Belle Isle fisheries, 
 were subject to many irksome restrictions, such as to 
 remove all waste at least three leagues from shore, not 
 to winter on the coast and not to have any intercourse 
 with the French. A few whalemen visited these grounds 
 in spite of the restrictions, but even though they offered 
 convenient and profitable fisheries, the majority of the 
 fleet cruised along the gulf stream and other regions 
 farther south. 
 
 ** Starbuck. p. 39. 
 
 " Quoted by Starbuck, p. 40. 
 
 18 Macy, p. 58.
 
 36 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 In 1767 the report was circulated in the colonies that 
 the irksome restrictions on whaling were to be removed 
 entirely. Early in the spring of 1768, therefore, there 
 was increased activity in the whaling fleet, and vessels 
 again visited Davis Straits. During the year Nan- 
 tucket sent out eighty vessels averaging seventy-five 
 tons burden and "probably as many more from Cape 
 Cod, Dartmouth, Boston, Providence, Newport, Warren, 
 etc., most of them to the northern fishery." 57 This year 
 marked the beginning of the unprecedented prosperity 
 that whaling interests enjoyed during the years imme- 
 diately previous to the Revolution. 
 
 Macy, in writing of this period in Nantucket, says: 58 
 "The employment of so great and such an increasing 
 capital may lead our readers to suppose that a corre- 
 sponding profit was realized, but a careful examination 
 of the circumstances under which the business was 
 carried on will show the fallacy of such a conclusion. 
 Many branches of labor were conducted by those who 
 were immediately interested in the voyages. The 
 young men, with few exceptions, were brought up to 
 some trade necessary to the business. The ropemaker, 
 the cooper, the blacksmith, the carpenter, in fine, the 
 workmen were either the shipowners or their house- 
 holds; so were often the officers and men who navigated 
 the vessels and killed the whales. While a ship was at 
 sea, the owners at home were busily employed in the 
 manufacture of casks, iron work, cordage, blocks and 
 other articles for the succeeding voyage. Thus the 
 profits of the labor were enjoyed by those interested in 
 the fishery, and voyages were rendered advantageous, 
 even when the oil obtained was barely sufficient to pay 
 for the outfits, estimating the labor as part thereof. This 
 mode of conducting the business was universal . . 
 
 57 Starbuck, p. 50. 
 
 58 Macy, p. 233.
 
 The Rise of American Whaling. 37 
 
 The colonial whale fishery in 1774, says Starbuck, 59 
 "must have been in the full tide of success. There were 
 probably fitted out annually at this time no less than 
 360 vessels of various kinds, with an aggregate burden 
 of 33,000 tons." Of these at least 300 sail belonged to 
 Massachusetts ports, according to the figures given in 
 Jefferson's report. 60 The rest were distributed among 
 the different ports in Rhode Island, Connecticut and 
 New York. The great superiority of Massachusetts 
 towns in owning five-sixths of the total fleet is an inter- 
 esting parallel to similar conditions three-quarters of a 
 century later. 
 
 Before the war there was thrift and happiness every- 
 where in the American whaling world, but the approach- 
 ing hostilities very early cast a shadow over the pros- 
 perity of the fisheries in general. They were the first 
 industry to feel the effects of the imminent war, for one 
 of the first steps taken by England to repress the colonies 
 was directed against the fishing interests of New England. 
 Massachusetts was regarded as the hotbed of the revolu- 
 tionary spirit, and that colony was also the center of 
 the fishing industries. Hence, in 1775, "to starve New 
 England," Parliament passed the famous act restricting 
 colonial trade to British ports, and placing an embargo 
 on fishing on the Banks of Newfoundland or on any other 
 part of the North American coast. 
 
 Macy, quoting from a protest to Parliament against 
 the passage of this bill, gives an excellent picture of the 
 conditions in Nantucket at that time : 81 
 
 "The case of the inhabitants of Nantucket was par- 
 ticularly hard. This extraordinary people, amounting to 
 between 5,000 and 6,000 in number, nine-tenths of whom 
 are Quakers, inhabit a barren island fifteen miles long by 
 three broad, the products of which were scarcely capable 
 
 w Starbuck, p. 57. 
 
 10 See Table IX. in Appendix I. 
 
 •' Macy, p. 8a, 

 
 38 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 of maintaining twenty families. From the only harbor 
 which this sterile island contains, without natural pro- 
 ducts of any sort, the inhabitants, by an astonishing 
 industry, keep an 140 vessels in constant employment. 
 Of these, eight were employed in the importation of 
 provisions for the island and the rest in the whale 
 fishery." It was this same measure which inspired 
 Burke to his famous speech on "Conciliation," and one of 
 his most eloquent passages is where he refers to the 
 daring exploits of the American whalemen. 
 
 The beginning of actual hostilities effectually put a 
 stop to the whale fishery, except from Nantucket. Early 
 in the war a few vessels were sent out from other ports, 
 but the risks were so great that the business was quickly 
 abandoned. With Nantucket, however, it was a case 
 of necessity to keep up their whaling operations. The 
 whale fishery was practically the only business available 
 for them, for their constant following of this single pur- 
 suit had kept them comparatively ignorant of any other 
 way of gaining a living. 62 There were no other resources ; 
 the business had to be carried on or the island be depopu- 
 lated; "starvation or removal were the only alternatives 
 of inaction." Some of the people did remove to New 
 York, eventually establishing the whale fishery there, 
 but most of them preferred to remain even in the face 
 of great hardships. 
 
 The history of whaling during the Revolution is merely 
 a chronicle of a constant struggle against adverse con- 
 ditions by the Nantucket islanders. Early in the war 
 British ships made several forays along the New England 
 coast, capturing and burning vessels and cargoes, and 
 destroying other property at Nantucket, Martha's Vine- 
 yard, and Dartmouth. The question at Nantucket was 
 not so much to make whaling profitable as it was to 
 carry on the business at all in the limited way to which 
 
 62 Starbuck, p. 72.
 
 The Rise of American Whaling. 39 
 
 they were restricted by the loss of their vessels. The 
 story of Nantucket during the Revolution, as told by 
 Macy, carries a powerful moral in the almost complete 
 and helpless stagnation in a place where prosperity 
 depended entirely on the success of a single industry. 
 
 So great were the hardships, and so pressing was the 
 need for whaling, as the only practicable means of 
 gaining a livelihood, that in 1781 the British admiral 
 at New York humanely granted the islanders permission 
 to employ twenty -four vessels unmolested by the Eng- 
 lish cruisers. Says Macy, "This privilege seemed to 
 give new life to the people. It produced a considerable 
 movement in business, but the resources of the island 
 had been so diminished, that but a small number of 
 vessels could take the benefit of these permits. Those 
 who had vessels and were possessed of the means, fitted 
 them out on short voyages, and had there been no 
 hindrance it is probable that they would have done 
 well ; for the whales, having been unmolested for several 
 years, had become numerous and were pretty easily 
 caught." 63 But the vessels were interfered with by 
 American privateers and several of them were taken 
 and carried to port. In every case, however, they 
 were quickly liberated when it was found that they had 
 not been engaged in illicit trade. Again, in 1783, the 
 Continental Congress granted permits for thirty-five 
 vessels to engage in whaling, 84 but there was hardly 
 time to take advantage of the opportunity before the 
 treaty was signed and the news of peace arrived in 
 this country. 
 
 Just as the fisheries had been an important issue in the 
 days before hostilities began, so in the making of peace 
 the settlement of the fisheries question was one of the 
 main causes of contention. The Americans demanded 
 the same freedom in fishing rights as had been enjoyed 
 
 ,s Macy, p. 1 20. 
 "Starbuck, p. 76.
 
 40 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 before the war. Great Britain vainly tried to evade 
 this provision of the treaty, but was finally obliged 
 to yield. 
 
 The end of the war found the whaling business in a 
 nearly hopeless condition. Except for such of the 
 interest as had been kept up at Nantucket, the business 
 was almost totally ruined and had to be built up anew. 
 And at Nantucket not much had been saved. When the 
 war began, the island had a little over 150 vessels. In 
 1784 only two or three old hulks remained. 65 Of the 
 rest 134 had been captured or destroyed by the English 
 and fifteen more had been lost by shipwreck. As it was 
 at Nantucket, so it was in a way with all the whaling 
 ports. The industry which eight years before had been 
 enjoying the highest tide of its prosperity was now so 
 completely destroyed that hardly a vestige remained. 
 At the same time an almost total suspension of imports 
 of whaling products had led to the widespread use of 
 substitutes — one of the hardest factors with which the 
 revived industry would have to contend in re-establish- 
 ing the former demand and general consumption. 
 
 But whaling was destined to rise again, though its 
 existence for over two decades was to be a precarious 
 one, filled with the ups and downs of unsettled condi- 
 tions. The several years of almost complete immunity 
 from capture had resulted in a repopulation of the 
 whaling grounds. 
 
 The whales themselves were less shy and hence more 
 readily killed. With characteristic American energy 
 the whalemen set to work to make up for their losses 
 during the war ; for the news of peace had hardly arrived 
 before vessels w r ere being fitted anew for whaling voy- 
 ages. Nantucket was among the first to resume whaling, 
 the people who had any capital left resuming the business 
 with as many vessels as they could secure. New London 
 Sag Harbor, Hudson, N. Y., Boston, Hingham, Welfleet, 
 
 05 Macy, p. 124.
 
 The Rise of American Whaling. 41 
 
 Braintree, Plymouth and Bristol were soon added to 
 the list of whaling ports sending out one or more vessels." 
 
 The whale products commanded good prices during 
 the early years after the war, and for a time the business 
 gave promise of good profits. But the boom was short 
 lived. For many years sperm oil had been the most 
 valuable product of the fishery. The chief market for 
 sperm oil, however — -the British market — had been 
 practically closed to American shipments by an alien 
 duty of ;£i8 per ton. Oil which was easily worth £$0 
 before the war now brought scarcely ^17, while to give 
 a reasonable profit, over expenses, £25 was necessary." 
 The excessive prices on oil and bone fell rapidly. A num- 
 ber of the ports which had entered the field so promptly 
 withdrew their vessels. Thjs Hingham, Newburyport, 
 Braintree, Plymouth, Well fleet, Mass., and Providence, 
 and Bristol, R. I., all sent out one or more vessels in 
 1 784-1 785, but none of them (except Wellfleet in 1786) 
 sent any more until several years later. 68 
 
 The condition of the industry again looked hopel< ss. 
 The neutralization of Nantucket was suggested as a 
 possible remedy for the unfortunate state of affairs, 
 but the suggestion met with no favor. 68 Finally, in 1785, 
 the Massachusetts legislature came to the rescue with an 
 act establishing a bounty on whale products. For every 
 ton of oil imported into the commonwealth, the whale- 
 men were to receive a bounty of ,-£5 on white spermao : 1 
 oil; sixty shillings on brown or yellow sperm oil; and 
 forty shillings on whale oil. 70 The only conditions were 
 that the vessel be owned and manned wholly by inhabi- 
 tants of that state, and that the oil be landed in some 
 Massachusetts port. Inspectors were appointed by 
 
 •• Starbuck, p. 78. 
 
 67 loc. cit. 
 
 88 See Table II in Appendix I. 
 
 88 Macy, p. 129. 
 
 70 Starbuck, p. 79.
 
 42 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 the towns, and certificates from the selectmen stating 
 kind and quantity of oil, and place where landed, were 
 required in order to secure the bounty. 
 
 The bounty was passed mainly to help the inhabitants 
 of Nantucket in .firmly re-establishing their one valuable 
 industry. But in reality the working of the bounty was 
 far less desirable than it had appeared. As a result of 
 several years of doing without oil the use of tallow 
 candles had become quite general among the people. 
 There was also little demand for oil for lighting streets in 
 towns or for lighthouses. 71 In short the demand for 
 whale products was greatly limited, while at the same 
 time the bounty gave an unnatural stimulation to the 
 industry. Over-production was the result, and the 
 hopes of advanced profits were only slightly realized. 
 Scammon states that by 1 787-1 789 there were only 122 
 vessels engaged in whaling from Massachusetts ports." 
 Dartmouth and New Bedford had fifty, Nantucket 
 thirty-six and various Cape Cod towns, but mainly 
 Wellfleet, had sixteen. In 1775 these same three impor- 
 tant towns had had fleets of 80, 150 and 30 sails respec- 
 tively. Starbuck, however, gives no record of vessels 
 sailing from any Cape Cod town from 1786 until 1794. 
 Hence it seems likely that Scammon has included many 
 small craft not engaged in making regular voyages. If 
 so, the contrast with pre -Revolutionary conditions is 
 still more marked. 
 
 The conditions of limited market and low prices were 
 so unfavorable that some of the Nantucket whalemen 
 went to Nova Scotia, settling the whaling town of Dart- 
 mouth, opposite Halifax, under inducements from the 
 English. Some accepted an offer of the French king to 
 carry on a whaling business from Dunkirk. And still 
 others, selling their vessels, abandoned a business in which 
 they could see no hope of betterment. 7 ' 
 
 Tl Starbuck, p. 87. 
 " Scammon, p. 209. 
 " Starbuck, pp. 88-90.
 
 The Rise of American IV haling. 43 
 
 The opening of the French market to American whale 
 products in 1789 temporarily brightened the prospects 
 for the whalemen. The business was somewhat stimu- 
 lated, and as whales were becoming scarce on the old 
 grounds, larger vessels were added to the fleet. Ships 
 and brigs were introduced and the voyages which had 
 reached the South Atlantic before the Revolution were 
 now extended until the Pacific Ocean was reached. Six 
 ships sailed for the Pacific from Nantucket and New 
 Bedford in 1791. They were not, however, the first 
 whalers in the Pacific, since English fitted vessels had 
 preceded them by at least four years. 74 
 
 The prosperity which was expected from the opening 
 of the French market resulted in increased activity and 
 competition. The outbreak of the French Revolution, 
 however, put an end to all these favorable prospects, 
 and shipments sent there after 1792 did not pay costs. 75 
 The markets were glutted, the price of bone was reduced 
 to ten cents per pound, instead of bringing one dollar 
 per pound as it had before the war, and oil was sold for 
 less than the cost of production. 78 And again there was 
 a temporary period of hauling up or selling vessels rather 
 than engage in the business at the risk of still further 
 losses. Soon after (1798) the prospects of trouble 
 tween France and the United States added another load 
 to the difficulties of the whaling interests. The depre- 
 dations of the French privateers on American commerce 
 were felt heavily in the whaling fleet. Several vessels 
 were captured, four from Nantucket; others were sold 
 because their owners would not send them out at the 
 risk of capture. This risk was so great, says Maey, 7T 
 that "the rates of insurance increased so that shipowners 
 must have been subject to a loss, according to prevail- 
 
 " Starbuck, p. 90. 
 7i Macy, p. 141 . 
 71 Starbuck. p. 01 . 
 " Macy. p. 150.
 
 44 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 ing prices of oil, even if ships had arrived with full 
 cargoes." 
 
 From this time until the outbreak of the War of 1 81 2 the 
 whale fishery was carried on under uncertain and often- 
 times adverse conditions. For a time — i. e., until about 
 1806 or 1807 — the fleet was gradually increasing in 
 size from year to year, 78 as will appear from the figures 
 giving the tonnage of the fleet in Table I of Appendix I. 
 But after that year the tonnage appears to have declined 
 steadily. The Embargo of 1807 was the worst in its ef- 
 fects on the whale fishery. The act did not directly in- 
 clude whaling vessels in the prohibited list, but by stop- 
 ping the exportation of whale products the prices were 
 kept low. At first, also, the dangers of capture by Eng- 
 lish privateers were so great that no insurance could be 
 secured, and, unwilling to bear the entire risk, many of 
 the owners withdrew their vessels. 79 For a short time in 
 1809 and 1 810 there were many prospects of peace, and 
 by the end of the latter year almost the whole fleet was 
 again in commission. Thus when the war did break out 
 in 181 2 a large proportion of the whaling fleet was at 
 sea — many of the vessels having sailed for the Pacific 
 on voyages varying from two to two and a half years. 89 
 Some of the vessels returned as soon as they learned 
 of the war, to lie idle in fortified ports until the coming 
 of peace again. Others were captured. Nantucket and 
 New Bedford, the chief whaling ports, suffering most 
 heavily. 
 
 In the two years just preceding the war the towns 
 sending out whaling vessels were, besides Nantucket 
 and New Bedford: Sag Harbor, N. Y., Greenwich, R. I., 
 and Westport, Mass., according to Starbuck's record of 
 vessels sailing. 81 In addition to the ports already men- 
 
 " Starbuck, p. 91 . 
 " Macy, p. 150. 
 
 10 Starbuck, p. 93. 
 
 11 Starbuck. p. iSoff.
 
 The Rise of American Whaling. 45 
 
 tioned the following places had sent out whaling vessels 
 between 1785 and 181 2: In Massachusetts, Gloucester 
 and Wareham;in Rhode Island, Providence and Bristol; 
 in Connecticut, New London, Norwich and East Haddam ; 
 in New York, Hudson and New York, none of which, 
 however, sent more than five vessels in a single year. 
 The relative importance of the different ports, the small 
 scale on which the fishery was conducted and the fluctua- 
 tions from year to year may be seen reflected in the 
 records of clearances from these ports during the unset- 
 tled period, as given in Table II of Appendix I. 
 
 For a second time whaling, except from Nantucket, 
 was stopped by war. There the people from force of 
 necessity were obliged to keep the interests alive, both 
 by whaling from sloops in neighboring waters and by 
 sending out an occasional vessel on a longer voyage. 
 Again, however, the islanders, knowing only the one 
 pursuit, through their shipping, found themselves facing 
 the hardships of actual want when this shipping wa- 
 interfered with. Of the forty-six whaling vessels be»r 
 longing to the island when the war began, only twenty- 
 three remained when peace was declared. 82 
 
 Through four decades the American whale fishery 
 had lived a precarious existence of constant ups and 
 downs. Foreign wars, unsettled conditions at home, 
 restricted markets and unnatural stimulation had kept 
 the business in a continual state of uncertainty. Imme- 
 diately before the outbreak of the Revolution the whale 
 fishery, after several years of unbroken success, had 
 reached the highest point in size and prosperity in its 
 whole history. But at no time in the thirty years from 
 1785 to 1 81 5 were the conditions stable long enough for 
 the fishery to resume its former importance. Starbuck 
 regarded 360 sail as a conservative estimate of the size 
 of the fleet in 1775. Though exact figures are lacking 
 
 " Macy, p. 205.
 
 46 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 for most of the period from 1 785-1 81 5, it seems doubtful 
 if the whaling fleet ever reached a total of 200 vessels. 
 The size of the vessels had increased and the length of 
 the voyages had been extended until whaling in the 
 Pacific was well established. But at best the towns 
 participating were few and the number of vessels was 
 small. It was truly a critical period in the history of the 
 whale fishery. In 181 5, for the second time in a half 
 century, the declaration of peace found the whaling 
 industry in a practically ruined condition, to be rebuilt 
 almost anew. But from the ruins a whale fishery was to 
 grow up, slowly and steadily, during the next three 
 decades, of such importance and prosperity as no other 
 time or country has ever seen.
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 The Golden Era of Whaling. 1815-1860. 
 
 The War of 181 2 quite effectually put a stop to extensive 
 whaling operations. In 1813, 1814 and 1815 the imports 
 of whale products fell to a small fraction of what they had 
 been even in the unsettled times of a few years before, 
 and the exports ceased almost entirely under the opera- 
 tion of the embargoes. A comparison of the amounts of 
 imports for two representative years will show the extent 
 of the war's influence. 
 
 Imports of Whale Products. 
 
 Gallons Gallons Pounds 
 
 Sperm Oil. Whale Oil. Bone. 
 
 181 1 844,200 304,825 43,200 
 
 1815 48,510 4. ..47 
 
 From 1810 to 1815 Nantucket and New Bedford were 
 the only ports sending out more than a single vessel and 
 in 1812, 1813 and 181 4, Nantucket alone kept any of its 
 whaling fleet employed. 1 
 
 The news of the peace came early in the year 1 Si 5 and 
 brought almost immediate activity to the whale nslu-rv. 3 
 Ships were soon fitted and sent to sea both by the old 
 firms and by new adventurers who added to the fleet. 
 The belief that the first cargoes of oil would bring high 
 prices as they had at the close of the Revolution acted as 
 a powerful stimulus to the industry and led many to 
 venture beyond the extent of their funds. The result of 
 this condition at Nantucket, says Macy, 3 was the intro- 
 
 1 Starbuck's records of sailing, p. iSoff. 
 3 Macy, p. 205. 
 3 Macy, p. 207. 

 
 48 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 duction of "A system of doing business on long credits. " 
 The fishery was benefit* d in a way, since more ships and 
 more men were thereby employed, but general business 
 interests suffered. Merchants were hampered by being 
 obliged to wait for bills to be paid and by having to 
 borrow money to purchase their own stocks of goods. 
 Owners of vessels who were not favored with successful 
 voyages were soon financially embarrassed, and a general 
 depression prevailed at Nantucket. 
 
 At other ports the industry was not resumed on such 
 an extensive scale as at Nantucket, and hence there were 
 not the same financial difficulties. By the end of the 
 year 1815 only five other ports besides Nantucket had 
 sent out whaling vessels: New Bedford, Fairhaven, Sag 
 Harbor, Hudson, and Westport — sending a total of 
 eighteen sail, a little over a third the number sent from 
 Nantucket. 
 
 In the following year, 1816, six more towns were added 
 to the list of whaling ports — Boston, Eclgartown, New- 
 port, Wareham, Rochester and Holmes Hole. But only 
 the first three mentioned continued the business in the 
 years immediately following. It was not until about 
 two years afterward that whaling was once more on a firm 
 basis, with prosperity again promising to smile on the 
 industry. In 181 8 the vessels began to return with 
 good cargoes from profitable voyages. In the same year 
 the "offshore fishing grounds" in the Pacific were first 
 visited, and the plentiful supply of whales was reported. 
 The prices of oil still remained relatively high, and though 
 bone was not yet an important product, its price was 
 higher than it had been before the war. The British 
 northern whale fishery had failed during two successive 
 years, 4 and in addition to the other European markets, 
 there was a large demand for oil from the English mar- 
 kets. These conditions seemed to give whaling the 
 
 4 Macy, p. 209.
 
 The Golden Era oj Whaling. 49 
 
 impetus which it had needed. New life was given to the 
 business and the ascendency of whaling prosperity was 
 fairly begun. 
 
 The Nantucket fleet had numbered only twenty-three 
 sail at the close of the war in 181 5. 5 By 181 9, however, 
 there were sixty-one ships and brigs employed, 6 and by 
 1 82 1 the fleet had increased to eighty-four. 7 The success 
 of the fishery from Nantucket was an important factor 
 in stimulating the industry at other ports. For over a 
 century Nantucket had been the leader in the realm of 
 whaling ventures. When the Nantucket fishermen made 
 profitable voyages, merchants from other ports were quick 
 to follow their example. In fact the whale fishery, per- 
 haps more than any other industry, was at all times easily 
 stimulated and easily depressed. This period was no ex- 
 ception to the rule. For two or three years about 1820 
 there were over a score of ports sending out whale ships 
 more or less regularly, mainly from Southern New Eng- 
 land and New York points. Other places entered the 
 field during the years following, though from many of 
 them the fishery was carried on intermittently for some 
 time. Nantucket and New Bedford far outranked all 
 other places in the magnitude of their whaling interests. 
 While Fairhaven, New London, Sag Harbor and West- 
 port were employing gradually increasing fleets each year. 
 
 Between 1820 and 1835 was an uneventful period in 
 the whaling business, marked mainly by stable conditions 
 and by steady but gradual growth. In 1820 the Pacific 
 whaling was extended to the coast of Japan, and within 
 the next few years the whalers were going to all parts of 
 the South Pacific and Indian Oceans. There were hardly 
 a half dozen ports from which whaling was regularly 
 pursued in 1820. During the early twenties the num- 
 ber of important whaling ports was not greatly increased. 
 
 6 Macy, p. 205. 
 • Macy, p. 209. 
 
 7 Macy, p. 225.
 
 50 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 Toward 1830, however, the generally prosperous condi- 
 tions of the whaling interests began to be reflected in the 
 larger number of ports from which vessels were regularly- 
 sent on whaling voyages year after year. Thus from 1830 
 on, regular fleets were employed from Falmouth, Fall 
 River, Lynn, Plymouth, and Salem, in Massachusetts; 
 from Bristol and Warren, in Rhode Island; from Hudson, 
 Greenport and Poughkeepsie, in New York ; from Ports- 
 mouth, New Hampshire; and from Stonington, Connecti- 
 cut. From several of these ports the fishery had been 
 carried on intermittently at different times for many 
 years previous to 1830. By 1835 the number of ports 
 had increased to nearly thirty, w r ith fleets varying from 
 two or three sail to nearly two hundred. In 1835, for ex- 
 ample, the fleet from New Bedford and Fairhaven num- 
 bered 178 vessels and in 1836 it was 208. 8 In 1829 the 
 combined total fleet was 203 sail, including ships, brigs 
 and schooners. During the next five years the number 
 more than doubled, there being 421 sail in the whaling 
 fleet of 1834. 9 
 
 The year 1835 marks the beginning of a period of 
 almost phenomenal growth and prosperity in the whale 
 fishery, the effects of which lasted for two decades — the 
 culmination of the Golden Age of whaling. For a number 
 of years previous to 1835 whaling had met with fairly uni- 
 form success. New grounds where whales were very 
 abundant had been successively opened. The industry 
 had enjoyed settled and generally favorable conditions 
 both at home and in foreign markets. Whalebone had 
 come to have an increasingly large use in various indus- 
 tries and from being regarded as waste it was beginning 
 to rank as an important product. The markets for oil 
 were good, and in the years just previous to 1835 the 
 prices had shown an upward tendency. Sperm oil was 
 
 8 Starbuck. p. 702. 
 
 9 Hunt's Magazine, XVI, p. 99.
 
 The Golden Era of Whaling. 51 
 
 noticeably higher, and bone was bringing twice as much 
 as it had in 1820. At the same time the quantities 
 of whale products imported was increasing rapidly, 
 though not constantly, from year to year. In 18^5, also, 
 a Nantucket whaler captured the first right whale on the 
 northwest coast of America, thereby opening one of the 
 most important grounds ever visited by the whaling 
 fleet. Under these favorable conditions the rapid growth 
 of the next few years was almost inevitable. 
 
 From 1835 to i860 the whaling fleet averaged about 
 620 vessels annually with a tonnage aggregating 190,500 
 tons. The annual imports averaged 117,950 barrels of 
 sperm oil, 215,913 barrels of whale oil and 2,323,512 
 pounds of bone — with a total average value of over 
 $8,000,000 a year. 10 
 
 The six years from 1834 to 1840 witnessed an increase of 
 the fleet from 421 to 552 vessels. In the latter year there 
 were thirty-eight different ports regularly engaged in 
 whaling, though about two-thirds of the total fleet were 
 owned at New Bedford and Fairhaven, Nantucket, New 
 London and Sag Harbor." Another six years and the 
 whaling fleet had assumed the greatest proportions it was 
 ever to know. In 1846 the fleet numbered 680 ships and 
 barks, 34 brigs and 22 schooners, with a total tonnage of 
 233,262 tons. 12 The value of the fleet alone at this time 
 exceeded $2 1,000, 000, 13 while all the investments con- 
 nected with the business were estimated to have a value 
 of at least $70,000,000, furnishing the chief support for 
 70,000 persons. But as was characteristic of the whale 
 fishery, in spite of the greater number of vessels < mployed 
 and the larger amount of capital invested, the impoi 
 tions in 1846 were less than for the years just previous; 
 and less than the quantities imported in some of the suc- 
 
 10 Compiled from Scammon's figures, p. 243. 
 
 11 Goode, p. 171. 
 
 11 "Whalemen's Shipping List." 
 u Scammon, p. 213.
 
 52 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 ceeding years when the size of the fleet was distinctly 
 smaller. 
 
 Though 1846 or 1847 is generally regarded as marking 
 the year when the whale fishery reached its greatest 
 prosperity, the conclusion is a mistaken one. The year 
 1846 marks only the year when the largest fleet was em- 
 ployed and the amount of invested capital was therefore 
 greatest. The real value of the fishery as a commercial 
 enterprise continued to remain high for a number of years 
 afterward. Prices of oil and bone continued to rise quite 
 steadily year after year during the next decade. Between 
 1846 and 1856 sperm oil rose from 88 cents to $1.62 per 
 gallon; whale oil rose from 34 cents to 79 cents and bone 
 rose from 34 cents to 58 cents a pound. In the latter 
 year, despite the smaller importations than for some of 
 the previous years, the actual value of the products was 
 greater. These highly prosperous conditions were the 
 direct result of the ready markets and increased consump- 
 tion of whale products throughout the country. In 
 1857, however, the financial depression brought a sudden 
 slump in prices of oil, and sounded the doom of whaling 
 interests. 
 
 The whaling boom in 1846 and 1847 was the outcome 
 partly of the previous years of success and prosperity, 
 encouraging new ventures, and partly of the opening of 
 the new grounds for bowhead whales in the Okhotsk and 
 Kamtchatka Seas. The opening of the Arctic fishery 
 two years later gave another impetus to the industry. 
 The importance of the Pacific grounds at this time may 
 be seen from the number of vessels cruising in the differ- 
 ent regions in the year 1847. About sixty small barks, 
 brigs and schooners were cruising in the Atlantic for 
 sperm whales, and one ship was engaged in the Davis 
 Straits fishery. Some thirty-two barks were in the In- 
 dian Ocean after sperm whales, while a single schooner 
 was sperm whaling in the Pacific and a dozen other 
 whalers were temporarily engaged in the merchant ser-
 
 The Golden Era of Whaling. 53 
 
 vice or acting as tenders to the whaling fleet. Practically 
 all of the remaining 600 vessels were cruising on the dif- 
 ferent grounds in the North and South Pacific. About 
 a fifth of these were sperm whaling only, and the rest 
 were fitted for both sperm and right whaling. The first 
 whaling vessels had entered the Pacific in 1791 and now, 
 a little over half a century later, more than six-sevenths 
 of the fleet were frequenting those grounds. 
 
 The Golden Age of whaling was marked by numerous 
 small experiments in the fishery from a large number of 
 ports. Maine, a great fishing state in other branches of 
 the fisheries, was never prominent in whaling. Accord- 
 ing to some accounts whaling was carried "on for many 
 years after 18 10 from Prospect Harbor, while shore whal- 
 ing in the vicinity of Tremont was begun about 1 840 and 
 continued for nearly twenty years. 14 Between 1835 and 
 1845 Bath, Bucksport, Portland and Wiscasset had 
 vessels engaged in whaling, but none of them had more 
 than a single vessel in any one year. Whaling was soon 
 abandoned from all Maine ports. 
 
 The only other whaling port north of the Massachusetts 
 coast was Portsmouth, N. H. The fishery from there 
 was begun in 1832, and, with the exception of one year, 
 one or two vessels were fitted for whaling annually until 
 1848. 
 
 Newark, N. J., and Wilmington, Del., were also added 
 to the list during this time, Wilmington having five 
 vessels in its fleet from 1840 to 1842. But for the most 
 part the minor ports were in Southern New England and 
 New York where the influence of the greater successes 
 was more strongly felt. 
 
 A glance at the figures showing the fleet for each year 
 at the different whaling ports (Table II in Appendix I) 
 shows a number of cases where whaling became a regular 
 industry between 1830 and 1840; the fleet reached its 
 
 11 Goode, pp. 40-41.
 
 54 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 greatest size in 1845 to 1848 and the industry was finally 
 abandoned in the next ten or fifteen years. Fall River, 
 Lynn, Holmes Hole; Mystic and Stonington, Conn., and 
 Greenport, New York, all furnish typical examples of the 
 stimulation of whaling enterprises from 1835 onward. At 
 several of these places the whole history of whaling opera- 
 tions falls within the limits of the Golden Age. They 
 were enterprises which came into existence on the full 
 tide of prosperity reflected from other ports. They 
 disappeared as quickly -as they came when that pros- 
 perity began to totter. 
 
 The whaling industry from practically all of the smaller 
 ports began to fall off after 1847 or 1848, while in a few 
 places there had been a decline for some years previous. 
 But not so with New Bedford. As far back as 1820 
 the New Bedford interests had become a close rival 
 of Nantucket; by 1830 New Bedford was supreme in 
 importance in the whale fishery, and by 1840 the New 
 Bedford fleet was more than twice as large as the Nan- 
 tucket fleet, its nearest rival. When the business began 
 to fall off at other places, it kept on increasing in the New 
 Bedford district. After 1847 Nantucket, New London, 
 and Sag Harbor, following the great majority, were yearly 
 decreasing their whaling fleets. But the highest point of 
 whaling prosperity, in the size of the fleet, amount of 
 capital invested, and value of imports, was not reached 
 at New Bedford until 1857. In that year the fleet 
 numbered 329 sail, valued at over $12,000,000, and 
 employing some 10,000 seamen alone. 15 Whaling with its 
 associated industries was the main commercial and indus- 
 trial interest of the city, and thousands of busy workers 
 had been employed during the preceding century in 
 trades and professions closely related to the whaling 
 industry. 
 
 During the Golden Age the New Bedford district was 
 the center of the greatest whaling operations ever carried 
 
 11 Pease, p. 30.
 
 The Golden Era of Whaling. 55 
 
 on from any region in the world. Just previous to the 
 Revolution Xantucket had stood forth resplendent in the 
 prosperity of her daring whalemen. But in all her glory 
 Nantucket had not risen even to a semblance of the 
 industry as prosecuted from the New Bedford district. 
 
 Within a radius of ten miles of New Bedford were 
 Fairhaven, Dartmouth, Westport, Mattapoisett and 
 Seppican, making up a whaling fleet from Buzzard's Bay 
 that totaled 426 sail in 1857, ten years after the fleets of 
 other ports had begun to decrease. Rochester in the 
 same circle had been a flourishing whaling town — in fact 
 there was hardly a town in this area which had not taken 
 an active part in whaling enterprises. 
 
 It seems safe to assert that no other industry so wide 
 spread in its operation has been so closely restricted in the 
 places from which it was carried on. Even in its greatest 
 development the charmed circle of important whaling 
 ports was not widely extended. Outside of the ports 
 along the southern New England coast from Cape Cod to 
 New York, and on the islands to the south, there was 
 hardly a single important port, until the rise of San 
 Francisco, after 1880. And the center of all from 1820 
 onward was at New Bedford. 
 
 The continued growth of the New Bedford interests, 
 after the other fleets had begun to decrease, kept up the 
 industry to a high rank of commercial importance, and 
 through a whole decade had warded off the rapidly 
 approaching decline. But on all sides whaling vessels 
 were being sold or withdrawn. Partners were dropping 
 out of the whaling companies. Old companies ceased 
 to exist at ports where they had conducted the business 
 for years. And finally, at port after port, the industry 
 was entirely abandoned. The changed economic condi- 
 tions were steadily and surely undermining whaling 
 prosperity. N< B Iford, the queen of whaling ports, 
 could no longer turn the tide. 
 
 It is not at all easy to explain why the New B.-dford
 
 56 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 region so far outranked all others in the magnitude of her 
 whaling interests. The great prosperity of the Golden 
 Age had grown out of stable economic conditions in a 
 time of no important wars either at home or abroad. 
 Industrial prosperity had been general. The demands for, 
 and consumption of, oils and bone had increased on all 
 sides. The European markets w T ere quite largely depen- 
 dent on the American supply. Prices were good, and the 
 opening of successive whaling regions made successful 
 and profitable voyages the rule. All the ports alike 
 carried on thsir operations under these same favorable 
 conditions. But New Bedford rapidly outstripped them 
 all. 
 
 The New Bedford supremacy could not be due to closer 
 proximity to the whaling grounds, for nearly all the 
 important grounds were in the Pacific. Nor could it be 
 due to priority in the fishery, for Nantucket was sending 
 out half a hundred vessels yearly before the first house 
 was built in New Bedford. In Nantucket necessity had 
 been the mother of the fisheries, for no other means of a 
 livelihood was offered. But at New Bedford the necessity 
 was no greater than at a hundred other New England 
 ports. The harbor was no better than many others 
 along the coast. Boston and New York had harbors 
 far superior to New Bedford, yet neither was ever a 
 great whaling port. The facilities for refining, for manu- 
 facture or for communication were no better than at other 
 places. No regular maritime commerce was established 
 until the trade in whale products developed it, and the 
 railroad was not built until nearly 1850. In fact there 
 does not seem to be any good reason why New Bedford 
 should have been the greatest whaling center any more 
 than Boston, or Provincetown, or New London. About 
 the only plausible explanation seems to be that it was 
 largely due to the proximity to Nantucket. At Nan- 
 tucket whaling had sprung up from a natural stimulus 
 and met with success. It was quite logical therefore for
 
 The Golden Era of Whaling. 57 
 
 the New Bedford harbor to be used as a whaling port. 
 As the industry flourished, its promoters and followers 
 did not have to contend with the same unfavorable 
 natural conditions as those which had to be met on 1 >arren 
 Nantucket. Success created new capital and attracted 
 still more for investment in whaling ventures. The 
 New Bedford whalemen soon became well known for 
 their skill and success. Because there were important 
 interests at New Bedford others were attracted. Hence 
 the fact that the Golden Age of whaling was very largely 
 the prosperity of the New Bedford fishery. 
 
 .-j
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 The Rise of Pacific Whaling. 
 
 Deep-sea whaling had been carried on in the Atlantic 
 for nearly three-quarters of a century, before the whalers, 
 led by their desire for more rapipl returns and greater 
 profits, rounded Cape Horn into the Pacific Ocean. In 
 1 791 six ships from Nantucket and one from New Bedford 
 sailed for the Pacific on sperm whaling voyages. It was 
 an epoch-making step in the history of whaling, since out 
 of the abundance of these distant grounds was to grow 
 a fishery of far-reaching commercial importance. 
 
 These first Pacific whalers found plenty of sperm whales 
 along the coast of Chili and returned home with full 
 cargoes after successful voyages. The news soon spread 
 through the fleet, and each year saw an increasing number 
 of vessels clearing for the Pacific grounds. Later voyages 
 were extended farther and farther north along the coast 
 until the equator was reached. The cruising grounds at 
 first were confined mainly to the waters up to a distance 
 of 100 leagues from land, 1 and in this region whaling 
 continued until the fishery was temporarily stopped 
 during the war of 1 8 1 2 . 
 
 Whaling was resumed again in 181 5 and the years 
 following, and the fleet resorted to the old Pacific grounds. 
 But with the increasing activity of the whalemen, whales 
 began to be scarce, and the voyages were extended in the 
 search for new grounds. In 181 8 the so-called "offshore 
 grounds" were discovered with sperm whales in large 
 numbers, and by 1820 upwards of fifty ships were cruis- 
 ing in that region. But in a short time those grounds 
 
 1 Macy, p. 217.
 
 The Rise of Pacific W lulling. 59 
 
 were also practically exhausted, and the pursuit of whales 
 led the adventurous whalemen farther and farther into 
 the Pacific. Between 1820 and 182 1 the first vessels 
 went to the Japanese coast and in the following year more 
 than thirty vessels cruised there. 2 From that time on the 
 voyages were extended rapidly to other parts of the North 
 and South Pacific, while some vessels, going out by way 
 of the eastern route, cruised for a time in the Indian 
 Ocean, mainly about Madagascar and the mouth of the 
 Red Sea. 
 
 The steadily increasing prosperity of whaling after the 
 war was reflected in the growth of the Pacific fishery. 
 About 1830 to 1835 the Nantucket fleet went mainly to 
 the Pacific, and after 1840 they went there almost exclu- 
 sively. The Nantucket fleet was also soon followed by 
 the majority of the New Bedford fleet, and a large part 
 of the New London and the Sag Harbor vessels. In fact 
 it was largely due to the vessels from these latter ports 
 that the Pacific fishery was so rapidly and successfully 
 extended. The Nantucket whalemen, on the other 
 hand, persisted in resorting to the older grounds often 
 for many years after new grounds were proving more 
 profitable to the vessels from other ports. This fact alone 
 was an important factor in bringing about the early 
 reverses in whaling enterprises from Nantucket. 
 
 About 1838 the great northwest coast whaling grounds 
 were discovered. Five years later whales were first 
 taken along the coast of Kamtchatka and in the Okhotsk 
 Sea, and ten years later, 1848, a Sag Harbor vessel made 
 a very successful voyage in the Arctic Oct an north of 
 Bering Strait. For several years previous to that date 
 the chief cruising grounds in the North Pacific had been 
 along the northwest coast and south of Bering Strait.' 
 Thus it had taken only a little over half a century from 
 the time the first whalers entered the Pacific until they 
 
 1 Macy, p. 218. 
 
 * Goode, note, p. 85.
 
 6o A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 had penetrated as far as the Arctic. From the very first 
 the value of the Arctic fishery was apparent, and the 
 fleet frequenting the Arctic grounds increased rapidly in 
 numbers. In the last few decades it has been the most 
 important of all whaling regions, almost all the Pacific 
 fleet cruising in Arctic waters. 
 
 Up to the time that whaling was begun in the Arctic, 
 the whole Pacific fishery had been carried on from the 
 whaling ports on the Atlantic. Though the whalers often 
 put into Pacific ports, or wintered along the coast, it was 
 from the New England ports that the vessels sailed and to 
 them that they returned with their cargoes of oil and 
 bone. Many months of valuable time were thus con- 
 sumed in the long voyages out and in around Cape Horn. 
 
 Two years after the first whaler entered the Arctic 
 region whaling was begun as a Pacific coast industry. 
 Late in 1850 an old whaling vessel, the Popmunnett, was 
 fitted and sent out from San Francisco on a sperm whal- 
 ing voyage to the Gallipagos Islands, and the coasts of 
 Chili and Peru. 4 A bark soon followed, but what success 
 these voyages met is not recorded. And it was not until 
 fifteen years later that San Francisco again appeared as a 
 whaling port. 
 
 In 1 85 1, however, shore whaling was tried at Monterey. 
 The whales were pursued in boats and when captured 
 were towed ashore where the blubber was removed. 
 In fact the whole experiment was carried on in essentially 
 the same way as it had been done by the New England 
 whalers more than 150 years before. Out of this exper- 
 iment arose a regular system of shore whaling which in the 
 course of twenty years was carried on from eleven sta- 
 tions. 5 These stations were located along the coast from 
 Half Moon Bay, on the north, to Point Abanda, in Lower 
 California, on the south. They were situated near Half 
 Moon Bay, Pigeon Point, two at Monterey Bay, Carmel 
 
 4 Starbuck, p. ioo. 
 s Scammon, p. 247.
 
 The Rise of Pacific Whaling. 61 
 
 Bay, San Simeon, San Louis Obispo, Goleta, Portuguese 
 Bend, San Diego, and Point Abanda. The organization 
 of each party was patterned after that of a whaling vessel, 
 with officers and crew being paid their regular "lav." 
 Many of the whalers were Portuguese and Italians. 6 
 But like all other shore whaling operations its success was 
 only temporary and the dying out of the industry was 
 soon foreshadowed by the increasing scarcity of whales 
 near the coast. In 1874, Scammon says, "having been 
 so long and constantly pursued (the whales), are exceed- 
 ingly wild and difficult of approach, and were it not for 
 the utility of Greener's gun (harpoon gun) the coast 
 fishery would be abandoned, it being now next to impos- 
 sible to "strike" with the hand harpoon." 7 Before 1888 
 the entire shore fishery had been giv< n up, San Simeon, 
 in 1887, being the last station abandoned. 8 
 
 Though San Francisco first began as a whaling port in 
 1850, it was not until two decades later that the industry 
 was regularly carried oh. There are various references to 
 whaling vessels sailing from that port during the years 
 from 1850 to 1869, 8 but there does not appear to have been 
 any permanent fleet employed until 1869 and the years 
 following. 10 By 1869 the decline of whaling interests 
 was well under way — in fact had gone so far that the 
 Nantucket industry was finally abandoned in that year, 11 
 though according to Goode's table" there was a whaling 
 * at Nantucket until 1873. Stonington, Mystic, 
 Greenport, Cold Spring, Warren, Wan ham. Fall River, 
 Seppican, Falmouth, Holmes Hole, Providence, Newport, 
 Lynn, Quincy, Mattapoisett, Yarmouth and Somerset, 
 
 ' Scammon, p. 250. 
 
 7 Scan-.- 
 
 8 Fish Comm 44. 
 ' Starbuck, pp. 400, 608, 630. 
 
 10 "Whalemen's SI 
 
 11 Macy, p. 301 . 
 " Goode, p. 171.
 
 62 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 mustering a fleet of ninety-two vessels in 1850, no longer 
 sent out a single whaler. 13 Thus whaling as a true Paci- 
 fic coast industry was not regularly established until after 
 the decline of whaling had become marked at the Atlan- 
 tic ports, and whatever growth was shown was in the face 
 of adverse conditions. 
 
 During the succeeding years there were spasmodic 
 movements in the whaling business, as the result of some 
 rise in prices or some new instance of a phenomenal 
 voyage. But on the whole the San Francisco fleet alone 
 showed any steady growth. From 1869 to 1880 the 
 fleet from that port was never larger than eight sail, and 
 during most of the time it numbered only one or two 
 sail. But after 1880 the growth was fairly rapid for a 
 number of years. 
 
 The steam whaling vessel was introduced into the fleet 
 in 1880, bringing about a sort of revolution in Arctic 
 whaling. Up to this time the northern fleet had been 
 accustomed to winter in San Francisco or at some other 
 port in the Pacific, spending the time either in refitting 
 or perhaps in short cruises for whales in the milder 
 latitudes. The so-called "lagoon whaling," in the arms 
 and lagoons of Magdalena Bay was a favorite form of 
 employment during the winter season. As early as 1848, 
 fifty ships were anchored there for this purpose, the whal- 
 ing being done entirely from boats. 14 As soon as spring 
 opened, the vessels went north again to wait for the ice 
 to break up so that they could pass through Bering Strait. 
 In the autumn the vessels returned with their cargoes, 
 which were transshiped to the east from San Francisco. 
 Panama, Honolulu and other points. 15 
 fesftWith the introduction of the steam whaling vessel, 
 however, arose the practice of remaining in the Arctic 
 during the winter in order to be earlier on the grounds 
 
 n "Shipping List," 1S50. Scammon, p. 241. 
 14 Scammon, p. 268. 
 " Goode, p. 26.
 
 The Rise of Pacific \V lulling. 63 
 
 when the ice broke up in the spring. And by 1893 one- 
 fourth the vessels whaling in the North Pacific and 
 Arctic Oceans wintered off the mouth of the Mackenzie 
 River. 16 A steamer visited the absent vessels to carry 
 supplies and to receive any oil or bone taken. As a 
 r< suit the interests of San Francisco in the whale fishery 
 could not be accurately measured by the size of the fleet 
 owned there. The greater part of the northern fleet was 
 accustomed to resort to that port as headquarters both 
 for refitting and for transshipment of their cargoes to the 
 Atlantic seaboard. 
 
 The facilities for shipment afforded by the trans- 
 continental railroads also had a marked influence on the 
 industry. Formerly all transshipment of cargoes to the 
 home ports had been across the Isthmus of Panama or 
 by vessel around Cape Horn. The railroads from San 
 Francisco changed all this and from a minor whaling 
 port, San Francisco rapidly came to be the foremost 
 whaling rendezvous in the country. True it is that New 
 Bedford still possessed a larger fleet, but a great many 
 of its vessels carried on the business from San Francisco 
 as their headquarters. 
 
 Still another favorable circumstance was the establish- 
 ment of extensive refineries near San Francisco. For 
 some years after the beginning of whaling from San 
 Francisco all the manufacturing of whale and sperm oils 
 had continued to be done exclusive ly in the ne ighborhood 
 of the Atlantic ports— largely at New Bedford. In 1883, 
 however, refineries were built near San Francisco, 17 
 thereby enabling the western owners to find a market 
 for their manufactured products without paying the 
 heavy costs of shipping them east to the refineries of New 
 Bedford. In addition to the refining plants, there were 
 also large works for the manufacture of sperm candles, 
 
 19 Fish Comm. Rep., iSq4. p. 153. 
 17 Fish Comm. Rep., 1883, p. 327.
 
 64 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 so that the western industry in almost every way was 
 made independent of the eastern ports. 
 
 Under these favorable conditions the San Francisco 
 fleet grew rapidly after 1880, increasing from three vessels 
 in that year to thirty-three vessels in 1893, about two- 
 thirds of which number were steamers. That the San 
 Francisco fleet should grow while all other fleets were de- 
 creasing from year to year may seem unnatural, since all 
 alike had to meet practically the same economic con- 
 ditions. From all indications the explanation seems to 
 be clearly enough in the fact that the rise of the San 
 Francisco fishery was a transferring of interests. Instead 
 of being owned in New Bedford and New London, and 
 making their headquarters at San Francisco — the eastern 
 interests were transferred to vessels registered directly 
 from the Pacific port. 
 
 The fishery from the western coast has therefore 
 almost entirely superseded that from the Atlantic ports. 
 Since 1895 Boston, New Bedford, Provincetown and San 
 Francisco have been the only ports from which whaling 
 vessels were regularly registered, and in 1903 the business 
 at Boston was abandoned. New Bedford and San 
 Francisco alone are now important. Provincetown has 
 only three schooners, all employed in sperm whaling in 
 the Atlantic, along with two schooners and seven barks 
 from New Bedford, 18 and one brig from Norwich, Conn. 
 
 At present practically all the large vessels in the whal- 
 ing fleet operate from San Francisco. The North Pacific- 
 Arctic fleet numbered twenty vessels in 1905 out of a 
 total fleet of forty-two vessels. The principal whaling 
 ground is now along the ice fields of the Arctic Ocean, 
 where the ships cruise from the time the ice breaks up in 
 the spring until winter sets in again in October. The 
 season for Arctic whaling is therefore short, and the 
 pursuit of the whales is at times extremely dangerous. 
 
 11 "Whalemen's Shipping List, 1906."
 
 The Rise of Pacifie Whaling. 65 
 
 The dense Arctic fogs are a frequent menace to the boats 
 until the fog lifts. The supplies are carried out from 
 home by tenders which in turn bring back the oil and 
 bone resulting from the season's work. But an occasional 
 closing in of the ice upon vessels but partly provisioned 
 often means hardship and suffering for the whalemen. 
 Thus in the past winter several vessels, having on board 
 some 450 men were imprisoned at Herschel and at 
 Bailey Islands, only about half provisioned. 19 The 
 more serious side of the Arctic fishery, the disasters 
 resulting from encounters with the ice, as in 1871 and 
 1876, makes one of the saddest chapters in the story of 
 American whaling. The losses resulting from this 
 cause were a powerful factor in bringing about the decline 
 of the business. In other words, the whale fishery of the 
 future, whatever that may be, must almost inevitably be 
 largely the San Francisco or Pacific coast industry, de- 
 pending on a fair supply and a favorable market for 
 whalebone. 
 
 19 Manchester (N.H.) "Union," July 15, 1906 ; "Whalemen's Ship- 
 ping List, 1906.
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 The Decline of American Whaling. 
 
 Sixty years ago the American whaling fishery was in 
 the full height of its greatest prosperity, with the largest 
 number of vessels ever employed in whaling. Now its 
 glory is gone and the fleet both in number and tonnage 
 of vessels is smaller than at almost any other time since 
 the Revolution. To trace the progress of this decline and 
 the economic changes which have induced it, is one of the 
 most important phases in the history of the whaling 
 industry. 
 
 During the height of whaling, the industry had grown 
 with remarkable rapidity to proportions far beyond all 
 expectations. The climax was reached in 1846 when the 
 fleet numbered 736 sail, with an aggregate tonnage of 
 over 230,000 tons. 1 The sudden increase of the fleet in 
 1846, — an increase of forty -one over 1845 and of ninety- 
 one over 1844 — was the result of a demand for more ships 
 in the lucrative, newly opened fisheries for bowhead 
 whales in Okhotsk Sea, along the Kamtchatkan coast 
 and in Bering Strait. But the very causes which had 
 helped to bring about this rapid growth, operated event- 
 ually toward the beginning of the decline. 
 
 The prosperity continued for several years, almost a 
 decade in fact, until the returning vessels brought such 
 great quantities of oil and bone that the market was 
 glutted and prices of oil fell. Voyages that would 
 formerly have yielded good profits were made at a loss, 
 and the condition of success and prosperity became one of 
 
 1 "Whalemen's Shipping List," Mar. 7, 1905.
 
 Decline of American Whaling. 67 
 
 uncertainty and anxiety. Almost coincident with this 
 depression came the financial crisis of 1857 with the 
 general depression of industries throughout the country. 
 The whaling industry never fully recovered from the 
 setback it received then. New conditions unfavorable to 
 whaling interests soon arose, and within a few years the 
 decline of the industry had begun, to continue almost 
 without interruption down to the present day. 
 
 Before entering into the detailed discussion of the 
 phases and causes of the decline, a general view of its 
 extent may be had from a table showing the size and 
 tonnage of the fleet in a few representative years. The 
 progress from year to year may be seen in the table of 
 statistics for the whole fleet given in Table I of Appendix 
 I, from which these figures are selected : 
 
 Decline of the Whaling Fleet. 
 
 
 Ships and 
 Bark6. 
 
 Brigs. 
 
 Schooners. 
 
 Total. 
 
 Tonnage. 
 
 1846 
 
 680 
 
 34 
 
 22 
 
 736 
 
 .262 
 
 1861 
 
 450 
 
 14 
 
 41 
 
 514 
 
 158.745 
 
 1869 
 
 223 
 
 2 5 
 
 88 
 
 33f> 
 
 74. 5 12 
 
 1873 
 
 1 5 3 
 
 1 2 
 
 38 
 
 203 
 
 47.Q06 
 
 1890 
 
 65 
 
 6 
 
 26 
 
 97 
 
 22.718 
 
 1 90 1 
 
 27 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 40 
 
 8,746 
 
 1906 
 
 25 
 
 2 
 
 14 
 
 42 
 
 0.878 
 
 The years here given may be regarded as milestones in 
 the decline, since each marks an important downward 
 step. Thus after i86q the fleet never numbered over 
 300 sail; after 1873 it never reached 200 again; since 
 1890 it has been less than 100, and in the last five years 
 it has been below fifty vessels. The same rul( also holds 
 for the figures of tonnage. 
 
 First, to consider the extent of the decline more in detail. 
 Between 1846 and 1850 there were nearly fifty different 
 ports in southern New England and New York sending 
 out whaling vessels. The fleet averaged over 000 sail 
 each year, bringing in a product with an average annual
 
 68 A History of the American Wlwle Fishery. 
 
 value of about $8,ooo,ooo. 2 Many of the ports, however, 
 employed less than a half dozen vessels, perhaps only one 
 or two, the industry having been undertaken as a result 
 of the great whaling prosperity beginning in the early 
 forties. The industry was abandoned from some of these 
 minor posts before the climax of whaling prosperity was 
 reached in 1846. Thus there is no record of vessels 
 sailing from the following ports after the dates given: 1 
 
 1841 1845 
 
 Hudson, N. Y. Portsmouth, N. H. 
 Poughkeepsie, N. Y. 
 
 Newark, N.J. l8 4 6 
 
 Wilmington, Del. Barnstable, Mass. 
 
 Bueksport, Me. Plymouth, Mass. 
 
 Bristol, R. I. 
 
 1>c >44 Bridgeport, Conn. 
 Duxbury, Mass. 
 Freetown, Mass. 
 
 But most of the ports continued to send out their 
 vessels until a change in conditions began to be felt. 
 The minor ports seemed almost to foretell the approaching 
 depression, for at one after another the business was 
 abandoned, in most cases never to be resumed. The 
 business at a number of these ports was given up while 
 whaling was still enjoying remarkable prosperity at 
 New Bedford and other places. Why it should have been 
 so is hard to tell. The suggestion that the smaller 
 enterprises were crowded out by the larger seems to 
 be refuted by the very nature of the industry and the 
 fact that market prices were steadily rising. The most 
 logical conclusion apparently is that these vessels from 
 small ports really made the large ports their headquarters, 
 and it was only an easy step for them to be transferred or 
 sold to the larger companies operating from New Bedford, 
 Sag Harbor or New London. Hence what is commonly 
 
 2 Scammon, p. 243. 
 
 3 Compiled from Starbuck's records of sailing.
 
 Decline of American IT haling. 
 
 69 
 
 called the first stage of the decline was only a phase in 
 whaling development. Later on, however, it was ap- 
 parent that the industry was actually on the decline ; 
 that the abandonment of the business at different ports 
 was the result of adverse conditions which the small 
 ports were the first to feel. The following table gives the 
 names of the ports and the respective dates of the last 
 recorded clearances: 4 
 
 184s 
 
 Somerset, Mass. 
 Chilmark, Mass. 
 
 1849 
 
 Quincy, Mass. 
 Yarmouth, Mass. 
 
 1S50 
 New Suffolk, X. V. 
 
 1852 
 Truro, Mass. 
 
 1853 
 Gloucester, Mass. 
 Lynn, Mass. 
 
 1854 
 Providence, R. I. 
 
 1856 
 Newport, R. I. 
 
 1857 
 Wareham, Mass. 
 Grcenport, X. V. 
 Cold Spring, X Y 
 
 1858 
 New Haven, Conn. 
 
 C859 
 
 Falmouth, Mass. 
 
 i860 
 Fall River, Mass. 
 Stonington, Conn. 
 Mystic, Conn. 
 
 1861 
 Orleans, Mass. 
 Warren, R. I. 
 
 1862 
 Sandwich, Mass. 
 Holmes Hole, Mass. 
 
 1864 
 Mattapoisett, Mass. 
 
 1867 
 Wellfleet, Mass. 
 
 1868 
 Salem, Mass. 
 Tisbury, Mass. 
 Groton, Conn. 
 
 1869 
 Newburyport, Mass. 
 Nantucket, M. 
 
 187 j 
 I [arbor, X Y 
 
 Beverly, M 
 
 New York N Y 
 
 4 Compiled from Starbuck's records of clear.
 
 /O A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 Thus in twenty-five years whaling was finally aban- 
 doned from thirty ports, including some of the oldest 
 whaling towns in New England. Practically all the 
 Cape Cod industry was gone except the Provincetown 
 fleet. Nantucket, the queen of whaling ports a century 
 before, had sent her last whaler. All the New York 
 industry was abandoned, even from Sag Harbor, whence 
 it had been carried on almost constantly since the begin- 
 ning of the previous century. And of the Connecticut 
 ports, New London alone still had a whaling fleet. In 
 short, by 1875 the only important whaling interests still 
 remaining were the Provincetown fleet of schooners and 
 the fleet owned in what might be styled the New Bedford 
 district, comprising the ports of New Bedford, Fairhaven, 
 Dartmouth, Marion and Westport. Edgartown had 
 one vessel; Boston, three; New London, six; and San 
 Francisco, two. The fleet then numbered 163 sail, 
 aggregating 37,733 tons — a decrease of over seventy -five 
 per cent in numbers and over eighty per cent in tonnage 
 in less than thirty years. Of this fleet nearly two-thirds, 
 107 vessels, belonged in New Bedford alone. 
 
 But as sweeping as these changes had been, the down- 
 ward movement was not complete. Out of the half score 
 of ports still carrying on whaling in 1875, only New Bed- 
 ford, Provincetown, Boston and San Francisco were to 
 continue until the end of the century, the others met the 
 same fate as had befallen many before them — the in- 
 ability to carry on whaling any longer as a profitable 
 business. Fairhaven dropped out in 1879. Westport in 
 1881, Dartmouth in 1882, Marion in 1886. New London 
 in 1893, Edgartown in 1895, and Boston in 1903. Ston- 
 ington, from which whaling was resumed in 1878. after 
 a lapse of seventeen years, again dropped from the list 
 in 1893. During the whole period none of these ports 
 was important, since there was hardly a year when any 
 individual fleet exceeded five sail, or the total fleet from 
 the minor ports was over a score of vessels.
 
 Decline of American Whaling. 71 
 
 On January 1, 1906, there were three whaling ports 
 employing fleets as follows: New Bedford twenty-four 
 vessels, tonnage 5,618; San Francisco fourteen vessels, 
 tonnage 3,626; Provincetown three vessels, tonnage 340. 
 Norwich, Conn., again appeared as a whaling port with 
 one brig of 294 tons, after a lapse of seventy years. For 
 the ten years ending 1905 the whaling fleet has aver- 
 aged fifty-one sail with a tonnage of 10,184 tons, yield- 
 ing an average annual product valued at nearly $1,000,- 
 000. When compared with the annual averages for a 
 half century ago it seems hard to realize that the figures 
 apply to the same industry. 
 
 Accompanying the decline in the size of the fleet and 
 the amount and value of the annual product of the whale 
 fishery, there has been a similar decline in the market 
 price of oil. The price of bone, however, has steadily 
 risen, a fact of the utmost significance to the industrv. 
 After 1847 the price of sperm oil never fell below Si. 00 
 per gallon for thirty consecutive years — a good part of 
 the time it ranged between Si. 30 and Si. 60 per gallon, 
 while after the war it rose as high as S2.55 per gallon. 5 
 During the same period the price of whale oil fluctuated 
 generally between 50 and 80 cents per gallon, going as 
 high as Si. 45 per gallon at the close of the war. Since 
 about 1875, though the prices of sperm and whale oils 
 have varied up and down from year to year, the tendency 
 on the whole has been a steady decline. In 1805 whale 
 oil went the lowest that it has been since 1834, falling to 
 28 cents per gallon, and in the year following, sperm 
 oil fell to the lowest price recorded in a hundred years, 
 40 cents per gallon. At present (1905) the average 
 prices are: sperm oil 46 cents per gallon, and whale 
 oil 31 cents per gallon. 
 
 On the other hand the price of bone has tended steadily 
 upward, though showing wide fluctuations from year to 
 
 1 See complete table of average annual prices, Table V of Appendix I .
 
 *j2 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 year. Thus for sev< ral years, just in the height of whaling 
 prosperity, the average annual price of bone was less than 
 40 cents per pound. In 1891 it touched $5.38, and 
 in 1904, $5.80, per pound, the latter being the highest 
 annual average ever recorded. In 1905, the average 
 price was $4.90 per pound. Often during recent years 
 only the bone has been saved, the remainder of the carcass 
 being cast adrift if other whales are in sight, 6 because 
 the bone is so much more valuable than the oil. It 
 seems almost unquestionable that with the low prices 
 and limited demand for oil the whale fishery would cease 
 entirely but for the more valuable whale bone. 
 
 Practically no other industry in the country can present 
 any parallel to the revolution that the whale fishery has 
 undergone in the space of sixty years. From a business 
 representing an invested capital of tens of millions of 
 dollars, and giving employment to tens of thousands of 
 men, it has fallen to a place where whaling is no longer 
 of any great importance even to the communities from 
 which it is carried on. In fact whaling is kept alive at 
 all only by the demand for a product which a century 
 ago was regarded as hardly worth saving. To work such 
 changes in a once great industry powerful factors have 
 been at work, undermining from all sides the foundation 
 on which whaling prosperity rested. 
 
 One of the most potent causes working toward the 
 downfall of whaling is found in the nature of the industry 
 itself — the uncertainty of the business. It would be 
 hard to find any other business, employing so much 
 capital, where the uncertainty of profitable returns is so 
 great as has always been the case with the whale fishery. 
 One year may bring successful voyages and good profits, 
 only to be offset the next year by heavy losses of life, 
 money and property. This has been especially true since 
 the opening of the Arctic fishery in 1848. To illustrate 
 
 e Fish Comm. Rep., 1893, p. 202.
 
 Decline of American Whaling. 73 
 
 the point, in April, 1866, two New Bedford ships, the 
 Corinthian and the George Howland, arrived within five 
 days of each other — the gross value of each of the two 
 cargoes was $250,000, and it is said that $125,000 profit 
 was made on each, on a capital of $25,000. Again, in 
 1886 the bark Europa returned from a voyage in Japan 
 and Okhotsk Seas with a cargo valued at $248,000/ On 
 the other hand, out of sixty-eight vessels due to arrive 
 in New Bedford and Fairhaven in 1858, forty -four were 
 calculated as making losing voyages, representing an 
 aggregate loss of about $i,ooo,ooo. 8 And in 187 1 the 
 entire Arctic fleet of thirty-four vessels was completely 
 destroyed by pack ice, entailing an absolute loss of nearly 
 $2,000,000, including vessels and cost of outfitting. In 
 an inelustry subject to such fluctuations, however, a 
 rapid decline and withdrawal of capital was inevitable 
 as soon as other conditions became unfavorable. 
 
 As long as the prio high and the demand was 
 
 great and fairly certain, the chance of large profits from 
 phenomenal voyages was sufficient to tempt continually 
 increasing investments even in the face of all natural 
 risks. 
 
 In addition to the uncertainty of the business, various 
 changes had been at work to necessitate the assumption of 
 greater risks to carry it on. The first vessels whaling in 
 the Pacific made voyages in two or two and a half years, 
 and their fitting did not represent so large an outlay. 
 Thus the firsl Pacific whaler, the Beaver, 240 tons, sail- 
 ing from Nantucket in 1701, represented a whole cost of 
 $10,212 for the ship completely fitted for the V03 
 But as the industry was pursued with increasing vigor 
 whales becami and more shy each year, making 
 
 it harder to secure a full cargo, the voyages were in- 
 creased in length and duration to three, four and even 
 
 7 Ellis, p. 450. 
 
 " Starbuck, p. 149-
 
 v 
 
 74 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 more years each. The vessels were larger, 300 to 500 
 tons about the middle of the last century, and the cost 
 of fitting for a three years voyage was increased to $30,- 
 000 to $60,000 each. 9 The rivalry of different captains 
 in trying to secure the most luxurious fittings often added 
 unnecessarily to the expenses of fitting and refitting. 
 As these changes were going on the North Pacific and 
 especially the Arctic fisheries were becoming more and 
 more the only profitable cruising grounds. But there 
 the danger of losses was increased because of encounters 
 with the ice, and every vessel wrecked meant a greater 
 financial loss than before. The two factors of uncertainty 
 of profits and risk of losses of whole investments, were 
 strong arguments for capital to seek employment else- 
 where. 
 
 Outside the fishery itself several factors were at work 
 to accomplish its downfall. In 1849 g°ld had been dis- 
 covered in California, and the great rush to the gold 
 fields began. For years it had been the custom among 
 the Pacific whalers to touch at some Pacific port, either 
 for water, to refit, or to spend the "between seasons" 
 when the northern grounds were closed by ice. The 
 whalers offered an easy means of reaching California and 
 its gold deposits. Starbuck says 10 that whole crews ap- 
 parently shipped merely as a cheap means of reaching 
 the mines, that desertions from the ships were numerous, 
 often in such numbers as to actually cripple the efficiency 
 of the ship. "In this way many voyages were broken 
 up and hundreds of thousands of dollars were sunk by 
 the owners. " Ships were fired by mutinous crews, some 
 even entirely destroyed. In fact, so complete was the 
 demoralization of the fleet that captains and officers left 
 their ships to seek for gold. 
 
 The rise of the cotton cloth industry was also a potent 
 
 8 Scammon, p. 216. 
 10 Starbuck, p. 112.
 
 Decline of American Whaling. 75 
 
 factor in hastening the decline of whaling, though to 
 what extent it operated is hard to tell. To suggest what 
 might have happened under different economic conditions 
 fifty years ago may appear to be dangerous speculation. 
 Yet had not the cotton mills sprung up, it seems safe to 
 say the whaling fleet would have decreased less rapidly 
 even in the face of increasingly adverse conditions. This 
 is especially true of New Bedford, from which port more 
 than half the fleet hailed subsequent to i860. For 
 many years the whale fishery and its allied industries of 
 oil refining, cordage manufacture, boat and ship building 
 and such like, had been the most important, almost 
 the only important, business interests in the city. And 
 the capital was repeatedly employed in the whaling 
 business because the investors had grown up with it and 
 had come to accept whaling ventures as the most natural 
 thing in the world. 
 
 About 1846, however, in the very year when whaling 
 reached the climax of its glory, the manufacture of cotton 
 goods was begun in New Bedford. Cotton milling was 
 successful and profitable almost from the very start, 
 and additional mills were put up from year to year. 
 Among the names of the early financial promoters of 
 cotton manufactures arc many which had long been 
 intimately associated with the whaling industry. As 
 each additional year meant increasing risks on invest- 
 ments in whaling, the surer field for capital in the local 
 mills must have inevitably drawn capital away from the 
 former industry. How great this factor was can n< ver 
 be known, but that it was an important one seems 
 unquestionable. The "Whalemen's Shipping List," for 
 Febuary 4, 1873 says" "The continued purpose to sell 
 whalers . . . shows the judgment of those who have 
 long and successfully been engaged in the business . . . 
 
 11 "Whalemen's Shipping List." Annual Review for 187a, February 
 4. 1873.
 
 j6 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 that it has become too hazardous, and its results too un- 
 certain to continue it, when capital is promised a safer 
 employment, and surer rewards in enterprises on the 
 land, and in our own city where the products of two large 
 cotton mills equal very nearly the aggregate value of the 
 imports of the fishery yearly." In that year alone the 
 records show that no less than twenty vessels were sold 
 out of the whaling fleet because the business no longer 
 warranted the continuance of the investment. The mills 
 at home, however, meant a sure income. But it is not 
 altogether unfitting that out of the decline of the great 
 whaling interests of New Bedford should grow the indus- 
 try, which, above all others, was destined to save the 
 city from the fate of being a deserted fishing village — the 
 rise of the cotton mills. 
 
 As great and potent as were all these factors, however, 
 the most important has yet to be mentioned — the intro- 
 duction of the new illuminant, kerosene. For many de- 
 cades previous to i860 oil had been the most valuable 
 product of the fishery, and one of its chief uses had been 
 as an illuminant, both in sperm candles and in the 
 "whale oil" lamps. Much of the export trade had been 
 to supply the European demand for oil for lighting pur- 
 poses. Its use as an illuminant, however, had been di- 
 minished early in the last century by the introduction of 
 gas distilled from coal. Coal gas seems to have been 
 more generally adopted in spite of Scoresby's statement 12 
 that where coal was not cheap gas could be manufactured 
 from whale oil at about the same expense ; and that hav- 
 ing many advantages over the former, it was preferred. 
 As early as 181 9 Ipswich, Norwich and other towns in 
 England lighted their streets with gas made from oil. 
 
 In this country there does not appear to have been any 
 very severe encroachment on the uses of whale products 
 as illuminants until after the discovery of petroleum in 
 
 12 Scoresby, p. 428.
 
 Decline of American Whaling. yy 
 
 1859. The date of opening the first oil well in Pennsyl- 
 vania may be regarded as the day when the fate of the 
 whale fishery was decided. Even in the face of the other 
 unfavorable conditions, the fishery must certainly have 
 prospered but for the discovery of petroleum. The 
 population of the country was increasing; the people 
 would have had light without much regard to the neces- 
 sarily high prices of oil, and the market demand would 
 undoubtedly have increased beyond the supply. At this 
 critical time the Pennsylvania oil fields were discovered 
 and at once a plentiful, and cheap illuminant was in the 
 market as a competitor of the whale oils. As soon as the 
 processes of refining were improved, the disagreeable 
 and dangerous qualities were no longer a handicap to 
 kerosene and it became a relentless rival of the other oils. 
 The struggle for supremacy was fierce but short and 
 ended in the only way that it could — in favor of the 
 better, more easily obtained and then seemingly in- 
 exhaustible kerosene. Sperm candles were dedicated to 
 ornamental uses and whale oil lamps were discarded to 
 become interesting relics for succeeding generations. 
 But the encroachment of petroleum products on the 
 domains formerly monopolized by whale oils was not to 
 end with superseding the latter in their use as an illum- 
 inant. Kerosene came rapidly into general use. Th- n 
 lubricating oils began to be made from the residuum ; and 
 finally the utilization of the wax or paraffine in making 
 candles and in other arts, robbed the whale products of 
 their last strongholds in the markets of the world. 
 
 Just after the introduction of petroleum oils, as if to 
 make sure of the overthrow of whaling prosperity, the 
 Civil War broke out. Always adversely affected by 
 warfare, no industry was then less able to withstand the 
 effects of war than was the whale fishery. A large 
 proportion of the fleet was at sea. Many of the vessels 
 were in the Pacific on voyages of three or four years
 
 78 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 duration, and often did not return to port for months at a 
 time. If they did return to port the lying idle there was 
 little better than risking capture by Southern privateers. 
 
 The Atlantic whalers felt the effects of war very early in 
 the struggle, Southern privateers capturing vessels as 
 early as 1862. The feeling of the whalemen toward the 
 Southern depredations is illustrated in a quotation from 
 the "Shipping List," for January 13, 1863. In the annual 
 review for 1862 it says "That Southern pirate, Semmes, 
 has already made frightful havoc with whaling vessels, 
 and his piratical ship — the Alabama — threatens to be- 
 come the scourge of the seas." These operations were 
 carried on throughout the war, especially by the famous 
 Alabama and the Shenandoah. The latter entered Ber- 
 ing Sea late in the war, captured and burned twenty-five 
 vessels, mainly large ships, and took four others for pur- 
 poses of transportation. 13 No less than fifty whaling 
 vessels were captured or destroyed during the war — 
 more than half of which were owned by New Bedford 
 merchants. Many other vessels were sold — forty to the 
 government for the famous Charleston stone fleet — and 
 others were transferred to the merchant marine. On 
 January 1, 1861, the whaling fleet had numbered 514 
 vessels with an aggregate tonnage of 158,745 tons. Five 
 years later, January 1, 1866, there were 263 vessels with a 
 tonnage of 68,535 tons — a decline of almost 50 per cent 
 in the number of vessels and of over 60 per cent in the 
 tonnage. At least half of this decline was the direct 
 result of the war. 
 
 At the end of the war the depleted stocks of whale 
 products, and the prevailing high prices greatly aided in 
 reviving the industry. Vessels that had been lying idle 
 at the wharves were again fitted and sent out, while some 
 new ships were added to the fleet. It seemed as if 
 prosperity would once more smile on the industry, but 
 
 11 Pease, p. 31.
 
 Decline of American Whaling. 79 
 
 the conditions which had. been working against the fishery 
 before the war were still operating with renewed vigor. 
 The merchants were becoming more wary and cautious in 
 their whaling ventures. Then came the disaster of 1871, 
 destroying the Arctic fleet of thirty-four vessels, and 
 though the Arctic fishery was r< n w< d with twenty-seven 
 vessels in 1872 and twenty-nine vessels in 1873, greatly 
 increased rates of insurance were added to the already 
 heavy burden of the whaling interests. 
 
 The fact that the whale fishery had entered upon a 
 steady and permanent decline could no longer be denied. 
 The generally adopted use of petroleum oils had destroyed 
 the chief market for two-thirds of the products of the 
 industry — sperm and whale oil. But the steadily in- 
 creasing value of whale bone was a powerful incentive 
 to carry on the business, though not sufficient to stem the 
 tide. The decline has continued almost without inter- 
 ruption down to the present time with the constant 
 operation of the economic changes by which the decline 
 was induced. From time to time there have been revivals 
 of activity as the result of temporary advances in prices 
 or the reports of phenomenal voyages. But year after 
 year the decline has continued, carrying whaling steadily 
 down toward the lowest rank of commercial insignificance.
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Apparatus and Methods of Capture; Boats; Crews; 
 and Whale Products and Their Uses. 
 
 At first thought a discussion of the instruments used 
 in whaling seems to have but little relation either to the 
 history of the industry or to its various economic phases. 
 Yet in the course of time the growth of the whale fishery 
 has resulted in innovations in implements and methods 
 which seem worthy of at least brief notice. At other 
 times the successful continuation of the fishery has 
 depended largely on the improvement of implements of 
 capture. 
 
 The primitive method of capturing whales appears 
 from all accounts to have been by means of the harpoon 
 and lance. It is not quite clear, however, whether the 
 line was at first used with the harpoon to fasten to the 
 whale. Some writers say that the Indians of this coun- 
 try were in the habit of capturing whales by the use of 
 wooden harpoons to which logs of wood were attached as 
 floats, and that by repeated attacks they occasionally 
 succeeded in harrying a whale to death. It is also some- 
 times stated that the American colonists followed the In- 
 dian mode of capture. 1 But the harping iron is referred 
 to even before the first settlement of New England. 2 In 
 the first account of whaling at Nantucket Macy 3 tells of 
 the harpoon being wrought, and as early as 1669, in an 
 account of whaling ventures from Long Island, it is re- 
 corded that of two whales attacked, "the iron broke in 
 
 1 Scammon, note, p. 204. 
 1 Starbuck, p. 6. 
 * Macy, p. 28.
 
 Apparatus and Methods of Capture. 81 
 
 one, the other broke the warpe. M< Hence it seems un- 
 questionable that long before whaling became at all im- 
 portant as a regular industry, the implements used in 
 capture had the essential characteristics of those that 
 were to be used for many decades thereafter. 
 
 Scoresby 5 says that as early as 1607 "the harpoon 
 consisted of a barbed or arrow-shaped iron dart, two or 
 three feet in length with a wooden handle and a line" 
 thrae hundred fathoms long. The hand harpoon could 
 be used effectively at distances up to fifteen yards. 8 With 
 the exception of some small changes and additions to the 
 barbs, and variations in dimensions, the harpoon is still 
 essentially the same weapon as it was then. Now, three 
 centuries later, the initial step in the capture of a whale 
 remains unchanged, for the harpoon has always been and 
 is still used to fasten the whale to the boat. Along with 
 the harpoon and line a hand lance was used, it consisting 
 of an iron spear with a wooden handle ten or twelve 
 feet long. These implements were used almost exclusively 
 until well along in the eighteenth century. 
 
 The first change was in the introduction of the harpoon 
 gun to replace the old method of hurling the harpoon 
 from the hand. It was followed by the bomb gun, the 
 darting gun, and by the whaling rocket, while the hand 
 lance gave place to the bomb lance. The whaling or 
 harpoon gun, intended to shoot harpoons, was a British 
 invention about 1730. Its invention appears to have 
 been prompted by the increasing shyness of the whales 
 in the northern fishery, and the consequent need of some 
 instrument to facilitate the capture. Beginning with 
 the year 1700 the whales had almost abandoned the 
 shore grounds previously frequented and had retreated 
 to the sheltered situations afforded by the ice Melds. 7 
 
 4 Quoted by Starbuck from N. Y. Col. Record, III, p. 183. 
 1 Scoresby. p, 173 
 
 8 Maey, p. 2 jo. 
 7 Scoiesby, p. 181.
 
 82 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 But the old whalers were reluctant to adopt the gun and 
 it apparently fell entirely out of use for Scoresby says, 8 
 ' 'The method of shooting harpoons . . . from a sort 
 of swivel-gun, was, in the year 1772, reintroduced. In- 
 deed this instrument had been so long laid aside, that 
 the present was considered a new discovery." And the 
 inventor was given a premiun of twenty guineas by the 
 Society of Arts. These early harpoon guns were heavy 
 swivel-guns, mounted in the bow of the whale boat. 
 Their chief advantage was in the power to launch the 
 harpoon at distances as great as eighty -four yards. 9 The 
 weight of the line attached to the harpoon, however, de- 
 flected the missile to a serious extent. The gun was first 
 used by Scotch whalers. 10 It was occasionally used by 
 Americans but never came into general use. The Amer- 
 ican whaler preferred the later "shoulder guns" in spite 
 of the fact that they often fired " aft " with more emphasis 
 than they did forward. 11 
 
 Shoulder guns were an American invention ; meeting 
 the demand for a weapon to kill the whale as well as to 
 fasten it to the boat. They appear to have been intro- 
 duced at about the same time as the bomb lance. The 
 whaling gun 12 was invented and introduced into the 
 market about 1850. From that year onward advertise- 
 ments appear in the "Whalemen's Shipping List" setting 
 forth the superior qualities of this new instrument for 
 killing whales. The American guns were of two sorts, 
 the plain bomb gun and the so-called darting gun. Their 
 invention seems to have been prompted by the same 
 conditions that led to the English invention of 1730 — 
 the pressing need for improved facilities for killing the 
 whales. 
 
 ' Scoresby, p. 79. 
 ' Scammon, p. 27. 
 
 10 Scammon, p. 226. 
 
 11 Goode, p. 252. 
 
 11 Ellis: History of New Bedford, p. 419.
 
 Apparatus and Methods of Capture. 83 
 
 In 1846 one Robert Allen of Norwich, Conn., invented 
 the first bomb lance, to kill whales by explosives instead 
 of by the old hand lance thrust into the vital parts of the 
 whale. 13 Used with a bomb gun, firing the missile from 
 greater distances, the bomb lance became a much more 
 effective means of killing whales than had ever before 
 been available. There have been several types of bomb 
 lances and bomb guns. Of the latter some of the best 
 known are the original muzzle-loading "Brand" gun, 
 the Pierce & Eggers gun — probably the most popular and 
 effective gun ever introduced, and the Cunningham and 
 Cogan gun, largely used by the steam whaling vessels in 
 the Arctic regions. H With these guns bomb lances of 
 varying sizes are used, a common length being about 
 twenty-one inches, while the diameter and the size of the 
 charge depends on the particular gun employed. 
 
 The increasing scarcity and shyness of whales, combined 
 with the desire for sure and more ready means of killing 
 whales, resulted in the invention of the whaling gun and 
 bomb lance. In the same way the exigencies of Arctic 
 whaling led to still further perfection of whaling imple- 
 ments. After the introduction of the bomb lance it had 
 been the custom 15 to fasten to the whale with the harpoon, 
 and then from a safe distance to kill it with a bomb lance. 
 Hand lancing had almost gone out of practice by 1875. 19 
 
 By that time, however, Arctic whaling had become 
 important and profitable. The great baleen or bowhead 
 whale gave excellent bone as well as oil that was next in 
 quality to sperm oil. But when fastened to with a 
 common harpoon the whales might succeed in getting 
 under the ice 1 was any chance to kill trum, 
 
 even with the bomb gun. As a result, many valuable 
 whales, as well as much fishing apparatus was lost . The 
 
 13 Goode, p. 253. 
 
 14 Goode, p. 253. 
 11 Goode, p. 254. 
 
 " Scammon, p. 228.
 
 84 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 darting gun was invented about 1880, expressely to meet 
 the needs of this fishery, by Captain Eben Pierce and 
 Mr. Patrick Cunningham of New Bedford. 17 The gun 
 consists of a stockless barrel, of gun metal, attached to a 
 regular wooden harpoon pole. A harpoon with whale 
 line attached fits loosely in lugs on the side of the barrel. 
 The apparatus is loaded with a charge of powder and a 
 bomb lance and then the whole is darted at the whale. 
 The harpoon entering the whale's body springs the trigger, 
 which appears as a long wire rod projecting beyond the 
 muzzle of the gun, and the bomb lance is automatically 
 discharged into the whale. Under ordinary circum- 
 stances the whale is killed or severely wounded by the 
 explosion of the bomb, at the same time that it is fastened 
 to the boat by the harpoon and line. In this way whales 
 are rarely lost. Were it not for the darting gun, however, 
 whaling could not be successfully carried on amid the 
 Arctic ice packs, now the most important whaling 
 ground for the American fleet. 18 
 
 The most destructive weapon ever used in killing whales 
 is the whaling rocket, invented about 1880. It consists 
 of a large rocket, harpoon and bomb lance, having a total 
 weight of about eighteen or twenty pounds. It was 
 intended to be fired from the deck of the whaling vessel 
 itself, thus doing away with the necessity of pursuit in 
 boats. But as far as records go the rocket does not 
 appear to have come into very general use. — ■ 
 
 Aside from these regular whaling implements, nets, 
 electricity and poisoned harpoons have been advanced as 
 experiments in capturing whales. Scoresby in writing of 
 the methods of capture at the opening of the seventeenth 
 century says, 19 "The Dutch inform us that the English 
 made use of nets made of strong ropes for the purpose." 
 
 17 Goode, p. 254. 
 
 18 For a more detailed discussion of this gun see Goode, p. 254, or 
 Scammon, p. 228. 
 
 " Scoresby, p. 173.
 
 Apparatus and Methods of Capture. 85 
 
 But there is no reference to their use in later years. In 
 this country nets of strong manila twine were tried at the 
 mouths of the rivers emptying into Cumberland Inlet. 20 
 At one setting 500 white whales or grampuses were 
 captured and killed. Other experiments were tried in 
 the same year and the year following, but the scheme does 
 not seem to have been satisfactory to the promoters, for 
 it was abandoned. 
 
 In 1852 the United States patent office granted a 
 patent on a whaling apparatus which was to employ 
 electricity. It consisted of a wired harpoon to be used 
 from a copper sheathed boat, making a circuit from the 
 generating machine in the boat through the wire, whale, 
 water and boat to the machine again, The device was 
 calculated to facilitate the killing of whales by electrocu- 
 tion as soon as struck by the harpoon. 21 But as far as is 
 known it was never used, though one author says," "In 
 185 1 the first experiments in killing whales by electricity 
 were tried . ' ' 
 
 The use of harpoons poisoned with prussic acid is 
 variously attributed to the French and to the Scotch, and 
 it is also claimed that it was never used by the American 
 whalemen. Goode 23 states that as early as 1833 Nan- 
 tucket whalemen went equipped with poisoned harpoons, 
 but that they were not used, as the crew "were frightened 
 by reports concerning the death of men from handling 
 poisoned blubber." Such news spread rapidly through 
 the whale fleet and suddenly brought to an end a practice 
 which, almost beyond doubt, must have proved a very 
 effective means of killing whales. 
 
 The boats and vessels engaged in the whaling fleet have 
 also undergone marked changes since the fishery began. 
 
 10 Goode, pp. 247-248. 
 ,l Goode, p. 250. 
 " Ellis, p. 420. 
 " Goode, p. 248.
 
 86 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 In the whaleboats themselves the two centuries of Ameri- 
 can deep-sea whaling have witnessed little change. They 
 are still the same round-bottomed type, pointed at both 
 ends, to facilitate movement either forward or backward, 
 and propelled both by oars and sails. About the only 
 change has been in size, increasing from a length of 
 twenty feet, about 1720, to an average of about twenty- 
 eight feet at present, though whaleboats as long as 
 thirty -eight feet have been used at times. 24 They are 
 usually made of white oak, cedar, spruce or hard pine, 
 weigh about 500-600 pounds and cost upwards of $100 
 each. They are the most seaworthy small craft known, 
 yet their usage is so severe that they usually last but a 
 single voyage. 
 
 Launches propelled by steam were first introduced into 
 the Norwegian whale fishery, with guns mounted on deck 
 to throw the projectiles. 25 And about 1880 American 
 whalers tried the experiment of using whaling rockets 
 from steam launches. The noise made by power boats, 
 however, is a disadvantage, and launches, wherever 
 employed, have been used mainly to tow whaling boats 
 near the whales, to aid in approach during calms when 
 sails are useless and to tow dead whales to the vessel. 
 So far as is known no launches are at present employed by 
 the whaling fleet. 26 
 
 The whaling vessel has undergone a marked evolution 
 since the beginning of deep-sea whaling about 1 7 1 5 . The 
 earliest vessels fitted for whaling "out in the deep" were 
 sloops of thirty to forty tons burden. 27 The size was 
 gradually increased to fifty, sixty and seventy tons, 
 as the industry grew and voyages were made longer ; and, 
 probably, by 1730, schooners had been added. The next 
 
 24 Goode, p. 240. 
 " Goode, p. 246. 
 
 "Letter of Mr. George R Phillips, editor of the "Whalemen's 
 Shipping List." 
 37 Macy, p. 49.
 
 Apparatus and Methods of Capture. 87 
 
 step appears to have been about twenty years later, for in 
 writing of Nantucket whaling in the period about 1750, 
 Macy says, 23 "They began now to employ vessels of larger 
 size, some of 100 tons burden, and a few were square 
 rigged." At that time Nantucket was leading in every- 
 thing that pertained to the whale fishery, hence the 
 growth of the Nantucket fleet may be regarded as typical 
 of all. For over a century thereafter the changes in 
 whaling vessels were almost solely in size. In 17 91 the 
 Pacific fishery was opened, and immediately the longer 
 voyages and the desire for larger cargoes led to the 
 employment of bigger vessels. The first Nantucket ship 
 sailing to the Pacific, 1791, was of 240 tons burden. 29 
 By 1820 Nantucket had seventy-two ships averaging 
 over 280 tons each. 30 Ships, brigs and barks now rapidly 
 came to predominate in the whaling fleet, and before 
 1850 vessels of 400 to 500 tons burden were not unusual. 
 It has already been seen how the development of 
 Arctic whaling resulted in important modifications in 
 the nature and quantity of the whaling apparatus. It 
 extended in a similar way to the construction of the ships, 
 for the encounters with the ice necessitated even more 
 sturdy and substantial vessels than had ever before been 
 used. As Arctic whaling became more common it was 
 soon found of prime importance to enter and leave the 
 ice-frequented regions with the least possible delay. 
 For nearly fifty years steam vessels had been used in the 
 merchant marine of this country and of England. The 
 application of steam to whaling vessels suggested the 
 possibility of a quicker voyage to the whaling grounds, 
 greater facility in cruising for whales among the ice 
 floes, and a longer stay with less danger of being caught in 
 the pack ice as winter sets in. In 1880 the first si earn 
 propelled vessel used in the American whale fishi ry was 
 
 58 Macy, p '14. 
 
 w Macy, p. 2i 
 
 '° Starbuck, p. 05.
 
 88 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 added to the New Bedford fleet. 31 The voyage was 
 very successful, securing in one season a cargo valued at 
 $ioo,ooo, and fully demonstrating the practicability of 
 using steam in the whaling fleet. 
 
 It seems strange, however, that the experiment had not 
 been tried before, for the English had sent out a steam 
 whaler to Davis Strait as early as 1857. 32 The experi- 
 ment proved so advantageous that new wooden steam 
 vessels were built and old vessels were converted, so that 
 in 1869 the whole Dundee fleet was composed of screw 
 steamers — ten vessels in all. 33 The explanation for the 
 American tardiness probably lies in the decline of Ameri- 
 can ship building, then just beginning, and especially in 
 its almost total suspension immediately after the Civil 
 War. The first steam whaler w T as soon followed by others 
 and the catch was temporarily increased by the new 
 methods. Now the fleet of steam whalers is one of the 
 most important in the whole fishery. 
 
 The vessels comprising the fleet during the last two 
 decades may be divided into the two classes, sailing vessels 
 and steamers. The sailing vessels are mainly schooners 
 and square rigged vessels, no sloops having been employed 
 for many years. The schooners cruise chiefly in the 
 Atlantic grounds and the others are engaged in the Pacific. 
 The steam vessels are almost without exception entirely 
 engaged in Arctic whaling from San Francisco as their 
 port. 
 
 The size of the fleet at present is, of course, but a mere 
 fraction of what it was fifty or sixty years ago. It is only 
 natural, therefore, to wonder what became of the hundreds 
 of ships which were once engaged in the whale fishery. 
 Probably the greatest number would be accounted for by 
 wrecks in all parts of the world. For example, in the 
 autumn of 1871 a sudden setting in of the pack ice de- 
 
 31 Ellis, p. 433. 
 
 52 Goode, p. 237. 
 
 83 Simmonds : Animal Products, p. 369.
 
 Apparatus and Methods of Capture. 89 
 
 stroyed thirty -four ships, the whole Arctic fleet, in the 
 greatest disaster known in the history of whaling." 
 Again, in 1876, twelve vessels were destroyed in almost 
 exactly the same way. Forty whalers went to make up a 
 part of the famous stone fleet sunk by the United States 
 government in the attempt to blockade Charleston harbor 
 during the Civil War. Many of the whaling vessels were 
 sold at different times into the merchant marine, or were 
 withdrawn from service and broken up in various ports. 
 And finally a good many vessels were destroyed at sea 
 by Confederate cruisers during the Civil War; while these 
 different causes were at work to decrease the fleet, every 
 year after i860 saw fewer and fewer new vessels added to 
 replace the loss. 
 
 The crew of a whaler varies in size and personnel 
 according to the number of boats carried. An average 
 complement consists of a mate, a boat steerer and four or 
 five seamen for each whale boat, in addition to the cap- 
 tain, cooper, carpenter, cook, steward and often black- 
 smith and cabin boys. Thus a ship carrying four boats 
 would have a crew of about thirty-two men. 
 
 At first the colonial whaling vessels were manned 
 almost entirely by colonists and Indians. But as the 
 fishery grew, and the number of vessels increased, the 
 supply of hands was inadequate. As early as about, 
 1750 the Nantucket fishery had attained such proportions 
 that it was necessary to secure men from Cape Cod and 
 Long Island to man the vessels. 35 Less than a century 
 later the crews were made up of representatives of all 
 nations, while only the principal officers wire Amer- 
 icans. 8 " Go<< "Captain Isaiah West, now eighty- 
 six years of e, in 1880), tell me that he remembers 
 when lie picked his crew within a radius of sixty miles of 
 
 34 Starbuck, p. 103. 
 
 M Macy, p. 61. 
 
 ** Scammon, p. 255.
 
 90 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 New Bedford; oftentimes he was acquainted, either per- 
 sonally or through report, with the social standing or busi- 
 ness qualifications of every man on his vessel; and also 
 that he remembers the first foreigner — an Irishman — that 
 shipped with him, the circumstance being commented 
 on at that time as a remarkable one." 37 The Spanish, 
 Portuguese, Dutch, Swedish, Norwegian, English, Scotch, 
 Irish, in fact men of almost every country in Europe, 
 from Africa and Asia, from the Sandwich Islands, from 
 New Zealand and other Pacific islands, were to be found 
 in the whaling fleet during the days of its greatest pros- 
 perity. After the development of deep-sea whaling the 
 vessels made a quite general practice of touching at the 
 Azores or Cape Verde Islands to obtain supplies and 
 complete their crews, if full crews had not been shipped 
 at the home port. 38 
 
 The great variety of nationalities represented in the 
 fleet gave the whaling ports, and especially New Bedford, 
 a foreign air, for more or less of the foreigners were in 
 port the greater part of the time. In fact a part of 
 New Bedford near the south end of Water Street became 
 known locally as Fayal, from the large number of Portu- 
 guese, from that and other ports, living in the vicinity. 39 
 Even at the present day the mere casual observer on the 
 street can not fail to notice the unmistakable sturdy 
 figure and swarthy skin of the "Western Islanders," 
 making an important element in the population. 
 
 It is still true that the Americans in the whaling fleet 
 are generally the officers, while the crews are made up of 
 the different nationalities of foreigners. So great has 
 been the change in the industry where once "New Eng- 
 land's best sons were trained." 
 
 Sometimes the men in the crew have been paid regular 
 wages at so much per month, but the more common 
 
 37 Goode, p. 220. 
 
 38 Scammon, note, p. 255. 
 
 39 Ricketscn, p. 55.
 
 Apparatus and Methods of Capture. 91 
 
 custom has always been the famous "lay," or certain 
 share in the proceeds of the voyage. This system, as 
 applied to the crews of whaling vessels, matured late in 
 the eighteenth century. But in reality it was nothing 
 new, being rather only an adaptation of the co-operative 
 system of shore whaling in vogue at the eastern end of 
 Long Island as far back as the middle of the seventeenth 
 century. The prices of oil and bone were generally 
 agreed upon before the voyage began, and were placed 
 low enough to give a safe magrin of profit above any 
 ordinary fluctuation in the market. Average "lays" 
 varied from about iV for the captain to as little as its for 
 a green foremast hand. Of the system of "lay" wages, 
 Weeden 40 says, it was "The best co-operation of capital, 
 capitalizer and laborer ever accomplished." But so far 
 as the laborer — the ordinary seaman — was concerned, 
 the system was not so perfect. It was not at all unusual 
 for the foremast hand to receive as little as two or three 
 dollars, sometimes nothing at all, as his share. True 
 it is that there had been advances during the voyage, 
 but at best the total return was exceedingly small when 
 one considers the dangers and hardships, the poor food 
 and confined quarters on shipboard for voyages of often 
 three or four years' duration. Former whalemen state 
 that even on a lay of - 1 i- 7 , their share of the proceeds from 
 an eighteen months voyage was seldom more than two 
 hundred and fifty dollars. All they received in addition 
 was their food, and food of such a character that they 
 "would not have touched it at home." A "lay" of tt? 
 in a cargo valued at Si 00,000 is only $572. Divide this 
 figure by three or even two, representing the years ordi- 
 narily taken by such a voyage, and the disproportion 
 between the risk and the return appears at once. Fur- 
 thermore, the cargo worth $100,000 was not very common. 
 Deep-sea whaling began from Nantucket about 1715 
 
 40 Weeden: Econ. and Soc. History of New England, Vol. I, p. 430.
 
 92 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 with sloops of thirty to forty tons going to the " South- 
 ward, " and later to the Grand Banks. By 1850 ships of 
 400 to 500 tons were whaling in the Arctic beyond Bering 
 Strait. Between these two dates many grounds were 
 frequented, soon exhausted and abandoned for others. 
 The principal whaling grounds have been taken from 
 Scammon as follows : 41 For sperm whales in the Atlantic 
 the order of occupation was approximately as follows: 
 Carolina coasts, Bahamas, West Indies. Gulf of Mexico, 
 Caribbean Sea, Azores, Cape Verde Islands, and the 
 coast of Africa. In the Pacific Ocean the order was: 
 South American coast — Chili and Peru, west to Juan 
 Fernandez Island and the Galapagos group, known as the 
 on-shore ground; off-shore ground, lying between 
 longitudes 90 and 120 west and latitudes 5 and io° 
 south ; about the different groups of islands, as the Sand- 
 wich Islands, the Fiji, Society and Navigator groups; 
 in the China Sea and along the Japan coasts ; the Cali- 
 fornia coast, and the northwest coast of America. In 
 the Indian Ocean, Madagascar, mouth of the Red Sea, 
 Java, Malacca Straits, and into the Pacific about Austra- 
 lia, Tasmania and New Zealand. Practically all these 
 sperm whaling grounds are in warm latitudes, either 
 tropical or temperate, while the right whaling grounds 
 will be seen to lie generally in colder regions. The north- 
 ern grounds for right whales included the Atlantic coast 
 from Newfoundland to the Bahamas. Davis Straits, 
 the coast of Greenland, about Spitzbergen, Baffin's 
 Bay and Hudson's Bay. In the Pacific, the northwest 
 coast of America, including Bering Sea, the coast of 
 Kamtchatka, in Okhotsk Sea, Japan Sea, and through 
 Bering Strait into the Arctic Ocean were the places most 
 frequented. The southern grounds included, in the Atlan- 
 tic, the Brazil Banks, the coast of Africa, the coast of 
 Patagonia, and about the various island .groups, as the 
 
 41 Scammon, p. 214-215.
 
 Apparatus and Methods of Capture. 93 
 
 Falklands, Tristan d'Acunha, etc., and in the Pacific 
 the coast of Chili, Australia and New Zealand. Many of 
 these grounds included great stretches of ocean within 
 which the favorite feeding grounds were found. Most of 
 them were long since abandoned because of the practical 
 extermination of the whal 
 
 It is difficult to tell the precise date when each of the 
 different whaling grounds was first visited, but the dates 
 of the more important advances are preserved in the 
 records. Previous to 1791 all the whaling was confined 
 to the Atlantic, and until about 1773 or 1774 it had b^ n 
 wholly in the North Atlantic. 42 In 1791 the first whaling 
 vessels went to the Pacific — six from Nantucket and one 
 from New Bedford. 43 The "on-shore" grounds were 
 the only ones visited for a number of years. The "off- 
 shore" grounds were visited about 1818, 44 and within 
 three years over fifty ships were cruising in that region. 
 In 1820 the first vessels sailed for the Japanese coast, and 
 by 1822 between thirty and forty vessels were whaling 
 there. 45 From that time on the whalers spread rapidly 
 to all parts of the Pacific and Indian Oceans. In 1835 
 whaling was begun by a Nantucket vessel on the great 
 ground along the northwest coast. 46 And in 1848 a 
 Sag Harbor whaler passed through Bering Strait into the 
 Arctic, 47 thus completing the last stage of advance in the 
 pursuit of whales. As early as 1835 the Nantucket fleet 
 went mainly to the Pacific, and after 1840 it went almost 
 entirely to those grounds, while before 1850 a large pro- 
 portion of the New Bedford fleet had followed this ex- 
 ample. Since that time the Arctic grounds have been 
 frequented each year by an increasing proportion of the 
 
 17 Mary, p. 54. 
 43 Starbuck, p. 90. 
 ** Macy, p. 217 
 45 Macy. p. 2 18. 
 *' Scammon, p. 212. 
 4 ' Starbuck, p. qq.
 
 94 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 fleet, though for the last decade or two there have 
 still been some vessels cruising in the North Pacific in 
 addition to a small fleet from New Bedford, Province- 
 town and an occasional other port, sperm whaling on the 
 old grounds in the Atlantic. 48 
 
 The chief products of the whale fishery are, as is well 
 known, sperm and whale oil and whalebone, with the 
 occasional product ambergris. Up to about i860 sperm 
 oil was the most valuable and most important of the 
 whale products. It comes solely from the sperm whale, 
 a large whale yielding as much as 100 barrels of oil, 49 
 about one third of the total coming from the head. 
 Much of the annual importation of sperm oil was formerly 
 consumed in the manufacture of sperm candles. At 
 present its chief use is in making refined oils for lubricat- 
 ing. Whale oil includes the oil from all other varieties 
 of whales, as well as oil from the blackfish, the porpoise 
 and even the walrus. It was formerly much used as an 
 illuminant in the old-fashioned vile-smelling, "whale oil '' 
 lamp, but it is now chiefly used in the tanning of leather, 
 in the preparation of coarse woolen cloths, in the manu- 
 factures of soft soaps, and of coarse paints and varnishes 
 where it gives a strength of "body" more resistent to 
 weather than do vegetable oils ; with tar it is used in ship 
 work, making cordage and other industrial processes ; but 
 perhaps its most important use is in making heavy lubri- 
 cating oils. It is worth about two-thirds as much as 
 sperm oil. Since the opening of the Arctic fishery a large X 
 part of the whale oil has come from the right whale — 
 some of which yield as much as 230 barrels of oil. 50 The 
 refuse of whales has also at times been used in making 
 glue and in fertilizers under the name of guano. 
 
 ^Fish. Comm. Rep.. 1891, p. clxxiii. "Whalemen's Shipping List," 
 Annual Reviews, 1 880-1 906. 
 a Macy, p. 221. 
 50 Macy, p. 223.
 
 Apparatus and Methods of Capture. 95 
 
 In the early days of whaling, in fact for many years 
 after deep sea whaling was begun, both the trying out of 
 oil from the blubber and the refining was done on shore. 
 Later trying out was done on board the vessels and the 
 oil was brought back ready for the refineries. In the 
 refining processes the oil is first heated to make the 
 pieces of blubber and foreign matter settle. The clear 
 oil is then subjected to a freezing process which partly 
 granulates it. The freezing is followed by straining 
 through cloths and subjection to pressure to separate the 
 solid matter or " foots "—spermaceti from sperm oil and 
 whale's foot from whale oil. The various grades of oil 
 are then obtained by heating, pressing and the addition 
 of chemicals to clarify and bleach them. Oils for deli- 
 cate mechanisms, as for watches and clocks, are com- 
 monly made from porpoise jaw and blackfish head oils, 
 the process of refining these oils requiring about two 
 years. 51 
 
 The spermaceti representing the "foot" of sperm oil is 
 carefully separated and subjected to processes of refin- 
 ing by itself. In its final form it appears as a white, 
 translucen; crystalline mass 52 — which in the manufacture 
 of sperm candles was usually mixed with beeswax to 
 prevent granulation. 
 
 Whalebone is now the most important product of the 
 whale fishery. It comes from the baleen or right whale, 
 or from the rorqual, more commonly known as the "sul- 
 phur bottom." The bone occurs as a series of plates or 
 blades, several hundred in number, and varying up to 
 fifteen feet in length, which are suspend* d from the s ; 
 of the crown bone and hang down on each side of the 
 tongue. The value of the bone lies in the fact that win n 
 softened with hot water, or by heating befor< a fire, it lias 
 the property of retaining any given shape, providi d it is 
 
 M Ellis, p. 470. 
 
 62 Simmonds, p. 389-390.
 
 96 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 secured in the required form until cold. 53 The prepara- 
 tion of the bone consists of boiling it in hot water for 
 several hours, which makes it soft when hot and harder 
 when cold. The surface is then cleaned and polished, 
 while the jet black color, usually seen, is the result of a 
 dyeing process. 54 
 
 Though now so precious, it was only a century ago that 
 tli • bone was often dumped over the ship's side as so 
 much waste or was saved by the sailors only for making 
 curious knick-knacks during their leisure hours. 55 As 
 late as 1830 bone had only just- reached a price of over 
 t\ ■<. nty cents per pound, but as its value was recognized 
 and the demand increased the price rose steadily and 
 has continued to do so up to the present time. 
 
 Whalebone appears to have found its first use in 
 women's stays, 56 and later in parasols and umbrellas, in all 
 of which uses it was subsequently largely replaced by 
 steel. At various times it has been used by milliners, in 
 upholstery, as the framework for trunks and traveling 
 bags, in fishing rods, driving whips, shafts, springs and 
 wheels of carriages, etc., while the coarse hair on the 
 bone has often been used as a substitute for curled hair in 
 upholstering furniture. Various substitutes, either nat- 
 ural or artificial, have largely supplanted the other 
 whale products, anel in some degree bone has been re- 
 placed by steel, celluloid, rattan, etc., but no material has 
 b en found which will answer all its purposes. It is for- 
 tunate that this is so, for without the demand for whale- 
 bone the whale fishery would almost certainly disappear. 
 The consumption of whalebone at present, both in this 
 country and in Europe, is confined largely to the original 
 use — in corsets and in stays for dresses. 
 
 Ambergris, the only other product of the whale fishery, 
 
 63 Scoresby, p. 435. 
 " Simmonds, p. 389. 
 45 Pease, p. 32. 
 58 Scoresby, p. 436.
 
 Apparatus and Methods of Capture. 97 
 
 is a secretion from the intestines of the sperm whale, and 
 is generally regarded as the result of disease. It is 
 occasionally found floating at sea or is picked up along 
 the shore, but more often it is extracted from the whale 
 itself. Ambergris is comparatively rare, being worth 
 more than its weight in gold. Its chief use is in the 
 preparation of fine perfumeries, because of its property 
 of thoroughly and permanently uniting the different 
 ingredients. 
 
 From the very nature of its occurrence there is no regu- 
 lar supply of ambergris and the quantity imported is 
 usually very limited. In this connection, however, it 
 is interesting to note an item by Simmonds 57 who says 
 " Strangely enough this substance is brought to Mogador 
 (in northern Morocco) in considerable quantities by the 
 Timbuctoo caravans from the interior of Africa, it prob- 
 ably finding its way there from the west coast. At 
 Mogador it sells 53 for about £20 per pound. Most of the 
 well-to-do Moors have ambergris in their houses and they 
 use it in green tea as a flavoring, one of the greatest 
 compliments to a guest is to present him with a cup of 
 this strange mixture." It would be interesting to know 
 the source of this supply of the precious ambergris, but 
 neither Simmonds nor any other writers make any 
 further mention of it. 
 
 57 Simmonds, p. 390. 
 M Written in 1877.
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 Whale Products in Commerce. 
 
 It is much more difficult to trace the development of 
 trade in whale products than it is to trace any other 
 phase in the history of whaling activities. The chief 
 source of difficulty lies in the absence of early records of 
 trade movements, both domestic and foreign. It seems 
 undoubted that whale products became important articles 
 of commerce almost as soon as whaling began. The 
 amounts of oil taken by the Nantucket, the Long Island 
 and the Cape Cod fishermen must very soon have been 
 much larger than necessary to supply all local demands. 
 At least as early as the introduction of boat whaling there 
 must have been permanent markets important enough 
 to make whaling profitable when pursued as a regular 
 business. And as early as 1668 a company was formed 
 at Easthampton for the purpose of carrying on whaling 
 from boats. 1 
 
 It seems quite reasonable to suppose that the trade in 
 whale oils was, almost from the start, carried on with both 
 domestic and foreign markets ; not that the export trade 
 grew out of a greater supply than could be disposed of in 
 the colonies. Export trade to British ports was favored 
 by various conditions. The New England colonists were 
 familiar with the English demand for whale oils, through 
 the attempts at establishing the Spitzbergen fishery. 
 The colonists were in constant need of British commodi- 
 ties and the exchange for colonial products directly was a 
 natural outcome of this demand. Great Britain exerted 
 every influence, at times little less than actual compulsion, 
 
 1 Starbuck, p. i 2.
 
 Whale Products in Commerce. 99 
 
 in the encouragement of trade between the American 
 colonies and the mother country. And the colonics 
 themselves in many instances placed obstacles in the way 
 of inter-colonial trade, while trade with England was 
 directly favored. 
 
 When the trade first began, what were the markets and 
 how important were the movements of whale products 
 is impossible to say. Starbuck says' that the oil from 
 Long Island was sent to Boston and to Connecticut 
 ports at an early date, and that this trade was for many 
 years an almost constant source of trouble between the 
 settlers at the eastern end of Long Island and the colonial 
 authorities of New York. Among the first of the many 
 arbitrary laws passed by the New York governors and 
 councils was an act requiring all oil for export to be 
 cleared from the port of New York. And an act dated 
 1684 imposed a duty of ten per cent on all whale products 
 exported from New York ports to any outside ports, 
 except directly to England or to the West Indies. 3 It is 
 obvious enough that this act was directed against the 
 trade with Boston and Connecticut ports, but history 
 says that it was not successful in accomplishing the 
 desired end. It is valuable, however, as indicating that 
 by 1680 at least, both home and foreign trade in whale 
 products had become important enough to be regarded as 
 an element of commerce and worthy of legislative control. 
 
 Little has been preserved in the records to reveal the 
 conditions of the trade during the latter part of the 
 seventeenth century and the opening decades of the 
 eighteenth century. But from the meager references 
 available it appears to have undergone hardly any 
 changes, except that of increasing importance and value. 
 Whale oil was the chief product of the fishery in th 
 early days. Sperm whaling was not begun until about 
 
 ' Starbuck, p. 14. 
 1 Starbuck, p. 15.
 
 ioo A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 1712, 4 and whalebone was not then regarded as of much 
 value. Long Island, Nantucket and Cape Cod were the 
 main whaling localities, and it seems probable that Boston 
 remained the chief port for many years, with the exports 
 going to British ports in Great Britain and in the West 
 Indies. 
 
 In 1678 a Boston merchant had sought permission to 
 clear with a cargo of oil he had purchased at South- 
 ampton, directly from that port to London, in order to 
 avoid the risk of extra leakage during the voyage to New 
 York. 5 But it seems probable that this practice was 
 not continued, for during the early years of the eighteenth 
 century there was the same old trouble because of the 
 trade going to colonial ports outside of New York rather 
 than to that port. In 1720 the Nantucket whalers made 
 a small shipment of oil to London, but whether this was 
 their first venture in direct export trade is as uncertain as 
 is our knowledge concerning the success of the enter- 
 prise. At all events it was not until many years later 
 that the practice was resumed. 
 
 The trade in whale products, especially the export 
 trade, apparently grew rapidly after the development of 
 deep sea whaling, for of the industry in 1730 Holmes 
 says, 8 the "whale fishery of the North American coasts 
 must at this time have been very considerable, for there 
 arrived in England . . . about the month of July, 
 154 tons of train and whale oil and 9,200 of whale- 
 bone." These quantities must either include the pro- 
 duct imported into England from the British fishery in 
 Davis Strait, which had begun some years before, or else 
 the "9,200 of bone" means pounds and not tons. For it 
 is incredible that the limited colonial industry should 
 export an amount of bone equal to the annual ex- 
 ports during the years when whaling was in the full tide 
 
 • Macy, p. 42. 
 
 • Starbuck, p. 14. 
 
 • Holmes: American Annals, I, 126
 
 Whale Products in Commerce. 101 
 
 of its success and bone was an increasingly valuable 
 product. 
 
 As the whaling industry, grew the increased quantities 
 of oil and bone far exceeded the limited colonial demand. 
 Boston had for many years served as the chief colonial 
 market, especially for the important Nantucket interests. 
 The whalers sold their oil there and secured their supplies 
 from that port. But the markets were occasionally 
 glutted as the business was overdone and the prices were 
 too low to make the fishery profitable. 7 Export trade 
 in whale products as in other commodities was practically 
 limited to British and British West Indian ports. 
 
 "It was found," says Macy, 8 "that Nantucket had in 
 many places become famed for whaling, and particularly 
 so in England, where partial supplies of the oil had been 
 received through the medium of the Boston trade. The 
 people finding that merchants in Boston were making a 
 good profit by purchasing oil in Nantucket ... or- 
 dering it to Boston and thence shipping it to London, 
 determined to secure the advantage of the trade to 
 themselves, by exporting their oil in their own vessels. 
 . They, therefore, loaded and sent out one vessel 
 about 1745. The result of this small beginning proved 
 profitable and encouraged them to increase their ship- 
 ment by sending out other vessels. They found, in addi- 
 tion to the profits on the sales, that the articles in return 
 Were such as their business required, viz., iron, hardware, 
 hemp, sailcloth and many other goods, and at a much 
 cheaper rate than they had hitherto been subjected to." 
 Nantucket was at that time the chief center of the 
 whale fishery and this new phase of trade activity gave 
 new life to the business and promoted new ventures. 
 At all times, in fact, the market conditions have been of 
 vital importance to the success and prosperity of whal- 
 ing enterpris 
 
 ' Starbuck, p. 23. 
 * Macy, p. 51.
 
 102 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 The people soon learned from experience how to take 
 advantage of the different markets for oil. The sperm 
 oil was sent mainly to England in the crude state, that is 
 the "head matter" and the body oil were generally 
 mixed, for at that time there was not enough difference 
 in price to pay for separating the two grades. The 
 whale oil, coming chiefly from right whales, was shipped 
 to Boston, or elsewhere in the colonies, and from these 
 central markets it was distributed throughout the colonies 
 or sent to the West Indies in the trade for molasses.' 
 
 In 1 761 the Gulf of St. Lawrence and the Straits of 
 Belle Isle fisheries were opened to the colonial whalemen, 10 
 and there were immediate prospects of increased profits. 
 But the colonists were destined to be disappointed. In 
 1755 England placed restrictive measures on American 
 whaling operations in the form of an embargo, pending 
 the expedition against the French in Arcadia. And the 
 same year that the new fisheries were opened still more 
 repressive measures were passed. Apparently as a part 
 of the plan to encourage and develop the British whale 
 fishery, still struggling in rivalry against the Dutch, 
 Parliament laid a duty on all whale products exported to 
 England from the colonies. The residents of Great 
 Britain on the other hand were granted a bounty in which 
 the colonists could not share. These conditions in 
 themselves were not so hard, but by another act of the 
 same year the colonists were not allowed to send their 
 exports to any other markets. Hence in order to secure 
 any export traele at all, the colonists were literally forced 
 into paying the English duties. The New England 
 merchants, as well as the London merchants, engaged in 
 colonial trade protested against these injustices, sending 
 petitions to Parliament asking for the removal of the 
 duty. But it was not until about 1767 that the condi- 
 tions were very much improved. 
 
 9 Starbuck, p. 52—53. 
 
 10 Starbuck, p. 39.
 
 Whale Products in Commerce. 103 
 
 During the years immediately preceding the Revolution 
 the whale fishery was prosperous and profitable in every 
 phase of its activity. The annual production from 
 1771-1775 was probablv not lcss than 45.°°° barrels of 
 sperm oil, 8,500 barrels of whale oil and 75,000 pounds of 
 bone 11 The average price in the market during this 
 time was about £40 sterling per ton for sperm oil and 
 £50 per ton for head matter. Whale oil brought about 
 $70 per ton and bone, exported chiefly to Great Britain, 
 sold for about fifty cents per pound. 12 Much of the 
 exports went to England to find their way into British 
 and other European markets where the increasing con- 
 sumption of oil in lamps as well as in different manufac- 
 tures created a large demand for whale products. 1 ' 
 The English demand especially was larger than the supply 
 of the home fishery, and the English government was 
 paying heavy bounties to build up the business." 
 
 The outbreak of hostilities in 1775, however, put a stop 
 to whaling operations and consequently trade in oil and 
 bone practically ceased, except with the West Indies" 
 West Indian products of all kinds commanded excessively 
 high prices. The whaling vessels of that time, schooners 
 and small square rigged vessels, were well suited for the 
 trade, and in addition, many of the owners had stocks of 
 oil and candles which were in demand in the islands. 
 The business, however, was dangerous, and to divide the 
 risk it was usually carried on jointly by several persons. 
 But later in the war the presence of British cruisers and 
 privateers along the coast greatly restricted even this 
 small remnant of the former prosperous trade. 
 
 After the war was over the fishery was greatly stimu- 
 lated in its revival by the excessive prices command, id 
 
 11 Starbuck, p. 57. 
 
 u Macy, p. 81 . 
 
 " Hutchison, III, p. 400. 
 
 14 Scoresby, p. 75- 
 
 16 Macy, p. 91.
 
 104 A History of the American IV hale Fishery. 
 
 by oil and hone. But these prices soon fell. 16 England 
 tried to take over the whale fishery, paying heavy boun- 
 ties to build up an industry which could supply the de- 
 mands of the markets. At the same time the American 
 trade was practically excluded by an alien duty of £18 
 per ton. This duty had a far-reaching effect on the 
 American industry. Oil which was worth £30 per ton 
 before the war now brought only £17, while £25 per ton 
 was the lowest price which would leave the merchants 
 any margin of profit. The English demand had been 
 practically the only important foreign market, and with 
 the loss of it, the situation was becoming desperate. The 
 rise and fall of prices may be seen from the accompanying 
 table : 17 
 
 Sperm Oil Sperm Oil 
 
 Year. per ton. Year. per ton. 
 
 173° £7 Il J1 £40 
 
 1/48 £14 1772-1775 £45 
 
 1758 £18 1783 £40 
 
 1768 £18 1784 £24 
 
 In 1785 Massachusetts provided for a bounty on whale 
 products to help along the industry, but its finals effects 
 were not wholly good The fishery was unnaturally 
 stimulated and the imports of oil and bone soon exceeded 
 the demand. The long suspension in the use of oil during 
 the years of the war had resulted in a more general return 
 to the use of tallow candles. Over production, there- 
 fore, prevented the hoped for increase in prices and 
 profits. It was at this time that the Nantucket whalers 
 carried on negotiations with England and with France in 
 regard to a transference of their interests to those coun- 
 tries where more favorable conditions were presented." 
 A commercial treaty with France in 1789, 19 however, 
 gave promise of more prosperous conditions, by opening 
 
 18 Starbuck, p. 78. 
 
 17 Macy, pp. 226-227. 
 
 18 Macy, pp. 134-135. 
 11 Starbuck, p. 90.
 
 Whale Products in Commerce. 105 
 
 the French markets to American whale products, while 
 at the same time European whale products were ex- 
 cluded. The first few shipments to France met with a 
 profitable sale and the prospects seemed good. But 
 the troubles between France and England, and the oat- 
 break of the French Revolution, soon annulled all the 
 expected advantages of the agreement of 1 789. 
 
 From that time until the close of the war of 181 2 every 
 phase of the whale fishery was marked by ups and downs, 
 such as are found at no other time. In 1798 the pros- 
 pects of hostilities between the United States and France 
 were reflected in the preying of French privateers on 
 American commerce. Whaling interests suffered with 
 the rest. The price of provisions was high; rates of 
 insurance increased; at one time rates as high as twenty 
 per cent were charged for marine insurance when the 
 underwriters would assume risks at all; 20 and there were 
 many times when the ship owners must have lost money, 
 under the current prices, even if their ships had brought 
 in full cargoes. 21 During the early years of the ne w 
 century there was added both the trouble with the 
 Spanish in South America, just when the newly opened 
 Pacific fishery was becoming important, and the difficul- 
 ties with Breat Britain in harassing our eomnit rce. The 
 embargo of 1807 kept down the prices of oil and candles 
 by stopping their exportation. And finally the outbr< ak 
 of actual hostilities in 1812, with the accompanying re- 
 strictions on trade in general, once more put an efT< ctive 
 end to any extensive trade movements in whale products. 
 
 Yet during these same years there were othi r influences 
 which were tending steadily to build up trade in whale 
 oils and bone. The years of depression led many owners 
 to sell their vessels or to transfer them to other branches 
 of business. The quantities of oil imported were th< reby 
 reduced even below the market demand and the prices 
 
 10 Macy, p. 163. 
 
 11 Macy, p. 150.
 
 106 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 again rose to the point of returning reasonable profits. 
 With renewed prosperity in the country the home con- 
 sumption of oil and sperm candles was increasing. During 
 the Revolution necessity had prompted a return to tallow 
 candles, but experience had shown clearly enough that 
 the whale and sperm oil were preferable as illuminants, — 
 giving both a cheaper and a better light. Light -houses 
 were also increasing in number, creating a greater de- 
 mand for oil and tending to raise its price. Whale oil 
 was being secured in greater quantities and the fact that 
 it commanded only about one-half the price of sperm oil, 
 favored its more general use. Whale oil, it is true, did 
 not give such a brilliant light as sperm oil, but since it 
 was cheaper and would last about twice as long, it had 
 an increasing demand for common lights. Both sperm 
 candles and whale oil found growing markets in most of 
 the important seaports on the coast, and from them it 
 was shipped to various parts of the world, the West In- 
 dian trade being especially important. 22 
 
 While the war lasted (1812-1815) the imports of oil 
 and bone fell to the merest fraction of what they had 
 been during the years just previous to the outbreak of 
 hostilities. The decreased supply was far below the de- 
 mand of the home markets, and this fact, coupled with 
 the prohibitive embargoes, resulted in the complete sus- 
 pension of the export trade. In the years 1813 to 1815 
 inclusive there were no shipments of sperm oil or bone to 
 foreign markets, while of whale oil the exports were 
 practically nil in 1 8 1 4 and none at all in 1 8 1 5 . During 
 the fifteen years since the opening of the century the an- 
 nual exports had gone as high as 136,000 gallons of sperm 
 oil, 932,000 gallons of whale oil, and 134,000 pounds of 
 bone. The current prices were ranging near one dollar 
 a gallon for sperm and fifty cents per gallon for whale 
 oil, while bone was not worth over ten cents per pound. 
 But at a time when the total export trade of the United 
 
 11 Macy, p. 139.
 
 Whale Products in Commerce. 107 
 
 States was relatively small, the trade in whale products 
 was proportionately more important than during the 
 later days of greater whaling prosperity. 
 
 Whaling was resumed after the war with marked 
 activity especially at Nantucket. After the Revolution 
 oil and bone had commanded excessive prices for a brief 
 time, and now the belief that the first cargoes would 
 bring similarly high prices acted as a great stimulus to 
 renew the fishery. But the prices fell as low or even 
 lower than for several years previous and many of the 
 owners found themselves in financial difficulties as a 
 result of doing business on credit and meeting with 
 unsuccessful voyages. For two or three years the depres- 
 sion in whaling interests was a rather serious question to 
 those whose capital was invested. The unsettled period 
 lasted until about 181 8 or 1820 when the fishery was once 
 more on a profitable basis as the result of successful voy- 
 ages. The steadily increasing quantities of imports from 
 18 1 8 onward are the best indications of this growing 
 prosperity. At the same time the export trade to dif- 
 ferent parts of the world began to assume its former pro- 
 portions. 
 
 The exports of whale oil had surpassed any former 
 record by the end of the year 1820, over one and a 
 quarter million gallons being shipped that year. The 
 sperm oil shipments were fluctuating up to about 1825, 
 but after that year annual exports began to attain 
 greater prominence. The foreign trade in whalebone 
 was also relatively small during the years just after the 
 close of the war but this fact is partially explained by 
 the small total imports during that time. 
 
 From 1825 until the decline of whaling int. rests began, 
 about i860, the trade in whale products grew with the 
 growing industry. But the increase in the importance 
 of the export trade was not keeping pace with the growth 
 of the industry as a whole. In other words the fishery 
 was finding the basis for its greater prosperity not so much
 
 108 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 in a rapidly-growing foreign market as in the increased 
 consumption at home. In a way this circumstance was 
 a direct reversal of the conditions at the close of the 
 Revolution. At that time loss of the foreign, especially 
 the important British, markets was the prime cause of 
 the fluctuations in whaling prosperity. The home 
 demands at that time were not great enough to support a 
 flourishing industry and the merchants had been com- 
 pelled to look to foreign markets for a good share of their 
 profits. But after 1 820 by far the larger part of the whale 
 oils went into the markets of this country. Whalebone, 
 on the contrary, has almost always seemed to find its 
 greatest demands in European markets. 
 
 The growth of imports from year to year may be seen 
 from a study of Table III in Appendix I. From 1825 to 
 1835 the imports of sperm oil had risen from about 
 2,000,000 gallons to over 5,000,000 gallons. The quantity 
 of whale oil had increased, by 1837, from a little over 
 1,600,000 to over 6,300,000 gallons in a single year. 
 And the yield of whalebone had risen from less than 
 200,000 pounds, previous to 1829, to over 2,000,000 
 pounds by 1840. 
 
 During the same years the exports of sperm oil had not 
 risen above 300,000 gallons and except in two years they 
 had not exceeded 100,000 gallons annually. Of the 
 whale oil and whale bone, however, between a third and 
 a half of the total imports were finding their way into the 
 foreign trade of the country. In another connection 
 attention has been called to the fluctuations from year 
 to year characteristic of the whale fishery. The same 
 feature is found in a study of the annual exports. A 
 comparison of the number of vessels and tonnage of 
 the fleet with the amount of annual imports shows no 
 definite inter-relationship. Nor is there any apparent 
 connection between the quantities of oil and bone im- 
 ported and the amounts sent to foreign markets. 
 For example to look at the years when imports and
 
 Whale Products in Commerce. 109 
 
 exports have reached their maximum amounts brings 
 out this point: 
 
 Maximum Annual Imports and Exports of Whale Products. 
 
 Imports. Exports. 
 
 Sperm oil 1837, 5,329, 138 gals. 1860-61, 1,518,457 gals. 
 
 Whale oil 1851, 10,182,000 gals. 1837-38, 4,824,376 gals. 
 
 Bone 1853, 5,652,300 lbs. 1852-53, 2,852,069 lbs. 
 
 In short the foreign demand for American whale products 
 seems to have been influenced more by the failure of the 
 European fisheries than by the success of the American 
 industry. 
 
 During the days of whaling prosperity both oil and 
 bone were important articles of foreign trade. Whale 
 oil was shipped abroad in somewhat larger quantities 
 than was sperm oil but the usual higher prices of the latter 
 made it of equal or even greater value. When the decline 
 of whaling interests began about i860, the commercial 
 importance of whale products also began to fall, for it 
 was almost entirely a lessened demand and decreasing 
 consumption which induced the decline. Whale oil was 
 the first product to be seriously affected because its uses 
 as a cheap illuminant were most largely supplanted by 
 the new petroleum products. 
 
 Since 1864 the exports of whale oil have steadily 
 declined, in only five years exceeding 10,000 barrels. 
 And since 1899 the total exports have been only 900 
 barrels— 500 barrels in 1900 and 400 barrels in 1902. At 
 the same time the imports have declined steadily from 
 76,000 barrels in 1865 to 1,755 barrels in 1905. Thus 
 both the home and the foreign markets have practically 
 ceased to be important. With sperm oil the condition is 
 slightly different. Its use in fine lubricants has pre- 
 served a part of the former demand, along with the 
 minor consumption in certain industrial arts. But the 
 consumption is largely in the American markets. Since 
 1865 the imports of sperm oil have d< clined on the whole,
 
 no A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 though with many fluctuations, from about 65,000 
 barrels to 12,985 barrels in 1905. The exports which in 
 1865 amounted to 20,000 barrels, have not exceeded 
 2,000 barrels in any year since 1892, and since 1900 only 
 one year, 1902 with 470 barrels, has been marked by any 
 foreign shipment of sperm oil. Whale oil therefore has 
 largely lost both home and foreign markets, while sperm 
 oil has ceased to rank as an article of export. The small 
 annual yield of the latter is almost entirely consumed in 
 the United States. 
 
 Whalebone presents a marked contrast to the declin- 
 ing trade in oils. True it is that the annual yield of 
 bone at present is far below the figures for the years 
 during the middle of the last century. But with the 
 failing of the whale fishery, bone has become the chief 
 product. Year by year its price has risen as the supply 
 has fallen off, and the demand has continued. The 
 foreign market still continues to be the most important, 
 rather more than half the bone being sent to European 
 ports, chiefly France, Germany and Great Britain. 
 Whalebone alone remains as an important article of 
 commerce — on the demand for bone depends almost 
 entirely the future of trade in whale products. A recent 
 report from the London "Times" (Nov. 1, 1906) states 
 that the price of whalebone in the London market has 
 gone up to seven dollars per pound as the result of the 
 failure of the British fishery. The Dundee whalers could 
 not reach the whaling grounds, in the Davis Strait and 
 Greenland regions, because of the presence of pack ice. 
 This high price will undoubtedly stimulate the foreign 
 shipments of bone from this country. 
 
 Whaling was beneficial in its prosperity not alone to the 
 people who invested directly in the fishing enterprises. 
 The refining and manufacturing of oils offered profitable 
 employment for capital and gave work to many hundreds 
 of workmen during the days of its greatest development. 
 
 The manufacture of sperm candles was one of the
 
 JVhale Products in Commerce. in 
 
 most important industries growing out of the whale 
 fishery. And as early as 1760 there were eight factories 
 in New England and one in Philadelphia. 23 Other 
 allied industries were greatly promoted, as cooperage, 
 machine-shop products, cordage, and more especially 
 boat and ship building. Thus in 1851 the N< w Bedford 
 fleet alone added forty-eight ships, and in 1852 six n 
 ships were being built in the New Bedford yards." 
 The development of such interests gave rise to new trade 
 relations and movements. The growth of these allied 
 industries reflected the growing importance of trade in 
 whale products, and their success depended on the 
 commercial prosperity of the fishery. The changing 
 economic conditions, by which this commerce was largely 
 destroyed, might have effected these industries adversely 
 in the important whaling centers, and have brought a 
 general economic crisis in such a place as New Bedford, — 
 but the change was gradual ; the markets declined slowly ; 
 and most of the industries were able to transfc r th( ir 
 interests to other growing lines of activity. Ship and 
 boat building alone suffered heavily but perhaps not so 
 much from the failure of whaling commerce as from the 
 general decline of the American merchant marine and 
 American supremacy in ship building. 
 
 " Weeden, I, 655. 
 M Ellis, p. 419.
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 Present Status and Future Prospects. 
 
 On January i, 1906, the whaling fleet of the United 
 States numbered forty-two vessels, with an aggregate 
 tonnage of 9,878 tons. By way of comparison, the 
 Nantucket fleet from 1 771-1775 numbered 150 vessels, 
 having a tonnage of 15,075 tons. The number of vessels 
 at the beginning of the year was the same for the two 
 years previous, but the tonnage figures represent the 
 highest mark reached since January 1, 1900, when the 
 figures for the fleet were forty-eight vessels, and aggregate 
 tonnage 10,478. The increase in tonnage from 1905 to 
 1906 was owing to the addition of new vessels, a 294- 
 ton bark from Norwich, a 390-ton brig from New Bedford 
 and a 180-ton schooner from San Francisco. While the 
 three vessels lost or withdrawn aggregated only 270 tons. 
 
 The most notable feature of the year was the reappear- 
 ance of Norwich, Conn., as a whaling port after a lapse 
 of seventy years. Since Boston dropped from the list 
 in 1903 vessels had been registered only from the three 
 ports, New Bedford, San Francisco and Provincetown. 
 During the last thirty -five years the only other instances 
 of a new port being added to the list were Stonington, 
 Conn., which sent one or two vessels yearly from 1878 
 to 1893, and Hartford, Conn., which sent one vessel in 
 1887. The Stonington case represented a lapse of 
 seventeen years, while Hartford had never before been 
 a whaling port. The Norwich instance is, therefore, 
 noteworthy, but it means practically nothing as to the 
 status of the whole industry. 
 
 The main fleet, as in previous years, was divided among 
 New Bedford with twenty -four vessels ; San Francisco,
 
 Present Status and Future Prospects. 113 
 
 fourteen vessels, and Provincetown, three vessels. Of 
 the whole fleet, there were twenty-five steamers and 
 barks, three brigs and fourteen schooners. With the 
 exception of five schooners hailing from San Francisco, 
 practically all the brigs and schooners, that is the smaller 
 vessels, are employed in the sperm whale fishery of the 
 Atlantic Ocean. The steamers and barks, on the other 
 hand, are engaged chiefly in the North Pacific and the 
 Arctic fishery. 
 
 The imports of whale products in 1905 show a falling off 
 from previous years. The imports of sperm oil, 12,985 
 barrels, reached the lowest figure since 1899; whale oil, 
 1,755 barrels, touched the lowest figure since 181 5, with 
 the single exception of 1903, and whalebone, 79,900 
 pounds, again excepting 1903, went lower than in any 
 other year since 1827. In other words, the vessel and 
 tonnage figures would suggest a slight revival of whaling 
 during the last few years, the figures of imports last year 
 indicate about the lowest condition of the fishery for 
 nearly a century. 
 
 The prices on whale products also fell, six cents per 
 gallon on sp ; rm oil, five e-'nts on whale oil, and nin 
 cents a pound on whalebone. Hence the smaller imports 
 had a still smaller relative value as compared with the 
 two or three years immediately previous. It seems, 
 therefore, that in spite of a slight increase in the fleet 
 tonnage, the whaling industry has not yet reached its 
 lowest ebb, at least as far as oils are concerned. The 
 merchants, however, apparently have faith in an advance 
 of price, for many of them are holding much of their 
 stocks rather than sell at the prevailing low prices. 
 
 The imports of oil and bone are made chiefly at New 
 Bedford and at San Francisco. The Atlantic fleet of 
 sperm whalers makes New Bedford its port, though small 
 amounts of both sperm and whale oil are occasionally 
 entered at New York and Boston. The San Francisco 
 imports are chiefly of whalebone from the right whale
 
 ii4 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 fishery of the North Pacific and Arctic fleets. Some bone 
 is also usually entered at Seattle, whence it is shipped 
 east by rail. There were no exports of either sperm oil 
 or whale oil in 1905 — making the third year of no foreign 
 movement of these products. It seems safe to conclude 
 that the formerly important European market no longer 
 exists, and the consumption of whale oils is by home 
 demands — their uses being mainly as lubricating oils. 
 Whalebone, on the contrary, still continues to have a 
 good foreign demand as in previous years, the exports in 
 1905 exceeding 80,000 pounds. 
 
 Such, in brief, was the condition of the whale fishery at 
 the end of the year 1905. During the past summer 
 (1906) no less than eight whaling vessels, schooners and 
 brigs, were in the harbor at New Bedford at one time. 
 Such a thing had not happened before for years — the 
 daily papers noted it at length and people began to talk 
 about a "revival of whaling. " But a careful analysis of 
 present conditions shows no ground for such a belief. 
 
 What the future of whaling is to be, is, of course, much 
 in the nature of mere prophecy — yet the signs seem easy 
 to interpret. It appears reasonable enough to say that 
 the fishery for right whales will be carried on in the 
 northern seas as long as the demand for whalebone con- 
 tinues and as long as the price remains at its present 
 high figure. That is, the most important phase of the 
 industry will be carried on from the Pacific coast, and San 
 Francisco will doubtless continue to be the headquarters 
 of the fleet. 
 
 The prospect for the Atlantic sperm whale fishery is not 
 so promising. The low price of oil is rather discouraging 
 to the merchants, and only the good luck of the vessels in 
 securing large catches in a short time has made it possible 
 to continue the business with any profit. The modest 
 manner in which this fishery is carried on by the New 
 Bedford and Provincetown merchants, with small vessels 
 making relatively short voyages, will probably enable
 
 Present Status and future Prospects. 115 
 
 them to continue the business to a limited extent as long 
 as the fondness for sperm lubricating oils continues to be a 
 Yankee trait. 
 
 Beyond these possibilities the future seems to hold 
 nothing. Whaling no longer ranks as an important 
 commercial interest even in the localities from which it is 
 carried on. The most optimistic view of the future 
 reveals no prospect of any chance for permanent growth 
 or development. The economic conditions under which 
 whaling prospered have ceased to exist, never to be 
 revived. The chief influences which induced the decline 
 of whaling have not been abated in the slightest degree. 
 The death knell of whaling was sounded fifty years ago. 
 It may almost be said that whaling is already dead.
 
 APPENDIX I. 
 
 Statistics of Whaling. 
 
 Table I, compiled from Goode's work and from the 
 "Whalemen's Shipping List," shows the tonnage of vessels 
 employed in the whale fishery from 1794 to 1842, and 
 both the number of the vessels and their tonnage from 
 1843 to date. These figures are interesting in a number 
 of ways. First of all they show the limited extent and 
 unsettled conditions of the fishery until after the close 
 of the war of 181 2. Second, they give a good idea of the 
 rapid growth up to 1847, and finally they serve well to 
 illustrate the less rapid, yet steady, decline from about 
 1850 onward. 
 
 Studied in connection with Table I, Tabic II gives a 
 still more detailed conception of the various phases of 
 the history of whaling. Table II gives the records of 
 clearance of whaling vessels from the different ports from 
 1784 to 1840, compiled from Starbuck's tables; and the 
 vessels owned at the different ports from 1840 to 1905, 
 compiled from the "Shipping List." The different points 
 worthy of attention are (1) The relatively large number 
 of ports from which whaling vessels were sent immedi- 
 ately after the Revolution, but from most of which 
 whaling was carried on only intermittently or was sus- 
 pended entirely until after the War of 181 2. (2) The 
 uninterrupted prosecution of the fishery year after year 
 from New Bedford and Nantucket, except during the 
 second war with England, and (3) The increasing rivalry 
 for supremacy between these two ports, soon decided in 
 favor of New Bedford. (4) The reawakening of the busi- 
 ness at many ports from 181 8 to 1820 and the years 
 following. (5) The increasing size of the individual fleets
 
 n8 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 and the regularity with which the business was carried 
 on from a large number of ports during the later years of 
 the Golden Era. (6) The abandonment of the fishery at 
 port after port in the period from 1857 to 1870. (7) And 
 finally the gradually increasing size of the San Francisco 
 fleet while all the other fleets were still declining, until 
 only the three ports, New Bedford, San Francisco and 
 Provincetown remain. 
 
 The table of imports, Table III, is chiefly valuable as 
 indicative of the commercial importance of the fishery. 
 In a way, also, the increasing quantities brought in from 
 year to year are illustrative of the growth of the fishery 
 up to about 1850 to i860, when the decline began, After 
 that date the decreasing imports speak eloquently of the 
 lessened consumption and demand, and the forces work- 
 ing against whaling prosperity. A comparison of imports 
 and the size of the fleet, as given in Table I, in a number 
 of different years, will bring out vividly the uncertainty 
 that always attended whaling operations. In a year 
 when the fleet was large the imports might be small, 
 while perhaps the very next year a distinctly smaller 
 fleet would bring in cargoes making up a far greater total 
 for the year. 
 
 A comparison of the figures for one or two instances 
 will illustrate the point: 
 
 Size of Whaling Fleet and Quantities of Imports. 
 
 Year. 
 
 Number of 
 Vessels. 
 
 Gallons of 
 Sperm Oil. 
 
 Gallons of 
 Whale Oil. 
 
 Pounds of 
 Bone. 
 
 1851 , 
 
 • • -553 
 
 99-591 
 
 328,483 
 
 3,906,500 
 
 1852 . 
 
 . . .620 
 
 78,872 
 
 84,21 1 
 
 1,259,900 
 
 1853 
 
 661 
 
 10 3.°77 
 
 260,1 14 
 
 5,652,300 
 
 1854 • 
 
 . . .668 
 
 76,696 
 
 319.837 
 
 3,445,200 
 
 The contrast between 1851 and 1854 is most marked. 
 In the three years the number of vessels increased by 
 115 — principally from New T Bedford — but in the latter 
 year the imports were distinctly smaller. One hundred
 
 Appendix. 119 
 
 of the 115 vessels added were ships and brigs, representing 
 an increase of at least $2,000,000 in the invested capital. 
 The lapse of four years precludes the argument that the 
 new vessels had not had time to secure a cargo and 
 return home — a point that becomes still more manifest 
 if the imports for 1855 and 1856 are considered. 
 
 The table of imports and the table of exports — Table 
 IV — are properly studied together, since from the two 
 can be had the best idea of the commercial importance 
 of whale products. The table of exports also shows the 
 close dependence of foreign trade on general economic 
 conditions — nowhere more marked than in the falling off 
 in the foreign trade as soon as the decline of whaling 
 began. The decline of the export trade, especially in 
 whale oil, seems to have been more rapid than the decline 
 of the general industry. This table, taken with the 
 table of prices, Table V, shows a remarkable example 
 of increasing commercial importance of a single commod- 
 ity with an almost steadily rising price. Whalebone is 
 the product referred to — having continued its upward 
 tendency in spite of all the adverse conditions so disastrous 
 to the other products of the fishery. 
 
 The annual prices again serve as good illustrations of 
 the fluctuations in the whaling business — ups and downs 
 being the rule, and stable conditions for more than a year 
 or two being the exception. 
 
 Tables VI and VII, figures of the North Pacific and 
 San Francisco fleets, and the comparative imports at 
 New Bedford and San Francisco are illustrative of the rise 
 of the Pacific industry with the transference of a large 
 part of the whaling interests to the port of San Francisco. 
 This point is perhaps brought out best by the figurt s of 
 the annual imports, at the two places. Two facts are 
 noticeable: (1) The sperm oil is imported largely 
 through New Bedford being the product of the Atlantic 
 fishery schooners from Provincctown and New Bedford 
 and (2) the bone, at present the really valuable product
 
 120 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 of the fishery, is almost wholly imported through San 
 Francisco, being the product of the Arctic fishery. In 
 other words it is plain from this comparative study that 
 San Francisco now has the most valuable interests, while 
 New Bedford retains but an unimportant remnant of her 
 once greatest industry.
 
 Appendix. 
 
 121 
 
 Table I. 
 
 NUMBER AND TONNAGE OF VESSELS IN WHALING 
 FLEET, 1794-1906.* 
 
 
 Number of Vessels. 
 
 a 
 
 60 
 
 C 
 
 c 
 
 
 V 
 
 Number of Vessels. 
 
 
 rt 
 
 V 
 
 ** 
 
 •0 . 
 
 C w 
 
 <2 rt 
 
 .§« 
 
 X 
 CO 
 
 g 
 
 M 
 
 •c 
 n 
 
 i/i 
 C 
 
 V 
 
 c 
 
 
 
 X 
 
 
 to 
 
 "0 . 
 
 x 
 
 60 
 
 •c 
 
 03 
 
 i 
 
 V 
 
 c 
 
 
 
 X 
 
 & 
 
 * 
 c 
 c 
 
 H 
 
 1794 
 
 
 
 
 4,129 
 
 3,103 
 
 2,364 
 
 1,104 
 
 763 
 
 5,647 
 
 3,466 
 
 3,085 
 
 3,201 
 
 12,390 
 
 12,339 
 
 6,015 
 
 10,507 
 
 9,051 
 
 4,526 
 
 3,777 
 
 3,589 
 
 5,299 
 
 2,930 
 
 2,942 
 
 562 
 
 1,230 
 
 1,168 
 
 5,224 
 
 16,750 
 
 32,386 
 
 36,445 
 
 27,995 
 
 48,583 
 
 40,503 
 
 33.346 
 
 35,379 
 
 41,984 
 
 45,992 
 
 54,801 
 
 57.284 
 
 39,705 
 
 82.797 
 
 73.246 
 
 101,636 
 
 108,424 
 
 97,649 
 
 146,254 
 
 129,157 
 
 124,860 
 
 132,285 
 
 136,927 
 
 157,405 
 
 152,990 
 
 199,192 
 
 200.147 
 
 218,066 
 
 233.262 
 
 230.218 
 
 210,668 
 
 196,110 
 
 171. 4S4 
 
 1851 
 
 1852 
 1853 
 1854 
 1855 
 1856 
 1857 
 1858 
 1859 
 1860 
 1861 
 1862 
 1863 
 1864 
 1865 
 1866 
 1867 
 1868 
 1869 
 1870 
 1871 
 1872 
 1873 
 1874 
 1875 
 1876 
 1877 
 1878 
 1879 
 1880 
 1881 
 1882 
 1883 
 1884 
 1885 
 1886 
 1887 
 1888 
 1889 
 1890 
 1891 
 1892 
 1893 
 1894 
 1895 
 1896 
 1897 
 1898 
 1899 
 1900 
 1901 
 1902 
 1903 
 1904 
 1905 
 1906 
 
 502 
 
 558 
 
 599 
 
 602 
 
 584 
 
 585 
 
 593 
 
 587 
 
 561 
 
 508 
 
 459 
 
 372 
 
 301 
 
 258 
 
 226 
 
 199 
 
 222 
 
 223 
 
 223 
 
 218 
 
 216 
 
 172 
 
 153 
 
 130 
 
 119 
 
 123 
 
 121 
 
 129 
 
 124 
 
 119 
 
 116 
 
 105 
 
 101 
 
 98 
 
 93 
 
 87 
 
 84 
 
 83 
 
 74 
 
 65 
 
 64 
 
 59 
 
 59 
 
 56 
 
 51 
 
 47 
 
 42 
 
 38 
 
 34 
 
 30 
 
 27 
 
 24 
 
 24 
 
 26 
 
 25 
 
 25 
 
 24 
 
 27 
 
 30 
 
 28 
 
 20 
 
 21 
 
 22 
 
 18 
 
 19 
 
 19 
 
 14 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 5 
 
 7 
 
 8 
 
 10 
 
 17 
 
 25 
 
 22 
 
 18 
 
 12 
 
 12 
 
 7 
 
 8 
 
 7 
 
 8 
 
 11 
 
 12 
 
 11 
 
 11 
 
 10 
 
 8 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 
 5 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 1 
 3 
 
 27 
 
 35 
 32 
 38 
 34 
 29 
 40 
 49 
 45 
 42 
 41 
 41 
 42 
 41 
 43 
 56 
 80 
 89 
 88 
 81 
 54 
 34 
 38 
 34 
 36 
 39 
 43 
 47 
 50 
 48 
 50 
 46 
 38 
 39 
 34 
 32 
 31 
 27 
 26 
 26 
 26 
 26 
 29 
 27 
 27 
 25 
 22 
 22 
 19 
 16 
 13 
 14 
 14 
 15 
 16 
 14 
 
 171.071 
 
 1795 
 
 
 
 
 193,190 
 
 1796 
 
 
 
 
 206,286 
 
 1797 
 
 
 
 
 208,399 
 
 1798 
 
 
 
 
 199,842 
 
 1799 
 
 
 
 
 199,141 
 
 1800 
 
 
 
 
 204.209 
 
 1801 
 
 
 
 
 203,148 
 
 1802 
 
 
 
 
 195.115 
 
 1803 
 
 
 
 
 176,848 
 
 1804 
 
 
 
 
 158,745 
 
 1805 
 
 
 
 
 125,462 
 
 1806 
 
 
 
 
 103.146 
 
 1807 
 
 
 
 
 88.785 
 
 1808 
 
 
 
 
 79.696 
 
 1809 
 
 
 
 
 68.535 
 
 1810 
 
 
 
 
 75.340 
 
 1811 
 
 
 
 
 74.596 
 
 1812 
 
 
 
 
 74.512 
 
 1813 
 
 
 
 
 73.137 
 
 1814 
 
 
 
 
 69,372 
 
 1815 
 
 
 
 
 52.701 
 
 1816 
 
 
 
 47,996 
 
 1817 
 
 
 
 41,191 
 
 1818 
 
 
 
 37.733 
 
 1819 
 
 
 
 38,883 
 
 1820 
 
 
 
 37.828 
 
 1821 
 
 
 
 41.197 
 
 1822 
 
 
 
 40.602 
 
 1823 
 
 
 
 39.433 
 
 1824 
 
 
 
 
 39.426 
 
 1825 
 
 
 
 
 35,892 
 
 1826 
 
 
 
 
 34,137 
 
 1827 
 
 
 
 
 33.119 
 
 1828 
 
 
 
 
 31.207 
 
 1829 
 
 
 
 
 29,118 
 
 1830 
 
 
 
 
 88,291 
 
 1831 
 
 
 
 
 27,851 
 
 1832 
 
 
 
 
 25.488 
 
 1833 
 
 
 
 
 83 718 
 
 1834 
 
 
 
 
 22.464 
 
 1835 
 
 
 
 
 20,845 
 
 1836 
 
 
 
 
 21.165 
 
 1837 
 
 
 
 
 20,107 
 
 1838 
 
 
 
 
 18.152 
 
 1839 
 
 
 
 
 16.358 
 
 1840 
 
 
 
 
 14.684 
 
 1841 
 
 
 
 
 13,373 
 
 1842 
 
 
 
 
 11,436 
 
 1843 
 1844 
 1845 
 1846 
 1847 
 1848 
 1849 
 1850 
 
 594 
 595 
 643 
 680 
 670 
 621 
 581 
 Sin 
 
 75 
 
 41 
 
 35 
 34 
 37 
 22 
 21 
 'jo 
 
 6 
 9 
 17 
 22 
 20 
 16 
 12 
 13 
 
 10,478 
 
 8.746 
 8.366 
 8,470 
 9,561 
 0.378 
 8 878 
 
 •Compiled from the following sources: 
 Industries of the United States, Sec. 5, 
 Shipping List." 
 
 1 704-1843. Goode: Fisheries and Fishing 
 Vol. 2. p. 173. 1843-1906. " Whalemen* 1
 
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 [26 ./ History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 Table III. 
 
 IMPORTS OF WHALE PRODUCTS. .805-1905. 
 
 
 
 
 Pounds 
 
 
 
 
 Pounds 
 
 Year. 
 
 Gallons 
 
 Gallons 
 
 Whale 
 
 Year 
 
 Gall 
 
 Gallons 
 
 Whale 
 
 
 Sperm Oil. 
 
 Whale Oil. 
 
 Bone. 
 
 
 Sperm ( 41, 
 
 Whale ' lil 
 197,890 
 
 Bone. 
 
 1S05 
 
 412,492 
 
 612,895 
 
 13,131 
 
 1856 
 
 80,941 
 
 2,592,700 
 
 1806 
 
 378,788 
 
 741,951 
 
 86,544 1 
 
 1857 
 
 78,440 
 
 230,941 
 
 2,058,900 
 
 1807 
 
 356,548 
 
 934,259 
 
 72,784 | 
 
 1858 
 
 81,941 
 
 182,223 
 
 1,540,600 
 
 1808 
 
 362,471 
 
 567,095 
 
 49,970 | 
 
 1859 
 
 91,408 
 
 190,411 
 
 1,923,850 
 
 1809 
 
 443,709 
 
 587,664 
 
 17,092 1 
 
 1860 
 
 73,708 
 
 140,005 
 
 1,337,650 
 
 1810 
 
 572,271 
 
 585,869 
 
 41,437 
 
 1861 
 
 68,932 
 
 133,717 
 
 1,038,450 
 
 1811 
 
 844,200 
 
 304,825 
 
 43,200 
 
 1862 
 
 55,641 
 
 100,487 
 
 763,500 
 
 1812 
 
 429,692 
 
 191,079 
 
 ti.'.'t'ti 
 
 1863 
 
 65,055 
 
 62,974 
 
 488,750 
 
 is 13 
 
 111,289 
 
 80,860 
 
 9,901 
 
 1864 
 
 64,372 
 
 71,863 
 
 760,450 
 
 1814 
 
 108,486 
 
 2,573 
 
 
 1865 
 
 32.242 
 
 76,238 
 
 619,350 
 
 1815 
 
 48,510 
 
 4,347 
 
 
 , 1866 
 
 36.663 
 
 74,302 
 
 920,375 
 
 1810 
 
 237,479 
 
 294,525 
 
 796 
 
 1867 
 
 43,433 
 
 89,289 
 
 1,001,397 
 
 1S17 
 
 1,028,475 
 
 581,836 
 
 19,440 
 
 ! 1868 
 
 47,174 
 
 65,575 
 
 900,850 
 
 ISIS 
 
 586,688 
 
 608,031 
 
 65,446 
 
 ' 1869 
 
 47,936 
 
 85,011 
 
 603,606 
 
 1819 
 
 671,674 
 
 1,204,308 
 
 83,843 
 
 ! 1870 
 
 55.183 
 
 72,691 
 
 708,365 
 
 1820 
 
 1,093,302 
 
 1,409,846 
 
 78,879 
 
 1 1871 
 
 41,534 
 
 75,152 
 
 600,655 
 
 1821 
 
 1,357,618 
 
 1,213,506 
 
 62,893 
 
 ! 1872 
 
 45.201 
 
 31,075 
 
 193,793 
 
 1822 
 
 1,351,350 
 
 1,619,951 
 
 50,799 
 
 t 1873 
 
 42,053 
 
 40,014 
 
 , 206,396 
 
 1823 
 
 2,938,351 
 
 1,697,440 
 
 103,404 
 
 ! 1874 
 
 32,203 
 
 37,782 
 
 345,560 
 
 1824 
 
 3,091,064 
 
 1,833,237 
 
 133,427 
 
 1875 
 
 42,617 
 
 34,594 
 
 372,303 
 
 1825 
 
 1,924,303 
 
 1,666,413 
 
 152,534 
 
 1876 
 
 39,811 
 
 33,010 
 
 150,628 
 
 1826 
 
 919,800 
 
 1,108,233 
 
 79,368 
 
 1877 
 
 41,119 
 
 27,191 
 
 160,220 
 
 1827 
 
 2,958,480 
 
 1,119,037 
 
 106,225 
 
 ! 1878 
 
 43.50S 
 
 33,778 
 
 207,259 
 
 1828 
 
 2,475,176 
 
 1,591.790 
 
 137,323 
 
 1879 
 
 41,308 
 
 23,334 
 
 286,280 
 
 1829 
 
 2,350,152 
 
 2,256,502 
 
 563,654 
 
 1880 
 
 37.614 
 
 34.776 
 
 464,028 
 
 1830 
 
 3,482,042 
 
 2,831,315 
 
 514,991 
 
 1S81 
 
 30,598 
 
 31,677 
 
 368,322 
 
 1831 
 
 3,636,738 
 
 3,609,774 
 
 279,279 
 
 | 1S82 
 
 29,884 
 
 23,371 
 
 271,999 
 
 1832 
 
 2,299,563 
 
 5,703,894 
 
 442,881 
 
 1883 
 
 24,595 
 
 24,170 
 
 254,037 
 
 1833 
 
 3,289,765 
 
 5,153,148 
 
 266,432 
 
 1884 
 
 22,099 
 
 24,670 
 
 426,968 
 
 1834 
 
 3,891,573 
 
 4,144,833 
 
 343,324 
 
 1885 
 
 24,203 
 
 41,586 
 
 463,990 
 
 1835 
 
 5,181,529 
 
 3,950, 2S9 
 
 965,192 
 
 1886 
 
 23,312 
 
 27,249 
 
 352,490 
 
 1836 
 
 4,200,021 
 
 4,301,892 
 
 1,028,773 
 
 1887 
 
 18,873 
 
 34,171 
 
 585,011 
 
 1837 
 
 5,329,138 
 
 6,389,995 
 
 1,753,104 
 
 1888 
 
 16,265 
 
 17,185 
 
 334,572 
 
 1838' 
 
 132,356 
 
 226,552 
 
 2,200,000 
 
 1889 
 
 18,727 
 
 14,247 
 
 253,113 
 
 1839 
 
 142,336 
 
 229,783 
 
 2,000,000 
 
 1890 
 
 14,480 
 
 17,565 
 
 309,700 
 
 1840 
 
 157,791 
 
 207,908 
 
 2,000,000 
 
 1891 
 
 13,015 
 
 14,837 
 
 2*17.768 
 
 1841 
 
 159,304 
 
 207,348 
 
 2,000,000 
 
 1892 
 
 12,944 
 
 13,382 
 
 369, 8S5 
 
 1842 
 
 165,637 
 
 161,041 
 
 1,600,000 
 
 1893 
 
 15,253 
 
 8,110 
 
 411,315 
 
 1843 
 
 166,985 
 
 206,727 
 
 2,000,000 
 
 1894 
 
 16,333 
 
 8,720 
 
 278,800 
 
 1844 
 
 139,594 
 
 262,047 
 
 2,532,445 
 
 1895 
 
 16,585 
 
 4,009 
 
 114,960 
 
 1845 
 
 157,917 
 
 272,730 
 
 3,167,142 
 
 1896 
 
 15,124 
 
 4,800 
 
 207, S50 
 
 1846 
 
 95,217 
 
 207,493 
 
 2,276,939 
 
 1897 
 
 10,050 
 
 3,600 
 
 178,010 
 
 1847 
 
 120,753 
 
 313,150 
 
 3,341,680 
 
 1898 
 
 12,520 
 
 5,295 
 
 246,120 
 
 1848 
 
 107,976 
 
 280,656 
 
 2,003,000 
 
 1899 
 
 11,903 
 
 3.S27 
 
 320,100 
 
 1849 
 
 100,944 
 
 248,492 
 
 2,281,100 
 
 190Q 
 
 18,525 
 
 5,510 
 
 207.650 
 
 1850 
 
 92,892 
 
 200,608 
 
 2,869,200 
 
 1901 
 
 14,910 
 
 2,930 
 
 99,050 
 
 1S51 
 
 99,591 
 
 328,483 
 
 3,906,500 
 
 ; 1902 
 
 21,970 
 
 4,725 
 
 109,980 
 
 1852 
 
 78,872 
 
 84,211 
 
 1,259,900 
 
 ! 1803 
 
 18,109 
 
 1,260 
 
 74,850 
 
 1853 
 
 103,077 
 
 260,114 
 
 5,652,300 
 
 1904 
 
 17.050 
 
 3.750 
 
 123,300 
 
 1854 
 
 76,696 
 
 319,837 
 
 3,445,200 
 
 1 1905 
 
 12,985 
 
 1 . 755 
 
 79,900 
 
 1855 
 
 72,649 
 
 184,015 
 
 : 2,707,500 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 
 "Barrels, 1838-1005. 
 
 1805—1837, Starbuck, p. 660; amounts of oil given in gallons. 1S38-1905, "Whale- 
 men's Shipping List;" amounts of oil given in barrels of 3 ij gallons each.
 
 . Ippendix. 
 
 Table IV. 
 EXPORTS OF WHALE PRODUCTS, 1795-1005' 
 
 IJ7 
 
 Year. 
 
 Gallons 
 Sperm Oil. 
 
 Gallons 2 
 Whale Oil. 
 
 1 '( unds 
 Whale 
 Bone. 
 
 Year. 
 
 Cull, in , 
 Sperm 03. 
 
 1 ,ns 
 le Oil. 
 
 Pounds 
 Whale 
 Bone. 
 
 1795 
 
 810,524 
 
 64,335 
 
 410,664 
 
 1851 
 
 905,778 
 
 2,004,886 
 
 2.281.931 
 
 1796 
 
 1,176,650 
 
 59,797 
 
 308,314 
 
 1852 
 
 644 . 765 
 
 B92.309 
 
 1,184,156 
 
 1797 
 
 582.425 
 
 38,221 
 
 452.127 
 
 1853 
 
 1.131,098 
 
 
 
 1798 
 
 128,758 
 
 700,040 
 
 62,805 
 
 1854 
 
 874,535 
 
 718,842 
 
 2,10' 4 
 
 1799 
 
 114,264 
 
 420,949 
 
 89,552 
 
 1855 
 
 958,744 
 
 705,492 
 
 1,944. soy 
 
 1800 
 
 2 2 1,762 
 
 204,468 
 
 32,636 
 
 1856 
 
 540,784 
 
 646,694 
 
 1..,.. - .. 
 
 1801 
 
 91,684 
 
 215,522 
 
 23,106 
 
 1857 
 
 819,081 
 
 414,466 
 
 2,042,390 
 
 1802 
 
 28,470 
 
 379,97b 
 
 80,334 
 
 1858 
 
 896,923 
 
 840, 127 
 
 1.103.301 
 
 1803 
 
 46.984 
 
 550,536 
 
 96,802 
 
 1 s.V.I 
 
 1,341,(12.', 
 
 996,341 
 
 1.380.465 
 
 1804 
 
 5,550 
 
 646,505 
 
 134,006 
 
 1860 
 
 1,335,736 
 
 939,872 
 
 1.068.895 
 
 1805 
 
 72,624 
 
 626,089 
 
 21,335 
 
 1861 
 
 1,518,457 
 
 1,009,468 
 
 979.231 
 
 1806 
 
 42,785 
 
 826,233 
 
 50,544 
 
 1862 
 
 739,477 
 
 2.599,316 
 
 796.384 
 
 1807 
 
 44,339 
 
 932,797 
 
 104,635 
 
 1863 
 
 1,034,794 
 
 2,055,511 
 
 603,186 
 
 1808 
 
 612 
 
 198,019 
 
 8,660 
 
 1864 
 
 45,000 
 
 12,000 
 
 530,000 
 
 1809 
 
 51,071 
 
 421,282 
 
 8,825 
 
 1865 
 
 20,158 
 
 1,660 
 
 202,100 
 
 1810 
 
 63,910 
 
 544.734 
 
 42,843 
 
 1866 
 
 10,630 
 
 618 
 
 521,400 
 
 1811 
 
 136,249 
 
 186,661 
 
 30,346 
 
 1867 
 
 25,147 
 
 18,253 
 
 717.796 
 
 1812 
 
 63,216 
 
 106,369 
 
 8,128 
 
 1868 
 
 18,619 
 
 9,885 
 
 707.882 
 
 1813 
 
 
 4,979 
 
 
 1869 
 
 18,645 
 22,773 
 22,156 
 
 3,842 
 
 9.872 
 18,141 
 
 311.605 
 347.918 
 387.199 
 177,932 
 120,545 
 
 1814 
 
 
 837 
 
 
 1870 
 
 1815 
 
 
 
 
 1871 
 
 1816* 
 
 2,756 
 
 177,810 
 
 
 1872 
 
 24^344 
 
 1^528 
 
 1817 
 
 11,300 
 
 4611, SSS 
 
 3,668 ! 
 
 1873 
 
 16,238 
 
 2! 153 
 
 1818 
 
 208,467 
 
 986,252 
 
 9,300 
 
 1874 
 
 18,675 
 
 3.300 
 
 164,553 
 
 1819 
 
 75,360 
 
 861,112 
 
 8,038 , 
 
 1875 
 
 22,802 
 
 5,424 
 
 205.436 
 
 1820 
 
 9,307 
 
 1,262,094 
 
 25,202 
 
 1876 
 
 23,600 
 
 10,300 
 
 133,400 
 
 1821 
 
 7,250 
 
 1,068,025 
 
 16,349 
 
 1S77 
 
 18,047 
 
 6,390 
 
 70.850 
 
 1822 
 
 7,610 
 
 990,325 
 
 
 1S7S 
 
 32,769 
 
 14,371 
 
 86,787 
 75.715 
 
 1823 
 
 18,333 
 
 1,453,126 
 
 86,474 
 
 1S79 
 
 11,843 
 
 7^374 
 
 1824 
 
 23,578 
 
 1,251,836 
 
 60,693 
 
 1S.SII 
 
 12,283 
 
 4,395 
 
 171.258 
 
 1825 
 
 30,548 
 
 1,072,615 
 
 212,062 
 
 1881 
 
 15,585 
 
 6.457 
 
 106,047 
 
 1826 
 
 35.528 
 
 652,401 
 
 188,709 
 
 1882 
 
 13,006 
 
 4,421 
 
 175.470 
 
 1827 
 
 78,661 
 
 481,180 
 
 241,085 
 
 1SS3 
 
 13,996 
 
 4,543 
 
 175,614 
 
 1828 
 
 297,276 
 
 4SS.46N 
 
 120, 128 
 
 1SN4 
 
 5,143 
 
 2,343 
 
 113,024 
 
 1829 
 
 140,241 
 
 1,237.962 
 
 464,22.', 
 
 ISSo 
 
 7,554 
 
 5,384 
 
 152,748 
 
 1830 
 
 58,814 
 
 1,833,196 
 
 404,9 19 
 
 1886 
 
 3,118 
 
 
 184,511 
 
 1831 
 
 78, 159 
 
 1,637,534 
 
 565,926 
 
 1SS7 
 
 4.9.V, 
 
 8,205 
 
 154,781 
 
 1832 
 
 48,212 
 
 3,605,913 
 
 1.044,227 
 
 Isss 
 
 1,345 
 
 8,578 
 
 230,150 
 
 1833 
 
 50,392 
 
 3,298.872 
 
 1.2(13,176 
 
 1S.N9 
 
 5,823 
 
 44(1 
 
 201,323 
 
 1K34 
 
 60,935 
 
 2,614,814 
 
 873,983 
 
 1890 
 
 2,000 
 
 I 
 
 129,933 
 
 1835 
 
 63,827 
 
 2,217,321 
 
 270,977 
 
 1891 
 
 3,218 
 
 608 
 
 127,920 
 
 1836 
 
 115,142 
 
 2,362,825 
 
 731,500 
 
 1S92 
 
 1 . 787 
 
 291 
 
 83.869 
 
 1837 
 
 177,004 
 
 3, 624. (MM 
 
 1.129,509 
 
 IMI3 
 
 1,165 
 
 1,064 
 
 216,335 
 
 1838 
 
 166, SIC, 
 
 4.824,376 
 
 1,684,670 
 
 1894 
 
 1,720 
 
 276 
 
 147.667 
 
 1839 
 
 86,047 
 
 1,482,908 
 
 1.44.-,, 098 
 
 1895 
 
 1 . 225 
 
 825 
 
 228.629 
 
 1840 
 
 434,608 
 
 4,520,878 
 
 1,892,259 
 
 1896 
 
 216 
 
 500 
 
 230,627 
 
 1841 
 
 349,393 
 
 4,094,924 
 
 1,271, 
 
 1897 
 
 280 
 
 
 - 
 
 1842 
 
 2S7.76I 
 
 3,909,728 
 
 918,280 
 
 1898 
 
 1,962 
 
 
 90,541 
 
 1843 
 
 476.688 
 451,317 
 
 2, 4 79. 91 6 
 
 4,104,504 
 
 S9S.773 
 1,149,607 
 
 1 S99 
 
 191 HI 
 
 550 
 1.100 
 
 
 
 163,447 
 204,662 
 
 1844 
 
 600 
 
 1845 
 
 1,054, Hill 
 
 4,505,662 
 
 2,084,019 
 
 1901 
 
 
 
 20S.195 
 
 1846 
 
 777,019 
 
 2,652,874 
 
 1,697,892 
 
 1902 
 
 476 
 
 4(*l 
 
 180.959 
 
 1847 
 
 795,792 
 206,431 
 
 526, S 17 
 730,743 
 
 3,189 
 
 1.6(17,038 
 2,783,480 
 
 1.470.197 
 
 2,1)31.137 
 
 1,064,379 
 
 1,198 
 
 1,981,281 
 
 1908 
 
 191 14 
 
 1905 
 
 
 
 64,706 
 
 1848 
 
 
 
 
 1849 
 
 
 
 83.613 
 
 1850 
 
 
 
 Note. — In some years it will b erved that the ex] I the total imports 
 
 tor that year. This ap repancy in figures is accounted i"r by the t'a, t that 
 
 the exports of many years are made up largely from the accummulated hand 
 
 from previous yeai 
 
 1 1705-1862, Starbuck, p 700-701. i86a u, ■■-.. "Whalemen's Shipping List." 
 
 5 Includes other fish oils up to 181 
 
 •1816-1842, Sept. 30, to Oct. 1 1 July to is date, January to 
 
 January.
 
 128 ./ History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 Table V. 
 
 AVERAGE ANNUAL PRICES OF OIL (PER GALLON) AND 
 
 BONE (PER POUND), 1804-1905. 1 
 
 Year. 
 
 1804.. 
 1805. . 
 1800.. 
 1807.. 
 1808.. 
 1809.. 
 1810. . 
 1811. 
 1812. 
 1813. 
 1814. 
 1815. 
 1816. 
 1817. 
 1818. 
 1819. 
 1820. 
 1821. 
 1822. 
 1823. 
 1824. 
 1825. 
 1826. 
 1827. 
 1828. 
 1829. 
 1830. 
 1831. 
 1832. 
 1833. 
 1834. 
 1835. 
 1836. 
 1837. 
 1838. 
 1839. 
 1840. 
 1841. 
 1842. 
 1843. 
 1844. 
 1845. 
 1846. 
 1847. 
 1848. 
 1849. 
 1850. 
 1851. 
 1852. 
 1853. 
 1854. 
 
 Sperm 
 
 Whale ' 
 
 Oil. 
 
 Oil. 
 
 31.40 
 
 30.50 
 
 .96 
 
 .50 
 
 .80 
 
 .50 
 
 1.00 
 
 .50 
 
 .80 
 
 .44 
 
 .60 
 
 .44 
 
 .75 
 
 .40 
 
 1.25 
 
 .40 
 
 1.00 
 
 .50 
 
 1.25 
 
 .50 
 
 1.25 
 
 1.40 
 
 1.00 
 
 .83 
 
 1. 12V 
 
 .65 
 
 .72 
 
 .60 
 
 .90 
 
 .50 
 
 .83 
 
 .35 
 
 .93* 
 
 .35 
 
 .67i 
 
 .33 
 
 .65 
 
 .32 
 
 .43 
 
 .32 
 
 .454 
 
 .30 
 
 .70* 
 
 .32 
 
 .75 
 
 .30 
 
 .72A 
 
 .30 
 
 .624 
 
 .26 
 
 .614 
 
 .26 
 
 .65* 
 
 .39 
 
 .71 
 
 .30 
 
 .85 
 
 .23* 
 
 .85 
 
 .26 
 
 .724 
 
 .274 
 
 .84 
 
 .39 
 
 .89 
 
 .44 
 
 .824 
 
 .35 
 
 .86 
 
 .32 
 
 1.05 
 
 .36 
 
 1.00 
 
 .30 
 
 .94 
 
 .32 
 
 .73 
 
 .34 
 
 .63 
 
 .34 
 
 • 90| 
 
 ■ Mil 
 
 .88 
 
 .33 
 
 .875 
 
 .33? 
 
 1.00J 
 
 .36 
 
 1.00 
 
 .33 
 
 1.08J 
 
 .39A 
 
 l^Or'a 
 
 • 49A 
 
 1.274 
 
 • 45/s 1 
 
 1.23 J 
 
 .68J 
 
 1.24? 
 
 .58 J 
 
 1.48? 
 
 • 59| 
 
 Bone. 
 
 H).08 
 . Id 
 .07 
 .07 
 .07 
 .08 
 .08 
 .09 
 .10 
 .10 
 
 .12 
 
 .12 
 
 .10 
 
 .10 
 
 .10 
 
 .12 
 
 .12 
 
 .13 
 
 .13 
 
 .15 
 
 .16 
 
 .18 
 
 .25 
 
 .25 
 
 .20 
 
 .17 
 
 .13 
 
 .13 
 
 .21 
 
 .21 
 
 .25 
 
 .20 
 
 .20 
 
 .18 
 
 .19 
 
 .20 
 
 .23 
 
 .36 
 
 .40 
 
 .34 
 
 .34 
 
 .31 
 
 .25 
 
 .215 
 
 .325 
 
 .3U 
 
 .501 
 
 .34i 
 
 Y,..,- Sperm 
 YeaT Oil. 
 
 1855 
 1856 
 
 1857 
 
 IS.-.S 
 
 1S59 
 1860 
 1861 
 1S62 
 1863 
 1864 
 1865 
 1866 
 1867 
 186S 
 
 1899 
 1900 
 1901 
 1902 
 1903 
 1904 
 1905 
 
 Bone. 
 
 30. 45 J 
 .58 
 .96 J 
 .921 
 
 .66 
 
 .82 
 1.53 
 1.80 
 1.71 
 1.37 
 1.174 
 1.024 
 1.24 
 
 .85 
 
 .70 J 
 1.28J 
 1.08 
 1.10 
 1.12?* 
 2.14 * 
 2.50 J 
 2.46 » 
 2.34 
 2.00 
 1.63 
 1.71 
 2.87 
 3.55 
 2.68 
 2.73 
 3.12 
 2.78 
 3.50 
 4.22 
 5.38 
 5.35 
 3.08 
 2.95 
 2.83 
 3.95 
 3.50 
 3.10 
 2. 70 
 2.50 
 2.65 
 4.20 
 5.25 
 5.80 
 4.90 
 
 1 1S04-1843, Starbuck; p. 660. 
 
 J Gold. 
 
 1 Currency. 
 
 1843-1905, "Whalemen's Shipping List.
 
 . Ippeiidix. 
 
 
 Table VI. 
 NUMBER OF VESSELS IN THE NORTH PACIFIC AND 
 SAN FRANCISCO FLEETS, [835-1905.' 
 
 Year. 
 
 1838 
 
 1839.. 
 1840 
 
 1S41 
 
 1842 
 1843. 
 1844 
 1845. 
 1846 
 L847. 
 
 IMS 
 
 1849 
 
 IS." 1 1 
 
 1851. 
 
 1853. 
 1854 
 1855 
 1856. 
 1857. 
 1858. 
 1859. 
 
 I Mid 
 
 1861. 
 1862. 
 
 1865 
 
 1867 
 
 1869. 
 1870 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ~ 00 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 North 
 
 Pacific. 
 
 San 
 
 Francis 
 Tonnag 
 
 : San 
 
 Franci 
 
 Year. 
 L871 
 
 
 to = 
 
 - 
 
 
 35 
 
 27 
 
 8 
 
 1 
 
 1872 
 
 1 
 
 
 1873 
 
 30 
 
 
 
 
 1S74 
 
 23 
 
 
 .' 
 
 
 1ST". 
 
 16 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 1876 
 
 18 
 
 
 20 
 
 
 is;; 
 
 19 
 
 2 
 
 
 L878 
 
 17 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 108 
 
 1879 
 
 170 
 
 
 1880 
 
 19 
 
 3 
 
 263 
 292 
 
 
 1881 
 
 23 
 
 5 
 
 
 1882 
 
 
 6 
 
 177 
 159 
 
 
 , 1883 
 
 38 
 
 9 
 
 
 1884 
 
 39 
 
 19 
 
 155 
 
 
 (885 
 
 44 
 
 19 
 
 144 
 
 
 1886 
 
 38 
 
 21 
 
 138 
 
 
 
 
 38 
 
 19 
 
 278 
 
 
 1888 
 
 41 
 
 21 
 
 238 
 
 
 1889 
 
 4s 
 
 23 
 
 232 
 
 
 1890 
 
 4'.. 
 
 26 
 
 217 
 
 
 1891 
 
 46 
 
 30 
 
 178 
 
 
 1892 
 
 48 
 
 30 
 
 143 
 
 
 1893 
 
 46 
 
 
 196 
 
 
 
 
 35 
 
 
 176 
 
 
 
 1895 
 
 31 
 
 30 
 
 121 
 
 
 
 
 
 2.i 
 
 76 
 
 
 1897 
 
 
 22 
 
 32 
 41' 
 
 
 1898... 
 
 23 
 
 .'I 
 
 
 1S99 
 
 21 
 
 
 68 
 
 
 
 1900 
 
 17 
 
 15 
 
 59 
 
 
 
 1901 
 
 is 
 
 13 
 
 95 
 
 
 
 1902 
 
 17 
 
 10 
 
 90 
 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 11 
 
 61 
 
 43 
 
 40 
 
 6 1 . 4 1 1 
 5 
 
 
 21 
 
 14 
 
 1905 
 
 
 2,015 
 617 
 
 245 
 245 
 
 245 
 
 505 
 505 
 
 630 
 
 1,129 
 1.490 
 
 6,103 
 5,965 
 6,415 
 
 6,480 
 8.005 
 8.901 
 
 ■Compiled from "Whalemen"s Shipping List," [843-1906.
 
 [30 A History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 
 Table VII. 
 
 IMPORTATIONS OF OIL AND BONE AT NEW BEDFORD 
 
 AND SAN FRANCISCO, 1869-1905.' 
 
 Year. 
 
 I860. 
 
 1870. 
 1871. 
 1872. 
 1873. 
 1874. 
 1875. 
 1876. 
 1877. 
 1878. 
 1879. 
 1880. 
 1881. 
 1882. 
 1883. 
 1884. 
 1885. 
 1886. 
 1887. 
 1888. 
 
 1890. 
 1891. 
 1892. 
 1893. 
 1894. 
 1895. 
 1890. 
 1S97. 
 1898. 
 1899. 
 1900. 
 1901. 
 1902. 
 1903. 
 1904. 
 1905. 
 
 New Bedford. 
 
 Barrels i Barrels . Pounds 
 Sperm Oil. Whale Oil. Bone. 
 
 32,673 
 
 42,886 
 
 30,654 
 
 33,021 
 
 30,229 
 
 25,480 
 
 34,430 
 
 30,234 
 
 27,916 
 
 39,042 
 
 34,890 
 
 30, 169 
 
 27,021 
 
 21,276 
 
 17,403 
 
 16,563 
 
 19,216 
 
 18,615 
 
 13,565 
 
 10,234 
 
 12,382 
 
 11,109 
 
 8,280 
 
 7,615 
 
 11,256 
 
 12,878 
 
 9,577 
 
 11,744 
 
 6,630 
 
 6,745 
 
 6,123 
 
 11,205 
 
 7,630 
 
 15,035 
 
 12,029 
 
 12,280 
 
 10,810 
 
 54,566 
 
 49,563 
 
 55,710 
 
 15,573 
 
 25,757 
 
 26,340 
 
 25,067 
 
 20,535 
 
 11,636 
 
 18,152 
 
 18,147 
 
 21,017 
 
 23,954 
 
 16,236 
 
 12,272 
 
 6,355 
 
 11,062 
 
 4,904 
 
 2,503 
 
 921 
 
 1,416 
 
 2,075 
 
 1,248 
 
 1,632 
 
 1,540 
 
 1,545 
 
 1,229 
 
 440 
 
 110 
 
 2,140 
 
 372 
 
 2,725 
 
 60 
 
 3,150 
 
 465 
 
 210 
 
 825 
 
 471,495 
 
 569,861 
 
 560,993 
 
 177,868 
 
 150,598 
 
 321,637 
 
 359,973 
 
 93,484 
 
 130,585 
 
 179,312 
 
 251,737 
 
 368,112 
 
 332,407 
 
 242,099 
 
 107,237 
 
 123,675 
 
 21,190 
 
 27,410 
 
 15,370 
 
 8,812 
 
 23,893 
 
 10,885 
 
 5,360 
 
 6,800 
 
 8,375 
 
 12,100 
 
 19,666 
 
 29,000 
 
 3,620 
 
 19,500 
 
 11,650 
 
 22,500 
 
 17,980 
 
 3,000 
 
 5,300 
 
 15,000 
 
 San Francisco. 
 
 Barrels 
 Sperm Oil. 
 
 45 
 320 
 
 315 
 
 i;js6i 
 
 189 
 
 365 
 
 650 
 
 880 
 
 964 
 
 610 
 
 584 
 
 875 
 
 845 
 
 1,370 
 
 1,025 
 
 2,095 
 
 2,460 
 
 2,610 
 
 4,290 
 
 2,780 
 
 4,090 
 
 4,100 
 
 5,995 
 
 5,610 
 
 4,540 
 
 1,075 
 
 Barrels 
 Whale Oil. 
 
 1,657 
 4,013 
 
 1,200 
 
 675 
 
 4,520 
 
 12,563 
 
 24,467 
 
 20,265 
 
 29,870 
 
 15,720 
 
 11,735 
 
 15,217 
 
 12,915 
 
 11,610 
 
 6,570 
 
 7,175 
 
 2,560 
 
 4,360 
 
 3,430 
 
 2,975 
 
 3,455 
 
 2,735 
 
 2,870 
 
 1,575 
 
 795 
 
 2,470 
 
 805 
 
 Pounds 
 Bone. 
 
 21,336 
 66,000 
 
 10,045 
 10,400 
 14,462 
 
 235,293 
 441,400 
 323,180 
 561,694 
 320,132 
 225,050 
 291,694 
 289,850 
 362,950 
 402,940 
 266,700 
 110,980 
 188,850 
 139,500 
 224,800 
 291,400 
 195,500 
 76,550 
 92,000 
 65,150 
 102,000 
 38,200 
 
 1 From "Whalemen's Shipping List." Annual reviews of the Whale Fishery. 
 
 Table VIII. 1 
 
 NUMBER OF VESSELS IN NANTUCKET FLEET AND 
 
 ANNUAL PRODUCT FROM 1762-1772. 
 
 Year. 
 
 Number of 
 Vessels. 
 
 Barrels of 
 Oil. 
 
 Year. 
 
 Number of 
 Vessels. 
 
 Barrels of 
 Oil. 
 
 1762 
 
 78 
 60 
 72 
 101 
 118 
 108 
 
 9,440 
 9,238 
 11,983 
 11,512 
 11,969 
 16,561 
 
 1768 
 
 125 
 119 
 125 
 115 
 
 98 
 
 15,439 
 
 1763 
 
 1769 
 
 19,140 
 
 1764 
 
 1770 
 
 14,331 
 
 1765 
 
 1771 
 
 12,754 
 
 1766... 
 
 1 1772 
 
 7 . 825 
 
 1767 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 Macy, p. 65.
 
 Appendix. 
 
 r 3* 
 
 Table IX. 1 
 
 AVERAGE NUMBER OF VESSELS AND ANNUAL IMPORTS 
 OF THE MASSACHUSETTS WHALING FLEETS, -771-1775. 
 
 Nantucket 
 
 Wellfleet 
 
 Dartmouth 
 
 Lynn 
 
 Martha's Vineyard. 
 
 Barnstable 
 
 Boston 
 
 Cape Cod 
 
 S.vanzcy 
 
 Vessels Fitted. 
 
 Northern 
 
 Fishery. 
 
 Southern 
 
 Fishery. 
 
 
 Tons. 
 
 
 Tons. 
 
 65 
 
 4 . B75 
 
 ,, 
 
 10,200 
 
 20 
 
 1,600 
 
 10 
 
 1,000 
 
 60 
 
 4,500 
 
 20 
 
 2.000 
 
 1 
 
 7.') 
 
 1 
 
 120 
 
 12 
 
 720 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 150 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 1,300 
 
 .1 
 
 700 
 
 4 
 
 300 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 300 
 
 
 
 Barrels Barrel? 
 
 Sperm Whale 
 Oil. Oil. 
 
 2ti,000 
 
 2,250 
 
 7.200 
 
 200 
 
 900 
 
 240 
 
 1,800 
 
 400 
 
 400 
 
 4,000 
 1,260 
 
 1,400 
 100 
 300 
 
 000 
 
 'Starbuck, p. 57. 
 
 Table X. 1 
 
 AVERAGE NUMBER OF VKSSKLS AND ANNUAL IMPORTS 
 OFTHE MASSACHUSETTS WHALING FLEETS, i787- I7 8 9 
 
 Nantucket 
 
 Willtleet and Cape Cod 
 
 Dartmouth and New Bedford 
 
 Cape Ann 
 
 Plymouth 
 
 Martha*? Vineyard 
 
 Boston 
 
 Dorchester and Wareham 
 
 Number of Vessels. 
 
 Barrels 
 Sperm Oil. 
 
 3.S00 
 
 
 Xorthern 
 Fishers - . 
 
 18 
 12 
 
 Southern 
 Fishery. 
 
 18 
 
 4 
 5 
 
 2 
 
 Barrels 
 Whale Oil. 
 
 8,260 
 1 920 
 
 4.-. 
 
 
 1,750 
 
 1 200 
 
 1 
 
 100 
 380 
 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 
 1. 
 
 
 7 
 
 1 
 
 
 inon, p. 200.
 
 APPENDIX II. 
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY. 
 
 A. Standard References. 
 
 Browne, J. Ross. — Etchings of a Whaling Cruise, with Notes of a 
 Sojourn on the Island of Zanzibar. 1846. 
 
 Brown, J. Temple. — The Whale Fishery and its Appliances. Bull. 
 U.S. Nat. Mus., No. 27. 1884. 
 Whalemen, Vessels, Apparatus and Methods of the Whale Fishery. 
 Sec. 5, Vol. 2, pp 218-293 i n the Fisheries and Fishing Indus- 
 tries of the United States. 1884. 
 
 Clark, A. Howard. — History and Present Condition of the Whale 
 Fishery. Sec. 5, Vol. 2, in the Fisheries and Fishing Indus- 
 tries of the United States. 1884. 
 
 Jefferson, T. — Report on the Cod and Whale Fisheries. 1791. 
 Printed in Misc. House Doc, 42d Cong., 2d session. 
 
 Macy, Obed. — History of Nantucket. 1836. 
 
 Ricketson, Daniel. History of New Bedford. 1850. 
 
 Sabine, Lorenzo. Report on the Principal Fisheries of the Amer- 
 ican Seas. 1870. 
 
 Scammon, C. M. Marine Mammals of the Northwestern Coast of 
 North America, with an Account of the American Whale 
 Fishery. 1874. 
 
 Scoresby, Wm. An Account of the Arctic Regions. 1820. 
 
 Starbuck, Alex. History of the American Whale Fishery, from 
 its Earliest Inception to the year 1876. 1876. 
 
 Whalemen's Shipping List and Merchants' Transcript. 1843 
 to date. 
 
 B. Minor References. 
 
 Aldrich, H. L. Arctic Alaska and Siberia, or Eight Months with 
 
 the Arctic Whalemen. 1889. 
 Bennett, F. D. Narrative of a Voyage Round the Globe. 2 Vols. 
 
 (132)
 
 Appendix. [33 
 
 Cheever, H. T. The Whale and his Captors; or the Whaleman's 
 
 Adventures. 1886. 
 Crantz, David. History of Greenland. 1767. 
 Delano, R. Wanderings and Adventures; Being a Narrative of 
 
 Twelve Years' Life in a Whaleship. 1846. 
 Ellis, L. B. History of New Bedford. 1892. 
 Enderby, Charles. A Proposal for Re-establishing the Southern 
 
 Whale Fishery. 1847. 
 Freeman, Frederick. Cape Cod and Annals of Barnstable County. 
 
 1858. 
 Goode, G. Brown. Whales and Porpoises. Sec. 1, in the Fisheries 
 
 and Fishing Industries of the United States. 1884. 
 Hi-rd, D. H. History of Bristol County. 1883. 
 Laing, John. Account of a Voyage to Spitzbergen in 
 Le Compte, J. Pratique de la Peche de la Baleine dans les Mers 
 
 du Sud. 1833. 
 Leslie, Sir. John. Narrative of Discovery and Adventure in the 
 
 Polar Seas and Regions. 1831. 
 LYONS, G. F., Capt. Private Journal. 1S24. 
 McCulloch, J. R. Dictionary of Commerce. 1S69. 
 Manuscript list of Nantucket Whalers. 1815. 
 Pease, Z. W. New Bedford: History, Industries, etc. 
 Scoresby, Wm. Journal of Voyage t<> the Northern Whale Fishery. 
 
 1823. 
 Simmonds, P. L. Animal Products, their Preparation, Commercial 
 
 Uses and Value. 1877. 
 Thacher, James. History of the Town of Plymouth. 1832. 
 Weeden, W. B. Economic and Social History of NY a England. 1899. 
 Whaling Directory of the United States in 1S69. 
 
 C. Periodical References. 
 
 Whale Fishery. 
 
 American Whale Fishery. Monthly Review. Vol. 133, p 
 
 :!ce, Vol. 0. i'. 321. 
 Basque Whale Fishery. Nature. Vol. 25, p. ;,<>; and 505. 
 
 Living Age, Vol 153, p. 52. 
 Chapter on Whaling. Outing, Vol. 15, p. 113. 
 Coast Whaling. Overland, Vol. ", p. 548. 
 
 End of the British Whale Fishery. Spectator, Y<>1 Bo, p. 81. 
 General Notes. Hunt, Vol. 3, p. 172 and p. 361. Pern. Rev. 
 
 Vol. 19, p. 453. P ig., Vol. 2, p. 201. 
 
 Huntsmen of the Sea. Harper's Mag . Vol. 4; p. 650.
 
 134 - ' History of the . hucrican Whale Fishery. 
 
 Marine Insurance in Case of a Whaling Voyage. Hunt, Vol. 8, 
 
 p. 169. 
 Narrative of Sufferings in Whaling. Monthly Rev., Vol. 146, 
 
 p. 69. 
 Northern Whale Fishery. Journal Stat. Soc, Vol. 17, p. 34. 
 Off Shore Whaling in the Bay of Monterey. Cosmopolitan, 
 
 Vol. 29, p. 631. 
 Perils of Whaling. Outing, Vol. 33, p. 353. 
 Perils and Romance of Whaling. Century, Vol. 18, p. 509. 
 Statistics of Whale Fishery. Hunt, Vol. 6, p. 187; Vol. 9, p. 380; 
 
 Vol. 10, p. 385; Vol. 14, p. 197 and 279; Vol. 16, p. 98 and 318. 
 Whale Catching at Point Barrow. Pop. Sci. Mo., Vol. 38, p. 830. 
 Whale Fishery in the Arctic Seas. Cornhill, Vol. 15, p. 748. 
 Whale Fishery in the Arctic Ocean. McClure, Vol. 2, p. 391. 
 Whale Fishery and Shore Fisheries of New London. Hunt, 
 
 Vol. 16, p. 27. 
 Whaling Industry. Eng. Mag., Vol. 8, p. 234. 
 The Disaster of 187 1. New Eng. Mag., n. s., Vol. 18, p. 490. 
 
 Whales and Whalers. 
 
 Commercial Products of the Whale. Chambers Jour., Vol. 
 
 61, p. 566. 
 The Right Whale of the North Atlantic. Science, Vol. i, p. 598; 
 
 Vol. 2, p. 266. 
 The Sperm Whale and its Food. Nature, Vol. 53, p. 223. 
 Whaler and Whaling. Sat. Rev., Vol. 80, p. 865. 
 Life on a Greenland Whaler. McClure's, Vol. 8, p. 460. 
 Life on a South Sea Whaler. Pop. Sci. Mo., Vol. 54, p. S18. 
 Whales and Whalemen. Chambers Jour., Vol. 33, p. 225. 
 Right and Sperm Whales. Am. Naturalist, Vol. 7, p. 1. 
 Useful Products of Whales. Penny Mag., Vol. 9, p. 146 and 154. 
 Whaling Cruise. Living Age, Vol. 13, p. 172; Vol. 14, p. 395. 
 Natural History and Fishery of Whales. Quart., Vol. 63, p. 318. 
 
 Occasional References. 
 
 Annual Reports and Bulletins of the United States Fish Com- 
 mission, 1880 — date. 
 
 Arnold, S. G. History of Rhode Island and Providence Plan- 
 tation. 1859. Vol. II., p. no. 
 
 Boston News Letter. 1737. 
 
 Bullem, F. T. Collection of Voyages and Travel. 1745. Vol. 
 2, p. 231 and 003.
 
 Appendix. 135 
 
 Davis, J. C. B. History of Hingham, Mass. Vol. 2. p. 17;. 
 
 Hakluyt's Voyages, Vol. 1, p. 4. 
 
 Hutchison, Thomas. History of Massachusetts. 1705. Vol. 3, 
 
 p. 400. 
 Massachusetts Hist. Soc. Collections. First Series. Vol. 3, 
 
 pp. 157, 161; Vol. 8, p. 202. Second Series, Vol. 3, pp. t8, 29; 
 
 Vol. 6, pp. 668, 673; Vol. 9, pp. 20, 36. 
 Nantucket Mirror, 1852. 
 New Bedford Mercury, 1845-1860. 
 Winsor, Justin. History of the Town of Duxbury. 1840.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 A. 
 
 Allen, Robert, bomb lance invented by, 83 
 Ambergris, nature of, 97; value of, 97; in Morocco, 97 
 Arctic Ocean, bowhead whale in, 83; dangers and losses In, 65; 
 disaster of 1871 in the, 79; first whaler in, 60; principal 
 grounds now in, 64; season in, 64; whaling, begun in, 
 wintering in, 62 
 Arctic regions, an account of, 1 
 
 B. 
 
 Bahama Islands, whaling about, 27, 33 
 
 Baleen whale, S3 
 
 Barnstable, Mass., first whaling from, 30, 6S 
 
 Bath, Me., 53 
 
 Belle Isle, Straits of, whaling ground in, opened. ::i: restrictions 
 
 on whaling in, 35 
 Bering Straits, whaling ground, 59, 66; vessels captured In, 7s 
 Bermuda, ambergris and whale oil at, 20 
 Bibliography, 132-134 
 
 Biscay, Bay of, whaling at. 8, 9, 11; longer voyages from, 11 
 Biscayan, and Icelanders unite, 12; fishery, Importance <>r. 12; in 
 
 other fleets, 15; natives as whalemen, 11 ; rivals .of English, 1 !; 
 
 vessels of, in St. Geor.^i's Bay, l ■"•: whaling abandoned by, 12 
 Boat. See Whaleboat; Vessels 
 Boat Whaling, origin of. 22 
 Bomb lance, 83 
 
 Boston, Mass, 36, 40, 1*; whaling fleet from, before 1 77.". 30 
 Boston News Letter, reference to, 28, 29. 31 
 Bounties, effect of, 42; Dutch. IS; English. !•'.: Massachusetts, 41; 
 
 Royal, to colonial fishery, 34; and trade, effecl on. KM; to aid 
 
 Nantucket, 12 
 Bowhead Whale. Sec Baleen. 
 Braintree, Mass.. 1 1 
 Brazil, coast of, whaling along. 28 
 Bristol, R. L, II. 45, 50, 68 
 Bucksport, M«'., 53
 
 138 Index. 
 
 Cabot, Sebastian, voyages of, 11 
 
 California, whaling from San Francisco, q. v.; gold in, discovery of, 
 
 effect of, 74; whaling in, shore, 60, 61 
 Candles, sperm, manufacture of, 110; New England, 111; Philadel- 
 phia, 111 
 Cape Breton, whaling at, English, 12 
 Cape Cod, ports on, 30; whaling from, after 1800, 29 
 Cape Horn, first whaler rounding, 58; voyages round, length of, 60 
 Chili, coast of, whaling off, 58, 60 
 
 Civil War, effect of, on whaling, 77; southern privateers in, 78 
 Cogan, Cunningham and, gun, 83 
 
 Commerce, at Boston, 99; decline of, 110; decline, effect of, 111; 
 decline of whaling, effect of, on, 109; early, 99; England and 
 West Indies, with, 101; French, commercial treaty with, 104; 
 from Long Island, 99; golden era, during the, 107; imports and 
 exports, relation between, 108, 109; Nantucket, 101; Revolu- 
 tionary War, effect of, on, 103; War of 1812, effect of, on, 105; 
 whale products in, 98, 106 
 Connecticut, first whaling in, 21 
 Cotton mills, effect of, on whaling, 75 
 Crews, Americans in, 90; foreigners in, 90; Indians in, 89; size of, 
 
 89; wages of, 90 
 Crisis, financial, 1857, effect of, 67 
 Cunningham and Cogan, whaling gun, use of, in Arctic, 83 
 
 Darting Gun, description of, 84 
 
 Dartmouth, Mass., first whaling from, 32, 36, 38, 42 
 
 Dartmouth, N. S., founding of, 42 
 
 Davis Straits, 17, 28, 30, 33, 34, 36 
 
 Decline, of commerce, 110; of prices, 71; of whaling industry, 67- 
 
 70; causes of, 72-79 
 Delaware, whaling from, 53 
 Disaster of 1871, 79 
 Dutch, bounties by. IS: whaling by, 16, 17; decline of whaling, by. 
 
 IS; at Spitzbergeu, 14. 17; in Davis Straits, 17: in seventeenth 
 
 and eighteenth centuries, 17 
 Duties, imports, English, exempt from, 15; on colonial. 15. 34; in 
 
 New York, 23
 
 Inde >.V) 
 
 East Haddam, Conn., 4.". 
 
 Eastham, Mass., drift whales at, 20 
 
 Easthampton, N. Y., 22, 29 
 
 Electricity, in whaling, 85 
 
 Embargo, of 1755, 34, 37; effecl of, on trade, 102; of 1807, H 
 
 English, Biscayans employed by, 15; duties, 15, 34; whaling, rev- 
 enue from, 11; tithes from, 11; from Hull, 13; to Spitsbergen, 
 13; failure of, effect of. on American industry, 48 
 
 Exports, annual amounts of, 127; trade, see Commerce 
 
 F. 
 
 Fairhaven, Mass., 48, 49, ">1 
 Fall River, Mass., 50, •"> 1 
 Falmouth, Mass., 30 
 
 Fisheries, of American seas, report on, 3; and fishing industries of 
 the United States, 6 
 
 Fleet, American, composition of, in 1906, 88, 112; composition of, 
 by years, 121; distribution of, 113; from different ports, by 
 years, 122-125; size of, by years, 121; stone fleet, vessels 
 in, 78; tonnage of, by years, 121 
 
 Food, whales as, in France, 10; in Iceland, 10 
 
 France, whaling from, 10; history of whaling, in, 11, 12; revolution 
 in, effect of, 12; Spitzbergen fishery, from. II; treaty, com- 
 mercial, with, 104; whales, as food in, 10 
 
 Freeman, Frederick, 20 
 
 French, market, 43; revolution, effect of. 13 
 
 Future, of whaling, 114 
 
 G. 
 
 Gloucester, Mass., I". 
 
 Gold, discovery of. in California, effect of. 7 1 
 
 Golden Era, 47, 50; causes of, 56; :it New Bedford, .",7; trade du ■ 
 
 ing, 107 
 Goode, G. Browne, 6 
 Gosnold's journal, 12 
 
 Greenland, company, the, whaling by, L6; whaling near. 19 
 Greenport, N. Y., 50. 6 I 
 Greenwich, R. L, 44 
 
 Grounds, whaling, frequented, 92; dates of. 93 
 Guinea. COasI of, whaling along. 28 
 Gun, American whaling. 82; darting, 82; harpoon, invention of, SI. 
 
 shoulder, 82; swivel, 82
 
 140 Index. 
 
 H. 
 
 Hakluyt's voyages, reference to whaling in, 9 
 
 Hamburg, whaling from, 14, 15, 17 
 
 Harpoon, description of, in 1607, 81; electric, 85; gun, invention of, 
 
 81; in California coast whaling, 61; metal, 80; poisoned, 85; 
 
 wooden, 80 
 Harpoon gun. See Gun 
 Hingham, Mass., 40, 41 
 Holmes Hole, Mass., 40, 48, 54 
 Hudson, N. Y., 40, 45, 48, 50, 68 
 Hussey, Christopher, exploit of, 26 
 Hutchison, Thomas, 33 
 
 Iceland, Riscayans, union with, 12; coast of, English whaling on, 
 13; in sixteenth century, 11; whales as food in, 10; whal- 
 ing, 10 
 
 Imports, amounts of, annual, 126; at New Bedford, 130; at San 
 Francisco, 130; War of 1812, effect of, on, 47 
 
 Indians, employed in whaling, 22, 23, 26, 89 
 
 Indian Ocean, whaling in, 59 
 
 J. 
 
 Japan, coast of, whaling on, 59 
 
 K. 
 
 Kamtchatka, whaling near, 59, 66 
 Kerosene, whale oil supplanted by, 77 
 
 L. 
 
 Lance, bomb, 83; hand, 81 
 
 Launches, steam, in whaling, 86 
 
 Lay, system of wages, description of, 91; origin of, 22; in Cali- 
 fornia, 61 
 
 Long Island, N. Y., boat whaling from, 22; whaling from, at end 
 of seventeenth century, 23; first, 22; in eighteenth century, 29; 
 system followed, early, 22; trade from, 23 
 
 Lynn, Mass., 30, 50, 54
 
 Index. 141 
 
 M. 
 
 Macy, Obed, 4, 24, 26, 27, 28, 36, 37, 43, 80, 101 
 
 Madagascar, whaling about, 59 
 
 Magdalena Bay, Cal., lagoon whaling at, 62 
 
 Maine, whaling from, 53 
 
 Martha's Vineyard, 24, 31, 32, 38 
 
 Massachusetts, fishing colony in, 20; royal charter of, 20; whaling 
 
 in, early, 20; established, 21 
 Mather, Richard, statement of, 19 
 Monterey, Cal., shore whaling at, 60 
 Muscovy Company. See Russia Company 
 Mystic, Conn., 54 
 
 N. 
 
 Nantucket, Mass., condition of, during Revolution, 39; description 
 of, 26; history of, 2; Indians employed at, 26; whalemen, remove 
 to Nova Scotia, 42; at Dunkirk, France, 12, 42; War of 1812, 
 effect of, on, 45; whaling from, 2; after 1800, 25; beginning 
 of, at, 23; condition of, at, in 1775, 37; 1770-1775, 28; during 
 the Revolution, 38, 39; deep sea, 27; encouragement of, 24. 25; 
 fleet of, 32, 40; Long Island, outstripped by. 29; neutralization. 
 to aid, 41 ; system followed, in, 26 
 
 Nets, in whaling, 84 
 
 Newark, X. J., 53 
 
 New Bedford, Mass., 42, 44; history of, 3; imports, annual, at. 
 
 public library of, 7; "Whalemen's Shipping List," 6; whaling 
 from 3; after 1812, 48; before Revolution, 32; first. 32; fleet, 
 value of, 54; in golden era, 54; success of, causes for 
 vicinity of, 55 
 
 Newburyport, Mass., 41 
 
 New Jersey, whaling from, 53 
 
 New London, Conn., 31, 40 
 
 Newport, R. I.. 31, 36 
 
 New York, first whaling in. 21, 15. See Long Island 
 
 Norwegian, whaling, 9, 11 
 
 Norwich, Conn.. (5 
 
 O. 
 
 Oil, petroleum. 77; whale and sperm, B66 Whale products 
 Okhotsk Sea, whaling in. 59, 66
 
 [4 2 Index. 
 
 p. 
 
 Pacific Ocean, whale, first right, in, 51; whalers, first in, 58; whal- 
 ing, begun in, 43; extension of, in, 49, 59; fleet in, 1820, 58; 
 from New England ports, in, GO; grounds in, 52; off shore, 
 48, 58; on shore, 58; in 1812, 44; Nantucket fleet in, 59; port, 
 first on, 60 
 
 Petroleum, discovery of, effect of, on whaling, 76 
 
 Plymouth colony, whaling from, 21 
 
 Plymouth, Mass., 41, 50 
 
 Portland, Me., 53 
 
 Ports, whaling fleets, belonging to, 122-125; in 1906, 112; list of, 
 122-125 
 
 Portsmouth, N. H., 50, 53 
 
 Portuguese, in crews, 90 
 
 Poughkeepsie, N. Y., 50 
 
 Prices, whale products, annual of, 128; declining of, 71; increas- 
 ing of, bone, 72; in 1792, 43; Revolution, effect of, on, 43 
 
 Privateers, effect of, on whaling, American, 39; English, 44; French, 
 33, 43; Southern, 78; Spanish, 33 
 
 Products, of whaling, 94: ambergris, 76; bone, 95; in commerce, 
 98; oil, 94; refining of, 95; spermaceti, 95; uses of, q. v. 
 
 Prospect Harbor, Me., 53 
 
 Providence, R. I., 31, 36, 45 
 
 Provincetown, Mass., 30 
 
 Prussic acid, in whaling, use of, 85 
 
 References, 132-134; criticism of, 1-7 
 
 Refining, 95; early, 27; at San Francisco, 63 
 
 Revolution, war of, effect of, on whaling, 38, 39, 40; Nantucket 
 
 during, 39 
 Rhode Island, whaling in, early, 31 
 Ricketson, Daniel, 3, 32 
 Right Whale, first, 51 
 Rocket, whaling, description of, 84 
 Russia Company, in Spitzbergen, whaling, 14; trade to White Sea, 
 
 13; whaling monopoly by, 9 
 
 Sabine, Lorenzo, 3, 19 
 
 Sag Harbor, X. V., 29, 40. 44, 48 
 
 Salem, Mass.. 21. 30, 50
 
 Index 143 
 
 San Francisco, Cal., whaling, from, 60, 61, 62, 64; fleet of, 129; 
 
 headquarters at, 62; rendezvous, 6?.; wintering at, •'•_ 
 Scammon, C. M., 3, 42 
 Schooners, in whaling, 86 
 Scoresby, Wm., 1, 13, 81, 82 
 Sherburne. See Nantucket 
 "Shipping List, Whalemen's," 6 
 Ships, whaling, size of, 87 
 Shore Whaling, 20, 21, 22. 25, 27; on California coast. 60; system 
 
 used, 61; abandoned, 61 
 Sloops, in whaling, first use, 87 
 Smith, Captain John, record of whales. 19 
 Southampton, X. Y., 22, 23, 29 
 South Sea Company, whaling by, 15, 16 
 Southwold, X. Y., 22 
 
 Spanish, privateers, 33; whaling, at Spitzbergen. U 
 Spermaceti, 9". 
 Sperm candles, 110 
 Sperm oil, commerce in, 99, 109; exports of, 127; imports of, 126; 
 
 introduced, first, 27; nature of, 94; prices of, 128: uses of. :» ! 
 Sperm whale, first, 26. See Sperm oil 
 Spitzbergen, whaling at, division of, 14; English, 13: rivalry for, 
 
 13, 14 
 St. Lawrence, Gulf of. ground opened, 34; restrictions on. 35 
 Starbuck. Alexander, 3, 19, 22, 31. 32. 33, 34, 36, 37: criticsm of. 4-6 
 Statistics. 117; discussion of. 117-120 
 Steam, vessels, used in whaling, by Americans, 87; by English, 86; 
 
 launches, 86 
 Stonington, Conn., 50, -~> 1 
 Swansea, or Swanzey, Mass.. 31 
 
 Thatcher, James, 1!». 20 
 Tiverton, R. I.. .",1 
 
 Tonnage, vessel, of whaling Beet, by years, 121; San Francisco 
 fleet, 129 
 
 Tremont, Me., 53 
 
 V. 
 
 Vessels, barks, 87; brigs, s7; changes in. 86; crews of. 89; Fate 
 of. old. 89; history of. 86; launches, si. •am. u^-a, 86; schoon- 
 ers, 86; ships, 87; sloops. 86; Bteamers, Introduced, 62; used, 
 87; used now. 88; whaleboats, description of, 86
 
 144 Index. 
 
 Virginia, whaling from, 31 
 Voyages, cost of, 74; length of, 73 
 
 W. 
 
 Wages, of whalemen, 91 
 
 War, civil, effect of, on whaling, 77; of 1812, effect of, on whaling, 
 47; on trade, 105; of Revolution, effect of, on whaling, 38, 39, 40 
 
 Wareham, Mass., 45 
 
 Warren, R. I., 31, 36, 50 
 
 Wellfleet, Mass., 30, 40, 41, 42 
 
 Western Islands, whaling about, 28 
 
 West Indies, trade with, 101 
 
 Westport, Mass., 44, 48, 49 
 
 Whaleboats, description of, 86 
 
 Whalebone, commerce, in, 110; exports of, 127; imports of, 126; 
 first into England, 13; importance of, 72; occurrence of, 95; 
 preparation of, 96; prices of, 72, 128 
 
 Whale fishery, an account of, 3; colonial, 4; history of, 3; in the 
 Pacific, 3 
 
 "Whalemen's Shipping List," 6 
 
 Whale oil, commerce, in, 99, 109; exports of, 127; imports of, 126; 
 nature of, 94; prices of, 128; uses of, 94 
 
 Whale products, colonial, exports of, 23; duties on, in New York, 
 23. See Whalebone; Whale oil; Sperm oil, etc. 
 
 Whales, abundance, at Nantucket, 26; New England coast, on, 19; 
 baleen or bowhead, 83; drift, in Long Island, 22; Massachu- 
 setts colonies, 20; food, as, in France, 9; in Iceland, 10; right, 
 first, 51; sperm, first, 26 
 
 Whaling, American, and European compared, 18; at end of seven- 
 teenth century, 25; condition of, in 1760-65, 35; Arctic, first in, 
 52, 60; Biscay, Bay of, from, 8, 9; boat, origin of, 22, 25; 
 boom, of 1846-47, 52; California, shore, 60, 61; climax of, 51; 
 colonial, Connecticut, 21; Long Island, 22; Massachusetts, 20, 
 21; state of, in 1774, 37: condition of, present, 112; crews, 89; 
 decline of, 54, 67, 70; deep sea, beginning of, 91; English, 1, 
 8, 10; European, 1, 11; fleet, in 1774, 37; in 1783, 40; 1787-1789, 
 42; 1835-1860. 51; present, 112; value of, in 1S46, 51; French, 
 10; golden age of, 47, 50; growth of, rapid, 1820 to 1S35, 
 49, 50; 1834-1840, 51; grounds, frequented, 28, 92, 93; gun, 82: 
 Indians, employed in, 22, 23, 89; industry, character of, 36; 
 lagoon, at Magdalena Bay, 62; losses in, 73; Nantucket, q. v.; 
 New Bedford, q. v.: Norwegian, 9; ports, 1785-1815, 40, 44. 45; 
 1815-1820, 47, 48; after 1830, 50; 1846-50, 67; profits in. 73;
 
 Index. 14- 
 
 products of, 51, 94; prospects, future, 114; Revolution, War of, 
 during, 38, 39; at end of, 40; renewal after, 40; rocket, 84: 
 shore, from, 25; California, 60, 61; Connecticut, 21; Long 
 Island, 22; Massachusetts, 20, 21; end of, 27; statistics of, 117; 
 War of 1812, previous to, 44; during, 45; revival after. 17. 
 vessels, q. v.; voyages, 28 
 
 Williamsburg, Va., whaling from, 31 
 
 Wilmington, Del., 53 
 
 Wiscasset, Me., 53
 
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