436 
 
 T37
 
 CALIFORNIA \. 
 SAN ^lEGO J
 
 r _ ARV 
 
 UN/VERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGQ 
 LA JOLLA, CALIFORNIA 
 
 SIX SPEECHES 
 
 WITH A 
 
 SKETCH OF THE LIFE 
 
 OF 
 
 HON. ELI THAYER. 
 
 BOSTON: 
 BROWN AND TAGGARD. 
 
 1860. 
 
 Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year I860, by Brown & Taggard, in the District Court of Massachusetts.
 
 SIX SPEECHES T37 
 
 OP 
 
 HON. ELI THAYER. 
 
 [" Welcome evermore to gods and men," 
 says Emerson, " is the self-helping man. For 
 him all doors are flung wide ; him all tongues 
 greet, all honors crown, all eyes follow with 
 desire." 
 
 He who shows that he can do without our 
 help, is exactly the man whose help we can- 
 not do without. The self-helper helps all the 
 rest, because he shows them of what they are 
 capable. When the virgin soil of Kansas 
 was given over to the foul embrace of slavery, 
 and they who might have saved it desponded 
 when they should have done nothing but 
 labor, one man, with no public record hither- 
 to, applied his quick brain to the problem, 
 and his stout heart to the work, and straight- 
 way the thing despaired of was done ! That 
 man was ELI THAYKU, of Massachusetts. 
 The struggle between free and slave labor 
 was protracted far beyond the necessary limit, 
 and was likely, at last, to be decided in favor 
 of slavery. Not that the latter really posses- 
 sed larger power, but it happened that it was 
 already on the ground, was familiar with the 
 field, could cope successfully with frontier ob- 
 stacles, and enjoyed the strong prestige of 
 never yet having been beaten in such an en- 
 counter. It bade fair, at that time, to worry 
 Freedom out, and the field had already been 
 virtually abandoned by the friends of the lat- 
 ter, who were retiring in a sullen and angry 
 mood from the conflict. All that was needed, 
 at that particular crisis, was organization. 
 The Free-State men were secretly conscious 
 of their superior strength, yet knew not how 
 to wield it. The right elements were to be 
 had, but the master spirit was wanting, who 
 should skilfully combine them. And, just at 
 the right moment, that spirit stepped forth, 
 
 a new man to the masses, but himself 
 thoroughly conscious of the power he held in 
 his hand. 
 
 That man was ELI THAYER, of Massachu- 
 setts, and his secret was ORGANIZED EMI- 
 GRATION. Nobody, apparently, had thought 
 of it, the simplest thing in the world. And 
 yet it was like a new discovery in the social 
 development of the century, whose influence 
 is to work until the whole earth is colonized, 
 and the dreams of universal brotherhood are 
 finally made real. For by this single agency 
 all uninhabited quarters of the globe are 
 capable of smiling with the presence of a 
 dense population. The work of the lonely 
 pioneer has come to an end. We shall call on 
 no more solitary hunters, like Daniel Boone, 
 to wander forth from the extreme verge of 
 civilized life and lose himself in the yellow 
 sunset, for a whole town, county, and State 
 may be transported as by magic ; the surplus 
 of a dense population, by this simple ma- 
 chinery, being planted in the heart of wilder- 
 nesses almost by the sheer force and play of 
 the single will that sets the machinery in 
 operation. 
 
 It is conceded that Eli Thayer, whatever 
 else he may receive credit for, has earned the 
 name of the originator of Organized Emi- 
 gration : a system whose wonderful effects 
 will be felt years after he is dead, and for 
 which future generations will bless his name. 
 It was Eli Whitney, another New England 
 man, whose fertile brain invented the wonder 
 called the Cotton Gin; but, for ourselves, 
 great as cotton is, and is yet to be, we would 
 far rather enjoy the honor of having invented 
 the machine by which free labor may go and 
 colonize wherever it will, with the assurance
 
 of its enjoying its honest reward. The bene- 
 fits of association, in one form and another, 
 had already been advertised to the -world, as 
 in the case of banking, building, and insuring, 
 but we had yet to see the same principle ap- 
 plied to colonization, and work out its magic 
 results with such marvellous certainty and 
 rapidity. Now, we may remove from the 
 Atlantic to the Pacific coast an entire town 
 at a time, carrying out with us our favorite 
 schools, churches, trades, and callings, none 
 of which need part with their precious asso- 
 ciations by the removal. This makes .the no- 
 madic a civilized life, tents being exchanged 
 for houses. And nothing is more certain, 
 than that where a people feels such rapid 
 transmigration possible, all hopes of subduing 
 their spirit or alienating their love for freedom 
 are vain indeed. 
 
 As a fit introduction to the public speeches 
 in Congress of the man who first taught us 
 how to apply the system of Emigration to the 
 spread of free labor over the continent, a 
 brief sketch of his personal career may not 
 be without interest to readers everywhere. 
 The public would know all they can about a 
 man of mark, nor ought he to expect to con- 
 ceal himself. Fortunately, however, no one 
 can impute to Eli Thayer a necessity for be- 
 ing at all fastidious about the most public 
 showing of his entire career. It is of charac- 
 teristic interest enough to be sought out for 
 publication in an European journal like the 
 London Times, which thus helps to send his 
 name, with a clear and true ring, quite around 
 the world. That powerful journal, no doubt, 
 regards him, to borrow the expression of one 
 of our own leading presses, " as the chief in- 
 terpreter of the great agencies which science 
 and invention have placed within the grasp 
 of man, and with which not only is the physi- 
 cal world to be subdued to its uses, but false 
 systems and oppressive institutions, founded 
 in fraud, are to be crushed out of existence." 
 
 Mr. Thayer is a native of Mendon, Mass., 
 where he was born in the year 1819. His 
 father was a laborious farmer, and subse- 
 quently kept a country store in that part of 
 the town now known as Blackstone. He was 
 unable to do any thing for his son Eli, more 
 than other men in similarly cramped situa- 
 tions, and the lad was therefore kept at work 
 on the farm till he was well grown, obtaining 
 such meagre instruction as the district school 
 of that day afforded him. But he was of an 
 
 active turn of mind, and had learned enough 
 to become eager to know more. About the 
 ' time he had exhausted the rudiments in the 
 I district school, his father failed in business; 
 i but that hindered the lad none in his plans. 
 i He resolved to acquire a liberal education, 
 I and one day informed his father of his deter- 
 mination. How he was going to accomplish 
 his end was not much more clear to the mind 
 of the one than the other. It was in the 
 year 1835 when he packed his few clothes 
 and placed his trunk on board a boat on the 
 Blackstone Canal, bound for Worcester, and 
 himself walked the entire distance. Such 
 was his first entry into the city whose best 
 interests he was so soon afterwards to sub- 
 serve. 
 
 In Worcester, he entered the " Manual 
 Labor School," an institution that furnished 
 indigent young men, who might be so inclined, 
 with a chance to pay for their schooling in 
 work, as they went along. In this school 
 young Thayer fitted himself for College, 
 never having known a syllable either of 
 Latin or Greek previous to coming here. 
 After a year's hard labor and study, pursued 
 night and day with restless energy, he pre- 
 sented himself for admission into Brown Uni- 
 versity, at Providence. In mathematical at- 
 tainments he was found deficient, not coming 
 up to the standard ; but on his solemn pro- 
 mise, that, by persevering labor, he would 
 "catch up" and hold his place, under the 
 circumstances of the case, he was admitted ; 
 and the promise was remembered with pride 
 by his instructor when he came to leave the 
 walls of his honored alma mater, for Thayer 
 was the best in mathematics of his class. 
 
 Eli Thayer entered college with nothing, 
 and graduated with distinguished honors, and 
 a few hundred dollars in his pocket. That 
 is more than many of our college graduates 
 can say. While in the University, he de- 
 frayed his expenses by teaching district 
 schools during the intervals of vacations, and 
 by similar labors, from time to time, to those 
 which sustained him at the school in Worces- 
 ter. He played the carpenter, the wood- 
 sawyer, and the landscape gardener ; and 
 there is a piece of embankment before one of 
 the Professors' residences to-day, the green 
 sods of which he placed with his own hands ; 
 and they were well placed, too. Such a 
 young man cannot fail to make his mark in 
 the world of men in time, the supply being
 
 yet too scanty not to quicken the demand, 
 when they do appear. 
 
 On leaving college, he returned to Wor- 
 cester, and was made Principal of the very 
 school in which he had been qualified for the 
 University, the same being now known as 
 the " "Worcester Academy." Here he worked 
 on as few men do work, even in the high vo- 
 cation of teacher; and in the year 1851, he 
 opened a school for girls on what was known 
 as Goat's Hill, in a noble and appropriate 
 structure which his own enterprise had erect- 
 ed. Several acres are connected with the 
 building, and the spot was named Mount 
 Oread. The " Oread Institute," with its nu- 
 merous pupils and its corps of skilful and ac- 
 complished teachers, enjoys a fame, as wide 
 as Worcester herself, throughout the coun- 
 try. Mr. Thayer actively superintended the 
 entire education of his pupils ; and, even 
 now, finds time enough to carry on his origi- 
 nal design with all the industry and vigor 
 which he first brought to its development. 
 
 Previous to entering on this undertaking, 
 however, Mr. Thayer interested himself 
 largely in real estate enterprises ; and it is 
 notorious that the city of Worcester is, to- 
 day, indebted as much to him as to any other 
 man for opening up certain leading improve- 
 ments, such as locating shops and factories and 
 mills, that have given an abiding impulse to 
 its growth and material prosperity. It is not 
 necessary to describe the Oread Institute; 
 every stranger who passes through Worces- 
 ter, in the cars, at once espies it and makes 
 particular inquiry about it. Its towers, its 
 long line of masonry, forming a sort of apron- 
 work from end to end, its battlements and its 
 imposing position, attract immediate atten- 
 tion, and are worthy to crown a spot that of 
 itself forms one of the boldest features of the 
 town. It is proper to add that this seminar)' 
 is well sustained by the public far and near, 
 furnishing its projector with a liberal and cer- 
 tain income, as his enterprise well deserves. 
 
 While still engaged in the business of in- 
 struction, he has found time to indulge his 
 tastes, to a greater or less degree, for politics. 
 He always took a profound interest in pub- 
 lic questions, and was ready with his opinions 
 intelligent, Avell-considered and indepen- 
 dent, when called upon for their expres- 
 sion. In this regard, he furnishes a fine ex- 
 ample of what really belongs to every good 
 
 citizen . not to be so indifferent to all other 
 pursuits than his own, as to lead a life of self- 
 ishness and seclusion, but to hold himself 
 ready to give his fellow-citizens the benefit 
 of his aid and counsel in any energency. 
 Thus he has been an Alderman in his 
 adopted city. During the winter of 1853-4, 
 he served as a member of the Massachusetts 
 Legislature, from Worcester, and again in 
 the following winter. In this capacity he 
 gave his political friends and supporters 
 abundant satisfaction by his services. 
 
 It was during his last term as a legislator 
 that those events were born in our national 
 history, which require just such a man to un- 
 ravel and master them. The famous Kan- 
 sas-Nebraska Bill having passed Congress, 
 by the consequent repeal of the long-standing 
 Missouri Compromise the young territories 
 were forthwith thrown open for a hand-to- 
 hand struggle between the forces of Free 
 and Slave Labor. Whichever should win in' 
 that fight, was to possess those lands for all 
 time. The Free State men were at a dis- 
 tance; their opponents were already, as it 
 were, on the ground. The former were placed 
 at a still greater disadvantage, that they 
 either had to pass directly through a slave 
 Stateto reach Kansas, or to make a circuitous 
 and wearisome journey further to the north, 
 through a free State. It was expensive to 
 remove all the way to Kansas ; little was 
 known of the country at the East ; men were 
 extremely loth to take their families, one by 
 one, so far beyond the frontier ; and, with 
 such a variety and force of opposition, the 
 spirit of the friends of Free Labor began sen- 
 sibly to flag, even while they saw and la- 
 mented that the prize might, with proper ef- 
 fort, be won. How to make that effort most 
 effective was the problem. 
 
 Eli Thayer sat in the State Capitol and 
 thought the whole thing out. He caught the 
 spirit of the hour, and conceived the magic 
 plan that was to bring order out of chaos, 
 dissipate the fears of the lovers of freedom, 
 and rescue a young State from the curse, 
 whose dark shadow was then passing over its 
 plains. On the instant, he made known his 
 plan. By many it was lightly thought of, be- 
 cause it was so simple. Others would rather 
 wait to see how it was likely to work. The 
 doubters were as plenty as they always are 
 at such times. But Mr. Thayer possessed a
 
 wonderful power of work; and, as an English- 
 man -would say, work generally accomplishes ; 
 the end sought for. 
 
 The first step he took was to procure tne 
 charter of an ' Emigrant Aid Society " from 
 the Legislature, having already enlisted the | 
 sympathy and co-operation of many of the ; 
 leading men of the State. To show that this j 
 movement was, in no sense, a political, but ; 
 rather a social and economic one, from the 
 start, it is sufficient to state, that among the 
 original corporators to whom this grant was 
 made by the Legislature, appear the names 
 of Col. Isaac Davis, of Worcester ; and Gen. 
 J. S. Whitney, of Springfield. Hon. A. A. 
 Lawrence, of Boston, likewise lent it his aid 
 in a large and effective amount of ready 
 money, as is well remembered by all. 
 
 Having obtained his charter, the next step 
 to be pursued by Mr. Thayer was to excite and 
 direct public sentiment in favor of his plan. 
 The people wanted nothing so much as to 
 make Kansas a free State, but they were in 
 the dark about the modus operandi. If they 
 could be convinced that there was a way by 
 which they could compass their ardent desire, 
 they would seize hold of it without any hesi- 
 tation. To enlist the confidence of men every- 
 where in his project, the grand project 
 of Organized Emigration, Mr. Thayer left 
 home and business, and perse veringly gave 
 himself to the work of elucidating bis scheme 
 before the people and pressing it liome to 
 their convictions. While engaged in this la- 
 bor, for it was indeed labor, he travelled 
 thousands of miles and addressed hundreds 
 of meetings, holding conferences with inquir- 
 ing men at all places and points within his 
 reach, and preaching, without intermission, 
 his theory that organized free labor could 
 easily overthrow organized slave labor, if the 
 experiment was once but fairly tried. In 
 good time, he beheld his work prosper. Emi- 
 grants began to flock around the standard he 
 had so boldly erected in large numbers. They 
 rallied, not as a mob, but in disciplined ranks 
 and masses. From the offices of emigration, 
 which were established at different points, 
 parties were forwarded straight to the ground 
 in dispute, one following close at the heels of 
 another, all of them orderly and resolute, all 
 bent on fulfilling the destiny of actual settlers, 
 and, taken as a whole, the finest specimen of 
 emigrating valor and virtue ever seen in his- 
 tory. It was indeed, to look back upon it 
 
 now, a wonderful feat for the brain of a single 
 man to accomplish. 
 
 The various parties of Free-State settlers 
 began now to pour into Kansas without in- 
 terruption. In a very brief period of time, 
 many thousands of persons the flower of 
 our States were securely established on the 
 soil, having staked out their claims and be- 
 come real residents and owners. Had this 
 work been deferred until the next spring 
 only, Kansas would have been lost, by uni- 
 versal admission ', for the Missouri lodges were 
 organizing as rapidly as possible, and it was 
 the design of the prime movers in the plan 
 to throw them across the line into the Terri- 
 tory in dispute, just as soon as the next season 
 opened. In that case, it would have been 
 idle for the men of the north and the east to 
 start at all ; their labor would have come to 
 nought even before it was begun. The se- 
 cret of the free-labor success was, that by the 
 rapidity and compactness of its emigration, 
 under the scheme of Eli Thayer, the work 
 was done before the other side had time to 
 think of it. They invited a free contest, and 
 they were beaten. The intended crossing 
 over the line, on the following spring, was 
 not undertaken. The battle had clearly gone 
 against them. This they confessed by their 
 acts of retaliatory violence and their loud ex- 
 pressions of indignation. So incensed were 
 they, even before the deed was known to be 
 done, they offered a reward for the head of 
 Eli Thayer, the author and inventor of the 
 scheme by which their game was thus blocked, 
 and kept the reward standing for some time 
 at the head of their newspapers ! Had they 
 secured his caput, they would have been like- 
 ly to obtain a good deal more than they bar- 
 gained for. He would have taught them a 
 practical point in the art of emigration, far 
 beyond any they yet knew. Their plan was 
 based on force, absolute and brutal ; Thayer 
 sent forward the saw-mill and grist-mill as his 
 pioneer, and men followed close after steam. 
 Davy Atchison, seeing one of these steam 
 mills passing on one day, remarked, with 
 an oath, to a friend standing by, ' There 
 goes another Yankee city ! " And he was 
 right. The steam mill drew a whole town- 
 ship close behind it, including a school, a 
 church, and a newspaper ; and this was Eli 
 Thayer's fortunate and timely discovery. 
 
 The result in Kansas having proved so 
 auspicious to Free Labor, the attention of
 
 Mr. Thayer's fellow citizens was afterwards 
 drawn to him as a peculiarly fit man to re- 
 present them in Congress. Judge Chapin 
 happened to be the nominee of the party, and 
 had accepted the nomination ; only eight 
 days before the election, however, he felt com- 
 pelled, for good reasons, to decline the posi- 
 tion. This left the Republicans of the Wor- 
 cester district in a bad plight ; and, for the 
 moment, it seemed as if there was no chance 
 of defeating Col. DeWitt, the deservedly 
 popular candidate of the Americans. Many 
 despaired and would give up the battle ; but 
 a few determined to go on and make another 
 nomination. Mr. Eli Thayer was at once 
 waited on by the Committee to whom Mr. 
 Chapin's resignation had been sent, and asked 
 if he would consent to run in his place. " Yes," 
 was the ready and decisive answer. They 
 reminded him how short the time was to elec- 
 tion day, and told him Avhat kind of work, 
 and how much of it, he would be expected to 
 perform, in order to secure success. This 
 only excited his courage the more. " Fur- 
 nish me with facilities for travelling through 
 the district," said Mr. Thayer, " and I will 
 be ready to speak four times in every twenty- 
 lour hours ! " The Committee were surprised. 
 They promised, however, to do their part. It 
 is a matter of political history that Eli Thay- 
 er did his ; and he made nothing of putting 
 twenty miles between his afternoon and 
 first evening addresses. lie was all game, 
 and all endurance. It was simply impossible 
 to defeat such a man, for no other could hold 
 out against him. 
 
 lie was triumphantly elected to Congress 
 by the people of his district, and entered up- 
 on his duties as a national legislator, in De- 
 cember of the year 1857. His entrance 
 upon the floor of the House attracted much 
 attention, for all were eager to see the man 
 whose single idea had been the instrument of 
 redeeming Kansas from the hands of her 
 enemies. Probably many men then thought 
 that the price set on his head was altogether 
 too low, 
 
 His first speech in Congress was delivered 
 on the 7th of January, 18.38, on the Central 
 American Question. All sides agreed that 
 it produced a decided sensation. It was off 
 the beaten track of Congressional discussion 
 and disclosed a vein of freshness, originality, 
 and humor that was not looked for. The 
 New York Tribune said of it, that " by com- 
 
 mon consent, it established Mr. Thayer's 
 fame." His object, in the speech, was to 
 hint a plan for organized emigration from the 
 North to Nicaragua, in other words, for 
 " Americanizing Central America." It pro- 
 duced such a surprise among those men 
 from the Gulf States who think that Central 
 America belongs exclusively to their own 
 bailiwick, that they were puzzled, for a time, 
 whether to laugh or swear. It was said that 
 so rich a scene is rarely witnessed in Con- 
 gress as presented itself during the delivery 
 of that speech. Without remarking any fur- 
 ther upon it, it is given herewith exactly as it 
 was reported]. 
 
 Mr. Thayer said : 
 
 MR. CIIAIRMAX, It is my purpose to of- 
 fer an amendment to the resolution which is 
 now before the Committee, for the purpose 
 of widening the proposed investigation. I do 
 not intend to discuss at all the topics which 
 the Committee has been considering during 
 the past three days. I am not here to con- 
 sider whether Mr. Walker was legally or ille- 
 gally arrested, or whether Commodore Pauld- 
 ing is to be censured or applauded for his 
 action. I shall express no sympathy with the 
 course pursued by the President. I have no 
 intention to discuss his position in relation to 
 this matter, neither is it my purpose to enter 
 the lists with the gentleman from Tennessee 
 [Mr. Maynard], who eulogized the heroism 
 of Mr. Walker a man, who, claiming to be 
 the President of Nicaragua, and to represent 
 in his own person the sovereignty of that 
 State, surrendered without a protest, and 
 without a blow, to a power upon his own soil, 
 which he claimed to be an invading force. 
 Whether this be heroism, I shall not now in- 
 quire. 
 
 I thrust aside, for the present, all questions 
 of legal technicality in this matter ; all the 
 mysteries of the construction of the neutral- 
 ity laws ; all these questions which have en- 
 grossed the attention of the House during the 
 last three days, and concerning which every- 
 body has been speaking, and nobody caring ; 
 and I come to that great, paramount, tran- 
 scendent question, about which everybody is 
 caring and nobody is speaking : " How shall 
 we Americanize Central America ? " 
 
 It may be a matter of surprise that I pass
 
 8 
 
 over two or three questions which, in their 
 natural order, seem to be antecedent to this 
 one. And these questions are : First, Do 
 we wish to Americanize Central America ? 
 Secondly, Can we Americanize Central 
 America? Thirdly, Shall we Americanize 
 Central America ? 
 
 Now, Mr. Chairman, I say that whoever 
 has studied the history of this country, and 
 whoever knows the character of this people, 
 and whoever can infer their destiny from 
 their character and their history, knows that 
 these three preliminary questions are already 
 answered by the American people that we 
 do wish to Americanize Central America; 
 that we can Americanize Central America ; 
 and that we shall Americanize Central Amer- 
 ica. 
 
 And now, Mr. Chairman, in relation to the 
 manner and agency. How can we Ameri- 
 canize Central America ? Shall we do it 
 legally and fairly, or illegally and unfairly ? 
 Shall we do it by conferring a benefit on the 
 people of Central America, or shall we do it 
 by conquest, by robbery, and violence V Shall 
 we do it without abandoning national laws, 
 and without violating our treaty stipulations V 
 Shall we do it in accordance with the law of 
 nations and the laws of the United States, or 
 shall we do it by force, blood, and fire ? 
 
 Now, Mr. Chairman, my position is this: 
 that we will do it legally ; that we will do it 
 in accordance with the highest laws, human 
 and divine. 
 
 By the way, sir, I did agree with the gen- 
 tleman from New York [Mr. Haskin], when 
 he told us yesterday that he was not in favor 
 of petit larceny ; but I did not agree with 
 him when lie said he was in favor of grand 
 larceny. I regret that a Representative of 
 the people of the United States, in the Coun- 
 cil Hall of the nation, should say to his con- 
 stituents, to the nation, and to the world, that 
 he and the Democratic party were " rather in 
 favor of grand larceny." Larceny is larceny ; 
 and you cannot say a meaner thing about it 
 than to call it by its own name. I am painqd 
 that this report has gone forth, that any party, 
 or that any individual in this House, or con- 
 nected with this Government, is in favor of 
 grand larceny or petit larceny. Larceny, 
 grand or petit, is not only disgraceful, but is 
 absolutely and utterly contemptible. We do 
 not go for the acquisition or Americanization 
 of territory by larceny of any kind whatever, 
 but fairly, openly, and honorably. 
 
 Then, sir, by what agency may we thus 
 Americanize Central America ? I reply to 
 the question, by the power of organized emi- 
 gration. That is abundantly able to give us 
 Central America as soon as we want it. We 
 could have Americanized Central America 
 half a dozen times by this power within the 
 last three years, if there had been no danger 
 or apprehension of meddlesome or vexatious 
 Executive interference. But if we are to 
 use this mighty power of organized emigra- 
 tion, we want a different kind of neutrality 
 laws from those which we now have ; and, 
 therefore, I am desirous that this Committee 
 shall recommend something which shall not 
 subject us to the misconstruction of the Presi- 
 dent of the United States, or to his construc- 
 tion at all. I want these neutrality laws so 
 plain that every man may know whether lie 
 is in the right or in the wrong, whether he is 
 violating those laws or is not violating them. 
 For, Mr. Chairman, with our new-fashioned 
 kind of emigration, with our organized emi- 
 gration, which goes in colonies, and therefore 
 must, of necessity, to some extent, resemble 
 a military organization, there is great danger 
 that a President with a dim intellect may 
 make a mistake, and subject to harassing and 
 vexatious delays, and sometimes to loss and 
 injury, a peaceful, quiet colony, going out to 
 settle in a neighboring State. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, I can illustrate this position. 
 You, sir, remember that in the year 1856, 
 when it was lad travelling across the State 
 of Missouri, on the way to Kansas, our col- 
 onies went through the State of Iowa, and 
 through the Territory of Nebraska. These 
 were peaceful, quiet colonies, going to settle 
 in the Territory of Kansas, by that long and 
 wearisome journey, because it was lad travel- 
 ling through the State of Missouri. You re- 
 member that one of these colonies of organ- 
 ized emigrants, which went from Maine and 
 Massachusetts, and from various other North- 
 ern States, was arrested just as it was passing 
 over the southern boundary of the Territory 
 of Nebraska, on its way to its future home in 
 Kansas. It was a peaceful, quiet colony, go- 
 ing out with its emigrant wagons, " all in a 
 row," and, therefore, looking something like a 
 military organization; going out with their 
 women and their children, with sub-soil plows 
 with coulters a yard long [laughter], with 
 pick-axes, with crowbars, with shovels, and 
 with garden seeds. This beautiful colony was
 
 9 
 
 arrested by the officials of the present Execu- 
 tive's predecessor. It was by some mistake, 
 no doubt. Perhaps he took the turnip-seed 
 for powder; and I doubt whether the case 
 would have been better if the President had 
 been there himself. This colony was arrested 
 within our own dominion. It was not an emi- 
 gration to a foreign country, and there was 
 no danger of interference with the neutrality 
 laws. These quiet, peaceful colonists, be- 
 cause their wagons went in a row for mutual 
 defence, through the wild, uncultivated Ter- 
 ritory of Nebraska, where there Avere Indians, 
 they were arrested as a military organization. 
 We do not want, hereafter, either within the 
 limits of the United States or without them, 
 any such meddlesome and vexatious inter- 
 ference by the executive power of this Gov- 
 ernment. Therefore, I say, let us have some 
 neutrality laws that can be understood. If 
 there had been no apprehensions in the North 
 about the neutrality laws, if we had not ex- 
 pected that whatever emigration we might 
 have fitted out for Central America would 
 have been arrested within the marine league 
 of the harbor of Boston, why, we would have 
 colonized Central America years ago, and 
 had it ready for admission into the Union be- 
 fore this time. We want a modification or 
 an elucidation of the neutrality laws, and I 
 trust that it will be the duty of the committee 
 so to report. 
 
 Before I proceed to consider the power and 
 benefits of this system of organized emigra- 
 tion, and the reason why it ought not to be 
 rejected by this House, I will proceed, as 
 briefly as I can, to show the interests which 
 the Northern portion of this country has in 
 Americanizing Central America, as contrast- 
 ed with the interests which the Southern 
 portion has in doing the same thing. I come, 
 then, to speak of the immense interests which 
 the Northern States have in this proposed en- 
 terprise. I am astonished, that so far in this 
 debate the advocates for Americanizing Cen- 
 tral America seem to be mostly from those 
 States which border on the Gulf of Mexico. 
 As yet, I have heard no man from the North- 
 ern States advocating the same thing. Let 
 us look at the interests of the Northern States 
 in this question, and then at those of the 
 Southern States. 
 
 These Northern States are, as the States 
 of Northern Europe were designated by 
 Tacitus, offidna gentium. " the manufactory 
 
 of nations." We can make one state a year. 
 In the last three years we have colonized 
 almost wholly the Territory of Kansas. We 
 bave furnished settlers to Minnesota and 
 Nebraska, and the Lord knows where, but 
 AVC have not exhausted one-half of our natur- 
 al increase. We have received accessions to 
 our numbers in that time, from foreign coun- 
 tries, of more than one million of souls, and 
 now we have no relief; we are worse off to- 
 day than we were when we began to colonize 
 Kansas. We must have an outlet some- 
 where for our surplus population. [Laugh- 
 ter.] 
 
 Sir, I have a resolution in my pocket, 
 which I have been carrying about for days, 
 waiting patiently for an opportunity to pre- 
 sent it in this House, instructing the Com- 
 mittee on Territories to report a bill organiz- 
 ing and opening for settlement the Indian 
 Territory. Mr. Chairman, I came to this 
 conclusion with reluctance, that we must 
 have the Indian Territory. But necessity 
 knows no law. We must go somewhere. 
 Something must be opened to the descendants 
 of the Pilgrims. [Laughter.] Why, sir, just 
 look at it. We are crammed in between the 
 Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. The bounding 
 billows of our emigration are dashing fiercely 
 against both sides of the Rocky Mountains. 
 Obstructed now by these barriers, this west- 
 ward moving tide begins to set back. Will 
 it flow towards Canada ? Not at all. It 
 has already begun to flow over the " Old Do- 
 minion" [laughter], and into other States. 
 Missouri is almost inundated with it. We 
 cannot check this tide of flowing emigration. 
 You might as well try to shut out from this 
 continent, by curtains, the light of the auro- 
 ra borealis. No such thing can be accom- 
 plished. This progress must be onward, and 
 we must have territory. We must have ter- 
 ritory ; and I think it most opportune that 
 the proposition seems to be before the coun- 
 try to Americanize Central America. A 
 better time could not be ; for, in addition to 
 the population which we now have, which is . 
 immense in the Northern States, as I shall 
 show you in proceeding, this financial pres- 
 sure in the East, and in the different nations 
 of Europe, will send to our shores in the year 
 1858 not less than half a million of men. In 
 addition to that we have two hundred and 
 fifty thousand of our own population, who 
 will change localities in that time. Then>
 
 10 
 
 sir, there are seven hundred and fifty thou- the same census. In the State of Connecticut 
 sand men to be prepared for, somewhere, in we have seventy-nine. In the State of New 
 the year 1858 men enough, sir, to make York we have sixty-five. So, you see, it was 
 ei T ht States, if we only had Territories in not fiction, it was not poeCry, not a stretch of 
 which to put them, and if we only use them I the imagination, when I told you that the 
 economically [laughter], as we are sure to | descendants of the Pilgrims were in a tight 
 do by this system of organized emigration. place. [Laughter.] 
 
 Now, could any thing be more opportune, But how is it with the States which border 
 at this time, than to have this project sub- ! upon the Gulf? Look at it and see. They 
 mitted to us, of opening Central America to have, some of them, eighty-nine hundredths 
 settlement ? I assure you, if the Committee of a man to the square mile. [Laughter.] In 
 will report any bill which will enable the another one we have one and the forty-eight 
 people of the North, without larceny of any hundredth part of a man to the square mile : 
 kind, without tyranny of any kind, to settle and, taking them altogether, we have just 
 that country, I will postpone my resolution about three men to the square mile in all 
 for the opening of the Indian Territory, at j those States which border upon the Gulf of 
 least until the next session of Congress. Mexico. 
 
 But it is not only for the purpose of fur- ! Now, sir, it would be folly for me to argue, 
 nishing an outlet for our immense population ' and there is no kind of reason for supposing, 
 in the North that I now advocate the Amer- > that these States expect to do any thing about 
 icanizing of Central America. The inter- colonizing Central America. They cannot 
 ests of commerce, as well as this great argu- ; afford to lose a man. They had better give 
 ment of necessity, are on our side. Who j away two thousand dollars than to lose a sin- 
 has the trade beyond Central America ? ; glc honest, industrious citizen. They can- 
 We have whale fisheries in the Northern ; not afford it. I have left out of this calcula- 
 Ocean, which build up great cities upon the j tion, to be sure, the enumeration of the 
 eastern shore of Massachusetts. We have slaves in those States, for the gentleman from 
 trade with Oregon and California, with the Tennessee [Mr. Maynard] informed us that 
 Sandwich Islands, and the western coast of i the question of Slavery did not come into 
 South America. We are opening a trade, this argument properly, and I agree with 
 destined to be an immense trade, with the i him there. I think he may agree with me, 
 Empires of China and Japan, and we must of that by no possibility can slavery ever be es- 
 necessity have in Central America certain tablished in Central America. That is my 
 factors and certain commercial agencies, who, j belief. Just fix your neutrality laws, and we 
 in a very few years, with their families and j will fill up Central America before 18CO 
 relatives and dependants, will make a dense sufficiently to be comfortable, 
 population in Central America. I say, then, Mr. MAYXARD. With the permission of 
 that for the interests of commerce we want \ the gentleman, I desire to ask him whether 
 Central America Americanized. This com- he will pledge himself for his constituents, 
 .mercial interest is, unfortunately, a sectional and for all those he represents, that when 
 interest in these States. It is, emphatically, a ' they get down there they will not make 
 Northern interest ; and therefore, as a North- : slaves of the people they find there ? 
 
 ern man, I advocate especially that Central 
 America should be Americanized. 
 
 Mr. TIIAYER. Certainly I will do it ; and 
 I will say more on that subject hereafter. I 
 
 Now, sir, 1 said I was astonished that gen- ; will say to the gentlemen upon the other side 
 tlemcn who come from States bordering upon who have advocated this right of emigration, 
 the Gulf, had advocated this project, and not and have no personal interest in this matter, 
 .the Representatives who come from Northern that they can have no pecuniary interest in 
 . States. Let us see the reason why the North ! it, for they have no men to spare for this en- 
 should be more zealous than the South in ' terprise. And especially do I honor the 
 this movement. In the State of Massachusetts gentleman from Mississippi [Mr. Quitman], 
 "we have one hundred and twenty-seven peo- who professed to be moved by arguments of 
 pie to a square mile, by the census of 1850. philanthropy in relation to this question, and 
 In the State of Rhode Island we have one who maintained that the people of Central 
 hundred and twelve to the square mile, by [ America were oppressed, that they needed our
 
 11 
 
 assistance, and that it was conferring a bene- 
 fit upon them to send out colonies among 
 them to aid them to get rid of their oppres- 
 sors. This is more than patriotism. It ap- 
 proaches universal brotherhood. I am glad 
 that that gentleman is defending the rights of 
 emigration. No man prizes those rights 
 more highly than I do. I think that I under- 
 stand their power and their value, and I am 
 glad to welcome among the list of political 
 regenerators, the gentleman from Mississippi 
 with such large, wide, and noble views upon 
 this question. I do not here endorse his 
 whole speech. I did not hear the whole of 
 it. I do not know what he said about Mr. 
 Walker, whether he defends him, or whether 
 he does not. For myself, I do not say that I 
 defend him, or that I do not, at this time. I 
 wait for the report of our committee, to know 
 what are the facts in this case, and whether 
 he is fit to be defended or not. 
 
 Now, sir, I am rejoiced that I have found 
 aid and comfort in a great political missionary 
 movement from a quarter where I least ex- 
 pected it. This argument of philanthropy 
 is sufuciently potent with the South ; while I 
 will not deny that it is always more or less 
 potent with the North, perhaps not so potent 
 with the North as with the South very like- 
 ly we are more material and less spiritual 
 but still, I say, it has some power at the 
 North. We do not live so near the sun as 
 do those gentlemen who border on the Gulf; 
 but we live near enough to the sun to have 
 some warmth in our hearts, and the appeals 
 of philanthropy to us are not made in vain. 
 
 But, in addition to that, just look at it, sir! 
 In addition to that great argument of philan- 
 thropy, we have not only the argument of 
 necessity, but the argument of making money ; 
 and when you take those three arguments, 
 and combine them, you make a great motive 
 power, which is sufficient, in ordinary cases, 
 to move Northern men, though they are not 
 very mobile nor very fickle. 
 
 So much, Mr. Chairman, for the compar- 
 ison of interests between the Northern and 
 Southern people of these United States in 
 relation to the Americanizing of Central 
 America. 
 
 I come now to discuss, briefly, the power 
 and benefits of this new mode of emigration. 
 And, sir, what is its power ? I tell you its 
 power is greater than that which is wielded 
 by any potentate or emperor upon the face 
 
 of God's footstool. If we can form a company, 
 or a number of companies, which can control 
 the emigration of this country, the foreign 
 emigration and native emigration, I tell 
 you, sir, that that company, or those compa- 
 nies, will have more power than any potentate 
 or emperor upon the face of the earth ; and 
 that company, or those companies, may laugh 
 at politicians; they may laugh, sir, at the 
 President and his Cabinet ; at the Supreme 
 Court, and at Congress ; for all these powers 
 of the Government, great and mighty as they 
 are, can do nothing, in accordance with the 
 Constitution of this land, which can in any 
 way interfere with our progress, or prevent 
 our making cities, and states, and nations, 
 wherever and whenever we please. Then, 
 sir, there can be no doubt about the power of 
 this agency, which, I tell you, is the right one 
 for us to make use of in getting Central 
 America if we want it, or in Americanizing 
 Central America, as we are sure to do. 
 
 Now, Mr. Chairman, I have said nothing 
 about annexing Central America to the Unit- 
 ed States. For myself, I care nothing about 
 it, and I do not know whether the people of 
 this country are ready for that proposition 
 yet. I think, however, they would rather 
 annex a thousand square leagues of territory 
 than to lose a single square foot. To be sure, 
 sir, we have a few men in the North who 
 honestly hate this Union. I will not criticise 
 their views. I will not condemn them for 
 their views. They have a right to cherish 
 just what views they please in relation to this 
 question. Sir, there are still a larger num- 
 ber of sour and disappointed politicians, who, 
 though they do not profess hatred to this 
 Union, do, to a certain extent, profess indif- 
 ference as to its continuance. But the great 
 and overwhelming majority of the people of 
 the North, sir, as a unit, are determined that 
 no force, internal or external, shall ever wrest 
 from the jurisdiction of the United States a 
 single square foot of our territory, unless it 
 first be baptized in blood and fire. That is 
 the sentiment of the great majority of the 
 people of the North, that no portion of the 
 territory of this Government shall ever be re- 
 leased from our possession. We understand 
 that this Union is a partnership for life, and 
 that the bonds that hold us together cannot 
 by anv fatuity be sundered until this great 
 Government is first extinguished and its 
 power annihilated. That, sir, is our senti-
 
 12 
 
 ment about the Union, and such may be the 
 present sentiment about annexation. But I 
 have no doubt what the future sentiment of 
 the country will be about annexation. I have 
 no doubt we will have Central America in 
 this Government, and all between this and 
 Central America also. 
 
 Well, sir, we have now come to the grand 
 missionary age of the world, in which we do 
 not send our preachers alone, perplexing 
 people who are in ignorance and barbarism 
 with abstract theological dogmas; but with 
 the preachers we send the church, we send 
 the school, we send the mechanic and the 
 farmer ; we send all that makes up great and 
 flourishing communities ; we send the powers 
 that build cities ; we send steam-engines, sir, 
 which are the greatest apostles of liberty that 
 this country has ever seen. That is the 
 modern kind of missionary emigration, and it 
 has wonderful power on this continent, and 
 is destined to have on the world, too, for it is 
 just as good against one kind of evil as 
 another ; and it can just as well be exerted 
 against idol worship in Hindostan and China, 
 as against oppression and despotism in Cen- 
 tral America. 
 
 But we take the countries that are nearest 
 first ; and now we propose to use this mighty 
 power in originating a nation in quick time 
 for Central America. We read of a time 
 when " a nation shall be born in a day." I 
 think it may be . done in some such way as 
 this. By tlu's method of emigration the pio- 
 neer does not go into the wilderness 
 
 "Alone, unfriended, melancholy, slow, 
 Dragging at each remove a length'ning chain," 
 
 stealing away from the institutions of religion 
 and education, himself and family ; but Chris- 
 tianity herself goes hand in hand with the 
 pioneer ; and not Christianity alone, but the 
 offspring of Christianity, an awakened intel- 
 ligence, and all 4he inventions of which she 
 is the mother ; creating all the differences be- 
 tween an advanced and enlightened commu- 
 nity and one in degradation and ignorance. 
 Sir, in years gone by, our emigration has 
 ever tended toward barbarism ; but now, by 
 this method, it is tending to a higher civiliza- 
 tion than we have ever witnessed. Why, sir, 
 by this plan, a new community starts on as 
 high a plane as the old one had ever arrived 
 at ; and leaving behind the dead and decayed 
 branches which encumbered the old, with the 
 
 vigorous energies of youth it presses on and 
 ascends. Sir, such a State will be the State 
 of Kansas, eclipsing in its progress all the 
 other States of this nation, because it was 
 colonized in this way. The people, in this 
 way, have not to serve half a century of pro- 
 bation in semi-barbarism. They begin with 
 schools and churches, and you will see what 
 the effect is upon communities that are so 
 established. 
 
 But I will speak now of that which consti- 
 tutes the peculiar strength of emigration of 
 this kind ; and that is the profit of the thing. I 
 have shown you how efficient it is, and I will 
 now show you how the method works, to some 
 extent. It is profitable for every one con- 
 nected with it ; it is profitable to the people 
 where the colonies go ; it is profitable to the 
 people of the colonies ; and it is profitable to 
 the company, which is the guiding star and 
 the protecting power of the colonies. It does 
 good everywhere. It does evil nowhere. 
 
 Sir, you cannot resist a power like this. A 
 good man often feels regret when he knows 
 that by promoting a good cause he is at the 
 same time sacrificing his own means of doing 
 good, and is becoming weaker and weaker 
 every day. It is a great drawback upon 
 beneficent enterprises, even upon philan- 
 thropic and Christian enterprises, that the 
 men who sustain them are lessening their own 
 means of doing good by it. Sir, it is a great 
 mistake to suppose that a good cause can only 
 be sustained by the life-blood of its friends. 
 But when a man can do a magnanimous act, 
 when he can do a decidedly good thing, and 
 at the same time make money by it, all his 
 faculties are in harmony. [Laughter.] You 
 do not need any great argument to induce 
 men to take such a position, if you can only 
 induce them to believe that such is the effect. 
 Well, sir, such is the effect ; and now let us 
 apply it to the people of Central America. 
 What reason will they have to complain, if 
 we send among them our colonies, organized 
 in this way with their sub-soil plows, their 
 crow-bars, their hoes, their shovels, and their 
 garden-seeds ? What reason will they have 
 to complain ? Why, the fact is, that, unless 
 our civilization is superior to theirs, the effort 
 would, in the beginning, be a failure; it never 
 can make one inch of progress. Then, sir, 
 if we succeed at all, we succeed in planting a 
 civilization there which is superior to theirs ; 
 we plant that or none. It is impossible for an
 
 13 
 
 inferior civilization to supplant a superior 
 civilization except by violence, and it is al- 
 most impossible to do it in that way. 
 
 Well, sir, if we give them a better civiliza- 
 tion, the tendency of that better civiliza- 
 tion is to increase the value of real estate ; 
 for the value of property, the value of real 
 estate, depends upon the character of the 
 men who live upon the land, as well as upon 
 the number of men who live upon it. Now, 
 sir, we either make an absolute failure in this 
 thing, and do not trouble them at all, or we 
 give them a better civilization, and, in addi- 
 tion to that, we give them wealth. 
 
 Thus, sir, with bands of steel we bind the 
 people of Central America to us and to our 
 interests, by going among them in this way ; 
 and they cannot have reason to complain, 
 nor will they complain. If we had approached 
 them in this way two years ago, without this 
 miserable meddlesome method, induced and 
 warranted, or supposed to be warranted, by 
 the neutrality laws, we would have filled Cen- 
 tral America to overflowing by this time, and 
 would have had with us the blessings of every 
 native citizen in that portion of country. 
 
 Now, sir, if such is the way, if such is toe 
 power, if such is the effect of this method, to 
 the emigrants, and to the people among whom 
 they settle, why should we not now adopt it 
 in reference to Central America V And what 
 is the method ? Why, it is as plain and sim- 
 ple as it can be. It is just to form a moneyed 
 corporation which shall have two hundred 
 thousand dollars capital; which shall then 
 obtain and spread information through the 
 country, by publications, indicating what are 
 the natural resources of Central America, and 
 the inducements to emigrate thither ; show- 
 ing how it is situated in relation to commerce, 
 and how, of necessity, there must speedily be 
 built upon that soil a flourishing Common- 
 wealth. Then you have to apply a portion 
 of these means to buying land and to sending 
 out steam engines, and to building some hotels 
 to accommodate the people who go there, 
 and also some receiving houses for the emi- 
 grants. Establish there, and encourage there 
 the establishment of the mechanic arts, and 
 I tell you that every steam engine you send 
 there will be the seat of a flourishing town : 
 every one will be an argument for people to 
 go there ; for they talk louder than individu- 
 als a thousand times, and they are more con- 
 vincing a thousand times, especially to an ig- 
 
 norant and degraded people, than any thing 
 men can say, because the argument is ad- 
 dressed to the senses ; it makes them feel 
 comfortable ; it gives them good clothes ; it 
 gives them money. These are^ the arguments 
 to address to an ignorant and degraded 
 people, and not cannon balls, or rifle balls, 
 nor yet mere abstract dogmas about liberty 
 or theology. Then let this company be or- 
 ganized so soon as you fix these neutrality 
 laws so that we can get off without these 
 vexatious executive interferences. [Laugh- 
 ter.] Then we shall see how the thing will 
 work in Central America. 
 
 But, sir, I expect, when the people of the 
 North shall hear that I am taking this view 
 of the question, that the timid will be in- 
 tensely terrified, and say that we are to have 
 more slave States annexed to the Union. I 
 have not the slightest apprehension of that 
 result. It may be said that Yankees, when 
 they get down into Central America, will, if 
 the climate is suited for it, make use of slave 
 labor. I have heard that argument before ; 
 and it has been asserted that the Yankees 
 who go into slave States oftentimes turn slave- 
 holders, and outdo the Southern men them- 
 selves. I have no doubt that they outdo 
 them, if they do any thing in that line at all. 
 [Laughter.] The Yankee has never become 
 a slaveholder unless he has been forced to 
 it by the social relations of the slave State 
 where he lived ; and the Yankee who has be- 
 I come a slaveholder, has, every day of his 
 life thereafter, felt in his very bones the bad 
 economy of the system. It could not be 
 otherwise. Talk about our Yankees, who go 
 to Central America, becoming slaveholders ! 
 Why, sir, we can buy a negro power, in a 
 steam engine, for ten dollars [laughter], and 
 we can clothe and feed that power for one 
 year for five dollars [renewed laughter] ; 
 and are we the men to give Si 000 for an 
 African slave, and $150 a year to feed and 
 clothe him ? 
 
 No, sir. Setting aside the arguments 
 about sentimentality and about philanthropy 
 on this question, setting aside all poetry and 
 fiction, he comes right down to the practical 
 question is it profitable ? The Yankee re- 
 plies, " not at all." Then there is no danger of 
 men who go from Boston to Central America 
 I ever owning slaves, unless they are compelled 
 to by their social relations there. If a man 
 goes from Boston into Louisiana, and nobody
 
 will speak to him unless he has a slave , no- 
 body will invite him to a social entertainment 
 unless he owns a negro ; and if he cannot , 
 get a wife unless he has a negro ; then, sir, < 
 very likely he may make up his mind to own 
 a negro. [Laughter.] But I tell you that : 
 he will repent of it every day while he has 
 him. He cannot whistle " Yankee Doodle " 
 with the same relish as before. He cannot , 
 whittle in the same free and easy manner, j 
 He used to cut with the grain, with the knife- , 
 edge from him ; now, he cuts across the grain \ 
 with the knife-edge towards him. The doleful j 
 fact that he owns a negro, is a tax upon every 
 pulsation of his heart. Poor man ! There I 
 is no inducement for the Yankees to spread 
 slavery in Central America, and there is no ' 
 power in any other part of the country to do 
 it. Therefore, most fearlessly do I advocate 
 the Americanizing of Central America. We 
 must have some outlet for our overwhelming 
 population. Necessity knows no law ; and 
 if we cannot have Central America, we must 
 have the Indian Territory ; we must have 
 something ; we are not exhausted in our 
 power of emigration ; we are worse off than 
 we were before the opening of Kanzas. 
 Not one-half of ouf natural increase has been | 
 exhausted in colonizing that Territory, and ! 
 furnishing people for Oregon and Washing- 
 ton. We might, as I told you, make eight ! 
 States a year, if we only used our forces eco- ; 
 rvmically ; and we will use them economi- 
 cally by establishing, not for the present time j 
 only, but for all coming time, this system of j 
 organized emigration. Just as fast as this 
 has become understood in the country j ust 
 as far as it is known to the people not a ! 
 single man who has any sense will emigrate 
 in any other way than by colonies. Just' 
 look at the difference between men ^oin<T in 
 
 o O 
 
 a colony and going alone. Suppose a man 
 goes to Central America, and settles there ! 
 alone ; what is his influence upon real estate ! 
 by settling there alone V There is no appre- 
 ciable difference from what it was before ; 
 but if he goes there with five hundred men ! 
 from the city of Boston to establish a town, 
 by that very act he has made himself wealthy. 
 I can point to numerous examples of the 
 kind. Hence this making money by organ- 
 ized emigration is not going to be speedilv 
 relinquished. Depend upon it that we have 
 only begun to use it, and that we have not . 
 
 used it with the efficiency with which it will 
 be used in a year to come. 
 
 Now, sir, for these reasons I hope that the 
 committee to which this question shall be 
 referred, will so modify and elucidate the 
 neutrality laws, that we shall not hereafter 
 be subjected to this executive interference. 
 And, in accordance with the views I have 
 expressed, I now offer the following amend- 
 ment : 
 
 " And, also, that said committee report, so 
 far as they may be able, the present social and 
 political condition of the people of Nicaragua, 
 and whether they invite colonies from the 
 United States to settle among them ; and, 
 also, whether the soil, climate, and other nat- 
 ural advantages of that country are such as 
 to encourage emigration thither from the 
 Northern States of this Confederacy." 
 
 Now, Mr. Chairman, I will state briefly my 
 reasons for submitting that amendment. The 
 gentleman from Mississippi (Mr. Quitman), 
 referred to the social and political condition 
 of the people of Central America, as a pro- 
 per basis, I think he said, for our action. 
 Therefore, with open arms, do we welcome 
 that gentleman and his associates to our no- 
 ble brotherhood of missionary political regen- 
 erators. For myself, I am willing to take 
 the gentleman's words about the necessity of 
 something being done to aid these people ; 
 but in grave matters of legislation like this, 
 the committee having the subject in charge 
 should first fully investigate in reference to 
 the matter suggested by my amendment. 
 
 I do not intend any offensive sectionalism 
 by using the word Northern ; that the com- 
 mittee .should inquire whether the natural 
 advantages of soil and climate of Central 
 America were such as to invite emigration 
 thither from the Northern States. I so 
 phrased the amendment because, as I have 
 shown you, the Northern States are the only 
 ones which can furnish emigration that would 
 be of any consequence to Central America. 
 We would be glad to receive whatever help 
 the States on the Gulf could give us, but 
 it is impossible for them to give much help in 
 this work. And because the Northern States 
 have the power in this matter, and because 
 the Southern States have not the power, I 
 have used the words, that the committee shall 
 inquire specially whether the climate and 
 the soil are such as to encourage emigration
 
 15 
 
 to Central America from the Northern States. 
 If, however, there be objection to it, I will 
 strike out the word " Northern," and leave 
 the inquiry to be general. 
 
 A more withering reply was never made 
 to the filibusteros of the country. This 
 speech met them on their own ground, where 
 they never expected to be reached. They 
 thought of the populous North, pouring forth 
 its surplus population after an organized sys- 
 tem, and they trembled for their chances. 
 Whore numbers conquer, they knew they 
 must go down before them. Mr. Thayer's 
 peculiar manner, too, told as effectively as 
 his matter. The Representatives' Hall was 
 alive all the while with laughter. But the 
 hand-writing which this single speech served 
 to bring out upon the wall read thus : EMI- 
 GRATION. The speaker stood forth- the ac- 
 knowledged apostle of " Manifest Destiny.'' 
 lie preached only the Civilization of Labor. 
 
 On the 25th of March, 1858, Mr. Thayer 
 delivered another speech on the floor, en- 
 titled, " The Suicide of Slavery ; " full of the 
 same characteristics as his previous speech, 
 but more compact and solid, more thoroughly 
 considered, and requiring, from the nature of 
 the theme, a strain of philosophic reflection 
 in its treatment, yet it flashed with bright 
 streaks of sarcasm, was alive with humor, and 
 challenged serious attention on all sides. It 
 was a capital ellbrt, and developed the Emi- 
 gration theory in a waf likely to make a per- 
 manent impression. But the passage rela- 
 tive to the South as a Church, and what it 
 had been doing for the Africans, is one of 
 the finest pieces of satire we ever met with 
 in our reading of oratory. Theodore Parker 
 said of it, " John Quincy Adams used sa- 
 tire in his way, and that, too, quite powerful- 
 ly ; but his satire was quantitatively great, 
 Mr. Thayer's is qualitatively nice and fine. 
 There is no reply to such things. The ac- 
 count of the trials, dangers, and sufferings of 
 the South to con vert the heathen, is masterly; i 
 it is worthy of Dean Swift, but it is finer and j 
 subtler than any thing I remember from him." | 
 
 The following is the speech itself: 
 
 It may be expected, Mr. Chairman, that at j 
 this time I should say something in defence ' 
 of the Pilgrims, and of the State of Massachu- j 
 setts ; for they have been repeatedly assailed 
 
 on this floor, within the last two weeks. But 
 I shall make no defence. There are some 
 things which I never attempt to defend. 
 Among these are the Falls of Niagara, the 
 White Mountains of New Hampshire, the 
 Atlantic. Ocean, Plymouth Rock, Bunker 
 Hill, and the history of Massachusetts. Any 
 man may assail either or all of them with 
 perfect impunity, so far as I am concerned. 
 And words of disparagement or vituperation 
 directed against either of these objects, by 
 any assailant, excite in me feelings very dif- 
 ferent from those of indignation whether 
 the assailant comes with a bow as long as 
 that of the bold Eobin Hood, or with a bow 
 of shorter range, like that of the gentleman 
 from Alabama [Mr. Shorter] [Laughter.] 
 But I deprecate the disposition that impels 
 these shafts against the sister States of this 
 confederacy. I deprecate this sectional 
 animosity whenever and wherever I sec it 
 evinced. I have heard too much of the ag- 
 gression of the North and of the aggressions 
 of the South, in the past, to be very much in 
 love with either of these ideas. I have never 
 been accustomed to speak of the aggressions 
 of the slave power, and I have no purpose of 
 doing it now or hereafter. If the one-hun- 
 dreth part of the people of this country can 
 make dangerous aggressions on the rights and 
 interests of the other ninety-nine hundredth 
 parts of the people, either by the force of 
 strength or by the arts of diplomacy, I assure 
 you that I will be the last man to complain 
 of it. I think that this slavery question is al- 
 together too small a question to disturb so 
 great a people as inhabit the United States 
 of America. 
 
 For myself, I was always in favor of popu- 
 lar sovereignty, rightly so called. I am ready, 
 for one, to agree to-day that the Territories 
 belonging to this Government shall be open 
 to settlement at any time, when Congress 
 thinks fit so to open them, and that the peo- 
 ple of all parts of the country shall go into 
 them, with the assurance of absolute and com- 
 plete non-intervention; with the assurance 
 that whenever any chief executive, official, 
 or non-resident, shall interfere, by fraud or 
 violence, in their affairs, he shall either be 
 impeached or hanged ; with the assurance 
 that when the people shall have the ratio of 
 representation required by law, and shall 
 come to Congress with a Constitution, repub- 
 lican in form, they shall be admitted into the
 
 16 
 
 Union as a State. This, sir, is popular sov- , 
 ereignty, and it is what was practised in this ; 
 country two centuries ago. 
 
 The people of the Plymouth colony had 
 the privilege of choosing their own Governor, 
 and of making their own laws. The same 
 was true of the New Haven colony, and of ; 
 the colony of the Providence Plantations, j 
 They alway did it. I believe the Crown of { 
 England never appointed a Governor for 
 these colonies; certainly not for the last two. 
 But were those people, without ever having 
 exercised the right of self-government, bet- 
 ter prepared to govern themselves than are 
 our people, educated under our State Gov- 
 ernments, who go into our territories ? Why, 
 then, should we continue to have an " Ahab 
 to trouble Israel," while he lays the blame of 
 his own misconduct upon the emigrant aid 
 societies ? Why not cut off these Territoi'ies 
 from all connection with the General Govern- 
 ment, legislative or executive ? Then we 
 shall have no more agitation in Congress, and 
 no more contention in the Territories. But 
 so long as this connection continues, so long 
 as we have a President trying to bias by his 
 appointments, and, perhaps, by the United 
 States troops, the will of the people so long 
 shall we have agitation, and we shall have 
 enough of it. 
 
 Well, sir, I have nothing to find fault about. 
 I am very well pleased with the present ten- 
 dency of events. But, sir, there are those 
 who are dissatisfied, and who are inclined to 
 invoke a certain deity I think a false deity 
 which presides over a portion of this Union ; 
 a dcitv which has been invoked by great men 
 on great occasions, and by little men on little 
 occasions, for a long time past a deity in 
 whose expected presence both the people and 
 the politicians have sometimes stood aghast 
 " when he," in prospect only, " from his hor- 
 rid hair shook pestilence and war." This 
 sulphurous god is Disunion. This Capitol 
 Hill has been a veritable Mount Carmel for 
 the last quarter of a century, upon which ex- 
 periments have been tried with this bogus 
 deity. One day upon Mount Carmel was suf- 
 ficient to determine the destiny of Baal and 
 his prophets. But here, we, the most patient 
 people in the world, witness these invocations 
 year ajler year, with exemplary endurance, 
 expecting that the great Is-to-be will some 
 time come. And you and I, Mr. Chairman, 
 even during the present session of Congress, 
 
 have witnessed attempts to kindle here the 
 fires upon the altar of Southern rights. But 
 the sacrifice, the altar, and the spectators, 
 were as cold as alabaster. The prophets only 
 were warm ; but they were warm, not from 
 the presence of the god, but from his absence. 
 He does not make his appearance. The 
 great Is-to-be does not come. He has either 
 gone on a very long journey, or else he is in 
 a very deep sleep. 
 
 Well, sir, shall we have this deity of Dis- 
 union invoked forever ? Who is to blame ? 
 If the North has given cause, what have we 
 done ? What cause of disunion has ever pro- 
 ceeded from us ? Have you not had every 
 thing your own way ? Have we not let you 
 have the Democratic party to use as you 
 please V [Laughter.] Have you not had 
 the Government for a long time ? And have 
 we not let you use it just as you had a mind 
 to ? We, sir, were busy about our commerce, 
 extending it around the world ; about our rail- 
 roads ; our internal improvements ; our col- 
 leges, and all those things which interest our 
 people. We knew that you had a taste for 
 governing, and that by the indulgence you 
 might be gratified without serious injury to 
 us. For many years you have had your own 
 way, but now you come here and cry out 
 " disunion." Why, what more can we do ? 
 
 Well, it may be that we have encouraged 
 a mistake on your part. It may be that we 
 have given you some reason to suppose that 
 this temporary courtesy of governing, which 
 we have extended, was a permanent right. 
 However, if you have fallen into that error, 
 we will, perhaps, at some future time disabuse 
 and correct you. But whatever blame there 
 is anywhere, whatever cause there is for dis- 
 union, must attach to the action of the slave 
 power, commanding and controlling the De- 
 mocratic party, and to no one else in the 
 country. Therefore, at this time, I come 
 with exultation not, to be sure, with malig- 
 nant exultation to speak for a few moments 
 upon the decline and fall of Slavery nay, 
 sir, further, upon the suicide of Slavery in 
 this land. I will show you by what acts the 
 two most important pillars of its support have 
 been removed, and that the whole system of 
 Slavery must therefore fall. And these two 
 events have been accomplished, if not by its 
 direct efforts, at least by the connivance of 
 this same party, impelled by this same con- 
 trolling agency.
 
 17 
 
 I will first show you how the moral power 
 of this institution has been destroyed, by 
 what act, and then I will show you how and 
 by what act its political power is forever 
 doomed. But, sir, how did an institution 
 like this ever have a moral power ? is a ques- 
 tion for us to examine. In the first place, 
 we are told by Southern men that we have a 
 nation of heathen in our land ; and we are 
 told by the same authority that we have an 
 institution here for their regeneration. Now, 
 sir, if we have, from necessity, a nation of 
 heathen in our land, and if Slavery is an in- 
 stitution for their regeneration, it is very clear 
 that Slavery has a moral power. But, says 
 the gentleman from Georgia [Mr. Gartrell], 
 speaking of negroes, " They are idle, disso- 
 lute, improvident, lazy, unthrifty, who think 
 not of to-morrow, who provide but scantily 
 for to-day." 
 
 I will also give you other proof. Hero it 
 is : 
 
 " Who would credit it, that in these years 
 of benevolent and successful missionary effort 
 in this Christian Republic, there are over two 
 millions of human beings in the condition of 
 heathen, and, in some respects, in a worse 
 
 Here, then, is a field for great missionary 
 labor; and it is fortunate that, under these 
 circumstances, we happen to have an institu- 
 tion which is perfectly adapted to the regen- 
 eration of a lost and ruined race. I quote 
 from the honorable member from the State 
 of Virginia, in a speech delivered here, some 
 time ago, in the House of Representatives: 
 
 " J believe that the institution of Slavery 
 is a noble one; that it is necessary for the 
 good, the well-being, of the negro race. 
 Looking to history, I go further, and I say, 
 in the presence of this assembly, and under 
 all the imposing circumstances surrounding 
 me, that I believe it is God's institution. Yes, 
 sir, if there is any thing in the action of the 
 great Author of us all ; if there is any thing 
 in the conduct of His chosen people; if there 
 is any thing in the conduct of Christ himself, 
 who came upon this earth, and yielded up 
 His life as a sacrifice, that all through His 
 death might live ; if there is any thing in the 
 conduct of His Apostles, who inculcated obe- 
 dience on the part of slaves towards their 
 masters as a Christian duty, then we must 
 believe that the institution is from God." 
 Hon. Wm. Smith, of Virginia, in a .speech in 
 
 condition?' From long-continued and close j the House of Representatives. 
 
 observation, we believe their moral and re- 
 ligious condition is such that they may justly 
 be regarded as the heathen of this Christian 
 country." Committee of Synod of Soutfi Car- 
 olina and Georgia, in 1833. 
 
 " After making all reasonable allowances, 
 
 Again, I quote from the speech of the hon- 
 orable gentleman from Georgia [Mr. Gart- 
 rell], in regard to this same sentiment : 
 
 " Every sentiment expressed in that elo- 
 quent extract meets my hearty approbation. 
 As a Christian man, believing in the teach- 
 
 our colored population can be considered, i ings of Holy Writ, I am here to-day before a 
 at the best, but. semi-heathens." Kentucky Christian nation to re-affirm and re-announce 
 
 Union's Circular to the Ministers of the Gospel 
 in Kentucky, 1834. 
 
 " There seems to be an almost entire ab- 
 sence of moral principle among the mass of 
 our colored population." C. W. Gooch, Esq., 
 Prize Essay on Agriculture in Virginia. 
 
 " There needs no stronger illustration of 
 the doctrine of depravity than the state of 
 human nature on plantations in general. * 
 * * Their advance in years is but a pro- 
 gression to the higher grades of iniquity." 
 Hon. C. C. Pinckney, Address before the South 
 Carolina Agricultural Society, at Charleston, 
 1829, second edition, pages 10, 12. 
 
 The Mary ville (Tennessee) Intelligencer of 
 Oct. 4, 1835, says of the slaves of the South- 
 west, that their " condition, through time, will 
 be second only to that of the wretched crea- 
 tures in hell." 
 
 the conclusion to which that distinguished 
 gentleman came that this institution, how- 
 ever much it may have been reviled, is of 
 God." 
 
 Mr. Chairman, these are not the only au- 
 thorities on this subject You and I have 
 heard from the other side, day after day, quo- 
 tations from the Bible, intending to prove the 
 same thing ; and you and I know that there 
 are honest men in the slave States who be- 
 lieve that this is a fact. I have seen such men 
 myself, and have conversed with them. They 
 have told me that Slavery was an absolute 
 curse ; and that the only reason why they 
 held their slaves a day was, that they owed, 
 them certain religious duties, and must keep 
 
 them 
 Thev 
 
 to look after their spiritual welfare. 
 feared that if their slaves were cast 
 
 loose upon the world, with nobody to look
 
 18 
 
 after their spiritual interest?, they would be 
 spiritually lost. I heard this from a gentle- 
 man from Kentucky, and again from a gentle- 
 man from Augusta, Georgia, and I believe in 
 my heart that both of these gentlemen were 
 honest in these views. 
 
 I am not here to impugn any man's motives. 
 I put this upon the ground that is claimed by 
 Southern men ; and when I listened to the 
 gentlemen on the other side, reading honestly 
 from the sacred volume in defence of this in- 
 stitution, as coming from God, and as a means 
 for the regeneration of a heathen race in our 
 land, 1 felt impelled to use the language of 
 the Apostle to the Gentiles, which he em- 
 ployed on Mars Hill : " Oh ! Athenians, I 
 perceive that in all things ye are exceedingly 
 given to religion." [Laughter.] Now, sir, 
 since this institution has done all it ever can 
 in this capacity, and since, it is now destroyed 
 as a converting and regenerating power, I 
 stand here to give it its proper place in eccle- 
 siastical history, for its right place it has 
 never yet had. 
 
 In order to understand what position it is 
 entitled to, we must, to some extent, speak by 
 comparison, because we cannot speak abso- 
 lutely on these matters of religion. The re- 
 ligious journals of the free States have often- 
 times most unreasonably exulted over our 
 religious efforts, when they contrasted them 
 with the efforts of our Southern brethren. I 
 have seen placed in parallel columns, in 
 Northern journals, the contributions of the 
 free States and the contributions of the slave 
 States ; and there were mighty words of ex- 
 ultation, unbecoming a Christian journal or 
 Christian people at any time, when it was 
 . shown that our contributions for foreign mis- 
 sions were a hundred-fold more than yours. 
 It is true we make more contributions. The 
 city of Boston gives, for foreign missions, per- 
 '. baps more than all the slave States; and the 
 city of New York perhaps more than Boston. 
 'But what of that? We give a few cents 
 . apiece, and only a few cents, for foreign mis- 
 : fions each year, which amounts to a great 
 . sum, because we are a great people. We 
 si-nd men to heathen nations far over the 
 water, to toll them about their future destiny. 
 .We arc careful not to send our best men ; we 
 keep our Notts and AVaylands, and our Beech- 
 ers and Cheevers, at home ; but sometimes a 
 Judson escapes from us before we know what 
 
 5 10 
 
 Had 
 
 he is. This is about the extent we submit to 
 self-sacrifice for the sake of the heathen. 
 
 Is there any cause for exultation in this, 
 when we see what our Southern brethren 
 have done and are doing ? When have we 
 ever taken the heathen to our hearth-stones 
 and to our bosoms ? When have we ever 
 admitted the heathen to social communion 
 | with ourselves and our children? When 
 ! have we ever taken the heathen to our large 
 j cities to show them the works of art, or to the 
 I watering places to show them fashionable 
 society and beautiful scenery ? Did you ever 
 I see a Yankee at the White Sulphur Springs 
 '. shedding a benign religious influence over a 
 little congregation of heathen companions ? 
 j [Laughter.] We have pious women in the 
 j Northern States, whose bright example has 
 ; made attractive the paths of virtue and re- 
 ligion. Conspicuous among them, in every 
 good work, are the wives of our ministers and 
 i deacons ; but not on(i of these, within the 
 I range of my acquaintance, would consider 
 | herself qualified, either by nature or by grace, 
 to be chambermaid, dry-nurse, and spiritual 
 viser, to ten or twenty heathens in her own 
 ; family. But, sir, had these worthy dames 
 j been noble dames ; had they come down to us 
 ' from the blood of the Norman Kings, through 
 i the bounding pulses of sundry cavaliers, and 
 ; then had been willing to assume these humble 
 i offices of Christian charity, we should have 
 ! believed the time, so often prayed for, had 
 ; already come, when " kings should be fathers 
 and queens nursing mothers in the church." 
 i Where, then, is the ground for this exultation 
 on the part of the North ? I tell you that it 
 cannot be prompted by any thing but a 
 I rotund, bulbous, self-righteousness. So much, 
 then, for the social sacrifices of our Southern 
 ; brethren. 
 
 What other sacrifices have they made to 
 I regenerate this race ? Great moral and in- 
 j tellectual sacrifices. I will read what South- 
 I ern men say on this subject : 
 
 Judge Tucker, of Virginia, said in 1801 : 
 " I say nothing of the baneful effects of 
 ; Slavery on our moral character, because 
 you know I have long been sensible of this 
 i point." 
 
 The Presbyterian Synod of Soutli Carolina 
 and Georgia said, in their report of 1834 : 
 
 " Those only who have the management 
 i of these servants know what the hardening
 
 19 
 
 effect of it is upon their own feelings towards 
 them." 
 
 Judge Summers, of Virginia, said, in a 
 speech in 1832, in almost the same words: 
 
 " A slave population produces the most 
 pernicious effect upon the manners, habits, 
 and character, of those among whom it exists." 
 
 Judge Nichols, of Kentucky, in a speech 
 in 1837, said : 
 
 " The deliberate convictions of my most 
 matured consideration arc, that the institution 
 of slavery is a most serious injury to the hab- 
 its, manners, and morals, of our white popula- 
 tion ; that it leads to sloth, indolence, dissipa- 
 tion, and vice." 
 
 So said Mr. Jefferson : 
 
 " The man must be a prodigy who can 
 retain his manners and morals uncontami- 
 natcd " [in the midst of slavery]. 
 
 John Kandolph on the floor of Congress, 
 said : 
 
 " Where arc the trophies of this infernal 
 traffie ? The handcuffs, the manacle, the 
 blood-stained cowhide ! What man is worse 
 received in society for being a hard master ? 
 Who denies the hand of sister or daughter 
 to such monsters ? " 
 
 I might quote a hundred other Southern 
 authorities of the same kind, showing the 
 baneful effect of this institution upon the 
 moral and intellectual character of the South. 
 I might also quote from the United States 
 census. I have the papers here, but time 
 will not allow. 
 
 Now, in addition to these moral and intel- 
 lectual sacrifices which our Southern breth- 
 ren admit, there are pecuniary sacrifices 
 which you know to be very great; indeed, 
 had A irginia, been free fifty years acjo, had 
 she been exempt from this great tendency to 
 christianize the African race, she would have 
 been worth more this day than all the Atlan- 
 tic States south of New Jersey. And should 
 she by any cliance become free, you will see 
 her wealth and her population increase in pro- 
 portion as this missionary spirit is diminished. 
 [Laughter.] It is true, our Southern breth- 
 ren, impressed with this great idea of chris- 
 tianizing the African race, having for their 
 only ambition to present the souls of their 
 negroes, without spot or blemish, before the 
 throne of the Eternal, have sacrificed almost 
 every tiling. I could quote from Southern 
 men upon this subject. The sagacious states- 
 
 man who governs the Old Dominion, in a 
 speech a few years ago, said : 
 
 " But in all the four cardinal resources 
 wonderful to tell, disagreeable to tell, shame- 
 ful to announce but one source of all four, 
 in time past, has been employed to produce 
 wealth. We have had no work in manufac- 
 turing, and commerce has spread its wings 
 and flown from us, and agriculture has only 
 skimmed the surface of mother earth. Three 
 out of the four cardinal virtues have been 
 idle ; our young men, over their cigars and 
 toddy, have been talking politics, and the 
 negroes have been left to themselves, until 
 \ve have all grown poor together." 
 
 But trials, and tribulations, and poverty, 
 have ever beset the pathway of the saints. 
 In the earliest days, they " wandered about 
 in sheep-skins and goat-skins, persecuted, af- 
 flicted, tormented." Even now, in the nine- 
 teenth century, the condition of our South- 
 ern brethren is not much improved, since 
 they are compelled "to chase the stump- 
 tailed steer over sedge patches which out- 
 shine the sun, to get a tough steak," and to 
 listen to the perpetual cry of " debts !. debts ! " 
 "taxes! taxes!" 
 
 In this age of material progress, you have 
 seen the North outstrip you ; but, with true 
 Christian patience and Christian devotion, 
 you have adhered to the great work of regen- 
 erating the heathen. [Laughter.] Through 
 evil report and through good report, reproach- 
 ed and maligned abroad by those who did not 
 understand your motives, and, worst of all, 
 sometimes abused at home by the ungrateful 
 objects of your Christian charity, you have 
 still presst.-d on towards the mark of your 
 high calling. Now, sir, when was there ever 
 a class of men so devoted and so self-sacri- 
 ficing ? I have read the history of the Apos- 
 tles; I have read the history of the Reformers, 
 of the Scotch Covenanters, of the Huguenots, 
 and of the Crusaders; and, I tell you, not in 
 one or all of these have I seen any such he- 
 roic self-sacrifice for the good of another race, 
 or for the good of other men, as I do see in 
 the history of these slave States. I have 
 seen Fox's Book of Martyrs, but there is 
 nothing in that to compare at all with the 
 niartvrs of the South. The census of the 
 United States is the greatest book of martyrs 
 ever printed. [Laughter.] Other books 
 treat of martyrs as individuals ; the census
 
 20 
 
 of the United States treats of them by coun- 
 ties and by States. I can see how a man, 
 impressed with a grand and noble sentiment, 
 should perhaps, in excitement or in an emer- 
 gency, give up his life in support of it; but 
 cannot see how a man can sacrifice his friends, 
 his family, and his country, for a religious 
 idea or an abstraction. 
 
 Here, then, sir, is the position of our South- 
 ern brethren upon this subject. But the 
 worst is yet to be told the doleful conclusion 
 of the whole matter. They have made sacri- 
 fices, and it seems to me that they were en- 
 titled to the rewards for them ; and I doubt 
 not that they have often consoled themselves 
 in contemplating the rewards in the future 
 which must await them for such good services 
 in the present. I have no doubt, sir, that 
 oftentimes, seeing they have not treasures laid 
 up on earth, they supposed they had treasures 
 laid up in heaven. [Laughter.] But just at 
 that time, when they seemed to be almost in 
 the fruition of their labors, when the gentle- 
 man from Missouri [Mr. Anderson], in great 
 exultation of spirit, was speaking of the insti- 
 tution that had raised the negro from barbar- 
 ism to Christianity and civilization, and when 
 the gentleman from Indiana [Mr. Hughes] 
 had caught the inspiration, and said, that al- 
 though the body of the African might be toil- 
 ing under the lash, " his soul was free, and 
 could converse on the sublimest principles of 
 science and philosophy " when faith had al- 
 most become sight just then, sir, out comes 
 the Supreme Court with the decision that 
 A NEGRO HAS NO SOUL ! [Laughter.] 
 
 "Angels and ministers of grace defend us!" 
 All these treasures that were supposed to 
 have been laid up " where neither moth nor 
 rust doth corrupt, and where thieves do not 
 break through nor steal," have been invaded 
 by the decision of the Supreme Court, and 
 scattered to the four winds of heaven. More 
 than two centuries of prayers and tears, of 
 heroic self-sacrifice and Christian devotion, 
 of faith and hope, of temporal and spiritual 
 agony, have come to this " lame and impo- 
 tent conclusion." [Laughter.] The moral 
 dignity of the grandest missionary enterprise 
 of this age is annihilated. 
 
 As a Northern man, I stand here a disin- 
 terested spectator of these events. If I do 
 not like the decision of the court, I have a 
 higher law. The negro himself can appeal 
 to the court of heaven ; but what refuge has 
 
 the Southern church ? [Renewed laughter.] 
 None whatever. This decision is a blow, 
 direct and terrible, falling with crushing vio- 
 lence upon our Southern brethren. This 
 Supreme Court, with cruel and relentless 
 hostility, has persecuted the Southern church 
 as the dragon of the Apocalypse pursued the 
 woman into the wilderness, seeking to devour 
 her offspring. [Much laughter.] 
 
 What motives could have impelled the 
 court to this act ? I have no doubt a patri- 
 otic motive. I am not here to impugn the 
 motives of any man, or of any set of men, 
 \ much less of the highest judicial tribunal in 
 i this land. No doubt, sir, their motives were 
 ; patriotic, for they had witnessed the devasta- 
 j tion of this terrible religious fanaticism through 
 ! the South. They had seen the ravages of 
 j this disastrous missionary monomania, and 
 i they determined that there must be an end 
 i of it ; and how could they so effectually end 
 ! it as by annihilating at once the object of its 
 aims and aspirations. That, sir, they have 
 done. 
 
 Here, then, endeth the moral power of the 
 institution of Slavery. 
 
 I come now to the consideration of the 
 event which just as surely has doomed to de- 
 struction the political power of that institution 
 I mean the repeal of the Missouri Compro- 
 mise measure in the passage of the Kansas- 
 Nebraska bill. That act, sir, I will show to 
 you if it ever was committed by the slave 
 power to have been a suicidal act. What 
 need was there for repealing that Compro- 
 mise, or of admitting Slavery into Kansas by 
 law ? Was not the South sure enough of the 
 Territory as it was before? I think and 
 this is my honest conviction that had it not 
 been for that act, Kansas would have been 
 inevitably a slave State. We of the North 
 had no particular interest in that Territory. 
 It was put down in our geographies as the 
 great American desert. We had not consid- 
 ered it of much importance; but we relied on 
 the law to keep Slavery out of it, and to pre- 
 serve it to Freedom. We of the North have 
 had too high an idea of the power of the 
 General Government and of law, cither for 
 Freedom or against Freedom. Sir, this Gen- 
 eral Government has but little power over 
 this question. It is not a motive power. It is 
 only a registry, an exponent of power. It is 
 the log-book of the ship of State, and not the 
 steam engine that propels the ship, or the
 
 21 
 
 wind that fills the canvas. We would like to 
 have the log-book kept right, to show us our ; 
 true position ; but we do not now consider j 
 the Government as the motive power. The ; 
 motive power of this nation, as of all nations, j 
 is the people in their homes ; and as the peo- i 
 pie in their homes are, so is your character ! 
 and so is your progress. If the people in j 
 their homes in Kansas had been Pro-Slavery, j 
 what could the North have opposed to it ? It ! 
 was emigration, and emigration only, that j 
 could have made Kansas a State, either slave j 
 or free. The great law that governs emigra- j 
 tion is this ; that emigration follows the paral- ! 
 lels of latitude westward. Under that law, | 
 Kansas would have been settled entirely by a i 
 Pro-Slavery people, as was the southern part : 
 of Indiana, and as was the southern part of 
 Illinois. We in the North, trusting in the j 
 protection of the law, would have had no j 
 remedy. People in favor of Slavery would 
 have gone there, and if they were compelled 
 at first to adopt a free Constitution in order 
 to shape their institutions according to any 
 law concerning the Territory, they might have 
 soon reversed that position. In fact, the de- 
 cision of the Supreme Court has now made 
 any such thing unnecessary. They might 
 have formed just such a Constitution as they 
 pleased. Well, then, we would thus, in all 
 probability have had Kansas a slave State 
 without the Kansas-Nebraska bill. But the 
 passage of that bill, if Slavery had been 
 certain before, seemed to the majority of the 
 people in the North to make it almost inevit- 
 able. History warranted this fear. Judging 
 from the case of Indiana, there seemed to be 
 no chance whatever for Freedom in Kansas, 
 after the opportunity for Slavery to enter 
 there had been given. There was Missouri 
 on the confines of the Territory and the 
 most densely peopled portion of Missouri, too. 
 Freedom-loving men, desiring to go to that 
 Territory, would have had to travel hundreds 
 and thousands of miles. The men who lived 
 on the line of Kansas, as well as other South- 
 ern men who entertained the same idea 
 though they did not express it then, for fear 
 of losing the bill anticipated that the pas- 
 sage of the bill would settle the question for 
 Slavery in Kansas forever. That was the 
 evidence of the early history of Indiana. 
 When that Territory was opened for settle- 
 ment, a few slaveholders, perhaps a dozen or 
 a score, went over from Kentucky, and, con- 
 
 trary to tnc wishes both of the President and 
 Congress, contrary to the ordinance of 1787, 
 established Slavery ; and they obtained such 
 control over that young Territory, that peti- 
 tions, signed by many of the inhabitants, pray- 
 ing Congress to suspend the prohibition of 
 Slavery, were presented to Congress, year 
 after year, from 1803 to 1807. These few 
 slaveholders of the Territory of Indiana ac- 
 quired such control over the inhabitants of 
 that Territory, because they were an organ- 
 ization, as Slavery is everywhere and at all 
 times an organization. It was a concentra- 
 tion of capital, a concentration of influence, 
 and a concentration of power, which our emi- 
 grants from the free States, coming one by 
 one, were unable to resist; and had it not 
 been for the overwhelming population which 
 poured in from the North in 1807 and 1808, 
 the prohibition of Slavery would have been 
 suspended. Had it not been for John Ran- 
 dolph, it would have been suspended in 1803 ; 
 and had it not been for Mr. Franklin in the 
 Senate, it might have been suspended in 1807; 
 and both of these were Southern men. 
 
 Well, sir, I have said that slaveholders arc 
 everywhere an organization. There is a 
 community of interest, a bond of feeling and 
 of sympathy, which combines and concen- 
 trates all efforts to defend Slavery where it is, 
 and to extend it to places where it is not. I 
 will quote from the last number of De Bow's 
 Revieic, everywhere acknowledged to be good 
 Southern authority. In an article defending 
 the New England Emigrant Aid Company, 
 the writer says : 
 
 " We of the South have been practising 
 ' Organized Emigration * for a century, and 
 hence have outstripped the North in the ac- 
 quisition of land. The owner of a hundred 
 slaves, who, with his overseer, moves to the 
 West, carries out a self-supporting, self-insur- 
 ing, well-organized community. This is the 
 sort of ' Organized Emigration ' which expe- 
 rience shows suits the South and the negro 
 race, whilst Mr. Thayer's is eoually well 
 adapted to the whites." 
 
 Then, what fault can be found with our ef- 
 forts to organize Freedom by means of our 
 emigrant aid societies, that enable our citi- 
 zens to go to the Territories in companies of 
 twenty, fifty, one hundred, or two hundred, to 
 take possession of the West, and to locate 
 there the institutions under which they choose 
 to live ?
 
 22 
 
 And here I come to the defence of this as- 
 sociation. It has been assailed, time and j 
 again, on this floor, and I have never been ' 
 allowed even the privilege of putting ques- 
 tions to its assailants. The gentleman from 
 Missouri (Mr. Anderson) called it "illegal 
 and unconstitutional." It has been so as- 
 sailed by the successor of Millard Fillmore. 
 But where is the proof? Which of its acts has 
 been shown to be illegal or unconstitutional ? 
 If it was illegal and unconstitutional, why 
 has not the organization been crushed by the 
 courts V We contend that any organization 
 which is allowed to continue its existence 
 from year to year, and to carry on its busi- 
 ness, has the presumption, at least, of a legal 
 right to do so. AVe claim that for the Em- 
 igrant Aid Company. 
 
 But the gentleman from Missouri professes 
 to have authority in regard to this matter. 
 He has said that we may employ this emi- 
 grant aid society in promoting emigration to 
 Central America and to foreign countries, 
 but that we must " beware " how we do so in 
 colonizing the Territories of this Govern- 
 ment. Mr. Chairman, if the gentleman from 
 Missouri has any authority in these premises, 
 I hope he will exercise it. I ask him to pub- 
 lish a hand-book for emigrants, telling us how 
 we may go into a Territory ; whether we 
 may ride or must go on foot ; whether we may 
 take our wives and children with us, or must 
 leave them at home ; whether we may take 
 some of our neighbors with us, with their ag- 
 ricultural implements and steam engines, or 
 whether we must go into the Territories with- 
 out any neighbors whatever ; whether we 
 may get horses or oxen from the free States, 
 or whether we must content ourselves to take 
 mules from the State of Missouri, daugh- 
 ter.] 
 
 Now, sir, let us have not only the book, 
 but the reasons for it. Let us know how far 
 we may go, according to the law, in this mat- 
 ter of emigration. I recommend the gentle- 
 man from Missouri to take some lessons from 
 the gentleman from Mississippi, (Mr. Quit- 
 man), on the rights of emigration. I think 
 he can get broade^ views upon this subject, 
 if lie will consult that gentleman, and I think 
 he will allow northern men to go to the places 
 which they have a right to go to by the law of 
 this land, in such society, if it be law-abiding, 
 as they may choose to select "for themselves. 
 
 I have said that the great general law of 
 
 emigration is, that the emigrants shall follow 
 the parallels of latitude in this country. 
 There are some exceptions to this. The gold 
 in California led our emigrants from the ex- 
 treme North across many parallels of latitude. 
 That was a sufficient disturbing cause. The 
 existence of Slavery in the slave States of 
 this country has driven thirty-five out of 
 every hundred emigrants across northern 
 parallels to the free States of the Union. 
 That was another great and powerful cause. 
 But there is another cause sufficient to carry 
 emigration southward over parallels of lati- 
 tude. That is, the argument of cheap lands, 
 with the additional advantage of organized 
 emigration. The objections that have here- 
 tofore existed among Northern men to set- 
 tling in Southern States are, by this mode of 
 emigrating, entirely obviated. The North- 
 ern man, with his family of children, would 
 not heretofore go into a Southern State, in 
 the absence of schools and churches. But 
 when combined Avith one or two hundred, or 
 one or two thousand, of his friends and neigh- 
 bors, he goes into a slave State, he carries 
 with him schools and churches, and the me- 
 chanic arts, all these difficulties are obviated ; 
 and, besides, he has the inducement of going 
 where the land can be bought at slave State 
 prices, in the expectation of finding it come 
 up probably in a few years to free-State 
 prices, which are five or six times greater 
 than slave-State prices. Here is the great 
 inducement of increasing wealth. Let a col- 
 ony start from Massachusetts, and settle on 
 almost any land in the State of Virginia in 
 Greenville, Southampton, Dinwiddie, or Ac- 
 comae, where the lands do not average so 
 high as three dollars an acre, by the census 
 of 1 850 and the very day they settle 
 there, the value of the land is more than 
 doubled. There is better land for sale to- 
 day in Tennessee and North Carolina, for 
 fifty cents per acre, than can be bought for 
 ten times that sum in any free State. 
 
 How can such an appeal to the imigrating 
 population of the North, in favor of organ- 
 ized emigration to the slave States, be re- 
 sisted ? I know of no means of resisting it. 
 Certainly yon can have no reason for resist- 
 ing it, but every reason to encourage it. We 
 j do not come as your enemies; we come as 
 ; your friends. We do not come to violate 
 your laws, but to improve our own condition. 
 This movement southward is destined to con-
 
 tiniic and to increase. Sir, if Slavery were Union in fact, if there is any weak spot in 
 as sacred as the Ark of the Covenant, and the Union, I think it would be a good thing 
 if it were defended by angels, I doubt ; to patch it over with an additional layer of 
 whether it could withstand the progress of population. [Applause. J There never would 
 this age and the money-making tendencies ! be any disunion, if we could only attend to 
 of the Yankee. But it is not as sacred as I it, and see where the weak places are. and 
 the Ark of the Covenant, and nobody be- i mend them in time. 
 
 lieves that it is defended by angels. But there is another exception to the rule 
 
 But, sir, there begins to be an enligatened j I have laid down. Central America will 
 idea in these border slave States upon this ! prove abundantly sufficient to carry emigra- 
 subject. A year ago, when I proposed to | tion southward, even across many parallels 
 plant a few colonies in Virginia, several jour- ; of latitude. She offers the grand induce- 
 nals in the Old Dominion threatened me j ments of commerce, of a climate unsurpass- 
 with hemp and grape-vine if I should ever j cd in salubrity (in the central and Pacific 
 
 set foot in that Territory. Well, I thought I 
 would make the experiment. I went into 
 western Virginia and into eastern Kentucky. 
 I addressed numerous audiences in both of 
 those States, and everywhere where I asked 
 the people if they had any objection to their 
 
 land bein worth four or five times what it 
 
 
 was, they said " No." [Laughter.] I asked 
 
 portions) of a fertile soil, which yields three 
 crops a year, and, more than all, lands so 
 cheap that every man may buy. We have 
 already begun to move, and what to some 
 men seemed to be the unbilical cord of an 
 embryo Southern Empire, is likely, by these 
 means, to be cut off, if it is not cut off al- 
 ready. [Laughter.] Everybody knows the 
 
 them if they had any objection to the man- \ physiological consequences. 
 
 ufacture of ploughs and wagons in Wayne Well, sir, I wish now to say that there is a 
 
 county. There never had been a manufac- I higher power than man's in relation to this 
 
 turing establishment between the Big Sandy 
 and Guyandot. Though no portion of this 
 continent is better situated for manufacturing 
 purposes, having more than thirty thousand 
 miles of river communication, which affords 
 cheap transportation to the best markets, with 
 a healthy climate and inexhaustible supplies of 
 coal and iron and timber of the best quality. 
 Yet every manufactured article was import- 
 ed into this Natural Paradise of mechanics. 
 There was not a newspaper published be- 
 tween the two rivers. I asked if they had 
 any objection to a good, substantial, business 
 newspaper published there, and to have 
 schools and churches and the mechanic arts 
 established in that county. With one voice 
 
 matter of Freedom in Kansas-. It seemed at 
 first to the whole North that the project of 
 establishing Slavery there would exclude 
 Freedom, and the whole North was intimi- 
 dated by it. There was the greatest reluc- 
 tance manifested to emigration in that direc- 
 tion from the North. Everywhere there was 
 fear ; everywhere despair. 
 
 There was silence deep as clcatn, 
 While wo floated on our path ; 
 
 And the boldest held his hreath 
 For a time." 
 
 Six months of persistent effort in writing 
 and speaking were required to induce the 
 first colony of only thirty men to go to Kansas. 
 
 they replied, " None, whatever." " We wel- I The people had become impressed with the 
 come you to our county, and to all its ad- idea that Kansas was destined to be a slave 
 vantages." This was a generous and manly State ; but as soon as the first colony had 
 reception, worthy of the history of the Old | reached that Territory, and had founded the 
 Dominion. At every meeting we were wel- j famous city of Lawrence, the whole train of 
 corned by the unanimous voice of the pepple ;] Northern emigration was turned from Nc- 
 and now I believe that there are at least braska and from Minnesota to Kansas. And 
 
 twelve newspapers in the State of Virginia 
 advocating these colonies coming into the 
 State. The sagacious statesman who is the 
 Governor of the Old Dominion gives us a 
 general and most cordial welcome. Well, 
 the prospect is very good and inviting ; and 
 if there is any danger of a dissolution of the 
 
 they have filled Kansas with Free State men 
 such men as are fitted for the high posi- 
 tion they occupy ; for Kansas is the geograph- 
 ical centre of our possessions. Its position 
 in itself makes it the arbiter of our fate in all 
 coming time, destined to give law to all be- 
 tween the Missouri river and the golden
 
 24 
 
 gates of the Pacific, and to make its power 
 felt all the way between the British posses- 
 sions and the Gulf of Mexico. Never were 
 more noble men needed for a more noble 
 work. It was necessary that Plymouth Rock 
 should repeat itself in Kansas. The Puritan 
 character was needed there ; but how could 
 it be had, except by such discipline as made 
 
 New England education, and of poverty and 
 adversity were not enough. The discipline 
 of tyranny was requisite for their perfection. 
 This discipline has been of use in all ages of 
 the Avorld. David was not fit to rule over 
 Israel until he had been hunted like a " par- 
 tridge in the mountains" by the envious and 
 malignant Saul. Brutus was not fitted to 
 
 the Puritans ; for if it was necessary that they ! expel the Tarquins until he had endured 
 should be elevated like the Pilgrim Fathers of j their tyranny for years. What would Mo- 
 
 New England, it was also necessary that they 
 should have the training of the Pilgrim Fath- 
 ers. They were peculiar in their early history, 
 and peculiar in their late history. They had 
 their early education among the rocks and 
 mountains of New England. I have known 
 of great men in times past, who came from 
 
 ses have done, but for Pharaoh ? Where 
 would have been the Reformers of the six- 
 teenth century, where the Puritans in the 
 seventeenth, and the Patriots in the eigh- 
 teenth, but for Leo the Tenth, Charles the 
 First, and George the Third ? But Charles 
 the First lost his head, and George the Third 
 
 the forest, who came from hills and moun- his colonies, for less tyranny than has been 
 tains ; but I never have known them to be : practised upon the people of Kansas by the 
 raised on Wilton carpets. These men re- j two successors of Millard Fillmore. If we 
 ceived their early training among the rugged thank God for patriots, we should also thank 
 hills of New England, where they waged in- j Him for tyrants ; for what great achievements 
 cessant war on ice and granite, on snow and l have patriots ever made, without the stimu- 
 gravelstones. It is there where they acquire ; lus of tyranny ? Without vice, virtue it- 
 enerjry and their power. And, sir, I ] self must be insipid; and without wicked and 
 
 mean men, there could be no heroes. 
 
 The brave man rejoices in the opposition 
 of the enemy of his rights. Wicked and 
 
 their energy and their power. And, sir, I 
 
 think the Yankee race has at least an octave 
 
 more compass than any other nation on 
 
 earth. I know a Yankee doughface is half 
 
 an octave meaner that any other man. j mean men are the stepping-stones on which 
 
 [Laughter.] j the good and great ascend to heaven and 
 
 Sir, some of the best of this Yankee race immortal fame. 
 
 went to Kansas. They were stigmatized, These miscreants, cursed both by God and 
 six months before they arrived there, as ' man, subserve important interests. The sa- 
 thieves and paupers. Well, if such men as ! cred volume which unfolds to us the life and 
 those who have built Lawrence, and Tope- sufFerings of the Saviour of men, makes re- 
 ka, and Manhatten, and Ossawatomic, and \ cord also of Pontius Pilate and of Judas Is- 
 Quindaro, were thieves and paupers, what do ' cariot as necessary agencies in that great re- 
 you think we respectable, well-to-do people, demption. 
 
 will accomplish in the Old Dominion, where So I will denounce no man who has fought 
 we are now becoming acquainted with some against Freedom in Kansas, as entirely use- 
 of the " first families ? " These Free State j less in the grand result But what a team to 
 men of Kansas have been reviled by their in- , draw the chariots of freedom ! Atchison and 
 feriors at both ends of Pennsylvania avenue j Stringfellow and John Calhoun, with the 
 many times during the last three years. The j two successors of Millard Fillmore to lift at 
 other day, in the other end of this Capitol, ] the wheels, 
 such men were denominated slaves. Sir, we 
 
 are slaves! I, admit it; but our only master 
 
 In the autumn of 1858, Mr. Thayer was a 
 second time nominated for Congress. He 
 
 is the Great Jehovah. These heroes in Kan- 
 sas having for their ancestors the Pilgrim appeared before the convention that nomin- 
 Fathers, " sons of sires who baffled crowned ated him, and addressed them on his position 
 and mitred tyranny," disciplined in their and views. The result was, that he was en- 
 
 early years'by the rugged teachings of adver- 
 sity, seem to have been well prepared for 
 their high mission. 
 
 But the discipline of worthy example, of 
 
 dorscd with great enthusiasm, both by the 
 convention and his constituents. He was 
 returned to Congress by an overwhelming 
 majority, the best proof of the esteem in
 
 which his services and character were held 
 at home. 
 
 He delivered a third speech in Congress, 
 on the llth of February, 1859, on the admis- 
 sion of Oregon ; a speech that made a great 
 deal of talk in the Republican party, espe- 
 cially as, by the aid of a few Republicans, 
 Oregon was finally admitted as a State. 
 With the promulgation of this liberal and 
 statesmanlike speech, which was character- 
 ized by all of its author's usual energy, clear- 
 ness, and practical force, was opened upon 
 him an opposition by a portion of the press 
 of his own party, that has not ceased till the 
 present time. It is against these very as- 
 saults that he is defending himself to-day. 
 Oregon was admitted by the votes of eleven 
 Republicans in the House of Representatives, 
 Eli Thayer leading the column. 
 
 The speech is as follows : 
 
 Mu. SPEAKKR : My colleague [Mr. Dawcs] 
 who has just addressed the House is unable 
 to see how an honest Representative of the 
 State of Massachusetts can vote for the ad- 
 mission of Oregon. Well, in the exercise of 
 charity, I can see how a Massachusetts Rep- 
 resentative, both honest and patriotic, can 
 vote agaiiul the admission of Oregon. lie 
 can do it by not comprehending the question, 
 or he may do it in obedience to party dicta- 
 tion. I will now show my colleague how an 
 honest Representative can vote for the ad- 
 mission, if he will listen to my argument and 
 the reasons which I shall give in defence of 
 my position. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, I think this is a strange ne- 
 cessity that compels the Northern Represen- 
 tatives upon this floor to give the reasons for 
 their votes for the admission of another free 
 State into this Confederacy. Sir, I shall vote 
 for the admission of the State of Oregon 
 without hesitation, without reluctance, and 
 without reserve. So far as my vote and my 
 voice can go, I would extend to her such a 
 welcome as becomes her history, as becomes 
 her promise for the future, and such as be- 
 comes our own high renown for justice and 
 magnanimity a welcome not based on con- 
 temptible political calculation, or still more 
 contemptible partisan expediency ; but such 
 a welcome as sympathy and friendship and 
 patriotism should extend to another new 
 State ; such, sir, as becomes the birthday of a 
 nation. 
 
 This people comes before us in accordance 
 with the forms of law, and upon the invita- 
 tion of this House ; and it is too late to apply 
 a parly test upon this question. On the 19th 
 of May last, a vote was taken in the Senate 
 upon the admission of Oregon, and eleven 
 Republican Senators voted for her admission, 
 while six Republican Senators only voted 
 against her admission ; and, sir, I have not 
 heard of any attempt, on the part of the six 
 Senators who voted for. the rejection of Ore- 
 gon, to read out of the Republican party the 
 eleven Senators who voted for her admission ', 
 and if that attempt is now to be made, we 
 will see whether it is in the power of a mi- 
 nority of the people to read a majority out of 
 the party. 
 
 But, sir, who are these people of Oregon, 
 who come here now, asking admission ? They 
 are the pilgrims of the Pacific coast. If they 
 are fanatics upon some subjects, we can refer 
 to the pilgrims of the Atlantic coast, who also 
 were fanatics upon some subjects. But, sir, 
 if the pilgrims of the Atlantic coast finally 
 became examples to the world in all that ex- 
 alts our race, may we not hope that the pil- 
 grims of the Pacific coast may yet become 
 worthy of our esteem ? 
 
 Nearly one-quarter of a century ago, in 
 my boyhood, I studied the adventures of those 
 men, who founded upon the western shore of 
 the American continent what are now the 
 cities of Oregon and Astoria. These men, 
 who were then in the vigor of their lives, are 
 now old men gray-haired and trembling 
 with ago. Their work of life is nearly com- 
 pleted ; and this day they are sitting by their 
 hearthstones, waiting to know what is to be 
 the result of our deliberation ; waiting to 
 know whether the proud consummation to 
 which they have aspired for the last twenty 
 years is now reached ; and whether Oregon, 
 which, in toil and trial, in defiance of danger 
 and of death, and with persistence and en- 
 durance such as belong only to our race, they 
 have brought to her present proud and pros- 
 perous condition, is now to be placed upon 
 an equality with the original States of this 
 Confederacy. 
 
 _ These are the men who have carried our 
 institutions to the remotest boundaries of our 
 Republic. These are the veterans of the art 
 of peace. American valor with conquering 
 arms has carried our flag by Monterey and
 
 26 
 
 Chepultcpcc until it was planted upon the 
 halls of the Montezumas. But far beyond 
 those halls have these heroes borne the vic- 
 torious arts of peace. In the Territory of 
 Oregon they have established our free insti- 
 tutions. There, sir, strong and deep, they 
 have laid the foundations of a free State, and 
 they come here, like the wise men of the 
 East, not asking gifts, but bringing gifts ; in 
 that respect unlike our military men, who ex- 
 pect and receive honors and rewards for their 
 services. What do they bring ? Why, sir, 
 the trophies of their own labor, the evidences 
 of their own worth. They present before us 
 the cities and towns which they have founded. 
 They present schools, churches, and work- 
 shops. They bring all, all the products of 
 their labor, and place them upon the altar of 
 the Union, a pledge for the common welfare 
 and the common defence. And what are we 
 doing here ? Why, sir, quibbling about things 
 which are comparatively unessential, and 
 which pertain exclusively to the people of 
 Oregon, and not to us or our duties here ; 
 quibbling about points which, if New York 
 or Massachusetts were in the place of Ore- 
 gon, would secure some votes on this side of 
 the House against their admission. Massa- 
 chusetts, which you know, sir, I never defend 
 anywhere, even Massachusetts does not allow 
 the negro to be enrolled in the militia of the 
 State. These, then, are the men who come 
 here ; and what if they have some ideas and 
 sentiments with which we do not agree is 
 that a reason why we should excommunicate 
 them ; that we should have nothing hereafter 
 to do with them ? 
 
 What law of reformation is this ? It is the 
 pharisaical law of distance, distrust, and de- 
 rision. It is not the Christian law of contact, 
 confidence, and communion. The Pharisees 
 denounced the Founder of Christianity as 
 " the friend of publicans and sinners." That 
 class would repel all who do not agree with 
 them to the fullest extent. Shall we pursue 
 a similar course in relation to the people 
 of Oregon V Is it wise to do so ? Is it ex- 
 pedient to rc'cct their aoDlication on such 
 grounds ? 
 
 What objections do Republicans present to 
 this application V They say there is not suf- 
 ficient population, and they claim that it is 
 their mission to see that the Democratic party 
 shall recover its consistency. At whose ex- 
 pense V At the expense of the consistency 
 
 of the Republican party. I submit that it is 
 better for the Republican party to preserve 
 for itself the consistency which it possesses, 
 rather than attempt to recover for the Dem- 
 ocrats the consistency which they have lost. 
 
 Then, sir. in relation to this qualification of 
 population, what is the position of the Re- 
 publican party, and what has it been ? This 
 party by its Representatives, voted for the 
 admission of Kansas under the Topeka Con- 
 stitution, with less than one-half of the pres- 
 ent population of Oregon. The Republican 
 party in the House, without one exception, 
 so far as I know, voted for the enabling act, 
 inviting Oregon to come here, with a Consti- 
 tution, to be admitted as a State. I have no 
 disposition, and there is no need, -to inquire 
 here what is the population of Oregon ; for, 
 as a Republican, I am pledged to no rule on 
 this subject. I opposed, as did my colleague, 
 and my friends on this side of the House, the 
 restriction which was put upon the Territory 
 of Kansas. We protested against it then, 
 and protest against it now. We have no 
 sympathy whatever with that restriction, and 
 are ready, at any time, to give an honest vote 
 for its repeal. 
 
 Another objection is urged against the 
 clause in the Constitution of Oregon which 
 excludes negroes and mulattoes from that 
 Territory ; and, in addition, provides that 
 they shall not bring any suit therein. It is 
 said that this is in contravention of the Con- 
 stitution of the United States. This I do not 
 admit. But what if it is? The Constitution 
 presented by the people of Oregon is not 
 submitted to our vote. We cannot amend 
 it ; all we have to do about it is to see that it 
 is republican in form. If it is unconstitution- 
 al, it is not in the power of Congress to im- 
 part to it the least vitality, and it will fall by 
 its own weight. But gentlemen argue here, 
 as if we could by our votes give life and pow- 
 er to an instrument in violation of the Consti- 
 tution of the United States. Sir, this argu- 
 ment is weak and futile. Congress itself de- 
 rives its own vitality from the Constitution, 
 and how can it impart a greater vital force 
 than it has received ? The stream cannot 
 rise above its source. 
 
 But should the Constitution of Oregon be 
 proved unconstitutional before the proper 
 tribunal, then, sir, will it follow that we have 
 violated our oaths, by admitting Oregon into 
 the Union with that organic law ? By no
 
 means. We have not sworn that the peo- 
 ple of Oregon shall support the Constitution 
 of the United States. We have sworn to 
 support it ourselves, not that anybody else 
 shall do so. 
 
 But, sir, this provision is no more hostile to 
 the United States Constitution than are the 
 laws of Indiana and Illinois which exclude 
 free negroes and mulattoes from their boun- 
 daries. Certainly not. It is no more to ex- 
 clude the suit of the man than to exclude 
 the man himself. Is the negro less than his 
 suit V I contend that he is greater than his 
 suit. The greater contains the less, and the 
 statutes of Illinois and Indiana are as uncon- 
 stitutional as is the provision of the Oregon 
 Constitution. But it does seem, at the first 
 view, that it was a wanton and unprovoked 
 outrage upon the rights of these men who are 
 excluded from that State. I think there is a 
 real apology for the action of the States of Illi- 
 nois and Indiana. They are in close proximity 
 to the institution of Slavery. They are un- 
 der the shadow of the dying tree of Slavery, 
 and its decayed limbs are constantly threat- 
 ening to fall upon their heads ; and I cannot 
 censure them for taking such means as they 
 see fit to protect themselves from such immi- 
 nent peril. I am not disposed to call into 
 question the right or constitutionality of their 
 action. 
 
 Is there no apology, then, for the people of 
 Oregon V Have they committed a wanton 
 and unprovoked outrage upon the rights of ne- 
 groes and mulattoes, in excluding them from 
 that Territory ? I say that there w an apol- 
 ogy, and that it consists in this : they believed 
 that they were obliged to choose between a 
 free-State Constitution with this provision, 
 and a slave-State Constitution without it. 
 There were three parties in the Territory 
 at the time this Constitution was made and 
 adopted. There was the Free-State party, 
 which was composed of Free-State Demo- 
 crats and Republicans. There was the Pro- 
 Slavery party, in favor of a slave State. There 
 was, between these two, a very considerable 
 party, supposed to hold the balance of pow- 
 er, and that party I may characterize as the 
 anti-negro party. They said that they would 
 sooner vote for a slave State that for a free 
 State with a Constitution admitting free ne- 
 groes and mulattoes. They preferred to 
 have slaves in Oregon rather than free ne- 
 groes; and it was for the purpose of securing 
 
 their vote for a free State that the Republi- 
 cans and Free-State Democrats inserted and 
 advocated this provision. The leading Repub- 
 licans of that Territory advocated the adop- 
 tion of the Constitution containing this pro- 
 vision. Mr. Logan, who received every Re- 
 publican vote for United States Senator, 
 advocated, on the stump, the adoption of the 
 Constitution with this clause. 
 
 What was the vote ? Why, sir, this clause 
 of the Constitution had a majority of seven 
 thousand five hundred and fifty-nine votes; 
 while the Constitution itself had a majority of 
 only four thousand votes. The Democratic 
 majority in the Territory, as shown in the 
 election of a Representative to this House, 
 was only one thousand six hundred and thir- 
 teen votes. Then it is proved, by the official 
 record, that the Republican party combined 
 with the Free State Democratic party to sanc- 
 tion and ratify this provision of the Constitution 
 which is here called in question. There is 
 also abundant evidence, outside of the record, 
 to satisfy any one that such is the fact. This, 
 then, is the apology for the action of the peo- 
 ple of Oregon on this question. What Re- 
 publican, or what friend of free States, is 
 justified, under these circumstances, in voting 
 to exclude the people of Oregon from this 
 Confederacy on account of this provision, 
 which is only an expedient, and not a thing 
 for practical use V It is very easy, at this 
 distance, to censure the people of Oregon, 
 and to pronounce judgment against them ; but 
 such judgment may be neither wise nor just. 
 
 " Then at the balance let's be mute, 
 
 We never can adjust it ; 
 What's clone we partly may compute, 
 But know not what's resisted." 
 
 But, sir, there is another objection urged 
 from certain quarters, with great pertinacity. 
 I mean the objection to the suffrage of aliens. 
 The Constitution of Oregon, in respect to 
 alien suffrage, is certainly more stringent than 
 the law of some of the States of the Union, 
 and less stringent than that of others. It is 
 the same as the Territorial law has been 
 during the last ten years. It requires a 
 residence of twelve months in the United 
 States, and of six months in Oregon. It re- 
 quires that the sworn declaration of an inten- 
 tion to become a citizen of the United States 
 shall have been on file at least one year. 
 What was the inducement for that encourage- 
 ment of aliens ? The wages of labor are now,
 
 28 
 
 and have been, in Oregon, double -what they 
 are on the Atlantic coast ; and I ask, would 
 it be expedient or wise for Oregon to drive 
 away from her borders the emigration from 
 Europe, on which she has to rely for develop- 
 ing the resources of the country ? Certainly 
 not. Such a policy would have been disas- 
 trous in the extreme to the young State. It 
 was wise and prudent, therefore, for Oregon 
 to invite and encourage that emigration which 
 she so much needs, to develop her great re- 
 sources, and to secure for her the products of 
 her natural wealth. 
 
 These, sir, are among the plausible and 
 ostensible objections that have been urged on 
 this side of the House against the admission 
 of Oregon. There is yet another argument ; 
 that Kansas has been excluded from the 
 Union by the action of the Democratic party; 
 and that, therefore, Republicans ought to ex- 
 clude Oregon. The argument amounts to 
 this: that we should abuse Oregon because 
 the Democratic party have abused Kansas- 
 Now I, for one, am quite content that the 
 record of the Republicans, in respect to Ore- 
 gon, should be better than the record of the 
 Democratic party in respect to Kansas. I 
 am quite content that the record of the Dem- 
 ocratic party, in respect to Kansas, should be 
 just what it is; and I do not think it is 
 possible very much to improve the Repub- 
 lican record, or to impair the Democratic 
 record. Are we to sacrifice our own politi- 
 cal principles and advantages, for the sake of 
 compelling the Democratic party to consis- 
 tency of action V Are we bound, as a party, 
 to sacrifice our own consistency in doing so ? 
 Certainly not. I think the Republican party 
 has another, and, to my mind, a less difficult 
 mission to perform ; and that is, to preserve 
 its own consistency. 
 
 These are some of the palpable objections 
 that have been urged on this floor. I come 
 now to some for which I thank the gentleman 
 from Indiana [Mr. Hughes]. He has pre- 
 sented to tlie House some secret objections 
 which the Republicans are said to have to 
 the admission of Oregon. The first is, that 
 the Republicans are opposed to the admis- 
 sion of Oregon, because it is a Democratic 
 State. Now, sir, does not the gentleman 
 from Indiana understand that the Republi- 
 can party is not so devoid of sagacity as to 
 fail to see that to reject a young State for 
 the reason that it is Democratic would make 
 
 it Democratic forever ? Docs the gentleman 
 from Indiana find any thing in tht- history 
 of the Republican party which justifies such 
 conviction of its stupidity, as would lead him 
 to say that the Republican party, as a party, 
 is opposed to the admission of a free State be- 
 cause her people had chosen such politics as 
 seem to them best? Does he not see that 
 sagacious Republicans, finding that the Re- 
 publican party in Oregon is now in a minor- 
 ity of only a few hundred votes, understand 
 that if Oregon be admitted by their action, 
 and were thus set free from the influence of 
 Executive patronage, she would very soon 
 become a Republican State ? 
 
 But further than that: the gentleman 
 brings up another secret reason why the Re- 
 publicans would oppose the admission of Or- 
 egon. That secret reason is, that, in case of 
 the failure of the people to elect a President, 
 and in case of that election coming to this 
 House, there will be a vote from Oregon 
 against the Republican candidate, which 
 may procure his defeat. Now, does not the 
 gentleman from Indiana understand that any 
 such position of the Republican party would 
 secure its defeat ? that if it were stupid enough 
 to take a position against the admission of 
 free States, because their Constitutions were 
 not universally approved, it would require 
 more than the vote of one State, either in 
 Congress or out of Congress, to help or harm 
 the prospects of the party ? I thank the gen- 
 tleman from Indiana for the secret reasons 
 which he has given, which I have thus far 
 been enabled to prove too absurd and impol- 
 itic to influence the action of the Republican 
 party. 
 
 There arc certain principles which, in my 
 opinion, should govern the House on a question 
 of the admission of a State. First, the Con- 
 stitution must be republican in form. Second, 
 there must be sufficient population ; what 
 number may be sufficient, must be left to the 
 discretion of Congres. Third, the proposed 
 admission must be shown to be for the bene- 
 fit of the contracting parties ; to be best for , 
 the State applying, to be best for the Con- 
 federacy. Let us look at these principles, 
 and see how they should affect the vote on 
 the admission of Oregon. First, then, is the 
 Constitution presented by Oregon republican 
 in form ? 
 
 I will here send to the Clerk's desk a 
 quotation from an authority which is justly
 
 and generally respected by Republicans 
 an extract from a speech of Senator Scward, 
 made in the Senate of the United States 
 last May, upon this very question. 
 
 The Clerk read as follows : 
 
 " I think there is nobody who doubts that 
 the people of Oregon are to-day ready, de- 
 sirous, willing, to come in. They have made 
 a Constitution which is acceptable to them- 
 selves, and a Constitution which, however 
 it' may be criticised here, after all, complies 
 substantially with every requirement which 
 the Congress of the United States, or any 
 considerable portion of either House of Con- 
 
 Maine (Mr. Washburn) the other day deemed 
 it expedient to call the pioneers of our na- 
 tional progress, "interlopers, runaways, and 
 outlaws." I affirm, concerning American citi- 
 zens in any Territory of the United States, 
 and in any new State of this Confederacy, 
 that they are above the average of the popu- 
 lation of the old States, in all that makes up 
 manly and virtuous character. They have 
 my sympathy ; and never will I oppress them 
 by my vote or my voice. 
 
 But, sir, what if the people of Oregon 
 were really as bad as the most unfavorable 
 construction of their Constitution, and the 
 
 gress, has ever insisted on in regard to any speech of my colleague (Mr. Dawes) would 
 
 represent them to be, then what should we 
 gain by refusing them admission into the 
 Union ? If the objectionable features in 
 their Constitution are their true sentiments, 
 
 State. 
 
 " It seems to me, therefore, to be trifling 
 with the State of Oregon, trifling with the 
 people of that community, and to be unnec- 
 essary, and calculated to produce an unfavor- 
 
 and are placed in the organic law for use, 
 
 able impression on the public mind, in regard J and not for expediency, then surely the evil 
 to the consistency of the policy which we is deeper than the ink and parchment of their 
 pursue in admitting States into the Union, to Constitution. It is in the hearts of the peo- 
 delay or deny this application. For one, sir. pie and will not be eradicated by any harsh 
 
 I think that the sooner a Territory emerges 
 from its provincial condition, the better ; the 
 sooner the people are left to manage their 
 own affairs, and are admitted to participa- 
 tion in the responsibilities of the Government, 
 
 treatment that gentlemen on this floor may 
 recommend. I doubt whether you will ef- 
 fect the salvation of the people of Oregon 
 by heaping curses on their heads, or by ex- 
 cluding them for unworthiness. You may 
 
 the stronger and the more vigorous the ' send them away from the door of the Capi- 
 States which those people form will be. I ! tol, but they will go thinking less of you, 
 trust, therefore, that the question will be j and less subject thereafter to your influence. 
 
 taken, and that the State may be admitted 
 without further delay." 
 
 Mr. Thayer. So much, then, in relation 
 to the first principle which should govern our 
 action in the admission of States. And what, 
 sir, concerning the other ? How will it affect 
 this present Confederacy of States, to admit 
 the Territory of Oregon ? Why, gentlemen 
 talk here as if we were discussing the question 
 of admitting some new and unheard-of race 
 of monsters and cannibals into the Union ! 
 Sir, is not this injustice to the people of Or- 
 egon ? "Will they contaminate this Confed- 
 
 They may come again with a hypocritical 
 Constitution, trusting to effect by statute law 
 what yon would not allow in organic law. 
 They may not come at all, or they may come 
 with a Constitution tolerating Slavery. Dis- 
 couraged and repulsed by Northern votes 
 finding no sympathy where they had most 
 right to expect it, they might not be able 
 longer to resist the Slave-State party in the 
 Territory, acting under the Dred Scott de- 
 cision. Is it not right, therefore, for the 
 lovers of Freedom to advocate the immediate 
 transition of Oregon from the condition of a 
 
 cracy ? Just as much as their mountain Territory in which Slavery is lawful, to the 
 streams will contaminate the Pacific ocean, condition of a State in which it is forbidden? 
 I tell you, they may be inferior to us in edu- Which do we choose, a slave Tcrrritory or a 
 cation, in refinement, and in etiquette ; they FREK STATK ? 
 
 may not appear as well in the drawing-room j But, sir, there is another argument which 
 as some of our Eastern exquisites ; but in ! may influence some members who doubt the 
 the sturdy virtues of honesty, of fidelity, of security of this Union of States. By this act 
 industry, and of endurance, they are above j which I now advocate, we shall bind firmly 
 the average of the people of this Confeder- j to the old States, by indissoluble bonds, the 
 ftcy. I regret that the gentleman from ' remotest portions of our possessions. This
 
 30 
 
 will make secure all intermediate parts of the the duties of this government to a position 
 national domain. where they will be, as was well said last ses- 
 
 This, then, may be grateful assurance to sion by the gentleman from Alabama [Mr. 
 such as want assurance about the permanency Curry], " few and simple," as they should be. 
 of the Union. For myself, I have not much j It is in accordance with this view that I 
 respect for any such assurance,- but I do have shall oppose any thing that leads to compli- 
 an utter contempt for any doubts on the sub- cations that shall multiply or extend our 
 ject. This Union, Mr. Speaker, is not a provincial dependencies, 
 thing to be argued for and advocated ; it is j I shall oppose all protectorates over foreign 
 a tiling settled, fixed, and determined. Far ; countries ; all military occupations and mili- 
 transcending in importance the temporary tary usurpations ; all annexation of territory, 
 convenience of any one State or of all the except as independent sovereignties acquired 
 States, it is in our hands, a trust, not for our and at the same time admitted into the Union 
 posterity only, but for the world. We are by treaty stipulations as States equal to any 
 bound to deliver it unimpaired to succeeding j in this Confederacy. It will never do for us 
 generations, and we WILL so deliver it. THE to imitate the despotisms of Europe. We 
 Uxiox is AXD WILL BK. must adhere to the original, simple plan of 
 
 If, then, there is a great gain to the Con- j this Confederacy, which did not contemplate 
 federacy, is it not also better for the people provincial dependencies, or armies and na- 
 of Oregon themselves that she should be ad- j vies,necessary for their acquisition and con- 
 mitted into the Union ? Is it better that they trol. 
 should remain under the tuition of this Fed- So far as we deviate from the simplicity 
 
 eral Government a non-resident Govern- 
 ment or that they should govern them- 
 selves V Why, sir, to contend against the 
 advantages of self-government would seem to 
 me unsuited to this place, and not to comport 
 
 of the plan of the fathers, just so far shall we 
 advance towards danger, disaster, and de- 
 struction. 
 
 But, Mr. Chairman, I did wish to review 
 the action of the minoritv of the Committee 
 
 well with the history of this Republic; for i on Territories in relation to this question, but 
 the origin of this nation was a protest against ( my time has nearly expired, and I can only 
 
 refer to it. 
 
 They have reported the bill of the major- 
 
 a non-resident Government, and our history 
 
 should be. For one, sir, I have no faith in 
 
 that kind of government being exercised | ity with an additional provision repealing the 
 
 over Anglo-Saxons anywhere, and least of j clause of the English bill restricting the right 
 
 all have I faith in that kind of government ' of Kansas to come into the Union with a less 
 
 being exercised by Republics anywhere ; and, population than ninety-three thousand. Xow, 
 
 therefore, to relieve a portion of our people sir, I had supposed that the gentlemen of the 
 
 from what I consider a curse the curse of a 
 non-resident domination I will cheerfully 
 vote for the admission of Oregon. 
 
 Sir, this non-resident control is a relic, as 
 it was an invention, of ancient tyranny. It 
 has come down from the history of the old 
 Romans, who had pro-consuls in Judea, in 
 Spain, in Gaul, in Germany, and in Britain ; 
 
 minority of the committee would have voted 
 for the bill which they have reported, but 
 speeches have been made by two of the gen- 
 tlemen who signed that report [Mr. Grow 
 and Mr. Granger], in which they went off 
 on an altogether different line of reasoning. 
 They have talked about the unconstitution- 
 ality of the Constitution of Oregon, and 
 
 and England has copied their example, and ; about its invasions of human rights, without 
 sent Governors and Governor-Generals to | confining themselves at all to the argument 
 India, and to this continent also. But we of their minority report. They argue that 
 protested successfully against that kind of i whoever may vote for the admission of the 
 government by the war of the Revolution ; State, will properly be held responsible for 
 and I look forward to the time when every all these outrages. And now I wish to know 
 portion of our national domain shall be free ; for what consideration the signers of that re- 
 irom it; when we shall have no provincial' port are willing to ignore all these revered 
 dependencies whatever ; when we shall have ; human rights, invaded and ruined by the 
 nothing but a combination of equal and sov-j Constitution of Oregon V I have their reply 
 ereign republics. Then, sir, we may bring j in this report. On one condition they are
 
 31 
 
 willing to sanction all these outrages; and 
 that condition is, that a certain act concern- 
 ing Kansas shall be repealed. If the report 
 is in good faith there can be no other con- 
 clusion. 
 
 On the 24th of the same month, he took 
 occasion once more to assert his views in re- 
 lation to the best mode of winning the Terri- ! 
 tories over to Freedom, which is simply by j 
 giving to Free Labor fair play in the struggle | 
 with Slave Labor. Hence the speech was 
 itself entitled " Fair Play." It is one of the j 
 best of all his remarkable Congressional ef- 
 forts. It is particularly happy as illustrating 
 his practical views on the whole subject under 
 discussion, views that no abstract theoriz- 
 ing can hope to reach or overthrow. The 
 reader will find, in its perusal, that he has 
 come to know and admire the author of it 
 more than ever. All the cavils of party press- 
 es at either its positions or arguments appear 
 narrow and of no consequence, for they seem 
 to be striving for mere partizan success, while 
 lie seems to be struggling only for permanent 
 benefit and real truth. 
 
 Here is the speech : 
 
 MR. CHAIRMAN : The gentleman rrom 
 Maine [Mr. Washburn], in his speech the 
 other day, recommended to the Republican 
 party to " note the policy of the Democratic 
 party, and to learn wisdom from their oppo- 
 nents." Advised by such high authority, and 
 scorning no source of knowledge, however 
 humble, I have for a few days made a study 
 of the discipline and policy of the Democratic 
 party ; and what do I find ? A wonderful toler- 
 ation of hostile and conflicting principles and 
 measures, prompted by adverse and contend- 
 ing interests. I believe that the plain of 
 Shinar never witnessed about the base of the 
 tower of Babel any such confusion of lan- 
 guages as we see here of principles and meas- 
 ures in the Democratic party. How do they 
 stand upon the tariff ? Some are for specific 
 duties, some for ad valorem duties, and some 
 for no duties at all. How concerning the 
 Dred Scott decision, and the protection of 
 slavery in the Territories ? Some are for the 
 non-intervention of the federal government 
 with slavery in the Territories, and some are 
 for the direct establishment of slavery in the 
 Territories by the federal power, as the jour- 
 nal of this House will show, by the notice 
 
 which has been given of a bill to be intro- 
 duced for the protection of slavery in the 
 Territories, and as the debate in the Senate 
 yesterday will show ; while others are in favor 
 of making all such schemes of protection null 
 and void by the unfriendly legislation, or by the 
 masterly inactivity of the settlers. And how 
 about the acquisition of territory ? Some are 
 for acquiring it by fillibustering and the force 
 of private crusades ; some by the more digni- 
 fied method of protectorates, military occupa- 4 
 tions, and military usurpation ; some by pur- ' 
 chase, and some by war. And how is it about 
 the slave trade ? Some are for reviving it, 
 and some are utterly hostile to its revival. 
 And so in reference to the Pacific Railroad, 
 and every other measure of public policy. I 
 have said enough to show that there is a tol- 
 eration in that party of the widest diversity 
 of principles, opinions, and measures. 
 
 !Nbw, sir, if I am to learn a lesson from this 
 party, I think I may learn this lesson, that 
 while I would not tolerate any such latitude 
 of opinion as would breed confusion in the 
 Republican party, I would tolerate such lib- 
 erality of sentiment as shall not compel men 
 who agree in practice to quarrel about mat- 
 ters of faith. I do not advocate that prescrip- 
 tive policy which would drive away from me 
 men who do not agree with me about the im- 
 portance or necessity or expediency of legis- 
 lating against slavery, or for freedom in the 
 Territories. While I will not denounce the 
 gentleman from Maine, for his favorite meas- 
 ure, I shall expect the same toleration for my 
 own. lie may bow down in his chamber 
 three times a day before the Wilmot proviso, 
 with his windows open toward Jerusalem, and 
 I will not trouble him for that. But when he 
 attempts to fit other Republicans to his bed- 
 stead, we shall very likely protest against any 
 such act, especially if it involves the necessity 
 of cutting us off at both ends. I maintain my 
 right to think well of Wilmot proviso men, 
 and to think well if I choose of those who are 
 not Wilmot proviso men. The Wilmot pro- 
 viso is only a measure, not a principle. 
 
 Xow, sir, there are some classes of men 
 who profess to belong to the Republican party, 
 to whom I do not propose to address any re- 
 marks upon this occasion, because I believe 
 that, politically, they will not be made better j 
 and that they cannot be made worse. 
 
 I shall first speak of a class which I will 
 denominate THE RIGIDLY IUGHTKOUS, who
 
 claim that it is not enough that a State shall 
 exclude salvery from its limits, but that this 
 act must proceed from most exemplary and 
 Christian motives. The State must exclude 
 slaver}- because it is a sin. It might as 
 well be a slave State as a free State if it 
 is not made free upon the purest Chris- 
 tian principles. These pinks of piety depre- ' 
 cate any appeal to national or personal in- : 
 terest ; they deprecate any argument which ; 
 is based upon economical or pecuniary con- 
 sideration as an attempt, to contaminate the 
 purity of exalted anti-slavery sentiment, and 
 to soil by earthly contact the pure and 
 spotless anti-slavery standard of the Xorth. 
 With this class I can never agree, for I would 
 rather see a State free for the worst reasons, 
 than see it slave for the best reasons. 
 
 Another class consists of the PRK-KMI- 
 XKXTLY CONSISTKXT. Some years ago they 
 pointed their guns at the enemy ; and they 
 intend to fire where they first aimed, whether 
 the enemy be there or not. [Laughter.] 
 To-day you find them pouring their hot shot 
 into the cold ashes of the enemy's extinct 
 camp-fires. [Laughter.] And they say, " is 
 it any reason because the enemy has changed 
 his position, because he is unstable and incon- 
 sistent, that we should te wavering and in- 
 consistent also V ' [Laughter.] With this 
 class I do not agree. I am for pointing our 
 guns where the enemy now is for pointing 
 them where the enemy stands at the instant 
 when we apply the torch. 
 
 There is another class, sir, composed of the 
 political Cassandras of the Republican party, 
 who are always prophesying, in the middle 
 of one great disaster, that another still greater 
 is about to come who are continually say- 
 ing that slavery has always had its own way, 
 and always will have it that slavery, under 
 the Dred Scott decision, will yet be estab- 
 lished in Massachusetts and New Hampshire 
 that secret intrigues are going on for estab- 
 lishing it in Canada, as well as for putting 
 the White Mountains and Cape Cod under 
 the lash. [Laughter.] I have an account 
 to settle with these men. I have met them, 
 and found them a great impediment to the 
 progress of freedom in this country. In the 
 contest for free men and free labor in Kan- 
 sas, I affirm here that they were a greater 
 obstacle to our progress than the border ruf- 
 fians, the cabinet and power of President 
 Pierce, or the bad travelling in the State of 
 
 Missouri ; for they were filling the country 
 with the cry that Kansas was lost. With 
 quivering lips and moist eyes they went about 
 crying that all was lost. The effect was to 
 send hundreds and thousands of men, who 
 would have joined our good colonists in Kan- 
 sas, shivering away to the cold regions of 
 Minnesota. I have no sympathy with these 
 men. Of this class was Uzza in the days 
 of David, who thought that because the 
 oxen stumbled, the ark of the Lord would 
 surely fall ; and he stretched out his trem- 
 bling hand in support of Omnipotence. Smit- 
 ten by the Power which his doubts had in- 
 sulted, faithless Uzza died upon the spot. 
 Why he died I ask no commentary to tell 
 me. Why any such are left is not so clear. 
 Without faith, either in the power of God or 
 the destiny of man, they libel freedom and 
 slander freemen. They have no joy in the 
 present and no hope in the future. They 
 seem predestined to disaster and defeat ; and 
 woe to the party or project in which they as- 
 sume authority or exercise influence. 
 
 To a man of this class the present life is 
 one perpetual nightmare ; and what the fu- 
 ture will be, who can say ? Can he be saved V 
 : Can a man be saved without faith, or hope, 
 or works, with only repentance and even 
 that consisting not in sorrow for his own sins, 
 but for other people's virtues ? [Laughter.] 
 Why, what if by some chance he were once 
 in the Holy City ? he would be no more 
 j saved than he was before. lie never would 
 see the tree of life or the river of life, never 
 would have a harp in his hand but a spy- 
 glass, and skulking about the battlements, 
 and peering off into illimitable space [laugh- 
 ter] ; if he should chance to see Dred Scott 
 or the Supreme Court, even though they 
 might be beyond the great gulf, he would 
 ; think they were coming to establish slavery 
 on the golden pavements of the Xew Jerusa- 
 ' lem. [Laughter.] 
 
 Now, sir, I do not address myself to these 
 ! men. They bear the same relation to the 
 Republican party that Cape Fear and Cape 
 Lookout do to this continent. They serve 
 only to keep people away from it. [Much 
 laughter.] I address the continent of the 
 Republican party, and not these insignificant 
 though conspicuous capes and promontories. 
 And, in doing it, I shall refer to first principles. 
 
 It is an axiom in physics that one body 
 i must sustain to another, one of three rela-
 
 33 
 
 tions. It must be cither less, equal, or greater ; 
 and it is in accordance with the law of growth 
 that if one organized body is less than another, 
 and, by natural and gradual accretions, shall 
 at some time become greater, it must first be- 
 come equal. Now, sir, in politics it is also an 
 axiom that if one cause is inferior to another 
 in position or in importance, it can never be- 
 come superior except by first attaining to a 
 position of equality. Now, sir, freedom and 
 slavery are two causes in our politics, and it 
 is claimed by gentlemen that the cause of 
 freedom is in an inferior position politically 
 (and this I assert too), and has been so for 
 years. The question then is how it shall at- 
 tain to an equal position, and, perhaps, here- 
 after to a superior position. It can only attain 
 to that superior position in the legislation 
 of this Government, and in the executive 
 power of this Government, by first attaining 
 to a position of equality. And it is this policy 
 of striving for this position of equality that I 
 have advocated for years ; and I am rejoiced 
 that at the present time I am sustained in 
 this argument by very high authority. I 
 find that one of the distinguished Senators 
 from the State of New York [Mr. Seward] 
 made a speech last November, in which he 
 took this position. Part of that speech was 
 made in Rochester, the other part of it was 
 made a few days later in Home. 
 
 The speech altogether contains two main 
 propositions. The first proposition is this : 
 that the Democratic party ought to be put 
 out of power. The second propositign is the 
 method by which this can be accomplished. 
 Under the first head the speaker, not having 
 much to prove, and therefore being free 
 from the necessity of laborious concentration 
 (because a Northern audience was willing to 
 assent without argument) very naturally di- 
 gressed from the strict line of logic, and dis- 
 coursed freely upon a collateral philosophical 
 question. He entered into a harmless phil- 
 osophical speculation about the comparative 
 vitality of free labor, and of slave labor, and 
 I think he came to the conclusion that free 
 labor has the greater vitality. This I con- 
 sider a very harmless speculation ; and had a 
 similar one been indulged in, as it has often 
 been, by a Southern statesman, and a contra- 
 ry conclusion arrived at, no Northern man 
 would have thought of taking exception to it. 
 lie might have concluded, as Mr. Fitzhugh 
 has done in his Sociology, as Southern ora- 
 3 
 
 tors have often clone on the stump, and as 
 Southern editors have often done in their 
 papers, that slave labor had the greater vital- 
 ity, and would hereafter override free labor 
 in the Northern States. Well, sir, so much 
 for the very harmless speculation which has 
 been very much misrepresented. But the 
 sum total of the Senator's argument the 
 conclusion, which was . for immediate and 
 practical use was what may be considered 
 a sound national platform for the party op- 
 posed to the Administration. It is broad 
 enough for all the elements of the opposition 
 to combine upon, and to occupy safely. Now, 
 sir, what is that platform ? What are the 
 words of wisdom which give promise of vic- 
 tory ? Here they are : 
 
 " The work of to-day is to obtain securities 
 for fair play in this great contest. Fair play 
 was all that was left to James Buchanan and 
 his administration to afford us. lie promised 
 us that miserable right the remnant of all 
 other valuable rights. Even that promise 
 was broken, and that right has been treach- 
 erously wrested from us the first year of the 
 administration of James Buchanan. The 
 President, without rebuke from Congress, and 
 with the acquiescence of the Senate, suc- 
 cessively removed Gov. Walker and Gov. 
 Stanton, for yielding to the people of Kansas 
 free, fair, and impartial elections. When 
 the people of the State of Kansas by such 
 elections repudiated the slavery Lecompton 
 constitution, and avowed their unalterable 
 determination to remain a community of free 
 men, the Congress of the United States re- 
 manded them to remain indefinitely a slave- 
 holding Territory. Elections for slavery are 
 held valid and lawful ; elections for freedom, 
 are deemed invalid, idle, and futile. Have L 
 not said truly, then, that our first conquest 
 must be the recovery of fairness and equality 
 between freedom and slavery in the conduct 
 of the administration, and of legislation-, at 
 Washington." 
 
 " Fairness and equality between freedom- 
 and slavery in the conduct of the administra- 
 tion and in the legislation at Washington!"' 
 What, sir, is this but non-intervention by the 
 federal government, either for freedom or 
 slavery in the Territories ? What is this but 
 a natio'nal platform upon which all the ele-- 
 ments of opposition to the present admin- 
 istration can fairly stand ? I subscribe to 
 that doctrine, and advocate a fair play par-
 
 34 
 
 ty, and a fair play President, upon a fair the intervention of Congress for the estab- 
 play platform; I am for fair play between lishment of slavery in Kansas; and, sir, I 
 section and section, between State and think they had a tool at that time which was 
 State; for fair play for our foreign poli- ' well adapted to the uses for which it was de- 
 cy, and for fair play for our domestic poli- signed. It was supple, pliant, and fitted for 
 cy ; for fair play with England, France and ' many uses. Hudibras had such an instru- 
 Spain ; fair play with China and Africa ; for rnent his dagger, 
 the acquisition of Cuba, Central America, and ., , Twould sorapc trenches or ch ; p breadf 
 ML-X'ICO, by fair play, and by that only. Here, 
 then, is the position which the opposition can 
 fairly assume, and the platform has the high- 
 est Republican authority. Sensible and prac- 
 tical men will harmoniously endorse it, and 
 
 be proud to stand upon it and defend it in 
 the next national campaign. 
 
 In relation to slavery in the Territories, 
 and the connection of the federal government 
 therewith, there are three political positions, 
 and only three. First, there is intervention 
 for slavery; second, there is intervention for 
 freedom ; and third, there is no intervention 
 
 Toust cheese or bacon though it were 
 To bait a mouse-trap would not cure, 
 'Twould make shoes clean, and in the earth 
 Set leeks and onions and so forth." 
 
 So much for the past position of the Demo- 
 
 cratic party in relation to intervention in the 
 Territories. Now, what is its present posi- 
 tion ? Is that party now upon the popular 
 sovereignty platform ? Did the debate in 
 the Senate yesterday show that ? Are they 
 not in favor of intervention, and that of the 
 fiercest kind, against freedom and for slavery 
 in the Territories ? And what does that no- 
 
 whatever. What is the present policy ofi tice mean upon your journal of a bill to be 
 the Democratic party in relation to this q'ues- introduced which shall provide for the pro- 
 tion ? and what has been its past position ? | tct;tion of slavery in the Territories ? What 
 I say that party has been, as it is now, in fa- mean those Southern journals when they de- 
 vor'of intervention for slavery. I say that | mand that a federal law shall be made by 
 while that party has advocated popula'r sov- j Congress for the protection of slavery in the 
 
 ereignty, and has elected one President by 
 that advocacy, it has always persistently 
 voted against popular sovereignty. It voted 
 
 Territories ? I refer, first, to the Charles- 
 ton (S. C.) News, which says : 
 
 " If the constitution confers upon slavery 
 
 against it in the spring of 1854, upon Sena- the right to go to the Territories, as accord- 
 tor Chase's amendment to the Kansas bill, | ln S to the Kansas Nebraska bill and the 
 
 Dred Scott decision, it does, then it also im- 
 that right, and 
 positive Pro- 
 
 civing to the people of Kansas and Nebraska , 
 
 ' poses the duty of protectm 
 the right to choose ther own officers. It was ' - - 
 
 voted against when the Toombs bill was 
 
 voted for by the Democratic party, imposing 
 a constitution upon the people of Kansas 
 vwithout their approbation. It was voted 
 :against by the Democratic party when they 
 voted for the Lecompton bill, which sought 
 
 cannot b< 
 Slavery leirislation and a Federal Slave Code 
 
 for the Territories." 
 
 Again : The Richmond Enquirer says : 
 
 " The right of property in slaves in the 
 States is now placed, practically as well as 
 
 -to impose upon the people of Kansas a con- j legally, beyond the reach of Federal 
 rstitution, not only without their approbation, | tive encroachment. But in the Territories 
 
 :-but in defiance of their solemn protest It j^ ^ ! 3 dil ^f nt - Q Jt 1S ***&** that 
 . ^ . l . . . the decision or the Supreme Lourt prevents 
 
 --was again voted against in rejecting the | C ss aml all its delegates from the pro- 
 
 iCnttc-ndc-n-Montgomery amendment, which ! hjbition of slavery in a Territory. There 
 gave to the people of Kansas the opportu- I must be positive 'legislative enactment; a 
 nity of framing their own constitution of -civil and criminal code for the protection of 
 -choosing under what organic law they would slave property in the Territories ought to be 
 ".live. ! provided." 
 
 .But, si:-, while the Democratic party ex- j J n the same spirit is the following extract 
 eluded Congress from intervention with slave- from the New York Day-Book : 
 ry in Kansas and Nebraska, they did not ex- Qf c the ' ]c rf a Terrjt 
 
 elude the President from interfering by the J when thev frame their State constitution, 
 use of his patronage and power. The inter- ma y adopt or exclude slavery; but while 
 -vcution .of despotic unity was preferred to they are a Territory, if they fail to protect
 
 35 
 
 property invested in the person or indus- 
 trial capacity of a negro, they grossly violate 
 equal rights, and therefore are not author- 
 ized to consider themselves Democrats. The 
 whole question is resolved into this simple 
 right or no right to protection to slave prop- 
 erty in the Federal Territories, and, as the 
 Charleston News suggests, it must constitute 
 the issue of 1860." 
 
 We find such opinions becoming prevalent 
 in the Democratic party, and it is demanded 
 that they shall be made the test of party 
 fealty. Then we must come to the conclu- 
 sion that the Democratic party is to-day 
 acrainst popular sovereignty ; that it is in fa- 
 vor of Federal intervention, of Executive in- 
 tervention, legislative'intervention, as well as 
 a judicial intervention, for slavery in the Ter- 
 ritories of the Union. 
 
 Well, sir, what is it proposed now to op- 
 pose to this pro-slavery intervention in the 
 Territories ? Is it said that we will oppose 
 to it the Wilmot proviso ? I respect the 
 sincerity of those who recommend this as a 
 panacea for all the evils that threaten our 
 Territories, but I cannot highly esteem 
 their intelligence if they believe it can be 
 applied. For how many years is it since 
 any party in Congress had the power to pass 
 the Wilmot proviso in reference to the Ter- 
 ritories ? Quite a number. And how do 
 the people of this country stand upon that 
 question ? In the last two Presidential con- 
 tests they have repudiated that measure, and 
 to-day we find the people against it, Congress 
 against it, and we have it intimated to us 
 that the Supreme Court would declare it un- 
 constitutional. Then, under these embarrass- 
 ments, shall we unavailingly strive to apply it 
 until all the territory of the United States shall 
 have been settled and its destiny sealed for- 
 ever, either as slave or free. Then it is an im- 
 practicable and an antiquated issue, and sensi- 
 ble and practical men will now cease to urge 
 it as a party policy. Such men now see that 
 they could not apply any such prohibition if 
 they would, and I hope they will not repudiate 
 those who would not apply it if they could. 
 
 If then, as I have shown, there can be no 
 Federal intervention for freedom in the Ter- 
 ritories, we can only choose between inter- 
 vention for slavery, and no intervention at 
 all. Then, sir, without hesitation, while I 
 deny no principle of the Republican party, I 
 advocate the adoption of the policy of no 
 
 more Federal intervention with respect to 
 slavery in the Territories. 
 
 But what really is the position of the Re- 
 publican party upon this question ? Can 
 you show an instance in our history in 
 which we have gone against honest popular 
 sovereignty in the Territories ? What act 
 in this House, or in the Senate, will show 
 that the Republican party has been against 
 popular sovereignty ? During the contest 
 in Kansas all we asked was that the people 
 should be let alone, and that they should 
 have the right to do as they pleased. We 
 voted for the Chase amendment in 1854. 
 And how did we vote last session upon the 
 Crittenden-Montgomery bill ? Every man 
 upon this side of the House sustained it. 
 Are we not then the party not only in favor, 
 but also in possession of popular sovereignty? 
 We have captured that gun before the enemy 
 had even used it, and now we propose to test 
 its range and accuracy by some experiments 
 on the Democratic party. 
 
 But does any man say that he voted for the 
 Crittenden-Montgomery bill in an emergency, 
 and that he sacrificed his principles in doing 
 it ? I doubt whether this will be said. I did 
 not sacrifice my principles by that vote ; on 
 the contrary, I voted in accordance with my 
 principles. And, sir, I have but a poor re- 
 spect for principles that will not do in an 
 emergency, that will not do in a storm. 
 Such principles are not fit to keep in fair 
 weather. Well, sir, that is the policy of the 
 Republican party, at least, it is the practice 
 of the Republican party, and non-intervention 
 is perfectly consistent, therefore, with its pres- 
 ent principles. It is not only perfectly con- 
 sistent for the party, but it is perfectly safe, 
 as I will show you, for the cause of freedom. 
 I can refer you to the history of Kansas. 
 Kansas, without any protection for freedom, 
 has become a free State, or at least she is this 
 day prepared to be a free State, and will 
 never be any thing less. In defiance of nu- 
 merous obstacles in the way of obtaining her 
 freedom, she has bravely secured it. In the 
 immediate vicinity of the Platte purchase, 
 the most intensely pro-slavery portion of Mis- 
 souri, there, almost in the bosom of slave 
 States, there, far removed from the States 
 of the North, which furnish emigrants to the 
 West, and with all the force of the General 
 Government against freedom, and for slavery 
 in the Territory, the free State heroes have
 
 36 
 
 triumphed ; and not only that, but they have 
 put forth many times the power which was 
 requisite to accomplish the grand result. If 
 it had not been for Executive intervention, 
 and for the cowardly predictions of faint- 
 hearted anti-slavery men in the North, that 
 Kansas would be lost, I think, sir, that the 
 contest might have been ended before the 
 year 1856. 
 
 But as it was, notwithstanding all the ob- 
 stacles in her way, the contest began to grow 
 insipid during that year for want of opposition 
 from the pro-slavery side, and I left it, as 
 Atchison and Stringfellow had already done. 
 Since that time we know very well what has 
 been the history of Kansas. It is now ap- 
 parent that there are at least eight or nine 
 free State men in that Territory to one slave 
 State man. Whatever may have been in- 
 tended, such, sir, has been the effect of adopt- 
 ing this principle, which has compelled North- 
 ern men to rely upon themselves, and act 
 upon their own responsibility in this matter 
 o? making free States. This is safer than to 
 leave this question to Congress and to law. I 
 have a thousand times more confidence in the 
 people than I have in Congress on this sub- 
 ject. 
 
 Now, Mr. Chairman, compare the resources 
 of these two causes that contend for pre-emi- 
 nence in the Territories, free labor and slave 
 labor. How do we find the wealth and num- 
 bers of the North when contrasted with those 
 of the South ? I shall not dwell upon this 
 point, for on a former occasion I opened that 
 greatest book of martyrs, the Census of the 
 United States, and showed how these facts 
 were. 
 
 But how do the North and South compare 
 in the power of combination ? Why, we men 
 of the North, called the Northern hive, live 
 in towns and villages. Even our agricultural 
 districts are quite densely peopled. We have, 
 in Massachusetts, one hundred and thirty men 
 to the square mile. If there is any difficulty 
 abroad or at home, if there is any need for 
 immediate action or remote action, it is easy 
 for us to assemble, and consult, and determine 
 what action is needed, and what shall be most 
 effective. And, sir, when it was necessary to 
 put some colonies into Kansas, I found no 
 difficulty in having meetings in these towns 
 and villages at very short notice. Plans were 
 formed for making colonies, and for taking 
 possession of the country in dispute, and thus 
 
 the result contemplated was accomplished. 
 But how can any such concert of action exist 
 in that part of our country where there is 
 only eighty-nine one-hundredths of a man to 
 a square mile ! What chance of holding 
 meetings, of kindling enthusiasm, of taking 
 council, and of laying plans for accomplishing 
 Krand results ? None whatever. 
 
 Then, sir, added to this ready combination, 
 we also have great facilities of locomotion. 
 Our people can migrate with but little diffi- 
 culty. If there were a meeting to-night to 
 put a colony into Kansas, all the arrangement 
 might be perfected, and complete preparation 
 made for starting in two weeks. The next 
 day after the meeting you would see flaming 
 hand-bills on the streets headed, " Ho for 
 Kansas ! " " Property for Sale ! " Daguerreo- 
 types of some " familiar faces," and perhaps 
 the old homestead, would be taken, and in 
 two weeks the colony, on the lightning train, 
 following a pillar of cloud by day, and a pillar 
 of fire by night, would be going on its way to 
 their prairie home. 
 
 How can a Southern planter hope to rival 
 this speed and readiness of transition ? After 
 he has determined to emigrate, his plantation 
 is to be sold, and the purchaser is to be hunted 
 up, and much time is required. And after a 
 purchaser is found, credit must be given of 
 from one to twenty years. But suppose all 
 this accomplished, and the whole train of ser- 
 vants made ready for the journey, how like a 
 funeral procession would they appear loiter- 
 ing along through the swamps of Alabama 
 and Mississippi. No, sir, you cannot compete 
 with us in this game of emigration. We evi- 
 dently have the advantage of you every way. 
 You have not power to make a contest in this 
 matter interesting. I say this in no spirit of 
 malignant exultation. I am laying down facts, 
 and I wish Southern men to understand their 
 bearing and inevitable consequences. 
 
 But, sir, the Southern planter does not take 
 his force of negroes to a disputed Territory. 
 The case which I was just now supposing 
 never really occurs in practice. It did not 
 once occur during the contest for the Terri- 
 tory of Kansas. I have never heard of a 
 single slaveholder who took there even as 
 many as five negroes. 
 
 The spirit of devotion and the spirit of 
 Christianity sometimes prompt to great sacri- 
 fices, but I am compelled to believe that the 
 Southern planters are few in number who
 
 37 
 
 will hazard the loss of their slaves, even for 
 the grand purpose of securing " scope and 
 verge " to African Christianization. 
 
 If, then, there is no motive of Christianity 
 potent enough to influence slaveholders to 
 move with their slaves to the Territories of 
 the West, there certainly can be no other 
 sufficient inducement. There can be no 
 pecuniary inducement to convey slaves where 
 the very soil under their feet will be in dis- 
 pute, and where the slaves themselves may 
 be confiscated by an organic law excluding 
 slavery from the new State, or by the statute 
 law of the Territory, called " unfriendly leg- 
 islation." 
 
 Again, sir, there is a converting power in 
 these free State colonies, and it is a wonder- 
 ful power. I assert, on the best authority, 
 that the majority of the inhabitants of Kansas, 
 who went there from slave States, are to-day 
 free State men. They came in contact with 
 these Northern communities, they learned 
 some facts of which they were not before 
 cognizant, and they made up their minds 
 that it was best for them and their children 
 that Kansas should be a free State. This 
 converting influence extended to the Gover- 
 nors of the Territory. " The extinguishers 
 themselves took fire," and to this day they 
 give a charmingly brilliant light. 
 
 Now, sir, in addition to these resources, 
 contrast the causes themselves, which are in 
 conflict. Contrast free labor with slave labor. 
 What are their histories and what their rel- 
 ative power ? Free labor has covered the 
 once sterile hills of New England with or- 
 chards and gardens and corn-fields. It has 
 filled our valleys with the music of machinery 
 and the hum of busy industry. The same 
 creating power has built thriving cities and 
 towns upon our western waters, and clothed 
 the prairies with fields of waving grain. Scal- 
 ing the Rocky Mountains, the same majestic 
 power has opened the golden gates of the 
 Pacific, and has transformed the solitary wil- 
 derness, 
 
 " Where rolled the Oregon, and heard no sound, 
 Save his own dashings," 
 
 into a prosperous State, destined to become 
 the most important seat of commerce and 
 manufactures on our Western coast. 
 
 Here are some of the trophies of free labor. 
 Others yet, and greater, will be secured in 
 the future. Stronger than Briareus, and pos- 
 
 sessing more arms than the giant monster 
 brought to defend the throne of Jupiter 
 against assailing Titans, free labor, unaided 
 by law, relying solely on its own inherent 
 energy, will always be found able to protect 
 its own inheritance. 
 
 But where are the triumphs of slave labor ? 
 I will not reply, I press this comparison no 
 further. 
 
 Now, sir, there is no chance of making 
 another slave State from any Territory be- 
 longing to this Confederacy. I state this as 
 a fair and well-founded conclusion, that it 
 may be considered by men from all portions 
 of the country. I think that sensible men 
 from the South already consider it a settled 
 fact. What need, then, of quarrelling about 
 measures for securing what is already secure ? 
 Security is all we ask, and that we have. 
 That is the grand result of a contest to which 
 you invited us, and to which we reluctantly 
 came. We did not propose to you this very 
 unequal game of emigration. It was a game 
 which was proposed by the Democratic party, 
 and the South enlisted in it, under the lead 
 of that party. And what was the stake ? 
 You compelled the North to stake Kansas on 
 that game, while you voluntarily offered to 
 stake all the other Territories. For one, I 
 was ready to accept that challenge. I was 
 ready to enter upon that game upon such 
 terms. I did do it. I do not now regret it. 
 I do not want it otherwise than it is; for all 
 that we have lost in achieving the victory 
 that we have gained is more than ten thou- 
 sand times repaid in that disciplined army of 
 freemen, who are determined to see that all 
 is right, from Minnesota to the Gulf of Mex- 
 ico. These are the facts, and it is better for 
 the whole country that such are the facts. 
 
 There are two blunders that the South has 
 made in following the lead of the Democratic 
 party. The first is the blunder of the free 
 trade policy, which has compelled us to leave 
 our native homes and make free States in the 
 West. We could not be idle, and when you 
 would not let us make cloth in New England, 
 we have gone about making States on the 
 prairies. What, now, would have been the 
 result, if an opposite policy had prevailed ? 
 What, if the South and the Democratic party 
 had allowed abundant protection to our man- 
 ufacturing industry ? By that protection our 
 manufactures in New England would have 
 increased in nearly the same ratio as the pro-
 
 38 
 
 duction of cotton in the Southern States. 
 That has been the fact essentially with the 
 cotton manufactures of England. Why would 
 it not have been so with our own, had they 
 been sufficiently protected. But ours have 
 remained almost stationary for the want of 
 this protection. We have therefore gone about 
 making markets for our future products, and 
 in that we have done well. If our manufac- 
 turing industry had been protected as I sug- 
 gested, New England would to-day have had 
 double her present population, and I think 
 that our free States would not have extended 
 one whit beyond the Mississippi. I doubt 
 whether they would have gone beyond Indi- 
 ana. The South could have taken possession 
 of the great West by that policy ; she would 
 have become the agricultural power of the 
 Union emphatically. But now free labor lias 
 already taken possession of much, and, as I 
 have shown, will yet take possession of the re- 
 mainder of the public domain. The thing is 
 inevitable. It must come. I do not stand 
 here, as a New England man, to find fault 
 with these results ; whatever may be said about 
 the motives which secured them, the results 
 are good. We have secured for all future 
 time, the best market in the world, and New 
 England will yet see brighter and better days 
 than she has ever yet seen. No portion of 
 the country can ever compete with her in the 
 manufacture of cloths, or of boots and shoes ; 
 no portion can ever compete with her in ship- 
 building, or in the carrying trade of the At- 
 lantic coast. She has now prepared for her- 
 self this extensive market of free States, which 
 is every day increasing. The difference be- 
 tween a free State market and a slave State 
 market is almost beyond calculation. It is a 
 difference based both on the quantity and the 
 quality of the goods which we manufacture, 
 as well as on the security for pay. Who, then, 
 can condemn us -for having enlisted in this 
 crusade for freedom in Kansas with so much 
 zeal, when we understood that her freedom 
 would inure to the benefit of New England 
 industry hereafter forever V 
 
 Some men may have had a more exalted 
 motive no doubt many had no doubt there 
 was much of sentiment, and much of benev- 
 olence and Christianity also, in these efforts; 
 but if there had been nothing but wise pecu- 
 niary forecast in them, even that would have 
 been reason enough for our honest efforts to 
 
 make free States. Here, then, we see that 
 the free-trade policy of the slave States has 
 effectually restricted slavery and extended 
 freedom. 
 
 The second grand political blunder of the 
 South, under the lead of the Democratic 
 party, was the repeal of the Missouri Com- 
 promise. When you rested on the pledges 
 of implied law, you were sure of securing for 
 slavery a large portion of the public domain ; 
 but when, under the delusive hope of ac- 
 quiring Kansas, you invited the North to con- 
 tend with you in this game of emigration, 
 you abandoned the last solitary hope of slav- 
 ery extension on this continent. This Kan- 
 sas contest has created more working anti- 
 slavery than all other causes in our history. 
 To be sure, we had some dreaming senti- 
 mentalists before, who felt enough, but who 
 
 . . 
 expended their feeling in harmless speeches 
 
 and resolutions. There were, also, some po- 
 litical anti-slavery men, who relied on law 
 and nothing else to restrict slavery and ex- 
 tend freedom. But the repeal of that com- 
 promise gave us free State settlers instead of 
 free State sentiments. It made the people 
 rely upon themselves rather than on law and 
 politicians. It has given us a race of workers 
 instead of a race of wishers ; and now, what- 
 ever may come hereafter, we shall always re- 
 member that the surest defence of freedom is 
 a guard of free men at the point of conflict. 
 The history of that conflict has shown us that 
 the extension of freedom has no necessary 
 connection with the success of party politics ; 
 that the people, independent of political or- 
 ganizations, can make free States, even when 
 the whole power of this government is exer- 
 cised against them. Who, then, can for a 
 moment doubt concerning the result when 
 the people shall have fair play and non-inter- 
 vention in the Territories by the Federal 
 Government, instead of perpetual and per- 
 sistent federal intervention for slavery ? 
 
 These two comprehensive blunders of the 
 South, under the Democratic party the free 
 trade policy and the emigration contest in- 
 duced by the repeal of the Missouri Compro- 
 mise, have secured beyond question the free- 
 dom of every foot of the national domain. 
 In commemoration of these transcendent 
 Southern illusions, I think the abolitionists 
 ought to erect one grand enduring monu- 
 ment.
 
 39 
 
 How, then, can this policy of non-inter- 
 vention in the Territories, which I have ad- 
 vocated, be embodied and made practical ? 
 There are two ways by which that may be 
 accomplished. One way is, by allowing the 
 people of the Territories to elect all their 
 officers. I am utterly opposed to the organ- 
 ization of another Territory without such a 
 provision in the organizing act. Another 
 way is, to allow no more Territorial organ- 
 ization whatever. Some men may consider 
 this as unsafe. I do not recommend it now 
 as a policy. I suggest it as a policy to be 
 considered, whether it might not be better 
 hereafter, never, in any way, to increase our 
 provincial dependencies. Such dependen- 
 cies do not become this government. They 
 are entirely hostile to the genius of republi- 
 can institutions. There is nothing in the or- 
 igin of this nation which should encourage 
 this provincial system for our Territories. I 
 would feel perfectly safe to allow our emi- 
 grants, with the Bible and the common law, 
 with the axe and the plough, to go into the 
 national domain and take care of themselves. 
 How would such a policy affect the Treasury 
 of the United States? It would save us mil- 
 lions of dollars annually. Our people would 
 then go forward in solid phalanx. They 
 would be able to protect themselves. There 
 would be no deterioration in education or 
 morals ; for the settlers, living contiguous to 
 each other, could support schools and church- 
 es. We would then have no difficulty what- 
 ever arising from Indian wars, and no diffi- 
 culty arising from the numerous applications 
 of Territorial office-seekers. 
 
 Sir, we have history on our side in favor 
 of that policy. The people of Oregon gov- 
 erned themselves for ten years before the 
 Congress of the United States extended their 
 protecting hand over the colony. They had 
 a perfect system of government a perfect 
 system for the administration of justice 
 They had a symmetrical and well-appointee 
 government in all its branches. They estab- 
 lished post offices and post roads. According 
 to the testimony of the first Governor of that 
 Territory, every thing was progressing with 
 as much regularity and order and success a 
 it could have been if it had been all planned 
 by the powers in this city, and put in oper- 
 ation by their agents. But we have a pres- 
 ent example. Dacotah is to-day without a 
 Territorial government, and yet we hear of 
 
 no disturbances there. The people have es- 
 tablished a government for themselves, and 
 [ much doubt whether it is in the power of 
 bngress to improve it by establishing, in its 
 stead, a non-resident jurisdiction. But, sir, 
 there are earlier examples of the successful 
 working of this policy than are furnished by 
 ither Oregon or Djicotah. I refer to the 
 arly colonies of Plymouth, Providence, and 
 New Haven, whose histories are household 
 words. 
 
 Wherever you look, you find that our 
 people, whether they be few or many, are 
 abundantly able to take care of themselves. 
 Therefore, I suggest, as a policy to be con- 
 sidered whether there shall hereafter be 
 another Territory organized in the national 
 domain whether we have not had sectional 
 quarrels enough and difficulties enough about 
 provincial dependencies, to induce us to create 
 no more, and as speedily as possible to get 
 rid of what we now have. 
 
 Now, sir, I have advocated an open field 
 for a fair conflict between these two opposing 
 systems of labor. If you, sir, claim that slave 
 labor is a divine institution, I claim that free 
 labor is a divine institution, and I, for one, 
 am willing that hereafter the two institutions 
 shall honestly contend and grapple, and that 
 the stronger shall prevail, and I will acknowl- 
 edge that the one which shall prove the 
 stronger in a fair contest is the more divine. 
 
 Now, sir, in all that I have said upon this 
 subject, I have nowhere denied the power of 
 Congress to exclude slavery from the Terri- 
 tories. On the contrary, I believe that power 
 is clearly established, not only by legal con- 
 struction of the highest authority, but also 
 by the authority of our history and practice. 
 Still, sir, I should deem the exercise of that 
 power inexpedient at the present time if it 
 could be applied. Nothing should be at- 
 tempted by law which can be accomplished 
 without law. The extension and security of 
 free labor cannot be effected by law, but by 
 work. It would be a hazardous security for 
 the North to rely on law to prohibit slavery 
 in the Territories, when, she can so much 
 more safely rely upon herself. But, sir, we 
 have no power to prohibit it by law, and 
 since we have not, I do not regret the fact ; I 
 say that I am willing that this conflict should 
 go on, and that it should come to a decision 
 which is based upon the merits of the con- 
 tending systems, and upon nothing else. And
 
 40 
 
 the more cheerfully do I assent to this ar- 
 rangement, because it will furnish a sound 
 basis of legislation to ages yet to be. But if 
 to-day slavery is obstructed by law, if to-day 
 slavery is crushed out by the legal enactments 
 of this General Government, and not by the 
 laws of the communities in which it is prac- 
 tised, then what objection could be urged 
 when a future generation, here or elsewhere, 
 shall propose to establish slavery instead of 
 free labor V Why, it would be said that slav- 
 ery did not have a fair trial in the United 
 States of America; that it was crushed by 
 the opposing force of law ; that it did not fall 
 from its own inherent weakness and lack of 
 vitality ; and there might be force in that ar- 
 gument. 
 
 But, now, let the question be determined by 
 the merits of the two contesting systems, and 
 let the mighty and majestic power of free 
 labor overthrow and destroy slave labor in a 
 fair fight, as it surely will, then what will be 
 the effect upon the future? Why, if any 
 legislator shall then presume to suggest to 
 this nation, or to any other, that slavery is 
 better than freedom, and shall make an hon- 
 est proposition that it be established, the stu- 
 dent of history will meet him, and, turning 
 back to the records of this contest, will show 
 him the evidence of the invincible power of 
 freedom, and of the inherent imbecility of 
 slavery. lie will trace the majestic progress 
 of free labor all the way across this continent, 
 from the granite hills of New England to the 
 rocky ramparts of the Pacific. lie will show 
 that it was mightier than Presidents and 
 Princes, Courts and Counsellors, Cabinets and 
 Congresses. While slavery, nurtured and 
 caressed by the whole power of this confed- 
 eracy, appeared but a dwarfed and impotent 
 cripple, in this contest with the heaven-born 
 giant. Then, sir, ages hence, when the ac- 
 tors in these present scenes shall have been 
 forgotten, should it be proposed again to es- 
 tablish slavery, in this or in any other land, 
 the people will ponder upon the progress and 
 the grand result of this last great battle be- 
 tween these hostile powers, and will proclaim 
 with one voice that freedom, having fairly 
 conquered, shall evermore remain in posses- 
 sion of the field, and of the well-earned lau- 
 rels of victory. 
 
 The vexed Utah question was on the car- 
 pet during the next session of Congress, and 
 
 Mr. Thayer gave expression to his views on 
 POLYGAMY, on the 3d of April, of the pres- 
 ent year. His individuality of thought is 
 plainly stamped on the speech, and his genius 
 for solving knotty problems in politics in a 
 practical way is brought into the fort-ground 
 more than ever. The army had been tried 
 in Utah, but to no purpose ; the topic only 
 returned upon Congress to haunt it with a 
 consciousness of its own inefficiency. In this 
 dilemma, the plan suggested by Mr. Thayer 
 was hailed as an ingenious one, certainly a 
 a peaceable one, and, what is best of all, as 
 a perfectly practical one. Not all legislators 
 can say this of their suggestions. His plan 
 was for a reconstruction of the old territorial 
 boundaries, so as to divide up Utah between 
 the population at Pike's Peak, and that in 
 Carson Valley ; and thus the people themselves, 
 rather than Congress, would dispose of the 
 evil of polygamy on the spot. The simple 
 proposition shows its author to be of a states- 
 manlike turn, and a man to be looked to in 
 any public emergency. 
 
 Said Mr. THAYER Mr. Speaker, it has 
 become apparent, in the progress of this de- 
 bate, that there is at least one question on 
 which the representatives of all portions of 
 the country may agree. Every member from 
 every section of the Union is ready to assert 
 the odious criminality of polygamy. It is en- 
 couraging, it is refreshing, to know that there 
 is at least one subject on which there is no 
 sectionalism, in relation to which we have 
 not heard the Representatives of North Car- 
 olina boasting that their people arc much 
 better than those of Massachusetts, nor the 
 Representatives of the State of New York 
 boasting that their people are better than 
 those of Mississippi. 
 
 There is really, now, one practical ques- 
 tion before us for our decision ; and, sir, in 
 my remarks upon it, I shall not treat it as an 
 abstraction. I shall not treat it as a figure 
 of speech, nor as a legal technicality. Po- 
 lygamy is an existing fact ; and as an exist- 
 ing fact, while I agree with members from 
 every part of the country in denouncing it, I 
 will so act as to insure its most speedy exter- 
 mination. Is this a fact, sir, which began to- 
 day, or yesterday, or last week ? I should 
 suppose, from the zeal which is manifested 
 here, that it never was heard of till the be- 
 ginning of this session of Congress.
 
 41 
 
 But, sir, some thirteen years ago, one 
 Brigham Young, a shrewd and selfish and 
 unscrupulous adventurer, led certain Mor- 
 mons from Illinois, or from Missouri, across 
 what was then called the great American 
 desert, by a long and wearisome journey, to 
 the basin of the Great Salt Lake. Poor, de- 
 luded, ignorant fanatics were his followers, 
 who, from having no religion at all, had been 
 captivated by the theories of Joe Smith, and 
 had joined the ranks of the Latter Day 
 Saints. From time to time, there have been 
 accessions to their number. Year after year, 
 the}' have come from Wales and Scotland, 
 from England and Germany, and from the 
 States of this Confederacy. About two years 
 ago, they attained their highest power. They 
 are now declining in strength, harmony, and 
 consolidation, and are diminishing in num- 
 bers. As a separate and peculiar community, 
 they are doomed to speedy extinction. Con- 
 gress has endured their increasing strength, 
 and the insolence of their highest power, 
 without action. Can we not possibly endure 
 their decline and extermination, without this 
 exhibition of paper authority and of spas- 
 modic morality ? 
 
 In the course of these thirteen years of 
 Mormon history, we have had a Whig Ad- 
 ministration, we have had two Democratic 
 Administrations, and at one time, for one 
 Congress, the Republicans had the organiza- 
 tion of this House ; and sir, there never has 
 been an act passed against this crime, to 
 make it a penal offence. There it was, be- 
 fore the eyes of the country, before the world, 
 and before Congress ; but still no party, until 
 this day, has taken the responsibility of pro- 
 posing that it should be abolished by penal 
 statute and by force of arms. Now there 
 seems, as I said before, to be a feeling in this 
 House, not known in the community at all, 
 which could be accounted for only on the 
 supposition that polygamy never was heard 
 of till to-day. There is a spasm, sir, of mo- 
 rality, or a paroxysm, or a panic, or some- 
 thing that seems to impel certain men to feel 
 the necessity of voting, and of voting now, 
 against polygamy, at all hazards. 
 
 Mr. REAGAX. I desire to correct the gen- 
 tleman on a point of fact. He is mistaken 
 in supposing that nothing has ever been done 
 upon this subject. I introdued a resolution 
 during the last Congress, which was adopted 
 
 by the House, referring the subject to the 
 Judiciary Committee for inquiry. 
 
 Mr. TIIAYEU. I said no act had been 
 passed. That was my assertion. And now, 
 sir, there is most intense zeal manifested that 
 something shall be voted voted, not done 
 to exterminate polygamy in Utah. Worst of 
 all, it appears that this act of voting would 
 I seem to satisfy some consciences, even though 
 this very vote should prolong the existence 
 of that iniquitous institution. It would seem 
 to satisfy some consciences I will not call 
 them stupid, or sluggish, or dead that they 
 voted against polygamy. Sir, if the ability 
 of these gentlemen to execute were equal to 
 their zeal to enact, we might almost say that 
 omnipotence would be one of their weak- 
 nesses. But it is not proposed to execute ; 
 and there is no party in this country to-day, 
 and there has been no party in this country 
 during the last thirteen years, that would 
 dare to vote bayonets and revolvers to shoot 
 or stab polygamy out of Brigham Young and 
 his followers. What, sir, do the Judiciary 
 Committee ask us to do ? What claim do 
 they present for our votes in favor of this bill ? 
 What is claimed ? Why, that the Congress 
 of the United States should make an expres- 
 sion of opinion, so that the world may know 
 that the United States of America are really 
 opposed to polygamy ? How much better, 
 Mr. Speaker, we shall stand before the na- 
 tions of the earth, when we shall have really 
 shown them what they may now be in 
 doubt about that we are actually opposed 
 to polygamy ? When we shall have shown 
 it, not by doing any thing against the iniquity, 
 but by a solemn vote, recorded upon the 
 journals of this House ! 
 
 Now, sir, I say that any such expression 
 of sentiment is superfluous. There is no 
 State in this Union that has not made polyg- 
 amy a penal offence already; and what is 
 the combined expression of the Representa- 
 tives of these States, more than the individ- 
 ual expression of each of the States acting 
 in its individual capacity ? Do we by this 
 combined action, add any thing to the force 
 of all that separate action ? Certainly not. 
 The world understands now well enough that 
 this country is opposed to polygamy, and it 
 never will understand it any better by a vote 
 of Congress, the whole effect of which will 
 be to prolong the existence of that institution.
 
 42 
 
 Then, sir, as an expression of sentiment, this 
 bill is superfluous. But more than that. It 
 is urged by some as a penal statute. "Will it 
 be enforced ? I say no ; and I tell you that, 
 should the bill pass, neither you nor I will 
 ever live to see a party which will dare to 
 vote money and instruct the President to use 
 it in putting in operation and in enforcing 
 the penal statute which this bill proposes. 
 
 Then, sir, what docs it amount to ? I say, 
 as a penal statute it is powerless. I will not 
 CO into the anjument now to show whv it 
 
 O <- * 
 
 ought not to be enforced, or the cruelty of 
 attempting to enforce it against these men, 
 who never could understand why the bill was 
 enacted. I will not go into the argument about 
 the expense of millions that it would cost 
 this Government to enforce it ; or that it 
 would give the Mormons reason to charge 
 that we have made use of persecution against 
 them, driving them to the mountains and 
 bunting them there like partridges, or that it 
 would inevitably prolong the existence of the 
 institution which it proposes to abolish. All 
 these questions I pass by, for there is nobody 
 here who claims that it is the purpose of any 
 party to vote^ money or instructions to enforce 
 this penal statute. . 
 
 But, sir, it is said that the honor and au- 
 thority of the United States must be vindi- 
 cated. The honor and authority of the 
 United States vindicated, indeed, by a law 
 which its very framers admit is, from its very 
 inception, a dead letter ! Nobody here now 
 dare stand up and pledge his party to enforce 
 this law. I challenge any man of any party 
 to do that. I claim that i t is a sham ab initio ; 
 that it is a false pretence ; and I never will 
 vote for a sham or a false pretence, by what- 
 ever man or whatever party it may be brought 
 into this House. I do not deal in such things, 
 sir, especially upon practical questions like 
 this now before us. The reasons that I have 
 given are sufficient to govern my vote upon 
 this bill, and that vote will be against it ; that, 
 as an expression of the moral sense of the 
 country, it is superfluous ; that as a penal 
 statute, it is powerless; that, as a vindication 
 of the honor and authority of this Govern- 
 ment, it is worse than futile ; for it would 
 bring both the honor and authority of the 
 Government into ridicule and contempt. 
 
 Now, sir, if these are facts, and if that is 
 the prospect before us, should this bill be ele- 
 vated to the dignity of a law by our votes ? 
 
 Moral reformations should never be attempted 
 by law, which can be accomplished without 
 the aid of law. This would be true, even 
 were the law proposed sure to effect the con- 
 ; templated object, even if it were a law made 
 ' and enforced by the political community 
 where the offence existed. What excuse, 
 then, can gentlemen give for a law like this, 
 sure not to accomplish the object contem- 
 plated, made by a non-resident power, and 
 intended never to be enforced ? 
 
 Now, Mr Speaker, let us inquire whether 
 
 some act cannot be done which shall prove a 
 
 perpetual and insurmountable barrier to the 
 
 progress of this gigantic monstrosity. I am 
 
 happy to be able to say that I believe that a 
 
 solution a peaceful, quiet, easy, natural, 
 
 and practical solution of this question is 
 
 now within our reach. I am happy in the 
 
 belief that the gold mines of Pike's Peak 
 
 ! and the silver mines of Carson Valley do now 
 
 furnish us a solution of this vexed question 
 
 i of polygamy. I have therefore proposed an 
 
 ' amendment to this bill, that the Territory of 
 
 j Utah, together with a part of Kansas and 
 
 i Nebraska, shall be divided into two land dis- 
 
 ; tricts, in such a way that the Mormon people 
 
 shall be divided nearly eoually between the 
 
 two. 
 
 Now, sir, what are the facts about popula- 
 tion ? I come now to an argument which ad- 
 dresses itself directly to the judgment of the 
 House, an argument not of theories, but of 
 facts. The Mormons, by the best intelligence, 
 by the highest authority I can get, are to-day 
 about forty thousand people. I have it from 
 ! officers of the United States army who have 
 ' been in Utah during the last two years, and 
 they assure me that not more than one-seventh 
 of this population of Mormons are voters. 
 What are the facts in relation to the popula- 
 tion of the two proposed land districts ? I 
 have the opinion of the Delegates from Jef- 
 ferson, Kansas, and Nebraska, and numerous 
 ' others, that there are now within the limits 
 1 of the proposed land district of Jefferson forty 
 i thousand men, and that there are at least in 
 that district twenty thousand voters; and we 
 have it from papers last received from Cali- 
 fornia, that there are now in Carson Valley 
 at least thirty thousand men, and not less than 
 fifteen thousand voters. I believe there has 
 been a rapidity of increase of population in 
 these districts which has no parallel in the 
 history of this country ; not even in the case
 
 43 
 
 of California. Why, sir, at the rate of increase 
 now going on, it is confidently expected that 
 at the next session of Congress these people 
 will come here with the right to be admitted 
 as sovereign States. Then, sir, you may de- 
 feat the policy of these Mormons at once, by 
 erecting these land districts, which have al- 
 ready more than five times the voters of the 
 Mormon population, and which population is 
 rapidly increasing, while the number of Mor- 
 mon voters is diminishing. With this pros- 
 pect before us, is there any risk that Mormon- 
 ism will not be exterminated by local law, 
 provided we pass this amendment, constitut- 
 ing the land districts proposed ? Would not 
 a local law be much better to accomplish the 
 purpose than a law made by a non-resident 
 power ? I contend that the law of a non-resi- 
 dent power is only fit to be laughed at and 
 despised. The true authority, in my judg- 
 ment, and the only authority worthy of being 
 regarded, is the law that is made, approved, 
 and enforced, by the people where it is law. j 
 That local law is what Mormonism, polyga- \ 
 my, or any other crime, cannot evade. This 
 non-resident law may do very well as capital 
 for politicians ; it may do for political preten- 
 ces and shams; but it never will do for prac- 
 tice. I am not disposed to spend any time 
 now in showing this House the inextricable I 
 difficulties and complications this precedent j 
 would lead us into if adopted. There is no 
 end of them. 
 
 Do gentlemen propose that Congress shall j 
 follow up this mode of reforming all abuses j 
 that may occur upon the public lands of the 
 United States? Shall we make laws against 
 drunkenness, and profanity, and Sabbath- 
 breaking, and larceny, in short, shall we 
 make a complete criminal code for our public 
 lands, and establish a police and judicial force 
 Sufficient -o arrest and convict and punish all 
 offenders on this immense area ? If this is to 
 be our policy, then this bill proposes a good 
 beginning. We shall probably have enough 
 to do for some time to come, without attend- 
 ing at all to the legitimate purposes of the 
 Government. Local law is the true remedy 
 for these evils. The operation of such law, 
 as contemplated in my amendment, will be 
 sufficient for the speedy abolishment of oo- 
 lygamy. 
 
 Is it to be supposed that one hundred thou- 
 sand miners at Pike's Peak, and the same 
 number of miners at Carson Valley, without 
 
 any women at all, will allow a monopoly of 
 women at Salt Lake ? [Laughter.] Sir, I do 
 not agree with gentlemen who denounce these 
 men in the Territories, these hardy pioneers, 
 as men of no education, as men of no refine- 
 ment, as men destitute of intelligence and 
 moral power. I have never called them 
 " runaways and outlaws." They are men of 
 more vigor of body and of mind, of more 
 heroism and enterprise, of more power of en- 
 durance, of more persistency, and of more 
 character, than the people of the old States. 
 They are also superior in intelligence to the 
 average of the people in the old States. I 
 doubt not, sir, that there are some educated 
 men in Carson Valley, and some educated 
 men in Pike's Peak ; some who have read 
 history, and some of them may have read 
 Roman history. [Laughter.] 
 
 I feel perfectly secure, then, in the position 
 that Mormonism and polygamy, and all things 
 connected therewith, should be left to the 
 local laws of the two land districts which I 
 propose, by the action of Congress, to estab- 
 lish. Now, sir, is it safe to leave polygamy 
 to the cure of a democracy ? Is is safe to 
 leave it to a republican form of government, 
 made by the people themselves, in these two 
 land districts ? Every man acquainted with 
 the history of the world knows that polygamy 
 never has existed under a democratic or re- 
 publican form of government. Every man 
 who knows any thing, even without reading 
 history, Avould decide beforehand that it never 
 could exist under such a form of government 
 while the sexes continue to be equal in num- 
 bers. Wherever it has existed, in Turkey, 
 in Arabia, among the chiefs of Central Africa, 
 or among the aborigines of America, it has 
 always been protected by absolute military 
 despotism. It can be sustained under no other 
 system of government. 
 
 Then I hold that the argument is conclu- 
 sive, that, by subjecting polygamy to the ac- 
 tion of the democracy of these two land dis- 
 tricts, it would most effectually put an end to 
 it. This is one reason why I shall vote for the 
 amendment to the bill as I have proposed it. 
 
 But it may be inquired, why we do not or- 
 ganize the Territories of Jefferson and Neva- 
 da, instead of simply constituting them land 
 districts ; why we do not pass an organic act. 
 Now, sir, I am going to give my own views 
 upon this subject ; and I am going to say, for 
 the amendment which I have proposed, that
 
 44 
 
 it neither affirms nor denies the power of ; the citizens of Maine and Connecticut, of 
 Congress to legislate for the Territories. But Georgia and South Carolina, and the other 
 while pursuing that course, I still hold my States, insult their equals in the Territories 
 own views upon the subject ; and if inquired by the favor of granting them permission, 
 of why I would not vote for a Territorial or- i through Congress, to govern themselves ? Is 
 ganization, my answer is ready ; that I am I a man who was a citizen of Iowa yesterday, 
 opposed to the whole policy of organizing j and is to-da^- an inhabitant of Nebraska, less 
 
 Territories by this Federal Government. I 
 say here and now, that I will never vote, 
 as I believe I have never voted in the past, 
 
 than the equal of him who remains a citizen 
 and inhabitant of Iowa? How and why is 
 his right of self-government impaired ~ J . Xo 
 
 to organize any Territory under this Govern- j man can tell. If, then, he is the equal of any 
 ment ; neither would I acquire another foot : citizen of the States, it must be conceded that 
 of land to be governed by the Congress of the i there is no occasion for the citizens of the 
 United States, or to be sold by the authority j States to graciously grant him equality of 
 of this Government. The purposes of this right. 
 
 Government are few and simple, as has been 
 before said in this Hall. It is no part of the 
 purpose for which this Government was or- 
 ganized, to exercise non-resident jurisdiction, 
 or traffic in real estate ; and therefore I am 
 for getting rid of the nuisance, and of confin- 
 ing the Government to its legitimate purposes 
 as soon as we can possibly do it. Therefore, 
 again, I am opposed to the organization of 
 
 No, sir ; to grant permission to a Territory 
 to make its own laws, implies authority which 
 never rightfully existed in Congress. It im- 
 plies the same authority as to command or to 
 withhold permission. I will never vote such 
 an insult to my fellow-citizens in a Territory. 
 They are my equals in every right under this 
 Government, and have just as good reason 
 and authority to grant permission to their 
 
 any more Territories, and of inaugurating fellow-citizens in the States to govern them- 
 again the old policy of the Government, which selves, as we in the States have to grant this 
 has led to all the sectional quarrels which permission by act of Congress to them. 
 
 have existed, and now exist, between the 
 States of the Union. I tell you we cannot 
 afford to spend the time of this nation quar- 
 relling about these provinces, which the Con- 
 stitution does not know. The Constitution 
 knows nothing less than a State ; and why 
 should we be forever quarrelling about Ter- 
 ritories ? Sir, I am so much a popular sov- 
 ereignty man, that I deny that Congress can, 
 by an organic act, bestow sovereignty upon 
 the people of a Territory. 
 
 Mr. SMITH, of Virginia. Let me ask the 
 gentleman a question. The gentleman says 
 that the Constitution does not recognize any 
 thing else than a State. Then, what does he 
 think of that clause of the Constitution which 
 gives to Congress the power to dispose of the 
 
 Mr. SMITH, of Virginia. I want to ask an- 
 other question. If Congress has no power 
 over the Territory of the United States, ex- 
 cept as property, not as a political commu- 
 nity, then Congress has no power over the 
 people of a Territory. 
 
 Mr. THAYER. Exactly, sir. It may be 
 that, under the construction of the Consti- 
 tution which has obtained, Congress would 
 really be decided to have the same right to 
 govern the people that George III. had to 
 govern these colonies. I deny that it has now 
 or ever had any moral right to govern Amer- 
 ican citizens in the Territories. To be ex- 
 plicit: if Congress has that right, where did 
 it get it ? Congress is the servant and not 
 the king of the people. The people, Mr. 
 
 Territory and other property of the United Speaker, in this country, are king. There is 
 States ? no other. Xobody else has the attribute of 
 
 Mr. THAYER. I ought to have said, as a 
 political community. The Constitution speaks 
 of territory as property, as land ; but, sir, as 
 
 sovereignty. If Congress can dispense sov- 
 ereignty, certainly Congress has either ac- 
 quired that sovereignty or has created it. Xo- 
 
 a political community it knows nothing less , body believes that Congress creates sover- 
 
 than a State. As a member of Congress, I 
 would not be wiser than the Constitution. I 
 am opposed even to granting permission to 
 any Territory to make any laws, or to manage 
 
 cignty. If Congress acquired it, then when, 
 and where did it acquire it ? Even the 
 Church of Rome, absolute as is her authority, 
 professes to give a reason for what she has 
 
 its own affairs in its own way. Why should j and what she dispenses. When that church
 
 45 
 
 sells indulgences, she declares that she only 
 sells the superabundant merit of the saints, 
 so that men that are not as good as they ought 
 to be, may have their deficiencies made up by 
 men who are better than they need to be. 
 [Laughter.] I would like to know where 
 this superabundant sovereignty comes from, 
 that Congress can dispense it. Only think 
 what a reservoir of sovereignty this Congress 
 must be, which has dispensed or pretends to 
 have dispensed sovereignty to twenty sover- 
 eign States since the formation of this gov- 
 ernment, and has never had any sovereignty 
 itself, except what it must have acquired from 
 the sovereign people of this country. The 
 fact is, Congress has never bestowed sover- 
 eignty upon one of them. It has only relin- 
 quished the sovereignty which it has usurped 
 and withheld. 
 
 No, sir, this thing is a mistake. It is worse, 
 it is a fiction ; it is a fallacy. The gentle- 
 man from Alabama [Mr. Curry], the other 
 day, wondered by what hocus-pocus, by what 
 legerdemain, that which is to-day public land 
 becomes to-morrow a sovereignty. Public 
 land does not become a sovereignty. Land 
 never becomes a sovereignty. Men are the 
 sovereigns. 
 
 If there is unoccupied public land to-day, 
 and to-morrow there is a sovereignty upon it, 
 I assure you that somebody has gone there 
 some citizen, who is himself so much above 
 property that he alone is of more importance 
 than all the public land that this Government 
 ever did or ever will possess. He, sir, is the 
 sovereign ; arid you disrobe him of his sov- 
 ereignty because he has crossed a line and 
 gone into a Territory. By what power, by 
 what law, Congress being his servant by 
 what law can it be done ? By just as good 
 authority your coachman, sir, might put on 
 your coat and hat, and command you to gel 
 upon the box and take the whip in hand 
 while he takes a seat inside the carriage. 
 
 But, sir, if the possession of land confers 
 sovereignty, and if the sale of land implies 
 the power to govern, I would like to know 
 whether the selling of the products of the 
 land does not give the right to govern the 
 buyers? I would like to know whether 
 the doctrine that the party, whether the 
 government or an individual, who sells land 
 thereby acquires the right to govern the pur- 
 chasers of the land, is any more ridiculous 
 than the assumption that the grain dealer 
 
 who sells corn, the product of the land, there- 
 jy acquires the right to govern his custom- 
 ers ? 
 
 Such a grain dealer as this was Pharaoh, 
 >vho bought his people with corn. When the 
 years of famine had rendered the land un- 
 productive, and therefore worthless, the basis 
 of absolute sovereignty was changed from 
 and to the products of the land. Sover- 
 ,'ignty just as much attaches, and with just 
 as good right, to the one as to the other. 
 The assumption that it belongs to either, or 
 to the owner of either, on account of posses- 
 sion, or of sale, is simple ridiculous. 
 
 Land is nothing but property. The fic- 
 tion, that the possession of land gives sover- 
 ignty, and the right to govern people who 
 are upon it, is a part of the old feudel sys- 
 tem. We have everywhere connected with 
 the fibers of this government some of the 
 relics of ancient tyranny. When William 
 the Conqueror invaded and subdued Eng- 
 land, he proclaimed that the fee of all the 
 land on the island was in himself, and he par- 
 celled it out among his retainers. Holding 
 possession of the land, he then proclaimed 
 that all the men who lived upon it were his 
 slaves. And from the old feudal system we 
 derive this ancient, this fallacious idea, that 
 the possession of land by this government 
 gives it the power to govern anybody who 
 shall buy the land. I have no sympathy 
 with any such thing. I detest it now, and I 
 shall detest it always, and use my influence 
 against it. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, while I advocate these views, 
 the amendment I propose commits no man 
 who may vote for it to them ; for that amend- 
 ment neither affirms nor denies the power of 
 Congress to legislate hereafter for these land 
 districts which are thereby constituted. I 
 hope I have succeeded in showing that the 
 bill which is proposed will not accomplish the 
 purpose which it professes to have in view. 
 I hope I have succeeded in showing that we 
 are able, by a natural and effective method, 
 to accomplish these results. I might have 
 spoken of the complications which this terri- 
 torial policy is ever imposing upon the gov- 
 ernment, and of the dangerous consolidation 
 of power to which these complications inevit- 
 ably lead. A Republic never can successful- 
 ly govern provinces. Whenever it has at- 
 tempted to do it, the history of the world has 
 shown that it has not only failed, but it has
 
 46 
 
 been overthrown by that policy. The pol- also to those of the gentleman from Iowa 
 
 icy of acquiring and of governing provinces 
 creates a necessity for an army and a navy. 
 It is to make the President of the United 
 States, to all intents and purposes, a king; 
 and I am, therefore, for abolishing this policy 
 as soon as may be. 
 
 You remember, sir, that it -was upon this 
 very mission of acquiring and governing 
 provinces, 
 
 that Julius Cajsar had been in 
 
 Gaul, when returning, he crossed the Rubi- 
 con with his army, and overthrew the liber- 
 ties of his country. 
 
 Similar to that has been the history of 
 every Republic which has attempted to ex- 
 ercise non-resident jurisdiction that has at- 
 tempted to acquire and govern provincial de- 
 pendencies. While I am willing to annex sov- 
 ereignties at the right time, I protest against 
 the acquisition of territory, to be governed or 
 sold by Congress. I am for simplifying the 
 operations of the government in respect to the 
 Territories. We have the land to sell. Let 
 us provide for selling it; but beyond that 
 I would not recommend action. Let the 
 people take care of themselves. They are 
 the sovereigns. Congress is their servant. 
 
 A bill had been introduced into the House 
 for the organization of new Territories, upon 
 which speeches were made, with others, by 
 Mr. Gooch of Mass., and Mr. Curtis of Iowa. 
 These gentlemen were advocates of the old 
 method of organization, with its executive 
 appointments, its Indian wars, and its endless 
 disputes in Congress over the control of the 
 inhabitants. It afforded Mr. Thayer, there- 
 fore, an excellent opportunity to present his 
 statement of the only practical way in which 
 Territorial affairs are hereafter to be disposed 
 of, which he improved to the utmost, in a 
 speech delivered on the llth of May. lie 
 takes broad ground, in this speech, for the 
 people themselves, and for the supremacy 
 of free labor: believing that population 
 and not politicians, will hereafter settle all 
 disputes of a local character, which have 
 become, by Congressional interference, the 
 greatest national nuisances that afflict us. 
 This speech abounds with irony, humor, and 
 wit, and its main positions are very strongly 
 taken. It is as follows : 
 
 Mu. SPEAKER : I have listened with great 
 
 [Mr. Curtis]. They have manifested suitable 
 ingenuity in the discussion of this question ; 
 for, sir, it is the work of giants to prove to 
 the people of this country that they have not 
 a right to govern themselves, and that Con- 
 gress has a right to govern them. That is a 
 work that can be done only by giants. It is 
 easy for ordinary men, for common men, to 
 show to the people of this country that they 
 have the right to govern themselves, and that 
 they are abundantly prepared to exercise 
 that right. In the early history of this Gov- 
 ernment, we had the Providence Plantations, 
 the Plymouth colony, and the Connecticut 
 colony, which drummed out a Governor 
 forced upon them by a non-resident power, 
 and thereby secured to that State an inde- 
 structible possession the proud history of the 
 charter oak. Those men from the old coun- 
 try formed upon our soil model governments, 
 and they did it without ever having had the 
 experience afforded by the exercise of self- 
 government. 
 
 But, sir, it is contended that we, who have 
 always governed ourselves, when we go to a 
 Territory of the United States are unable to 
 tell our hands from our feet. It is contended 
 that a man not only loses his rights, but loses 
 his common sense, by going to a Territory. 
 
 The gentleman from Iowa 
 
 Mr. CURTIS. Mr. Speaker 
 
 Mr. TIIAYER. I will allow no interruption. 
 The gentleman from Iowa refused to let me 
 ask him a question. I remember that. 
 
 Mr. CURTIS. I certainly did not, or, at 
 least, I did not intend it. 
 
 Mr. THAYER. 
 I have the floor. 
 Mr. CURTIS. 
 
 I shall not be interrupted. 
 
 I did not hear the gentle- 
 man, if he asked me any question. 
 
 Mr. THAYER. I was not astonished at the 
 surprise which my colleague manifested, that 
 I had taken the lead in this business of killing 
 off these Territorial organizations, which go 
 upon the assumption that the people of a 
 Territory are infants. Therefore, I could 
 understand the grief which he and the gen- 
 tleman from Iowa must have felt when they 
 saw that this leading and this voting was suc- 
 cessful in the accomplishment of that result. 
 Rachel mourned for her first-born, and would 
 not be comforted. This day's slaughter of 
 the innocents is, no doubt, an appropriate 
 
 interest to the remarks of my colleague, and i cause and occasion of grief.
 
 47 
 
 Sir, grief may have a salutary influence 
 upon men. The efforts of ingenuity and of 
 invention may quicken their intellects. I am 
 glad to see gentlemen striving for arguments 
 that do not exist, and can never be found, 
 showing why Congress shall make an organic 
 law for the people of the Territories, who 
 are a thousand times better able than Con- 
 gress to understand their wishes and necessi- 
 ties. There was need, sir, in this work, of 
 quick and ready invention, of nervous strug- 
 gling for expedients. We have witnessed all 
 that this day 
 
 "All the soul in rapt suspension ; 
 AH the quivering, palpitating 
 Chords of life in utmost tension 
 With the fervor of invention, 
 With the rapture of creating." 
 
 I said, grief itself may be salutary ; and 
 when these gentlemen see that they are in 
 the minority, and that we Avho oppose their 
 favorite measures are a majority in this House, 
 I sympathize with them. I know something 
 about the effect of defeat ; and I say it, for 
 their consolation, that I think it may be good. 
 Sir, I have known something of the feeling 
 of men who have experienced defeat; this 
 feeling of distrust of the power of Providence 
 to carry forward a good cause, this loss of 
 faith in men, this ruinous and apparently 
 crushing despair, may, sometimes, work great 
 good. The pearl is only the crystallized tear 
 of the oyster. 
 
 Mr. Goocn rose. 
 
 Mr. TIIAYER. I will not be interrupted. 
 
 Mr. GOOCH. I say to my colleague, that 
 I allowed him to interrupt me frequently dur- 
 ing my remarks on the polygamy bill, a few 
 days ago ; and yet he is not willing to give 
 me the same privilege. 
 
 Mr. TIIAYER. If my colleague wishes to 
 interrupt me, I will allow him to do any thing 
 he chooses. [Laughter.] 
 
 Mr. Goocir. I thought my colleague would 
 not be as unjust as he intimated. I must ex- 
 press some surprise at the reference my col- 
 league has made. If he had looked up his 
 quotations to express surprise, instead of 
 grief, it would have been more to the pur- 
 pose. I expressed no grief. I simply ex- 
 pressed surprise. 
 
 Mr. THAYER. I have not looked up any 
 quotations. I happen generally to know 
 what is appropriate, without looking them 
 up. [Laughter.] 
 
 Now, Mr. Speaker, let me say further to 
 my colleague, whose grief and surprise I trust 
 may be for his spiritual and eternal good, that 
 I will give him another quotation to the same 
 point : 
 
 " Such a fate as this was Dante's 
 By defeat and exile maddened; 
 Thus were Milton and Cervantes, 
 Nature's priests, and Corvbantes, 
 By affliction touched ana saddened." 
 
 And again : 
 
 " Only those are crowned and sainted, 
 Who with grief have been acquainted." 
 
 Now, sir, let us look for a moment at the 
 arguments which have been sought after to 
 show that Congress should organize Terri- 
 torial governments. I will now leave the 
 region of the sensibilities, and visit, for a time, 
 the domain of the intellect a movement from 
 what is sublime in feeling in my opponents, 
 to what is ridiculous in reason. I understand, 
 Mr. Speaker, that those arguments have all 
 been made on a proposition to organize a 
 Territory which has no white men in it. 
 There is not a member of the Committee on 
 Territories who has spoken, or who will rise 
 and say that there are three hundred white 
 men in the Territory of Chippewa. 
 
 Mr. GROW. Oh, yes, there are. 
 
 Mr. ALDRICH. If the gentleman will go 
 there, he will find a good many more than 
 three hundred white men there. The gen- 
 tleman lives so far off, it is not to be won- 
 dered at that he should make such a state- 
 ment. 
 
 Mr. THAYER. I had it from the contest- 
 ing Delegate from Nebraska. 
 
 Mr. CLARK of Missouri. I desire to ask 
 the chairman of the Committee on Territories 
 if there has been any petition signed by any 
 man within the limits of Chippewa Territory, 
 in favor of an organization of that Territory; 
 and what evidence they have that there are 
 even one hundred and eighty white men with- 
 in its limits ? 
 
 Mr. SMITH of Virginia. I do not believe 
 : there is one white man there. 
 
 Mr. GROW. I should like to ask the gcn- 
 ! tleman from Missouri what petitions there 
 j were from Kansas and Nebraska at the tune 
 | those Territories were organized V 
 
 Mr. HOUSTON. Oh, that is no argument ! 
 One wrong does not justify another. 
 
 Mr. TIIAYEU. Now, let me make one re- 
 mark to the gentleman from Iowa, who ap-
 
 48 
 
 pealed to this House, to afford protection to 
 these infants in the Territories 
 
 Mr. CURTIS. I hope the gentleman -will 
 allow me to correct his statement. 
 
 Mr. THAYER. The gentleman did not al- 
 low me. 
 
 Mr. CURTIS. I certainly did not refuse to 
 allow the gentleman to interrupt me, to cor- 
 rect any thing I might have said. It' the gen- 
 tleman appealed to me, and I did not yield 
 to him, it was because I did not hear him, 
 and not from any want of courtesy. Now, 
 sir, I protest that I never spoke of the people 
 of the Territories as infants. I spoke of 
 them as men ; and if I used the word " in- 
 fant" in that connection, it was to character- 
 ize the Territories as infant empires. 
 
 Mr. THAYER. I was not talking of the 
 gentleman's orthography or etymology. I was 
 talking about his speech. 
 
 Mr. CURTIS. I used no expression of the 
 kind. 
 
 Mr. THAYER. I was not quoting the gen- 
 tleman in words ; I was talking about his ar- 
 gument, which was to show that the people 
 of the Territories were wholly unable to take 
 care of themselves, and that they must be 
 afforded protection by the General Govern- 
 ment. What do they want with our protec- 
 tion V And if they do want it, what protec- 
 tion would they get except a government of 
 broken-down politicians, which the President 
 of the United States would send them ? They 
 have King Log now ; they would have King 
 Stork then. Is a Governor a ten-horse power 
 to protect the people ? So far from that, sir, 
 he is as much inferior to the hardy pioneer, 
 in strength and character, as Lombardy pop- 
 lar is to live oak. What is there in such a 
 Governor ? What is there in such a secre- 
 tary ? What is there in such marshals? 
 What is there in a whole force of Territorial 
 officers such as would be sent there to pro- 
 tect the people ? Depend upon it, if they 
 are protected at all, they will protect them- 
 selves; nobody else will protect them; and 
 besides that, they must protect all these gov- 
 ernment officials, if we send them. I ask, 
 who are the men you would send there ? 
 Men whom the people have defeated at home. 
 These are the men usually sent to govern the 
 Territories ; these are the governmental of- 
 ficials, under whatever party jurisdiction ap- 
 pointed ; and they have usually been worse 
 to the people of the Territories than the frogs 
 
 and lice to the people of Egypt. [Laugh- 
 ter.] 
 
 But, sir, to carry the illustration further : 
 Here the people are the sovereigns ; these 
 nuisances go up into the chambers of the 
 kings. Why do they go ? To fill their own 
 pockets with the gold of the General Gov- 
 ernment; to trade with the Indians; to spec- 
 ulate in town lots ; and often, one of the 
 methods by which they accomplish their ends 
 is by stirring up Indian Avars. I have ap- 
 pealed to our history to show that the people 
 can govern themselves, and I might as well 
 ' go on a little further in the same direction. 
 It does happen that the people of the State 
 of Oregon were, during the first ten years 
 of their history, without a Territorial Gov- 
 ernment. Their first Governor, Gen. Lane, 
 has said that the people of Oregon had not 
 since been under so good laws, so well en- 
 forced, as they made for themselves, before 
 the time when their Government received 
 the sanction of Congress. They had done 
 every thing that pertained to good govern- 
 ment. Still, there are men who will stand 
 up here and say, that without a Territorial 
 organization by Congress, the people would 
 be ruined. 
 
 !Now, sir, I tell you what is the object of 
 these Territorial organizations. It is to make 
 the people believe that nothing on this con- 
 tinent can be done without Congress. It is 
 an attempt to deify the politician at the ex- 
 pense of the people ; that is the whole of it 
 Sir, do you think that this House of Repre- 
 sentatives, that this Senate, that this Presi- 
 dent, is the motive power of this govern- 
 ment V If you do, let me assure you, you 
 know but little about it. The motive power 
 of this government is the people the people 
 at home, who attend to their own business 
 and mind their own matters ami the poli- 
 ticians here, who pretend that they them- 
 selves are the motive power, are insignificant 
 in comparison with the fly on the axletree, 
 who claimed that he made the coach move. 
 [Laughter.] That is the fact. Xow, sir, I 
 am tired of these assumptions. I cannot en- 
 dure them. I contend that it is better to 
 leave these men alone, without our super- 
 vision, until their faults or weaknesses shall 
 show that our intervention alone can be their 
 salvation. 
 
 I think, now, Mr. Speaker, that I have vin- 
 dicated the power of the people to govern
 
 49 
 
 themselves. I have shown it as it appears in 
 our history. These people of Dakota are as 
 well off to-day as they would be if they had 
 our Territorial officials over them. They 
 have now no Indian wars. The Yanctons 
 and the Sioux are all quiet. But organize 
 the Territory, and send out your executive 
 officials ; and then, sir, these speculators will 
 greatly desire an influx of government gold. 
 There is no method so sure and so conven- 
 ient to produce that result, as to stir up an 
 Indian war. It will be done, sir, to raise the 
 price of town lots. The Yanctons and Sioux 
 will come down on the white settlements, and 
 we shall soon hear of the terrible inroads of 
 the savages. Then, sir, a heart-rending ap- 
 
 myself. You will remember, in the begin- 
 ning of this session of Congress, that assur- 
 ances were given by many Republicans here, 
 that this question of slavery should not be 
 introduced by them during the present Con- 
 gress. I, sir, was one of the Republicans- 
 who repeatedly gave that assurance to men 
 whose votes were doubtful ; and had it not 
 been for such assurance, you, to-day, Mr. 
 Speaker, would not be occupying the posi- 
 tion of presiding officer of this House. Sir, 
 such an assurance was publicly given upon 
 this floor by the Republican candidate for 
 Speaker [Mr. Sherman], and that assurance 
 was quoted by the gentleman from Maryland 
 [Mr. Davis], in his defence against the reso- 
 
 peal for protection. Then, sir, a regiment of lutions of the Maryland Legislature, that the 
 
 soldiers and $1,000,000. Then, sir, damages 
 and pensions and war claims to the end of 
 time. They are better off to-day, than they 
 can be with these government speculators 
 turned loose upon them. 
 
 Mr. GOOCII. I wish to ask my colleague 
 whether he recognizes the right of Congress 
 to interfere, if the people of a Territory 
 should frame institutions which, in its opinion, 
 were improper, and not in accordance with 
 the theory and spirit of this government V 
 
 Mr. THAYEK. Our fathers had a gen- 
 eral rule, which they applied very frequently 
 when questions were asked about what they 
 would do in certain contingencies ; and that 
 rule was, that they would answer any such 
 questions when they should arise in practice. 
 That is a very good rule for me to act upon 
 in this case. 
 
 Mr. GOOCII. Does not my colleague con- 
 sider that such a question may have arisen in 
 the case of Utah, and perhaps in the case of 
 New Mexico ? 
 
 Mr. THAYER. No case has yet arisen in 
 practice. No evil has yet been consummated 
 in the Territories, which the people there, by 
 their own local laws, are not abundantly able 
 to remove. 
 
 Now, sir, I do not propose to have any 
 thing to say concerning the negro in the bills 
 which I shall offer to the House. I am per- 
 fectly willing that, for a time under this gov- 
 ernment, the negro as well as the sovereignty 
 of Congress, shall be held in abeyance. Per- 
 haps that is the reason why some gentlemen 
 are surprised, and why they grieve. It may 
 be that, if my colleague were not surprised 
 at me, I should be very much surprised at 
 
 Republicans would not introduce the ques- 
 tion of slavery into this House. I have hon- 
 estly observed my promise in reference to 
 the assurance which I gave men whose votes 
 were doubtful on the question of the Speak- 
 ership. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, I do not propose, in the or- 
 ganization of these Territories, to agitate the 
 country with that question. There is no 
 manner of need of it. I have said before 
 that the interests of freedom do not demand 
 it. I say now, that the interests of slavery 
 do not demand it. What do the fanatics in 
 both sections of this country want ? They 
 know that the whole country is tired of the 
 question. If the whole country could re- 
 spond to-day as one man, they would say so. 
 Have we nothing else to look after in this 
 country but the slavery question ? Is there 
 nothing here but " Northern aggression " and 
 " Southern aggression ? " Are all the glori- 
 ous achievements in our history forgotten ? 
 Are all the momentous interests of our pres- 
 ent condition of no importance? But, sir,. 
 these fanatics, both in the North and in the 
 South, know nothing, see nothing, care for 
 nothing, but the negro question. 
 
 Above us is the broad expanse of heaven, , 
 filled with glowing constellations ; 
 
 " In reason's ear they all rejoice, 
 And utter forth a glorious voice." 
 
 There is " Arcturus with his sons," and Orion 
 with the Pleiades ; but we have a set of one-- 
 idea men in the North, who can see nothing 
 in the whole canopy, save the " Twins," and, 
 another set of cognate fanatics in the South, 
 who can see nothing but the u Bear circling
 
 50 
 
 the Pole." Poor men ! They sit up nights 
 the one class to see that the " Bear" does 
 not devour the " Twins," and the other class 
 to see that the " Twins " do not set some trap 
 for the " Bear ! " A fine help are these 
 haggard night-watchers to the great Eternal ! 
 Their " eternal vigilance," no doubt, pre- 
 vents a collision of the planets. How thank- 
 ful we should be that such self-sacrificing he- 
 roes still live ! We all know well enough 
 what might happen, if even one little world 
 should be jostled out of place. 
 
 " Let bat one planet from its orb be hurled, 
 Planets and suns rush lawless through the 
 world." 
 
 There was one man, Newton, who compre- 
 hended all these constellations and the laws 
 which govern them. He weighed worlds. He 
 gave to mortals the grandest law of the phy- 
 sical uni% r erse. He could see the whole ethe- 
 real expanse, and contemplate it, and scruti- 
 nize its movements, and almost fathom its 
 mysteries. But Pope says of that Titanic in- 
 tellectual prodigy : 
 
 " Superior beings, when of late they saw 
 A mortal man unfold all nature's law, 
 Admired such wisdom in the human shape, 
 And showed a Newton as we show an ape." 
 
 If, sir, "superior beings" saw a Newton as 
 an ape, by what multiplication of microscopic 
 power could they see at all a little dwarfed 
 politician, who himself can see but one con- 
 stellation, or at most two, in the whole handi- 
 work of Jehovah, and these two the " Bear " 
 and the " Twins '! " [Great laughter.] 
 
 Let me say to the gentlemen from the 
 South who are sensitive on this question of 
 slavery, that a subliiner faith would become 
 great men. Those men especially who say 
 that slavery is of Divine origin. Why, Mr. 
 Speaker, who is the author of Divine institu- 
 tions ? " It is He who sitteth upon the circuit 
 of the heavens, and before Him all the inhab- 
 itants of the earth are as grasshoppers." If, 
 then, he has established certain relations be- 
 tween grasshoppers of one color and grass- 
 hoppers of another color, be assured those re- 
 lations will stand any and all tests. Who 
 can overthrow them ? Can the North ? 
 Great laughter.] Is my colleague going to 
 doit? I think not; for these things which 
 lave the superintendence and approval of 
 Almighty God are above even these giants 
 -who contend against the right of the people 
 
 to govern themselves. The Titans even could 
 not dethrone Jupiter. 
 
 The appeal is made to us from every reason 
 of philanthrophy, from every sentiment of 
 pity, that those " poor people " in the Terri- 
 tories may not be allowed to govern them- 
 selves, for the reason that they cannot pay 
 their own expenses. Well, sir, if they can- 
 not do it, is it not as easy for us to appropri- 
 ate money to govern the land districts, or to 
 aid them in governing themselves, as it is to 
 appropriate money to pay the officials which 
 the Executive may send out ? What man can 
 doubt that ? If they are in such a strait as to 
 want assistance in their government, who is 
 here so base as to refuse to give it. There is 
 no party here, there has been no party in this 
 country, but what would listen to the appeals 
 of these people, coming with this plea of pov- 
 erty that they were unable to meet the legit- 
 imate expenses of their government ; they 
 would have an appropriation ; and one-half 
 of the ordinary appropriation would be better 
 for them, paid to their own citizens, whom 
 they would elect to these offices, than the 
 whole appropriation paid to Federal officials, 
 who go out to the Territories only for a tem- 
 porary residence, and who return with the 
 profits of their proconsulship to settle in Fifth 
 avenue, or .in some of the Eastern cities. 
 Under this mode of allowing the people to 
 govern themselves, they will select their own 
 fellow-citizens, residents in the same Terri- 
 tory ; and these officers will receive their sal- 
 aries, not to be transported to Eastern cities 
 to be spent in luxury ; but, sir, to be used in 
 building up the young Territories, and the 
 | future States which shall be made within her 
 limits. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, another objection of my col- 
 league is, that there can be no law except 
 mob law among these people in the Territo- 
 ries. I have shown that in our earliest colo- 
 j nies, without the advantage of former expe- 
 rience in self-government, the people have 
 ! made models of government for themselves. 
 I have shown that the people of Oregon have 
 made model institutions without the advice or 
 sanction of Congress. My colleague says that 
 nothing but mob law can exist, except where 
 this omniscient Legislature shall show the 
 world some nobler achievements. Mob law, 
 made by infants, and I suppose carried out by 
 infants ! No, sir ; mob law made by sensible 
 ; men, your equals and mine, from your State
 
 51 
 
 and from mine ; every one of them abundantly 
 able to draw up a bill of rights or a Consti- 
 tution. And these are the men who know 
 nothing but mob law, and this Congress 
 should exercise its all-wise influence to re- 
 strain them from self-destruction, from an- 
 nihilation ! Is it possible, sir, that, in this age 
 of the world, there is any man so big a fool as 
 to suppose that Anglo-Saxons have not in 
 themselves the elements of self-preservation? 
 If there is, sir, he ought to be schooled a while 
 longer by his mother and by his nurse. I 
 contend, sir, that Anglo-Saxons, wherever 
 yon find them, have the elements of self-gov- 
 ernment and the elements of self-preservation. 
 Put them down where you please, in small 
 numbers or in great numbers, familiar friends 
 or strangers to eaeh other, and they will in- 
 stitute a perfect code of laws, and they will 
 enforce them. Personal rights, rights of prop- 
 erty, all rights, will be protected under those 
 laws. 
 
 Now, sir, this is a scheme to deify politi- 
 cians, and that is why it is fought for. What 
 will the politicians do, these men ask, when it 
 is seen all over the country that the people can 
 do without them, and without their supervi- 
 sion and parental care in Congress ? " Othel- 
 lo's occupation " will be gone, and especially 
 the occupation of such Othellos as have their 
 all invested in Wilmot Provisos or Congres- 
 sional intervention in some shape. "What can 
 they do when the people shall have said, as 
 they will say, that no provisos are necessary, 
 and no Congressional intervention consistent 
 with the principles and policy of this Govern- 
 ment. I take the stand that any such pro- 
 viso or any such intervention is in direct an- 
 tagonism to the Declaration of Independence, 
 which says that " all Governments derive 
 their just powers from the consent of the gov- 
 erned." Is that the kind of government 
 which this Congress of the United States, 
 without one word of authority from the peo- 
 ple, imposes, to tell them how they shall 
 act and what they shall do in the Territories? 
 Do you claim, Mr. Speaker, that you have a 
 right to say that a man in Washington Terri- 
 tory, whose wife is dead, shall not have the 
 right to marry his former wife's sister ? Do 
 you pretend to say at what time they shall 
 dig clams in Washington Territory ? [Laugh- 
 ter.] Who pretends to say that it is the busi- 
 ness of Congress to go into all these minutiaj ; 
 to direct every movement, control every wish, 
 
 shape every expression of the will of the peo- 
 ple of the Territories of the United States ? 
 Whoever pretends to say so, is not entitled to 
 lave much influence among American citi- 
 sens. 
 
 Mr. Goocn. I wish merely to say to my 
 L-olleague, that it seems to me he is fighting a 
 proposition which nobody ever did assume. 
 Nobody has assumed such a proposition here 
 to-day, as that Congress could do any thing of 
 that kind ; but merely that we should give a 
 helping hand to the people, in organizing 
 their local government, which may do these 
 things. 
 
 Mr. TIIA YER. I perfectly well understand 
 all that. It is to give a helping hand to the 
 politicians, not to the people ; that is what 
 my colleague wants. lie is afraid I will lose 
 my place in this House for not lending a 
 helping hand. I do not fear any such thing, 
 so long as I adhere to what I can defend by 
 good logic. I do not fear to go before the 
 people of any part of the country with this 
 as my thesis : that the people are supreme in 
 this Government, and that they have the 
 right to govern themselves. 
 
 Mr. Goocir. I desire to ask my co.- 
 league whether he means to say that I have 
 ever intimated any such thing as he sug- 
 gests ? 
 
 Mr. THAYER. What ? 
 Mr. Goocrr. That I was afraid you would 
 lose your place here on account of your posi- 
 tion on this or any other question. 
 
 Mr. THAYEU. I suppose that, on account 
 of your abundant sympathy, that was the 
 case. 
 
 Mr. GOOCH. When the gentleman can- 
 not find something that exists to fight, he 
 fights something that does not exist. 
 
 Mr. THAYER. If the gentleman wishes 
 me to come directly to the point, I will do so. 
 He says Congress has the power to govern 
 the people ; and he complains because I said 
 that Congress might exercise that power by 
 telling the people of a country when they 
 were to dig clams, and when not ; and might 
 exercise it by saying whether a man might 
 marry his former wife's sister or not. Now, 
 I ask my colleague if he denies that Con- 
 gress has the power to say both these things ? 
 Mr. Goocn. What I say in regard to the 
 matter is this : that it is the duty of Congress 
 merely to assist these people in organizing 
 a Territorial government ; not to dictate to
 
 them their measures of legislation, only so far 
 as that they shall not legislate in such a way 
 as would be against the best interests of the 
 people of the Territory and the whole country. 
 
 What I mean to say, still further, is, that if 
 a Territorial Legislature shall pass any law 
 which in the judgment of Congress shall be 
 contrary to the policy or theory of our gov- 
 ernment, or which in the end would place 
 this Territory in such a condition that it 
 would not be a proper subject to be received 
 into the Union on an equality with the other 
 States, then it is the duty of Congress to in- 
 terfere and prohibit or repeal such law 
 
 Mr. THAYER. I think my colleague has 
 gone on far enough. 
 
 Mr. GOOCH. Then I will sit down. 
 
 Mr. THAYER. That is right. I would 
 like to know what kind of philosophy it is 
 that my colleague's views are based upon. Is 
 it the philosophy of persecution and proscrip- 
 tion, or is it the philosophy of Christianity ? 
 Does he suppose, when the people of a Terri- 
 tory are determined to act in a certain way, 
 and to exercise certain rights, that by legis- 
 lating here to the contrary he can prevent 
 their acting in that certain way, and exercis- 
 ing those certain rights ? Is he of the opin- 
 ion that he is going to convert these men to 
 what he considers .right, by force ? Is that 
 his idea ? Does he expect that if they love 
 slavery and hate freedom, he is going to make 
 them good Christians and good freedom-men 
 by legislating that they never shall have 
 slaves? Would he propose, in respect to 
 Christianizing Hindostan that the best meth- 
 od for the missionary societies would be to 
 send over and steal their idols ? Would he 
 make them Christians any sooner by legislat- 
 ing in Massachusetts, or here in the Federal 
 government, against idol worship in Hindos- 
 tan ? No, sir, that is entirely a wrong phi- 
 losophy. You cannot legislate religion, or 
 temperance, or Christianity, or heaven, into 
 any people under the sun. No, sir; this 
 must be accomplished by other means. Con- 
 verts are not made, especially in this coun- 
 try, by force. But, sir, it seems to be the 
 cherished opinion of some, that there is no 
 other way of making converts to any thins 
 good, except legislation. Now, I have a phi- 
 losophy about government, and the duties of 
 government, which cannot by an}- possibility 
 accord with the views expressed by my col- 
 league. The proposition that I make, as com- 
 
 prehending that whole pnilosophy, are very 
 simple and are only two in number. These 
 are, first, that the first duty of the govern- 
 ment is to let the people alone ; and, second, 
 that its second duty is to prevent my col- 
 league, or anybody else from interfering with 
 them. [Laughter.] 
 
 Now, sir, if they are unable to work out 
 their own salvation, it is putting very great 
 burdens, Mr. Speaker, on you and me, to 
 work out the salvation of all the people of 
 this country. You and I might be the only 
 men who understand in what line and in 
 what direction this great salvation lies. How 
 shall we accomplish it with the perverse wills 
 of the whole nation against us? 
 
 Now, I will state to you what is the radical 
 and distinctive difference between parties in 
 this country ; and there can be traced to 
 this radical distinction every measure which 
 occasions any conflict in this House or in the 
 country. That radical distinction is this: 
 faith in the people, and no faith in the peo- 
 ple. It so happens, and it wisely happens, 
 that no party will ever control, or has ever 
 controlled, this government, but what either 
 exercises this faith in the people, or makes the 
 people believe that it exercises it. [Laugh- 
 ter.] 
 
 Now, sir, I challenge any man to contro- 
 vert that maxim. It has not been done here, 
 and it cannot be done here. I will meet, now, 
 or at any time, any man on these radical 
 propositions of government which I now 
 enunciate. If my colleague wishes now to 
 make any explanation of his views, I will 
 listen to him. [Laughter.] 
 
 Mr. Goocn. I have as much belief in 
 the ability of the people to govern them- 
 selves as my colleague or any other man 
 has ; but, sir, when I look to our Territories, 
 I say that those Territories belong to the 
 people of the whole country ; that in those 
 Territories every individual in the country 
 has an interest; and I believe that no ten 
 men, or twenty men, or one hundred men, 
 from the United States, or from any foreign 
 country, have a right to go there and build 
 up precisely such institutions as they please; 
 to organize, if they choose, a monarchical 
 form of government, and build up institutions 
 which shall make the States to be formed 
 out of those Territories unfit ever to be taken 
 into the Union.
 
 53 
 
 Mr. TIIAYKR. Now I understand all that 
 my colleague is going to say. [Laughter.] 
 
 Mr. GOOCII. Then my colleague does not 
 want my views. lie has had enough of them. 
 
 Mr. TIIAYKU. I understand all that he 
 is going to say. His propositions are these : 
 first, that every man in this country has an 
 equal right to the territory of the United 
 States, and therefore his inference is this : 
 that every man in this country has a right to 
 impress his own peculiar views upon the peo- 
 ple wlio shall occupy that Territory. 
 
 Mr. GOOCII. No; my colleague mistakes 
 my theory. My theory is, that the people, as 
 a whole, own the Territories ; that the views 
 of the different individuals shall be placed 
 together ; and, that the sum of all the opin- 
 ions of all the people shall prevail in the 
 Territories. 
 
 Mr. TIIAYEK. Well, now, that would 
 work very great hardship in case there should 
 be nine hundred and ninety-nine men of one 
 view, and one thousand men of the other. 
 The nine hundred and ninety-nine, who, ac- 
 cording to his assertion, have an equal right 
 in the Territories, would, by the action of 
 one man, have no rights whatever. 
 
 Mr. Goocir. The theory of our govern- 
 ment is, that the majority shall govern. Does 
 my colleague deny that V 
 
 Mr. THAYKR. And all this, Mr. Speaker, 
 after the people in the Territories have 
 bought their land and paid for it ! After that, 
 these men have a right to impress them with 
 their peculiar views on politics, religion, on 
 moral and mental philosophy, on spiritualism, 
 and what not. There is no end to what we 
 might make topics of legislation. Well, I am 
 not for making these things topics of legisla- 
 tion myself; and if I had my way about it, a 
 poet never would write a platform for the Re- 
 publican party. [Laughter.] I do not like 
 metaphors in platforms. I want them prose : 
 or, if they must be poetry, I would like to 
 have them very good poetry. 
 
 Now, from what source can this power be 
 derived, that enables men who have sold 
 these lands to people who are their equals in 
 every respect who arc citizens of the United 
 States where is the power derived from, 
 that gives to men in Maine, and Massachu- 
 setts, and Iowa, the right to say what institu- 
 tions the pioneers shall have ? But I am 
 told, with grave solemnity, by my colleague, 
 that this is the ancient policy of this govern- 
 5* 
 
 ment. It is not so ancient as Satan. [Laugh- 
 ter.] It is not so old as Sin, the daughter 
 of Satan. Its age is no reason why it should 
 be forever sustained. It is old enough to die. 
 
 Mr. GOOCII. I desire to ask my colleague 
 whether he intends to place the framers of 
 our government, and the men who engrafted 
 this policy on the Territories, in the same 
 category with'he distinguished individual to 
 whom he has referred, and to say that their 
 work is on a par with what he terms sin ? 
 [Laughter.] 
 
 Mr. TIIAYER. No, sir, neither them nor 
 my colleague. I have no idea of doing such 
 a thing. But I do say of the men who framed 
 this government, that they might not have 
 been perfect, even in human wisdom ; and I 
 do say, contrary perhaps to the opinion of 
 many, that the present generation is not less 
 wise than the past. It may sound strangely, 
 but any man who denies it denies faith in 
 God and human nature. No, sir ; I contend 
 that we are degenerate men, unless we can 
 inaugurate a better policy than that which 
 has been inaugurated one or two centuries 
 ago. Have we not improved on the law 
 of promogeniture ? Have we not improved 
 upon the feudal system ? But this idea, that 
 Congress have the right to govern the Terri- 
 tories because they have sold the lands to the 
 people who live there is a part of that system. i 
 
 No, sir; I tell you that this Territorial policy ' 
 has been, from the outset, progressing all the 
 while in favor of popular rights. The first 
 stage in our Territorial policy was, that the 
 President should send out the executive power, 
 the legislative power, and the judicial power, 
 for every Territory. That was the first pol- 
 icy. The second policy was, that the Presi- 
 dent should send out the executive power, 
 the judicial power, and a part of the legisla- 
 tive power the Council while the people 
 of the Territory might elect the lower branch 
 of the Legislature. The third step of our 
 Territorial policy was this : that the Presi- 
 dent should send out the executive and judi- 
 cial powers, while the people of the Territory 
 should elect the whole legislative power. 
 And, sir, the fourth step in our policy was 
 and that was the Kansas-Nebraska bill that 
 I Congress should not have intervention for the 
 I revision of the laws which the people in a 
 i Territory should make, although by that act 
 the sovereignty of the people in the Territory 
 was held in abeyance during their Territorial
 
 54 
 
 condition, subject to the sovereignty of the lieve that the problem -which belongs exclu- 
 President. j sively to the people of Texas, or exclusively 
 
 Now, sir, the step which I propose, which to the people of Louisiana, can, by any pos- 
 
 is the fifth step in our Territorial policy, is 
 this : that the sovereignty of the people shall 
 
 sibility, be worked out to a satisfactory and 
 correct result by the people of Massachusetts 
 
 be active, and not held in abeyance, while lor the people of Maine. And as to the ques- 
 
 the sovereignty of the President and the sov- 
 ereignty of Congress shall be held in abey- 
 ance. This, sir, is the fifth and last step in 
 our Territorial policy. 
 
 " Time's noblest offspring is her last." 
 
 This policy, sir, is the Ultima Thule of pop- 
 ular sovereignty the pillars of Hercules, sir, 
 on which I now write, in letters so that the 
 world may read, " THE NE PLUS ULTRA OF 
 ANGLO-SAXON GOVERNMENT." 
 
 But, sir, I will not censure my colleague 
 for entertaining any fears for the safety of 
 free institutions, which he may choose to 
 
 tion of slavery in these States, I believe that 
 the Northern people have no more business 
 with it than we have with the laws of primo- 
 geniture in England, or than we have with 
 the institutions of China, Hungary, or Tur- 
 key. Not one whit more. "We are a Con- 
 gress of nations, to all intents and purposes ; 
 we have no business each with the sovereign- 
 ty of another, nor the sovereignty of the 
 whole with the individual rights of any one. 
 There can, then, be no quarrel between the 
 North and the South concerning slavery in 
 the States. AVe can only have that apple 
 of discord in our Territorial covernments. I 
 
 cherish. I can understand how he and other j have, therefore, said not one word about it in. 
 
 men not, perhaps, of the most bold and de- 
 fiant disposition may claim that there is 
 danger of slavery's grasping and destroying 
 all our Northern rights. I have heard of an 
 old man who had read what Herschel had 
 said about the spots on the sun that they 
 were increasing ; and, sir, he looked at the 
 sun, to see whether the spots continued to in- 
 crease ; and he kept looking, till he could see 
 nothing but one black spot ; and then he died 
 of grief, thinking the sun had gone out, when 
 he had only gone out himself. [Great laugh- 
 ter.] These timid men in the Northern 
 States, who believe that slavery is going to 
 overspread the continent, and swallow up 
 Canada and Massachusetts, get blinded by 
 the dazzling light of all our free institutions 
 and the glory of our nation's progress and 
 history, and they can see nothing but a black 
 
 they fill the whole earth with their mourning. 
 [Laughter.] Now, I am not of that class of 
 men. I tell you, sir, that, reading the history 
 of this country, I can in no way convince 
 myself that, by all these providential triumphs 
 over British aggressions, by all these provi- 
 dences in our behalf during our whole his- 
 tory, God has preserved and cherished this 
 nation, just for the purpose of allowing it 
 to be submerged and destroyed by disunion, 
 or slavery, or by any other calamity what- 
 
 the land district system which I have present- 
 ed to the House and to the country. I have 
 observed my promise, in them, not to bring 
 the agitation of the slavery question into the 
 House. That was my promise, and I will ob- 
 serve it. 
 
 But my colleague says we must send out 
 suitable men to govern these Territories. I 
 suppose they have no suitable men there ! I 
 suppose no man in one of these unorganized 
 Territories ever heard of such a place as the 
 State of Massachusetts, or that my colleague 
 was a Representative of that State ! and what 
 do they know, if they do not know that? 
 [Laughter.] Suitable men ! Men who can- 
 not get a living at home ; men who have not 
 popularity enough to be re-elected in their 
 own districts. Suitable men ! Who are the 
 men who are there ? They are men who 
 have travelled across the mountains; who 
 have hunted wild beasts; who have fought 
 the Indians ; who understand human nature 
 better than any man can possibly do who is a 
 member of this House, from the experience 
 of a quiet life. These are the men whom 
 some little puckcred-up lawyer in Maine 
 or Massachusetts, with his feet upon the 
 window-sill, calls "infants," while he prates 
 about " our parental care." [Great laugh- 
 ter.] 
 
 Now, sir, I have no kind of patience with 
 this kind of argument, which goes before the 
 Now, sir, I have faith in the people of ! country assailing the character of the men of 
 every section of the country. I do not be- I the Territories. But if this were all. I might
 
 55 
 
 submit to it; but, adding insult to injury, it 
 assails their common sense ; it assails their 
 manhood, calls them " interlopers, runaways, 
 and outlaws," and in every way wholly unfit 
 for civilization and self-government. What 
 on earth did God make such men for ? Now, 
 sir, I will yield to my colleague, if he wishes. 
 [Laughter.] 
 
 Mr. Goocir. My colleague has been in- 
 dulging in his usual style of fighting wind- 
 mills. 
 
 Mr. TIIAYEU. I was fighting my colleague, 
 Mr. Speaker. 
 
 Mr. GOOCH. My colleague has not stated 
 any argument or remark of mine. What I 
 said was, not that these men were inferiors ; 
 I said they were men just as capable of gov- 
 erning themselves as the people of any other 
 portion of the country. But I said that, at 
 the outset of a Territorial organization, they 
 had little or no knowledge of each other; 
 that they were too few and scattered to 
 enable them to select proper officers from 
 among themselves ; and that, for the purpose 
 of starting a government, they should have 
 the aid of the General government, and that 
 their first executives should be selected by 
 the General government, instead of being 
 selected by those men, whom I admitted 
 might be the equals of my colleague and my- 
 self. I wish my colleague would reply to 
 what I did say, instead of replying to his own 
 fancies, to his own windmills, which he sets 
 up for himself. 
 
 Mr. THAYKU. The House shall judge 
 whether I am dealing fairly with my col- 
 league. There shall be no mistake this time. 
 I understand him this time to make two state- 
 ments : one is, that the people are too few 
 and scattered in the Territories for them to 
 establish a government for themselves. Is 
 that correct ? [Mr. Gooch nodded assent.] 
 The other is, that they are strangers. Is 
 that right ? [Mr. Gooch again nodded as- 
 sent.] 
 
 Now, sir, with the leave of the House, I 
 shall answer both these propositions. The 
 first, that the people are too few in numbers : 
 let me ask my colleague if there is more dan- 
 ger of the overthrow of good government in 
 the town of Paxton, which is one of the small- 
 est in my county, or in the town of Hull, 
 one of the towns near Cape Cod, which, I 
 believe, has about seventy-five people, than 
 there is in the city of New York, or in the 
 
 city of Baltimore ? Did my colleague ever 
 hear of a riot or a rebellion in the patriotic 
 town of Hull ? Has he not often heard of 
 riots in New York and Baltimore ? I put it 
 to this House, whether the fewness in num- 
 ber of the people of a Territory is a strong 
 reason why the government of the United 
 States should interfere and see that they 
 should not blot themselves out ? Why, every 
 man knows that our republican institutions 
 are in the most danger where the population 
 is the most dense. Has my colleague any 
 thing to say to that? 
 
 Mr. Goocn. My idea is, that there is more 
 danger of institutions formed in the organiza- 
 tion of a government Avhere there are few 
 men who participate in that organization, 
 than where it is participated in by many. 
 And again, every one knows that the people 
 who go to an unorganized Territory go from 
 different countries, and many of them come 
 from foreign countries ; and I say that there 
 is more danger that institutions will be estab- 
 lished there not in accordance with the theory 
 of our government, than where there is a 
 larger collection of people. 
 
 Mr. TIIAYER. I feel the whole force of 
 that argument. My colleague has shown that 
 if there was only one man in a Territory, 
 there would be very great danger of a mob 
 there, and an overthrow of republican institu- 
 tions. [Laughter.] Has the gentleman ever 
 read the history of France ? Has he ever 
 heard of barricades in the streets of Paris ? 
 lias he ever read Roman history ; and does 
 he not know that all dangers to government 
 occur where the people are the most dense, 
 where they are packed, where they exist in 
 crowds ? My colleague certainly knows all 
 that ; I will not take the position of denying 
 that he knows all that. How, then, can he, 
 with a knowledge of the history of this coun- 
 try and of all countries, claim that there is 
 the greatest danger to republican institutions 
 or to good government where there are the 
 fewest people? The fact, and every man 
 knows it, is, that where there are few peo- 
 ple, there never was, and there never can be, 
 any great danger. 
 
 My colleague's other proposition is, that the 
 people are strangers to each other. Does my 
 colleague suppose these Yankees are like the 
 Frenchman, who would not save a drowning 
 man because he had not been introduced to 
 him V [Laughter.] Does my colleague sup-
 
 56 
 
 pose the Yankees have not the power of get- 
 ting acquainted? If they had no social qual- 
 ities whatever, they would see if something 
 could not be made out of an acquaintance. 
 [Great laughter.] Does my colleague deny 
 that? [Continued laughter.] 
 
 Mr. GOOCII. I do not deny that, if they 
 will only let my colleague get up an organ- 
 ized scheme of emigration, and put the Yan- 
 kees there, for he would select the right kind. 
 
 Mr. THAYER. I will do my whole duty in 
 that regard. [Laughter.] Now, Mr. Speaker, 
 what is there in this humbug of Congressional 
 intervention that commends itself to the peo- 
 ple of this country ? Nothing. Neither you, 
 sir, nor myself, will live to see another Ter- 
 ritory organized by this government to gov- 
 ern our fellow-citizens, equal to you and to 
 me, in the Territories of this Union. The 
 vote in this House to-day has shown that the 
 people are tired of intervention, and of all the 
 quarrels that hang upon it. There is no end 
 to those quarrels ; for so long as there are two 
 views in this country concerning freedom and 
 slavery, so long, whatever party is in power, 
 there will be quarrels concerning Executive 
 appointments for the Territories ; and not 
 only concerning those, but concerning every 
 act which those executive officers may do in 
 the Territories. There will not only be quar- 
 rels here in Congress, and quarrels in all of 
 the States, but there will be quarrels among 
 the people of the Territories themselves ; for, 
 sir, they enlist under party standards on the 
 one side and the other, and no party, by any 
 possibility, can ever attempt to do any thing 
 that the other party cannot, will not, censure 
 and condemn. There will be these constant 
 partisan quarrels in the Territories, and they, 
 with various reports of crimes, of murder and 
 robbery, and arson, committed by Executive 
 officials, or at their instigation, will be brought 
 to the notice of this House, and parties here 
 will range themselves upon the one side and 
 upon the other, and we will have bitter, burn- 
 ing animosities, and never-ending disputes 
 about this matter of non-resident jurisdiction. 
 
 This is a kind of government in no way 
 consonant or consistent with our institutions. 
 It never had any business under the stars and 
 stripes. Now, sir, thank Heaven, it is ended. 
 It has gone, once and forever, and we are 
 no more to know it. Whatever we may an- 
 nex hereafter, I say, let it be annexed as a 
 sovereignty, and not as a dependency. We 
 
 have had enough of this history of dependen- 
 cies. Let us have no more of it. I appeal 
 to honest men in all parts of the House, men 
 who love the country more than they love 
 prejudice, men who favor the institutions of 
 the country more than they favor part}-, 
 now, once and for all, to settle this policy. 
 
 Sir, it was said by my colleague, with a 
 sneer, that I had joined the Democratic party 
 to-day in my vote. I say, that not only the 
 Democratic party, but the American party, 
 so far as I know, without an exception, and 
 many of the gentlemen who act with me in 
 the Republican party, voted to lay these bills 
 upon the table. I tell you that, so far from 
 being denounced for our action by the people, 
 we shall be applauded, and the country will 
 thank us, of whatever party, for having taken 
 this perplexing question out of the halls of 
 Congress. From this time we will enjoy the 
 luxury of attending to the legitimate business 
 of legislation. 
 
 I move that the bill be laid upon the table. 
 
 These comprise all of Mr. Thayer's public 
 speeches as a member of Congress. The 
 reader will observe that the-y discover a prac- 
 tical man. whose views are likewise consistent 
 with the high abstract theories of government 
 and progress under which we have become a 
 great nation ; and as such they demonstrate 
 their author to be a STATESMAN. In the in- 
 tervals of his public service and private occu- 
 pations, Mr. Thayer has established a vigor- 
 ous and thriving colony in Western Virginia, 
 to which he has given the name of CEKEDO. 
 It does not lie within the compass of this pub- 
 lication to speak any further of this prom- 
 ising settlement than is necessary to set forth 
 the varied energy of the man whose public 
 life is herewith described. The plan of the 
 establishment of Ceredo is precisely that by 
 which Kansas was colonized, a town trans- 
 planted by the very simple machinery of Or- 
 ganized Emigration. By that process he has 
 built up a large settlement in an unpopulat- 
 ed district, started a good newspaper, erected 
 manufactories, school-houses, churches, and 
 stores, given an impetus to agricultural and 
 mechanical production, set up a hum of lively 
 industry where solitude once reigned, and is 
 making the desert smile like a garden. Noth- 
 ing but Organized Emigration has accom- 
 plished it, operated by his clear head and 
 energetic will
 
 57 
 
 Ceredo enjoys the favor of the people of 
 Western Virginia to a large extent. Mr. 
 Thayer was told, at the start, that the popu- 
 lation of that section would tolerate no such 
 project ; he went among them forthwith and 
 laid his plan before them ; he travelled into 
 Eastern Kentucky with the same attractive 
 story on his tongue ; not only was he not op- 
 posed, or interfered with, by the people of 
 that section, but they vied with one another 
 in each locality with their friendly offers of 
 reception ! The tables were at once turned. 
 When they found what a sensible, and safe, 
 and altogether practical idea this of his was, 
 of Organized Emigration, they accepted 
 it with eagerness, feeling that it was the true 
 key to their own salvation. lie finally pitched 
 upon a location in Wayne Co., Va., and pur- 
 chased a tract of three thousand acres of 
 second bottom land, two miles from Big 
 Sandy, the western boundary of the State. 
 The land here slopes down to the Ohio, and 
 is adapted to the establishment of a city of the 
 largest size. The Covington and Ohio R. R. 
 finds its natural terminus here, and is to be a 
 continuation of the Virginia Central. Another 
 important railroad is also in "contemplation, 
 only seven miles below. The great advan- 
 tages of the locality are in its resources of 
 coal, timber, and iron, its mild climate, its 
 railroad, and especially, its river navigation 
 facilities. So great a change has been made 
 in public opinion in Virginia, since he began 
 the work of founding this new city, that at 
 least fourteen of the State papers now openly 
 advocate his scheme. Gov. Wise has given 
 it his public approval, and no press says aught 
 against it. 
 
 The speech on the Central American Ques- 
 tion only foreshadowed the development of 
 this same emigration plan of his, which fol- 
 lowed upon the failure of the raid of Gen. 
 Win. Walker. The speech tells the whole 
 story. Under the provisions of the Yrissarri 
 treaty, American citizens were allowed to 
 reside in Nicaragua, and enjoy the immuni- 
 ties granted to natives while still under the 
 protection of their own government. San 
 Juan del Norte and San Juan del Sud were 
 to become free ports. Our merchants were 
 to be allowed to introduce their goods on the 
 same terms with the native merchants, and 
 have the same rights and privileges. The 
 inter-oceanic and native trade of Nicaragua, 
 therefore, offered tempting inducements to 
 
 our men of enterprise. All that Nicaragua 
 wanted, was the infusion into its veins of the 
 spirit of American thrift and energy. It is 
 immensely fertile, its natural productions con- 
 sisting of indigo, coffee, sugar, cocoa, rice, 
 and cotton, the latter being of better quality 
 than any produced in our Southern States; 
 its fruits being oranges, lemons, plantains, and 
 such other spontaneous growths as make the 
 very name of the tropics delightful. Its chief 
 source of wealth, however, is its cattle, large 
 quantities of hides being exported. 
 
 Under a new spirit, Nicaragua may be- 
 come a compact and powerful little common- 
 wealth : and Mr. Eli Thayer saw it as quick 
 as Gen. Walker did. But he would go to 
 work to develop its resources, and make it 
 a power, in a totally different way. The 
 speech on Central America will tell the 
 reader how the two men differed in their 
 ideas, the one being a Christian civilizer, 
 the other only a barbarian filibuster. Mr. 
 Thayer set to work on this new problem of 
 " Americanizing Central America " with his 
 usual industry and resoluteness. lie sent 
 out a body of colonists to establish a post at 
 the Gulf of Fonseca, on the Pacific coast. 
 The stock to this enterprise was taken up 
 eagerly, mostly by merchants of New York, 
 who are engaged in Central American trade. 
 From its favorable position, the colony will 
 command a great part of the trade of Nic- 
 j aragua, Honduras, and San Salvador, the 
 population of these three States numbering 
 | about nine hundred thousand souls. The re- 
 sults to that region must be of the very last 
 importance. With our own States, too, lying 
 on the shores of the Atlantic and Pacific 
 oceans, and the necessity that exists for the 
 I freest possible communication between them, 
 ! this new emigration project of Mr. Thayer 
 j is pregnant with grand promises. Its very 
 ! conception betrayed not more an active brain 
 : than a large one ; not more shrewd practical 
 I plans than large and comprehensive ideas. 
 I While others were fussing and fretting over 
 Walker, and it was likely that the entire 
 country might be split into fillibusters and 
 anti-fillibusters, Mr. Thayer comes forward 
 i and shows how the knot may be untied in a 
 | peaceful, civilized, and truly Christian man- 
 ner, lie drives such villains as Walker out 
 of the field altogether. lie shows us a new 
 and better way to the accomplishment of 
 manifest destiny ; the road being lined with
 
 happy living beings, rather than strewn "with 
 the corpses of dead men. It is better to be 
 an apostle than a pirate and fillibuster. 
 
 This is the place in which to insert ex- 
 tracts from the leading journals of the coun- 
 try, respecting the character of Mr. Eli Thay- 
 er's speeches, and his own character as a man 
 and public servant. We quote into these 
 pages, because such quotations are only a 
 fair and necessary part of his biography. 
 The St. Louis Democrat says of him : " lie 
 stands forth more the representative of the 
 practical Yankee mind, out-cropping into 
 sunnier provinces, than any other from the 
 New England States. His modes are organ- 
 isms ; his ends, acquisitions : he gathers (he lau- 
 rels of war with the appliances of peace ! 
 
 Says " SIGMA," in the Boston Transcript : " I 
 have read your speech, Mr. Eli Thayer ; I 
 cannot come all the way to Washington, to 
 thank you in person, but, as an humble citi- 
 zen of Massachusetts, I thank you from the 
 bottom of my heart ; and, if I had you by the 
 hand this moment, you would recognize the 
 
 cordial grasp of a New Englander." The 
 
 Chicago Press says : " Mr. Thayer's entrance 
 upon the political battle-ground of the two 
 antagonistic social systems of this country is 
 opportune, if not providential. lie appears 
 just at the time when Organized Emigration 
 has become essential to success. * * * 
 We cannot but regard him as one of the most 
 remarkable men of the times." The Bos- 
 ton Daily Ledger says : " A democrat in the 
 largest sense, he is desirous that none but the 
 popular cause shall prevail ; that is, that num- 
 bers shall be heard over power and position. 
 Such men will be in great demand in our im- 
 mediate future as a nation." The Law- 
 rence Courier says, speaking of the speech 
 on Central America : " We admire it for its 
 capacity to stand alone. It traverses an old 
 field by a new path. It takes hold of slavery 
 by a new handle. Under the whole of it 
 is veiled an Americanism deeper and more 
 pure, broader and more firm, than any thing 
 
 which has ever yet gone by that name." 
 
 Says the Albany Evening Journal: " You can 
 have but a faint idea of the effect of Thay- 
 er's speech " (the one on Central America). 
 
 Says the Worcester Transcript : " Mr. 
 
 Thayer has already become a part of the his- 
 tory of our times, by his inauguration of this 
 
 measure" (emigration). The Kennebec, 
 
 Me., Journal says: " He is a fit man to rep- 
 resent the heart of Massachusetts at this em- 
 ergency in our political affairs. Original, 
 independent, bold, determined, and able, he 
 is as true to freedom as the needle to the 
 pole, and will follow her flag wherever it may 
 
 wave or need a standard-bearer." The 
 
 Kansas Herald of Freedom says: "Mr. Thay- 
 er is one of the strong MKX of this country. 
 He grasps readily the strong points of a pro- 
 position ; he does not deal in abstractions, 
 
 but in living, practical realities." Says 
 
 the Boston Atlas and Dee : " Mr. Thayer, 
 
 therefore, lays hold of squatter sovereignty 
 
 I as a means of preventing the extension of 
 
 I slavery into the Territories." The Provi- 
 
 J dencc Journal says : " Some opposition has 
 j been manifested toward the re-nomination 
 : of Mr. Thayer. because he is in favor of di- 
 recting the force of the Republican party to 
 practical and present issues, rather than to 
 abstract questions that will not rise again, 
 and that are of no use, except to quarrel 
 
 about." Says the Granite State (N. II.) 
 
 Wing: "We glory in just such men as Eli 
 
 Thayer : men of work as well as words." We 
 
 I might extend these quotations almost indef- 
 
 i initely. They bespeak for the author of the 
 
 j foregoing speeches a consideration to which 
 
 i no mere politician, and certainly no ordinary 
 
 man, could claim a title. 
 
 In the character of Eli Thayer are discov- 
 ered certain fixed and marked traits, that 
 would have made him a man of distinction 
 wherever his lot might have been cast. In 
 the first place, he has a forccaste, or high 
 wisdom, that enables him, from the stand-point 
 he occupies, to throw his observation far on 
 into the future. He instinctively knows the 
 I laws of things, and therefore is not tossed 
 ! about by the accidents of circumstances. Next, 
 I he is in the habit of taking a broad view of 
 matters around him, and of placing them all 
 in their right relation one to the other. Then 
 he is possessed of a gift of native self-reliance, 
 without which the others would be valueless. 
 Seeing so clearly and so widely for himself, 
 i he abides strongly by the convictions that are 
 ! thus formed. And he is a man of courage, 
 too. lie dare announce and carry out his 
 convictions. Here is where so many of our 
 public men fail. They lack just that one 
 clement, the main-spring of the whole, that 
 keeps all the rest in motion. But what forms
 
 59 
 
 the top and crown of his character is his 
 thorough truthfulness. lie may be relied 
 upon. In this regard, he reaches even a 
 chivalric limit. His word is as clear as his 
 perception. The sun shines through him, and 
 his whole nature is transparent. And, finally, 
 he is one of those rare persons, always in pub- 
 lic demand, however, who has the faculty of 
 talcing hold of things by the handle. Somebody 
 once protested to Daniel Webster that Mr. 
 So-and-so certainly was no very great lawyer, 
 and he wondered why so much was said of his 
 ability at the bar. " I won't undertake to an- 
 swer to that" returned the great statesman, 
 " but I know that he always gets his cases." So 
 with Eli Thayer ; his enemies may stand 
 about and dispute whether he has ability, 
 judgment, logic, or what-not on his side, 
 while he goes ahead himself and invariably 
 "gets his cases." He is a successful man, 
 because he sees things as they are, because 
 he subordinates speculation and formalism to 
 fact and practice. This is what makes him a 
 successful teacher, a successful man of busi- 
 ness, a successful legislator and a successful 
 statesman. No man in New England to-day 
 holds out a larger and truer promise than he. 
 But whether his walk tends in the direction 
 of politics in the future, or in some other per- 
 haps more congenial to his temper and tastes, 
 it will remain as his monument that Eli 
 Thayer invented and set in operation in this 
 country, the system of ORGANIZED EMIGRA- 
 TION ; that to him chiefly, with the zealous 
 and generous co-operation of such minds as 
 Amos A. Lawrence, J. M. S. Williams, and 
 Dr. Webb, is due the salvation and prosper- 
 ity of Kansas ; that he has taught the nation 
 the magic secret of building up states in a 
 
 day ; and that, above all, FREE LABOR is both 
 the cope and corner-stone of all our boasted 
 institutions. Such a man the free laborers of 
 this country will never refuse to honor. None 
 can shake their confidence in his character. 
 
 As a leader in a powerful political party, 
 the temper of Mr. Thayer may best be summed 
 up in his own language : " Now, what should 
 be the position of the Republican party in 
 this conflict ? Should it be that of a sneak- 
 ing coward, running away from the slave 
 power, and calling upon the rocks and moun- 
 tains to cover us and hide us from that power 
 which we fear is to overwhelm the world? 
 No ! It should be a defiant position. We 
 should maintain a policy that is positive, and 
 not negative; a policy which is aggressive, 
 rather than yielding ; a policy which is al- 
 ways on the advance : not a policy which 
 makes us the mere tools to record the doings 
 of some other party, but a policy which in- 
 itiates measures and carries them out. I 
 scorn to be a member of a party which is 
 content to be nothing else than a writer of 
 the history of some other party." * * * 
 " I scorn to be one of a party to be merely a 
 herald at the Olympic games, and not one oj 
 the conquerors. I want the Republican party 
 to be the conquerors, and not the herald to 
 give the name of the conquerors." Such is 
 the man's courage, boldness, and resolution. 
 He is an advancing man, not one to throw 
 obstacles in the way. He is an iconoclast, 
 not an industrious picker up of the pieces. 
 Whatever he has put his hand to, has thriven 
 as by magic. He throws the magnetism of 
 his energy into all his projects, and others 
 catch the spirit and help render them suc- 
 cessful.
 
 
 REMARKS. 
 
 IT is due to the subject of the foregoing sketch and author of the speeches, as well as to 
 the reader of the within pages, to state that not a line or word of the same has been seen by 
 Mr. Thayer, previous to publication in their present form, and that he has had no hand 
 whatever in the work of compilation. The facts in his biography have been collected entirely 
 from publications accessible to every one ; a great many interesting details could have been 
 secured, had the compiler thought proper which he did not to solicit them of Mr. Thayer 
 himself. It is the aim of the present pamphlet merely to group together his Congressional 
 Speeches, and interweave such a brief biographical sketch as any reader of the speeches 
 would naturally call for ; the one acting as a ready key to the other. It is believed that they 
 are widely called for, both on account of the present position of public affairs and the career 
 of the man.
 
 BROWN & TAGGARD, 
 au& 
 
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 The above six volumes, being the complete works of that much esteemed authoress, Margaret 
 Fuller, are published uniform, and furnished separate or complete. 
 
 DR. HAYES' ARCTIC BOAT JOURNEY. An intensely interesting narrative of 
 Arctic Life. Fourth Thousand. In 1 vol., 12mo. Trice, S1.25. 
 
 IN PRESS: 
 
 THE COMPLETE WORKS OF FRANCIS BACON, 
 
 In 15 volumes, crown ectavo. Price per volume, cloth, ??1.60. 
 
 They will be reprinted from the recent London edition, edited by James Spedding, M. A., of Trinity 
 College, Robert Leslie Ellis, M. A., late Fellow of Trinity College, and Douglas Denon Heath, Barrister 
 at Law, late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, aud published by subscription. One volume each 
 month; the first volume to be issued July 1st. 
 
 A Prospectus, with specimen pages, will be sent to any address, on application; and those 
 desirous of subscribing for the works, may Fend their names direct to the Publishers. 
 
 Persons, thus subscribing, can receive their volumes, each month, as issued, by mail, postage pre 
 paid; and volumes, thus sent, will be protected from injury by strong wrappers. 
 
 BROWN & TAGGARD, PUBLISHERS, 
 
 Boston, Mass.
 
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