UC-NRLF 
 
 SB SE 
 
A GUIDE BOOK 
 
 ON 
 
 The Philippine Question 
 
 PREPARED HY 
 
 MAXIMO M. KALAW 
 
 Secretary of the Philippine Mission 
 to the United States 
 
 \ 
 
 WASHINQTOl^; D.' C. 
 
 NOTE. After reading, kindly place this booklet in your files. It may come 
 in handy for reference purposes when the Philippine question comes 
 before Congress for final solution. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 THE PHILIPPINES TO AMERICA 3 
 
 GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION AND AREA OF THE PHILIPPINES . . 5 
 
 POPULATION G 
 
 NATIVE CIVILIZATION PRIOR TO SPANISH OCCUPATION .... G 
 
 SCHOOLS DURING THE SPANISH REGIME . . . . ' 7 
 
 PROGRESS OF THE FILIPINOS DURING THE SPANISH REGIME . . 8 
 THE PHILIPPINE REPUBLIC OF 1898 AS VIEWED BY SOME 
 
 AMERICAN OFFICIALS r <J 
 
 PRESIDENT TAFT ON FILIPINO CHARACTER AND CAPACITY . . 12 
 THE AMERICAN COLONIES IN 1776 AND THE PHILIPPINES OF 
 
 TODAY . . 13 
 
 THE PHILIPPINE INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT 14 
 
 THE "DECLARATION OF PURPOSES" OF -THE PHILIPPINE 
 
 LEGISLATURE 1C 
 
 PRESIDENT WILSON ON SELF-DETERMINATION FOR SMALL 
 
 NATIONS 21 
 
 PRESIDENT WILSON SAYS INDEPENDENCE "ALMOST IN SIGHT" . 22 
 AMERICA'S PHILIPPINE POLICY AS DECLARED BY THE PRESI- 
 DENTS OF THE UNITED STATES 23 
 
 AMERICA'S PHILIPPINE POLICY AS DECLARED BY THE CONGRESS 
 
 OF THE UNITED STATES 24 
 
 EX-PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT ON KEEPING PROMISES TO THE 
 
 FILIPINO PEOPLE 24 
 
 THE PRESENT GOVERNMENT OF THE PHILIPPINES .... 26 
 
 FILIPINO LOYALTY DURING THE WAR 28 
 
 GOVERNOR-GENERAL HARRISON ON FILIPINO CAPACITY ... 29 
 ACTING GOVERNOR YEATER ON THE PHILIPPINE CONGRESS . 31 
 SOME OUTSTANDING ACCOMPLISHMENTS OF THE FILIPINO-CON- 
 DUCTED GOVERNMENT 
 
 SEVENTY PER CENT OF FILIPINOS ARE LITERATE 33 
 
 DIVISION OF PROPE^T^ r * ;* ^ ' 
 
 RECENT ECONOMIC' PROGRESS 
 
 THE GttOWT. E tor ^okcrqLS \ *. r V r * 35 
 
 ESTABLISHMENT OF UNIVERSAL FREE EDUCATION 36 
 THE NON-CHRISTIAN PEOPLES OF THE PHILIPPINES . . . 
 
 THE FILIPINO WOMAN 39 
 
 JAPAN IN THE PHILIPPINES ^ 
 
THE PHILIPPINES TO AMERICA 
 
 The Filipino people would not be just to themselves if at 
 this moment, when their political separation from the 
 sovereign country is being proposed, they should fail to ex- 
 press in the clearest and most emphatic manner the senti- 
 ments and purposes that inspire their action. They there- 
 fore deem it their duty to affirm: That independence, instead 
 of destroying or weakening, will strengthen the bonds of 
 friendship and appreciation created by the gratitude of the 
 Filipino people, not only for the final measure of complete 
 justice and humanity that they confidently expect, but for 
 all the previous disinterested work so splendidly performed 
 for the benefit of the Philippines by so many faithful sons of 
 America; that this gratitude will be the first fundamental 
 factor in the future relations between the United States and 
 the Philippine Islands; that in the present state of the inter- 
 national affairs the Filipino people merely aspire to become 
 another conscious and direct instrument for the progress of 
 liberty and civilization; that in the tranquil course of their 
 years of constitutional development they will maintain, for 
 all people inhabiting their hospitable land, the essence and 
 benefit of democratic institutions; that they will continue to 
 associate, in so far as this will be acceptable and their strength 
 will permit, in the work of reconstruction, justice, and peace 
 carried on by the United States in continuation of those 
 other undertakings, the high purpose of which was the cause, 
 according to President Wilson, "of the magnificent coopera- 
 tion during the war between the American and Filipino 
 peoples"; and, finally, that in thus preserving their best 
 traditions and institutions in the new situation which will 
 strengthen and perfect them, the Filipino people will continue 
 to make this country, as heretofore, a safe place of law and 
 order, justice and liberty, where Americans and foreigners, 
 as well as Nationals, may live peacefully in the pursuit of 
 happiness and prosperity, and safe in the enjoyment of their 
 property as well as of their rights and their liberty. State- 
 ment of the Commission of Independence of the Philippine 
 Congress. 
 
 416800 
 
 i 
 
Cocoanut trees_on the beach; a typical scene of the Philippines. 
 
 Geographical Location and Area of the Philippines 
 
 The Philippine Archipelago lies north of the Dutch and British 
 Island of Borneo and the Dutch Island of Celebes, south of the Japa- 
 nese Island of Formosa, and east of French Indo-China, the British 
 colony of Hongkong, and the southern provinces of the Republic 
 of China. It runs from five degrees north latitude to twenty-two 
 degrees north latitude, and is entirely in the tropics. Authorities 
 have stated that an isosceles triangle, approximately 500 miles on 
 its base and 1,000 miles on the sides, would enclose all except the 
 Sulu group of coral islands. 
 
 Within this figure there are 3, 14 Inlands, in sizes from the tiny 
 islet, inhabited only by strange tropical birds, to Luzon, with its 
 millions of people. Luzon has aft area greater than the entire 
 state of Pennsylvania. The total land area of the Philippine Archi- 
 pelago is 120,000 square miles. This is in excess of the combined 
 areas of the states of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania and Dela- 
 ware. It is 7,000 square miles larger than Great Britain. Luzon, 
 in the north, has 46,969 square miles. Mindanao has approxi- 
 mately 36,292 square miles. Ten islands, Luzon, Mindanao, 
 Samar, Negros, Cabu, Pansy, Leyte, Bohol, Mindoro, and Masbate, 
 contain more than 10,000 square miles each, or 6,400,000 acres. 
 Twenty of the islands have between 100 and 1,000 square miles each. 
 Seventy-three of the islands contain between 10 and 100 square 
 miles each, 262 islands between 1 and 10 square miles, and 2,775 
 islands, seven-eighths of all, contain less than one square mile each. 
 
 The Philippine Islands have a mildly tropical climate. The nights 
 are cool and sunstrokes are unknown. The temperature record for 
 the past thirty years shows an average of 80. The recorded death 
 rate per 1,000 whites in Manila for 1917 was 8.8 as compared with 
 16.5 for New York, 15 for San Francisco, 14 for Chicago, 18 for 
 Glasgow, and 22 for Belfast. 
 
 i 
 
 . 
 
The Luneta, Manila. One of the delightful features~of Manila life is 
 the band concert given by the Constabulary band every evening on 
 the Luneta. 
 
 Population 
 
 A census was taken early this year (1919), and while the complete 
 reports have not yet been finished, the official estimate cabled to the 
 War Department by the Director of the Census is as follows: 
 
 Christian population 10,000,000 
 
 Non-Christian population 500,000 
 
 Total 10,500/000 
 
 Of this population over 1,750,000 males are qualified voters. 
 Native Civilization Prior to Spanish Occupation 
 
 The Philippines were discovered by Magellan in 1521. In 1565 
 the Spaniards made the first permanent settlement at Cebu. In 
 1570 they occupied Manila and were in control of the islands until 
 1898, the year of American occupation. 
 
 "The inhabitants of the Philippines possessed a culture of their 
 own prior to the coming of the Spaniards to the islands. Those 
 along the coasts were the most advanced in civilization. Their 
 material wealth was considerable. The chief occupations were 
 agriculture, fishing, weaving, some manufacturing, and trade both 
 inter-island and with the mainland, generally in the form of barter. 
 They were expert navigators. They used standard weights and 
 measures. The year was divided into twelve lunar months. They 
 had a peculiar phonetic alphabet, wrote upon leaves, and had a 
 primitive literature. The majority of the people are said to have 
 been able to read and write." (Justice George A. Malcolm, "The 
 Government of the Philippine Islands," pp. 27 and 28.) 
 
 "The inhabitants of these islands were by no means savages, 
 
University Hall, of the University of the Philippines. 
 
 entirely unreclaimed from barbarism before the Spanish advent in 
 the sixteenth century. They had a culture of their own." (John 
 Foreman, an English scholar.) 
 
 "They had already reached a considerable degree of civilization 
 at the time of the Spanish conquest." (Ferdinand Blumentritt, an 
 Austrian professor.) 
 
 " Upon the arrival of the Spaniards, they found the ancestors of the 
 present-day Filipinos in possession of considerable culture, which 
 is somewhat comparable to that of some of the mountain peoples 
 of today." (Dr. James A. Robertson, an American scholar.) 
 
 "The Filipino people, even in pre-historic times, had already shown 
 high intelligence and moral virtues and intelligence clearly manifested 
 in their legislation, which, taking into consideration the circum- 
 stances and the epoch in which it was framed, was certainly as wise, 
 as prudent, and as humane as those of the nations then at the head 
 of civilization." (Judge Romualdez, a Filipino scholar.) 
 
 Schools During the Spanish Regime 
 
 As early as 1866, out of a population of 4,000,000 people, there 
 were 841 schools for boys and 833 for girls. In 1892, eight years 
 before the coming of the Americans, there were 2,137 schools. 
 There were also, during the Spanish regime, colleges and universities 
 where professional training was given. The colleges were: Uni- 
 versity of Santo Tomas, Manila, established in 1611^ (twenty-five 
 years older than Harvard); San Juan de Letran, Municipal Anthe- 
 naeum, Normal School, College of San Jose, the Nautical School, the 
 School of Commercial Accounting, the Academy of Painting and 
 Drawing, and many other private schools, fourteen of which were 
 in Manila, while others in the provinces must also be reckoned. 
 There were seminaries in Manila, Nueva-Segovia, Cebu, Jaro and 
 Nueve-Caceres, where all branches of secondary instruction were 
 
 7 
 
Typical Scene on the Pangasinan Road. 
 
 taught in addition to those which constituted the studies for the 
 priesthood. (Data from the American Census of 1903.) 
 
 Progress of the Filipinos During the Spanish Regime 
 
 The famous French explorer of the Pacific, La Pemuse, who was 
 in Manila in 1782. wrote: "Three million people inhabit these 
 different islands, and that of Luzon contains nearly a third of them. 
 These people seemed to me no way inferior to those of Europe; 
 they cultivate, the soil with intelligence, they are carpenters, cabinet- 
 makers, smiths, jewelers, weavers, masons, etc. I have gone 
 through their villages and I have found them kind, hospitable, and 
 affable." ("Voyage de la Perouse autour du Monde," Paris, 1797, 
 11, p. 347.) 
 
 Coming down nearly a generation later, the Englishman Craw- 
 furd, the historian of the Indian Archipelago, who lived at the court 
 of the Sultan of Java as British Resident, said: "It is remarkable 
 that the Indian administration of one of the worst governments of 
 Europe, and that in which the general principles of legislation and 
 good government are least understood, one, too, which has never 
 been skillfully executed, should, upon the whole, have proved the least 
 injurious to the happiness and prosperity of the native inhabi- 
 tants of the country. This, undoubtedly, has been the character of 
 the Spanish connection with the Philippines, with all its vices, fol- 
 lies, and illiberalities; and the present condition of these islands 
 affords an unquestionable proof of the fact. Almost every other 
 country of the (Malay or Indian) Archipelago is, at this day, in 
 point of wealth, power, and civilization, in a worse state than when 
 Europeans connected themselves with them three centuries back. 
 The Philippines alone have improved in civilization, wealth, and 
 
populousness." ("History of the Indian Archipelago," etc., by 
 John Crawfurd, F. R. S. Edinburgh, 1820, Vol. ii, pp. 447, 448.) 
 
 The German naturalist Jagor, who visited the Islands in 1859- 
 18GO, wrote: "Assuming the truth of the above sketch of pre- 
 Christian culture, which has been put together only with the help of 
 defective linguistic sources, and comparing it with the present, we 
 find, as a result, a considerable progress, for which the Philippines are 
 indebted to the Spaniards." ("Travels in the Philippines," Eng. 
 Ed., p. 151.) 
 
 The Austrian professor, Ferdinand Blumentritt, wrote in La 
 Solidaridad of October 15, 1899, to this effect: "If the general 
 condition of the civilization of the Tagalos, Pampangos, Bicoles, 
 Bisayans, Ilocanos, Cagayanes, and Sambales is compared to the 
 European constitutional countries of Servia, Roumania, Bulgaria 
 and Greece, the Spanish-Filipino civilization of the said Indian dis- 
 tricts is greater and of larger extent than of those countries." 
 
 Finally, writing from historical perspective, the foremost American 
 scholar on the Philippines gives the following resume of the results 
 of the Spanish administration: "The Spaniards did influence the 
 Filipinos profoundly, and on the whole for the better^ There are 
 ways, indeed, in which their record as a colonizing power in the 
 Philippines stands today unique in all the world for its benevolent 
 achievement and its substantial accomplishment of net progress. 
 We do not need to gloss over the defects of Spain; we do not need 
 to condone the backward and halting policy which at last turned the 
 Filipinos against Spanish rule, nor to regret the final outcome of 
 events, in order to do Spain justice. But we must do full justice to 
 her actual achievements, if not as ruler, at any rate as teacher and"""* 
 missionary, in order to put the Filipinos of today in their proprr 
 category." ~"(Le Roy: "Philippine Life in Town and Country," 
 1905, p. 6, 7.) 
 
 The Philippine Republic of 1898 as Viewed by Some 
 American Officials 
 
 John Barrett, now director of the Pan-American Union, saw the 
 Philippine Republic in operation, and described it as follows: 
 
 "It is a government which has practically been administering the 
 affairs of that great island, 'Luzon,' since the American possession of 
 Manila, which is certainly better than the former administration. It 
 had a properly formed Cabinet and Congress, the members of which, 
 in appearance and manners, would compare favorably with the 
 Japanese statesmen." 
 
 Admiral DejEey. after studying Philippine conditions during the 
 Spanish- American War, spoke of the Filipinos as follows: 
 / "In my opinion, these people are far more superior in intelligence 
 and* more capable of self-government than the natives of Cuba. I 
 y am familiar with both races." 
 
 General Merritt, on his arrival in Paris in October, 1898, was 
 reported as saying: 
 
 "The Filipinos impressed me very favorably. I think great 
 injustice has been done to the native population. . . . They are 
 more capable of self-government than, I think, the Cubans are.^ 
 They are considered to be guud Catholics. They have lawyers, 
 doctors, the men of kindred professions, who stand well in the com- 
 munity, and bear favorable comparison to those of other countries. 
 They are dignified, courteous and reserved." 
 
 General ^Merritt states in his report (Vol. I, Part 2, War Depart- 
 
 9 
 
\> ii it I a m iciil <> Building, Manila, where the offices of the Central Govern- 
 ment of the Philippines are located. 
 
 ment report for 1898) that Aguinaldo had "proclaimed an inde- 
 pendent government, republican in form, with himself as President, 
 and at the time of my arrival in the Islands the entire edifice of 
 executive and legislative departments had been accomplished, at 
 least on paper." 
 
 General Anderson says: "We held Manila and Cavite. The rest 
 of the island was held not by the Spaniards, but by the Filipinos. On 
 the other islands, the Spaniards were confined to two or three forti- 
 fied towns." ("Our Rule in the Philippines," 170, No. Am. Rev., 
 Feb., 1900, p. 281.) 
 
 "His (Aguinaldo's) success was not in the least astonishing, as 
 after the various islands had driven out the few remaining and dis- 
 couraged soldiers of their openly declared enemy, they naturally 
 turned to Luzon for some form of central government, the islands of 
 the south being well aware of their inability to maintain successful 
 separate and distinct political establishments. The crude one in 
 process of formation in central Luzon offered itself through its visiting 
 agents and was accepted in part (notwithstanding race animosities 
 and divergent business interests), and very probably because no 
 other alternative was offered. The eight months of opportunity 
 given the ambitious Tagalo by the hold on Spain which the United 
 States maintained was sufficient also for him to send his troops and 
 designing men into the distant provinces and hold the unarmed 
 natives in subjection while he imposed military authority, and thus 
 in December, 1898, we find in Northern and Southeastern Luzon, in 
 Mindoro, Samar, Leyte, Pana^, and even on the coast of Mindanao 
 and in some of the smaller islands, the aggressive Tagalo present in 
 person, and, whether civilian or soldier, supreme in authority." 
 
 10 
 
(Report of General Otis, August 21, 1899, quoted in Harper's "His- 
 tory of the War in the Philippines," pp. 99, 100.) 
 
 "It is little short of marvellous how rapidly the insurrection has 
 gained ground in this short time, and how extensive and successful 
 the operations of the army have been. The insurgents managed in a 
 very few weeks to besiege and capture numerous small Spanish 
 positions in the provinces, and they completely overran the whole 
 Island of Luzon, together with seven adjacent islands." (F. D. 
 Millet: "The Filipino Republic," September 16, 1898, printed in 
 Harper's "History of the War in the Philippines," pp. 65, 66.) 
 / " By December, 1898, the revolutionary government was in control 
 of almost the entire archipelago." (McKinley: "Island Possessions 
 of the United States," p. 234.) 
 
 "The revolutionary government was universally recognized 
 throughout the islands, except in Manila and seaports still held by 
 the Spanish." (Edwin Wildman: "Aguinaldo A Narrative of 
 Filipino Ambitions," p. 142.) 
 
 Albert G. Robinson, the Philippines correspondent for the New 
 York Evening Post, during portions of 1899 and 1900, expresses the 
 opinion that "the Philippine Islands, with the exception of the 
 besieged city of Manila, were virtually in the hands of the Filipinos." 
 
 And again to the same effect that "it is now known that at the 
 time of the arrival of the American army in Manila in June, 1898, 
 alnipst the ^entire area of the Philippines, practically all with the 
 exception of one or two of the larger co"ast cities,\was in the hands oY 
 OTe insurgents. Not only were they in control of the country; they 
 were administering its political affairs as well. This they continued 
 to do f o7 the greater part of the island throughout the following year, 
 practically until the autumn of 1899. Up to that time the territory 
 occupied by the forces of the United States in the Island of Luzon 
 was confined to a very limited area in the vicinity of Manila, with a 
 filamentary extension northward for some fifty or sixty miles along 
 the Manila-Dagupan railway. Very much the same condition 
 obtained on the other islands. One thing is certain: although 
 greatly disturbed by the conditions of war, this territory was under 
 
 SOmeJorm of povernrnpntal flfJmi'mgtrafmn ." 
 
 Finally quoting a letter of his, dated September 27, 1899, to the 
 New York Evening Post, he states: "There is one point which I 
 think is not generally known to the American people, but which is a 
 very strong factor in the question of Filipino self-government, both 
 now and in any future position. In the West Indies the greater 
 number of offices and official positions were filled by Spaniards, either 
 native-born or from the Peninsula. In the Philippines the percentage 
 of available Spaniards for minor positions was vastly less than that 
 shown in the West Indian colonies. The result was that while the 
 more prominent and more profitable offices in the Philippines were 
 filled by Spaniards, many of the minor offices in the larger cities and 
 most of those in the country were held by Filipinos. Therefore, 
 when the Filipino party assumed the government for those districts 
 which the Spaniards evacuated, the Filipinos had a system of govern- 
 ment in which Filipinos held most of the positions, already established 
 for their purposes. It was but necessary to change its head and its 
 name. Instead of being dominated by the agents of Alfonso XIII, 
 por la gracia de Dios y de la Constitution Rey catolico de Espana, 
 the same machinery was set in motion and controlled first by the 
 
 dictatorial government and then, by the Philippine revolutionary 
 government, under the constitution proclaimed on June 23, 18$8. 
 
 11 
 
Library, Philippine School of Arts and Trades, Manila. The Philippine 
 public schools own 1,200 school libraries, all of which are open to the 
 public. 
 
 This fact simplified matters for the Filipinos and gave them the 
 ground upon which they make their assertion of maintaining a suc- 
 cessful administration in those provinces which they occupied." 
 (Robinson: "The Philippines: The War and the People," pp. 48, 
 282, 403, 303.) 
 
 Leonard Sargent, a naval cadet, and W. B. Wilcox, paymaster of 
 the Navy, after traveling over the Island of Luzon, at that time wrote 
 a report of their trip, which was referred by Admiral Dewey to the 
 Navy Department with the indorsement that it was "the most 
 complete information obtainable." Mr. Sargent remarked: 
 
 " Although this government has never been recognized, and in all 
 probability will go out of existence without recognition, yet, it cannot 
 be denied that, in a region occupied by many millions of inhabi- 
 tants, for nearly six months, it stood alone between anarchy and 
 order. 
 
 "As a tribute to the efficiency of Aguinaldo's government and to 
 the law-abiding character of his subjects, I offer the fact that Mr. 
 Wilcox and I pursued our journey throughout in perfect security, 
 and returned to Manila with only the most pleasing recollections of 
 the quiet and orderly life which we found the natives to be leading 
 under the new regime." 
 
 President Taft on Filipino Character and Capacity 
 
 Speaking of the Filipinos, Mr. Taft said, in his special report to 
 the President of the United States, in 1908: 
 
 "The friars left the people a Christian people that is, a people 
 with western ideals. They looked toward Rome, and Europe, and 
 America ... It is the only Malay or oriental race that is Chris- 
 
 12 
 
tian. They were not like the Mohammedan or Buddhist, who 
 despise western civilization as inferior . . . They learn easily and 
 the most striking fact in our whole experience in the Philippines is the 
 eagerness with which the common Filipino agricultural laborer sends 
 his children to school to learn English. There is no real difference 
 between the educated and ignorant Filipino that cannot be over- 
 come by the education of one generation. They are a capable people 
 in the sense that they can be given a normal intellectual develop- 
 ment by the same kind of education that is given in our common 
 school system." 
 
 During the Philippines Committee hearings conducted by the 
 American Senate (1914) Mr. Taft said: 
 
 "The word 'tribe' gives an erroneous impression. There is no 
 tribal relation among them. There is a racial solidarity among the 
 Filipino people, undoubtedly. They are homogeneous. I cannot 
 tell the difference between an Ilocano and a Tagalog, or a Visayan. 
 The Ilocanos, it would seem to me, have something of an admixture 
 of the Japanese blo^p! ; the Tagalogs have rather more of the Chinese; 
 and it seemsTo Inethat the Visayans had still more. But to me all 
 the Filipinos were alike." 
 
 Mr. Taft is of the opinion that the Filipinos are better prepared 
 for self-government than the Cubans. 
 
 "In the Philippines the ultimate prospect for self-government is 
 better than in Cuba for the reason that the economic conditions 
 are better adapted to building up an intelligent middle class because 
 there is a much greater division of land among the people." (Phil. 
 Committee Hearings, 1914, p. 383.) 
 
 The American Colonies in 1776 and the Philippines of Today 
 
 "Let him who scoffs at the impossibility of Philippine progress 
 without even awaiting events make a comparison between the 
 United States, when she adopted her Constitution, and the Philip- 
 pines if she be permitted to ratify hers. In 179J) the number of 
 inhabitants in the United States was under four million. The 
 Philippines have double this. Of the American inhabitants, nearly 
 one-fifth were negroes. The Philippines have nowhere near this 
 proportion of non-Christians. Of the American inhabitants, the 
 ancestors of eight-tenths were probably English and a homogeneous 
 part of the community. Of the Filipinos* at least as large a per- 
 centage are of one race. Of the Americans, the intellect of the 
 people was little developed. The graduating classes of all the col- 
 leges in 1789 counted up to about 170. The graduating classes of 
 one university in the Philippines exceed this number. In economic 
 conditions the United States were little advanced, although the 
 country abounded in natural resources. The same statement can 
 be written for the Philippines." (Justice Geo. A. Malcolm: 
 "Government of the Philipine Isiands," pp. 250.) 
 
 In ante-Revolutionary days, members of the British House of 
 
 Lords and House of Commons held no very flattering views of 
 
 ! American ambitions and capacity. They were termed "egregious 
 cowards." Their manners and ways of living were ridiculed. It was 
 prophesied that if Great Britain abandoned the colonies, they must 
 Jsoon sue for succor or be overrun by every small state. A philippic 
 by an Englishman in 1820 reads: 
 
 1 "Since the period of their separation, a far greater proportion 
 , of their statesmen and artists and political writers have been for- 
 
 OMMM^o 
 
eigners, than ever occurred before in the history of any civilized 
 and educated people. During the thirty or forty years of their 
 independence, they have done absolutely not hi ><j for the Sciences, 
 for the Arts, for Literature, or even for state, man-like studies of 
 Politics or Political Economy. Confining ourselves to our own 
 country, and to the period that has elapsed since they had an inde- 
 pendent existence, we would ask: Where are their Foxes, their 
 Burkes, their Sheridans, their Windhams, their Homers, their 
 Wilberforces? where their Arkwrights, their Watts, their Davys? 
 their Robertsons, Blairs, Smiths, Stewarts, Paleys and Malthuses? 
 their Persons, Parrs, Burneys, or Bloomfields? their Scotts, 
 Campbells, Byrons, Moores, or Crabbes? their Siddonses, Kem- 
 bles, Keans, or O'Neils? their Wilkies, Laurences, Chantrys? or 
 their parallels to the hundred other names that have spread them- 
 selves over the world from our little island in the course of the last 
 thirty years, and blest or delighted mankind by their works, inven- 
 tions, or examples? In so far as we know, there is no such parallel 
 to be produced from the whole annals of this self-adulating race. 
 In the four quarters of the globe, who reads an American book? or 
 goes to an American play? or looks at an American picture or statue? 
 What does the world yet owe to American physicians or surgeons? 
 What new substances have their chemists discovered? or what old 
 ones have they analyzed? What new constellations have been 
 discovered by the telescopes of Americans? what have they done in 
 the mathematics? Who drinks out of American glasses? or eats 
 from American plates? or wears American coats or gowns? or sleeps 
 in American blankets? Finally, under which of the old tyrannical 
 governments of Europe is every sixth man a slave, whom his fellow- 
 creatures may buy and sell and torture?" (Rev. Sydney Smith: 
 "Who Reads an American Book," Vol. xxxiii, Edinburgh Review, 
 January, 1820, pp. 78-80, printed in Hart: "American History Told 
 by Contemporaries," Vol. iii, pp. 512-514. See also Mrs. Frances 
 Milton Trollope, "Domestic Manners of the Americans," sec. ed., 
 1832, Vol. i, pp. 48-188.) 
 
 "No true American would concur with these biased assertions. 
 But remembering- ponder the present greatness of the Republic 
 and ponder the black pictures which the misanthropic have drawn of 
 these isles. No false hopes should be aroused by Filipinos from 
 the foregoing parallel. At least it is interesting as preaching charity 
 and as showing possibilities." (Justice George A. Malcolm, "Gov- 
 ernment of the Philippine Islands." pp. 250, 251, 252.) 
 
 The Philippine Independence Movement 
 
 After the armed opposition to the United States was put down the 
 Filipino people began a peaceful campaign for independence. At 
 first this movement was not an organized one, because in the early 
 years of American occupation a law had been passed by the Philip- 
 pine Commission prohibiting all agitation for independence. The 
 only political party which could very well exist under these conditions 
 was the Federal party, which advocated statehood and permanent 
 annexation to the United States. This party, however, soon saw 
 the unpopularity of its stand, for it could not find supporters either 
 in the Philippines or in the United States, and so as soon as conditions 
 permitted the advocacy of separation, it left out the statehood plan 
 and advocated independence after a period of preparation. In 
 the meanwhile a strong independence party had been formed called 
 
 14 
 
The two most prominent Filipino leaders, Manuel L. Quezon, Presi- 
 dent of the Philippine Senate, and Sergio Osmena, Speaker of the 
 Philippine House of Representatives. 
 
 the Nationalist party, and at the first national election to the Philip- 
 pine Assembly in 1907 this party obtained popular favor, for out of 
 the eighty representatives elected there were only fifteen members of 
 the old Federal party this notwithstanding the fact that the 
 Federal party had changed its platform and advocated "independ- 
 ence. 
 
 If there were any doubt as to the attitude of the Filipino people 
 on independence, this was dispelled by the attitude of the Philippine 
 Assembly, the first national representative body to be convoked 
 following American occupation. At the end of the first session this 
 representative body unanimously ratified the closing address of 
 Speaker Osmena on the question of independence. The Speaker, 
 in part, had said: 
 
 "Permit me, gentlemen of the Chamber, to declare solemnly 
 before God and before the world, upon my conscience as a deputy 
 and representative of my compatriots, and under my responsibility 
 as President of this Chamber, that we believe the people desire 
 independence, and that we believe ourselves capable of leading an 
 orderly existence, efficient both in internal and external affairs, as a 
 member of the free and civilized nations." 
 
 By virtue of the Organic Act of the Philippines passed by Congress 
 in 1902, the Philippine Assembly was allowed to send a representa- 
 tive to Washington to voice the aspirations of the Filipino people. 
 In 1907 the Hon. Pablo Ocampo was sent to Washington as Resident 
 Commissioner, who, in pursuance of the mandate of the Assembly, 
 advocated the independence of the Philippines. His successor, the 
 
 15 
 
Hon. Manuel L. Quezon, who was Resident Commissioner from 1909 
 to 1916, continued with great vim and vigor the campaign for inde- 
 pendence in the United States. In 1911 the Democratic party, which 
 had advocated independence, secured control of the House, and the 
 following year the Chairman of the Committee on Insular Affairs 
 reported a bill providing for a qualified independence for eight years 
 and for complete independence in 1921. In 1914 a bill was passed 
 by the House of Representatives providing for independence as soon 
 as a stable government could be established in the islands. The bill, 
 however, was crowded out of the calendar in the Senate and failed 
 to be passed. The independence movement was constantly gaining 
 ground, and two years afterwards, in February, 1916, when Congress 
 again took up the Philippine question, the Senate passed the so- 
 called Clarke Amendment, which would grant the Philippines inde- 
 pendence within four years, although the time might be extended 
 upon the advice of the President to Congress. The Clarke Amend- 
 ment had the support of the Filipino people. It was contended in 
 the House of Representatives, however, that it would be unwise to 
 set a definite date for independence, for nobody knew what the 
 contingency would be at the time. What the House did was simply 
 to repass the bill it had passed in 1914, promising in its preamble 
 that the Philippines should be granted their independence "as soon 
 as a stable government could be established therein." The Senate 
 receded from its position and passed the House bill, which thus 
 became the formal pledge of the American nation to the Filipino 
 people. 
 
 In the meanwhile the independence movement in the Philippines 
 was constantly growing. A group separated itself from the National- 
 ist party, believing that the party did not work hard enough for 
 independence, and this group called itself the Third party. The 
 old Federal party had been converted into the Progressive party, 
 and was now advocating early independence. The two opposing 
 parties were soon merged into one party called the Democratic party, 
 charging the Nationalist party of being unfaithful to the people and 
 not doing all it could for the independence of the Philippines. It 
 advocated a more radical measure for the Philippines, and was reluc- 
 tant in accepting the Jones law, which simply promised independence 
 as soon as a stable government could be established in the islands. 
 President Wilson had given the Filipino people a larger amount of 
 autonomy through the appointment in 1913 of a majority of Fili- 
 pinos in the Upper House, or Philippine Commission, and this step 
 gave the Filipinos virtual autonomous powers in their domestic 
 affairs. The Jones law, which promised independence, ratified this 
 presidential step and gave the Filipinos a completely elective legis- 
 lature composed of a Senate and House of Representatives, and 
 practically gave them control of the Executive Departments. Today 
 there are only two Americans in the political departments of the 
 Philippine Government. 
 
 From the passage of the Jones law in 1916 to the ending of hos- 
 tilities in Europe, the Filipino people refrained from all agitation in 
 favor of independence. Their reason was America's entry in the 
 war. (See "Filipino Loyalty During the War," page 29.) 
 
 The "Declaration of Purposes" of the Philippine Legislature 
 
 Now that the war is ended and the task of international recon- 
 struction has begun, the Filipino people believe that the time has 
 
 16 
 
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come for the final solution of the Philippine independence problem. 
 They claim that the condition which the United States required 
 precedent to the recognition of their independence the establish- 
 ment of a stable government is already fulfilled. On November 1, 
 1918, the Philippine Legislature passed a concurrent resolution creat- 
 ing a "Commission of Independence" to be composed of the presid- 
 ing officers of both houses of the Legislature and other members of 
 the Legislature, for the purpose of considering and reporting to the 
 Legislature: 
 
 "(a) Ways and means of negotiation now for the granting and 
 recognition of the independence of the Philippines. j 
 
 " (b) External guarantees of the stability and permanence of said , 
 independence as well as of territorial integrity. - 
 
 " (e) Ways and means of organizing in a speedy, effectual and j 
 orderly manner a constitutional and democratic internal govern- I 
 ment." i 
 
 One of the first actions of the Commission of Independence was to | 
 recommend the sending of a special Philippine Mission to the United ? 
 States. This recommendation was approved by the Philippine i 
 Legislature in Joint Resolution No. 11, and forty prominent Filipinos 
 representing both houses of the Legislature, commercial, industrial, I 
 agricultural and labor interests, presided over by Senate President 
 Manuel L. Quezon as chairman, and Secretary of the Interior 
 Palma as vice-chairman, were sent to the United States. The 
 opposition party was represented by its .president, Hon. Emiliano 
 T. Tirona. 
 
 On March 7, 1918, the Philippine Legislature passed a Declaration 
 of Purposes which would serve as instructions or guides to the Com- 
 mission of Independence and the Philippine Mission to the United 
 States. The Declaration of Purposes, in part, reads thus: 
 
 Declaration of Purposes 
 
 " The Philippine question has reached such a stage that a full and 
 final exchange of views between the United States of America and the 
 Philippine Islands has become necessary. We need not repeat the 
 declarations respecting the national aspirations of the Filipino people. _ 
 Such declarations have been made "fronTTime"t6 timein the most 
 frank and solemn manner by the constitutional representatives of the 
 Philippine nation and are a matter of permanent record in public 
 documents covering more than a decade of persistent efforts, parti- 
 cularly during the last three years. America, on her part, has been 
 sufficiently explicit in her purposes from the beginning of her occu- 
 pation of the Philippines. . . . 
 
 "In submitting the Philippine question to the Government and 
 people of the United States, the Commission of Independence will 
 find it unnecessary to refer to the natural acerbity of the situation, 
 or to the anxiety of our people which two decades of occupation 
 have only served to accentuate. The steadfastness of our position 
 is not due to mere sentiment, but to the justice of our cause, sancti- 
 fied by the laws of God and nature not only, but admitted in the 
 promises solemnly made by the United States and accepted by the 
 Philippines. Although attention should respectfully be invited 
 to the fact that the Filipino people have never renounced their 
 independence, not even in the moments of the greatest adversity 
 brought about by the enforced or voluntary submission of their 
 own leaders, yet the Commission of Independence in dwelling upon 
 
One of the 4,000 school gardens cultivated by pupils enrolled in the 
 public schools of the Philippine Islands. 
 
 the promises made, will unreservedly, and with the deepest gratitude, 
 recognize that they were made freely and generously to a small and 
 powerless people after they had suffered defeat in the field of battle. 
 The deliberate attitude of our country, in reposing confidence in 
 those promises and laboring peacefully in pursuance thereof, must 
 also be asserted. Thus, after the rupture of relations occasioned 
 by three years of war, during which the right of the Filipinos to 
 their independence was disputed, unsuccessfully so far as they 
 were concerned, violence gave way to harmony, and hostility to 
 cooperation; and thanks to the growing influence of the new condi- 
 tions of peace, Americans and Filipinos, who a short time ago fought 
 each other and stained the Philippine soil with blood, undertook 
 jointly together, on the basis of a friendly undertaking, a magnifi- 
 cent labor which has been carried on with the orderly progress of 
 liberty and self-government. 
 
 "Now, in applying the principles enunciated in documents and 
 utterances on the Philippines to the conditions now existing in the 
 islands, the Commission of Independence will find the following 
 facts: 
 
 "That there exist at present in the Philippine Islands the condi- 
 tions of order and government which America has for nearly a cen- 
 tury and a half required in all cases in which she has recognized 
 the independence of a country or the establishment of a new govern- 
 ment. 
 
 "That there exist likewise in the Philippines all the conditions of 
 stability and guarantees for law and order that Cuba had to estab- 
 lish to the satisfaction of America in order to obtain her independ- 
 ence, or to preserve it, during the military occupation of 1898- 
 1902 and during the intervention of 1906-1909, respectively. 
 
 "That the 'preparation for independence' and the 'stable gov- 
 ernment' required by President Wilson and the Congress of the 
 United States, respectively, contain no new requisite not included 
 in any of the cases above cited. 
 
 "That these prerequisites for Philippine independence are the 
 
 19 
 
^ * 
 
 A glimpse of the court of the General Hospital, Manila. 
 
 same as those virtually or expressly establshed by the Republican 
 administrations that preceded President Wilson's administration. 
 
 "That during the entire time that the Filipino people have been 
 with America, they have been living in the confidence that the 
 American occupation was only temporary and that its final aim was 
 not aggrandizement or conquest, but the peace, welfare, and liberty 
 of the Filipino people. 
 
 "That this faith in the promises of America was a cardinal factor 
 not only in the cooperation between Americans and Filipinos during 
 the years of peace, but also in the cooperation between Americans 
 and Filipinos during the late war. 
 
 "That the condition of thorough development of the internal 
 affairs of the country and the present international atmosphere of 
 justice, liberty, and security for all peoples are the most propitious 
 for the fulfillment by America of her promises and for her redemp- 
 tion of the pledges she has made before the world. 
 
 "In the light of these facts and considerations, the Filipino people 
 are confident that it will be possible to arrive at a satisfactory final 
 decision, as we deal no longer with a disputed question, but are 
 merely endeavoring to agree upon the final adjustment of a matter 
 with regard to which, according to President Wilson's words, there 
 exists, so far as fundamentals are concerned, 'a perfect harmony of 
 ideals and feelings' between the governments of the United States 
 and of the Philippine Islands, which harmony has brought about 
 ' that real friendship and mutual support which is the foundation of 
 all sound political policy' (November 29, 1918). 
 
 "Therefore, so far as it is humanly possible to judge and say, we 
 can see only one aim for the Commission of Independence independ- 
 ence; and we can give only one instruction to get it. Thus Amer- 
 ica, in adding another glory to her banner by establishing the first 
 
 20 
 
really democratic republic in the East, will apply a second time, 
 generously and freely, the same measure of humanity and justice 
 that she applied in the case of Cuba, which is but a logical and natural 
 sequence of the immortal principles of the Declaration of Independ- 
 ence. This Declaration, which belongs to all humanity, has now as 
 much force as it had in the days when America proclaimed it. Amer- 
 ica will thus vindicate the memory of President McKinley, to whom 
 'the forcible annexation' of peoples meant 'criminal aggression' 
 and who, upon taking over the Philippines 'for high duty in the 
 interest of their inhabitants and for humanity and civilization,' sol- 
 emnly said: 'Our sacrifices were with this high motive. We want 
 to improve the condition of the inhabitants, securing them peace, 
 liberty, and the pursuit of their highest good.' 
 
 "Thus, finally, America will carry out the efforts and assurances 
 of President Wilson when, upon the signing of the armistice, he said 
 to the Filipinos: 'I hope and belie /e that the future holds brighter 
 hope for the states which have heretofore been the prey of great 
 powers and will realize for all the world the offers of justice and 
 peace which have prompted the magnificent cooperation of the pres- 
 ent war' (November 29, 1918). 
 
 "The Filipinos will thus have a better opportunity to demonstrate 
 how deeply rooted is their gratitude for America when, after her 
 voluntary withdrawal from these Islands, we preserve here the im- 
 mortal spirit of her democratic institutions and associate with her 
 in her future enterprises of justice and peace in carrying to the 
 darkest corners of the earth, the quickening flame of justice, dem- 
 ocracy, and liberty." 
 
 In addition to the instructions of the Philippine Legislature 
 the Commission of Independence cabled the Philippine Mission in 
 the United States further instructions, which read in part as follows : 
 
 "The Philippine Mission will please convey to the Government of 
 the United States the frankest assurances of the good-will, friendship, 
 and gratitude of the Filipino people, and submit with as much respect 
 as confidence the question of Philippine Independence with a view 
 to its final settlement. 
 
 "Now that the war is over and the world is engaged in applying 
 in the concrete the principles that have come out triumphant from 
 it; now that the Filipino people have passed the tests to which their 
 capacity has been submitted, can it be deemed inopportune or ill- 
 advised for them to submit the pending question to the United 
 States, or even to any other competent tribunal of the world for its 
 final adjustment? The problem being so varied in its aspects, the 
 Filipino people will welcome an opportunity to discuss the terms of 
 the concession of independence and the scope of the covenants neces- 
 sary for the guaranty, safety and stability of the new state and for 
 the establishment and maintenance of such external relations, espe- 
 cially with America, as may be equitable and beneficial and as the 
 circumstances may demand." 
 
 President Wilson on Self-Determination for Small Nations 
 
 "We are glad ... to fight ... for the rights of 
 nations, great and small, and the privilege of men everywhere Q 
 choose their way pJMife__aiid^obedience_ . . . for democracy, 
 
 ^ 21 
 
for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in 
 their own governments, for the rights and liberties of small nations." 
 (President Wilson, April 3, 1917.) 
 
 "said . . . small and weak states had as much right to their 
 sovereignty and independence as large and strong states." (Presi- 
 dent Wilson, May 30, 1916.) 
 
 "This war had its roots in the disregard of the rights of small 
 nations." (President Wilson, February 11, 1918.) 
 
 "Every people should be left free to determine its own polity, its 
 own way of development, unhindered, unthreatened, unafraid, the 
 little along with the great and powerful." (President Wilson, Jan- 
 uary 22, 1915.) 
 
 "Peace should rest upon the rights of people, not the rights of the 
 government the rights of people great and small iweak or power- 
 ful, their equal rights to freedom and security and self-government 
 and to participation upon fair terms in the economic opportunities 
 of the world." (President Wilson, August 27, 1917.) 
 
 ". . . What we demand ... is that the world be made 
 safe . . . for every peace-loving nation which like our own 
 wishes to live its own life, determine its own institutions, be assured 
 of justice and fair dealing by the other peoples of the world as 
 against force and selfish aggression." (President Wilson, January 
 8, 1918.) 
 
 "Let us stand by the little nations that need to be stood by." 
 (President Wilson, October 19, 1916.) 
 
 President Wilson Says Independence "Almost in Sight" 
 
 The Philippine Mission had intended to see President Wilson, but 
 on account of his hurried trip to Europe he delegated Secretary of 
 War Baker, who had supervision of Philippine affairs, ot meet the 
 Philippine Mission. On April 4, 1919, the Secretary of War read 
 to the Mission a letter to him from President Wilson in which the 
 President said, in part: 
 
 "Though unable to meet the commission, the Filipino people 
 shall not be absent from my thoughts. Not the least important 
 labor of the conference which now requires my attention is that of 
 making the pathway of the weaker people of the world less perilous 
 a labor which should be, and doubtless is, of deep and abiding interest 
 to the Filipino people. 
 
 "I am sorry that I cannot look into the faces of the gentlemen of 
 this Mission from the Philippine Islands and tell them all that I 
 have in mind and heart as I think of the patient labor, with the end 
 almost in sight, undertaken by the American and Filipino people 
 for their permanent benefit. I know, however, that your sentiments 
 are mine in this regard and that you will translate truly to them my 
 own feelings." 
 
 After reading the above Secretary Baker gave his sentiments on 
 the Philippine question, which are also the President's own senti- 
 ments, according to the above letter. Mr. Baker, in part, said: 
 
 "I know that I express the feeling of the President I certainly 
 express my own feeling; I think I express the prevailing feeling in the 
 United States when I say that we believe the time has substantially 
 come, if not quite come, when the Philippine Islands can be allowed 
 to sever the mere formal political tie remaining and become an 
 independent people." 
 
 22 
 
America's Philippine Policy as Declared by the Presidents of 
 the United States 
 
 In President McKinley's instructions to the first Philippine Com- 
 mission, on the 20th of January, 1899, he expressed the hope that 
 these commissioners would be received as bearers of "the richest 
 blessings of a liberating rather than a conquering nation." In his 
 message to Congress in the same year, among other things concern- 
 ing the Philippines, he said: "The Philippines are ours, not to ex- 
 ploit, but to develop, to civilize, to educate, to train in the science of 
 self-government. This is the path of duty which we must follow 
 or be recreant to a mighty trust committed to us." 
 
 President Taft, while civil governor of the Philippine Islands, on 
 the 17th of December, 1903, said: "From the beginning to the end 
 of the state papers which were circulated in these Islands as authori- 
 tative expressions of the Executive, the motto that 'the Philippines 
 are for the Filipinos' and that the Government of the United States 
 is here for the purpose of preserving the 'Philippines for the Fili- 
 pinos,' for their benefit, for their elevation, for their civilization, 
 again and again and again appear . . . Whether an autonomy 
 or independence or quasi independence shall ultimately follow in these 
 Islands ought to depend solely on the question: Is it best for the 
 Filipino people and their welfare?" 
 
 In 1908, after the Philippine Assembly had been opened, President 
 Roosevelt, in his message, said: "I trust that within a generation the 
 time will arrive when the Filipinos can decide for themselves whether 
 it is well for them to become independent or to continue under the 
 protection of a strong and disinterested power, able to guarantee to 
 the Islands order at home and protection from foreign invasion." 
 
 When Mr. Taft was Secretary of War, in April, 1904, in the course 
 of a speech upon the Philippines, he said: "When they have learned 
 the principles of successful popular self-government from a gradually 
 enlarged experience therein, we can discuss the question whether 
 independence is what they desire and grant it, or whether they prefer 
 the retention of a closer association, with the country which, by its 
 guidance, has unselfishly led them on to better conditions?*' 
 
 In opening the Philippine Assembly on the 16th of October, 1907, 
 Mr. Taft, then Secretary of War, said :^' The policy looks to the 
 improvement of the people, both industrially and in self-governing 
 capacity. As this policy of extending control continues, it must 
 logically reduce and finally end the sovereignty of the United States 
 in the Islands, unless it shall seem wise to the American and the 
 Filipino peoples, on account of mutually beneficial trade relations 
 and possible advantages to the Islands in their foreign relations, that 
 the bond shall not be completely severed." , 
 
 President Wilson, in a message to the Filipino people delivered by 
 Governor Harrison in Manila, October 6,~W13, sscifd: "We regard 
 ourselves as trustees acting not for the advantage of the United 
 States but for the benefit of the people of the Philippine Islands. 
 Every step we take will be taken with a view to the ultimate inde- 
 pendence of the Islands and as a preparation for that independence." 
 
 And in his message to Congress, December 2, 1913, he said: "By 
 their counsel and experience, rather than by our own, we shall learn 
 how best to serve them and how soon it will be possible and wise to 
 withdraw our supervision." 
 
 23 
 
America's Philippine Policy as Declared by the Congress of 
 the United States 
 
 " An Act to declare the purpose of the people of the United States 
 as to the future political status of the people of the Philippine 
 Islands, and to provide a more autonomous government for those 
 Islands. 
 
 "Whereas, it was never the intention of the people of the United 
 States in the incipiency of the War with Spain to make it a war of 
 conquest or for territorial aggrandizement; and 
 
 " Whereas it is, as it has always been, the purpose of the 
 people of the United States to withdraw their sovereignty 
 over the Philippine Islands and to recognize their indepen- 
 dence as soon as a stable government can be established 
 therein; and 
 
 "Whereas, for the speedy accomplishment of such purpose it is 
 desirable to place in the hands of the people of the Philippines as 
 large a control of their domestic affairs as can be given them without 
 in the meantime impairing the exercise of the rights of sovereignty 
 by the people of the United States, in order that, by the use and 
 exercise of popular franchise and governmental powers, they may 
 be the better prepared to fully assume the responsibilities and enjoy 
 all the privileges of complete independence: Therefore . . ." 
 (From the Jones law passed by the American Congress on August 
 29, 1916.) 
 
 The Jones law is, in the words of its author, the late Representative 
 Jones, "the everlasting covenant of a great and generous people, 
 speaking through their accredited representatives, that they (the 
 Filipinos) shall in due time enjoy the incomparable blessings of liberty 
 and freedom." "Henceforward," said the foremost spokesman of 
 the Filipino people, Speaker Sergio Osmena, in accepting the Jones 
 law on their behalf, "we can look upon the American flag not as the 
 symbol of an imposed government but as the emblem of a nation 
 whose temporary guidance over the Filipino people will serve as an 
 instrumentality for the most speedy assumption of the responsibility 
 of an independent life." 
 
 Ex-President Roosevelt on Keeping Promises to the Filipino 
 
 People 
 
 In an article published in Everybody's Magazine for January, 
 1915, Mr. Roosevelt said: 
 
 "The first and most important thing for us as a people to do in 
 order to prepare ourselves for self-defense is to get clearly in our 
 minds just what our policy is to be, and to insist that our public 
 servants shall make their words and their deeds correspond. For 
 example, the present administration was elected on the explicit 
 promise that the Philippines should be given their independence, and 
 it has taken action in the Philippines which can only be justified 
 on the theory that their independence is to come in the immediate 
 future. I believe that we have rendered incalculable service to the 
 Philippines, and that what we have there done has shown in the most 
 striking manner the extreme mischief that would have followed if in 
 1898 and in subsequent years we had failed to do our duty in conse- 
 quence of following the advice of Mr. Bryan and the pacifists or 
 anti-imperialists of that day. 
 
 "But this good has been to the Philippines themselves. The 
 
 24 
 
H 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 II 
 
 
only good that has come to us as a nation has been the good tit 
 springs from knowledge that a great deed has been worthily p-- 
 formed. Personally, I think it is a fine and high thing for a natin 
 to have done such a deed with such a purpose. But we cannot ta t 
 it with bad faith. If we act so that the natives understand us to hae 
 made a definite promise, then we should live up to that promi:. 
 The Philippines, from a military standpoint, are a source of weakn<s 
 to us. The present administration has promised explicitly to t 
 them go, and by its actions has rendered it difficult to hold thei 
 against any serious foreign foe. These being the circumstanc<, 
 the Islands should at an early moment be given their independeie 
 without any guarantee whatever by us and without our retaining ar 
 foothold in them." 
 
 In his Autobiography, pp. 543-545, Mr. Roosevelt writes: " 
 regards the Philippines my belief was that we should train them ir 
 self-government as rapidly as possible, and then leave them free > 
 decide their own fate. I did not believe in setting the time-lint 
 within which we would give them independence, because I did it 
 believe it wise to try to forecast how soon they would be fit for se- 
 government; and once having made the promise I would have ft 
 that it was imperative to keep it ... The time will come whent 
 will be wise to take their own judgment as to whether they (te 
 Filipinos) wish to continue their association with America or not. 
 
 . . If after due time the Filipinos decide that they do rit 
 wish to be thus governed, then I trust that we will leave." 
 
 The Present Government of the Philippines 
 
 There is now a stable government in the Philippines. This -; 
 the verdict of the representatives of the American Government i 
 the Islands. The assertion is supported by facts. Our present go- 
 ernment, to quote Mr. Root's admonition to the Cuban peop 
 when they were establishing a stable government, is "a governmet 
 based upon the peaceful suffrage of the people, representing t> 
 entire people and holding their power from the people, and subjet 
 to the limitations and safeguards which the experience of a constit- 
 tional government has shown to be necessary to the preservation P 
 individual rights." 
 
 Our central, provincial and municipal governments rest upa 
 the peaceful suffrages of the Filipino people. The Insular Gover- 
 ment contains a complete governmental machinery, recognized ail 
 supported by the people. The active and governing part of th; 
 machinery is already in the hands of the Filipinos. There is a Con- 
 cil of State selected from the representatives of the people, whii 
 advises the Governor-General on all public matters, prepares t? 
 budget, determines the policy of the different departments of t? 
 government, and recommends measures to the Legislature. Wh? 
 the Governor presides over the Council, the next highest position i 
 the Vice-President of the Council, occupied by a Filipino. There ; 
 an elective Legislature, composed of the House of Representatives ari 
 a Senate, chosen by the qualified voters of the Islands. It has ge- 
 eral legislative powers within the limitations of the Jones law. 1 
 that Legislature the non-Christian people are also represented b 
 nine appointed members. 
 
 We have a judicial system based on the sound American princip 
 of an independent judiciary. Our laws and our courts are more mo- 
 ern and up to date than any in the Far East. Our codes are basi 
 
 26 
 
v snapshot of the woman's section of a Manila Liberty Loan Parade. 
 
 a Spanish and American laws, taking in the conciseness, symmetry, 
 ad philosophic beauty of Spanish substantive law, together with 
 ic justice, practicability, and efficiency of American procedure. 
 
 Our present government is "subject to the limitations and safe- 
 jards which the experience of a constitutional government has 
 lown to be necessary to the preservation of individual rights." The 
 hilippine Government has been subject to such limitations and 
 ifeguards since 1900, when President McKinley, in his instructions 
 i the second Philippine Commission, set down as inviolable rules the 
 mdamental provisions of the American Bill of Rights. Those pro- 
 'sions, with little modification, were later included in the Organic 
 ct of 1902, and again restated in the Jones law of 1916. For 
 sarly twenty years, therefore, the Philippine Government has been 
 ibject to constitutional limitations and safeguards. They have 
 2come imbedded in the political life of the people, and no matter 
 hat political change may occur in the Philippines, they will hardly 
 ad any material alteration. 
 
 It is a "stable government," as America has used that phrase in 
 
 27 
 
recognizing the new governments of South America, and more 
 especially in withdrawing her military occupation from Cuba. A 
 stable government has meant, in American international law, espec- 
 ially in her relations with Cuba, a government elected and supported 
 by the people themselves. We have such a government today in 
 the Philippine Islands. 
 
 In the words of Secretary of War Baker, who has departmental 
 supervision of the Philippines, "the functions of government have 
 been taken over by the people of the Islands themselves, leaving 
 only the tenuous connection of the Governor-General." The 
 Governor-General may leave tomorrow, and no institutional change 
 will be necessary to continue the work of government. There is a 
 stable governmental machinery set up and supported by the entire 
 people and representing the entire people to which the governmental 
 powers can be transferred. 
 
 (For further discussion of the government established in the 
 Philippines and its accomplishments see Kalaw, "Self-Government 
 in the Philippines," Century Company, 1919.) 
 
 Filipino Loyalty During the War 
 
 During the Great War America took away from the Islands 
 practically every white soldier, and the keeping of peace and order 
 was left in the hands of Filipinos. These have been kept as never 
 before. The American flag became more firmly planted on Philip- 
 pine soil because it has rested on the confidence and affection of the 
 people. The Filipinos responded to this confidence shown them by 
 the Government of the United States by offering the service of 25,000 
 men themselves. Their division was ready to go to France when the 
 armistice was signed. The Filipino people contributed a submarine 
 and destroyer to the fleet of the United States, and six thousand of 
 their men are now serving in the United States Navy as volunteers. 
 Four thousand Filipinos in Hawaii, who could have claimed exemp- 
 tion from the draft under the citizenship clause of the draft law, 
 insisted on being enrolled under the Stars and Stripes. Not a word 
 was heard from Filipino lips during the war on their claim to inde- 
 pendence, believing that such an attitude might embarrass the 
 United States. "With fine self-restraint," says Secretary of War, 
 Baker, "the Filipino people refrained from active discussion of this 
 question, deeming it inopportune at the time, and threw all of their 
 resources into the common scale with the people of the United 
 States." With the limited resources of the Philippines, poor as 
 the Filipino people are compared with the United States, they 
 have voluntarily given half a million dollars to Red Cross funds 
 and subscribed nearly $20,000,000 to Liberty Bonds. Their allot- 
 ment to the Third Liberty Loan was only $3,000,000, but they 
 subscribed $4,625,000. Their allotment to the Fourth Liberty Loan 
 was $6,000,000, but they subscribed $12,123,000. "No other Ameri- 
 can territory," says Governor-General Harrison, "has been more 
 loyal to the United States than the Philippines." President Wilson has 
 also acknowledged this loyalty of the Filipinos during the war and 
 publicly declared that the association of the Philippine Islands with 
 the United States was a perfect harmony of ideals and feeling and a 
 real friendship and mutual support. "The people of the United 
 States," he said, "have taken the greatest pride in the loyalty and 
 support of the Filipino people." 
 
 28 
 
Harrison Bridge, a beautiful structure spanning the Barruro River in 
 La Union Province. 
 
 Governor General Harrison on Filipino Capacity 
 
 " The Filipinos today are enjoying the right of self-determination. 
 I have always been in complete accord with most of the American 
 citizens on this question of liberty, but it was only after a good many 
 years that I became convinced of the entire practicability of giving 
 them complete independence. 
 
 " Gentlemen, they have acted with the greatest moderation and the 
 greatest self restraint, and with the greatest respect for the American 
 flag. During the war, the talk of independence which has been the 
 subject of discourse by every schoolboy who arose on every occasion 
 when he was given a chance for many years past, was stilled. It was 
 not because the people had lost interest in independence, but it was 
 because the Filipino people thought it was not respectful to the 
 United States to raise the question of independence at a time when 
 the United States was engaged in the greatest struggle in the course 
 of history." (From the speech of Governor General Francis Burton 
 Harrison, before the Merchant's Association of New York, April 
 17, 1919.) 
 
 At the dinner given the Philippine Mission by the Merchant's 
 Association of New York, Governor Harrison said: 
 
 "There are about 1,000 municipalities in the Philippines, all of 
 whom are governed by elective Filipino officials. There are about 
 forty-two Provinces in the Islands, likewise governed by Filipinos. 
 There are two elective Houses of the Legislature composed entirely 
 of Filipinos. The Bench is composed almost entirely of Filipinos. 
 Out of seven members in the Cabinet, six are Filipinos, and 
 most of the heads of the Executive Departments of the Govern- 
 
 29 
 
Capitol building of the province of La Laguna, a type of the beautiful 
 and serviceable provincial capitol buildings' that are appearing in the 
 Philippines. 
 
 ment are Filipinos today. It is true that there are still some 700 
 Americans in the Philippines, but for the most part they are teachers, 
 professors and scientists, and to my mind a class of men who would 
 be desired by the Filipinos even if they had complete independence. 
 
 "That presents a picture of practical autonomy. It has been 
 going on for the last two and a half years, or ever since the recent 
 charter has been given us by Congress, and in my opinion, during 
 those two and a half years the Filipinos, having been given an op- 
 portunity, have satisfactorily demonstrated the fact that they have 
 already established and are maintaining the stable form of govern- 
 ment which is prescribed in the preamble to the Jones bill as a pre- 
 requisite to their independence." 
 
 Speaking at the Knickerbocker Club in New York, he said: 
 
 "By temperament, by experience, by financial ability, in every 
 way the ten millions of Filipinos are entitled to be free from every 
 government except of their own choice. They are intelligent enough 
 to decide for themselves. 
 
 "I have found the native Filipino official to be honest, efficient and 
 as capable of administering executive positions as any men I have 
 met anywhere in the world. 
 
 " They have leaders like Speaker Osmena, of the House of Repre- 
 sentatives, and President Quezon, of the Senate, who would adorn 
 any office. 
 
 "The Philippines are away ahead of the United States in success- 
 ful government ownership and operation of public utilities. 
 
 "The government took hold of the steam railways and made them 
 pay a profit of 1,000,000'pesos a year more than under private owner- 
 ship. 
 
 "It took hold of the highways, and we have 7,000 miles of the best 
 macadamized roads in the world. The Manila city government is 
 
 30 
 
A mountain of salt at tin- v salt springs of Salinas, province of Nuevo 
 Vizcaya. 
 
 about to take over the street railways and the gas and electric plants, 
 while the territorial government is arranging for ownership and 
 control of the coal supply." 
 
 Acting Governor Yeater on the Philippine Congress 
 
 "The capacity for initiative and the constructive spirit evidenced 
 by the Legislature, the first organized under the Jones law, is worthy 
 of great commendation. Its capacity to investigate government 
 problems and to act expeditiously, but with due caution, is certainly 
 unprecedented in history, considering that for three centuries this 
 people had practically no political rights and were debarred from 
 the benefits of education. American legislative practice and pro- 
 cedure has always been examined, and, with few exceptions, followed. 
 As indicative, however, of their independent frame of mind, it may 
 be noted that a single legislative committee has had charge of both 
 appropriations and ways and means since 1907, and under the pro- 
 visions of the Jones law has adopted substantially the basic principles 
 of the English budget system, instead of maintaining a rigorous appli- 
 cation of the theory of the"* separation of governmental powers alT, 
 far as the legislative and executive departments are concerned, the. 
 latter directed by an American^ This Legislature has given to the 
 secretaries of the various departments the right to appear before 
 either house to defend publicly the measures proposed by the execu- 
 tive, or to oppose measures originated in such houses. 
 
 "Finally, as one of the representatives in these Islands of the 
 United States, I wish to attest the patriotism of the Filipinos and 
 their loyal attachment to the United States Government. This 
 Legislature, which has just terminated its sessions, has acted with 
 judgment and prudence, and in what it has done and left undone 
 during its term now drawing to a close, and should be credited for 
 the wisdom with which it has guided and directed the Filipino people 
 
 31 
 
A modern method of transporting sugar cane in the Philippines. 
 
 in the paths of order and tranquillity during these recent years of 
 almost universal turmoil and unrest. Perfect peace has prevailed 
 here, and all provincial and municipal governments' instrumental- 
 ities of force have had no function to perform. (Acting Governor 
 Yeater to the War Department, February 10, 1919.) 
 
 Some Outstanding Accomplishments of the Filipino-Con- 
 ducted Government 
 
 The internal improvements so happily begun by the Americans 
 have been given greater impetus. At the end of 1914, when the 
 Executive and the Upper House of the Legislature were controlled 
 by Americans, there were only 2,317 kilometers of first-class macad- 
 amized roads, but at the end of 1918, after four years of Philippine 
 autonomy, this was more than doubled. In 1913. at the time of 
 Governor-General Forbes, whose main achievement was the im- 
 provement of public "works, the government did not spend over 
 3,000,000 pesos, or $1,500,000, a year for public improvements. The 
 appropriation for 1919 for public works alone is 17,000,000 pesos, or 
 $8,500,000. A system of government has been evolved whereby an 
 efficient cooperation between the Executive and Legislature is 
 effected and responsible leadership assured. A Council of State has 
 been established composed of members of the cabinet and legislative 
 leaders, with a Filipino Vice-President, which formulates the admin- 
 istrative policy of the government and recommends measures to 
 the legislature. The Philippine Legislature also established a bud- 
 get system which has been considered by all a success. There are 
 now 675,000 pupils attending 4,700 public schools, as against 440,000 
 pupils and 3,000 schools in 1912. The Philippine Legislature has 
 recently voted $15,000,000 for free public school education, which 
 will give the rudiments of education to every school child of the 
 Philippines. The same Legislature established the largest bank west 
 
 32 
 
A class in a public school in the Philippine Islands. The government 
 supports 4,700 schools, with a teaching force of 12,303 teachers, provid- 
 ing instruction for 675,000 pupils. 
 
 of Chicago, whose resources have jumped in three years from 
 $10,000,000 to $125,000,000. 
 
 Seventy Per Cent Are Literate 
 
 Seventy per cent of the Filipino people above ten years of age can 
 read and write. This percentage of literacy is almost as high as 
 some of the States of the Union and is higher than in any country of 
 South America, higher than the literacy of the Spanish people, un- 
 questionably above that of any of the new countries recognized in 
 Europe, and over that of Greece, Italy, Portugal, Romania and 
 Servia. (From the census estimate cabled by Director of the Philip- 
 pine Census to the War Department.) 
 
 Division of Property 
 
 There are a million and a half farms in the Philippines, and 96 
 per cent of these farms are owned by Filipinos. In other words, out 
 of the ten million Christian Filipinos, eight million of them at least 
 live on their own farms, with houses of their own, independent of any 
 absentee landlord or foreign master. Ninety-one per cent of the 
 urban property, consisting of houses and lands, is owned by the 
 natives of the Philippines, and only 9 per cent is in the hands of 
 foreigners. (Facts cabled by Acting Governor-General Charles 
 Emmett Yeater to the War Department from the recent census 
 estimates.) 
 
 Recent Economic Progress 
 
 The Philippines import cotton, iron, steel, rice, milk, flour, paper, 
 leather, dairy products, automobiles, coal, fibers, vegetables, tex- 
 tiles, oils, chemicals, drugs, dyes, medicines, meat products, instru- 
 
Girls' Dormitory, Philippine Normal School, Manila. 
 
 mental apparatus, tobacco, soap, manufactures of wood, books, 
 printed matter, glass, cocoa, etc. It exports, ham, sugar, cocoanut 
 oil, tobacco, foreign merchandise, fats, lumber, pearl buttons, cocoa- 
 nuts, etc. 
 
 The total foreign commerce in 1913 was $107,685,742 with a 
 balance against her of $5,500,000, while last year, 1918, her foreign 
 commerce reached $234,281,747 with a balance of trade in her favor 
 of $37,083,324, or an increase of $133,196,005 of the 1918 trade over 
 that of 1913, an increase of 131 per cent from 1913 to 1918. 
 
 With respect to our monetary circulation, we had in 1913, or a 
 year before the war, $25,348,626, or $2.76 per capita, while at 
 present we have in circulation $66,301,484, or $6.74 per capita. Our 
 total bonded indebtedness amounts only to $26,000,000, of which 
 more than $4,000,000 has already been set aside to pay it. 
 
 Taxation in the Philippines was $2.14 per capita in 1913 as com- 
 pared with $2.68 per capita in 1917. 
 
 The Philippine National Bank is an incontrovertible evidence of 
 the great financial progress of the country. It was organized with 
 resources amounting to $5,900,000 on May 25, 1916, and gradually 
 rose to $14,650,000 on July 15, 1916; $25,350,000 on December 31, 
 1916; $49,017,500 on June 30, 1917; $69,138,000 on December 31, 
 1917; $105,471,000 on June 30, 1918; and $124,399,039.04 on 
 December 31, 1918. 
 
 As a true sign of the notable development which up to this time 
 has been shown in the commerce of our country are the 3,065 domestic 
 corporations and partnerships organized in the Islands during the 
 last few years with a capital aggregating 452,192,197.43 pesos, not 
 to mention ninety-five large American and a considerable number of 
 world-famed foreign concerns with enormous additional capital 
 also having agencies and branches in the Islands. 
 
 "The imports of the Philippines in 1918 amounted to 197,198,423 
 pesos, of which 59.7 per cent, consisting principally of cotton, iron, 
 
 34 
 
Boys attending the 16 provincial trade schools of the Philippines receive 
 practical vocational training. 
 
 steel and oil, came from the United States. The exports for the 
 same year amounted to 271,365,671 pesos, of which 66.1 per cent, 
 consisting principally of copra, hemp, and sugar, came to the United 
 States. 
 
 "Only from hemp, copra and sugar, exported from the Philippines 
 in 1917, the United States received 82,338,515 pesos. 
 
 "None of the other nations iii the world has taken of the foreign 
 trade of the Philippines more than 10 per cent, but the United States 
 alone took 63 per cent." (Data supplied by the Hon. Dionisio 
 Jakosalem, Secretary of Commerce and Communications of the 
 Philippine Government.) 
 
 Growth of Schools During the Six Years of Philippine 
 Autonomy 
 
 The Philippine public school system is one of the largest under the 
 American flag, and it is growing. Between 1912 and 1918 the total 
 number of children in school increased from 440,000 to 675,000, a 
 gain of 54 per cent in six years. The larger number of pupils at- 
 tended 4,700 schools, the smaller 3,000, which means that, in 1918, 
 1,700 more communities enjoyed educational privileges than in 
 1912. During the same period the number of intermediate pupils 
 grew to 67,000, a gain of 160 per cent; and the number of high school 
 students reached 16,000, a gain of 220 per cent. And the Philip- 
 pines have no compulsory attendance law! 
 
 "The Filipino educational system has attracted the attention of 
 thinking men in the Orient and has merited the condemnation and 
 commendation of men, scholarly men, from the West. JusFTb cite 
 one authority', Dr. PauT~Monroe, of Columbia University, probably 
 the greatest living authority on~fhe history of education today, after 
 a sojourn of several weeks in the Philippine Islands and after a 
 thorough investigation of educational conditions in the Philippines, 
 
 35 
 
 * 
 
Ifugao igorrot rice terraces, which are among the most remarkable of 
 
 i their kind in the world. It is estimated there are 12,121 miles of 8-foot 
 
 I stone walls in the Ifugao terraces, which is approximately half the 
 
 distance around the world. These terraces are skillfully irrigated by 
 
 water brought in troughs along the precipitous mountain sides over 
 
 long distances. 
 
 left the Islands, leaving, for the benefit of educational authorities, 
 a report replete with constructive suggestions. He closed that 
 report in the following words, which I quote: 
 
 "'It seems probable to an observer that greater educational pro- 
 gress has been made in the Philippine Islands in ten or twelve years 
 than in any similar period or in any place in the history of edu- 
 cation. ' " (From the speech of the Assistant Director of Education 
 before the Merchants' Association of New York, April 17, 1919.) 
 
 Establishment of Universal Free Education 
 
 "The most important measure (passed by the all-Philippine 
 Legislature) in my judgment, is that by which over 30,000,000 pesos 
 were appropriated for the extension of universal free education to 
 all the children of the islands. This act is of prime importance, not 
 only because it provides funds for a term of years sufficient to extend 
 a primary education of seven grades to all the children of school 
 age, but also because it enables the Bureau of Education to prepare 
 and carry into execution a complete and systematic development 
 of the existing excellent educational plan, which lacked only exten- 
 sion over the entire field. Further more, it is a means of incalculable 
 value for the welfare of the Filipino people, since it will banish illiter- 
 acy, establish permanently English as the common language of the 
 land, afford a firm foundation for democratic institutions, and insure 
 order and stability to the insular government. 
 
 "The adoption of this thoroughly American educational measure 
 
 36 
 
will tend greatly to lift the moral responsibility incumbent on the 
 United States to secure a firm and orderly government, and aside 
 from the differences of opinion which may have existed among . 
 American statesmen in the past, it has been advocated by all Amer- 
 icans from the beginning of the occupation that universal free educa- 
 tion of the masses should be an essential characteristic of our national 
 policy in the Philippines. Inasmuch as when Congress considered 
 paragraph 2, the acts of July 1 and 19, and of August 29, 1916, 
 much discussion was had about the political capacity of the Philip- 
 pines, I feel that I discharge a dvty of conscience to call your atten- 
 tion to the fact that this enlightened measure was passed by the 
 legislative department of the government, which, as you know, is 
 composed entirely of Filipinos. By this law of universal free educa- 
 tion the all-Philippine Legislature in the last two years has provided 
 for doubling the quantity of the educational work effected in almost 
 two decades of previous American occupation. Under the financial 
 support previously given, it was necessary to turn away from the 
 doors of the schoolhouse one-half of all the children of the Islands. 
 In five years all the children of the land will receive educational 
 advantages. Besides this, the salaries of all municipal teachers will 
 be increased 30 per cent. (From a cable report of Acting Governor 
 Yeater to the War Department, dated February 10, 1919.) 
 
 The Non-Christian Peoples of the Philippines 
 
 According to the census estimate of 1918, out of the population of 
 10,500,000 Filipinos, there are 500,000 inhabitants who belong to the^ 
 so-called non-Christian tribes. The most numerous of these non- 
 Christian peopie are the IVToros, who inhabit the Sulu Archipelago 
 and certain parts of Mindanao. The Mountain Province and Nueva 
 Vizcaya, in Luzon, contain also non-Christian people. 
 I Unlike the backward peoples in other parts of the globe, the non- 
 
 Christian peoples of the Philippine., liave always received humani- 
 tarian treatment from the American Government as well as from 
 ( their Christian brothers. From 1913 to 1916 the non-Christian 
 I peoples were under the exclusive control and jurisdiction of the Phil- 
 ' ippine Commission composed of a majority of Filipinos. Since the 
 | passage of the Jones law in 1916, the Philippine Legislature, com- 
 posed entirely of Filipinos, assumed legislative control of the non- 
 Christian tribes. Since 1913, therefore, the representatives of 
 | the Christian Filipinos have dictated the policy pursued toward their 
 I non-Christian brothers. 
 
 8 Upon the establishment of the Bureau of non-Christian tribes by 
 
 section 22 of the Jones law, Ihe Philippine Legislature on February 
 20, 1917, enacted Act No. 2674 providing for the operation of said 
 bureau. That law defines in a clear and unequivocal term the 
 policy of the Government towards the non-Christian people as fol- 
 lows: 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 (". . . to foster by all adequate means and in a systematic, 
 rapid and complete manner the moral, material, economic, social 
 and political development of the regions inhabited by non-Christian 
 Filipinos, always having in view the aim of rendering perma ent 
 the mutual intelligence between and complete fusion of all the 
 Christian and non-Christian elements populating the provinces of 
 the Archipelago." 
 
 Our policy towards the non-Christian peoples is pronounced by 
 all unbiased observers a decided success. It is an unprecedented 
 treatment of the non-Christian peoples by their more civilized fel- 
 5 38 
 
' 
 
 low-men, who, by sheer number, strength and civilization, could, | 
 under recognized practices, claim to be the sole owners of the coun- j 
 try. Millions of pesos are taken every year from the pockets of 
 the Christian Filipinos and sent to the non-Christian tribes for the 
 establishment of schools, hospitals, and for the development of their j 
 agriculture. As a result, the standard of the Moro people is today 
 much nearer that of their Christian brothers. Teachers, doctors 
 and nurses from all over the islands have carried a message of j 
 friendship and love, and have established more firmly the national 
 solidarity of Christians and non-Christians than the severest policy of 
 blood and iron would have done. Order has been kept as never be- j 
 /ore, and now people can travel from one end of the Moro region to 
 the other in safety. " Contrary to the prediction of the calamity 
 howlers," says the constabulary commander of Mindanao and Sulu j 
 (Col. Ole Waloe) in his memorandum addressed to the Department 
 Secretary on November 23, 1918, "the Christian Filipino officers 
 of the constabulary have succeeded completely in winning the respect 
 and confidence of the Moro people." The participation that the j 
 non-Christian peoples were given in national law-making has bound 
 them closer and closer still to the Christian Filipinos. "We are one 
 in spirit and one in blood," said the foremost citizen of the Moro j 
 people, Senator Hadji Butu. 
 
 The Filipino Woman 
 
 The position of the Filipino woman in the Orient is unique. j 
 " Midway geographically between the kimono maiden of Japan and 
 the veiled lady of India," says an American writer (Emma Sarepta | 
 Vule, in The Philippines Monthly, 1915), "and alongside of the 'lily- j 
 footed' dame of China is the woman of the Philippines, a woman 
 unique in the Orient, a woman in whose development there has been 
 neither seclusion, nor oppression, nor servitude." Even before the 
 coming of the Spaniards four centuries ago, the Filipino woman held 
 a relatively high position. The Spanish discoverers found the 
 Filipino woman sharing equally with her husband the rights and 
 duties of the home, and in case of his death inheriting half of their 
 joint gains. Sometimes the position of the chief official of a town, 
 upon his eath, fell to the widow when there was no male heir. 
 Christian ideals strengthened the position of the Filipino woman and 
 gave her even greater freedom and power. Today she is the mistress 
 of the home and the safe keeper of the family funds. Through her 
 hold in the home she wields a strong influence in the outside world. 
 In business she is the equal, if not the superior, of her mate; and 
 politically, though she does not enjoy popular suffrage, she has 
 proven, to quote the American writer again, "in more than one case, 
 indeed in very many, that she is an active campaigner of no mean 
 -order." 
 
 The education of the Filipino woman has broadened her scope in 
 life and is making her more interested in the civic activities of the 
 Philippines. In 1917 there were enrolled in the primary and inter- 
 mediate grades of the public schools 234,905 girls. Filipino women 
 are now occupying positions in the Bureau of Education and the 
 University of the Philippines. While there is no strong agitation for 
 suffrage, it is doubtful whether, when they demand it, their brothers 
 will deny it to them. There have been established over fifty wo- 
 men's clubs in the Philippines, engaged in social settlement work, the 
 mprovement of health conditions, and the prevention of infant 
 nortality. Writers on the Philippines and observers of Philippine 
 
 39 
 
testified to |1<0 superiorly 
 
 ;in<I will coMPx*** , upon the count. r\ 
 
 "Possibly . . . on thf ~c - ' < - >1 > whv.": I'M: lolos bloTfc A ' . - 
 
 the cocoanut lifts high its gre^n-cro,, ;<;;! he ; there may evolve til 
 alturia of the vision of the suffrage ue, a land of perfect sex equalit 
 with chivalry tipping the scale in favor of lovely woman." That ws 
 the promise pictured by the American writer who has paid such 
 pleasing tribute to the Filipino women. 
 
 Japan in the Philippines 
 
 Responsible Japanese officials have said that they do not want th 
 Philippines. Dr. lyenaga, one of Japan's most active publicit 
 agents in the United States, once said that Japan would not accep 
 the Philippines even as a gift. "Unless that gift should be a< 
 companied not by $20,000,000, the sum you gave to Spain, but by 
 round billion of dollars to be expended for the education and develop 
 ment of the Filipinos, Japan would surely decline your offer. Japa 
 has no use for the Philippines for colonization purposes because it 
 climate is as unfitted to us for that purpose as it is for you. On 
 experience in Formosa has convinced us of that." Another Japanes 
 writer equally well known in the United States, Mr. K. Kawakam 
 while not going as far as Dr. lyenaga, emphatically says that Japa 
 has no desire to acquire the Philippines. 
 
 Japan has had the Island for over twenty years, and yet there ar 
 now barely 150,000 Japanese in it this in spite of the fact that th 
 Japanese Government gives financial help to Japanese subject 
 emigrating to Formosa. It is said that in 1912 alone the Japanes 
 Government spent over $200,000 to help 1,760 emigrants to th 
 Island. (Abbott, "Japanese Expansion.") Today there are onl, 
 about 7,000 Japanese in the Philippines. 
 
 
 40 
 
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