I i THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESENTED BY PROF. CHARLES A. KOFOID AND MRS. PRUDENCE W. KOFOID ORIENTAL RECORDS HISTORICAL. ORIENTAL RECORDS. HISTORICAL CONFIRMATORY OF THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT SCRIPTURES. BY WILLIAM HARRIS RULE, D.D. E^r]pdudr] 6 x^P'^'os Kol to ciudos avTov e^errecre, to 5e p^fJi-o- Kvpiov /xeVfi els tov nloiva. Multa terricolis linguae, coslestibus una. LONDON : SAMUEL BAGSTER AND SONS, IS, PATERNOSTER ROW. ^ . \ 7?^ CONTENTS. Preface ...... i The Institution of the Sabbath . . . i Site of the Cave of Machpelah ... 6 Burial, not Burning . . . . .10 Witchcraft a Capital Crime . . 24 Spirit-Worship . . . . • 3^ Divination . . . . . 41 Death for Heresy . . . . .48 The Fallen Angels .... 50 Demoniacs . . . . . -55 Human Sacrifices .... 64 The Sin of Asking for a King . . .68 Assyria — The Occupation of Samaria . . 73 „ The Samaritan Pentateuch . . -7^ Naaman in the House of Rimmon . . 82 Merodach-Baladan and Hezekiah . . -87 Pharaoh Necho and Josiah ... 90 Babylon— The Fall of Babylon . . -95 Cyrus — The Name of Cyrus . . . 106 „ The Religion of Cyrus and the Persians . 1 1 1 r;inA o>i •^ri CONTENTS. PAGE Zerubbabel . . . . . 119 Kings of the North and South — Canopus Inscription and Rosetta Stone . . . -135 Destruction of the Temple and City of Jerusalem 147 Tombs of the Kings . . . . -152 The "House of Prayer for all People" . . 159 The Magi who came to Worship Jesus . .166 The Fame of Jesus in Syria . . . 173 Polyglot Inscriptions — Pilate's Writing on the Cross . 177 Carmen Christo Quasi Deo . . . 183 Primeval Faith — Revelation . . , .190 Supremacy and Unity of God . . . 195 The Future State — Egypt . . . .213 „ „ Assyria . . . 223 Sacrifice ...... 233 Appendix — Notes on the Curetonian Gospels . 238 ILLUSTRATIONS. First Lines of the first Creation-tablet, from " Trans- actions of the Society of Biblical Archaeology," Vol. IV., Part i. . On Cover of the Book. Gen. i. 6-8. From MS. of the Samaritan Pentateuch in the British Museum . . . -76 Name of a Queen, from a Sarcophagus in " Tombs of the Kings " near Jerusalem . . -152 Luke xi. 24-26 in ancient Syriac, from the Curetonian Gospels in the British Museum (Add. 14, 451, of the Fifth Century) . . . 175,238 PREFACE T will be perceived that the title-pages of this volume and the one preceding' indicate a shade of difference in the contents. In the first, I restrict myself, almost entirely, to monumental confirmation of the several statements in the Old Testament to which the records relate, but in the second I take a somewhat wider range, yet not so wide as will soon be practicable. The ground which lies before us is not yet fully occupied ; and with the additional material which will, most probably, soon come to hand, further study of a much enlarged collection may be expected to throw great light on the long continued corruption of the Israelites by communication with their neigh- bours in general, and their Egyptian masters and Assyrian and Babylonian conquerors in particular. When the study now anticipated is accomplished, much additional aid will be obtained for a more sure and enlightened exposition of both the Old Testa- ment and the New, and especially of such portions of the latter as relate to the infant Asiatic churches, influenced as they were by idolatries which have not hitherto been so well understood by expositors as are those of Greece and Rome. The false worship, the false teachings, and the evil customs of those remote' ' Oriental Records. Monumental, 11 PREFACE. ages, the entire picture of heathen Hfe, as we find it self-recorded, must be made widely known before the exact adaptation of the censures of Prophets and Apostles to the case of those whom they address can be fully appreciated. To attempt so complete an exposition would now be premature. The Oriental mythologies are not yet ascertained sufficiently by those most diligent and most successful investigators whose attention is per- severingly directed to the very subject, and whose discoveries multiply almost from day to day, and enrich the new literature which has come into existence. I must acknowledge my consciousness that the present work is but rudimental, and profess a hope that, if my own life be spared for the completion of another labour, which is now demanding incessant care, it may be permitted me to pursue this long cherished object yet further. But I rejoice in the assurance that younger men, all over Europe, are busily pursuing this line of study, and will consecrate their powers to the glory of God, in direct relation to that Divinely inspired book, which becomes more and more manifestly precious, as witnesses rise up from the dust of antiquity to vindicate its perfectness from the disparagement of scepticism, and the contradiction of grosser unbelief W. H. RULE. Croydon, yune 2ist, 1877. ORIENTAL RECORDS. THE INSTITUTION OF THE SABBATH. Genesis II. 2, 3. FTER the creation of man, the first great event on record is the institution of the Sabbath. Much has been said of a division of time into weeks anciently observed, and some classical quotations are current, but I shall not repeat them. There cannot be any contemporaneous monument of that event, but it is undeniable that a Sabbatic tradition can be traced in history, although for the most part faintly. Moses writes that " on the seventh day God ended His work which He had made : and He rested ' on the seventh day from all His work which He had made. And God blessed the seventh day, and sanctified it, be- cause that in it He had rested from all His work which He had created and made." (Gen. ii. 2, 3.) When collating the Chaldean deluge tablet with the * mtf « he ceased from." 2 ORIENTAL RECORDS. Mosaic history of the deluge, I have shown that, according to both these documents, there was a weekly division of time observed by Noah. I am not able to make so confident a use of some passages from the Greek classics as others have done to prove the prevalence of a Sabbatic tradition, but am glad to find more direct evidence from higher antiquity. There is a standard astronomical work that was common to both Babylonians and Assyrians. It consists of seventy tablets, and was compiled in this form for Sargon, king of Agane, in the sixteenth century before Christ. This, however, is but one out of many of the same kind, all representing a system of combined science and superstition cultivated during many centuries, and perhaps more ancient than Baby- lon itself. It is translated by the Rev. A. H. Sayce, M.A., who presented the translation and memoir to the Society of Biblical Archaeology. On one of the tablets are found these words : " The moon a rest, on the seventh day, the 14th day, the 21st day, the 28th day, causes." ' In the course of his memoir Mr. Sayce remarks that the days on which the quarters of the moon began were called "days o{ sidunil''' or rest, and on those days certain works were forbidden. This is supported by another inscription, of which the trans- lation is published by Mr. Fox Talbot as it stands on the fifth Creation-tablet : " Every month without fail he made holy assembly days. In the beginning of the month, at the rising of the night, it (the moon) shot forth its beams to illuminate the heavens. On the * Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, Vol. III., p. 145, 207, 213, 313. ' DI^TU " peace." THE INSTITUTION OF THE SABBATH. 3 seventh day he appointed a holy day, and to cease from all business he commanded." From the same tablet Mr. Talbot translates an account of Hasisadra curing Isdubar of a cutaneous disease which he understands to be leprosy. Be that as it may, for the meaning of rarely occurrent words must, as yet, be doubtful, the general drift of the inscription scarcely can be, and the numbers could hardly be mistaken. The lines run thus : " Every day (Ha- sisadra) ascended to the deck of the ship (the ark, as it lay on its resting-place). The first day, he brought ointment for his leprosy; the second day, he brought musk ; the third day, he brought . . . . ; the fourth day, he opened his ulcer ; the fifth day, ointment he spread on it ; the sixth day, he brought balsam. On the seventh day, he gave him a dress of honour, and exalted the man." The same is repeated further on.' Mr. Sayce has more recently published a trans- lation of what he calls "a Babylonian Saints' Calendar," which bears traces of an Accadian original, and if so, it represents a distinct historic source. Not only is there a Sabbath marked therein on the 7th, 14th, 2 1st, and 28th days of the month, but one also on the 19th, for which there may have been some special and independent reason, and on each of these days there is the following entry, of great importance with regard to the manner in which the Sabbath should be kept : " A Sabbath. The prince of many nations the flesh of birds (and) cooked fruit eats not. The garments of his body he changes not. White robes he puts not on, sacrifice he offers not. The king in his chariot ^ Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archceology, Vol. IV., p. 67-69. 2* 4 ORIENTAL RECORDS. rides not. In royal fashion he legislates not. A place of garrison the general by word of mouth appoints not. Medicine for his sickness of body he applies not." ' Mr. Sayce observes that what he has translated Sabbath is expressed by two Accadlan words which literally signify dies iiefastiis, and a bilingual syllabary makes them equivalent to yum sulumi, or day of completion of labours. He further says that the word Sabbath itself was not unknown to the Assyrians, and occurs, under the form of Sabbatu, in one of the Western Asiatic Inscriptions (II. 32, 16), where it is explained as a day of rest for the heart. Now this fact, literally set before us, has very great importance. It contributes evidence to show that in the transition of mankind from the service of the true God to creature-worship, the weekly observance of a day of rest was changed into a quarter-monthly. The original Sabbath followed six working-days, and was commemorative of the creation, and the communion of the Creator with His favoured creatures on the first entire day of their existence. The Babylonian Sabbath was made to bear another significance. Nearly the same as to time. It seemed to have another reason, the original reason having passed out of mind, and to depend on the moon, which was said, being now deified, to cmise a day of rest, peace, repose from labour. The writing of Moses and the method of the astrologers so far differ, but the reason of the difference Is palpable, and the fact of differing is accounted for at once by the departure of the ^ Records of the Past, Vol. VII., p. 157. THE INSTITUTION OF THE SABBATH. 5 Babylonians from the faith and worship of their fathers to the worship of the sun and moon. The quarter-monthly Sabbath is reproduced in some part of India. A missionary, writing from Ceylon, describes a revival of Buddhist zeal in that island, and gives one proof of it in "the revival of a Buddhist Sunday, if," he asks incredulously, "Buddhism ever had one before. // occurs on the day of the 7noon^s change, four times a month, commonly known as * Poga Day.' Recently, however, a much stricter keeping of it has been called for, and now the Buddhist bazaar, or market, and the boutiques, or shops, are all closed on Poga days. In 1864 (when last in Ceylon), I never saw or heard of such obser- vance : now, we can get nothing from Buddhists on Poga days." ' ^ JVesleyan Missionary Notices for September, 1875. t^ SITE OF THE CAVE OF MACHPELAH. Genesis XXIII. 17-20. E cannot yet explore the patriarch's burial-place at Hebron, and ascertain by actual inspection the exact reason of its name, machpelah, or double. Conjecture does not satisfy. It remains for some reverent inquirer to gain access, and search the place beneath-ground for what information it may yield. The patriarch Abraham was buried there,^ as were Isaac and Jacob, Sarah, Rebecca, and Leah. No- thing is known of the funeral rites that were observed when its venerable purchaser was laid there out of sight. We do indeed know that when Jacob died in Egypt, his son "Joseph commanded his servants the physicians to embalm his father ; and the physicians embalmed Israel. And forty days were fulfilled for him, for so are fulfilled the days of those which are embalmed ; and the Egyptians mourned for him threescore and ten days." (Gen. 1. 2, 3.) With great state, and a procession almost royal, the body was conveyed to Hebron. No doubt it was thoroughly mummified. Probably a sarcophagus had been pre- pared for its reception, for we cannot conceive that so great care as was displayed in the embalming and the burial could have been preceded by a negli- gence foreign from the habits of the Egyptians, and SITE OF THE CAVE OF MACHPELAH. 7 SO utterly unlike the filial reverence and love con- stantly and assiduously displayed by Joseph during the seventeen years of his father's life in Egypt. It is almost equally improbable that the sarcophagus would have been bare, without a sentence engraven to betoken faith in immortality or to honour the departed in sight of the Egyptians ; or that no written papyrus would be laid within the mummy- cloths. And unless Machpelah has been rifled at some time when Judea was overrun with a hostile army, or held in absolute possession by Gentiles, it may even now be hoped that the time is coming when in that cave some kind of monumental con- firmation to the narrative of Jacob's burial written in the last chapter of the book of Genesis, and of Joseph's also, will be found. In the Holy Land there is a great scarcity of Biblical monuments. Josephus, indeed, is supposed to refer to the tombs of the patriarchs in Hebron when he says, that in his time monuments of the children of Abraham were shown in this very little city of Hebron, and that they were all of the finest marble, and sumptuously wrought ; ' but it does not appear that any remains of such monuments have been heard of since his time. Unless Josephus writes carelessly, we must under- stand him to affirm that then, or at least within memory of persons then living {until now), while he was writing his books on the Jewish war, about A.D. 70, soon after the fall of Jerusalem, those fine * . . . . Tovs re TraiSas auTOU [AjSpci/Aov] Aeyouai Traraflrji/at els Ai-yvTrroi' ivOev SiV KoX TO. (j-vrifJieia /u-expt tov vvv ev TrjSe ttj 7I"oAi;(vtj SeiKWTai, ndvv /caA^s fxapfjidpov Koi (^lAoTiju,"? elpyaa-fjieva. Bell. yud. IV., ix. 7. 8 ORIENTAL RECORDS. marble monuments were shown, having been pre- served with sacred care for seventeen hundred years. But there is reason to believe that the Hebron known to Josephus did not occupy the same site as the Hebron of to-day. The famous turpentine-tree, called the oak of Mamre, and mentioned by Josephus, was six stadia from Hebron ; but Sozomen, writing about the middle of the fifth century, gives for the distance of the same tvQQ fifteen stadia, showing a difference of nine. Again, in the twelfth century, Rabbi Benjamin of Tudela, who visited Hebron, says that "this city was formerly situated in the mountain, but was then in ruins, that the town he saw was on lower ground, and that the field of Machpelah, where was the great high place which they called Saint Abraham, and close to that temple, the tombs of Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Sarah, Rebecca, and Leah ; a position corres- ponding, as nearly as may be, to the present position of the mosque of the Friend of God, as the Arabs call it, and the cave wherein the bodies of Abraham and the others are said to be deposited, and is conse- quently regarded with an awful reverence by the Mohammedans." ' But if Josephus is to be understood literally, that the bodies were buried in that very town^ ev ryhe rfj irokLXvr), and if that very town was in the site described by Sozomen and Rabbi Benjamin, the remains of the lost monuments may yet be found by excavation there, that is to say, on the top of the hill, instead of the lower ground. It will be remembered that when the Prince of Wales was in Palestine in 1862, admission for him * Itinerarium R. Benjaminisy Lugd. Batav., 1633, p. 48. SITE OF THE CAVE OF MACHPELAH. 9 and his attendants to enter the mosque was with great difficulty obtained, that he might get a glance, at least, of the cave bought of the Hittites by Abra- ham, or some part of it. A continuous tradition, traced through a succession of historians and tra- vellers from Flavins Josephus, down to the present Dean of Westminster, who accompanied his Royal Highness, and wrote an interesting account of that visit,' seemed to mark the place, but a difficulty has been created by the shifting of the site, and a question of identity is raised. There is, certainly, a most distinct historical certification of the burial, recorded in the book of Genesis. But the cave has to be searched, and this may soon be accomplished. While the antiquarian regrets the scarcity of monu- ments in a land so famous for the greatest events in the history of mankind, he cannot fail to be impressed with the prophetic sentence of desolation : " I will scatter you among the heathen, and will draw out a sword after you, and your land shall be deso- late, and your cities waste." (Lev. xxvi. 33.) "In all your dwelling-places the cities shall be laid waste, and the high places shall be desolate ; that your altars may be laid waste, and may be cut down, and your works may be abolished." (Ezek. vi. 6.) Hence it has come to pass that the explorers of Palestine, stimulated by the expectation of finding objects of great archaeological interest, have set out in earnest search, have persevered nobly, and, after all, find little of the kind at first expected. Their labours are indeed rewarded, but not quite according to the hopes of the original projectors. ^ The Times, April 26, 1862. lO BURIAL, NOT BURNING. Genesis XXIII. 19. BRAHAM bought the cave Machpelah, or double, of Ephron the Hittite, for four hundred shekels of silver, that he might bury his dead out of sight. (Gen. xxiii.) He found this cave ready pre- pared as a place of sepulture, being one of the sepulchres of which the Hittites offered him the choice. This incident brings us one of numberless evidences that the custom of burying or entombing the dead was not peculiar to the Hebrews, but pre- vailed with other peoples before them. As for the purchase made by Abraham at Hebron, I have written a few lines only ; and my only purpose, at present, is to remind the reader that the custom of depositing the bodies of the deceased in graves, vaults, or cells excavated in the rock, tended to keep up a belief in the immortality of man, and a future resurrection. The cremation of the dead had no such significance, nor could it seem to anticipate a restoration of the body. It would be undertaking an interminable and useless work to set about collecting evidences of that custom and the correspondent belief from the early seats of postdiluvian population. Examples cannot but occur to every reader, such as the vast BURIAL, NOT BURNING. 11 burying-places at Warka and Mugheir at a very early period, and the sepulchres and tombs in Chaldea, Babylonia, Assyria, and Persia. We read of tombs in South Arabia before the exode of Israel from Egypt, and again in Palestine. Some Phoenician sepulchral epigraphs were discovered a few years ago^ and I notice one of them, not on account of anything singular therein, but because, in common with others, it bears witness to religious care for the bodies of the departed. It is inscribed on a sarcophagus dis- covered in Sidon which once contained the remains of a king Ashmunezer, son of Tabnith, also king of the Sidonians, who, during his life, appears to have given directions for his interment, and for the due care of his tomb.' It has been translated into German to the effect following : " When I fall asleep at the end of my days, then let there be rest, caring for the dead. And I shall lie in this stone coffin, and in this grave, at the place which I have built, founding an ornament for the whole kingdom. And let not any man open this resting-place, nor let him seek for treasure with us, for with us no treasure shall be placed ; neither let him take away the stone coffin where I lie, nor let him overweight the strength of this coffin by laying a second coffin upon it. But if a man sells our grave he is made a curse to himself, we banish him out of the whole kingdom ; and any man who opens the lid of this grave, or who removes the stone coffin in which I lie, or who overloads the support of this coffin, may God deny him a resting-place for his soul, ^ Zwei Sidonische Inschriften, und eine altphonische Konigsinschrift zuerst herausgegehen und erkl'drt von Dr. F. E. C. Dietrich, Marburg, 1855. 12 ORIENTAL RECORDS. and let him not be buried in his grave. May God make him without son or name. Instead of him sleeping, may he quake before the mighty, before the holy, and before them that shall follow him. The renowned king who shall reign among us after I have disappeared from the seat of government, if there is a man who opens the lid of this resting-place, or who takes away this stone coffin, this king shall curse him. When a man violates it, that man may God doom to exile, to starvation, to breaking down, to offence and curse, as long as he lives under the sun, as one for whom no mercy is prepared." After this execration he recounts his good deeds: chiefly that he has built a house for his mother, a temple for Elon, god of the Sidonians, and another temple for Ashtoreth ; and winds up with a curse to all eternity on the man that shall rifle his tomb. This may indicate some features in the religious belief of the Sidonians, while it shows what care they wished to have taken of their mortal remains, but it leaves unaltered the fact that every tomb hitherto dis- covered, of any importance, has been broken open and robbed of every thing valuable it contained. Some writers on Christian martyrology have kept up a tradition, very remarkable if true, that confessors of Christ thrown into fires, or into river or sea, or exposed to wild beasts, have been miraculously delivered, but that the same persons, after such deliverance, have been slain by the sword of the executioner. Some who credit the tradition ask how immunity from one kind of martyrdom, and subjection to the other, is to be accounted for; and the answer BURIAL, NOT BURNING. 1 3 suggested is that the destruction of bodies unburied was believed by people in general to be incompatible with a future resurrection from the dead; and that a miraculous exemption from the devouring flames and flood, and from the jaws of lions, was intended to quicken the faith of Christian confessors in the pro- mises of immortal bliss. These notions we may safely dismiss, and they do not appear to have been en- couraged by the most eminent of the Christian fathers; but they serve now to show the existence of a heathen superstition. It is quite probable that sincere, but half-taught Christians, might be haunted with a fear that bodies not duly laid to sleep the sleep of death in the graves prepared for them, might not wake up to life again, but our Lord provided for his people a sentence of infallible assurance to the contrary, " Fear not them which kill the body, but are not able to kill the soul; but rather fear Him which is able to destroy both soul and body in hell." (Matt. x. 28.) Never- theless, without any such fear of annihilation at the pleasure of a persecutor, both Jews and Christians were careful to give decent burial to the bodies of martyrs, and it is recorded how devout brethren carried Stephen, the first of them, to interment. (Acts viii. 2.) But the traces of primeval faith in the resurrection of the body are by no means uniform in the funeral customs of antiquity. They prevail chiefly in the East, and an association of memory of the present life with hope of the future chiefly appears in what is known of the rites of sepulture. As the prophet speaks of warriors lying in the chambers of the dead, with the weapons they had used in life laid under their heads, so do the archaeologists tell us of similar deposits 14 ORIENTAL RECORDS. in the coffins or ossuaries of very remote antiquity, and to a much less extent, if at all, in cinerary urns. There are also traces of unbelief, or perhaps we should rather say of ignorance ; and if so, vestiges of belief among the descendants of Shem and Ham are all the more instructive. Some recent accounts of incineration by a learned Frenchman, as distinct from inhinnation, are very helpful to a due considera- tion of the subject, which has a twofold importance, first, in relation to the faith of the Hebrews, who so carefully buried their dead, and then with regard to the practice of what is now euphemistically called cremation, and which some persons wish to see intro- duced into England ; not perceiving, as we must presume, that it has hitherto been taken for a symbol of unbelief I do not charge with unbelief well mean- ing persons who fancy that for sanitary reasons it would be better to burn departed friends than bury them, for I seriously believe the contrary. In the treatises to which I refer, M. Alexandre Bertrand' makes a wide distinction between the Etruscans, in- habitants of Etruria a few centuries before the founda- tion of Rome, and the old, or rather, the pre-Etruscans, otherwise old Italics, a people of very remote antiquity, and to be strongly distinguished from the Etruscans who brought their religion and civilization from the East. Perhaps they were identical with the Pelasgi, and some of the Homeric heroes. He notes the uniformity of their religious ritual, so far as there are any vestiges of it, and maintains that always, or very nearly always, they burnt their dead. The old Italics laid the ashes of their dead in " Rwue Archeologique, Avril et Septembre, 1874. BURIAL, NOT BURNING. 1 5 earthen jars. First, a pit was dug in the ground of size and shape sufficient to receive the jar, or, as the Romans would say, the cinerary urn, and then lined at the bottom and sides with stones rudely squared, and laid together without cement. The jar was then let down into its little pit, and covered with a lid of the same material, somewhat resembling an inverted bowl. One or two flat stones were laid on the top of the pit. The cemetery, if it might be so called, con- sisted of lines of these deposits ; but no inscription recorded the name of the person whose charred flesh and calcined bones were thrown into it. Buckles perhaps, or a razor, or a piece of coat-of-mail, was sometimes dropped into the jar, and when not entirely corroded with the damp of ages, is all that remains to tell that the contents of the jar ever had any relation to humanity. There was not a word in remembrance of any life led in this world, or in token of hope for the world to come. Here let us borrow a sentence or two of M. Ber- trand : " We have on many occasions pointed out how necessary it was to avoid confounding, when studying Italian antiquities, the cemeteries for in- cineration with those for inhumation, or even with the mixed cemeteries where the two rites have been observed. We have always been convinced that there are two traditions, or to speak more correctly, two religions absolutely distinct, and some facts of charac- ter and significance altogether unlike mere individual fancies. A remarkable letter from our friend, Count G. Conestabile, touching the funeral rites of the Etruscans, confirms us more and more in this way of viewing the subject. The Count, whose opinion we 1 6 ORIENTAL RECORDS. solicited, comes to the conclusion that the funeral rites were dominant among the Etruscan aristocracy, that is to say, the Etruscans, not the old Italics, but they who much later came from the East, where Shemitic faith, or its vestiges, still existed, was inhu- mation. This was that of the primitive Tusci." This distinction, to which the Italian archaeologues are led by researches conducted in a purely scientific spirit, confirms me in the constant belief that the resurrection of the dead was contemplated in Abra- ham's faith ; and that the solemnity with which he conducted the purchase of a burial-place for his family was not only intended as a declaration of assurance that his children in after generations would be laid in that spot, but was a practical profession of his hope and theirs that their bodies would not eternally perish, but be raised to life again. To burn and to bury were acts equally significant, the one of annihilation, the other of hope. This view of the matter agrees with the confession of St. Paul before a Roman governor and a Jewish king : " Now I stand and am judged for the hope of the promise made ot God unto our fathers, under which promise our twelve tribes, instantly serving God day and night, hope to come. For which hope's sake, king Agrippa, I am accused of the Jews. Why should it be thought a thing incredible with- you that God should raise the dead .? " (Acts xxvi. 6-Z) Methinks I see Abraham the pilgrim laying his dead out of sight in the cave of Machpelah, and calmly rejoicing in the assurance that they and he would be translated thence into that heavenly country where God had prepared for him a city. (Heb. xi. 14-19.) BURIAL, NOT BURNING. 1 7 Israelites, no less than heathens, had a horror of leaving their bodies to be unburied : and that horror, common to mankind, was encouraged by their in- spired teachers, who regarded the denial of burial as a mark of infamy. " Thus saith the Lord concerning Jehoiakim he shall be buried with the burial of an ass, drawn and cast forth beyond the gates of Jerusalem." (Jer. xxii. i8, 19.) "His dead body shall be cast out in the day to the heat, and in the night to the frost." (Jer. xxxvi. 30.) " The dogs," said Elisha, " shall eat Jezebel in the portion of Jezreel, and there shall be none to bury her." (2 Ki. ix. 10.) The dogs did so eat her there, leaving " no more of her than the skull, and the feet, and the palms of her hands." (2 Ki. ix. 35.) With the Greeks and Latins, however, the horror of lacking burial did not so much arise from a thought of ignominy as of privation in the future state. The soul of Patroclus, for example, is said to appeal to Achilles for the benefit of funeral rites : *' Art thou asleep, Achilles, and forgettest me ? Thou didst not forget me when I was alive ; but, now that I am dead. Bury me as quickly as possible that I may go into the gates of Hades. Souls from afar hasten me, those ghosts of the departed ! They will not suffer me to mingle (with them) across the flood, nor to venture rashly through the broad gates of the house unseen." ' Palinurus, too, accidentally drowning, EvSet?, avTap cju-eio A.«A.ao-joieVo? enKev, Axi^^ev ; Oil ix€V fiev ^coovTOs a.KriSei,<;, aWa OavovTOi' ®dTTTe fxe OTTirdxi-a-ra, TrvAas atSao irep-qa-Q}. T^Ae /xe eCpyovcrt, xj/vxo-i-, elSoiXa KafnovToiV, OuSe fi.e TTw? ixCaye3'n n^Di «mn -j^Vm N-n: p n^b^bi x^Mii ymi xm^i p "jmn vh ' ! «-in'"iQ2 pin^i p'^ r)3?^DD -j'^hd ah^pi n «mn p 3 5ai/x6via. 4 7'TttJ. 6o ORIENTAL RECORDS. Some of their chief commentators have gone so far astray in their speculations, or have borrowed so freely from the Talmud, that one might almost fancy they were themselves possessed. For example : on these plain words, " I will visit their transgression with the rod, and their iniquity with stripes " (Ps. Ixxxix. 32), Yarkhi asserts that the stripes were to be stripes of man, or of Adam, human chastisement or chastisers, as are the shidim, or devils, such as were the sons of Adam, " according to our faith." He had learnt this from the Talmudists, who write that the first Adam, when he was rebuked of God for having eaten of the tree of life, was excommunicated for a hundred and thirty years, and did not beget any children after his own likeness until that time had expired. The words of the Talmud are these : " R. Jeremiah, son of Elieser, said : In all those years, while Adam was under the curse of excommuni- cation, he begat spirits, devils, and spectres of the night. And Adam lived a hundred and thirty years, and then begat children in his own image and like- ness." ' Other Talmudic sages descant at pleasure on this monstrous invention, which I quote sparingly for the sake of observing that it is no more than the natural fruit of the demonology taught in Chaldea by the barbarians from the north, learned by the Jews in Babylon, grafted on Jewish credulity, and so incor- porated with the tradition that was rife when our Lord was in Jerusalem, and perpetuated in the writ- ings of the Rabbis. This was among the traditions which He rebuked. But the people were debased by the paganism ^ Buxtorf, Lex. Rah. Chal. Talm., s. v. 11®. DEMONIACS. * 6 1 inherited from their fathers, and had become as justly hable to the retributive penalty of actual demoniacal possession as was their first king when he forsook his God, and the Spirit of the Lord left him, and an evil spirit from God troubled him. It is not unlikely that the Yezideans, or devil-worshippers of Syria and Persia, with some other heathens, are in the same state. There is an example of the kind in Abyssinia, as we have heard from credible witnesses, and, among others, the present Bishop of Jerusalem, who found the Falashas, of Abyssinian Jews, chiefly proficient among the Boudas, or sorcerers. Those Boudas are reputed to have power to metamorphose their neigh- bours into hyaenas, and other beasts, to destroy their health, or to kill them, or to drive them mad. The people when sick or in trouble believe themselves to be bewitched, or possessed, and so the superstitious are suffered to become the degraded slaves of super- stition.' So it came to pass in Palestine. Because of that sinful dread of devils which destroyed all power to exercise faith in God, men were tormented by the spirits they feared. But the Saviour, setting aside the enchanters as he put out the hired mourners from the house of Jairus, by his own divine power, not by charms or conjurations, cast out the devils, at the same time condemning the superstitions, and treating ''the doctrine" which inculcated the fear and wor- ship of devils with contempt. His disciples were invested with power to do the same, but once when they were exulting in having successfully exercised the gift, he gave them the following instructive ' Rev. Samuel Gobat's journal in Abyssinia, p. 189, 229, 245. 62 ORIENTAL RECORDS. exhortation, " He said unto them, I beheld Satan as lightning fall from heaven. Behold, I give unto you power to tread on serpents and scorpions, and over all the power of the enemy: and nothing shall by any means hurt you. Nevertheless, in this rejoice not, that the spirits are subject unto you ; but rather rejoice, because your names are written in heaven." (Luke X. 18-20.) Then the world began to be delivered from the scourge. The Jewish exorcists were practising their art among the Gentiles, but it was checked by Christian influence. In Ephesus, for example, when " God wrought special miracles by the hands of Paul : so that from his body were brought unto the sick handkerchiefs or aprons, and the diseases departed from them, and the evil spirits went out of them. Then certain of the vagabond Jews, exorcists, took upon them to call over them which had evil spirits the name of the Lord Jesus, saying. We adjure you by Jesus whom Paul preacheth. And there were seven sons of one Sceva, a Jew, and chief of the priests, which did so. And the evil spirit answered and said, Jesus I know, and Paul I know; but who are ye .? And the man in whom the evil spirit was, leaped on them, and overcame them, and prevailed against them, so that they fled out of that house naked and wounded." (Acts xix. 11-16.) Both Jews and Greeks were associated in the same superstitious practices, and the immediate effect of this incident was, that fear fell on them all, many persons were converted to faith in Christ, many who used curious arts brought their books together and burnt them at great pecuniary loss, and we may well suppose that DEMONIACS. 6^ the craft of exorcism, like that of making silver models of the temple of Diana, came to nought at Ephesus. Simultaneously with the spread of Chris- tianity, demonology, and all the arts attendant, died away, the progress of heavenly truth compelling the retreat of the powers. of darkness. 64 HUMAN SACRIFICES. MiCAH VI. 6-^. HE prophet Micah the Morasthite, or native of Moresheth, was a Phoenician by birth, if not by descent. Jerome is no doubt correct, for he follows Eusebius, and also possesses local knowledge, when he says, in the prologue to his commentary on the book of Micah, that Morashti (for ns^nic) was in his day a small village near Eleutheropolis, a city of Palestine. Micah himself calls the place Moresheth- Gath, which indicates its neighbourhood to the city of that name. Jerome, still calling it Morashti, says that there was the tomb of this prophet' The Moabites wrote a dialect of the same language in the Phoenician character, as we see by the stele of Mesha at Dibon. No doubt the language and religion of the Phoenicians prevailed over a considerable tract of country, and Mesha and Micah were alike familiar with the same idolatrous customs, human sacrifice in- cluded. The king, we remember, made his first-born son a burnt offering to Chemosh his god. (2 Ki. iii. 27.) The prophet, speaking under a deep sense of the guilt of sin, and apprehension of its punishment, enquires : " Wherewithal shall I come before the Lord, and bow myself before the high God .? Shall I come before ^ Ad Eutychium. Efist. xxvii. HUMAN SACRIFICES. 65 him with burnt offerings, with calves of a year old ? Will the Lord be pleased with thousands of rams, or with ten thousands of rivers of oil ? Shall I give my first-born for my transgression, the fruit of my body for the sin of my soul ? " (Mic. vi. 6, 7.) The idea entertained by Mesha, and adopted for the sake of illustration by Micah, was that of the substitution of one person as a victim to atone for the sin of another. The issue of a battle, in the first case, proved the futility of such an expedient ; and the answer to a question, in the second, implied it. Now I have spoken above of the Accadian origin of kindred superstitions, and two cuneiform texts, translated by Mr. Sayce, evidence their prevalence in Chaldea. The first is from a diglot tablet, of which the text is Acca- dian and the version Assyrian. The first words are lost ; then follows, " . . . . the sin may he extirpate ; and the offspring who raised the head among man- kind, his offspring, for his life he gave ; the head of the offspring for the head of the man he gave ; the front of the offspring for the front of the man he gave ; the breast of the offspring for the breast of the man he gave." The other is a passage from a set of astro- nomical tablets, " In the month Sivan, from the first day to the thirtieth day, an eclipse failed ; the crops of the land (were) not prosperous. When the air-god is fine, prosperity! on the high places the son is burnty ' Here, as the translator well observes, we have clear indications of the sacrifice of children, as it took place at Carthage, in Phoenicia, and in Palestine. I do not know from what source Mr. Sayce derives his in- formation that " the horrible practice was of common * Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archceology, Vol. IV., p. 25. H 6 66 ORIENTAL RECORDS. occurrence" among the Hebrews, in the same sense as it was common among the Phoenicians and Ara- maeans. We know that it became prevalent, never absolutely common, among the Hebrews, so far, and for so long as they followed the idolatrous customs of Canaanites and Assyrians ; but the offering of human sacrifices, common with those heathens, was at the worst no more than part of the strange worship with which the Hebrews were for a time corrupted. His suggestion, too, that " the biblical narrative of the sacrifice of Isaac " is a parallel to these instances, is equally inadmissible. Abraham, indeed, must have been familiar with the custom in Chaldea and Meso- potamia of offering such sacrifices, and before he was better taught, he might with less horror have heard the divine command to offer up Isaac as a burnt sacrifice. But the narrative in Genesis shows how the interposition of the angel to stay the hand of Abraham when about to slay Isaac, and the substitu- tion of a ram for the expected human victim, tended to the eventual abolition of all such sacrifices. The same meliorating influence was apparent in the answer divinely given to the Phoenician prophet after his impassioned question : " He hath shewed thee, O man, what is good ; and what doth the Lord require of thee, but to do justly, and to love mercy, and to walk humbly with thy God .?" (Mic. vi. 8.) We have also to be careful, lest by regarding those pagan sacrifices as vicarious, we fancy them in some low degree to resemble the one vicarious offering which atones for the sins of all mankind. That a sinner, oppressed with guilt, should think to pacify some angry god by casting to him another living HUMAN SACRIFICES. 67 person instead of himself: the son for the father, bodily : head for head, front for front, and breast for breast, terror and self-love quenching in his own breast the last spark of natural affection, is not to be compared with the amazing love of Christ, who freely gave himself up for us all ; and the compassion of God the Father, who so loved the world that He spared not His only begotten Son, but gave Him up for us all, that whosoever believeth in Him should not perish, but have everlasting life. These two things differ the one from the other as far as the glory and beauty of heaven differ from the gloom and selfish- ness of this poor world, where no man can by any means redeem his brother, nor give his soul a ransom for him. 68 THE SIN OF ASKING FOR A KING. Judges VIII. 22, 23; i Samuel VIIL 6, 7. HE men of Israel said unto Gideon," after he had slain Zebah and Zalmunna, kings of Midian, " Rule thou over us, both thou and thy son, and thy son's son also, for thou hast delivered us from the hand of Midian." To this request for the estab- lishment of an hereditary monarchy Gideon promptly replied, " I will not rule over you, the LORD shall rule over your (Jud. viii. 22, 23.) This was their first petition for a king. It was renewed a few years later, when they said to Samuel, " Make us a king to judge us like all the nations." Their demand displeased the prophet, who prayed to the Lord concerning it, and received for answer, " They have not rejected thee, but they have rejected me, that I should not reign over them!' (i Sam. viii. 6, 7.) Certainly, a desire for royal government does not in itself imply rejection of Divine government, or it could never be a religious duty to honour the king and to pray for him, as in Holy Scripture we are taught to do, but the sin of the Israelites consisted in rejecting the Divine government, administered as it then was by judges, or by priests or prophets, in order to have an earthly king. The sin was further aggravated by the circumstance that kings were THE SIN OF ASKING FOR A KING. 69 supposed to possess divine powers, or to participate in divine attributes. How great a tyrant, and how unworthy a pretender to godlike majesty the king desired by the IsraeHtes was Hkely to be, may be partly gathered from the expostulation of Samuel in reply to this request (i Sam. viii. 10-17), and more perfectly from what has been related in preceding pages concerning the kings of Egypt, and more especially Rameses II., the chief oppressor of their fathers. Of all neighbouring nations, Egypt was, at that time, the greatest and best known. The customs of Egypt, with the grandeur of the Pharaohs, were pre- sent in the imagination of the Hebrews, and most especially in times of national distress, when their trust in the God who delivered them out of the land of Egypt, and the house of bondage, should have been the strongest But they were haunted with the delu- sion that the Egyptian kings, and perhaps all other kings, were more than men ; and perhaps they fancied that a king might be found for them as much a god as Amen-Ra, a man-god visible and near at hand. By entertaining such a thought they became incapable of entire allegiance to the Lord God, their heavenly Lawgiver and King. There is abundant evidence that the kings of Egypt and Ethiopia were counted little inferior to gods. A tablet inscription found by M. Mariette at Jebel Berkel, in the ruins of the great temple of Napata, in the ancient border-land between the two countries, makes the matter clear. It is on a monument raised in memory of the enthronement of a king named Aspalut, in the twenty-sixth dynasty, B.C. 664-525, 70 ORIENTAL RECORDS. much later, indeed, than the time of Samuel and Saul, but representing a standard of royal dignity much lower than that assumed in the days of the judges, an exorbitant folly not peculiar to one country, nor limited to one age, but common to the Pharaohs, the Caesars, and the Czars, and shared by many other sovereigns, ancient and modern, throughout heathendom. Aspalut, an Ethiopian, was chosen by the priests from among themselves. The army being at their service, was gathered round the temple, while they said prayers to Amen-Ra, their chief god. Before addressing the god, they had said to the soldiers, " Let us go, and crown for ourselves a king that shall be like a young bull (for strength), whom none shall be able to resist." On this appeal, the whole multi- tude of armed men groaned aloud, and cried, " Our master is among us, but we know him not. O that we might know him, march under him, and serve him as the two worlds (Upper and Lower Egypt) serve Horus, son of Isis, as soon as he shall be seated on the throne of his father Osiris ! O that we might adore his double plume ! " ' Then the soldiers talked together ; then they raised a shout of praise to the god ; then they declared that the king is his image on earth ; then they renewed the lament, " Our master is with us, but we know him not. Let us lie prostrate before him. Let us say in his presence, We come to thee, O Amen ! Give us our master to give us life. We do not speak to thee like them who know thee not. He is to be our guide to thee." On this a company of twenty-four delegates, representing * The Sovereign of all Egypt wore two feathers in his royal cap. THE SIN OF ASKING FOR A KING. 7 1 the chief officers of state, went into the temple to consult the god, and to receive a king at his hand. At their entrance the clergy asked them wherefore they were come, and they replied, " We are come to the god Amen-Ra, for him to give us our master ; we do not speak like those who know him not ; he is our guide." Before introducing them to the god, the priests went into the sanctuary to announce the arrival of the delegates, and with sacrifices propitiate his favour. This ceremony being done, the delegates were admitted into the sanctuary, and repeated their prayer, " We come to thee, Amen-Ra ; give us a master." The god consenting, some royal brothers were pre- sented to him, but he refused them all, and called for Aspalut, who he approved, by repeating to him almost the very words of their prayer. Then Aspalut entered the inmost chamber of the sanctuary, stood face to face with the god (or some priest who per- sonated the god), received from the god his father the diadem and the sceptre, and came forth king.' The pretensions of the Pharaohs to divinity were very ancient, so that this ceremony at the election of Aspalut contains nothing new on that score, but one might almost think that the choice of king Saul had suggested the very form of priestly election employed in that case. No one can affirm that the form of election of Saul at Mizpeh suggested the ceremonial employed at Djebel Barkal for the elevation of Aspalut to the throne of Egypt ; it looks not impro- bable. That, however, is a conjecture of extremely ^ Sur la stele de I'intronisation trouvee au Djebel-Barkai, par G. Maspero, Revue Archiologique, Mai, 1873. 72 ORIENTAL RECORDS. slight importance ; but the stele before us, with cir- cumstances previously noted in relation to the Pha- raohs, powerfully suggests that if the appointment of a king had been left to the Hebrews, they would have followed the customs of the heathen, in which case there would have been at that early date, eleven or twelve hundred years before Christ, a total apostasy of the Hebrew nation under a king elected after the custom of the heathen. Kings commonly pretended to be sons, or at least more distant descendants of gods; and therefore Alexander the Great thought it necessary to call himself son of Ammon,' no Pharaoh being regarded a mere mortal. The heathens of Palestine were no less high-minded, and in the first line of the Moabite stone, we find Mesha calling himself son of Chemosh. ^ The same as Amen-Ka. 73 ASSYRIA, THE OCCUPATION OF SAMARIA. 2 Kings XVIL 24. IMMEDIATELY after carrying away the Is- raelites to Nineveh, Tiglath-Pileser " brought men from Babylon," at that time a town of Assyria, " and from Cuthah, and from Ava (or Ivah), and from Hamath (in Upper Syria), and from Sepharvaim (two towns on the Euphrates), and placed them in the cities of Samaria instead of the children of Israel, and they possessed Samaria, and dwelt in the cities thereof" (2 Ki. xvii. 24.) It is not likely that these people were mingled indiscriminately in their transfer from their several towns to Samaria, but that each town migrated in mass, and that the inhabitants of the same town remained together in their new homes. Indeed the people of the place, fenced by its own walls, and governed by its king, although all were subject to a King of kings, had a sort of independent nationality. " Every nation made gods of their own, and put them in the houses of the high places which the Samaritans had made, every nation in their cities wherein they dwelt. And the men of Babylon made Succoth-benoth, and the men of Cuth made Nergal, and the men of Hamath made Ashima. And the 74 ORIENTAL RECORDS. Avites made Nibhaz and Tartak, and the Sepharvites burnt their children in fire to Adrammelech and Anammelech, the gods of Sepharvaim." (2 Ki. xvii. 29-31.) ^ Our information concerning the objects of worship here specified is very incomplete. What were the Succoth-benoth made by the Babylonians has only been conjectured. Ashima, Nibhaz, and Tartak may have been too insignificant for human memory, but bricks from the dust of Babylonia may haply be turned to disclose their names again. Adrammelech and Anammelech, a pair of gods for the two Sipparas, on the east and west banks of the Euphrates, might represent in the Assyrian superstition the male and female powers of the sun. Even the geography of the passage just quoted is in part forgotten, for the site of Ava or Ivah has to be recovered. Until very lately Cuth was more than doubtful, but since the expedition of Dr. Oppert to Mesopotamia all doubt has been removed, and he places Cutha on the map. Learning from R. Benjamin of Tudela that Babel, the royal city, and Hillah, the later town, are five miles apart; and comparing the distance from Babel to Cutha as it is laid down by the French commission, we may conclude that as Nebuchadnezzar saw it from the roof of his castle, it lay nearly due east at about twelve miles distance. Its ruins are buried in the mounds now called by the Arabs A I Hyniar, or Oheymir. The mound El Karneh (the Treasure) is a heap of bricks from the collapse of ancient build- ings. Some of them have inscriptions, and near at hand there is a pavement of Nebuchadnezzar. The inscriptions tell that the inhabitants worshipped ASSYRIA. — THE OCCUPATION OF SAMARIA. 75 Nergal, the lion-god of the Assyrians, and in one of those mounds at Cutha there are the ruins of his temple.' Temples were no doubt built by the Cuthites and others to their gods in the cities of Samaria, and when one of the Israelitish priests was sent back by the king to teach those heathens how to worship " the god of the land," " he came and dwelt at Beth-el, and taught them how they should fear the Lord." (2 Ki. xvii. 28.) At this time, therefore, we may conclude that the Lord was acknowledged God of the land, and that in each of the Assyrian towns the new in- habitants had an idol of their own, the god in its own place. At Beth-el there ought to have been a house for the service of the Lord, but that is doubtful. Afterwards, by leave of Alexander the Great, there was a temple on Mount Gerizim, and now, at the foot of Gerizim, at the ancient Shechem, afterwards Nea- polis, now pronounced Nabhis, a synagogue. The recent discovery of Cutha, with its temple to Nergal, enables us to read the Scriptural narrative with a broader apprehension of its verity, and a more vivid perception of its facts. * Menant, Bahylone et la Chaldee, p. 190, 261. 76 ASSYRIA. THE SAMARITAN PENTATEUCH. 2 Kings XVII. 24-28. HE Book of the Law' of Moses, separate from the other portions of the Old Testament, in a distinctively Samaritan text, and in possession of a people bearing a name distinct from Hebrew or Jew; spoken of by the Jews as a sect with whom they have no dealings, and who, while they retained their posi- tion in Samaria, a country once inhabited by Israelites, were expressly distinguished from the " lost sheep of the house of Israel," becomes in effect an historic Gentile monument. It is a monument of the period which began with the schism of Jeroboam, and ter- minated with the last deportation of Israelites from Samaria to Assyria, B.C. 975-721. After the schism, the tribes of Judah and Benjamin remained in Judea, and worshipped the Lord in his temple at Jerusalem. The northern tribes who then occupied Samaria had a new religion of their own, or, to speak more correctly, the greater part of the popu- lation fell into gross idolatry: some retained a belief in the true God, but were for the most part debarred * Book of the Law, mm "IDD, is conventionally the title of the Penta- teuch. 1 1> ^ li CQ o C) ^ ^ CO I VO ^^3 ASSYRIA. THE SAMARITAN PENTATEUCH. 77 from worshipping him at Jerusalem, and had no means for the observance of the Mosaic law in Sa- maria. The population, after being much wasted in war with their neighbours, was carried away captive into Assyria, with the exception of a few whom the con- queror thought not worth the trouble of conveyance. A mongrel heathen population was then brought in to take their place; and for want of a truer name the strangers were called Samaritans. Fearing the anger of the God of the land, they besought the king of Assyria to send over some one to teach them His ways. The king, having many Hebrew priests among the captives, sent one of them to teach the new inhabitants how they ought to serve the LORD. (2 Ki. xvii. 24-28.) This priest brought over the book of the law with him, which was as much of the Bible as the Israelites of the ten tribes had at the time of their secession ; and we do not know that the few prophecies as yet delivered were at that time collected as books having the authority which we call canonical. As the Sama- ritans never became proselytes, and had thenceforth no dealings with the Israelites in regard to sacred things, they would not receive any of the Scriptures that were afterwards written. But the five books of Moses were still retained ; they are preserved with religious care by their descendants now remaining on the site of the ancient city, and wherever you find a copy of the same, it is known as "The Samaritan Pentateuch." Representing, with a few obvious exceptions, the work of Moses, the volume lay out of sight of Euro- peans until early in the seventeenth century, when a 78 ORIENTAL RECORDS. French priest brought home a copy to Paris, where it was published in the year 163 1. In the synagogue of the Samaritans at Nablus {Neapolis), the Shechem of Genesis, the Sychem or Sychar of the New Testa- ment, there is a very old copy, which they say is the book originally given to their ancestors. This is hardly credible, but all who have seen the manuscript say that it is of great age, and it is probably the archetype of the few other copies that exist. All the manuscripts that we know are written in the same character, and in the same style of primitive simplicity. There are no vowels, nor is there any interpunctuation beyond a single point (.) after each word, except when the word finishes close on the left-hand margin. After allowing for inevitable varia- tions in the writing, each one of the copies is probably as good as any other; and when closely literal colla- tion is made, the variants are found to be of extremely slight importance, except as will be presently ex- plained. Even if these manuscripts are not very ancient, it will hardly be disputed that they are copied from an ancient source. An exact fac-simile of the second section of the book of Genesis (Gen. i. 6-S), as divided by the Sama- ritans, obtained by tracing from the manuscript pre- sented by Archbishop Usher to the Cottonian Library,' written in the year of our Lord 1362, is before the reader. The document, thus perpetuated for 2,600 years, or not much less, if any, contains direct confirmation of statements made in the second book of Kings and ^ British Museum : Cottonian MSS., Claudius, B. VIII. ASSYRIA. THE SAMARITAN PENTATEUCH. 79 elsewhere, concerning the schism of the Israelites in the time of Rehoboam king of Judah. Being copied from a writing older than the establishment of syna- gogues, this manuscript is not divided into the Para- shioth, or Sabbath Lessons, which became necessary when Moses was read every Sabbath-day.' But more valuable to the student than even the archaic simpli- city of the page are the plain traces of sectarian hostility, characteristic of the people and the time. Such, especially, is the reading in Deuteronomy (Deut xxvii. 4), where the word Gerizim was sub- stituted for Ebal^ in order to produce a belief that God had commanded an altar to be erected on Gerizim, the mount of blessings, where the Sama- ritans offered their sacrifices, and subsequently built their temple, as if to rival the worshippers in the temple at Jerusalem. On that spot their descendants continue to sacrifice a lamb every Passover, and thus perpetuate the memory of a schism which, first in the history of the world, divided the Church of God. The title of the Samaritan Pentateuch to be counted among ancient monuments of the authen- ticity of sacred history is clear enough when we consider that, with the exceptions now mentioned, it answers to the original text of the law, word for word, and that these exceptions are confirmatory of what we read in our own Hebrew Bible of the schism and constant enmity of the Samaritans. Both the Samaritan and the Judaean manuscripts have various ^ The Samaritans now possess and read in private the Books of Joshua and Judges. The Prophets they may read, but do not hold them to be of divine authority. 8o ORIENTAL RECORDS. readings, and a few of the Samaritan, but very few, are not found in the Judaean. These few, however, they who have collated them pronounce to be generally of little value, and differing no more than is inevitable on whichsoever side of any controversy the variant may be quoted/ Between the 17th and i8th verses of the 20th chap- ter of the book of Exodus, interrupting the sublime narrative of the giving of the law, the following sentences are boldly interpolated : " And it shall be when the Lord thy God shall bring thee into the land of the Canaanite, whither thou goest to possess it, that thou shalt set up for thyself great stones, and thou shalt plaster them with lime. And thou shalt write upon the stones all the words of this law. And it shall be when ye pass over Jordan, ye shall set up these stones which I command you this day, on Mount Gerizim. And thou shalt build there an altar to the Lord thy God, an altar of stones ; thou shalt not lift up iron upon it. With plain stones shalt thou build the altar of the Lord thy God, and thou shalt offer up upon it sacrifices to the Lord thy God. And thou shalt sacrifice peace-offerings, and thou shalt eat there, and rejoice before the Lord thy God. That mountain beyond Jordan, after the way from the rising of the sun in the land of the Canaanite, who dwelleth in the West, over against Gilgal, near by the oak of Moreh, over against Shechem." This forgery tallies with the words of the Samaritan woman : "Our fathers worshipped in this mountain ; and ye say that ' Any student who wishes to examine the Samaritan Pentateuch would probably turn to Blayney's Pentateuchus Hehrceo-Samaritamis Charactere Chaldaico edit us, Oxon., 1790. ASSYRIA. THE SAMARITAN PENTATEUCH. 8 1 in Jerusalem is the place where men ought to wor- ship " (Jno. iv. 20) ; and the book of the law, in this and other places so daringly corrupted, brings literal confirmation to the entire history of the Samaritans, as related in the Kings, referred to in the Gospel according to St. John, and repeated by Josephus and other historians. 82 NAAMAN IN THE HOUSE OF RIMMON. 2 Kings IV. 17, 18. OW came it to pass, that when Naaman the Syrian professed to EHsha the prophet his determination not to offer burnt-offering or sacrifice to any other god, but only to the LORD, he desired pardon of the Lord that when his master, the king of Syria, should go into the house of Rimmon, to wor- ship there, leaning on his hand, he, Naaman, should bow himself in the house of Rimmon ? The case may be stated thus : The king of Syria, an avowed wor- shipper of this god, falls down before its image, and one of his chief servants, being an avowed worshipper of the God of Israel, bows down at the same time. The question is : Will this prostration be regarded as his own voluntary act, in breach of his declared intention.'* and supposing that it be so regarded, may he be forgiven ? Until the case be fully understood the question cannot be fairly entertained ; and one could scarcely venture even to conjecture a reply, which, if mistaken, might mislead and trouble the inquirer. When Selden counted Rimmon among the Syrian or Assyrian gods, he said that the only known men- tion of him was in the passage now quoted. But the NAAMAN IN THE HOUSE OF RIMMON. 83 name occurs frequently in the Assyrian inscriptions, and the difficulty of understanding this incident is therefore considerably lessened. An obelisk found in the south-east palace of Nimrud, the ancient Calah, and now in the British Museum, bears mention of him. The inscription relates the doings of Shamas- Rimmon, son and successor of Shalmaneser II., also conjectured to be the same as Shamas-Vul, or Shamsi- Vul. This king is named after two gods : Shamas, the sun, and Rimmon. Mr. Smith placed his acces- sion at B.C. 825, and that of his successor at 8io.' At the time of Naaman's visit to Elisha, B.C. 894 or thereabouts, Vul-Cush, now known as Vul-Nirari, was king of Assyria ; he had made himself formid- able west of the Euphrates, and during his reign laid Samaria under tribute. Damascus and all Syria had been kept in terror by hostile incursions of the kings of Nineveh, nearly three centuries before this visit. Tig- lath Pileser I. had attempted the conquest of Damascus, which was actually accomplished soon afterwards by Shalmaneser II. At this time the city is under tri- bute, and the Assyrians, almost everywhere trium- phant, are only prevented from annihilating this remnant of Syrian royalty by the payment of heavy gifts, which serve at once to purchase temporary respite, and to invite Vul-Nirari to make a sweeping sequestration at his earliest opportunity. One condi- tion of forbearance in this, as in all such cases, we may venture to affirm, was to acknowledge the gods of the conqueror ; and it is almost certain that while Ben-Hadad, or any other Syrian, held his throne at Damascus, Rimmon, reputed god of tempests in * Assyrian Eponym Canon, p. 60. S. Bagster and Sons. 7* 84 ORIENTAL RECORDS. • Assyria, would have a temple there ; and the vassal king, himself a heathen, would be under the political necessity of worshipping therein, if indeed he had not already received Rimmon-worship among the customs of his fathers. To cease from the worship or to with- hold the tribute would be regarded as a declaration of revolt, and visited with instant and inexorable ven- geance. Probably the king of Syria who had sent his afflicted servant to Samaria to seek relief, and had obtained it from a prophet of the LORD, would have been considered guilty of disloyalty to the Assyrian god if he had exempted Naaman from his attendance in the temple, while he had not shared in Naaman's conversion. Just one passage from the inscription of Shamas-Rimmon, which must have been written but a few years later, describing a triumphant expedition of his forces from Nineveh to the Mediterranean Sea, leaving Damascus unvisited for that time, will help to show how terrible the name of an angry Assyrian must have been in those days, both in Syria and Palestine. " The kings of the country of Nahri (Mesopotamia), all of them, by the will of Asshur,Shamas, and Rimmon, the gods my defenders, a fixed tribute of horses trained to the yoke for the future over them I ap- pointed. At that time from the country of Tsilar, and the land of Edanni, as far as the sea of the setting sun (the Mediterranean, perhaps about Tyre and Sidon), like Rimmon (with the fury of a tempest from the north), my storm over them I poured. Exceeding fear into them I infused." ' Weighing the sacred obligations of loyalty to his * Records of the Past, Vol. I., p. 19, first edition. NAAMAN IN THE HOUSE OF RIMMON. 85 king, duty to his country, and worship to his god, who is the Lord, the God of Elisha, and no doubt consider- ing this last to be greatest, he was perplexed. Healed of his leprosy, he has incurred a new duty, and wishes to know whether he can still be free to perform the others also, and how far. He therefore puts the ques- tion to the prophet, and Elisha does not forbid him to bow down when his royal master leans, on his hand in the house of Rimmon, but rather encourages him to do so. He bids him go ifi peace. May we not consider his position to be fairly repre- sented thus.^ It was certainly the duty of the king to pay the tribute and the homage, or not to withhold it without sufficient reason. Jeremiah, we remember,, maintained this principle of justice in Jerusalem against those who would have withheld the tribute from Babylon. The king of Syria could not, as a heathen, have objected to pay tribute to the Assyrian, Naaman, for his part, openly declared himself a wor- shipper of the one true God, and of Him only, reject- ing every other. He solemnly bound himself, taking home with him to Damascus two mules' burden of earth, and had for witnesses a numerous retinue of his countrymen, with whom he returned healed and con- verted. He appeared thus in Damascus, a denier of the god worshipped in his own country, and he re- solved to sustain this character, whether standing at his master's side in the palace or bowing down with him in the temple. He went to Samaria a leper, he comes back in health ; but he renounces his gods, gives praise to the LORD, the God of Israel, and lets Asshur, Shamas, and Rimmon, with the pollution of his leprosy, all go together. He builds an altar, whereon to offer 86 ORIENTAL RECORDS. a separate sacrifice ; and when he appears in the house of Rimmon, and as the king's chief attendant bows down there, his hand presents no gift, and the bare prostration, made for a reason quite foreign to the place, is rather a silent protest against the god than a recognition of him. It has more of contempt than reverence. He does not worship Rimmon, but his presence in the heathen crowd with no spot of leprosy, a thankful and honest dissentient from all idolatry, is in truth the best thing that could be in that place and at that time. The votaries of Ben-hadad's triad were singing hymns, no doubt, but Naaman is now silent, and the silence is as a protest against the praise. It as good as tells them that he has often sung those hymns in vain ; he has had recourse to gods and spirits, he has tried the virtue of incantations and drugs, and charms, but they have all failed. He comes without a victim or a gift to say that he owes nothing here. He has established another altar, and if that establish- ment is as complete as is his gratitude and his faith, he has some servant of the God he has chosen to help him to do fit worship, and the God of Jacob is as well acknowledged there as ever he was at Bethel, or Hebron, or Shiloh, or even by the Jews at Jerusalem. Every day he does fall prostrate, but not before any image ; and the contrast between the official bending down and the reverent worship, the sacrifice, the psalm, the godly life and glad confession, is wonderful. Then let not the example of Naaman in the house of Rimmon be quoted in justification of any cowardly attempt to hide the lamp under the bushel, yielding countenance to idolatry of any sort, either at home or abroad. 37 MERODACH-BALADAN AND HEZEKIAH. 2 Kings XX. ; Isaiah XXXIX. ERODACH (or Berodach) Baladan appears just once on the page of Sacred History. He heard that Hezekiah had been sick, and recovered, and he sent him a present, with congratulation. He is called king of Babylon, but was an utter stranger to Hezekiah, who seems to have known little or nothing of him, or of Babylon; for when Isaiah asked him whence the men came, he could only tell him that they came from Babylon, and of Babylon he could only say that it was a far country ; so that now, for the first time, we gain intelligence of communication between Hebrews and Babylonians. And why a king of Babylon should make an overture of amicable rela- tion to a king of Jerusalem is not explained. We only hear that the frank reception given by Hezekiah to the stranger was unwise, and a remonstrance of Isaiah portended the coming Babylonian captivity. But Assyrian annals help to dispel the obscurity which has hitherto covered this brief episode in Hebrew history. Assyria hated and conquered Me- rodach-Baladan, who appears there also suddenly, and soon passes out of sight. But the kings of Assyria 88 ORIENTAL RECORDS. were the great enemies of the king of Babylon and the kings of Israel and Judah; and however unwise it might be in the king of Judah to accept alliance with the Babylonian, nothing can be clearer than that they were all ready to ally against the common enemy, an enemy so powerful that a much stronger alliance was requisite for any hope of successful resistance. Merodach-Baladan was not first of the name, for another, called Merodach-Baladan I., was king of Babylon in the year 1320 before Christ',' made grants of land, enjoyed all the honours of royalty, and at least had a grandfather among his predecessors. But an historical tablet of Tiglath Pileser IL, the powerful king, king of nations, king of Assyria, has among the titles of that sovereign " High Priest of Babylon," showing that he regards Babylonia as a subject state. He claims possession of the whole of Kar- duniyas (Babylonia) to its utmost extent, and he carries on sanguinary expeditions throughout the regions of Chaldaea and Elam and the bordering countries. After a time he says, " Maruduk-bal- iddina (M. Baladan) son of Yakin, king of the sea- coast, from which to the kings my fathers, formerly none came and kissed their feet ; terrible fear of Assur my lord overwhelmed him, and to Sapiya he came, and kissed my feet ; gold, the dust of his country, in abundance, cups of gold, instruments of gold, precious stones, the product of the sea, planks of wood . . . carried by sailors(.^), costly garments, gum, oxen, and sheep, his tribute, I received." Many cities, " which the Babylonians call strong," he subdues, and * Smith's Assyrian Discoveries, p. 238, 239. MERODACH-BALADAN AND HEZEKIAH. 59 sets Up his image over them." This Tiglath Pileser reigned from B.C. 745 to 727. But Merodach-Baladan could not be held in vas- salage, and the inscription of Sennacherib, from B.C. 705 to 681, again contains his name, and acknowledges him, notwithstanding the boast of Tiglath Pileser 11. as king of Babylonia : " In my first expedition, of Merodach Baladan, king of Karduniyas, with the army of Elam his helpers, in the vicinity of Kisu, I accomplished his overthrow. In the midst of that battle he abandoned his camp, alone he fled, his life he saved. Chariots, horses, carriages, and mules, which in the midst of the fight he had abandoned, my hand captured. Into his palace, which is in Babylon, joy- fully I entered, and I opened also his treasure house ; gold, silver, precious stones, everything," etc., etc., '* as spoil I counted." ' On the same cylinder is re- corded the attack on Hezekiah, whose sickness at this time took place, and the final flight of Merodach Baladan, who had sent messengers to Hezekiah, whether as to a fellow suflerer, or a coveted ally, it is not possible to determine. All that Isaiah said to the king, all that is recorded in the duplicate narra- tion from Scripture quoted above, and all that the Assyrian annals contain, are in perfect harmony. No- thing could be more natural than the amicable com- munication of two sufferers under the same ruthless conqueror. I have noticed elsewhere the exact re- lation between Hezekiah and the Assyrians, and the offence which brought down their force upon him at this time. (2 Ki. xviii. 14.) * Smith's Assyrian Discoveries, p. 254, seq. * Ihid., p. 295, seq. 90 PHARAOH NECHO AND JOSIAH. 2 Chronicles XXXV. FTER all this, when Josiah had prepared the temple, Necho, king of Egypt, came up to fight against Carchemish by Euphrates, and Josiah went out against him. But he sent ambassadors to him, saying, What have I to do with thee, thou king of Judah ? I come not against thee this day, but against the house wherewith I have war ; for God commanded me to make haste : forbear thee from meddling with God, who is with me, that he destroy thee not. Nevertheless, Josiah would not turn his face from him, but disguised himself that he might fight with him, and hearkened not unto the words of Necho from the mouth of God, and came to fight in the valley of Megiddo. And the archers shot at king Josiah ; and the king said to his servants, Have me away, for I am wounded. His servants therefore took him out of that chariot, and put him in the second chariot that he had ; and they brought him to Jerusalem, and he died, and was buried in one of the sepulchres of his fathers. And all Judah and Jeru- salem mourned for Josiah." (2 Chr. xxxv. 20-24.) It would not seem to fall within the scope of the sacred historian to say why Pharaoh Necho "came up to fight against Carchemish by Euphrates," nor to explain why " Josiah went out against him." But it PHARAOH NECHO AND JOSIAH. 9 1 is not SO with the annals of Assurbanipal, king of Assyria, to whom Carchemish belonged, and speak- ing strategetically, it was the key to his dominions beyond the Euphrates. Herodotus and Josephus have noted the event, but neither the one nor the other adds anything material to the narrative before us ; from the annals, however, in the king's own library, we have the following information. Esarhaddon, father of Assurbanipal, had over- thrown Tirhakah, king of Egypt and Ethiopia, taken possession of his country, and appointed " kings and governors in the midst of Egypt {kings here being equivalent to viceroys). But Tirhakah, not actually dispossessed of Upper Egypt and Ethiopia, trusted in his own might, and instead of paying tribute, made war upon his conqueror, killed and plundered as he passed through the intermediate provinces until he came to Memphis, the city which Esarhaddon had taken, and added with its dependencies to the boun- daries of Assyria. In that metropolis " he sat " enthroned again. The report of this event reached Assurbanipal as he was " going in state in the midst of Nineveh," and with heart bitter and afflicted he gathered powerful forces, and directed his march to- wards Egypt and Ethiopia. Twenty- two tributary kings, through whose countries he passed, came and kissed his feet. Tirhakah, "in the midst of Memphis," heard of the progress of his expedition, and " to make war, fighting and battle," gathered his army, and sent it out against him. " In the service of Assur, Ishtar, and the great gods my lords," says the royal annalist, "on the wide battle-field I accom- plished the overthrow of his army. Tirhakah in the 92 ORIENTAL RECORDS. midst of Memphis, heard of the defeat of his army ; the terror of Assur and Ishtar overcame him, and he went forward. Fear of my kingdom overwhelmed him, and his gods glorified me before my camp. Memphis he abandoned, and to save his life he fled into Thebes. That city (Memphis) I took, my army I caused to enter, and rest in the midst of it. Necho, king of Memphis and Sais, Sarludari, king of Pelu- sium, Pisan-hor, king of Natho," and seventeen others. " These kings, prefects and governors, whom in the midst of Egypt, the father my begetter had appointed ; who, before the advance of Tirhakah, their appoint- ments had left, and fled to the desert, I restored ; and the places of their appointments, in their possessions, I appointed them. Egypt and Ethiopia, which the father my begetter had captured, again I took: the bonds more than in former days I strengthened, and I made covenants. With abundant plunder and much spoil, in peace I returned to Nineveh. After- wards all those kings whom I had appointed sinned against me. They did not keep the oath of the great gods ; the good I did to them they despised, and their hearts devised evil ; seditious words they spoke, and evil counsel they counselled among themselves." ' The evil counsel was that they should enter into an alliance by treaty with Tirhakah, offensive and defen- sive, against Assyria. The Assyrian- generals in Egypt detected the plot, intercepted the correspon- dence, took the kings that were implicated in it, " in bonds of iron and fetters of iron bound their hands and feet." The people of Sais, Mendes, and Zoan were on the point of rising in revolt, and of these ^ Column I., lines 83-124; II., 1-4, transcribed. PHARAOH NECHO AND JOSIAH. 93 *' small and great with the sword they caused to be destroyed. One they did not leave in the midst." They dismantled the disaffected cities, and then, to borrow again the words of the annals, " These kings who had devised evil against the army of Assyria, alive to Nineveh into my presence they brought. To Necho .... of them, favour I granted him, and a covenant .... Observances stronger than before I caused to be restored, and with him I sent. Costly garments I placed upon him, ornaments of gold ; his royal image I made for him, bracelets of gold I fastened on his limbs, a steel sword its sheath of gold, in the glory of my name more than I write I gave him. Chariots, horses, and mules for his royal riding I appointed him ; my generals, as governors, to assist him with him I sent. The place where the father my begetter, in Sais to the kingdom had appointed him, to his district I restored him ; and Neboshazban his son in Athribes I appointed. Benefits and favours beyond those of the father my begetter, I caused to restore, and gave to him." ' Necho, at first made king of Memphis by Esarhad- don, who remained so faithful that he was restored by Assurbanipal on his first expedition to Egypt, but was afterward involved in the guilt of a con- spiracy against his sovereign whom he represented in the government of Memphis and Sais, — this same Necho, although carried to Nineveh in irons as a traitor, on some account found favour enough to be pardoned, set at liberty, and actually raised to the dignity of a Pharaoh, or king of Egypt. Yet now he makes use of that very dignity to employ the strength ' Column II., 31-49, transcribed. 94 ORIENTAL RECORDS. of Egypt for the humiliation of Assyria. All Egypt and Ethiopia wage war against their conqueror, and Pharaoh Necho, who owes all his worldly fortune to Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal, leads the Egyptian army through Palestine, hoping to reach Nineveh by way of Carchemish, and overthrow the empire. Josiah, himself a tributary to Nineveh, and bound by what would then be called a covenant to uphold the empire, would not break faith, whatever Necho might say about having the command of God, whether he might wish him to understand by DTi^i^ the God of Israel or the gods of Egypt. He was neither pre- sumptuous nor self-righteous, as some commentators have guessed he might have been, but faithful to an obligation for which he ventured and lost his life. The archers shot him. He died, and was buried honourably in the sepulchres of his fathers. All Judah and Jerusalem mourned for him. Jeremiah lamented for him. All the singing men and singing women spake of Josiah in their lamentations, and made them an ordinance in Israel, "written in the lamentations." His acts, and his goodness ; his deeds, first and last, are written in the book of the kings of Israel and Judah. (2 Chr. xxxv. 23-27.) 95 BABYLON. THE FALL OF BABYLON. Daniel V. 25-31. HE fall of Babylon, with the death of Belshaz- zar and the transfer of the kingdom to the Medes and Persians, is related with extreme brevity in the book of Daniel (Dan. v.), at the close of a cir- cumstantial narrative of an idolatrous and drunken banquet, where the young king drank wine before a thousand of his lords, with his princes, his wives, and his concubines ; and while he tasted the wine, sent for the golden vessels which his father Nebuchad- nezzar had taken out of the temple at Jerusalem ; and they all drank in them. Belshazzar was a very young king, and from the little that is known of him we may infer that he was a dissolute and reckless youth. When he came to the throne, some months or perhaps a year before this fatal night, the Medes and Persians were laying siege to Babylon. The capture of the city is noticed very briefly by Herodotus, and described at length by Xenophon. Neither of them could have copied from the Bible, where the manner of the capture is not described, but only predicted with the usual obscurity of prophetic writing, the prediction gaining clearness only in the event of its fulfilment 96 ORIENTAL RECORDS. Herodotus, repeating what he has heard in Baby- lon, speaks of Cyrus as the General commanding the Medo-Persian army, and observes that "if the Babylonians had suspected or discovered what Cyrus was doing, instead of letting the Persians get into the city, they might have destroyed them utterly. For having shut all the gates that command the river, they would have gone out on the footways that were on both sides of the stream, and caught them as in a trap. But as it was, the Persians came upon them by surprise, and owing to the great extent of Babylon (as they say who live there), they who were taken in one extremity of the city, knew nothing of the cap- ture of others in the centre, but (for this happened during a feast) went on dancing and revelling all the while, until they learnt it all too certainly." ' Xenophon, having access to original records, ex- hibits the incidents of that memorable event with more perfect knowledge, and relates them so gra- phically that a mere summary of his narrative would be inadequate to convey any just impression of its value. It shall therefore be given in free translation, condensed but slightly. Daniel had said : " In that night was Belshazzar the king of the Chaldeans slain. And Darius the Median took the kingdom, being about threescore and two years old." (Dan. v. 30, 31.) The wisdom of Daniel was displayed on this occasion, by his interpretation of the writing on the wall. In early life he had made extraordinary proficiency in the learning and tongue of the Chasdim, not the Arameans of Babylon, but such Chaldees, or Chasdim, as were at Ur in the time * Herodot., Hist., I., 191. BABYLON. THE FALL OF BABYLON. 97 of Abraham. Belshazzar and his court could under- stand what was written or spoken in Aramean/ and perhaps also in the language of the Chasdim, the cuneiform that we see stamped on bricks but written so variously, often in ideograph, as not to be read by- syllables, but by signs, requiring a key for their ex- planation. The words, or signs, as read by Daniel, were Mejte, Men^, Tekel, Upharsin, " Number, Number, Weight, and Divisions,'" and explained by him to mean that God had numbered, weigked^^nd divided the Babylonian kingdom, and given it to the Medes and Persians ; Darius being king of the Medes, and Cyrus, a Persian general over the united besieging army. Isaiah (xiii.) and Jeremiah (1. 41) had foretold the event now impending, and its consequences, at great length ; but three long chapters are too much to be transcribed, and should be perused attentively before reading the following account by Xenophon, who served in the army of the younger Cyrus, had access to the Persian archives at Ecbatana, and drew thence a description which has the value of an authen- tic historical document,^ bearing every mark of truth- fulness. As soon as Cyrus (i) came before Babylon, he dis- tributed his forces all round the city, to cover a circle of more than forty-eight miles, the mere circuit of the walls, and then drove round the line of encamp- ments with some of his captains, and other friends of the allies. Having surveyed the walls, he was preparing to march away, when a deserter came, and advised * n^D'^^». " pnDi Vpn «2d wn. ' Xervophontis Opera edidit Gustavus Sauppe, Vol. I., Cyropsedia, Lipsiae, 1S65, Lib. vii., cap. 5. H 8 98 ORIENTAL RECORDS. him to remove the army ; " because," said he, " when surveyed from the walls, the line seems very weak, nor can it possibly be otherwise ; for when made to cover so great a length of wall, it is impossible for it to be very deep." On this hint Cyrus put his troops through various movements, with the view of ascertaining the effect produced on the men when the columns were weakened by extension, or strengthened by giving them solidity ; and, after careful observation, brought them all into camp together, assembled his officers, and addressed them thus : " Fellow-soldiers : we have surveyed this city on all sides, and I confess myself unable to see how any one is to take these strong and lofty walls by assault. But, on the other hand, the greater number of men there be within, so long as they will not come out to give us battle, by so much the sooner will the place be reduced by famine, and unless you have any better method to propose, our men must sit down and lay siege" (2). On this, Chrysantas, a Persian general, ob- served that there was a river which flowed through Babylon, having a width of not less than two stadia, as if to hint that possibly an entrance might be effected that way. " Yes, indeed ! " remarked Gobryas, a noble Assyrian, " and the depth ? If two men could stand in it, one on the other's head ; the topmost would be under water, so that the city seems to be made stronger by the river than by the walls." "Then," said Cyrus, " let us see, Chrysantas, if all this is more than we can overcome. We shall have, as quickly as possible, to measure out for ourselves how much is to be each man's work, and then dig out a ditch on both sides the wall {departing from the river east and west) BABYLON. — THE FALL OF BABYLON. 99 as broad and as deep as we can make it, working hard at it, night and day." Forthwith, measuring in a wide sweep around the walls, he marked distances for mountain-like masses of earth to be piled up, beginning at the bank of the river. Beyond these was dug an exceeding deep ditch, sending up the earth right and left, the men so forming the embankment towards the walls as to work under cover. First of all, he raised towers at the edge of the river to the height of 240 feet at least, on footings made strong by palm-trees ; and some even loftier than that. And this he did, both with the design of seeming to prepare for a grand attack upon the walls, as is usual in besieging cities, and also that, when the river should escape into the ditch, the rush of water might not carry away the towers. He also raised other towers on the embankment for more complete protection. The besieged meanwhile de- rided the besiegers for taking all this trouble, while they had within their walls the means of keeping up a supply of provisions for twenty years. When Cyrus heard this, he divided his army into twelve parts, that one part might be on guard each month in the year ; but the Babylonians again, when they heard this, laughed yet the more, thinking how much better pro- tected they were, having Phrygians, Lydians, Arabs and Cappadocians for their guards, all of whom they considered far more trusty fellows than the Persians. In due time the ditches were completely excavated (3). Cyrus, too, heard that there was to be a feast in Babylon, when all the Babylonians would be drinking and making merry the whole night through, according to custom. On that night, therefore, as soon as it fell 8* lOO ORIENTAL RECORDS. dark, he took many men, and opened the ditches to the river. This done, the river emptied itself into them as the night advanced ; and in the channel of the river through the city, the water sank so low that men could ford it. While thus the river ebbed away, Cyrus gave orders to the Persian Chiliarchs ; to two commanders, one of horse and one of foot, he gave each his thousand, and ordered the remainder of the army to follow in the rear, and come up as they should be appointed. They all made ready. Cyrus himself, riding down into the dry river-bed, sent for- ward the scouts, both horse and foot, with orders to examine the ground, and report whether it was pass- able. They at once reported that it was so ; and Cyrus, calling up the chiefs of both horse and foot, thus addressed them : " Friends, the river offers an entrance into the city. We go in boldly, fearing nothing. We know what they are against whom we go. We know who are fighting with us. If they were all awake and watch- ing, full armed and in good order, we should conquer them ; but now we come upon them at a time when many of them are asleep, many drunken, and all in disorder. And when they find that we are actually inside, how much more than ever will they now be helpless with terror." Having added a few directions for throwing brands upon the house-tops, or setting the gates on fire, he cried : " But take your arms ! I will go before you. You Gadatas, and you Gobryas ! Show me the way, for you know it ; and when we get in, make for the king as quickly as possible." " Yes, indeed," said his com- BABYLON. THE FALL OF BABYLON. 10 1 panion to Gobryas, " that will be nothing wonderful if the palace-gates are open, as is likely ; for in this night the city will be all drunk. The guards at the gate we will kill, for the guard is always there." " Of course," cried Cyrus, " but go on, go on ! that we may take them by surprise." As the words were on their lips, in they went. Some were struck dead as they lay; some fled within; some shrieked for help. The Persians that were near Gobryas joined in the clamour, as if they, too, were drunken ; and making their way among the crowd, got into the palace. Some of the party of Gobryas and Gadatas found the palace-gates shut. Others, having orders to look after the guards, fell upon them as they were drinking in a place gay with blazing lights, and dealt with them as enemies at once. Then, as the shrieks and confusion on the outside grew louder, they within heard the noise, and the king commanded some to go and see what was the matter. These, rushing out, flung open the gates. Gadatas and his company, now having the gates wide open before them, threw themselves into the palace, and as the Babylonians were trying to escape, cut them down right and left, until they reached the king, whom they found standing erect, and grasping his sword, but petrified with fear. Gadatas, Gobryas, and their men, seized him. He, and all they who stood by him, were cut down instantly; one striving in vain to escape, another snatching at a weapon, another vainly strug- gling to defend himself While this was going on, Cyrus despatched parties of horse through the ways of Babylon, with orders to kill all whom they found out of doors, but to proclaim aloud, in the Syrian I02 ORIENTAL RECORDS. language, to all that were in their houses, that they should stay there, and that whosoever durst come out should suffer death. On this, note : — I. As soon as Cyrus. A singular instance of nomi- nal prediction. " Thus saith the Lord to his anointed, to Cyrus, whose right hand I have holden. (Is. xlv. i.) 2 sit down and lay siege. Xenophon makes the operations of the siege the one subject of this part of his narrative. Jeremiah (1. 14, 15, 29.) "Put yourselves in array against Babylon round about : all ye that bend the bow, shoot at her, spare no arrows, for she hath sinned against the Lord. Shout against her round about .... call together the archers against Babylon, all ye that bend the bow, camp against it round about." 3 ditches were completely excavated, etc. Jere- miah foretells the suddenness of the catastrophe : ^'Babylon is suddenly fallen and destroyed." (Jer. li. 8.) There were two kings with the besiegers, Darius and Cyrus, so says the Prophet, "The Lord hath raised up the spirit of the kings of the Medes." (Jer. li, II.) But the device was executed by Cyrus, so the text: "for his device is against Babylon, to destroy it." (Jer. li. 11.) " The Lord hath both devised and done that which he spake against the inhabitants of Babylon." (Jer. li. 12.) The sudden surprise and slaughter were foretold. "I have laid a snare for thee, and thou art also taken, O Babylon, and thou wast not aware : thou art found, and also caught, because thou hast striven against the Lord." (Jer. 1. 24.) The drying up of the Euphrates : "A drought is upon her BABYLON. — THE FALL OF BABYLON, 1 03 waters ; and they shall be dried up." (Jer. 1. 38.) The breaking into the city by the river-gates : " I will loose the loins of kings, to open before him (Cyrus) the two-leaved gates, and the gates shall not be shut. I will go before thee, and make the crooked places straight. I will break in pieces the gates of brass, and cut in sunder the bars of iron." (Is. xlv. i, 2.) The Slaughter : "A sword is upon the Chaldeans, saith the Lord, and upon the inhabitants of Babylon, and upon her princes, and upon her wise men. A sword is upon the liars, and they shall dote ; a sword is upon her mighty men, and they shall be dismayed. A sword is upon their horses, and upon their chariots, and upon all the mingled people that are in the midst of her, and they shall become as women ; a sword is upon their treasures, and they shall be robbed." (Jer. 1. 35-37-) 1^^^^ sudden terror of the king Belshazzar. " The king of Babylon hath heard the report of them, and his hands waxed feeble ; anguish took hold of him, and pangs as of a woman in travail." (Jer. 1. 43.) " One post shall run to meet another, to show the king of Babylon that the city is taken at one end, and that the passages are stopped." (Jer. li. 31, 32,) The actual killing of the king, as related by Daniel, was remem- bered in Babylon, and archived in Ecbatana. It remains further to be observed : — 1. That Babylon was taken by Cyrus the Great, in the year 538 before Christ, and the capture was im- mediately recorded by Daniel, historian and prophet. 2. That Herodotus visited Babylon about a century later, where he heard a distinct account of the event, and wrote his history about B.C. 430, when men were I04 ORIENTAL RECORDS. living whose fathers would have related to them what they themselves had witnessed. 3. That Xenophon, an eloquent and famous Greek, who entered the service of a successor of Cyrus the Conqueror, and resided at Ecbatana, wrote his bio- graphy of that prince from the archives of the Medo- Persian empire, preserved there ; and however opinions may vary ^s to the degree of artistic license in which Xenophon may sometimes have indulged, there can- not be the shadow of a doubt as to the substantial truth of every lineament in his picture' of the capture of the Golden City. . Such an agreement of histories is very satisfactory, but this is more than satisfactory — wonderful is " the burden of Babylon, which Isaiah, the son of Amoz, did see," a hundred and seventy five years before that memorable night. He saw in vision the banner lifted up, and the waving of the captain's hand. He heard the voice that bade the mighty ones go into the gates of the nobles. He heard the howling of the affrighted multitudes, beheld the drooping of the hands, and saw the melting of the hearts when every one that was found should be thrust through, and every one that was joined with them should fall by the sword. He plainly declared that the Lord would stir tcp the Medes against them. Jeremiah too, nearly sixty years before * Let the succession of dates be shown to the eye of the reader. B.C. 712 Isaiah (xiii.) saw the burden of Babylon. B.C. 595 Jeremiah predicted the overthrow of Babylon, and wrote in a book all the evil that should come upon it. (Jer. 1., li.) B.C. 53S the Medes and Persiansannihilated the Babylonian monarchy, and Daniel recorded the event. B.C. 430 Herodotus g-athered an account of it in the fallen city. B.C. 350 or thereabouts, Xenophon wrote his narrative of the Medo- Persian conquest, as he found it recorded in the Persian archives. BABYLON. THE FALL OF BABYLON. I05 that conquest, anticipated history in language so express that not a word needs be altered to bring him into exact agreement with Daniel, Herodotus, and Xenophon, who wrote after the event ; the first as actual witness of things in which he had taken part, and of the others, the first repeats common report, and the second gives the substance of authentic records which he had carefully studied. io6 CYRUS. THE NAME OF CYRUS. Isaiah XLV. 28. OT long after the fall of Babylon by the sword of Cyrus the Great, came the restoration by a decree of the same, as predicted by the prophet Isaiah, who wrote as follows : " The Lord .... saith of Cyrus, He is my shepherd, and shall perform all my pleasure; even saying to Jerusalem, Thou shalt be built ; and to the temple. Thy foundation shall be laid." (Is. xliv. 28.) So the prophet names a person about eighty years, as we may say, before his birth; and assigns to this person a work for which, at the time of the prediction, no necessity could be antici- pated, for the city and the temple were standing, and although the future destruction of both was very pro- bable, and the eventual restoration of both might be hoped for, the naming a restorer is one of the most remarkable instances on record of prophetic fore- sight. " In the first year of Cyrus, king of Persia, that the word of the Lord by the mouth of Jeremiah might be fulfilled," for Jeremiah (Jer. xxv. 1-14) had foretold that seventy years after the fall of Jerusalem the king of Babylon would be punished, and the Hebrew cap- tives liberated, "the Lord stirred up the spirit of CYRUS. — THE NAME OF CYRUS. I07 Cyrus, king of Persia, that he made a proclamation throughout all his kingdom, and put it also in writing, saying. Thus saith Cyrus, king of Persia, The Lord God of heaven hath given me all the kingdoms of the earth, and he hath charged me to build him an house at Jerusalem, which is in Judah," etc. (Ezra i. 1-3.) So he avowedly accepted the prophecy as a divine commission. The good work was happily accomplished. No event in history is more notorious or undisputed, and it would be almost waste of time to labour after monumental confirmation, but I cannot refrain from noting the occurrence of this singularly honoured name in some inscriptions not yet destroyed. One is on a brick to be seen among the Oriental antiquities in the British Museum, and is thus translated : " Ku-ra ' builder of Bit-Saggal/^'' and Bit-Sidda Son of Kambuziya ^ The powerful kin^"^ am I." After a reign of twenty-nine years, Cyrus died in a good old age. His tomb yet remains ^ on the site of ancient Pasargadae, the present Murgab, lying E.N.E. of Shiraz, but was rifled many ages ago. On marble pillars, some of which yet mark the boundary of the area wherein the tomb stands, the words remain inscribed in old Persian and Median: "I am Cyrus the king, the Achaemenian." ^ ^ Cyrus, the ra is restored by the translator, Mr. George Smith. ' Ti the termination of the name restored. * Cambyses. * King is restored also, where the brick is broken. 5 Sir Robert Ker Porter's Travels, 1., 498. ^ Descendant of Achsemenes, from whom came the dynasty of which Cyrus was a member. I08 ORIENTAL RECORDS. The tomb has been seen and sketched by Sir Robert Ker Porter and other travellers. It had been described by Aristobulus, an attendant on Alexander the Great, who also saw and examined it. This de- scription, and the traveller's picture, unquestionably represent the same object, on which we must dwell for a moment. Arrian preserves the narrative of Aristobulus, who relates that when Alexander came to Pasargadse, and found the tomb of Cyrus broken open and robbed, he was extremely angry. It stood in the royal gardens, surrounded by a grove planted with all kinds of trees ; a Persian paradise, watered by a perennial stream, and abounding with the choicest flowers. It was a square pyramidal structure of beautiful white marble, sur- mounted with a funeral chamber of massive walls, and solid stone roof vaulted within. A small door opened into the chamber, so small that a middle-sized man could scarcely get into it. As originally described, a gold chest containing the body of Cyrus was laid in this chamber, and must have been placed there before the door-way was completed. On a kind of couch, having four feet of solid gold, the chest was placed, covered with a Babylonian carpet, and laid on purple rugs. Royal robes of Babylonian workmanship were placed upon the couch. Median trousers, and stolae of hyacinthine dye, some purple, some of various colours, chains for the neck, bracelets, swords, ear- rings, and other ornaments of gold and precious stones covered a table. Within the same area as the sepul- chral pyramid, and not far from it, a small house was prepared for the Magi appointed by Cambyses, the son of Cyrus, to guard the place ; their sacred office CYRUS. THE NAME OF CYRUS. IO9 was hereditary. They were to receive a daily ration from the king, consisting of a sheep, with a certain measure of wine and flour, and every month a horse for sacrifice to Cyrus, some of the fat only being actually offered, and the flesh eaten by those who made the sacrifice. The epigraph was written in Persian characters, and Arrian gives it in Greek," to the following effect, " O man ! I am Cyrus the son of Cambyses, who have established a kingdom for the Persians, and have reigned king over Asia ; therefore envy me not this monument." But such was no longer the state of the tomb when Alexander saw it. Nearly all was gone. Only the coffin-chest and the couch were left. The chest was broken and beaten together that it might be more easily removed ; but probably the robbers were sur- prised in the act, and had escaped, leaving the rem- nant of their spoil behind. Alexander saw with horror the scattered bones of the founder of the king- dom he had conquered, and commanded Aristobulus to have the chest repaired, the skeleton replaced and covered with the lid which had been thrown aside, and the doorway closed with stone and mortar, and sealed with the royal seal. After examining the Magian guards, but failing to get information of the criminals, he released them and departed.' The above inscription, as given by Arrian, differs from the brief sentence on the pillars, and is in fact the proper epigraph copied from the tomb,^ and con- ' 'fl av6po)ne, eyii Kvpds etjui 6 Kafx/SvVov, 6 rijv apxr}v Ilepo-ais Karacmjo-a/w.ei'os, Kol T^s A