The Turkoman Defeat at Cairo by Solomon ben Joseph Ha-Kohen EDITED WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES By JULIUS H. GREENSTONE, Ph.D. THESIS PRESENTED TO THE FACULTY OF PHILOSOPHY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIRE- MENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF PH.D. Reprinted from the AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SEMITIC LANGUAGES AND LITERATURES, January, 1906 PRINTED AT THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS THE TURKOMAN DEFEAT AT CAIRO. BY SOLOMON BEN JOSEPH HA-KOHEN. EDITED WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES. BY JULIUS H. GREENSTONE. THE MANUSCRIPT. The fragment presented in this monograph is from the Schechter-Tayloi* collection of the Cambridge University Li- brary, No. 174; size 24.3X9.1 cni. The writing (text without margin) measures 23.5 X 8 cm. It is one of the Genizah frag- ments lately 1 unearthed by Professor Solomon Schechter in a ruined synagogue in Cairo, Egypt. It consists of one leaf, written on both sides of the paper, each page being divided into two columns. The writing is in an old, square hand, with a strong turn to the cursive (Rashi script). The whole appears to have been written by one man with the same ink, although some of the vowels, as well as a few minor additions, seem to have been added later in a paler ink. The fragment as a whole is well preserved; the writing is clear; the paper, while somewhat yellowish and broken in folding, escaped the destructive hand of time and presents a fine appearance, as will be seen from the accompanying photograph. This fragment is not the original composition. It is a copy made either by the author himself or by someone else. This is indicated by the transposition of a few lines which the copyist placed in the wrong place and then, by explicit directions, indi- cated where the misplaced lines really belonged. L. 93, for example, is placed between 11. 99 and 100, and the copyist, by clear and unmistakable signs (D" > M2~'7*1 ~b5 to succeed the line beginning with the word DTHT.21), indicates the reinsertion of the line in its proper place. The same is the case with 1. 110, which is placed here between 11. 105 and 106, because there was a little room left; but the direction is given that it is to follow the line 3 2097832 4 JULIUS H. GREENSTONE beginning with the word mi below (sCX). L. 146 is placed at the end of the poem, because the copyist omitted it from its proper position. LI. 120 and 121 are transposed, and are indi- cated as being so by the letters 2 and X added at the beginning of the lines. The last line, which contains the number of lines in the poem, is probably an addition of the copyist. On the margin, between 11. 145 and 147, there is inserted the word iT2b*J3, in a paler ink, but apparently by the same hand. This is probably of no particular significance. The word t3Z123 seems to have been tampered with, but all indications point to the fact that the erasure as well as the correction was done by the same hand. The manuscript is provided with vowel-points and other dia- critical signs in a few places only, where the reading would otherwise not have been very clear. Thus, the TZJ and the 1C are frequently indicated. The aspirate sounds of 3, 1, S, fl, are indicated by a line over the letter. 2 The j and the 1 are most frequently so indicated, the 5 only twice (11. 128, 129), "I once (1. 70), the n twice (11. 3, 111). There is no instance of the 2 and 3 being indicated as aspirates. This, however, may be entirely accidental and does not warrant the conclusion that these letters were not aspirated. All the vowel-signs, known to us at present, ~, ~, T, 77, T, 1, *!, T? as well as the She va , occur in this fragment. Once the Patah occurs in the form of a vertical line under the letter, after the Arabic long Fatha over the letter, but here (1. 4) the vowel happens to be short. Peculiar is the combination of the short ~ with the long *1, the first to indicate that the vowel is short, and the second serving merely as a sign for the vowel u. The Arabic inscription on the second page was probably written before the paper was used for the poem. The writer of the Hebrew poem made use of a sheet that he found, leaving vacant the space occupied by the Arabic. Otherwise there would have been no reason for his leaving the spaces in the middle of cols. 3 and 4. The Arabic inscription itself is unintelligible. It is evident that the sheet was cut off from a larger sheet, the Arabic words being a continuation of the larger sheet. THE TURKOMAN DEFEAT AT CAIRO 5 HISTORICAL SKETCH. 3 Al-Mustansir b'lllahi Abu Tammim Ma'add, the eighth Fati- mide caliph of Egypt, was one of the weakest and most effeminate of the rulers who claimed descent from 'Ali and Fatima. His long reign over Egypt, Syria, and Palestine (427-87 A. H., 1035-94 C. E.), the longest reign ever enjoyed by an oriental ruler, was marked with "events and incidents most shameful." 4 The intrigues of his mother, a negro slave, presented to his father, al-Dahir, by Abu Sa'd Sahl ibn Harun, a Jewish merchant, brought great misfortune to the people of Egypt, and was the cause of a revolt of the Turkish soldiers under Nasir ad-Daula, which, for a time, threatened the complete overthrow of the Fati- mide dynasty and the establishment of the Abasside rule in Egypt and Syria. The rise of the power of the Turkoman tribes under Tugrul Beg, Alp Arslan, and Malik Shah, who were faithful adherents of the orthodox Abasside caliph of Bagdad, favored such a change, and it was only through the wisdom and foresight of the vizier, Badr al-Jamali. that this was partly obviated. The end of Mustansir's reign saw Damascus and the greater part of Palestine go over into the hands of the Turkomans, who later became the rulers of the whole of Asia Minor. Tugrul Beg died soon after he succeeded in establishing peace in the provinces of the Abasside caliph, Al-Kaim, and in vanquish- ing the rebellious general Al-Bassasiri and his army (456, 1063). His nephew, Alp Arslan, succeeded him, and during his reign the rule of the Turkomans extended over a large area of Syria and Palestine. Alp Arslan soon made himself master of Aleppo, and one of his generals, Atsiz ibn 'Auk, wrested Palestine and Syria from the hands of the Fatimide caliph, Mustansir. He even suc- ceeded in vanquishing the Greeks and released the emperor, Romanus Diogenes, only after a large sum was paid for his ran- som (August, 1071). His rule, however, was soon cut short. When on an expedition in Turkestan, he was assassinated by one of the captured chiefs, in 1072. He was succeeded by his son, Malik Shah (1072-92), after a series of civil wars, headed by his uncle, Kawurd. Malik Shah adopted a liberal policy with regard to his princes, which he extended even to those whom he had vanquished, allowing them full liberty to seek new kingdoms, "so that many of the princes later erected their standards under the shadow of his scepter." 5 The affairs of Asia Minor and Syria JULIUS H. GKEENSTONE "-pl MiVr-iW'j THE TURKOMAN DEFEAT AT CAIRO . . *->' * - , . '.') ^ - ! t\ *> i* i *r.*.wMwv*i Igtej^^^; -| HSf SS ' t SSSiS3S 1 ^^H^^ ^ty*'^4r to '*>;[>>a^ttsa^ v.fc; ,. . >'.'< v ^VT>^>di/^^fO) k*jo' V50*^ '< *%?- - '? 'V 8 JULIUS H. GREENSTONE were delivered into the hands of his brother. Tutush, who estab- lished the Turkoman rule in these provinces on a firm basis. Matters in Egypt were meanwhile in a most miserable con- dition. "A great famine, the like of which had never been known since the days of Joseph the faithful, desolated Egypt for seven years; men ate the flesh of their fellow-nien, and, it is said, a single piece of bread was sold for fifty pieces of gold."" Pesti- lence spread through the land in 448, when thousands died daily. As a result of these conditions, the soldiers were not paid regu- larly, and lawlessness and licentiousness spread through the army. The negro corps, which had the protection and support of the caliph's mother, and which was always hostile to the Turkish sol- diers, who constituted the regular army, became much stronger during this time, and the antagonism between the two parties frequently resulted in bloodshed. The court became entirely demoralized ; viziers and kadis were changed so frequently during these few years that the chronicler, always painstaking and scru- pulous, ceased recording even their names. 7 In 454 open feud broke out between the negro and the Turkish troops, and the country was thrown into a state of civil war, which lasted more than ten years. Nasir ad-Daula, the leader of the Turkish troops, held the caliph for a long period in utter subjection and destitution, burnt the royal palace and the valuable royal library a loss mourned by scholars to th'e present clay removed from Cairo all the adherents of the Fatimide dynasty, and contem- plated the complete overthrow of the Fatimide rule. It is sup- posed that he intended to proclaim himself the ruler of the land. s The other Turkish generals, however, soon saw through his scheme, and Ildeguz, one of his captains, by strategy, killed Nasir ad- Daula and two of his brothers, and was in consequence appointed to the office of vizier by the caliph, Mustansir. Ildeguz, how- ever, did not treat the caliph any better than his predecessor, and Mustansir was obliged to look elsewhere for assistance. Such assistance soon came from a man who, though of lowly origin, possessed the determination and power that make the true leader, and that crowned all his undertakings with glorious success. Abu-1-Najm Badr, an Armenian slave, purchased by the emir Jamal ad-Daula Ibn-Ammar in Syria, whence he obtained his name al-Jamali, was a man of a strong will and of an insatiable desire for power and glory. In 455 he was appointed comman- THE TURKOMAN DEFEAT AT CAIRO 9 dant of the important stronghold of Damascus. The soldiers of the city, however, who would not submit to his stringent measures, rose in open revolt and drove him from the city in 456. In 458 he was again appointed commandant of Damascus, but because of another rebellion, Badr remained in 'Akko, as the mayor of the town for a number of years, whence he endeavored to check the constant progress of the Turkoman armies in Syria. In 466 Badr was secretly appointed vizier by Mustansir. Badr accepted the appointment on the condition that he should be permitted to retain his Armenian corps, and that Ildeguz be taken prisoner. The conditions being granted, Badr arrived in Cairo on the eve of Wednesday, the 28th of Jumada I, 466. 9 He soon rid him- self of all the Egyptian emirs, divided their possessions among his own officers, and made himself master of the situation. Mus- tansir, overjoyed at the relief afforded him, showed Badr all honor, presented him with a precious garment, and conferred upon him the title of Emir al-Juyush (chief of the army) an honorary title held only by a few prefects of Syria and shortly afterward made him chief-kadi (Kadi-1-Kudat) and chief court preacher, thus giving him full power over both the secular and the religious affairs of the realm. Badr soon showed himself worthy of the trust put in him. As soon as he established him- self in his new position, he set out to restore peace and order in the land. In the course of three years he subjugated all the rebellious tribes on the coast (467) and in upper Egypt (469), showed mildness' to the peaceful tribes, and placed the land in a condition of peace and prosperity, the like of which it had not enjoyed for many years. In spite of his stratagem and diplomacy, Badr was unable to check the steady advance of Turkoman arms in Syria and Pales- tine, under the leadership of Atsiz ibn 'Auk. Atsiz conquered Jerusalem and Ramla in 463, 10 and began to lay siege to Damas- cus in the same year. Not successful this time, Atsiz continued his onslaughts on Damascus every year, until 468, when, on account of a war that broke out in the city between the Berber soldiers and the young men of Damascus, the city was delivered into his hands, and the most frightful scenes of carnage ensued. Atsiz then introduced on the Friday Hotba, on the 26th of Du-1- IJijja, the name of the Abasside caliph al-Muktadi. The rule of the Fatimide dynasty over Damascus then ceased forever. 10 JULIUS H. GREENSTONE Emboldened by this victory, Atsiz determined to continue his expedition against the Fatimide caliph, and proceeded forthwith toward Egypt. He met with little opposition in Syria, and, in 469, he suddenly appeared before Cairo, at the head of a large army of Turkomans, Kurds, and Arabs. His troops were given full freedom to look for booty in the outskirts of the capital, while Atsiz was negotiating with Badr about terms of peace. He was willing to depart from Egypt, if a large sum of money be given to him. Badr, however, only wanted to gain time until his troops, that were still in upper Egypt, should arrive, and until he made some other arrangements for the strengthening of his forces. With his native foresight, Badr was ready for defeat and had pre- pared vessels, wherein the caliph and himself could make their escape, in case*Atsiz succeeded. By bribing the Turkomans under Atsiz, however, Badr was so gloriously successful in an engagement that took place at the beginning of the month Rajab that Atsiz, accompanied by only a small band of adherents, had to escape to Syria, after one of his brothers had been killed and another had lost his arm. In Damascus, where he left one of his brothers in command, everything was in good order, and Atsiz was so pleased with the reception accorded him that he relieved the citizens of the taxes for a whole year. The rest of Syria and Palestine, however, embraced this opportunity to throw off the yoke of the Turkomans, and again declared themselves for Mustansir and the Fatimide dynasty, so that Atsiz had to begin anew his work of conquest in these provinces. He took Jerusalem after a short siege, and put to death the kadi and other municipal officers, together with three thousand of the inhabitants of the city. He then proceeded to Gaza, and reduced to subjection the inhabitants of Syria as far as Al-Arish, close to the Egyptian boundary. In 471 Badr sent an army under Nasir ad-Daula to Damascus. Atsiz was compelled to call to his assistance the emir Tutush, the brother of Malik Shah who had been appointed prefect of Syria. Tutush hastened to his aid, the Egyptians withdrew without even attempting to oppose him, and Tutush was welcomed by Atsiz at the city gates. Tutush ordered Atsiz to be seized and executed on the spot, being probably prompted by a feeling of jealousy of Atsiz' previous victories, and made himself master of Damascus on the llth of Rabi II, 472. Atsiz' siege of Cairo, and his subsequent shameful defeat at THE TURKOMAN DEFEAT AT CAIRO 11 the hands of Badr al-Jamali, form the burden of this poem. The exultation of the inhabitants of the Egyptian capital over the suc- cess of their vizier must have been .very great and general among all the classes of the population. There might have been an additional reason that prompted this Jewish poet to rejoice over the defeat of the Turkomans. As appears from the poem, the conquest of Jerusalem by Atsiz was very sorely felt by the Jews. The author dwells at great length on the cruelties perpetrated against the inhabitants of the Holy City, and describes the defeat at Cairo as a direct retribution against the Turkomans. Besides, the Jews were greatly attached to the Fatimide dynasty, and especially to Mustansir, who treated them kindly and gave them many privileges. THE TEXT. The origin and development of mediaeval Jewish poetry have formed the subject of much scholarly investigation in modern times. The style, method, diction, and metre; the sources, both Jewish and foreign, from which these poets have drawn their inspiration; the influences exerted upon them by contact with Arabic culture; the historical development of the payyetanic lit- erature; the special themes of the Jewish poets of the Middle Ages all these received special treatment by men like Zunz," Delitzsch, 12 Dukes, 13 Geiger, 1 * and others. We shall, therefore, confine ourselves here to a discussion of the characteristics that especially mark the production that is now under consideration. Our author follows in the footsteps of the earlier Jewish pay- yetanim in employing a language which, although mainly based on biblical Hebrew, diverges widely from it, both as regards the form of expression and the meaning attached to various words. All the payyetanim, being saturated with the Talmud and familiar with its mode of expression, frequently thinking of biblical pas- sages, not as they occur in the Bible, but rather in connection with the peculiar interpretation attached to them in talmudic and midrashic writings, indulged in allusions and metaphors that can be understood only by those who' have imbibed the spirit of the rabbinical writings and are at home in the vast talmudic and midrashic literature. This fact will not appear strange, when we consider that the Hebrew language was known to these writers, not as a living tongue, but as a medium of reli- gious intercourse, and the religious intercourse of the Jews of all 12 JULIUS H. GREENSTONE ages was mainly centered around the Talmud and the liturgy, which was in itself, to a large extent, produced by the rabbis. Hence, the subjects treated by these poets, being mostly of a religious nature, lending themselves readily to such figures as are employed in the talmudic Agada, were naturally colored by the peculiar mode of expression employed in that literature. Thus, while influenced to a large extent by Arabic poetry as regards the outward form, the Jewish poets always remained on Jewish soil, not only in thought and subject-matter, but also in diction, figure, and allusion. 15 The chief peculiarity of this poem consists in its theme. In the whole realm of mediaeval Jewish poetry few poems can be found that deal with a historical event not intimately connected with the history of the Jews. That such poems have not come down to us in large numbers does not prove that they did not exist. It is very likely that some event of great importance stirred the soul of some Jewish poet to compose a song or an elegy, as the case might have required. It merely proves that the Jews of those times, and also of later years, were so much occupied with their own affairs, so much absorbed in the interests of their own religion and history, that they neglected to preserve poems that were not strictly Jewish. Persecution tends to make a people self-centered, especially when solidarity is regarded as the only remedy against entire annihilation. The limited horizon of the mediaeval Jews betrays itself chiefly in their devotion to their religion and its observances, and whatever had 110 direct bearing on faith and ritual was considered of little value. Shut up in the Ghetto by inimical external forces, the Jew voluntarily cramped his interests and aspirations, became callous to events occurring outside of the Ghetto walls, and regarded with indiffer- ence incidents that might have stirred the world, but did not directly affect him. Influenced by that particular view-point that the Jew was compelled to take with regard to the outside world, the poets, even those who did not confine themselves to purely religious themes, and wrote on love, wine, and play, pro- duced few poems that deal with secular history. It is therefore of particular interest to find a poem that has but a remote relation to Jewish religion, history, or life, written by a Jew and preserved in a Genizah in a Jewish synagogue. That the genius of the Hebrew language does not lend itself THE TURKOMAN DEFEAT AT CAIRO 13 readily to a description of battles and sieges can be seen from this poem. Our author is not devoid of poetic genius, and in a few places the narrative is very vivid, and often highly poetic and even thrilling. Still, as a whole, this poem compares very unfavorably with the master-productions of men like Yehudah Halevi, Moses ibn Ezra, and Solomon ibn Gabirol. Influenced by the earlier school of payyetanim, whose language is obscure and whose figures are frequently forced, dealing with a subject that is foreign to the Jewish mind and to the Hebrew language, our author produced a poem that is, from the poetic standpoint, of mediocre value only. There is no particular form of metre followed in this poem, Most of the lines consist of twelve syllables, six in each hemistich, while many 16 follow the regular metre, very often employed by the payyetanim, corresponding to the Arabic Hazaj, 1 ' which consists of a composite syllable followed by two plain syllables, twice repeated in each hemistich. 1 " It is obvious that the author made no conscious effort to retain this metre all through his poem, since the exceptions are too numerous to allow such a suggestion. The rhyme, however, is strictly observed, all lines, with a few exceptions, 19 ending in DT2. This is the simplest and easiest rhyme, since it was of little consequence to change a singular into a plural or a feminine into a masculine in order to get this ending. The author does not follow the alphabetical acrostic, common in mediaeval Jewish poetry, nor does he make an acrostic of his own name, according to the practice of the payyetanim. He introduces his poem with a quotation from the book of Psalms a book with which he was very familiar in place of the regular Arabic introduction, "In the name of the most merciful God." Some might detect in the first five hemistichs an attempt to form an acrostic on the tetragranimaton, a practice largely fol- lowed by the later Jewish writers in introducing their composi- tions. This, however, might have been entirely accidental. The beginning of the poem in 1. 3 bears direct signs of Arabic influence. 20 Our author freely indulges in creating new forms for words, both in forming plurals for nouns and conjugations for verbs. He does not go quite as far as the earlier payyetanim, who created, as Zunz 21 puts it, "ephemeral creations," formed for a certain purpose, without any intention to have them become a 14 JULIUS H. GREENSTONE part of the language. Still, he frequently deviates from biblical usage in the formation of words and phrases, in most cases for the sake of the rhyme or of completing a line. Of the peculiar plural formations 22 may be mentioned such forms as D^'-JT (1. 100), DTBTZtt, D^bt2 (1.101), DT23", D^ETD (1.111), DT2lC^D (1.129), and others; of masculine endings given to feminine nouns may be mentioned such as D"EbS (1. 98, from H^bS), CT^p: (1. 99, from n^]53), D":3"l (11. 109, 142, from n:j")), D"ES (1. 125, from iraS), D-EtM (1. 127, from TOM), D-irQ (1. 137, from TT-^ T : v T T ; ' n"-ri2l), and others. Our author, like many of the other pay- yetanim, is very fond of rare words and hapaxlegomena. As examples of these may be cited PT23 (1. 9), "V"S)' (1. 38), D'un (1. 85), D:0? (1. 133), Vnp (1/140), and others. Great liberty is taken by the author in making new forms for verbs. Besides using verbs in conjugations not found in the Bible, the author also creates new forms, especially when the rhyme requires it. A legitimate liberty is taken by him in treating verbs mediae geminatae after the analogy of triliterals, as D^/jnn for DIjn (1.3), tTElcn for -Dtpri (1.15), D^Jin for DnH (1. 26), which, however, does not occur in the Hiphil. A characteristic of this poem is the frequent use of the con- junction 1 in the beginning of lines a usage frequently followed by Arabic 23 and Hebrew 2 * writers when dealing with subjects that require vivid description. Nearly two-thirds of the lines of this poem begin with 1 a fact that adds vivacity and grace to the description, although much discouraged by more modern writers. The conjunction Dlt is also used here very often (about fifty-three times) , obviously for the same reason. Free use is made of the particle b, which is used not only to express the indirect object, or with the infinitive to express purpose, but also with verbs that usually take the direct object (e. g., 11. 16, 35, 47, 51, ct ul.}. Other peculiarities in style and diction will be noted in the notes to the text. THE AUTHOR. The name of the author of this poem, as given at the end of the manuscript, Solomon, son of Joseph, Ha-Kohen, is unknown to Jewish history. The poem itself throws but little light on the life of its author. It can, however, be safely assumed that he was an inhabitant of Fostat or Cairo, and that he lived at the time during which the incident narrated here took place. None THE TURKOMAN DEFEAT AT CAIRO 15 but an eyewitness could have described the siege of Cairo, and the incidents attendant upon the appearance of the enemy at its gates, with such minuteness. The high tribute paid to al- Mustansir and to his vizier Badr indicates that the author lived during the latter part of the reign of Mustansir. The knowledge that the author displays of events occurring at that time in Syria and Palestine points to the same conclusion. These, however, are all the internal evidences of the identity of our author. More light is thrown upon the descent and family relations of our author by the epithet he attaches to his name. He calls him- self Cm&G "p! (a descendant of Geonim ) , and this appellation gives us a clue as to his origin. Among the Genizah fragments, lately discovered by Professor S. Schechter, there is one, known as Megillat Abyathar,^ which is of greatest importance to mediaeval Jewish history. Professor W. Bacher 26 thinks that a new chapter must be added to Jewish history, as constructed from this frag- ment. From this document we learn that the office of the Gaonate existed in Palestine for a considerable time, after it had ceased in Babylon with the death of Hai Gaon. The Megillat Abyathar presents the contention that existed at that time (1083) about the religious jurisdiction over the Jews of Egypt and Palestine. We shall present here a few facts, gathered from this and from other writings, which have a direct bearing upon the descent and rela- tions of the author of our poem. Hai. son of Sherira, gaon of Pumbedita, died in 1038. The gaonate in Babylon, which was intrusted with the Jewish reli- gious affairs for nearly four and a half centuries, then came to a close. For a short time 27 after the death of Hai, the office of the gaonate was assumed by Hezekiah, the exilarch, but this was merely nominal a shadow of the original position. Already during the life of the last gaon, Hai r there is mention of the existence of an academy in Palestine, which assumed the same functions as those exercised by the academies presided over by the Babylonian Geonim. 2S In a fragment, published by Dr. Neu- bauer." 19 Solomon ben Yehudah is mentioned as" the gaon of Pales- tine in 1046. so Joseph, the son of Solomon, is supposed to have been the gaon until 1054, when he died. 31 The gaonate then passed over to Daniel ben Azariah, a scion of the exilarch family. When Daniel died in 1062, 32 Elijah, the brother of Joseph, became gaon and ruled the Diaspora until 1094. When 16 JULIUS H. GREENSTONE Jerusalem was wrested from the hands of the Fatimide caliph by Atsiz ibn 'Auk in 1071, 33 the gaon and his academy moved to Tyre. Abyathar, the son of Elijah, became gaon after his father's death, arid, in order to vindicate his position against the pre- tenses of David ben Daniel, the descendant of the Babylonian exilarchs, who was proclaimed exilarch in Egypt, where he had. many supporters, and attempted to make also the Palestinian Jews bow to his authority, Abyathar wrote the above-mentioned Megillah (1094). While Abyathar remained in Tyre, the next generation of geonim lived in Egypt. 34 There can be but little doubt that this Solomon ben Joseph Ha-Kohen, the descendant of Geonim, was a member of the illus- trious family of Palestinian Geonim, who prided themselves on their priestly descent. It is, however, uncertain whether he was the son of Joseph who died in 1054. The fact that Joseph lived in Palestine, while our author was apparently an inhabitant of Fostat, would not militate against this supposition. The Jewish communities of Egypt and Palestine were at that time united by many ties. While during the lifetime of Joseph there seemed to have been a feud between these communities on account of the intrigues of Daniel ben Azariah, 35 after the death of the latter, in 1062, peace was restored, and the Egyptian Jewish community willingly submitted to the authority of the Palestinian Geonim. 36 It is therefore not at all improbable that, after the death of his father, Solomon should have settled in Egypt. His praises of Mustansir and of the government in general, although .the govern- ment had supported Daniel, 37 is not at all strange. The Jews were always well disposed toward the Fatimide caliphs and neglected no opportunity to express their gratitude for the kind treatment accorded them. This was especially so in the case of Mustansir, toward whom the Jews entertained the most friendly feelings. 38 Joseph probably died young, since his brother Elijah, who succeeded him in the gaonate, lived thirty years after Joseph's death. 39 Solomon, the son of Joseph, might have been quite a young man in 1077, when the event narrated in this poem occurred. In a testatum, copied from Fragment T.-S. 20. 31, dated 1092, and apparently written in Fostat, a Solomon Ha- Kohen, son of Joseph, "the father of the academy," 40 is men- tioned. It is very tempting to identify this Solomon with the author of our poem. THE TURKOMAN DEFEAT AT CAIRO 17 Among the Genizah fragments now in the possession of David Werner Amram, Esq., of Philadelphia, there is one that bears directly upon our subject, and that may serve to clear up the genealogy of this gaonic family. It is a prayer, probably read in the synagogue on the sabbath, for the souls of illustrious dead," and contains the names of Geonim, Negidim, rabbis, and so forth. In the list of the family of Geonim, the following passage occurs, which rather conflicts with the accepted theory about this family: "For the good memory of the dead, the memory of the Geonim of Israel .... until our lord and master Solomon Ha-Kohen, the chief of the academy Geon Jacob, 42 and his son Elijah Ha- Kohen, the chief of the academy Geon Jacob, and his brother Joseph Ha-Kohen, the father of the court of justice for all Israel." 43 The fact that Joseph is mentioned after Elijah, and is not given the regular title of "chief of the academy Geon Jacob," borne by the other Geonim, but is called the "father of the court of justice,'' is rather perplexing. In view of this fragment and of other evidences, I beg to submit the following theory: It was customary for the eldest son of a gaon to bear the title of "father of the court of justice," or that of "father of the academy." These two titles seem to have been interchangeable,, so that one and the same man might be called at one time by one title and another time by the other. 44 It is probable that Joseph r the eldest son of the gaon Solomon, also bore this twofold title during the lifetime of his father. Soon after Solomon's death,. Daniel ben Azariah, supported by the government, began his feud against the Palestinian gaonic family, and prevented Joseph from assuming the title of gaon, so that Joseph was really never recog- nized officially as gaon, and remained up to his death with the title of "father of the court of justice" or "father of the academy. ' r The fact that Abyathar in his Megillah designates him as gaon, 4 * merely proves that he recognized him as such, but in official documents, such as the memorial prayer and the testatum, he was known only by his official title. Solomon, the son of Joseph, was perhaps too young at the time of Daniel's death, when peace was restored in the community, to claim the title of gaon, which really belonged to him by right of descent, he being the son of Joseph, the eldest son of Solomon. Thus the gaonate passed over to Elijah, Solomon's uncle. In 1082, however, when Elijah called a meeting of all Israel at Tyre and appointed his son 18 JULIUS H. GREENSTONE Abyathar as his successor in the gaonate, his son Solomon as the "father of the court of Justice," and a stranger, Zadok, son of Josiah, as "the father," 46 Solomon, son of Joseph, was displeased, and perhaps gave his support to David, the son of Daniel, the exilarch, who attempted to wrest the authority of the Palestinian Geonim. The testatum quoted above was drawn up in "the great court of the lord David the exilarch, son of our lord Daniel Gaon, the Nasi of all Israel"; hence Solomon withheld from mentioning his father's name as Joseph Gaon, but refers to him merely as "father of the academy," the title which he held officially. This would still further explain the reason for the great adulation the author gives in this poem to Mustansir and his court, who is similary praised by David in another fragment. 47 This suggestion, although not essenftal to the establishment of the identity of our author, merits some consideration at the hands of scholars. I expect, in the near future, to publish the memorial prayer in Mr. Amram's collection. THE TEXT. COLUMN 1. 48 Drj3? fT ^ aim weaba -H Kin nn 55 "np rnw Um by rrab TSH -noa bi nvr D31 nitan ai"Q '"n^iribn D^STO - 10 "D-'Hinbb "D^VM m VPTT ni^ni: 65 r^p D^ bsi D^3 bin 67 15 pis 71 Drrra&n 72 -nn Ttb^" irnb i Tiny bsi 20 76 D^rc THE TURKOMAN DEFEAT AT CAIRO 19 ux JIM 13"1'J3 79 ~b ~^r "Dr-ib'-r 2n nis^2 31-1 nnirn nn-j n-p 25 " n^rsrn rn-r: 21^2 84 nTnTa n rrrp 82 -,ni 87 o-;:fi- D3i ^^ i-nrrn "-isa D:I IT? bsb D^/" i /nn n^^'iT"" 89 TI bx """^ ^'^j^" 1 D"-!I D3l DTyn^l ^Inlpl!! 2l"1 I'd 03 D"T^" D31 lTl15^P D31 9 " D"yi2TU >j 91 D" 35 101 n-iinn bs iz^-pnb --is 1(J0 2bb nn-s rrn D"7J1 -pSTS Djl 1TT2 I05 -|^stD 1^2 1C3D31 40 "' 8 D"<2p"T2 "'TK* Djl '' "iT^Kn'i ^T Z" DPI1 ' D^aJ"-lr!12 45 Dr^"iipn'- 118 Dbl-b 117 "iTiK COLUMN 2. 50 ^D-T-lb-D Kb l88 D-t *trwffrolj rn 20 JULIUS H. GREENSTONE 140 DTipTi bs D'nilfcl T2TK bD eo "'Drawi on "'TI^TI D' 65 D-SITC Jin mcnb '"Drawn rby 3Tin nnb S^fl D31 70 149 DTenn nn "jjirb I46 0"bs b btf nwnb nb^bn bs by D"T2iy am i 75 nr nv^i^j u^nj"' D.H :n nrnbi DI ^32 I^T bi 1M DT255T!2b l^y^l I5I D"nlp ^32 1TD D"7jin on ni'iTQi "i"yn ^sn bs 154 D^J^/sn DQSD7J 1D3 D3'!2j by D^t D^in- 1 by icn bi n 1 Diynn on or D"23ri on 2 158 D"bibym b 160 b &m>i COLUMN 3. b mm 131 94 - D^jinnn ^p7jiy -jinn DTiinb W7 DTanin ^bra ny mpr D THE TURKOMAN DEFEAT AT CAIRO 21 93 '""Drrnp y Tscin: D-^-ITI D-Kcrn erijTai rsn ara v^bt? a-nrr sai 100 D^.HI n^bt: 031 tri-a^n m 031 169 Dr-bnn m bi nir^n lanfi 031 1711 nr:n: on m'robn c-mcs rn "'DTiriD m-rcnb 2^iKb Tnsn " 173 D^ibr; bj Db'2in 17 ' 2 D":is^i D^rjr 105 cr-y-i nbisn bipn ^sa<2 ^y ^^n K bscN rnsb -br no 106 I78 DT- fc i ":i Ti5 trano taa 181 or:r D-ns^ 180 nr<;D nn ire 1 ' D: rreb in 182 D^::m nsrcn TOten TJ b y- oris bri D^i3 b^b n^n TJQ r 115 188 D"^? ma-siTs x^:n D^ n^j TSH 19(1 121 ""srmmn bs ya (a^i) omnK iysi a, 120 ^D-ETET -,"3 "11W "b? 122 '"DTcir? D"Dba arm o-bna '"D-sbwi D"-j5^n irD D"a"i nrn bx mri 125 '"D-wri D3 D^bbn rn "wisa ron 197 Dr2TE:n is? COLUMN 4. -:- 198 rrn" TI rrn ^o^iciia DVST"I oibbai ^Dtts-a b? o-^Tiia D-c^n 1*0 130 ^ onwia b7:^ run ^inn ^s^-j -ibr ": 22 JULIUS H. GREENSTONE nb as 5J DUE ID" 135 ^D".}! "Dnxb rrn ^ D"33i3"i b"bEE DISI or-rnbi nrnb T '*' X ' | ' 2I4 D-3sn ir&nb nrrn 0-Ebs DTc 145 t 147 D^DIZJQI t33lD "oJUlb I^SlDj ^^S "3o3 DT T IE p"nnbi n"i"S"b ibnni T rein" p -iriD- Kin r 146 - >1S D-D17JS3 VBJE 73} rt:n 150 22 ] TRANSLATION. The Lord judgeth nations; the Lord, forever and ever; He is the judge of widows, and He is the father of orphans. Hast thou seen the wonders of God, which he did and also completed ? How he saved the house of ' Ali, the dwellings of Kedar, the perfect 5. The great king who relateth hidden things, Al-Mustansir b'lllahi, Ma' ad Abu Tamim, May he live forever in abundance of good, and may he be estab- lished eternally, The priest, son of priests, the pure, the perfect And also his sons, who long for the priesthood, the sons of nations 10. And also his servants, who love to battle at the risk of their lives, And at their head, the captain of the hosts, (may He who dwells in the upper abodes grant him life), Who is chief over all chiefs, of all peoples and of all nations, Whose light is like the light of the sun, who is not abashed like those who are ashamed, W 7 hose sword is sharpened against all enemies and all those that rise up against him; THE TURKOMAN DEFEAT AT CAIRO 23 15. God appointed him to destroy them, and he did indeed destroy them and laid waste Their walls and their palaces, which they built on the heights, And cut off their heads; a righteous judgment against the guilty! May our God strengthen him, may he strengthen him forever! And his servitors and all his servants, whose odor is fragrant, 20. And at their head, tlie glorious old man, distinguished in honors, The faithful friend, (he and the king) like twin brothers; May our Creator preserve him, help him at every turn ! May it please you, our lord, beloved of the people, head of all nations, Accept tribute and repose, many blessings and much peace. 25. And give cassia of the only one, with much thought and devotion, To God who helped and saved, who destroyed the enemy and utterly confounded (them), And rejoiced the children of the living God, the upright, the per- fect ones, Who did much charity, and afflicted themselves and also fasted, And prayed for weeks, both day and night, 30. To the living God, the Almighty, the Rock, whose work is perfect. And he granted their prayers for protection, and answered them from on high, (Although they came) without meal-offering, without sacrifice, with- out incense, without spices, Without prophecy, without Urim, without Tumim, without dreams. And He ensnared the enemy and often overthrew them, 35. And he lured on the enemy to bring them to the boundary. And they crossed the streams, and passed over the lagoons, And they were like (mortal) foes, as those who are vindictive and revengeful, And they entered Fostat, robbed and murdered, And ravished and pillaged the storehouses; 40. They were a strange and cruel people, girt with garments of many colors, Armed and officered chiefs among "the terrible ones"- And capped with hemlets, black and red, With bow and spear and full quivers; And they trumpet like elephants, and roar as the roaring ocean, 45. To terrify, to frighten those who oppose them, And press forward as the waves of the sea, they cunningly devise their retreat, And they stammer with their tongues, they endeavor to beguile with craftiness ; They are mingled of Armenians, Arabs, and Edomites, And Greeks and Germans, Paphlogonians and Turks ; 50. And they are wicked men and sinners, madmen, not sane, And they laid waste the cities, and they were made desolate And they rejoiced in their hearts, hoping to inherit. 24 JULIUS H. GREENSTONE But when (their chief) consulted the soothsayers, the diviners mocked him. And they broke camp, and placed (men) in ambush, 55. And they hastened in fear, and also told their servants, "let us depart from the boundary ! " ( ?) And they stumbled and became weak, and their eyes were blinded, And they were caught in the net the sbns of adultery. And God remembered their iniquities and their sins that are sealed, And their evil deeds against all men, that they harassed all creatures. 60. And He overthrew them and humbled them and crushed all the hopeful among them. He also remembered what they had done to the people of Jerusalem, That they besieged them twice in two years, And burned the heaped corn and destroyed the places, . And cut down the trees and trampled upon the vineyards, 65. And surrounded the city upon the high mountains, And despoiled the graves and threw out the bones, And built palaces, to protect themselves against the heat, And erected an altar to slay upon it the abominations; And the men and the women ride upon the walls, 70. Crying unto the God of gods, to quiet the great anger, Standing the whole night, banishing sleep, While the enemy destroy, evening and morning, And break down the earth, and lay bare the ground, And stand on the highways, intending to slay like Cain, 75. And cut off the ears, and also the nose, And rob the garments, leaving them stand naked, And also roar like lions, and roar like young lions; They do not resemble men, they are like beasts, And also harlots and adulterers, and they inflame themselves with males, 80. They are bad and wicked, spiteful as the Sodomites. And they impoverished the sons of nobles, and starved the delicately bred. And all the people of the city went out and cried in the field, And covered their lips, silent in their pains, And they had no mercy on widows, and pitied not the orphans. 85. What should they do, whither should they seek protection, since their sins are recorded? Their princes led them astray, their chiefs, the wise ones; They are robbers and thieves, they are wise only to do evil; Children rule over them, leading them with a halter. But God was jealous for his sanctuary, and scattered them over- whelmed. 90. Because of their evil deeds, the revealed and also the hidden : They changed the laws of God, they multiplied iniquities, They are murderers and slanderers, cause blood to touch blood, THE TURKOMAN DEFEAT AT CAIRO 25 And new sins were added to the early ones, To lower them to the pit of destruction, into the depths of the deep ; 95. He will destroy them, He will wipe off their memory, and they shall not see pleasantness, A burning shall be upon them, even burning coals: Should we attempt to count their sins, it would be a shame and a disgrace. Because of their violence, God was wroth and sent vengeance, And he came, destroyed the world, with much wrath and anger, 100. And He also withheld the early rain, also dew and rain, The springs were dried up and the beds were not watered. They were like Sodomites, they resembled (the people of) Gomorrah. Then he allowed the enemy to prevail, in order to uproot them (later) with utter destruction. And the Assyrians and the Northerners, he led them for the purpose of striking them down. 105. And the enemy came to the fortress, with a noise of roaring and of thunder, With much dancing and with banners, like the horns of the Re'em. And the enemy entered the treasury, and opened the hidden places And the enemy went to Damascus, with a happy star and with songs, And they captured it and dwelt therein, for about two hundred days. 110. And they expected to reign in Fostat, but their eyes were blinded. And they came in haste to the royal city, that is protected by clouds, That is known as Cairo, to all peoples and all nations. And there came forth the camp of the saved ones, and among them was the chief of the wise, And placed fla^gs like columns, for the sons of Kush, the sons of Ham. 115. And the chief came with great anger and with great terror, And Arabians and Hagrites, to the left and to the right. And the enemy came with much arrogance, to swallow up the nations. But the Rock brought to naught the counsel of nations, He made of none effect the devices of peoples. And their star declined, the daughters of Arcturus and Pleiades, 120. And the hosts of 'Ali conquered them the saved, the descendants of Zamzumim; The children of Abraham cried [and the merciful God barkened], To him who smites great kings and slays mighty kings. And God commanded that the enemy should be like the deaf and the dumb, And he did not favor them, and He did not save them the wor- shipers at high places, '25. And ere He turned to their supplication, they were slain and dead(?), 26 JULIUS H. GREENSTONE And their heads were cut off, and their souls fled away. He who was and will be saith these words. And they robbed them and spoiled them, and vanquished them by cutting them off. And their chiefs came, with baskets upon their shoulders, 130. Seeking the accustomed favor of the king, and a happy fate by their submission (?), But he commanded to crush them and to cut them up with axes, And sent them to the provinces to heal the sorrowful hearts, (Of those) who were like drunken men, whose spirits were troubled, Some of them remained sound, others were wounded. 135. And the mouth that boasted of great things, became like a speech- less stone. And their corpses were cast to the wild beasts and animals, And the remainder of their bodies, for worms and lizards, And the remainder they gathered up in large heaps of bones, For summer and winter, for autumn and spring. 140. And this is the work of the Tester, who protecteth with the multi- tude of His compassion. Do ye charity and give thanks and pray to God with song. The stone that the builders rejected is become the corner-stone. He shall enter with song, for the binders of the sheaves were favored. Ye shall live to see the building of the House, the Temple, and its halls, 145. Also the children and the women, the daughters and the sons, For the word of God is upright, and all His works are faithful. The second day, four were left in the month of Shebat, and in years, The year 4837 from the creation, and from the destruction (of the Temple) 1009. Solomon, he is the priest, son of Joseph, descendant of Geonim. 150. And if you would count, count 149 (spell "destruction"). It is more precious than pearls. REFERENCES. 1 In the autumn of 1896; c/. Jewish Encylopedia, Vol. V, s. v.; D. Kauffmann, in the Hebrew monthly Hashiloah, Vol. II, pp.385, 481. Many of these fragments have been edited and published in various issues of the Jewish Quarterly Review (1896-1905) and other magazines. I wish to extend my sincere thanks to Professor S. Schechter, now president of the Jewish Theological Seminary of America, for his kindness in permitting me the use of the manuscript, and for many valuable suggestions. I also take this opportunity to express my gratitude to Professor Morris Jastrow, Jr., of the University of Pennsylvania, for innumer- able courtesies shown to me both in the preparation of this monograph and during the years that I took various courses with him. ^Raphe; c/. Konig, Lehrgebaude der hebr&ischen Sprache (Leipzig, 1881), Vol. I, p. 41 j Gesenius-Kautzsch, Hebraische Grammatik (Leipzig, 1889), 142. 3 The main source for this sketch is Wiistenfeld, Geschichte der Fatinnden Chalifen, in "Abhandlungon der kOnigl. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu GOttingen," Vol. XXVII (Gottingen, 1881). THE TURKOMAN DEFEAT AT CAIRO 27 *Makrizi, Vol. I, p. 355; cf. Ibn Khallikan, Hiographical Dictionary, translated by de Slane (Paris. 1842), Vol. Ill, p. 382. 5 Gibbons, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, ed. Smith (London, 1887), V<4| VII. pp. 155-66; cf. Miiller, Der Islam in Moraen- und Abendlanle (Berlin, 183i), Vol. I, p. 636. 6 Ibn Kliallikan, loc. cit. 'Qf. Wiistenfeld, loc. cit., pp. 26-28, who quotes -ujuti (Bulak), Vol. II, pp. 92 and 117, where a list of thirty-nine viziers and forty-two chief kadis is given. 8 See Wttitenfeld, loc. cit.. p. 36. f'Makrizi, Vol. I, p. 382; cf. Ibn Khallikan, loc. cit., Vol. I, pp, 612, 613, where a very- interesting incident is related about the advent of Badr at Mustansir's court. i Wnstenfeld, loc. cit., p. 38; Besant and Palmer, Jerusalem (New York, 1890), pp. 120-22. 11 Die synagogale Poesie des Al ittelalters (Berlin, 1855); Literaturgeschichte der syna- gogalen Poesie (Berlin, 1865). i-Zur Geschichte derjudischen Poesie (Leipzig, 1836). MZur Kenntniss der neuhebraischen religiosen Poesie (Frankfurt, 1842). njiilischeDichtungenderspanischenund itahenischen Schule (Leipzig, 1856); Divan des Abu'l Hassan Ju'ia ha-Levi (Breslau, 1851); Salomo Gabirol und seine Dichtungen (Leipzig, 1867). is Cf. Dukes, loc. cit., especially pp. 16-29, 112-35. i E. a., 11. 7, 12, 13, 15, 16, 18, 19, 26, 28, et al. i~>Cf. Caspari- Wright, Arabic Grammar, 3d ed., Vol. II, p. 360. 18 w I ~ . w I ^ '!.. The Hebrew name for this metre is ijnca 'iDi nb-a ,m:n:n Tran "m ,mn:n Tinn im. This is the metre adopted in the well-known hymn of the Jewish liturgy beginning with the line ana; "pj*j b| nnna See note 51. -i Literaturgeschichte der synagogalen Poesie, p. 30. 2 - See Zunz, Synagogale Poesie, p. 118, and Beilage, pp. 374-77. -* Cf. XOldeke, Delectus Veterum Carminum Arabicorum (Berlin, 1890), pp. 64, 70, 75, 77 79, et al. 24 Cf. Ibn Ezra, ed. Kahana, Vol. I, pp. 156-60 (poems on chess play), pp. 191-204 (elegy on the destruction of Jewish communities in Spain) ; Halevi, ed. Harkavy, Vol. I, pp. 25-31 et al. *> Schechter, Saadyana (Cambridge, 1903), Fragment XXXVIII, pp. 80-104. 2 Jewish Quarterly Review, Vol. XV, pp. 79-96. 2? Two years, according to Ibn Daud, Sefer Ha-^abbalah, ed. N'eubauer, Mediaeval Jewish Chronicles, Vol. I, p. 67; cf. Gratz, Geschichte der Juden, Vol. VI, p. 14; a longer period according to Chronicles of Jerahmeel, ed. Xeubauer, loc. cit.,\o\. I, p. 177; cf. Bacher loc. cit., p. 80. 28 Jetcish Quarterly Review, Vol. XIV, p. 233. 29 ibid., Vol. I, p. 178. 30 Bacher, loc. cit., p. 82; Epstein in the Monatsschrift, Vol. XL VII, p. 345, objects to Bacher's assumption on the ground that Solomon ben Yehudah is not mentioned as a Kohen, a pedigree of which the Palestinian Geonim were particularly proud. Posnanski, however, in his Schechters Saadyana (Frankfort, 1903), agrees with Bacher. Cf. Schechter, loc. cit., p. 81, n. 1. That the gaon preceding Joseph was called Solomon is further sup- ported by the fragment in Amram's collection, referred to later. 31 Schechter, loc. cit., p. 88, 1. 12. 32 ibid., 1. 15. 33 See " Historical Sketch," p. 5. 3 * Bacher, loc. cit., p. 92, and Jewish Encyclopedia, Vol. V, p. 572. 35 Schechter, loc. cit., p. 88, 11. 9, 10. 36 ibid., 1. 18. 37 ibid., p. 81. 38 Cf. Schechter. loc. cit., Fragment XL; Goldziher, Jewish Quarterly Review, Vol. XV pp. 73, 74. 39 Died 1084; Schechter, loc. cit., p. 89, 1. 23. 28 JULIUS H. GREENSTONE 4IJ b"2T rQ" 1 '0" i n 2X EOT ""PI "nDn rVObHJ, quoted ibiil., p. SI, n. 2, last name. 41 Cf. Gaster, in Gedenkbuch zur Erinnerung an David Kauff matin (Breslau, 1900), pp. 230, *1, Xos. XV and XVI. 42 Hpy "pSW was the name of the Palestinian academy, and the title rQ^TC" 1 "CX"! ""ipy p*j5Ji was the official title borne by the Geonim ; cf. Schechter, loc. cit., p. 81, n. 1. *srflF bo be I-H tro is. Cf. ibid., p. 82, n. 4. uibid., p. ss, 1.8, n^ifctt -era "jron- imbin iron rcT- w 76td., p. 88, 11. 17-19. ' ^ Ibid., Fragment XII. *s p s . % : 10 ; cf. Ps. 9 : 9. * Ps. 93 : 5. Wf. p s . 68 : 6. 5' Arabic influence. It is the custom of Arabic poets to begin their poems with a rhe- torical question. Cf. Ibn Hisham, 516, 517 ; Ibn Athir, 3, 152, et al. 52 Job 37:14; cf. Mic. 7:15; Ps. 78:11. See Schechter, Saadyana, rfiXTib PlXbs (Cambridge, 1893), Fragment XVII, 1. 6, p. 46. 53 Analogy of triliterals for the purpose of perfecting the rhyme. The regular form would be Cnn; cf. 2 Sam. 20 : 18. 5' Regular appellation of the Fatimide dynasty of caliphs. 55 Mentioned in the Bible as the son of Ishmael (Gen. 25:13; 1 Chron. 1 :29) ; also as the name of a tribe of nomads in the Arabian desert (Isa. 21:16; 42:11; 60:7; Jer. 2:10; 49:28; Ezek. 27:21; et al.). In mediaeval Jewish literature this name was used generically for all Mohammedans. See Ibn Ezra's commentary to Dan. 11:30, ITllDbTO T2Ji?"l "H"Tpn "IHT bSyaiZr I"!" 1 ! ; also Rosin's edition of Ibn Ezra's Poems (Breslau, 1887), Vol. II, p. 90, n.6; Halevi,ed.Harkavy (Warsaw. 1893), Vol. II, p. 11; Al-Charizi, Tachkemoni. ed. Kaminka (Warsaw, 1899), pp. 8, 118; Schechter, loc. cit.. Fragment XXIII, verso 1. 8, p. 50. Kedar is also supposed to have been the ancestor of Mohammed himself, according to Arabic tradition; see Caussin de Perceval, Essai, Vol. I, 175, quoted in Jewish Encyclopedia, Vol. VIII, p. 462. MCf. Job 11:6. Masculine instead of feminine ending (Ps. 44:22) for the sake of the rhyme. 57 The full name of the caliph is Jouo iv*4-i *-?! aJJU ~x2AX**4J{ . The author transferred the last phrase for the sake of the rhyme and added X1H, the last X of which is also to be joined to the next word. 58 The word D"p which is frequently used by the mediaeval payyetanim as one of the epithets by which God is described (cf. "B"np"l DTYQT XT13 D n p1 TIi used as a refrain in various parts of the liturgy for the holidays ; cf. Berakoth, 32a), is probably borrowed from G i- the Arabic (**^9 "lasting, unchangeable, God." Cf. Ben Sira [ed. Levi], 42:23, note m. 59 mni2 denoting ethical purity is found only in the later books of the Bible (Job 14:4; Prov. 22:11), and rarely used as a noun (cf. Eccles. 9:2, where it is used in parallelism with p^HJZ and 3*112 ) In rabbinic and mediaeval Jewish literature this word is also rarely used as a noun (cf. Baba Mezia', 860, "Iint3 "fn'O'ttJ'n Tint3 "]S13TD)- 60 Cf. Shabbath, 336, in interpretation of Gen. 33 : 18. In later Hebrew QblZJ is used in a more abstract sense, denoting intellectual and moral perfection. It is frequently employed in the long epithets preceding the name of one to whom a letter is addressed, either with or without the word CDnH- eiHapax., Ps. 63:2. 62 n3"irO as applied to the caliphate, and "ir"O 0- 8) to the caliph, is rather unusual. Q -^, The Arabic ..wJOVj (Kor., LII, 29) is applied to a soothsayer, usually the instrument of a demon. It is sometimes also used in the sense of priest. The Hebrew "j~D , besides its regular meaning, is sometimes used to denote a king or a prince (Gen. 14:18; Exod. 2:16; 3:1; 18:1; Zech. 6:13; cf. 2 Sam. 8:18, where the children of David are called D^HD ; also 20:26, where Ira the Jairite is called Tnb frO)- From Gen. 14:18 it appears that the king, who also performed priestly functions, was given the name of "ji""O This may be the reason why our author uses this designation for the Egyptian caliph, who was regarded as the ecclesiastical chief of the Mohammedan world, at least by his followers. THE TURKOMAN DEFEAT AT CAIRO 29 1 6:) This plural of ("TSS? is found only once (Ps. 117:1); otherwise the plural is (Gen. 25:16 [Ishmaell, Numb. 25:15 [MidianJ). The form DTQlfcS is not found in the Bible\ cf. 1. 12, where the T is omitted. 64 C/. 2 Sam. 23: 17, amiBSSS G"O5nn (A. V. "that went in jeopardy of their lives"). The expression TBS2 D^TBH is frequently used in payyetanic literature to denote the idea of sacrificing oneself; see Zunz, Literaturgeschichte der synago'jalen Puesie, p. 641, n. 15. 65 See Judg. 11:6, 11; Josh. 10:24. 66 Especially applied to divine abode; see Ps. 68:6; 90:1; 2 Chron. 19:27; cf. Mont- gomery, "The Place," Journal of Biblical Literature, Vol. XXIV, Part I (1905), p. 26. <" See 2 Sam. 19 : 4. 68 Ezek. 21 : 14, 33. 69 In biblical usage "extreme " (Ps. 134: 22). In rabbinic literature it sometimes has the meaning of destruction, in the same*sense as used here; cf. Numb. Rabba, XVIII, 12. "OLate Hebrew (Ezra 10:14; Neh. 10:35; 13:31), and rabbinic. The regular term for the summons of the court of justice is T"i2T2TiT (Kiddushin, 70a). 'IC/. Ps. 78:69. ~' 2 Aramaic and rabbinic (Hulin, 33a), probably related to the Arabic vd.iLJC "to cut through, tear through," hence "decide" (Dan. 9:24); cf. Barth, Etymologische Studien r p. 23; Kohut, Aruch Completum, s. v. 73 Denominative from 5lfc? ("strength," Ps. 22:20; 88:5). The verb is not found; cf Schechter, loc. cit., p. Ill, Fragment XLI, 1. 7. 74 The verb not found in the Bible. In rabbinic literature it means "to be pleasant" (Lam. Rabba, I, 38; Gen. Rabba, LXXXV, 4; Sukkah, 5la). and also "to be intoxicated" (Megillah, 76; Baba Bath ra, 736; Shabbath, 666; Sanhedrin,38o), probably associated with. the Arabic iV 1 **-? = " to laugh, to be cheerful." The term DTD'Q'Q is used in common parlance as a euphemism for "drunk." For the expression DTBID'50 J"P"1 see Cant. 4:10. '>'> Refers to Badr al-Jamftfi, at that time about sixty-two years old. He is probably the same one referred to in 1. 11 as rfibOS "p^P > since he held both offices at that time, that of chief of the army, chief kadi and chief court preacher ; see " Historical Sketch, p. 9." 76 Rabbinic, "completion, perfection" (Baba Mezia', 766); also " to make a sign " (c/^ TjTQ^Oi Arab. LfJUw, Gr. o^a). Here marks of distinction that were conferred upon Badr by the caliph. 77 Cf. Cant. 4:2; 6:6; for the idea, cf. Ps. 133:1 ; see Zunz, loc. cit., pp. 69, 648. Probably refers to the friendship that existed between Badr and Mustansir. 78 Used here in the same sense as the Arabic phrase 85-^-5 (JJ iv)^ ' n everv #' ' ^ ** 4> instance. The more usual form in mediaeval Hebrew, however, is D"^2S 5D 57 7 C/. Mai. 3:4; Ps. 104:34. so A play on n530 D7 (Deut. 7:6; 14:2; 26: 18; cf. Eccles. 2:8; Baba Bathra, 52aK The term 5130 is not found. Used in later Hebrew in describing a man who is beloved by the people or by his fellow-students; see Schechter, loc. cit., p. 63, n. 4. 81 " Greetings;" cf. Berakoth, 14a. w Meaning somewhat obscure. S3Exod. 30:24 ("in sacred oil"); Ezek. 27:19 ("merchandise"); see Low, Aramciische Pflanzennamen, 290, 295. 84 An epithet given to Israel ; see Ps. 68 : 7, and Rashi, ad loc*. ; cf. in liturgy for the festival of Sukkoth, Hosha'anot, s. v. 7113111 "'DX DS ,"nrP5 m^IT "the only one (Israel) to proclaim Thy unity." 85 m" l n = "allegory, parable" (Prov. 1:6; Ezek. 17:2); D^DY^n =" musing, medita- tion" (Ps. 19: 5). Plural not found. " With earnest prayer." 86 Play on caliph's name. 87 Cf. Exod. 14: 24; 23:27 ; see 1. 3 and note. 88 Hiphil not found. 89 Cf. Deut. 14 : 1. 9 "Charity," later usage of the word. Cf. Berakoth, 66, " the merit in fasting lies in the charity distributed on that day." 30 JULIUS H. GREENSTONE 91 Qf. 'Aboda Zarah, 76. 92 This form of the plural is found only in Dan. 9:24, 25, 26; 10:2, 3; otherwise 1 flD"^!^ ; Mo'ed Katan, 15a; cf. Jastrow, Dictionary, s. v. riB" 1 !^)- la* See n. 142. This would point to the view that the covering of the lips was regarded as a symbol of silence. Cf., however, Brown's edition of Gesenius, Heb. Dictionary, s. v. Q'531 , II, where the word is also given the meaning of " wailing " (Ass. damamu) , especially in Isa. 23:2; cf. Delitzsch, Prolegomena, p. 64, n. 2. 15 Cf. Dan. 10 : 21 ; see n. 139. 156 Cf. Isa. 3 : 12 ; 9 : 15. 157 Cf. Jer. 4 : 22. 158 Cf. Isa. 3 : 4. 159 "By halters, muzzled;" cf. Ps. 32:9; Hulin, 89a (based on Job 26:7); Targum to Isa. 32: 4. 160 Cf. Zech. 1 : 14 ; 8:2; Joel 2:18; Ezek. 39:25. leiFrom J"HT (=" scatter," Ezek. 5:10, 12). 162 "Carried away as by a flood ;" cf. Ps. 90 : 5 ; 77 : 18. 1 Cf. Deut. 29 : 28. w*Cf. Jer. 2:22. This is rather an unusual meaning given to the word QrO In rabbinic literature it is used as a technical term, referring to a dark-red stain on a woman's 7 clothes or body, as an indication of uncleanliness (Niddah, 46, 5a; cf. Syr. >cA.a = " stain ") . In the Bible it means "gold" (Prov. 25:12; Job 28:19; Cant. 5:11; Lam. 14:1). In later Hebrew it means " a stain," from which the idea of " sin " or a " stain on the soul " was taken (cf. Isa. 1:18; Midrash Tehillim to Ps. 16:1; Halevi, Proems, Vol. II, p. 32). Here the meaning probably is " they multiplied sins," a play on HSID an d "(DID l5 Cf. Hos. 4:2; Alcharizi, Tachkemoni (ed. Kaminka), p. 81. "6 Cf. Deut. 25:19. 187 Arab. *J\ , Aram. S'SH" 1 "! = a kind of brown plant (Ps. 120:4; Job 30:4). It is supposed to produce great heat and retain the heat for a long time (see Low, Aramaische Pftanzennamen, p. 366; cf. Cheyne, to Ps. 120:4). The embers of this plant are taken as a symbol for various things (cf. Midrash Tebillim, ad loc.), but especially for the fire of Gehenna ('Arakin, 156) ; cf. services for the Eve of Atonement, s. v. CfTinD ) ic/. Jer. 3:3. 169 Cf. Ps. 65:11. iC/. Isa. 1 :9. m Cf. Mai. 3: 24. i" 2 Cf. Jer. 2:20. "Assyrians and Northerners" here seem to refer to no particular nation, but used as a general appellation for the enemy. 173 A strange expression; cf. Prov. 23:25; Ps. 74:6; Halevi, Poems, Vol. I, p. 63. 5 iT ? n* For the derivation of the word JQV r>M*J see Butler, Arabic Conquest of Egypt (Oxford, 1902), p. 340 and note; cf. Bacher, Jewish Quarterly Review, Vol. XV, p. 87, n. 1; see n. 105. 175 Cf. Numb. 24 : 3, 15 ; Gen. 19 : 11. ne Cf. Ps. 22:22; Deut. 33:17; Shabbath, 1076; 'Abodah Zarah, 36; Zebahim, 1136; cf. Cant. 6:4, 10; see Delitzsch. Prolegomena, pp. 58sgg., a disquisition on the word 53 and its usage in Assyrian. For QX"1 cf. ibid., pp. 15 sqq., 23; Lewysohn, Zoologie des Talmuds, 174. i 7 ' See " Historical Sketch," p. 9. i 78 "Good star, or luck," the regular greeting among Jews on joyous occasions. 5T13 meaning "luck" is frequently used in rabbinic literature (Ta'anith, 296; Shabbath, 536; et al.). Our author is especially fond of this expression ; see 11. 119, 130. i79The plural of rO"l or P1251 (Job 3:7> is found once as ffi35*l (Ps. 63:6). The plural D^23H is found in Job 39:13, meaning "singing birds." iso "Like as," " about " (Kethuboth, 17a; Shabbath, 51a; Mishnah Berakoth, V, 5). 181 The number 200 days is probably very nearly correct. Damascus was taken by Atsiz in Du-1 'Hijja of 468, and the siege of Cairo took place in 469 (Jumada II, 24), which would make the intervening period about six months. THE TURKOMAN DEFEAT AT CAIRO 33 182 Probably a reminiscence of the Israelitish camp in the wilderness that was protected by a column of cloud by day and by a column of light by night (Exod. 13:21, 22; Deut. 1 :33; cf. Ps. 18:12; Job 36:39; Lam. 3:43). 18 3 Probably shortened from Stifl ; cf. Zunz, Synagogale Poesie, p. 121. is* Analogy of "]"y verbs. 1S5 D T Q"'X added for the rhyme ; cf. Tachkemoni (ed. Kaminka), p. 81, where D^T2"iX is used as plural of ("PO^N ; otherwise the plural is tlTS^i? (Ps. 55:5). iseAn Aramean or Arabic tribe against whom the Reubenites waged war during the reign of Saul (1 Chron. 5 :10, 19). In the last-quoted verse it is mentioned in connection with Tlw" 1 an d "CPEi (c/. Gen. 25 :15; 1 Chron. 1:31). thus indicating the descent from Ishmael (cf. Ps. 83:7). In rabbinical times and in mediaeval Jewish literature Hagri was identified with Arabia, and later generally with the Mohammedan world (Numb. Rabba, XIII, 3; Halevi, Poems, Vol. II, p. 20; Tachkemoni, ed. Kaminka, p. 10; cf. Kaempf, Die erste Makamen aus dem Tachkemoni oder Divan des Charizi [Berlin. 1845], p. 72. n. 11). It is also identified with Hungary, especially by modern Jewish writers; see Jewish Encyclopedia, s. v. " Hagar," "Hagrim." 1ST Cf. Judg. 5:14; Neh. 9: 22, 24. isscy. Ps. 33:10; "VIS perhaps a reminiscence of the caliph's name. 18C/. Isa. 2:9, 11,17. 190 Favorite expression with mediaeval Jewish poets, especially with Halevi; see his Poems, ed Harkavy, Vol. I, pp. 48, 50, 97, 123, 128, 144; Vol. II, pp. 48, 49, 51, 52; et al. The expression ET^ ITfilD is not found in the Bible ; cf. Job 38: 22, rP22 bj TOT- 19 i Arabic influence ivA^v-M ,.tlr%>JI xXJ! . In Hebrew liturgic literature the usual expression is i92Deut. 2:20; name given by the Amonites to the Rephaim who once inhabited their land, but had afterward been expelled by them, a people " great and many and tall like the Anakim ;" cf. Driver, ad loc. ; Hastings, Dictionary of the Bible, s. v. Here used figuratively for a strong people. 193 Cf. Ps. 136 : 17, 18 ; 135 : 10. m Cf. Ps. 38 : 14. I95 n7TE with 2 means "to delight in" (Ps. 119:117); here, however, "to listen to prayer:" cf. Gen. 4:4, 5; see Delitzsch, Prolegomena, p. 39. J^S i meaning "to pray," is found in the Bible (Isa. 53:12; Jer. 36:25), and also in rabbinic literature. (Hulin, 916; Gen. Rabba, LXVIII, 11, referring to Gen. 28:11; cf. Rashi, ad loc.). '96 Perhaps D^TTI " benumbed, Tlead;" cf. Esther Rabba, VII, 18, Yozer for Purim 197 Cf. liturgy for Shabu'oth, s. v., Qlpm miSTS "IflX. where the same form ^occurs; Berliner, Synagogale Poesie (Berlin, 1881), Vol. I, p. 18. i*(y. hymn in daily liturgy, s. v. D^? ITTO I SliTl HIH KlStl ,rPH 8im mxsra rrpp. 199 Plural not found. As verb found only in Kal, Jer. 23 : 31. -*" Quadriliteral from COD, with the insertion of T (Ps. 80:14); cf. rab. C0~!p ^'cut, prune," (of insects) "bite, nibble" (Peah, II, 7; Shabbath, XII, 2); cf. Arab. = " to cut," and Saadia's commentary to Ps. 80: 14, 201 This passage may be taken to refer either to the chiefs of the enemy coming to the king with baskets on their shoulders (as a sign of submission; cf. Ps. 81:7, and Delitzsch, ad loc.), or to the heads, literally, of the enemy being brought to the king by his own officers in baskets, as a sign of victory (cf. 2 Kings 10: 17, the heads of the children of Ahab brought to Jehu). The first rendering is adopted in the translation, although the second is also possible. 202 Cf. Esther 8:5 with IJDb ; passive participle not found in the Bible; in rabbinic literature usually spelled without 55 and has the meaning of "accessible, frequent" ('Arakin, 306; Sanhedrin, 86a). The meaning here is obscure. They came (to meet) the king .who is given to grace, magnanimity (?). Emendation of 1X213 would not be borne out by the context. -'03 Obscure. " Presents, gifts " (?) ; cf. Pesahim, 216, but there HITi" Perhaps " the star was powerful in their being delivered." 34 JULIUS H. GREENSTONE 204 Cf. Judg. 19:29, 30, the incident at Gibea, when the man cut his Pilegesh into twelve pieces, which he sent to the twelve tribes of Israel in order to incite them to war against the inhabitants of Gibea. 205 Cf. Gen. 41 : 8 ; Dan. 2:1. 206 From "p^ or W3 "to establish, arrange;" "3P means "appointed measure or number" (Exod. 5:18; Ezek. 45:11) ; here, probably, "fixity, immovableness, soundness." -("Connected with 73JS (Exod. 21:25) "wound;" lit. "split open" (comp. Arab. = " crack ") ; cf. Ps. 60 : 4. 208 Appellation given to Ishmael (Mohammedan world generally); cf. Halevi, Poems ed. Harkavy, Vol. II, pp. 61, 151. 209 Cf. Sanhedrin, 91a; see n. 142. 210 Cf. 1 Kings 13:24, 25, 28; Jer. 36:30. 21 iC/. Exod. 8:10. 2i2Hapax., Cant. 2:11. 213 Form not found ; cf. Job 37 : 17 ( D" 1 !?!! ) ; see Jer. 36 : 30 for the idea. ->uc/. Ps. 118:22. 215 Cf. Ps. 126 ; Qi'nbS found only once (Gen. 37:7), usually fflTabtf (Gen. 37:7; Ps. 126:6) ; reminiscences of Joseph's dream. 216 Monday, Shebat 26, 4837 A. M. ; January 23, 1077; Jumada II, 24, 469. 11 SEC 3721J5 Arabic influence. Ql'Q^tbtb'Q = 1009, if we consider the final n as 600; cf. Konig, Lehr ffebciude der hebraischen Sprache, Vol. II, Div. 1, p. 231. 217 See " The Author," p. 14. 218 Cf. Ps. 33 : 4. -19 The numerical value of Q ^p = 149. CTDp = " cutting off, lopping, chopping off (Arab, fjas = JaJ); cf. Shebi'ith, II, 4; Sukkah, III, 4; et al.; refers to the destruction of the enemy. 220 c/. Prov. 3:15. UC SOUTHERN REGIONAL UBRAflY FACILITY