& > ^ mi -** M* */&RAtf< rl' , COUDTTCTED HV -i NKW TO UK . iK & UROT-HKKS-. c :^ - THE LIBRARY ' '' CONDUCTED Br JARED SPARKS VOL. VII NEW YORK: HARPER & BROTHERS, PUBLISHERS. 1854. I J Entered according to act of Congreu in UM ywr 1837, by JARXD SPAHKS, to the Clerk', office of the District Com* of the Dtotrlct of MawachiwetU. LIVES %f aw SIR WILLIAM PHIPS, ISRAEL PUTNAM, LUCRETIA MARIA DAVIDSON, AND DAVID RITTENHOUSE NEW YORK: R & BROTHERS. PUBLISHERS. - n r-:- ",' .-.c fr is/u- CONTENTS. LIFE OF SIB WILLIAM PHIPS, Br FRANCIS BOWEN. Preface. . . . .j .flim^Hy -: ' CHAPTER I. His JBirth and Early Occupation. Goes to Boston as a Ship-Carpenter. His Mar riage. Visits England and obtains the Command of the Algier-Rose. Unsuccess ful Cruise. Sent out again by the Duke of Albemarle. Returns with a Spanish Treasure. Receives the Honor of Knight hood. ... / jP : ^ ... ... - .. : L-~ . '. CHAPTER II State of Affairs in New England. Phips returns thither as High Sheriff". Goes to England again. Deposition of Andros at Boston. Phips returns. French and In- VI CONTENTS. dian War. Successful Expedition against Acadia. Particulars respecting the Plun der taken at Port Royal. 26 CHAPTER III. Naval Expedition under Flaps against Quebec. Its Failure. Disasters to a Part of the Fleet on its Return. . . . 'v. ; |fc- ( J**",-' 1 60 CHAPTER IV. Difficulties created by the Failure of the Can ada Expedition. Issue of Paper Money. Phips goes to England. Negotiations re specting the Renewal of the Charter. New Charter granted, and Phips appointed Gov ernor. His Return, and Reception at Bos ton. Salem Witchcraft. 68 CHAPTER V. Legislative Acts. Indian War. Attack up on Wells. Building of Fort William Hen ry. Elections in May, 1693. Unpopu larity of Phips. Peace concluded with the Indians at Pemaquid. Phips quarrels with Short and Brenton. Recalled to England. His Death and Character. . 84 CONTENTS. VII LIFE OF ISRAEL PUTNAM, Br OLIVER W. B. PEABODT. CHAPTER I. His Birth and Education. Becomes a prac tical Farmer. Singular Adventure in kill ing a Wolf. Enters the Army as Captain of a Company of Rangers. Engages in the War against the French and Indians on the Canada Frontiers. 105 CHAPTER II. Raised to the Rank of Major. Various Ad ventures in the War. Capture of Fort William Henry. Putnam stationed near Fort Edward. Encounters the Enemy at South Bay. Expedition against Ticonder- oga. Death of Lord Howe 123 CHAPTER III. Perilous Descent of the Rapids at Fort Miller. Battle with the Indians. Putnam taken Prisoner and treated witJi great Cruelty. Sent to Ticonderoga, and thence to Montreal. Exchanged, and returns to the Army. Till CONTENTS Colonel Schuyler. Putnam is commissioned Lieutenant-Colonel. Serves under General Amherst. Takes part in the Expedition against Havana. Engaged in an Enter prise against the Western Indians. Re tires from the Army after ten Years' Service. 141 CHAPTER IV. Colonel Putnam opposes the Stamp Act. Goes to Mississippi River to select Lands. His Intimacy with the British Officers in Boston. Hastens to the Army on hearing of the Battle of Lexington. Made a Brigadier- General of the Connecticut Troops. Battle of Bunker's Hill Id CHAPTER V. Putnam is appointed Major-General in the Con tinental Army. Remains at Cambridge till the Evacuation of Boston. Commands at New York. Suggests a Mode of obstruct ing the Navigation of the Hudson, to pre vent the Enemy's Vessels from ascending it. Commands on Long Island. New York evacuated. Retreat through New Jersey, Putnam stationed at Philadelphia, and af terwards at Princeton. Anecdotes 178 CONTENTS. IX CHAPTER VI. Putnam commands in the Highlands. Opera tions during the Campaign. The British ascend the Hudson. General Putnam su- perintends the Construction of the Fortifica tions at West Point. His perilous Adven ture at Horseneck. Retires from the Army in Consequence of a Paralytic Attack. His Death. His military and personal Char acter. . 199 MEMOIR OF LUCRETIA MARIA DAVIDSON, BY THE AUTHOR OF " REDWOOD," " HOPE LESLIE," &c. 219 LIFE OF DAVID RITTENHOUSE, BT JAMES RENWICK. CHAPTER I. Introduction ,_ .. ,. 297 CHAPTER II. His Birth and Parentage. . . 303 CHAPTER III. His Education. Early Indications of Me chanical Genius. Remarkable Progress in Mathematical Learning. .... 310 CHAPTER IV. His Agricultural Occupations. Choice of a Profession. Entrance into Business. La borious Pursuit of his Trade and Scientific Studies. Consequent Injury to his Health. Becomes known as an Artist and an As tronomer. His Marriage. . . . . 317 CHAPTER V. Boundary Line of Pennsylvania, Delaware) and Maryland. Mason and Dixon's Line. Boundary of Pennsylvania and New York. . 324 Experiments on Expansion. Application of them to the Pendulum. Metallic Thermome ter. Experiments on the Compressibility of Water. Adaptation of Planetary Ma chines to Clocks. Project of an Orrery. 332 CONTENTS. XI CHAPTER VII. Preparations for Observing the Transit of Venus ..... ... 340 ii' /*v v ** * CHAPTER VIII. Observation of the Transit of Venus. Calf culation of the Parallax of the Sun. . . 348 CHAPTER IX. Transit of Mercury. Longitudes of Phila delphia and Norriton. Orrery resumed. Comet of 1770 356 : CHAPTER X. His Second Orrery. Proposed Removal to Philadelphia. Loan-Office Bill. Gift of the Legislature. Change of Residence. Election as Secretary of the American Philo sophical Society. Second Marriage. Pro posed Public Observatory 362 CHAPTER XI. Hi i Election to the Legislature of Pennsylva nia. First Committee of Public Safety. / / J Treasurer of the State. Capture of Phila- Xll CONTENTS. A v ^ delphia, and Removal of the Treasury to Lancaster. Second Committee of Public Safety . Transit of Mercury and Solar Eclipses 369 CHAPTER XII. * * .w v& j Boundary Lines of Pennsylvania and Vir ginia. Division Line of Pennsylvania and New York. Demarkation of Territory re served by Massachusetts within the State of New York. 377 CHAPTER XIII. His Appointment as Trustee of the Loan-Office. Retirement from Office as State Treasurer. Private Observatory. Commissioner to organize a Bank of the United States. Director of the Mint of the United States. Resignation of that Office 384 CHAPTER XIV. He is elected President of the Democratic Society. Declining Health. Death. Character. Literary and Scientific Honors. Conclusion. 392 SIR WILLIAM PHIPS FRANCIS BOWEN VOL. vil.- COTTON MATHER wrote a life of Sir William Phips, which was first published in London in a separate form, and was afterwards included in the " Magnalia." He was intimately acquainted with the subject of his memoir ; and the account would be entitled to full credit, did not his well-known credulity, and the partiality which he everywhere shows, throw some doubt on the more remarkable statements. In the following biographical sketch, his authority has been followed only for the early part of Sir William's life, since the account of his public career is wholly unsatisfactory. Careful research has been made in the offices of the Secretary of State of Massachusetts, and of the Massachusetts Historical Society ; and, though noth ing was found that related to the early life or per sonal character of Phips, some facts were brought to light respecting the two military expeditions which he commanded. The particulars respecting the capture of Port Royal were drawn from documents, which, with 4 PREFACE. one exception, have not before been published. In the account of the expedition against Quebec, 1 have relied on the authority of Walley, the second in command of the troops engaged, whose official relation was published in the appendix to Hutch- inson's " History of Massachusetts " ; and on that of Major Savage, who commanded a portion of the army, and whose letter, containing a history of the expedition, may be found in the Collections of the Historical Society. Some statements were taken from the account given by Hontan, a French offi cer, who served under Frontenac in Quebec at the time of the assault. Hutchinson discredits the authority of this writer, but, as far as can be ascer tained, without sufficient reason. He was an eye witness of what he relates, and his narrative agrees in the main with the English accounts. In the history of the subsequent part of Sir William's life, I have followed Hutchinson. SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. CHAPTER I. His Birth and Early Occupation. Goes t& Boston as a Ship- Carpenter. His Marriage Visits England and obtains the Commana of the Algier-Rose. Unsuccessful Cruise. Sent out again by the Duke of Albemarle. Returns with a Spanish Treasure. Re ceives the Honor of Knighthood. IT is often difficult for the historian to distin guish between rash adventure and well-concerted enterprise. Judging rather from success in the execution of a plan, than from the inventive genius and foresight displayed in its formation, mankind are apt to give to wild but fortunate daring the praise, which is due only to judgment, activity, and skill, even when unsuccessfully exerted. It has been well observed of Columbus, that, had he yielded to the entreaties of his crew but a few hours sooner than he had determined to do, his name, if it had survived at all, would have been remembered only as that of a half insane projector; 6 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. and the lives of many others, who have risen from obscurity and indigence to distinction and wealth, afford full proof, that the allotment of fame has been as arbitrary as the distribution of the other gifts of fortune. A mere accident has formed the turning point in the life of many an adventurer, and given him that success, which he had vainly sought in many better conceived endeavours. The truth of these remarks is clearly shown m the life of one of the early governors of New Eng land, a man, who, in an age far less favorable than the present for the promotion of talent, sought his fortune in many schemes boldly planned and resolutely executed, and found it, at last, by fish ing for ship-wrecked treasure among the rocks and shallows of the Spanish Main. But imperfect accounts of the early part of his career have been preserved ; and these, from the strangeness of the incidents recorded, resemble rather the fragments of a nursery tale, than the materials of sober histo ry. A narrative of his life may assist in doing justice to the character of the man, and throw per haps some light on the features of the times in which he lived. WILLIAM PHIPS was born February 2d, 1651, at Woolwich, Maine, a small settlement near the mouth of the river Kennebec. His father, James Phips, a gunsmith by trade, emigrated from Bris tol, England, at an early period in the history of SIRWILLIAMPHIPS. 7 the colonies, and fixed his residence on the very borders of the settlements. He had twenty-six children, all of one mother, of whom twenty-one were sons. Of these, William was one of the youngest, and, by the death of his father, he was left at an early age to the exclusive management of his mother. The lowness of his parents' situation, and the dangers and hardships incident to their res idence in a half-reclaimed wilderness, surrounded and frequently harassed by the natives, did not ad mit of their bestowing much care upon the educa tion of their children. While yet very young, without being taught even to read, William was employed in tending sheep, and he continued in this occupation till he was eighteen years of age. But this business was too easy and uniform to satisfy a boy of a restless and adventurous disposition. The sea was to be his element, and a sailor's life of wandering, nov elty, and hardship, was the only one which pos sessed any attractions for his active temperament. Even at this early period, the colonists had en gaged to some extent in navigation, to which, in deed, they were invited by the peculiarity of their situation, at so great a distance from the rest of the civilized world, and by the possession of the no blest harbors and navigable streams. The forests, which covered the banks of the rivers, offered fa cilities for ship-building, which were not allowed to 8 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. remain long unimproved. Unable to procure a situation on board a vessel, Phips apprenticed him self, as the next best resource, to a ship-carpenter, in whose employment, probably diversified by an occasional coasting trip, he remained for four years. At the expiration of this time, his relatives would fain have persuaded him to settle among them , but, if we may credit his friend and biographer, Cotton Mather, some visions of future greatness had already visited his mind, and tempted him to seek, in a wider field of action, the fulfilment of his dreams. He would privately hint to his friends, that he was born for greater matters ; and, as the best means of putting himself in the way of for tune, he removed, in 1673, to Boston. At this place, he worked at his trade about a year, and employed his leisure hours in learning to read and write. Here also he had the address or good for tune to recommend himself to the notice of a fair widow, and, by marrying her soon after, laid the foundation of his future success in life. His wife was the widow of a merchant by the name of Hull, and the daughter of Captain Roger Spencer, a person who had once possessed con siderable property, but had lost the greater portion of it by misplaced confidence. The wife of Phips had the advantage of him, both in years and for tune ; and the world, which, in such cases, is apt to SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 9 suspect the existence of mercenary motives in one of the parties, was not, perhaps, in this particular instance, much mistaken in its conjecture. The marriage, however, seems to have been a happy one. The lady was pleased with his per son and address ; he did not dislike her fortune, and was not disposed to complain of her other qualifications ; and if he remained abroad during a considerable port.ion of the rest of his life, we may well consider the calls of his profession and a rov ing disposition as a sufficient reason for his wan derings, without supposing that there was any want of peace and comfort at home. The addition to his pecuniary means enabled him to extend his business ; and he entered into a contract with some merchants of Boston to build them a vessel on Sheepscot river, at a place a little to the eastward of the mouth of the Kenne- bec. Having launched the ship, he engaged to procure a lading of lumber, and return to Boston. But unforeseen circumstances prevented the com pletion of this design. The Eastern Indians, either from the imprudent conduct of the settlers, or the incitements of the French, had always looked with a jealous eye upon the English settlements in Maine. The frequent outbreak of hostilities was followed only by a hollow peace, sure to be broken whenever the natives had recovered their spirits after a defeat 10 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. or found an opportunity for striking a cruel blow upon an unguarded village. Such an event oc curred immediately after Phips had launched his vessel. The attack of the savages caused the immediate flight of the defenceless inhabitants, and they took refuge on board the ship, which was yet in the stream. Thus compelled to relinquish his purpose of obtaining a cargo of lumber, Phips immediately sailed away, and conveyed the dis tressed people, free of charge, to Boston. The interruption of his plans by this incident caused considerable derangement in his affairs, and it is not unlikely, that for some time he felt the sharp pressure of pecuniary difficulties. But his sanguine temperament preserved him from despon dency ; and it appears, indeed, that his dreams of future success were most frequent, when present embarrassments were at their height. We are told, that he would frequently console his wife with the assurance, that he should yet obtain the command of a King's ship, and become the owner " of a fair brick house in the Green Lane of North Boston." How much of the quaintness of these expectations is to be attributed to the man, and how much to the biographer, we cannot determine. He had in genuity enough to form magnificent schemes, and, as his subsequent history proves, credulity suffi cient to mistake his own sanguine anticipations for mysterious presentiments. SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 11 The realization of these golden hopes was post poned for a length of time, which, on a less san guine mind, must have produced all the bitter effects of entire disappointment. Hardly any ac count is preserved of his history for the next ten years. They were probably spent mostly at Bos ton, in the industrious exercise of his profession as a ship-builder, and in short trading voyages, at tended only with such success as was sufficient to preserve him from want, and diversified by the creation of projects, which perished either in the formation, or in the earliest stages of execution. It was not till about the year 1684, that a pros pect of obtaining wealth, if not distinction, was opened to him ; and that came from a quarter, to which few men but himself would ever have dreamed of looking. We cannot tell how much judgment he manifested in embarking in such a scheme, without regarding the peculiar light in which such enterprises appeared to the men of his own times. The sudden influx of wealth into Spain, during the sixteenth centurj , from her colonies in the West India Islands and South America, had a strange effect in heating the imaginations and exciting the cupidity of all the nations of Europe, who, at that time, had paid any attention to maritime affairs. This effect was increased by the peculiarly bril liant and tempting form, in which the wealth was 12 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. displayed. It consisted not so much in the in crease of territory and in the extension of com merce, as in the actual importation of large quanti ties of bullion and coin. As the first in the field, the Spaniards enjoyed the entire command of these sources of affluence, and the subjects of other European powers could share the gains only by secret, contraband expeditions, or by open war and piracy. The skill and daring of British seamen made them foremost in such attempts, and their success was sufficient to dazzle, though not enrich, the na tion at large. The half piratical expeditions of Drake and Raleigh were only the most important in a series of such enterprises. Englishmen also had a large share in the wealth and guilt of the Buccaneers ; and strange stories were current among the vulgar, concerning the wild adventures of men, who returned to their country after a long absence, and made the most ostentatious display of their riches. The ordinary means of gaining wealth appeared tame and insipid, compared with a daring enterprise for acquiring heaps of Spanish gold by the plunder of villages, or the capture of "argosies with portly sail, The signiors and rich burghers of the flood." At a comparatively late period, the reputation of persons even of high rank was affected by some of these proceedings. The connexion of the Earl of SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 13 Bellamont, and of Lords Rumney and Somers, with the voyage of the celebrated Kidd, has never been fully explained. For private individuals to make a mere commercial enterprise of a project, not to commit piracy, but to bring pirates to justice, to take shares in such an attempt, and agree upon a division of the profits, was, to say the least, a rather singular course. Indeed, the whole history of this daring pirate's career, of the objects for which he was despatched, and of the instructions which he received, is enveloped in mystery. The success of the Spaniards at the South ex cited the most confident expectations among the English people of discovering mines of the precious metals also in the Northern part of the American continent. The mania of hunting for gold and sil ver gave rise to the scheme of the Virginia colony ; and subsequently, by diverting the attention of the colonists from agriculture and the other arts, by which alone an infant settlement could be main tained, the same cause nearly proved its ruin. Even when repeated disappointments had shown the futility of such expectations, individuals were found credulous enough, on the slightest encour agement, to renew the search for mines with the same eagerness, with which the attempt had for merly been prosecuted by the whole colony. At the close of the seventeenth century, though the supply of precious metals from the Spanish 14 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. colonies had materially diminished, exaggerated stories were circulated, especially among seafaring men, of the immense wealth which was transport ed in galleons from the New to the Old World ; and an occasional account of a wreck excited wild hopes of recovering the lost treasure, even from the bottom of the ocean. A report of the wreck of a Spanish vessel, some* where about the Bahamas, reached the ears of Phips, and induced him to make a voyage thith er, in a small vessel, which he owned and com manded. He succeeded in finding the wreck, though the value of what was recovered from it, proved insufficient to defray the expense of the voyage. He was told, however, of another and more richly laden vessel, which had been wrecked near Port de la Plata, more than half a century before. Unable from his own slender means to prose cute the search, he resolved upon a voyage to Eng land, in the hope of inducing the government to fit out an expedition for the recovery of the treas ure. He arrived in London in the year 1684, where he made such representations to the Admi ralty, that, before the expiration of the year, he was appointed to the command of the Rose-Algiei, a ship of eighteen guns and ninety-five men. What circumstances favored his application, there are no means of ascertaining He must have SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 15 had the assistance of influential friends ; otherwise, it is hardly probable, that a New England sea captain, of little education and no property, and who held no office under the crown, could have obtained the command of a national vessel, for such a Quixotic purpose, as a search after the wreck of a vessel which had been lost some fifty years before. Nor is it easy to perceive how he found patrons in London, or how his friends at home could assist him, since New-Englaridmen could hardly have been in favor at the court of James the Second. We can account for the ex traordinary success of Phips, only by supposing that his project was approved by the King himself, who was fond of naval enterprise, and who was pleased with the direct application of a blunt and gallant sailor. Subsequent events render it not unlikely, that Phips enjoyed the personal favor of the monarch. The commission which he received, must have imposed upon him some other duties than the mere search after ship-wrecked treasure ; for it was unlimited as to time, and was held by him during a two years' cruise in the West Indies, at the close of which period circumstances obliged him to return. Unacquainted with the precise spot where the wreck was to be found, and unprovided with fit implements to prosecute the search, success in the 16 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. main object of the voyage could hardly have been expected. Great embarrassments were also expe rienced from the mutinous character of the crew. Sailors had been easily collected for a cruise, the express object of which was the acquirement of Spanish gold. But they were a motley and law less set, unused to the restraints of a ship of war, and eager for an opportunity to realize the hopes, which had induced them to embark. Fatigued by severe duty, and weary of groping unsuccess fully for riches in the depths of the ocean, they at last openly demanded the relinquishment of their original purpose, and the use of the ship for a piratical expedition against the Spanish vessels and smaller settlements. But the courage and presence of mind of their commander enabled him to avoid the danger. On one occasion, breaking out into open mutiny, the crew came armed to the quarter-deck, that they might compel the adoption of their measures. Though unarmed and taken by surprise, Phips contrived to secure two or three of the ringleaders, and to awe the rest into submission. But a more dangerous and better concerted plot was soon afterwards formed. The ship had been brought to anchor at a small and uninhabited island, for the purpose of undergoing some repairs. To admit of careening the vessel, a great part of the stores were removed, and placed under cover SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 17 in an encampment on the shore. The ship was then hove down by the side of a rock stretching out from the land, to which a small bridge was constructed, that afforded the means of passing to and fro. Under the pretext of amusing themselves, the greater part of the crew retired to the woods at a short distance from the encampment, and there entered into an agreement to stand by each other in an attempt to seize the captain, and make off with the vessel. The plan was to return about seven o'clock that evening, to overpower Phips and the seven or eight men who were with him, and leave them to perish on the barren key, while the mutineers, who were about a hundred in num ber, were to make a piratical expedition to the South Sea. A mere chance discovered and de feated the conspiracy. It occurred to the party that, in their contem plated voyage, they would need the services of the carpenter, who was still on board the vessel. Sending for him on some pretence, they acquainted him with their plan, and threatened him with in stant death, if he did not join in its execution. He prevailed upon them, however, to grant him half an hour's delay to consider of the matter, and to permit him to return to the ship for the purpose of procuring his tools. Two or three of the sea men attended him to watch his motions. A few VOL. VII. 2 18 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. minutes after he came on board, he pretended to be suddenly taken sick, and ran down, as if for some medicine, to the cabin, where he found the captain, and in a few words informed him of the danger. Phips immediately told him to return to the shore with the others, to appear to enter fully into their plan, and leave the rest with him. No time was now to be lost, for it wanted but two hours of the moment fixed for the execution of the conspiracy. Calling round him the few that remained in the vessel, and finding them warm in their professions of fidelity, he commenced his pre parations for defeating the project of the disaffect ed. A few of the ship's guns had been removed with the stores to the land, and planted in such a manner as to defend the tent. He caused the charges to be drawn from these, the guns them selves to be turned, and all the ammunition to be removed to the frigate. The bridge was then taken up, and the ship's guns loaded and trained so as to command all approaches to the encamp ment. The mutineers soon made their appear ance from the woods, but were hailed by Phips. who threatened to fire upon them if they came near the stores. The bridge was then again laid, and the few faithful hands set about transporting the articles from the land to the vessel. The others were obliged to remain at a distance, being told that they were to suffer the fate which they SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 19 had intended for the captain, and be abandoned to perish upon the island. The prospect of such an end, and the impossi bility of making any resistance, soon brought the crew to terms. They threw down their arms, protested that they had no cause for disaffection, but the refusal of the captain to accede to their piratical scheme ; this they were now willing to abandon, and begged for permission to return to their duty. This request at length was granted, though suitable precautions were taken, by depriv ing them of their arms and keeping a strict watch while they remained in the vessel. With such a crew, it was dangerous to spend any more time in the prosecution of the original design, and Phips accordingly weighed anchor and sailed to Jamaica. Here he discharged the greatei part of the men, and shipped a small number of such other seamen as he found in port. The search had thus far proved unsuccessful, from his imperfect knowledge of the circumstances under which the vessel was lost. With the view of obtaining further information, he sailed for His- paniola, where he met with an old Spaniard, who pointed out to him the precise reef of rocks, a few leagues to the north of Port de la Plata, where the ship had been wrecked. Phips immediately pro ceeded to the spot, and examined it for some time, but still without success. Before he could satisfy 20 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. himself that the place was sufficiently explored, the condition of the Rose-Algier, which was out of repair and not more than half manned, obliged him to relinquish the attempt for the time, and return to England. By the Admiralty he was received with greater favor, than, considering the ill success of his scheme, he could reasonably have expected. The energy which he had displayed, in executing the secondary objects of the voyage, and in defeating the mutinous designs of the crew, relieved him from any imputation of unskilfulness as a naval officer, though the government would not again intrust him with the command of a national ves sel. Undismayed by failure, Phips renewed his solicitations for further aid, alleging the necessarily imperfect examination of the reef, on which there was every reason to hope that the wreck might be found. But the experiment already made was considered as having demonstrated the impractica bility of the plan, and the application was unsuc cessful. Finding there was no hope of obtaining a ship of war, he endeavored to interest private individ uals in the undertaking, and at last induced the Duke of Albemarle, in connexion with a few other gentlemen, to fit out a vessel and to give him the command. A patent was obtained from the King, giving to the associates an exclusive right to all SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 21 ihe wrecks that might be discovered for a number of years to come. A tender was provided for making short excursions in waters where they might not venture the ship; and, as the former failures were in great part attributed to the want of proper means of making submarine researches, , some time was employed in constructing imple ments, which Phips contrived and partly executed with his own hands. No account is given of these contrivances ; they consisted of nothing more, pro bably, than a few rough drags and hooks. Having equipped his vessel, he sailed for Port de la Plata, where he arrived without accident. Here the first object was to build a stout boat, capable of carrying eight or ten oars, in making which Phips used the adze himself, in company with the crew. A number of the men, with some Indian divers, were then despatched in the tender, while the captain remained with the ship in port. Having anchored the tender at a convenient dis tance, the men proceeded in the boat to examine the rocks, which they were able to do with ease, from the calmness of the sea. The reef was of a singular form, rising nearly to the surface, but the sides fell off so precipitously, that any ship striking upon them must, as it seem ed, have bounded off and sunk in deep water. Hoping to find the wreck lodged on some project ing shelf, they rowed round the reef several times, 22 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. and sent down the divers at different places. The water was clear, and the men hung over the sides of the boat, and strained their eyes in gazing down wards to discover, if possible, some fragment of the ship. All was in vain, and they prepared to return to the tender. But just as they were leaving the reef, one of the men, perceiving some curious sea-plant growing in a crevice of the rocks, sent down one of the Indians to obtain it. When the diver returned, he told them that he had dis covered a number of ship's guns lying in the same spot. Other divers were immediately sent down, and one soon brought up a large ingot of silver, worth from two to three hundred pounds sterling. Overjoyed at their success, they marked the spot with a buoy, and then returned with the boat and tender to the port. Phips could not believe the story of their suc cess, till they showed him the ingot, when he ex claimed, " Thanks be to God, we are all made." The whole crew were immediately set to work, and, in the course of a few days, they fished up treasure to the amount of three hundred thousand pounds. They had lighted, at first, on the part of the wreck where the bullion was stored, but they afterwards found the coin, which had been placed in bags among the ballast. It had remain ed there so long, that the bags were found covered with a calcareous incrustation of considerable thick SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 23 ness, which being broken open with irons, the pieces of eight showered out in great profusion. Besides the gold and silver, precious stones were found of considerable value. In the course of the search, they were joined by one Adderley, a ship-master of Providence, who had been of some assistance to Phips in the for mer voyage, and who now met him by appoint ment in a small vessel. With his few hands, he contrived, in a day or two, to load his vessel with silver to the amount of several thousand pounds. This success fairly upset the reason of the poor Providence sea-captain, and, a year or two after wards, he died in a state of insanity at Bermuda. The failure of provisions obliged the party to think of departure, before the examination of the wreck was complete ; the last day that the men were at work, they raised about twenty heavy lumps of silver. With the view of revisiting the spot and completing the work, an oath of secrecy was imposed upon Adderley and his men, and a promise exacted, that they would content them selves with what they had already acquired. But through the imprudence of these persons, the secret leaked out, the Bermudans visited the wreck, and when Phips returned, after the lapse of a year or two, it was found that every article of value had been removed. Besides the want of provisions, other considera 24 AMERICAN BIOGRAPJHY. tions induced the captain to hasten his departure The crew, though not so mutinously disposed as those who formerly manned the Rose-Algier, were by no means trustworthy; and the knowledge of such a vast treasure, yet contained in the ship, ana which had been acquired by their own exertions, was enough to excite the cupidity of the men, and to induce them to attempt the seizure of the ves sel. Every precaution was taken, by keeping a strict watch and promising the men, that, in addi tion to the stipulated wages, they should receive a portion of the profits, even if Phips should there by be obliged to sacrifice his own share. Not daring to stop at any nearer port to obtain the necessary supplies, he sailed directly for England, where he arrived safe with his lading, in the course of the year 1687. After making a division of the profits, and pay ing the promised gratuity to the seamen, there remained to Phips only about sixteen thousand pounds, though, as a token of satisfaction with his conduct, the Duke of Albemarle presented his wife with a gold cup of the value of a thousand pounds. The King was advised to seize the whole cargo, instead of the tenth part, which had been reserved by the patent, on the pretence, that the grant had been obtained only by the suppression of some information possessed by the parties. But King James refused to take such an ungenerous course SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 25 He avowed his entire satisfaction with the conduct of the enterprise, and declared, that Phips had displayed so much integrity and talent, that he should not henceforth want countenance. In con sideration of the service done by him in bringing such a treasure into the country, and as an earnest of future favors, he received the honor of knight hood, and was requested to remain in England, with the promise of honorable employment in the public service. But his home was still New England; and though he had never received much encourage ment there, but, on the contrary, supposed he had good reason to complain of some of his country men, still, as the colony was now in a distressed state, and he was able to afford some aid, he was too patriotic to absent himself for ever from his native land. For the remainder of his life, his history is closely connected with that of the colo- D13S. VII. 26 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY CHAPTER II. State of Affairs in New England. Phips returns thither as High Sheriff. Goes to England again. Deposition of Andros at Boston. Phips returns. French and In dian War. Successful Expedition against Acadia. Particulars respecting the Plunder taken at Port Royal. IN 1687, the affairs of New England were in a most perturbed condition. The taking away of the charter of Massachusetts, in the previous year, had been followed by the appointment, as governor, of Sir Edmund Andros, a man well qualified, by his imperious temper and grasping disposition, to exe cute the arbitrary designs of the English court. The loss of the charter was held to involve the forfeiture of the rights and privileges formerly en joyed by the colonists, and to have subjected them entirely to the discretionary government of the crown. No house of assembly was in future to be con voked, and the governor, with any four of the council, was empowered to make laws, and to levy such sums upon the people as were sufficient to meet the wants of the government, or to satisfy SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 27 the cupidity of himself and his adherents. It was no small aggravation of the loss of their privileges, that Edward Randolph, the old and constant enemy of the colonists, whose repeated complaints had supplied a pretext for the forfeiture of the charter, had been appointed one of the governor's council ; and it was understood, that Andros re lied chiefly upon his advice in the management of affairs. The former magistrates were removed from office, the freedom of the press was abridged by the appointment of a licenser, a tax of a penny on the pound was levied on all estates, exorbitant sums were exacted for fees; and, to crown the whole, the people were informed, that the titles to their estates were made void by the loss of the charter, under which they were granted, and could only be renewed by the payment of large fines. Some discretion was used, it is true, in the exer cise of the power, which this declaration threw into the hands of the council, since its direct enforce ment could only have ruined the colony. Notices were served from time to time upon the owners of large estates, requiring them to show cause, why the titles to their lands should not be vested in thb crown ; and, to avoid a trial before packed and sub servient juries, the proprietors were glad to com pound with the payment of a fourth or fifth t>art of the value of their property. 28 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. Such things were not endured without murmurs, and an attempt at redress. The people were generally peaceable, though a few persons were arrested and held to trial, on the significant charge of using disrespectful and rebellious language against his Majesty's government. Representa tions from private sources were made in England ; but they were urged with little stress, from the want of an agent in London. At last Increase Mather, then president of Harvard College, was induced to undertake a voyage to England, to plead the cause of the colony in person. The governor and his agents used all their efforts to prevent the voyage, and a sham prosecution was got up by Randolph, that Mather might be arrest ed on the eve of embarking. But some of his parishioners carried him on board in the night, and in May, 1688, he arrived in England, where he found a zealous cooperator in Phips, who was still lingering about the court. What little countenance Mather received from James the Second, is undoubtedly to be ascribed to the influence of Sir William, who now enjoyed considerable reputation at court, and some personal favor with the King. This assistance was not for gotten at a later period, when, from a change in their respective situations, Mather had an oppor tunity of repaying, with interest, the favors which he had received. SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 29 A petition was presented, praying " that the rights, which the people had to their freeholds, might be confirmed ; and that no laws might be made, or moneys raised, without an assembly." This petition was referred to the Committee on Foreign Plantations ; but the King absolutely re fused to consider the article respecting the levying of taxes by act of assembly, and the committee would not propose it. On another occasion, upon an intimation that any request from him would be favorably received, Phips applied directly for a restoration of privileges to the colony; but the King replied, " Any thing but that, Sir William." Indeed, the successful war, which James had waged with the chartered rights of the English corporations, left hardly a ground of hope, that he would respect the privileges of the colonies, when a decree of the Court of Chancery had placed them entirely in his power. Unable to succeed in his primary object, Sir William began to think of some other way, in which he might be useful to his country. A lu crative office under the Commissioners of the Navy was offered to him ; but his domestic and patriotic feelings still pointed homeward, and he determin ed, probably with the advice of Mather, to apply for the office of sheriff of New England The power, which such an appointment would give him, over the selection of jurors, would enable him to 30 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. aid such of his countrymen as were obliged to de fend, in a court of law, the titles to their estates. By an application to the King, backed by a considerable expenditure of money, he succeeded in obtaining the office ; and, with his commission in his pocket, he sailed in the summer of 1688, in company with Sir John Narborough, for New England. On his way thither, he visited the place where he had discovered the wreck ; but, from reasons already mentioned, found nothing to repay the cost of another search. On his arrival at Boston, he soon ascertained, that his patent as sheriff would not secure him the possession of the office, or enable him to oppose effectually the measures of Andros and his party. He gratified, however, his wife's ambition and his own, by building " the fair brick house in Green Lane," which he had promised her five years be fore, when his only fortune consisted in a sanguine and active temperament and an enterprising dispo sition. The name of Green Lane was subsequent ly changed, in compliment to him, to Charter Street. The house stood at the corner of this street and Salem Street. It was afterwards used as the " Asylum for Boys," and remained standing till within a few years, when it was pulled down to make room for modern improvements. Sir William's ignorance of the forms of law, arising from his imperfect education, prevented his SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 31 prosecuting successfully a claim to office, which, in the hands of another, might have produced impor tant results. I find, on some documents of a later period, his signature, made with the awkward strokes and imperfectly formed letters of a child just learning to write. But his roving and adven turous life had given him that knowledge of man kind, and confidence in his own powers, which so frequently supply the loss of early opportunities. Without such qualities, he could hardly have sought and obtained, within the compass of a few years, the captaincy of a man-of-war and the office of high sheriff, and finally of governor of New England. Not only were all his attempts to exercise the office of sheriff frustrated by the artifices and de lays of the council, but, if we may credit Cotton Mather's account, an attempt was made by some creatures of the governor to assassinate him before his own door. But the story is not a probable one. Very likely it arose from some scuffle, in which the hasty disposition and sailor-like habits of Phips may have involved him. The policy of Andros seems to have been pacific enough, at leasl as lar as actual outrage to the persons of individu als was concerned ; and the advantage to be gained by removing a troublesome claimant for office was hardly sufficient to counterbalance the risk. His failure at home induced Sir William to make an 32 AMKRICAN BIOGRAPHY. other voyage to England, where he arrived at the commencement of the year 1689. The revolution had taken place, and he found his old patron in exile, and William and Mary on the throne. With the view, probably, of retaining the same interest in the American colonies, which he yet possessed in Ireland, the exiled monarch, through one of his adherents in London, offered Phips the government of New England. But Sir William showed both his good sense and patriotism by refusing it. With his knowledge of the dispo sition of the colonists, he must have foreseen the events, which actually occurred in Boston when they heard of the expedition of the Prince of Orange, and which would have made void his commission, before he could arrive to execute it. By remaining in London, and uniting his efforts to those of Mather and the other agents for the re covery of the charter, he had a fairer prospect of doing service to the colony, and ultimately obtain ing some employment for himself. News soon arrived from Massachusetts, which changed the grounds of application, and facilitated the exertions of the agents. Notwithstanding the efforts of Andros and his party, the colonists re ceived early notice of the change in the English government. A copy of the Prince of Orange's declaration was first obtained by way of Virginia ; and, though SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 33 the governor imprisoned the man who brought it, the people were apprized of the facts, and not a little agitation ensued. The more considerate among them were in favor of postponing any ac tive measures, till they could hear of the settle ment of affairs in the mother country. But the inhabitants of Boston could not be restrained. Rumors were circulated of the intention of the governor to suppress, by violent means, any symp toms of disturbance, and that the armament of the Rose frigate, which was then lying in the harbor, would be used for that purpose. Nearly all busi ness ceased, the inhabitants collected in groups, and the governor, becoming alarmed at the threat ening aspect of affairs, sheltered himself and a few of the council within the walls of the fort. On the 18th of April, the explosion took place. The drums beat and the inhabitants collected to gether, probably without any concert among them selves. Companies of soldiers were organized, the officers of the frigate, who happened to be on shore, were seized, and a summons was sent to Andros, demanding the surrender of the fort. Unable to offer any effectual resistance, he sub mitted ; and, before nightfall, the frigate was se cured, a provisional government formed, and the inhabitants, having gained their object without shedding a drop of blood, quietly dispersed. Bradstreet, the former governor under the old VOL. VII. 3 34 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. charter, and the other magistrates, were soon per suaded to return to office. A report of these proceedings, transmitted through the colony agents to the King, was favor ably received, and a commission was issued, em powering the government to act under the provis ions of the old charter, till the principles, on which colonial affairs were in future to be administered, could be definitively settled. Thus, instead of applying for a redress of present grievances, the agents had only to solicit a confirmation of existing privileges; and this gave them greater hopes of ultimate success. But the necessity of awaiting the action of Parliament, and the delays which were, intentionally perhaps, caused by King Wil liam, proved wearisome to Phips, who also felt the loss of that personal influence with the king which he formerly enjoyed. The condition of the colony, also, was now such, that he had a prospect of active employment at home, and he accordingly resolved on an immediate return. He arrived in the summer of 1689, when an Indian war was raging on the frontiers. It had broken out the previous year, and had been aggra vated by the inefficient prosecution of it by the former government. Though entirely unacquaint ed with military affairs, the hope of being engaged in the management of this war had induced Sir William to return, and he soon made an offer of his services to Governor Bradstreet. SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 35 In the mean time, he contracted an mtimac) with Cotton Mather, whose advice seems to have had much influence over him during the remain der of his life. By attendance on the spiritual instructions of Mather, he was induced to make a public profession of his religious faith, and on the 23d of March, 1690, he became a member of the North Church in Boston. Previously, however, he was obliged to receive the rite of baptism ; and, on occasion of this ceremony being performed, he handed to the clergyman a paper, which was afterwards published. A portion of it is here inserted, not only on account of the con firmation which it gives of the history of his early life, but as the only authentic production of his own pen, which I have been able to find. Some suspicion would rest upon the authenticity even of this piece, did not Cotton Mather declare, that the original was in Sir William's own handwriting, and that he had not altered a word in copying it. " The first of God's making me sensible of my sins was in the year 1674, by hearing your fathei preach concerning 'The day of trouble near' I did then begin to think what I should do to be saved, and did bewail my youthful days, which I had spent in vain ; I did think that I would begin to mind the things of God. Being then some time under your father's ministry, much troubled with my burden, but thinking on the scripture, ' Come 36 AMERICAN filOGRAPHY. ur*to me, you that are weary and heavy laden, and I will give you rest,' I had some thoughts of draw ing as near to the communion of the Lord Jesus as I could. But the ruins which the Indian wars brought on my affairs, and the entanglements which my following the sea laid upon me, hinder ed my pursuing the welfare of my own soul as 1 ought to have done. " At length, God was pleased to smile upon my outward concerns. The various providences, both merciful and afflictive, which attended me in my travels, were sanctified unto me, to make me ac knowledge God in all my ways. I have diverse times been in danger of my life, and I have been brought to see, that I owe my life to Him that has given a life so often to me. I have had great offers made me in England, but the churches of New England were those which my heart was most set upon. I knew, that if God had a people anywhere, it was here ; and I resolved to rise and fall with them. My being born in a part of the country, where I had not in my infancy enjoyed the first sacrament of the New Testament, has ieen something of a stumblingblock unto me. That I may make sure of better things, I now ifFer myself unto the communion of this church of the Lord Jesus." The circumstances in which Sir William was now placed, the possession of family and friends. SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 3"7 of considerable reputation, and of a competent for tune, would have disposed most other men to quiet enjoyment and a life of ease. But he had acquir ed his fortune by adventure, and he could not enjoy it in domestic privacy. In conversation with Mather, he frequently expressed his feelings on this point. " I have no need," he would say, " to look aftei any further advantages for myself in this world ; 1 may sit still at home, if I will, and enjoy my ease for the rest of my life ; but I believe that I should offend God in doing so ; for I am now in the prime of my age and strength, and, I thank God, I can endure hardship. He only knows how long 1 have to live ; but I think 't is my duty to venture my life in doing good, before a useless old age comes upon me. Wherefore I will now expose myself where I am able, and as far as I am able, for the service of my country ; I was born for others, as well as for myself." There is good sense and good feeling in these remarks ; and, if they do not prove that his sole object in his future active life was to benefit his countrymen, they show, at least, that he was able to appreciate honorable motives, and prepared to make considerable sacrifices, when duty called The exigencies of the war soon opened a fair field for honorable exertion. The hostilities with the natives, besides the terror ,33 AMERICAN BIOGHAPHY. excited by the common barbarities of such a war, had now become more alarming from the fact, that the French cooperated with the Indians, supplied them with arms, and instigated them to more ex tensive operations. The successful labors of the Roman Catholic priests had given them great power over the savages, a power which they did not hesitate to turn to political purposes, and which frustrated all attempts of the English to divert the chiefs from their alliance with the French, and to induce them to form a separate peace. The winter of 1690 was signalized by the cap ture of Schenectady in New York, and Salmon Falls in New Hampshire, the destruction of which places was accompanied by circumstances even of unusual atrocity ; while the capture of Fort Pem- maquid, in Maine, rendered the situation of the settlements in that quarter extremely dangerous. Since the kind of partisan warfare, which had heretofore been practised against the savages, proved insufficient against the combined efforts of the French and Indians, the colonists were induced to attempt the capture of the places whence the enemy obtained their supplies. Port Royal, the capital of the French province of Acadia, Was conveniently situated for carrying on intercourse with the Eastern Indians, and for affording a shel ter to the privateers, which annoyed the English shipping, and, occasionally, the smaller settlements on the coast. SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 39 The province had been in possession of the French more than thirty years ; a small fort had been erected for the security of Port Royal ; and from the advantageous situation of the place for carrying on a trade in lumber and fish, the popula tion of that and the other settlements had increas ed to six or seven thousand. But so little appre hension was felt of the ability of the English tc conduct against it an enterprise by sea, that a force only of sixty men was maintained in the fort. In fact, the resources of the English had been so much exhausted in the unsuccessful prosecu tion of the war by Andros, that it was deemed im practicable to make any attempt upon the place at the public charge. It was thought, however, that the prospect of obtaining considerable plunder, and the advantages that would accrue from an exclusive privilege of trading from the place after it was captured, would induce private individuals to undertake the enterprise ; and as early as the 4th of January, 1690, the following order was passed by the General Court. "For the encouragement of such gentlemen and merchants of this colony as shall undertake to reduce Penobscot, St. John's, and Port Royal, it is ordered, that they shall have two sloops of war for three or four months at free cost, and all the profits which they can make from our French enemies, and the trade of the places which they may take, till there be other orders 40 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. given from their Majesties." This was an exten sion of the privateering system to the land service, which it would be hard to reconcile with the prin ciples of nice morality. But the exigencies of the case, and the peculiar nature of a French and In dian war required, if they did not justify, such a course. This offer engaged the attention of Sir William Phips, and finally induced him to embark in the enterprise himself, and to use all his exertions to persuade others to follow his example. In this he was unsuccessful. Such a commercial specula tion was of too novel and daring a character, to suit merchants less fond of adventure than himself. But the annoyance caused by the enemy, soon proved so serious, that it was resolved to make the attempt "at the public charge and with ail speed." A committee was raised, and every means used to induce troops to volunteer for the service ; but with no great success. On the 22d of March, the General Court resolv ed that," if, upon the encouragement given, men do not offer themselves voluntarily for the expedition against Nova Scotia and L'Acadie, the committee be empowered to impress men, as many as may be necessary, not exceeding five hundred. And, the Honorable Sir William Phips having offered him self to that service, he is desired to take the chief Command of all the forces that shall be raised foi SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 41 that expedition, and of the shipping and seamen employed therein." Authority was also given to impress merchant vessels for the transportation of the troops, and a sufficient number of seamen. By these means, a small fleet was prepared at Nantasket, of seven or eight vessels, having on board about seven hundred men. Sir William's instructions were made out, signed by Governor Bradstreet, and delivered to him on the 18th of April. He was ordered " to take care that the worship of God be maintained and duly observed on board all the vessels ; to offer the enemy fair terms upon summons, which if they obey, the said terms are to be duly observed ; if not, you are to gain the best advantage you may, to assault, kill, and utterly extirpate the common enemy, and to burn and demolish their fortifications and shipping ; having reduced that place, to pro ceed along the coast, for the reducing of the other places and plantations in the possession of the French into the obedience of the crown of England ; to consult and advise with Captain William John son, Mr. Joshua Moody, Captain John Alden, and the other captains of the several companies, who are hereby constituted and appointed to be of your council." Furnished with these instructions, Phips sailed from Nantasket on the 28th of April, and arrived at Port Royal on the llth of May. The French VII. D 42 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. governor, M. de Meneval, was taken completely by surprise, and the condition of the town, which was situated upon the water's edge, exposed to the fire of the ships, and fortified only by a single palisade, together with the smallness of the garri son, precluded the idoa of offering any effectual resistance. But the place held out till the troops landed, and an assault took place, when the gov ernor agreed to surrender, on condition, as he afterwards asserted, that private property should be respected, and that the prisoners should be transported to some French port. If such prom ises were given, in one important particular they were certainly disregarded. Sir William took possession in the name of the English government, demolished the fort, and ad ministered the oath of allegiance to those of the French inhabitants, who chose to remain. He then appointed a governor of the town with a small garrison, and set sail on his return, carrying with him all the public property that could be found, and a considerable quantity of private effects. On his way home, he landed at the various settle ments, and took formal possession of the sea- coast from Port Royal to Penobscot. The whole province of Acadia was thus subdued, and remain ed in possession of the English till the peace of Ryswick, in 1697, when it was restored to the French. SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 43 During the absence of Phips, the Indians and Canadians had carried on the war with much success in Maine. In the early part of May, the fort at Casco was surprised, and more than a hun dred men taken prisoners. This was the Jtrong- est post in that quarter, and its loss compelled the weaker garrisons along the coast to fall back upon Saco, and ultimately upon Wells, leaving the whole Eastern country, either in actual possession of the enemy, or entirely defenceless. When the news of these events arrived at Boston, much alarm was excited. A small vessel was hastily prepared, and despatched with a letter from Gov ernor Bradstreet to Sir William, ordering him to make a descent on Casco, annoy the enemy, and endeavour to rescue the captives. The vessel, which carried this letter, unfortu nately missed the fleet from Port Royal, which arrived at Boston on the 30th of May, when it was too late to make any attempt upon Casco. On his arrival, Sir William took his seat at the Board of Assistants, to which he had been elect ed two days before. Immediately after the return of the shipping, an order was passed, appointing a committee to take charge of the property brought from Port Royal, to sell the same, and, from the proceeds, to defray the expenses of the expedition ; should there be any surplus, to divide the same into two equal 44 AMERICAN BiOGKAPHY. parts, one moiety to be reserved for the use of the colony, and the other to be applied to the benefit of the officers and soldiers, who had been engaged in the service. The invoice, which was taken of the plunder, is still preserved among the papers in the office of the Secretary of State in Massachusetts, and a curious document it is. Many of the articles enu merated were undoubtedly public property, and, as such, subject to the chances of war. Others were evidently taken from private houses, and by the modern rules of warfare, whether the town surrendered on capitulation or not, ought to have remained untouched. Among the articles enumerated, were seven hun dred and forty pounds in gold and silver ; twen ty-one pieces of artillery, mostly four-pounders; fifty casks of brandy, twelve of claret wine ; and a large quantity of flour. The miscellaneous articles were hastily packed in hogsheads ; and the exact inventory, which was made of the con tents of each cask, is equally amusing from the nature of the articles, and from the entire want of assortment in the packing. A brief specimen will suffice. " Twenty-four girdles ; two caps ; on hood ; twenty-four canonical gowns ; four more gowns with silver clasps and laced ; beds and bed ding ; one white coat ; two pair of shoes ; one red waistcoat; fourteen ol'd kettles, pots, and stew- SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 45 pans." The doughty band seem to have plunder ed even the kitchens. The total proceeds were probably sufficient to pay all the cost of the armament, and to leave a considerable surplus. Some unsuccessful attempts were made to re cover a portion of the property thus unjustly ap propriated. After De Meneval had remained a prisoner of war in Boston nearly seven months, the following paper was transmitted by him to the Council. " Seeing that Mr. Phips, and Madam his wife, have circulated a report, that every thing that was taken from me at Port Royal has been restored to me, I have thought it necessary to show the contrary to the Governor and the Gentlemen of his Council, that they may have the goodness to have justice done me, as regards my fair rights, such as I demand them, according to the present memoir ; upon which, I pray them to let me be heard before them, by the means of a good and faithful interpreter ; offering to prove by his writ- .ng, and by good English witnesses, that he made a capitulation with me, which it is just should be observed ; in default of which, I protest for all damages and interest against him, who has done, or caused to be done, all the wrongs mentioned here below, which he is obliged to repair in strict justice, and according to the rules of war and reason." 46 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. A list is then given of articles taken from De Meneval himself, the most important item of which is the following ; " four hundred and four pisto es. the balance of five hundred and four, which I con fidently put into his hands." Fifty other articles are enumerated, mostly of silver plate, furniture, and wealing apparel. The paper goes on to say : " Further, he ought to render an account of the silver, effects, and merchandise, in the warehouse of Mr. Perrot, who, as a citizen, could not be pil laged according to the capitulation ; of the effects, money, and cattle of the inhabitants, who have been pillaged contrary to the promise given ; of the money and effects of the soldiers, that have been taken from them ; of the sacred vessels and ornaments of the church, and every thing that has been broken, and the money and effects of the priests. " All which things I demand should be restored in virtue of my capitulation. Also, as is just, that their arms and liberty should be given to the sol diers of my garrison, and their passage to Quebec or France, as he promised me." The request contained in the above paper seems reasonable enough, yet it was but partially granted. I cannot find from the records of the Council, that De Meneval was admitted to the hearing which he claimed, or even allowed to adduce evidence of what was the most important fact, namely, that SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 47 the articles of capitulation guarantied the safety of private property. The only notice which the Council took of the paper, was to order the resto ration of his chest and clothes, which still remain ed in the custody of Sir William. Some delay took place in the execution even of this resolve, as appears by a note from Governor Bradstreet to Phips, dated January 7th, 1691 ; in which he was reminded, that the order for delivery had been no tified to him, yet the Frenchman had only the day before complained, that he had not received the clothes, of which he was in great want. The note contained a positive injunction, that thfi arti cles should be immediately given to their fcAner owner. The force sent against Port Royal was certain ly sufficient to compel the garrison to surrender unconditionally. Had it done so, it might be unrea sonable to censure, in strong terms, the seizure of private property. The French had universally adopted the practices of their Indian allies ; and any severity at Acadia, short of actual massacre, would have been no more than fair retaliation for the cruelties suffered the preceding winter, by the defenceless people of Schenectady and other towns. Unluckily, it appears, that articles of capitulation were granted at the taking of Port Royal ; and, consequently, that taking plunder from private persons was a shameful breach of the public faith. 48 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. Phips had received no military education, and seems to have had little idea of military honor. It is but fair to add, however, that the responsibility of the affair rests no more upon him, than upon the Governor and Council of the colony. The property was taken in their name, delivered to them, and by them retained to defray the cost of the expedition, though repeatedly demanded back by the French. The poverty of the colony at that time accounts for, though it does not justify such a proceeding. There was little reason for the other complaints, respecting the unjust detention of the prisoners. The Council were anxious, in this respect, to re deem the pledges which had been given. Shortly after the return of the fleet, the following order was passed : " Whereas, the French soldiers, lately brought to this place from Port Royal, did surrender on capitulation, liberty is granted them to dispose themselves in such families as shall be willing to receive them, until there be opportunity to transport themselves to some of the French king's dominions in Europe." This order is dated June 14th, 1690, and we hear nothing more of the matter till October 18th, 1691. At this time, the Chevalier de Villebon, on occasion of restoring some English prisoners, complained that " Sir William Phips, against the rights of war, had car ried away prisoners, M. de Meneval and fifty-nine SIK WILLIAM PHlPb. 49 soldiers, after having given them his word to send them into some port of France ; " and required, that the said men should be now returned. This letter was not answered till the March following. It was then admitted, that such pro mise had been given ; " but the men themselves voluntarily waved the performance of it, and of their own choice and desire were brought hither; where they have not been held prisoners, but left at their own liberty, to dispose of and transport themselves to France, or to the French plantations in the West Indies. Many have embraced the same, and are gone. The others we will now send.'' VOL. VII. E 4 50 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. CHAPTER III. Naval Expedition under Phips against Quebec. Its Failure. Disasters to a Part of the Fleet on its Return. THE complete success of the first considerable attempt against the French, encouraged the colo nists to prosecute the design, which had been pre viously entertained, of an expedition against Lower Canada. The annoyance which they continued to experience from the Indians and their allies, proved that nothing could secure them entirely, but the capture of this last strong-hold of the ene my. The want of pecuniary means had hitherto proved an insurmountable obstacle, but the reduc tion of Acadia had shown that a war might be made to support itself. A number of men could be easily levied, and the want of arms and ammu nition could be supplied by an application to the government of the mother country. Could some "English frigates also be obtained, to attack Quebec and Montreal by water, while the colonists should undertake an expedition over land, success seemed highly probable. Count Frontenac, it was true, still commanded at Que- SIR WILLIAM PHJPS. 51 bee ; and, though advanced in years, proofs had been received of his enterprising disposition and military talent. But the number of French, capa ble of bearing arms, was known to be relatively small ; and, in the defence of a fortified town, little use could be made of their Indian allies. De spatch was all-important, both to prevent the French taking the alarm from the capture of Port Royal, and to protect the frontier settlements. The first hint of the design is contained in a letter, dated April 1st, 1690, from Deputy-Gover nor Danforth to Sir H. Ashurst, the agent of the colonies in England, requesting him to obtain an immediate supply of powder and muskets. On the 28th of May, two days before the return of Phips, a bill for " the encouragement of volun teers for the expedition against Canada," passed the House of Deputies in Massachusetts. It ap pointed Sir William Phips commander-in-chief, and Major John Walley, his second in command. To induce men to enlist, it was ordered, that, in addition to the stated pay, "one just half part of all plunder, taken from the enemy, should be shared among the officers, soldiers, and seamen, stores of war excepted." On the 6th of June, a loan of several thousand pounds was authorized ; and, to encourage per sons to subscribe to this loan, the House voted, that, " besides the repayment of their money, after 52 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. all charges of the expedition were defrayed, and the proportion of plunder assigned to officers, seamen, and soldiers, the remainder should be equally divided between the country and the sub scribers." The next day after the passage of this order, Sir William Phips, Major Elisha Hutchin- son, and seven others, were " appointed a com mittee to manage and carry on the expedition against Quebec, and to impress ships and stores.'' The resolutions given above are curious, as evincing the entire destitution of means, under which the inhabitants of Massachusetts, without any promise, hardly a reasonable hope, of obtain ing assistance from England, resolved upon so important an expedition as that against Quebec. The colony was already in debt, and the taxes were as high as the people could bear. But Acadia had been acquired without expense to the country, and they trusted that Canada might be gained in the same way. The prospect of plunder was an inexhaustible bank, and they drew upon it without hesitation or reserve. Exaggerated reports were spread of the wealth obtained by those who shared in the for mer expedition, and the expectation of serving under so successful a commander soon filled the ranks with volunteers. The government had not ships enough, and the merchants were unwilling to trust their property on so hazardous a venture ; SIR WILLIAM P H I P S . 53 but they were compelled to do so, by the ordei for impressment. By the middle of July, a fleet of thirty-two vessels, having on board about twenty- two hundred men, was ready for departure. Some delay intervened from the want of pilots, and the expectation of receiving from England a further supply of ammunition and arm? The English seamen were not acquainted with the navi gation of the St. Lawrence, and Capt. Alden, in the sloop Mary, had been despatched, on the 26th of June, to Port Royal, in the hope of finding there some seamen who had traded to Quebec, and would be qualified to act as pilots. He was unsuccessful, however ; and, after waiting nearly a month for the expected supplies from England, the lateness of the season obliged the fleet to sail, relying on chance for their guidance up the river, and but scantily furnished with the munitions of war. An arrangement had been made with the gov ernors of New York and Connecticut, by which a land expedition from these colonies was to march in such season, as to appear before Montreal at the same time that the fleet under Phlps threat ened Quebec. Could this plan have been exe cuted, it would have caused a division of the enemy's forces, and well nigh have ensured suc cess. Leisler, the acting governor of New York, en- 54 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. tered zealously into the scheme. A force of a thousand men was raised, and the cooperation of fifteen hundred Indians of the Five Nations had been promised. But various difficulties interpos ed. Disputes arose between the commanders of the New York and Connecticut forces, which re tarded the setting out of the troops. When they at last reached the borders of the Lake, it was found that the arrangements for providing boats had failed, and there were no means of transporta tion. The emissaries of the French, also, were busy among the Indians, who began to desert in such numbers, that it was evident that the whites would soon be left alone. Under such circumstances, the commanders concluded to abandon the attempt, ind the troops returned. Sir William's fleet left Nantasket on the 9th of August. It was divided into three squadrons, the largest of which, consisting of thirteen sail, was commanded by Capt. Sugars in the Six Friends, a ship of forty-four guns and two hundred men. It was not a government vessel, but belonged to some merchants of Barbadoes. The two other divisions, of nine sail each, were commanded by Captains Gilbert and Eldridge, in the Swan and the America Merchant. A few small prizes were taken by the way, and a foolish parade was made yf landing occasionally, and setting up the English SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 55 flag, on a barren and uninhabited coast. The end of the month arrived before they reached the mouth of the St. Lawrence. Ignorant of the channel, they were compelled to proceed with great caution, while adverse winds still farther delayed their progress. The small pox, which prevailed in Boston at the time of their departure, had got into the fleet, and, together with fevers, was making considerable ravages among the troops. Some unnecessary delay was created by the vessels anchoring, that the officers might hold a council of war, to fix regulations for the conduct of the troops, and to settle the plan of attack ; points which ought previously to have been determined, or have been left to the discre tion of the commander-in-chief. They attempted to do this at the Isle of Percy; but a storm came on, the fleet was thrown into great confusion, and they were obliged to relinquish their purpose. On the 23d of September, they came to anchor at Tadousack, where proper orders were drawn up and read in every vessel. On the 27th, they were within twenty-five leagues of the point of destination ; yet, to pass this short distance occu pied them till the 5th of October, when they ap peared before Quebec. From the state of the enemy's preparations, these several delays were peculiarly important, and probably saved the city. At the end of Sep- 56 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. tember, Frontenac was still at Montreal, actively employed in strengthening that place against the expected attack from the New York and Connect icut forces. He heard of the failure and return of these troops, and of the appearance of the fleet under Phips in the river, at the same time. Leaving M. de Callieres to bring down as many of the inhabitants as possible, he hastily embarked what troops he had in boats, and rowed night and day to get to Quebec before the English. In three days he arrived, and immediately ordered the weakest points to be fortified, and batteries to be raised, though there were but twelve pieces of artillery in the place, and but little ammunition. While 'they were at work on the fortifications, regular troops, militia, and confederate savages were continually coming in, till the garrison swell ed to a number equal, if not superior, to the English force. La Hontan, a French writer, who was on the spot, asserts, that had Sir William effected a landing before the arrival of Frontenac, or even two days afterwards, he might have taken the city without striking a blow. There were then but two hundred regular troops in the place, which was open and exposed in every direction.* * Voyages du Baron de la Hontan dans 1'Amerique Septentrionale. Amsterdam, 1705. Vol. I. p. 298. Hontan was born in Gascony, in 1666, and served in Canada, first as a soldier then as an officer. From SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 57 Instead of making an immediate attack, nothing was done on the day of arrival, probably because it was Sunday. On the 6th, a major in the army was despatched to the shore, with a summons to the governor to surrender. The messenger was introduced blindfold into the prf sence of the governor, who was surrounded by his officers. When the letter had been read, Frontenac was so much irritated at what he term ed its insolence, and so confident of his own power of resistance, that, as Hontan asserts, he threatened the life of the officer who brought the summons. He could not have been serious in such a threat ; at any rate, the interference of the bishop and others prevented its execution. Frontenac then flung the letter in the messenger's face, and gave his answer, " That Sir William Phips and those with him were heretics and traitors, and had taken up with that usurper, the Prince of Orange, and had made a revolution; which if it had not been Canada he was sent to Newfoundland as king's lieuten ant, where he quarrelled with the governor and was cashiered. He retired to Portugal, and afterwards lived for some time at Amsterdam and at Copenhagen. The edition referred to is not the earliest, since a translation of the work appeared at London in 1703 Two other editions of the original were printed in Hoi land before the year 3710. An abridgment may be found in Harris's " Collection of Voyages and Travels," in two volumes, folio. 58 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. made, New England and the French had all been one ; and that no other answer was to be expected from him, but what should be from the mouth of his cannon." When the officer returned, it was found that the state of the tide did not permit a landing that day, and a council was accordingly held, and arrange ments were made to disembark the troops on the morrow. The soldiers were to be put ashore on a beach, about three miles below Quebec, and would be obliged to cross a small river, before they could reach the town. After they had landed, the troops were to advance as far as possible, and en camp for the night. When the night tide served, the smaller vessels were to land a supply of pro visions, ammunition, and pioneers' tools, while the boats of the fleet were to ascend the smaller river, to ferry the troops across. The command of the forces on shore was given to Walley, on account of his greater military ex perience ; while Sir William, with four of the largest ships, was to sail up the river, and com mence a cannonade on the lower town. In case the party on shore should succeed in passing the river St. Charles, two hundred men were to be landed from the ships, under cover of the guns, and a simultaneous attack be made on the upper and lower town. On the 7th, though the weather was tempestu SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 59 ous, they attempted to put this plan in execution. The smaller vessels got under way, so as to come near the shore, and all the boats of the squadron were prepared for landing the troops. But the wind blew with such violence, that the boats were entirely unmanageable, and it became evident, that to persevere would spoil their ammu nition and endanger the lives of the men. A bark, commanded by Captain Savage, with sixty men, ran aground, and, as the tide fell, remained im movable within a short distance of the land. The enemy, perceiving the accident, immedi ately lined the shore, and commenced a sharp fire of musketry, while a field-piece was conveyed from the town, and brought to bear upon the vessel. The situation of Savage was now extremely haz ardous, for no boats could come to his assistance ; and the larger vessels durst not approach, for fear also of taking the ground. But he defended him self with obstinacy, his men returning the enemy's fire under cover, and with greater effect. Sir Wil liam's flag-ship at last got so near, as to throw a few shot among the French, who immediately dis persed ; and, at the turn of the tide, the bark float ed off without material damage. The next day, the attempt at landing was re newed with better success. The number of effec tive men had been so far reduced by sickness, that only about thirteen hundred were put on shore, Wl AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. and some of these' were unfit for hard service Each man took with him but three quarters of a pound of powder, about eighteen shot, and two biscuits, as they relied on a full supply at night. The beach shelved so gradually, that the men were obliged to wade a considerable distance; and, as the cold was already severe, they landed wet, chilled, and dispirited. " At a short distance from the landing-place was a bog overgrown with wood, in which were sta tioned, according to the French account, about two hundred forest rangers, fifty officers, and a number of Indians. Walley's men were suffered to ad vance about half way into this thicket, when a galling fire was opened upon them in front, and on both flanks. This caused a cry of " Indians ! Indians ! " and for a few moments the troops were in great confusion. But the New-Englandmen of that day had been well trained to this species of bush-fighting, and, after the moment of surprise was past, the men formed with firmness, and pushed the French and savages before them in every direction. In this skirmish, the English acknowledge a loss of five killed and twenty wounded, while they killed about thirty of the enemy. A small village was on the right ; and as the enemy were there sheltered in the houses, and the troops had already spent nearly all their ammuni- SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 61 tion, the commander determined to advance no farther than to a solitary house and barn, situated in the outskirts of the wood, and to encamp for the night. It would have been better, under all cir cumstances, to occupy the village, and thus to obtain shelter from the weather. It was two o'clock in the afternoon when they landed, and so much time had been occupied in skirmishing, that night came on when they had advanced only a mile from the landing-place. The barn had been set on fire in the confusion that ensued from driving a few skirmishers out of it, and the house could shelter only a few of the officers. The men were obliged to bivouac in the open air, as no coverings had been brought from the ships, and to build large fires, to dry their clothing and protect them from the cold. The winter had set in unusually early and severe, and, during the night, the ice formed of sufficient thick ness to bear a man. Besides other discomforts, the men had no provisions but the few biscuits, which they brought with them, for the inhabi tants had driven all their cattle to the woods be yond the village. About midnight, according to the plan agreed upon, the small vessels came -up the river ; but, instead of the expected supplies, they landed only six brass field-pieces, which, in the present situa tion of the troops, were a mere incumbrance. The t>2 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. place at which they were to cross the St. Charles was still at a considerable distance, and the inter vening ground was marshy and broken with many deep gullies. It was vain to think of drawing the artillery by hand, and they had no horses. A message was sent for more ammunition and pro visions, but they could obtain only half a barrel of powder and a hundred weight of bullets. The cause of this failure in the arrangements was the strange eagerness of the commander-in- chief to have his share in the engagement. The council had resolved, that no attack should be made on the lower town, till the land troops had crossed the St. Charles, and were ready to assault the heights. But the troops were no sooner ashore, than Sir William, with the four large ships, sailed up to the city, and opened his fire. Hardly any damage was done ; for the houses were mostly of stone, and the sides too thick for a ball to pene trate, while the fire was returned with considerable effect from a small battery, which the enemy has tily erected. The ships anchored about a musket- shot off, and cannonaded till dark, when they had spent all their powder, except two rounds apiece, and the larger vessels had received considerable injury in the hull. - They were then compelled to drop down the river, the admiral's ship leaving be hind its best bower anchor and cable. Having fired away much of their powder against SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 63 the rocks, no supply could be sent to the troops on shore. On the morning of the 9th, it was found, that several of the men were disabled, from having their hands and feet frozen, and some others had sickened of the small-pox. A council of war was held, to hear the information communicated by a French deserter, who came over in the course of the night. He informed them, that all the French forces had been concen trated at Quebec, with the exception of fifty men, who were left at Montreal ; that there were more than three thousand troops in the city, besides a force of about seven hundred, who were concealed in a swamp close at hand ; and that a battery of eight guns had been raised, to prevent the English from crossing the river. The account was evi dently exaggerated, and subsequent events made it appear not improbable, that the man had been despatched for the express purpose of deceiving them. Walley seems to have been frightened, and ren dered incapable of forming or executing any plan whatever. Instead of pushing directly for the river and attempting to force a passage, or of re turning immediately to the ships, he merely shifted the place of encampment to a spot where the men were better sheltered, and there assumed the best posture he could for defending himself. Parties were sent out to gain intelligence, and procure 64 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. provisions ; but they brought back little but fearful accounts of the strength and preparations of the enemy. A small quantity of spirits and a biscuit apiece for the men were procured from the ships. The enemy did not venture a direct assault, for which they had not sufficient strength on that side of the river ; but they harassed the troops with con tinual skirmishing, in which a number of men were lost on both sides. The French account acknowl edges, that the English generally fought well, and attributes the want of success to their imperfect discipline, and the inefficiency, if not the coward ice, of 'their commander. On the next day, the men still remaining in their encampment, it was resolved, that the commander should go on board, to communicate their situation to Sir William, and receive his orders for the future disposition of the troops. The message would have been more properly intrusted to a subaltern ; but, through the whole affair, Wai- ley seems to have manifested a particular wish to withdraw himself from th line of fire. Phips re ceived from him a full, if not exaggerated account of their present difficulties, and of the obstacles that prevented an advance. The banks of the St. Charles were steep, and commanded by a heavy battery ; and if they succeeded in forcing their way across, it would be necessary to attack a walled town, garrisoned by more than twice their number. SIRWILMAMPHIPS. 65 Under such circumstances, the commander-in-chiei could not hesitate. Walley was ordered to draw his men back to the beach, and be in readiness to eemb'.irk on the following day. While the commanders were still in conference, they v/ere alarmed by the sound of sharp firing from die shore. Walley hastily returned, and found the troops actively engaged by the French and H.idians, who had assaulted the camp. Major Savage, who was left in command, had maintained his ground for some time ; but, rinding that the men acted to disadvantage in the swamps and thickets, a retreat took place, and the enemy hung on the rear. The pursuit ceased when they reached the open ground, and the men remained where they were till midnight, when they silently withdrew to the beach, where they had landed. On the next morning the enemy assembled in force in the adjoining thicket, and fired occasion ally with artillery, which they had brought from the city. It was judged hazardous to embark in open day, in the presence of so large a force ; especial ly as the men were now so much disheartened, that they rushed tumultuously to the water's edge, the moment the boats touched the beach. The boats were therefore ordered off till nightfall and strong detachments were sent to drive the enemy from the woods in their immediate vicinity. This service was successfully performed, and the troops ^OL VII. F 5 66 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY remained unmolested during the rest of the day. At night, the troops were safely conveyed to the ships, though in the hurry of the moment the guns were forgotten, and five pieces were left on shore. The cowardice and incompetency of Walley are sufficiently apparent from his own account. In stead of being the last man to leave the shore, he was among the first to embark ; and that too, when, according to the French account (though he does not allude to the fact) , the enemy were keeping up a constant fire, which was the cause of the great confusion that prevailed. His authority was insuf ficient to quell the disorder, and he catches at a trivial pretence for rowing off to the ships, leaving the men and artillery to their fate. On the 12th a council of war was held, and va rious plans were discussed for renewing the attack. The men were too much exhausted to be put upon immediate service ; but it was agreed to wait till they had recruited their strength, and then to be guided by circumstances. In the mean time, a boat was despatched to the shore to propose an ex change of prisoners ; and seventeen men, who had been captured at Casco, were released in exchange for as many Frenchmen, who had fallen into the hands of the English. The possibility of another attempt was at once precluded by a violent storm, which drove many of the vessels from their an chorage, scattered the fleet, and obliged them a)' to make the best of their way out of the river. SIR WILLIAM PHIPS 67 The causes of the failure of this unlucky expe dition are but too apparent. The time lost, in waiting for a supply of ammunition from England, delayed the arrival of the expedition till the cold weather set in ; Phips, from his want of judgment and of experience in military affairs, was little qualified for the direction of such an enterprise ; and the second in command was a coward. Many complaints were made of the conduct of Walley, but no one interested himself as prosecutor, and the investigation was suffered to drop. The return of the fleet was even more disas trous than the voyage out. The weather was tempestuous, and no efforts could keep the fleet together. One vessel was never heard of after the separation ; another was wrecked, though the crew were saved ; and the third, a fire-ship, was burnt at sea. Four ships were blown so far from the coast, that they did not reach Boston for five or six weeks after the arrival of Sir William, wnen they had been given up for lost. 68 AMERICAN BIOGHAPHY CHAPTER IV. Difficulties created by the Failure of the Canada Expedition. Issue of Paper Money. Phips goes to England. Negotiations respecting the Renewal of the Charter. New Charter granted, and Phips appointed Governor. His Return, and Reception at Boston. Sa- lem Witchcraft. THE unfortunate issue of the expedition against Quebec threw the government of the colony into great embarrassment. They had relied entirely upon the success of the attempt, and upon the plunder, which would thereby be obtained, for money to pay the soldiers, and defray all other charges. The treasury had been drained by the cost of fitting out the fleet, and the soldiers were clamorous for their pay, when the government had not a shilling to give them. Bills were passed, imposing extraordinary taxes, the returns of which, in two or three years, would be sufficient to meet all demands. But this could not satisfy the soldiers, whose necessities were pressing and immediate. To relieve them, recourse was finally had to an expedient at that time novel. Bills of credit were SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 69 issued, which the faith of the colony was pledged to redeem. The notes were of various denomina tions, from two shillings up to ten pounds sterling ; and as no greater amount was issued, than would be brought into the treasury in a year or two by the taxes, and as express provision was made, that these notes should be received, even at five per cent advance, in payment of the rates, it was hoped, that the papei would circulate, as of equal value with gold and silver. Such, in fact, would have been the case, had the country at the time been under a more settled government. But the people fancied the loss of the old charter a greater evil than it really was. They had not yet recovered it, and the prospect of such an event seemed every day more distant. The authorities existed only by sufferance ; and, as the King could at any time remove the sitting magistrates, or refuse to sanction their acts, no guaranty issued by them was considered as perfectly safe. Every expedient was tried to keep up the credit of the notes, but with imperfect success. Sir William Phips, enjoying a large private fortune, and conscious that a portion of the blame for the present embarrassments might be imputed to him, exchanged a large amount of gold and silver for the bills at par. Still the credit of the bills fell so low, that the holders of the paper could not obtain more than fourteen shillings in the pound. 70 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. When the taxes came to be paid, the paper of course rose to the value, at which the government were pledged to receive it. This benefited the persons who held the notes at that time, but was a mere aggravation of injury to the poor soldier, who had been compelled to pass his notes at the depressed value. In the coming winter, that of 1690 91, much injury was to be expected from the incursions of the Indians. Fortunately, the tribes at the east ward showed themselves disposed for peace. A party of them came to Wells with a flag of truce, and proposed, that there should be a cessation of hostilities for six months. Commissioners from the General Court were despatched to meet them ; and, on the 29th of September, they agreed upon a truce till the 1st of May ensuing. This treaty took away from Sir William Phips all hopes of employment in the public service. He resolved upon another visit to England, with the view of laying before the King himself the consid erations in favor of another attempt to wrest from the French all their North American possessions. He accordingly embarked in the depth of winter, and after a tedious passage arrived at Bristol, whence he hastened to London. He there offered the King his services in the command of a second expedition ; and in a paper, which he presented, strongly urged the importance SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 71 and feasibility of the scheme. He represented, that the success of the design would give the English the exclusive benefit of the fur trade, and secure from farther injury the Hudson's Bay Com pany, several of whose factories had recently fallen into the hands of the enemy. It would also secure the Newfoundland fisheries, and materially in crease the number of ships and seamen engaged in that business. But, if the French were allowed to keep possession of the country, the constantly in creasing influence of the priests must finally engage all the Indians in their interest ; a result, which would endanger the safety, not only of New Eng land, but of all the American colonies. The experience of half a century was required, before the English government could perceive the force of these arguments ; and the enterprise was then undertaken and carried through, at an ex pense of blood and treasure a hundred-fold greater than what would have been necessary, had they yielded at the time to the representations of the colonists. But King William was too busy with the war in Holland, to think of an enterprise against so remote a province as Canada. By renewing his intimacy with Increase Mather, who was still in London forwarding the application to restore the Massachusetts charter, Phips was again induced to lend his assistance, in the hope once more of establishing the rights of his country- 72 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. men on a permanent basis. The utmost anxiety was felt at home upon this subject, for the recol lection of what had been suffered under the former governor was still fresh in the minds of all ; and the fact, that Andros was not censured after he was sent to England, seemed to prove, that the King and ministers regarded his administration as severe, but not illegal. The proceedings of the agents were embarrassed by the existence of two parties at home on this subject, and by a corresponding difference of opin ion among themselves. Attached to the old form, under which the affairs of the colony had been so long administered, many of the people would hear of nothing but the restoration of the ancient char ter ; and, if this could not be obtained, they would accept no new form, which would abridge, though not destroy, their former privileges. They prefer red to rely on the moderation of the court. Since the Revolution, the government had been conduct ed on the old principles ; and, though this was con fessedly a temporary arrangement, and dependent on the pleasure of the King, they hoped it would be allowed to continue. The old charter or none, all or nothing, was the motto of the party. Among the agents in London, Cooke, Oakes, and Wiswall were firmly attached to these sentiments. A more moderate and rather more numerous party, though they preferred the old form, were SIR WILLIAM PHIF'S. 73 yet willing to compromise, and to accept a new charter, which would secure the enjoyment of their most important rights. The former instrument was defective, and contained no grant of certain powers, which were essential to the very existence of the colony. It did not authorize the grantees to Inflict capital punishment, to constitute a house of representatives, to impose taxes, or to incorpo rate towns or colleges. These powers had indeed been assumed, yet without any authority in the terms of the charter. It would be folly, then, to appeal to the Court of Chancery. Though the for mer sentence of that court might be reversed, on the ground of some defect in legal forms, a new writ might at any time be issued, and the charter be again adjudged void in a legal manner. It was better, then, to purchase, by the relinquishment of a few privileges formerly assumed, the confirma tion and establishment of the most important im munities. Such was the opinion of Sir Henry Ashurst and Mr. Mather, the other colony agents, and Sir William Phips, whose name had consider able weight, assented to their views. The hope of recovering the old charter now ap peared to be entirely fallacious. Even the draft of a new instrument, which conferred all the for mer privileges, except the election of their own governor, was at once rejected by the Privy Coun cil. Mr. Mather and Sir William accordingly 74 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. united their efforts to procure a new charter, though they met with nothing but opposition from the other agents. Mather was introduced to the King by tne Duke of Devonshire, on the 28th of April, 1691. Among other reasons for restoring the privileges formerly er joyed, and for appointing a New England man as governor, he then urged the great exertions made by the colonists to enlarge the English dominions. The expedition to Can ada was particularly referred to, as " a great and noble undertaking." Two days after this conversation, the King sig nified to the agents, "that he believed it would be for the advantage of the people in that colony to be under a governor appointed by himself. Nevertheless, he would have the agents of New England nominate a person, that should be agree able to the inclinations of the people there ; and, notwithstanding this, he would have charter privi leges restored and confirmed unto them." The King departed for Holland the day after giving this promise ; and the attorney -general was ordered to draw up the heads- of a charter on the principles, which he had heard approved by his Majesty. This draft was finished and presented some time in June, and received the approbation of the Coun cil, though Mather protested strenuously against it, and declared he would rather die, than consent to that, or any thing else, by which the liberties of SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 75 his country would be infringed. But the Council treated his objections very cavalierly, telling him, that the agents were not the plenipotentiaries of a foreign state, and must submit, or take the conse quences. The Queen, however, was induced to interfere, and to write to the King requesting that the minutes might be altered, or that the matter might be deferred till his return. But his Majesty signified his pleasure, that the charter should con form to the principles drawn up in writing by the attorney-general ; and all that the unwearied solici tations of Mather could effect, was that a few im portant articles should afterwards be inserted. The question respecting (he acceptance of the instrument, in this form, was debated with heat among the agents and in the colony. The opposi tion to it became the great cause of the unpopular ity of the new governor, and formed a considerable impediment to the success of his administration. Early in September, 1691, Mr. Mather was de sired to give in his recommendation of a candidate for the office of governor. His own mind had long been made up, though many had applied to him. The fact that Sir William Phips was a na tive of New England, that he possessed a high rank and considerable estate, that he had already served the crown in several important capacities, and had obtained the favor of the King without forfeiting his popularity at home, pointed him 76 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. out as far the most eligible person for the office. His name was accordingly presented to the Coun cil by Sir Henry Ashurst and Mr. Mather ; and the latter, when he obtained an audience of his Majesty a few days afterwards, addressed him as follows. " Sir, I do, in the behalf of New England, most humbly thank your Majesty, in that you have been pleased by a charter, to restore English lib erties unto them, to confirm them in their prop erties, and to grant them some peculiar privileges. I doubt not, but that your subjects there will de mean themselves with that dutiful affection and loyalty to your Majesty, as that you will see cause to enlarge your favors towards them. And I do most humbly thank your Majesty, in that you have been pleased to give leave unto those that are concerned for New England to nominate their governor. " Sir William Phips has been accordingly nomi nated by us at the Council Board. He hath done a good service for the crown, by enlarging your dominions, and reducing Nova Scotia to your obe dience. I know that he will faithfully serve your Majesty to the utmost of his capacity ; and if your Majesty shall think fit to confirm him in that place, it will be a farther obligation on your sub jects there." A commission was accordingly prepared under SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 77 the great seal, by which Sir William Phips was appointed Captain-general and Governor-in-chief of the Province of Massachusetts-bay in New Eng land. By the new charter, there were included under this title the whole of the Old Colony, also the Colony of new Plymouth, the Province of Maine, of Nova Scotia, and all the country be tween the two last-mentioned places, as far north as the River St. Lawrence. His commission also appointed him Captain-general of the Colonies of Connecticut and Rhode Island. Sir William was admitted with Mr. Mather to kiss the King's hand on his appointment on the 3d of January, 1692. Early in the spring, he sailed for New England in the Nonsuch frigate, and arrived at Boston in May. The General Court, then in session, immedi ately, though with some opposition, passed a vote, appointing a day of solemn thanksgiving to Al mighty God, " for granting a safe arrival to his Excellency our Governor, and the Rev. Mr. In crease Mather, who have industriously endeavored the service of this people, and have brought over with them a settlement of government, in which their Majesties have graciously given us distinguish ing marks of their royal favor and goodness." On the Monday following his arrival, the new governor was conducted from his own house to the town-house by a large escort of military, and a number of the principal gentlemen of Boston and 78 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. the vicinity. The ceremony was opened with prayer by Mr. Allen, a minister of Boston. The charter was first read, then the governor's com mission, after which the venerable Governor Brad street resigned the chair. The commission of the lieutenant-governor, Mr. Stoughton, was read, and Sir William was then conducted with the same parade to a public dinner, and afterwards to his own house. The affairs of the province were in a disorder ed state, and immediate action was required to defend it against the public enemy, and to settle some domestic troubles. The Indians, who had failed to perform their promise the year before, to come in at the conclusion of the truce and make a general treaty of peace, were now ravaging the frontiers, and the French privateers, which swarmed upon the sea-coast, gave great annoyance to the shipping. With respect to internal affairs, it was necessary for the General Court to act immediately upon the statutes ; for the colony laws under the old charter had been annulled by the publication of the new. In the various proceedings on these subjects, the opposition party among the people, and in the Assembly, found little reason to complain of the conduct of their new governor. Either from em barrassment arising from the novelty of his situ ation, or from a wish to conciliate the favor of the SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 79 people in the outset, Sir William gave up the exercise of certain powers that belonged to him by the charter. Thus, at the first meeting of the council, for the appointment of civil officers, he permitted them to be nominated by the members present, he himself only voting on the question of their approval. But this practice would have ma terially lessened the influence of the office, and it was soon abandoned. The representatives were treated in a manner no less conciliatory. Cotton Mather affirms, that he was accustomed to hold the following language towards them ; and though, from such a reporter, die words themselves cannct be received as very authentic, they are sufficiently indicative of the general tenor of his administration. " Gentlemen, you may make yourselves as easy as you please for ever. Consider what may have any tendency to your welfare, and you may be sure that whatev er bills you offer me, consistent with the honor and interest of the crown, I will pass them readily. I do but seek opportunities to serve you ; had it not been for the sake of this, I had never accepted the government of this province ; and whenever you have settled such a body of good laws, that no person coming after me may make you uneasy, I shall not desire one day longer to continue in the government." The commencement of Sir William's adminis 80 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. tration was distinguished by a series of events, which left the darkest spot that rests upon the early history of New England. I refer to the prosecu tions, which took place at Salem and other towns, for the supposed crime of witchcraft. After all the allowance, that can be made for the peculiar character of the times and the men, and for the blighting effect upon all natural feeling of a stern and unenlightened sense of religious duty, there will yet be cause to wonder at the infatuation, which could lead pious, learned, and well-meaning men so widely astray. The history of this remarkable delusion falls not within the design of the present work. Tc trace Sir William's personal agency in the affair, and to ascertain his individual opinion on the sub ject of witchcraft, would be interesting, did any materials exist for such a purpose. But he was neither a journalist nor a letter-writer, and we are left to gather his opinions from the casual notice taken by contemporary writers of his public acts. I have attributed the strength of the delusion and its lamentable consequences to religious feel ing ; and the fact, that the pastors of the churches had the principal share in creating the excitement, and in supplying matter for the prosecutions, seems to corroborate this statement. The first trial for witchcraft arose from some occurrences in the family of a clergyman ; and Parris and S1K WILLIAM PHiPS. 81 Noyes, ministers of Salem, and the Mathers, father and son, were most active in every stage of the proceedings. The laity also were engaged, but their zeal was fanned and directed by exhortation ind instruction from the pulpit. Stoughton, the lieutenant-governor, who pre sided in the trials at Salem, was certainly an active prosecutor; but there is no evidence that the governor furthered the proceedings in any other way, than by sufferance. Sir William, however, was not a man of sufficient reflection and judg ment, to form opinions contrary to the prevailing belief; and, as on all subjects he was much under the influence of Cotton Mather, it is not unlikely, that he agreed with his spiritual adviser on this point. When Phips arrived with the new charter, the prisons were crowded with suspected witches, and his first act was one of evil omen to the ac cused. The jailers were ordered to put them all in irons. The government were driven upon this act by the outcries of the accusers, who, thinking the arrival of a new governor a fine opportunity to show their zeal, immediately complained, that they were afflicted by those in prison, though for merly, their sufferings had ceased upon the com mitment of the guilty. Sir William seems not to have been in earnest in the proceeding ; for the officers were permitted to evade the order, by put- VOL. vn. a 6 32 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. ting on the irons indeed, but taking them off again immediately. The extravagance of the accusers had at last its proper effect, in opening the eyes of the public. Emboldened by success, they hesitated not to de nounce all, of whatever rank or respectability in life, who dared to resist the prevailing opinion, or manifest any opposition to the proceedings Thus, they intimated, if they did not openly assert, that the lady of the governor was a witch. Hutchin- son tells a story, on the authority of a manuscript letter, which supplies a reason for so strange a charge. " In Sir William's absence," says the writer of the letter, " his lady, I suppose on account of her name's being Mary, (William and Mary,) was solicit ed for a favor in behalf of a woman committed by one of the judges, on accusation of witchcraft, by a formal warrant under his hand and seal, and in close prison for the trial the next assizes, then not far off. The good lady, proprid virtulc, granted and signed a warrant for the said woman's discharge, which was obeyed by the keeper, and the woman lives still, for aught I know. Truly I did not be lieve this story, till I saw a copy of the mittimus and discharge under the keeper's hand, attested a true copy, for which discovery the keeper was dis charged from his trust, and put out of his employ ment, as he himself told me." SIR WILLIAM PH1PS. 83 The whole delusion respecting the practice of witchcraft was as short-lived, as it was violent. Some time elapsed, before the clergy were able to perceive, or frank enough to acknowledge, their error. But the people were awakened by a sense of common danger ; and, though a few infatuated individuals continued to urge prosecutions, the juries refused to convict. The last act of Sir William Phips, as governor of the country, was to issue a general pardon to all those, who had been convict ed or accused of the offence. This act had par ticular reference to several individuals, who, in the heat of the excitement, had been charged with the crime and committed to prison, but through the connivance of the jailers, or the exertions of their friends, had made their escape, and taken refuge in a neighboring province 84 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. CHAPTER V Legislative Acts. Indian War. Attack upon Wells. Building of Fort William Henry. Elections in May, 1693. Unpopularity of Phips. Peace concluded unth the Indians at Pemaquid. Phips quarrels with Short and Brenton. Recalled ' to England. His Death and Character. WHEN the officers under the new charter enter ed upon the performance of their duties, the affairs of the province were embarrassed, and the confu sion was increased by the necessity of postponing much pressing business, till the excitement caused by the witchcraft affair had a little subsided. I have already said, that the old colonial laws were vacated by the provisions of the new charter. The General Court, which met in June, 1692, merely passed an act, that the former laws should continue in force till November of the same year, and then adjourned till the second Wednesday of October. When they again assembled, no attempt was /Hade to frame a body of laws, which might at once be transmitted to England for approval, and form a basis for all subsequent legislation ; but acts were successively framed and passed, as the emergencies cf the moment called for them. Ac- SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 85 customer! to legislate only on the basis of existing laws, the members of the Council and the Assem bly were only confused by a call to frame, as f were,, the government de novo, and the govern or had not the skill nor the information neces sary to direct them. Some of their laws were ap proved by the King, others were sent back fo- alteration, while the country suffered from the de lay. The proceedings were further embarrassed by the existence of a large party opposed to Phips^ who threw every obstacle they could in the way of the administration. The old attachment to their liberties, and desire for their complete ratification, were conspicuous in the first actions of the House. What was called a la\v, (but it was rather a declaration of rights, for most of its provisions were copied from Magna Charta,} was passed at an early period, and de spatched to England. It declared, that " no aid, tax, tallage, assessment, custom, loan, benevolence, or imposition whatever," should be laid, under any pretence, but by the act and consent of the Gov ernor, Council, and Representatives assembled in General Court. This bill met with the fate, which might have been expected. It was disal lowed by the King, as were also some laws for the punishment of crimes, which were drawn up too closely in the spirit of the Jewish code. Meanwhile the frontiers were suffering under 86 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. the barbarities of an Indian war. It raged chiefly in the eastern part of the province, where the savages, recruited in strength the preceding year by a six months' truce, were now carrying it on with fresh vigor. Major Hutchinson, who com manded the English forces, was at Portsmouth ; he had distributed his small body of troops along the frontier line, which had been much contracted by the loss of York. Captain Converse, with fifteen men, was posted at Storer's garrison-house, in Wells. Early in June, two sloops came up the small river at that place, with fifteen men on board, bringing a supply of ammunition. On the 10th, the garrison was alarmed by the running of wounded cattle from the woods. Thus informed of the approach of the enemy, preparations were made to receive them, by bringing the sloops as near as possible to the garrison, and keeping a strict watch during the night. The enemy, who consisted of about four hundred French and Indians, commanded by Mon sieur Labocree, commenced the assault early in the morning. They kept up the attack more than forty-eight hours, when they retired with the loss of their commander and a number of men ; while the garrison had but one killed by a musket- shot, and one was taken prisoner m passing from the sloops to the fort, and tortured to death. This attack upon Wells was the only considera- SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 87 ole attempt made by the enemy, in the course of the year ; but, by lurking in the vicinity of the settlements, cutting off every straggler whom they met, and watching for an opportunity to surprise a village, they created more general alarm than they could have done, had they acted in con cert on some open enterprise. Agriculture was necessarily abandoned, and the frontier men were obliged to confine themselves and their families to the stockades and garrison-houses. To restore confidence to the settlers, and to curb the Indians by the establishment of a strong fort in the centre of the territory, which formed their field of operation, became an object of para mount importance. Orders to this effect had been received from England, and late in the summer the governor prepared to carry them into execution. A site was chosen on a point of land projecting into Pemaquid river, and so near the mouth, as to command all access by this stream into the interior of the country. The river at this place is about forty rods wide, and the tides rise from fourteen to sixteen feet. Andros had caused a stockade fort to be erected on the spot, but the Indians had de stroyed it in 1789. In August, Governor Phips, attended by Major Church and four hundred and fifty men, embarked at Boston, and taking Falmouth in his course, to obtain some large guns, arrived at Pemaquid AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. The fort was constructed in a quadrangular form, and the walls were built of stone. It was named Fort William Henry. Leaving Captains Wing and Bancroft, with two companies, to finish the works, Sir William despatched Major Church with the greater part of the troops to Penobscot, in search of the enemy, and returned himself to Boston. Church succeeded in taking only five of the ene my, and in burning the Indian town at Taconet. Great discontent was caused by the building of Fort William Henry, and by the largeness of the sum expended. So far as the murmurs related to the construction of any fort, they were unreason- ble, for such a measure was necessary for the pro tection of the frontiers. But it was said, that little judgment was shown in the choice of a site, and in the mode of building. The fort defended only one harbor, and that was not a very important one, and did not afford a convenient centre of oper ations ; as it was, it disturbed somewhat the opera tions of the French, who sent an expedition against it before the close of the year ; but the place was found to be stronger than they had expected, and they retired without risking an assault. The appointment of Phips as captain-general of Connecticut and Rhode Island was the cause of some trouble. The object in giving him the command of the military in places where he held no civil authority seems to have been, that the SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. united forces of the New England provinces might act with greater unanimity and effect against the common enemy. But no law of these two govern ments required the submission of the people to an oflicer from Massachusetts, and the commission of Phips, in this particular, was rendered void. He visited Rhode Island, in the first year of his gov ernment, to regulate the militia there ; he divided the colony into several regiments, and gave to Colonel Stanford, who was commander-in-chief, a number of commissions for the officers to be ap pointed. But most of these refused to take the commissions ; and, as the people would pay no re gard to them, the matter was allowed to pass over without notice. At the elections in May, 1693, the people had an opportunity of testifying the opinion, which they entertained of Phips and his government. Ten of those, who had been counsellors the year before, having been nominated to that office by Mr. Mather and Sir William, were left out, and others were put in, some of whom were on bad terms with the governor. He refused his consent to the choice of Mr. Cooke, who had been one of the colony agents in England, and had opposed his own nomination. But Cooke was much es teemed by the people ; and it would have been more politic in the governor, to suffer his pres ence at the council-board, than to endanger hi? vir. H 90 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. own popularity, by putting a negative on the election. It Was evident, that Sir William's favor with his countrymen had declined. The dislike of the new charter, and of those who were concerned in obtaining it, together with the weight of taxes caused by the prosecution of the war, account but partially for this result. The governor's hasty temper led him into difficulties, which his real goodness of heart could not induce the people to overlook. The project of another attempt upon Canada had been entertained during the winter, and re peated applications to the English government had at last induced the ministers to promise assistance. Sir Francis Wheeler, the English admiral in the West Indies, arrived in the early part of the sum mer, bringing with him a body of troops sufficient, when united with the New England forces, to cap ture Montreal and Quebec. Phips was to head the provincial troops, but to act under the orders of Wheeler. Unluckily, the arrangement was made in England, and notice of it was not conveyed to the province in time for the necessary prepar ations. The plan was wholly defeated by a disease, which broke out in the fleet while in the West Indies, and proved so fatal, that by the llth of ine, when the admiral arrived at Boston, he had SIR WILLIAM PHIPS 91 hurled thirteen hundred out of twenty-one hun dred sailors, and eighteen hundred out of twenty- four hundred soldiers. The arrival of the fleet introduced the disease into the town, where it made greater ravages than any contagious disease, which had ever visited them before, and alarmed many families so much, that they withdrew to the country Thus exposed for another season to the rav ages of the French and Indians, the provincial government made such preparations as they were able, in their own defence. Three hundred and fifty men were levied, and put under the com mand of Converse, who received a major's com mission, in consideration of his good conduct the year before. Being informed of a party of Indians who were lurking in the woods near Wells, he surprised and killed the greater part of them, in retaliation for a family, whom they had murdered a short time before, at Oyster River. He then embarked for Pemaquid, and passing up Sheeps- cot river, marched through the woods to Taconet, which he found deserted by the Indians. Thence he repaired to Saco, and laid the foundations of a fort, which was afterwards finished by some of his officers, and proved of great service in the war. These were the only military operations of the season. The Indians were by this time discouraged at the length of the war, and by the fact that the . y^ AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. French were not able to afford them so much as sistance as formerly. They also feared an attack from the Five Nations, who espoused the cause oi the English. A French missionary, who resided among them, used all his endeavours to prevent an accommodation, but he was unsuccessful. The provincials, on their side, were no less easier to be rid of the war. The Indian sachems o came to Pemaquid, the officers of which fort had been empowered to make an agreement, and on the llth of August a treaty was signed. While the peace continued, Sir William took all proper measures to conciliate the entire good will of the Indians, and induce them to break off all connexion with the French. In the summer of this year, he undertook a voyage to Maine for this purpose, and for regulating the trade. He took with him Nahauton, an Indian preacher, intend ing to leave him among them, that he might teach them Protestant Christianity. But the event showed, what might have been expected in the outset, that the diligence of the French Jesuits had been such, as to confirm the savages in some rude notion of the Roman Catholic doctrine, and to ally them inseparably with the people, who professed that faith. The sachems came to Pema quid, however, received presents, expressed their satisfaction, and made large promises of future fidelity ; with how much sincerity was phown by the renewal of the war in less than a year. SIR WILLIAM PHIPS 93 The governor visited Pemaquia again in the course of a few months, when he had an interview with Madockewandos, one of their principal sa chems, and obtained from him the grant of a con siderable tract of land. For the few remaining months of Sir William's administration, we hear little of him, except from the unfortunate controversies with individuals, in which he became involved. His favor with the people had so much declined, that, from the mere unpleas antness of his situation, he became peevish, irrita ble, and jealous of encroachments upon the dignity of his office. The first quarrel with a private per son, though it arose from a controversy, in which Phips took the popular side, had a material effect in diminishing the respect, which the people were accustomed to pay to their governor. The maritime affairs of the province had -never been clearly regulated by the government of the mother country. The several governors were en joined, under severe penalties, to see that the trade and navigation acts were duly observed ; but though the admiralty jurisdiction was expressly re served to the King, no admiralty officers had been regularly appointed, and no court established. Phips maintained, that, by virtue of his commis sion as vice-admiral, he had a right to sit as judge ; and he ordered several prizes, which had been taken by a privateer among the Leeward Islands, to be brought before him for condemnation. 94 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. It had been usual for the governor to appoint a naval officer, and ship-masters entered and cleared their vessels with him. Sir William appointed a Mr. Jackson to this office. But in the course of the year 1693, Mr. Brenton, a young gentleman of good family, was commissioned by the King, as collector of the port of Boston, though no custom house had as yet been established. The people resented this appointment, and complained that it only burdened them with unnecessary and unrea sonable fees. They questioned Brenton's author ity, and still continued to enter and clear their vessels with the naval officer, in which course they were supported by the governor. In the spring of 1694, a vessel laden with fustic from the Bahama Islands arrived at Boston. No bond had been given for the cargo, and the collec tor consequently seized both ship and goods. The fustic had been purchased by Colonel Foster, a merchant of Boston and a member of the Council, who, loth to part with his bargain, complained to the governor. He immediately interposed, and sent an order to the collector to release the goods. When Brenton refused to obey, Sir William went to the wharf where he was, and after some alter cation, actually chastised him with his own hands. The vessel and goods were then taken from him, and delivered to the owners. Another private quarrel of the governor occur- SIK WILLIAM PHIPS 95 red in the same year, and under similar circum stances. Some disagreement had arisen between him and Short, the captain of the Nonsuch frigate, in which he had made his last voyage from England, and which was now lying in the harbor of Boston. Short complained, that the proceeds of a prize, which had been taken on the voyage, had been unfairly distributed, and that he and his men had oeen defrauded of their proper share. Phips was exasperated by such a charge, and the power vested in him by his commission enabled him to manifest his dislike. The captains of the men-of- war on the colony station were then required to follow the instructions of the governors, who had power even to suspend them from office, in case of great misdemeanors. Information had been received, that a French man-of-war was expected at St. John's, and the governor ordered the Nonsuch frigate thither, to intercept it. An attempt seems to have been made to deprive Short of the command, at least for this voyage, and to leave the vessel in charge, either of the officer next in rank, or of a captain appointed by Sir William. But Short successfully resisted this attempt, and, incensed by such treat ment, probably used no great despatch in the ser vice for which he was sent. At any rate the French vessel had sailed before he arrived, and he returned without effecting any thing. Phips 96 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. warmly accused him of negligence and cowardice, and one day meeting him in the street, " warm words passed, and the governor at length made use of his cane, arid broke Short's head." He then caused him to be arrested, sent to the castle, and thence on board a merchant vessel, giving the master a warrant to carry him as a prisoner to England. By some accident, the vessel was compelled to put into Portsmouth, and Sir William, now con vinced that he had acted too hastily, proceeded thither, and ordered the master of the vessel to return the warrant, which he tore in pieces. Short was set at liberty, and Sir Francis Wheeler, who arrived at Boston soon afterwards, sent for him and carried him to England, where he obtained the command of another ship. These two quarrels were as impolitic, as they were undignified. They injured the respectability of the office, and impaired the popularity of the man. Both in the Council and the Lower House, the opponents of the governor, who were far more active than his friends, had now definite reasons for dissatisfaction, and they were not backward in using them, to prejudice the minds of the people, and to give weight to the representations against Phips, which they sent to their English correspondents. On the other hand, his friends in the House of Representatives proposed an SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 97 address to the King, praying that the governor might not be removed ; but, though they mustered all their strength, out of fifty members present, twenty-four voted against the proposition. About this time, it so happened, that the friends of Phips, in their anxiety to strengthen the hands of the government, really secured an important privilege to the people. The qualifications for membership of the House had never been clearly determined, and some of the smaller towns, from the want of proper candidates among themselves, had adopted the practice of choosing gentlemen from Boston to represent them in the General Court. The governor was less popular in the town than the country, and most of these non resident members belonged to the opposition. A bill was therefore introduced, and pressed through both Houses, that in future none but residents should be eligible as representatives. This meas ure excited some murmuring at the time, for it excluded a few of the most respectable and in fluential members ; but it was soon considered as establishing an important safeguard for the rights of the people. It was now generally understood, that Sir Wil liam's administration was drawing to a close. Be sides his open enemies, he had many lukewarm friends, who did much to injure his interests. Stoughton, the lieutenant-governor, was very cold VOL. vn. 7 93 AMERICAN BIOGBAPHY. towards him, and Mr. Dudley, a former governor of the province, who desired to recover the office, was pressing his suit in London. Short and Bren- ton had both preferred their complaints to the King, and .the Lords of the Treasury together with the Board of Trade requested that the gov ernor might he immediately displaced. The King refused to condemn him unheard, but ordered him to leave the province, and come to England to de fend himself. Sir William accordingly left Boston, on the 17th of November, 1694. On his arrival, he was arrested by Dudley and Brenton in actions of twenty thousand pounds' damages. What were the grounds of such a pro ceeding on the part of Dudley, it is impossible to tell. He had not been in the province recently, and it is difficult to see how Phips could have in jured him in London. The action was probably brought as a mere stroke of policy to increase the difficulties under which Phips labored, and embar rass the application for his return. Sir Henry Ashurst became his bail, and remained his friend to the last. It was urged in his defence, that Par liament had established no custom-house in Bos ton, but had recognised the existence of a naval office. No defence was necessary in the case of Captain Short ; for, owing either to his ab sence from the country, or his forgetfulness of the provocation he had received, he had exhibited no articles of complaint. SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 99 Cotton Mather asserts, that Sir William's an swer to the charges brought against him was triumphant, and that he received assurances of being restored to his government. But this is hardly probable. Though no proceedings strictly illegal may have been proved against him, the King would hardly desire to restore to an important station a man, who had so far forgotten the dignity of his office, as to cane a commissioned officer. Unable to remain idle under any circumstan ces, Phips now engaged in the prosecution of two several designs. The one was a scheme for supplying the English navy with timber and na val stores from the Eastern parts of New Eng land. The conception was plausible, and no person was better fitted than himself to carry it into execution. The other project was of a more doubtful char acter, being nothing else than to return to his old business of fishing for shipwrecked treasure. He had heard, that the ship, which had on board the Spanish governor Bobadilla, with a large amount of gold and silver, had been cast away somewhere in the West Indies. The Duke of Albemarle's patent for all such wrecks had now expired ; but he proposed to have it renewed in his own person, and to try if fortune would be as favorable, as on the former expedition. But the execution of these designs was suddenly 100 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY cut short. About the middle of February, 1695, he found himself indisposed with a cold, which confined him to his chamber. It resulted in a ma lignant fever, which caused his death on the 18th of the month, in the forty -fifth year of his age. He was honorably interred in the church of St. Mary, Woolnoth. Sir William left no children. Spen cer Phips, whose name occurs frequently, in the subsequent history of the colonies, was his nephew, whom he had adopted into his family. His widow married Peter Sargent, who was elected to the Board of Counsellors in Massachusetts, in 1702. Hutchinson sums up the character of Sir William Phips in a few words. " He was an honest man ; but by a series of fortunate incidents, rather than by any uncommon talents, he rose from the lowest condition in life to be the first man in his country." Perhaps a candid review of the principal events in his career would prove this judgment to be too severe. Fortune befriended him only when he had earned her favors by ceaseless industry and the most indomitable perseverance. He succeeded in enterprises so hopeless at first sight, that men of sober judgment would never have engaged in them, and after failures and discouragements, which would have caused persons of ordinary prudence to give up the attempt in despair. He was better fitted to execute the orders of others, than to issue orders himself; and the reputation, which he lost SIR WILLIAM PH1PS. 101 as a rash and unskilful commander, he might have gained as an active and daring subaltern. He was unfit to lead an army, or to govern a province, and the chance, which placed him in such situa tions, was an unlucky one ; but a better education might have qualified him for either station, as his natural endowments were perhaps sufficient for both. He enjoyed a large fortune, acquired solely by his own exertions ; but he was neither purse-proud, parsimonious, nor extravagant. Far from conceal ing the lowness of his origin, he made it a matter of honest pride, that he had risen from the business of a ship-carpenter to the honors of knighthood, and the government of a province. Soon after he was appointed to the chief magistracy, he gave a handsome entertainment to all the ship-carpenters of Boston ; and, when perplexed with the public business, he would often declare, that it would be easier for him to go back to his broad-axe again. He was naturally of a hasty temper, and was fre quently betrayed into improper sallies of passion, but never harbored resentment long. Though not rigidly pious, he reverenced the offices of religion, and respected its ministers. He was credulous, but no more so than most of his better educated contemporaries. The mistakes, which he commit ted as a public officer, were palliated by perfect 102 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. uprightness of intention, and by an irreproacha ble character in private life ; for even his warmest opponents never denied him the title of a kind husband, a sincere patriot, and an honest man OLIVER W B. PEABODY ISRAEL PUTNAM CHAPTER I. His Birth and Education. Becomes a prac tical Farmer. Singular Adventure in killing a Wolf. Enters the Army as Captain of a Company of Rangers. Engages in the War against the French and Indians on the Can ada Frontiers. OUR history, from its beginning until a compar atively recent time, gives us abundant instances of men, in whom the deficiences of education have been supplied by natural resource and energy. Thrown into novel situations, where instruction and experience would sometimes have availed them little, they have yet accomplished all that any exigency could require. Some of them were called to lay the foundations of civil institutions in the wilderness ; some to subdue a fierce and unre lenting savage foe ; some to encounter the hostility of other nations, as well as of that which they re garded as their own. Privation and suffering, in vn. i 106 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. every form in which they commonly exhaust the frame and overcome the spirit, were to attend them often by the fireside, and always in the en gagements of life. These evils, if evils they were which led to immortality, were encountered with manly and heroic firmness ; and it must needs be, that the personal history of men, exhibiting the vigor and flexibility of character required by the circumstances in which they were thus placed, should be full of freshness and diversity. Without pretending to claim for General Putnam the very highest rank among such individuals, we may yet venture to assign him an honorable place. His biography has been already written by a friend and fellow-soldier, who gathered from his own lips a portion of his history ; * and we shall freely avail ourselves of the materials, which have been thus collected, in connexion with such as have been gained from other sources, in attempting to present a sketch of the life of one, who stands forward as a prominent example of some of the most striking traits of the genuine American character. ISRAEL PUTNAM was born at Salem, in Massa chusetts, on the 7th day of January, 1718. His grandfather with two brothers emigrated from the *An Essay on the Life of Major-General Israel Put nam ; addressed to the State Society of the Cincinnati m Connecticut. By DAVID HUMPHREYS." ISRAEL PUTNAM. 107 South of England, and was one of the earliest settlers of that ancient town. His father was a farmer, and the son was destined to the same pursuit, for which no great extent of education was then believed to be required. The arts of reading, writing, and a tolerable proficiency in arithmetic, were the only attainments to be ac quired in the common schools ; and the higher in stitutions, or " the schools of the prophets," as they were called, were appropriated to the candi dates for the liberal professions. We should be slow to censure our ancestors for this, before we ascertain how far the state of the fact is altered at the present day ; for their efforts in the cause of education, considering their circumstances and condition, have not yet been excelled by any of their sons. It is plain, then, that the literary advantages of young Putnam could not be very great ; and, such as they were, it is not likely that this species of improvement was uppermost in his mind. His constitution of body was firm and vigorous ; and he early displayed that insensibility to danger, which was so strikingly exhibited in his subtequent career. It was the custom of the young men of that day to pursue athletic exercises, of which running, leaping, wrestling, and pitching the bar were the favorite ones, and were regarded as the surest tests of strength and skill ; and in these 108 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. manly sports, which have fallen of late inlo almost entire neglect, young Putnam was surpassed by none of his competitors. But the research of his biographers has redeemed from oblivion scarcely a single incident in the youthful history of one, then quite unknown to fame ; and the exploits of child hood are rarely of sufficient moment to compen sate for the labor of inquiry. There is one, however, characteristic enough to deserve a pass ing notice. On Putnam's first visit to Boston, he was treated by a boy of the metropolis with the sort of courtesy, with which rustic boys are not unfrequently welcomed. His antagonist was twice as old and large as himself; but he requited the attention with a sound beating, to the entire satis faction of a numerous body of spectators. In the twenty-first year of his age, Mr. Putnam was united in marriage to the daughter of Mr. John Pope, of Salem. After her death, which occurred in 1764, he married a Mrs. Gardiner, who died in 1777. About the time of his first marriage he removed to Pomfret in Connecticut, where he purchased a tract of land, and entered upon the occupation of a farmer. At first he met with some of the discouragements, which are apt to render the life of a settler a school of no gentle discipline ; but in the course of a few years he became an enterprising and successful cultivator, and was rewarded by a fair measure of prosper ISRAEL PUTNAM. 109 ity. In this quiet retreat he remained till the opening of the Seven Years' War presented him with a broader field of action. It would be quite unpardonable, in writing the life of Putnam, to omit to notice his victory over the she-wolf, at Pomfret ; the story of which is familiarly known to every schoolboy in the coui> try, and is very minutely detailed by his principal biographer. This renowned animal had for some years been the scourge and terror of the farmers, whose pursuit of her had been altogether fruitless ; though they had succeeded in destroying her young, whom she brought in winter with her from the forest, to bring up in her own arts of ma rauding. In an evil hour for her own safety, she made an onset upon Putnam's farm-yard. Seventy of his sheep and goats were killed, and many others wounded, in the course of a single night ; and it was determined to resort to decisive meas ures. Several of the farmers, among whom was Putnam, accordingly entered into an offensive alli ance against the common enemy ; the condition of the compact being, that the pursuit should only cease with the destruction of the foe. Fortunately her track was easily recognised, a portion of one of her feet having been lost by an accidental intimacy with a trap. Her pursuers were thus enabled to trace her course to Connecti cut River, and thence back again to Pomfret, 110 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY where she took refuge in a cavern, near the resi dence of Putnam. The place was selected with great judgment to withstand a siege ; as very few persons beside Putnam himself could have been persuaded to reconnoitre the position of its inmate. It is entered by an aperture about two feet square, on the side of a huge ledge of rock. The path way descends fifteen feet obliquely from the en trance, then pursues a horizontal direction for ten feet, and thence ascends gradually about fifteen feet to its extremity ; being in no part wider than three feet, nor high enough to permit a man to stand upright. The access to the interior is ren dered very difficult in winter, by the accumulation of ice and snow. No time was lost by the confederates in devising various methods of attack. A competent force of dogs was collected, with such munitions as were thought suited to this novel warfare. But the hounds that entered the cave retired in great dis gust, and could not be prevailed on to repeat the experiment ; the smoke of blazing straw was inef fectual ; and the fumes of burning brimstone, which were expected to prove quite irresistible, wasted their sweetness in vain. This system of annoyance was continued through the day, until a late hour in the evening, when Putnam, weary of the unsuccessful efforts, endeavored to persuade his negro servant to go into the cave ; a propo- ISRAEL PUTNAM. Ill sition which was declined ; and his master, after somewhat unreasonably reproaching him with cow ardice, resolved, against the earnest remonstrance of his neighbors, to undertake the enterprise him self. He first procured some birch bark, to light his way and intimidate the wolf by its flame ; then threw aside his coat and vest; and, causing a rope to be secured to his legs, by which he might be drawn out at a concerted signal, set fire to his torch and groped his way into the cavern. At the extremity he saw the wolf, who welcomed her unexpected visitor with an ominous growl. His examination being now completed, he gave the ap pointed signal ; and his companions, supposing from the sounds within that the case must be an urgent one, drew him out so precipitately, that his clothes were torn to rags, and his body sorely lacerated. He now provided himself with a musket, and bearing it in one hand and a lighted torch in the other, proceeded a second time upon his perilous adventure till he drew near the wolf Just as she was on the point of springing, he took deliberate aim and fired ; then, stunned by the explosion and almost suffocated by the smoke, he was again drawn out as before. After a brief interval, he entered the cavern for the third time, applied his torch to the wolf's nose to satisfy himself that her 112 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. repose was not affected, and, seizing her by the ears, was drawn forth with his prize, to the infi nite satisfaction of the party. This story is not without value, as an illustra tion of its hero's character. The life of a New England farmer is not usually very fruitful of ad venture ; nor is there any other incident on record relating to Putnam before the time, when he ex changed his occupation for a less pacific one. One may readily conjecture, that the tranquil pursuits of agriculture could hardly satisfy the ambition of a spirit like his, always most at home in the midst of perilous adventures ; and that he must have exulted in the opportunities of acquiring fame and honors, which w r ere afforded by the opening of the great French war, in 1754. The causes of this eventful struggle belong too closely to the province of history to be required to be stated here. There was a general disposition among the people to prepare for some decisive measures in the following spring. It was with this view, that the memorable plan of the union of the Colonies wasprojected and matured ; but as this, from various causes, proved ineffectual, the ar rangements for the campaign were not completed until the arrival of General Braddock in this coun try, early in 1755. A convention of the several governors was held at his suggestion early in that year, by which it was resolved that three indepen ISRAEL PUTNAM. 113 dent expeditions should be undertaken. The first was destined against Fort Duquesne, and was con ducted by General Braddock in person ; the sec ond, at the head of which was Governor Shirley, against Forts Niagara and Frontenac ; and the reduction of Crown Point was the object of the third, which was composed wholly of colonial troops, under the command of Sir William John son. A body of troops was to be levied in Con necticut to serve in this last expedition, and the command of one of the companies composing it was bestowed on Mr. Putnam. His personal pop ularity rendered it easy for him to obtain the best recruits, and the regiment with which he was con nected joined the army, near Crown Point, at the beginning of the campaign. Throughout the war, very important services were rendered by the various corps, distinguished by the name of Rangers. They acted indepen dently of the line of the army, and were employ ed in executing many perilous duties ; reconnoi tring the positions of the enemy, serving in the capacity ' of guides, surprising detached parties, and obtaining prisoners, in order to gain intelli gence, by force or stratagem. Among the other offices they were expected to perform, were those of destroying the houses, barns, barracks, and bat- teaux of the French, killing their cattle, and way laying their convoys of provisions. They ren- VOL. VII. 8 114 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. dered the most valuable aid as scouting parties to watch the movements of the enemy, of which no accurate intelligence could be procured but with the greatest hazard, the country being full of wan dering and hostile Indians. It is obvious, that a mode of life like this re quired the utmost prudence, sagacity, and alert ness, and must have afforded abundant opportu nities for wild and difficult adventure. In the Journals * of Major Rogers, the celebrated New * The first part of this work, which purports to contain an account of the "several excursions made by the au thor under the generals who commanded ftpon the con tinent of North America during the late war," was printed in London in 1765. It presents rather copious sketches of the personal services of the writer, though with less reference to the general operations of the sev eral campaigns, than the reader at this day could desire ; but it is by no means destitute of interest ; and a work can hardly be regarded as a fair subject of criticism, which was written " not with science and leisure, but in deserts, on rocks and mountains, amidst the hurries, disorders, and noise of war, and under that depression of spirits, which is the natural consequence of exhausting fatigue " Very few notices are to be found in it, at any length, of the prominent individuals, who acted in concert with Major Rogers ; the name of Putnam is rarely men tioned, and never with any comment indicating that the least importance was attached by the author to his ser vices The trifling incident of the preservation of his life by Putnam, is not once alluded to. A work, published in 1831, in Concord, New Hamp ISRAEL PUTNAM. 115 Hampshire partisan, are preserved the regulations drawn up by himself for the government of the Rangers under his command ; and one needs only read them to be convinced, that it was a ser vice in which only the bold and resolute could be expected to engage. We are not informed whether the corps of Putnam were known from the outset as Rangers ; it is very probable that they were so ; as they were employed almost exclusive ly in that capacity, and appear to have been soon distinguished by that name. No service could have been better suited to the character and taste of Putnam. The campaign of 1755, though distinguished by the stain upon the British arms at Braddock's overthrow, and the victory of the Provincials over Dieskau near Lake George, was not a long one, and afforded less than usual scope for the exertions of the Rangers. A similarity in some respects of shire, and entitled " Reminiscences of the French War," purports to contain among other matter, this Journal of Rogers ; but the editor, without apprizing his readers of the fact, has mutilated the original in a very remarka ble manner. Hardly a single sentence is unaltered, and it is quite curious to compare a page of Rogers' own composition with one which has undergone the scalping- knifeofthe New Hampshire editor. We doubt whether the proceeding is to be justified under any circumstan ces ; but it becomes unpardonable when it is attempted without the slightest intimation to the reader. 116 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. character and disposition produced an intimacy between Putnam and Rogers ; and they frequently acted in concert to reconnoitre the positions of the enemy, surprise their advanced pickets, and ob tain intelligence of their purposes and movements. In one of their excursions, it was the fortune of Putnam to preserve the life of Rogers. Both these officers had been detached with a party of light troops from Fort Edward, to ascertain the state of the fortifications at Crown Point. To approach them with their whole force would have made it difficult to guard against discovery, while the number of straggling Indians in the neighbor hood rendered it scarcely less dangerous to advance without support. They, however, left their men concealed behind a willow thicket, and went them selves sufficiently near the works to procure the information they desired. It was now about the hour of sunrise, when the soldiers began to issue in such numbers from the fort, that the partisans found no opportunity to rejoin their men without detection. In the course of an hour or two, a soldier came directly to the spot where Rogers lay concealed at a little distance from Putnam, and, on discovering him, called for aid to an adja cent guard, attempting at the same time to seize Rogers's fusee with one hand, and to stab him with a dirk which he held in the other. Putnam perceived the imminent danger of his associate, ISRAEL PUTNAM. 117 and, being unwilling to alarm the enemy by firing, ran up, and struck the Frenchman dead before him with a single blow from his fusee. The out cry of the soldier had already alarmed the guard ; but the partisans succeeded in rejoining their troop, and in returning without loss to their en campment. By the terms of their enlistment, the colonial troops were engaged to serve only during the cam paign ; but the commission of Captain Putnam was renewed, and he entered again on duty in the spring of 1756. The general military operations of this year were less fortunate than those of the preceding one. The advantage of many expen sive and laborious preparations was wholly lost by the inaction of the British generals. Oswego, an important fortress, was captured by the French, and no attempt was made to dispossess them of their outpost at Ticonderoga. A very different result would probably have been exhibited, had the operations of the army been conducted by Provincial officers, who were thoroughly conversant . with the country, and the foe with whom they would have had to deal ; points, of which the British generals appear to have been profoundly ignorant. It is a relief to turn from the detail of their misconduct, to the personal adventures of the more deserving officers, who acted under them. Captain Putnam was directed to reconnoitre 118 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. the position of the enemy at the Ovens, near Ti- conderoga. He was accompanied in this enter prise by Lieutenant Robert Durkee, a gallant officer, who afterwards encountered the severest fate, under which humanity can ever be called to suffer.* The two partisans proceeded on their way, until they came near the enemy. It was the custom of the British and Provincial troops to et fires by night in a circle round their camp. The French, on the contrary, more wisely placed them in the centre, so that their sentinels were screened from observation by the darkness. Putnam and Durkee were unfortunately not aware of this usage, and were creeping slowly on their hands and knees, in order to approach the fires, when they were confounded at finding them selves in the midst of the camp of the enemy, by whom they were discovered and fired upon. Dur kee received a bullet in his thigh ; but there was no time to be lost, and they began an expeditious retreat. Putnam led the way, and in a few min utes fell head foremost into a clay-pit, followed by Durkee, who had kept closely at his heels.' Supposing his companion in the pit to be one of * He was an officer in the revolution. At the battle of Wyoming, in 1778, he was wounded and made pris oner by the Indians ; by whom he was burned at the stake, and treated during his expiring moments with the most savage cruelty. ISRAEL PUTNAM. 119 the pursuers, Putnam had raised his arm to stab him, when he recognised Durkee's voice. Both then rushed from their retreat, in the midst of a shower of random bullets, and threw themselves behind a log, where they spent the remainder of the night. On examining his canteen, Putnam found it pierced with balls, and its contents entirely gone ; and next morning at day-light, he discovered that his blanket was sorely rent by fourteen bullet-holes. On another occasion, a convoy of baggage and provisions was .intercepted by six hundred of the enemy at Halfway Brook, between Fort Edward and Lake George. The plunderers retreated with 'their booty, having experienced little interruption from the troops, by which the convoy was escort ed. When the news of this disaster was received at the camp, Captains Putnam and Rogers were ordered in pursuit. They were directed to take with them one hundred men in boats, furnished with two wall-pieces, and the same number of blunderbusses. With these they were to proceed for a certain distance down Lake George, and thence over land to the Narrows, to cut off the enemy's retreat. Shortly after they had reached the designated spot, they saw from their place of concealment the French batteaux, laden with the plunder of the convoy, sailing into the Narrows, entirely unsus picious of danger. They await in silence the 120 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHT. approach of the batteaux ; at the critical moment, they pour upon them a close and most destructive fire ; many of the boatmen fall, and several of the batteaux are sunk. A strong wind sweeps the remainder with great rapidity through the passage into South Bay, or the destruction would have been complete. They carry to Ticonderoga the news of their disaster, and a detachment is instantly sent to intercept the Provincials ; who, anticipating such a movement, have in the mean time hurried to their boats, which they reach before the close of day. Next morning they set sail, and, at Sabbath- day Point, meet the detachment of the French,' consisting of three hundred men, advancing in boats with the expectation of an easy victory. Not a musket is discharged until they come within pistol shot ; then the enemy are thrown at once into confusion by the artillery, aided by a close fire of musketry. The carnage becomes dreadful ; of twenty Indians in one of the canoes, fifteen are killed, and very many are seen to fall overboard from others while, on the side of the Provincials, only one is killed and two others are wounded. No farther attempt is made to obstruct the retreat of the Provincials, who return in safety to the camp. Late in the same season, General Webb, who commanded at Fort Edward, sent out Captain ISRAEL, PUTNAM. 121 Putnam to procure a prisoner ; the usual and very compendious method of learning on the best au thority the motions of the enemy. He concealed his men near the highway leading from Ticonde- roga to the Ovens ; but these valiant gentlemen thought fit to ascribe his caution to the influence of fear, and, as there was no enemy in sight, were with much difficulty induced to remain un der shelter. Presently an Indian passed by, and at a little distance behind him a Frenchman ; and Putnam, calling on his men to follow, sprang to seize upon the latter, overtook him and ordered him to surrender. His men were now convinced of the advantage of concealment, and disregarded his order ; and, as Putnam was the only person in view, his intended captive preferred to run the hazard of resisting him. Putnam levelled his piece, but it missed fire, and he retreated followed by the Frenchman, in the direction where his men were posted ; but the other, falling on this unex pected ambuscade, changed his course without dela/, and effected his escape. The men, whose conduct had been thus discreditable, were dismissed with disgrace ; and Putnam soon ac complished his object with other aid. The in cident is worthy of relation, only as it shows the nature of the tasks imposed upon an active parti san, and the hazard to be encountered m per forming them. VII. K 122 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. The character and services of Putnam had now Become generally known ; he was found to unite with a total insensibility to danger, a caution and sagacity, which gave him the command of his resources at the moment when they were most required. Nor could any service be better adapt ed to the exhibition of these qualities, than that n which he was engaged ; though it was unfor tunately in a sphere too limited, to secure for him a place in history. He was endeared to the soldiers by the cheerfulness with which he shared their perils and privations, and the gallantry, which suffered none to go where he did not himself lead the way ; to his superior officers, by the en ergy and promptness with which he executed their commands ; and he began to rise in the esteem of the public generally, as one who was destined to bcotftiic distinguished in a broader field of ac tion ISRAEL PUTNAM. 123 ' CHAPTER II. Rai&ed to the Rank of Major. Various Ad ventures in the War. Capture of Fort Wil liam Henry. Putnam stationed near Fort Edward. Encounters the Enemy at South Bay. Expedition against Ticonderoga. Death of Lord Howe. IN 1757, the legislature of Connecticut con ferred on Putnam the commission of a major. The Earl of Loudoun, one of the most incompetent British generals who had commanded in the colo nies, was then at the head of the military forces in this country. He had arrived at Albany in the summer of the preceding year ; but the capture of Oswego by the French had induced him to sus pend offensive operations, and to think only of guarding against further loss. By the next spring, the generous efforts of the colonists enabled him to take the field with a numerous and effective force ; and it was expected, not without reason, that he should open the campaign in the direction of Canada with some decisive blow. But the people were not yet fully acquainted with the character of their military chief. About midsummer, they were somewhat surprised to learn that be had 124 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. sailed for Halifax with six thousand of his troops. It was his intention there to join a reinforcement of five thousand men, who had lately arrived from England under the command of Lord Howe, and to attempt the reduction of Louisburg in Cape Breton ; but, learning that the garrison of that place had been augmented by an armament from France, he returned to New York and reposed upon his laurels. While the British commander was prosecuting his voyage of discovery, the condition of Fort William Henry, then a frontier post, was such as to invite the assault of the enemy. This ill-fated fortress, the name of which still awakens melan choly recollections, was situated at the southwest ern extremity of Lake George. It was a structure of no great strength, on a small eminence, which rose gradually from the waters of the lake. Its garrison at this time consisted of about three thousand men ; and, as an additional security, Gen eral Webb was stationed about fifteen miles distant at Fort Edward, with a force considerably larger. The Marquis de Montcalm, the French com mander, having collected about eight or nine thou sand men, including a large body of Indians, ap peared before Fort William Henry on the third of August, with a summons to surrender. In his letter to the commanding officer of the garrison, he urged the capitulation by considerations of human- ISRAEL PUTNAM. 125 ity, declaring that his power to restrain the In dians would be lost, after the blood of any of them should be shed. No written answer was given to the summons ; a verbal reply was returned by the bearer, that the fort would be defended to the ast extremity. Another sad illustration was yet to be afforded jf the incapacity of generals, and a still more melancholy one of the atrocities of savage war fare. Just before the siege began, General Webb, accompanied by Major Putnam and two hundred men, went to Fort William Henry, to ascertain the state of its defences. While the General was thus engaged, Major Putnam offered to go with five men to Northwest Bay, sending back the boats to prevent detection, and obtain accurate information respecting the situation of the French at Ticonderoga. This proposition was rejected as too hazardous. He was, however, permitted to undertake the en terprise, with eighteen volunteers. They imme diately embarked in three whale-boats, and set forward on their expedition. Before they arrived at Northwest Bay, a large body of the enemy was discovered on an island. Leaving two of his boats, as if for the purpose of fishing, Putnam returned with the remaining one to communicate what he nad seen. The general, whose valor was his east shining accomplishment, seeing the Major 126 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. make for the land with his force thus reduced, de spatched a skiff to him with orders to come to the shore alone. With some difficulty, he obtained permission to return in quest of his companions, and to make additional discoveries. He found his men in the place where he had left them, and immediately after encountered a large number of boats in mo tion on the lake, from the foremost of which he was enabled to escape only by the superior fleet- ness of his own. There was no longer any room for doubt, that this armament was destined against Fort William Henry ; and Putnam so informed the General, who ordered him to preserve strict silence on the subject, and to exact an oath of se crecy from his men. In vain he endeavored to urge the necessity of meeting the enemy on the shore. " What do you think we should do here ? " was the dis creet reply. Next morning, the general return ed with his escort to Fort Edward, and detached a reinforcement to Fort William Henry. In twenty-four hours afterwards, the fortress was in vested by the enemy. During six days was it defended against a fai superior force, provided with artillery. Express after express was in the mean time sent to Fort Edward for relief; but, though the force of Webb had been increased by the addition of Johnson's ISRAEL PUTNAM. 127 troops and the militia, he made not the slightest effort to avert its fate. Once, indeed, he yielded to the solicitations of Sir William Johnson, and permitted those, who would volunteer in the ser vice, to march for its relief. The privilege was eagerly embraced by the Provincials, including Putnam's Rangers ; but scarcely had they begun their march, when the general's heart failed him, and they were ordered back. They returned with tears of indignation and sorrow. General Webb believed his duty sufficiently dis charged when he wrote to Colonel Munroe, the commander of the fort, advising him to surrender ; and it is a striking example of the danger of pusil lanimity, that the indecision of this strangely inef ficient personage was the d:rect cause of the sub sequent disaster. When Putnam was a prisoner in Canada, he was assured by Montcalm himself, that the movement of the Provincials from Fort Edward had been reported to him by his Indian scouts, who represented them to be as numerous as the leaves upon the trees ; that the operations of the siege were suspended, and preparations for retreat were immediately made, when the news of their return encouraged him to persevere with greater vigor. All expectations of relief were now at an end ; two of the largest guns of the fort had burst, and further resistance must be obviously unavailing ; 128 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. articles of capitulation were therefore signed, by which protection against the Indians was pledged to the garrison, and they were to be permitted to march forth with the honors of war. The event which followed, and which was long known throughout the continent as the Massacre of Fort William Henry, can hardly be recited now without a thrill of horror. The troops began their march from the fortress. Just as the rear-guard issued from the gates, the whole body of the Indians fell upon them with the utmost fury, slaughtering them in cold blood. Great numbers were killed, and others were taken prisoners. No efforts were made by the French to put an end to these atro cities ; no protection, demanded alike by honor and humanity, was given, until only a miserable remnant of the garrison was left. Early the next day, Putnam, who had been sent out with his Rangers to watch the movements of the enemy, reached the scene of carnage, just as the rear-guard of the French were embarking on the lake. The barracks were still burning, and hundreds of human bodies lay half-consumed among the ruins. Those of more than one hundred women were scattered around, torn and mutilated in a manner which no language is adequate to teli. One may conceive with what feelings the generous and warm-hearted soldier must have looked upon a scene like this. As we read the dark and bloody ISRAEL PUTNAM. tale, we almost pardon the stern vengeance with which our fathers strove to crush so merciless a foe ; but what a picture does it give of modern civilization, that the most enlightened nations hesi tated not to employ these demons as the instru ments of war ? General Lyman soon after this took the com mand at Fort Edward, and labored to strengthen its defences. With this view he employed a party of one hundred and fifty men to procure timber in its neighborhood, and stationed Captain Little at the head of a morass, about a hundred rods east ward from the fort, to cover them. This post was connected with the fort by a tongue of land, on one side of which was a creek, and the morass extended on the other. One morning at day break, a sentinel saw what he imagined to be birds, flying swiftly from the morass over his head ; but he was enlightened as to the true genus of these feathered messengers, when he saw an ar row quivering in a tree, just by him. A body of savages had concealed themselves in the morass in the hope of surprising the party, and had resorted to this noiseless method of despatching the sen tinel. The alarm was instantly given ; the laborers fled towards the fort, and were furiously attacked by the Indians ; but their progress was arrested by the close and seasonable fire, of Little's party, VOL. VII. L 9 130 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. which enabled such of the fugitives as were nol wounded to reach the fort in safety. The situa tion of the small band, pressed as they were by an overwhelming force, became very precarious ; but the commander of the fort, instead of sending a detachment to their aid, ordered all the outposts to be called in and the gates to be closed. Putnam was stationed with his Rangers on an island, near the fort, where intelligence soon reached him of the peril of Little and his party. Without the hesitation of an instant, they dashed into the water, and waded as rapidly as they could to the scene of action. On their way they passed so near the fort, that General Lyman called to them from the parapet, and ordered them per emptorily to return ; but Putnam made a brief apology, and, without waiting to ascertain whether it was satisfactory, hurried on with his men. In a few minutes they were at the side of the little band of regulars, who gallantly maintained their ground ; then, at the command of Putnam, they rushed with loud huzzas upon the savages directly into the morass. The charge was com pletely successful ; the Indians fled in every direc tion, and were pursued with great slaughter until night-fall. Colonel Humphreys remarks, that all is not right in the military system, when the orders of superior officers are disregarded with impunity, and intimates that Putnam should have been sub- ISRAEL PUTNAM.- 131 jected to the discipline of a court-martial. Noth ing of the kind, however, appears to have been attempted ; the general was probably content with the result, and cared not that his own conduct should be contrasted with that of those, who served him contrary to his will. In the winter of this year, the barracks adjacent to the northwestern bastion of Fort Edward acci dentally took fire. Within twelve feet of them stood the magazine, containing three hundred bar rels of powder. By the orders of Colonel Haviland, who then commanded at this post, some heavy pieces of artillery were brought to bear upon the barracks, to batter them to the ground, but without success. Putnam reached the fort from his station on the island, while the flames were spreading fiercely in the direction of the magazine, and took his post on the roof of the barrack, as nearly as possible to the blaze. A line of soldiers was formed through a postern to the river, from which watei was conveyed to Putnam, who threw it on the fire, standing all the while so near it, that his mittens were burned from his hands. He was supplied with another pair soaked in water, and kept his post. Colonel Haviland, considering his situation to be too dangerous, urged him to descend ; but he replied that a suspension of his efforts would be fatal, and entreated to be suffered to remain ; and 132 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. the colonel, encouraged by his intrepidity, gave orders that nothing more should be removed from the fort, exclaiming, that if they must perish, all should be blown up together. The barracks be gan to totter ; Putnam came down and took his station between them and the magazine ; the ex ternal planks of this building were consumed, and there remained only a partition of timber between the powder and the flames ; still he refused to quit his post, and continued pouring on the water until the fire was happily subdued. He had contended with the flames for an hour and a half; his face, his hands, and almost his whole body were blistered ; and, in removing the mittens from his hands, the skin was torn off with th^m. Several weeks elapsed, before he recov ered from the effects of the exposure ; but he was rewarded by the earnest thanks of his commander, and by the consciousness that, but for him, the fortress must have been in ruins. A brighter day began to dawn upon the British arms in every quarter of the country, but the neighborhood of Lake George and Lake Cham- plain. There, the same fortunes whicn had hitherto attended them underwent no immediate change. The popular voice had overborne the royal will, and had compelled George the Second to receive Mr. Pitt as his prime minister. The name of this great man is more closely associated with ISRAEL, PUTNAM. 133 commanding energy of character, than any other in the history of England ; it made, as, in the elo quent language of Burke, it kept the name of his country respectable in every other on the globe. Nowhere was that name held in greater respect, and nowhere did it inspire more confi dence, than in America. He assumed the direction of affairs in the sum mer of 1757 ; and his attention was at once directed to the conduct of the war in this coun try. The colonies, justly appreciating his vigor and talent, renewed their generous but exhausting efforts to recruit the army for the next campaign ; and the extent of their exertions can only be un derstood, when it is considered that fifteen thou sand men were supplied by Connecticut, Massa chusetts, and New Hampshire, at a time when the resources of all were hardly equal to those of any one of them now. Three expeditions were proposed to be under taken ; Louisburg was the destination of the first, Fort Duquesne of the second, and Crown Point and Ticonderoga of the third. The results of the two first are sufficiently well known ; the course of our narrative will lead us into some detail respect ing the last. Not even the ability of Pitt could immediately turn the current of adverse fortune, which had been flowing with so little interruption in the region, where the scene of our story has thus far been laid. 134 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. General Abercromby, who now assumed the chief command in this department, ordered Major Putnam to proceed with fifty men to South Bay in Lake George, in order to watch the motions of the enemy, and intercept their straggling parties. The detachment marched to Wood Creek, near the point where it flows into South Bay ; there, in obedience to Putnam's directions, they constructed a parapet of stone, thirty feet in length, on a cliff that overhangs the water ; securing it from obser vation by young pines, so disposed that they ap peared to have grown upon the spot. Fifteen of the soldiers, who became unfit for duty, were sent back from this station to the camp. Late in the evening of the fourth day since he occupied the post, Major Putnam was informed that a large number of canoes, filled with men, were slowly entering the mouth of the creek. All the sentinels were called in, and each man was sta tioned at the point where his fire would be most effective, receiving positive orders from Putnam to reserve it, until he should give the word. The moon was at the full, and every movement of the enemy was perfectly in view. The most advanced canoes had passed the parapet, when a soldier acci dentally struck his firelock against a stone. Alarm ed at the sound, those in the foremost canoes ceased to advance, and the whole were crowded in a body at the very base of the temporary forti- ISKAEL PUTNAM. fication. The leaders consulted together, and apparently resolved to return into the Bay. Just as they were changing their course, Put nam gave the word to fire, and it was obeyed with terrible effect ; hardly a shot failed to find its victim, amidst the dense mass of the enemy be neath, whose fire was wasted on an invisible foe. The carnage had continued for some time, when the enemy, perceiving from the fire that the num ber of their assailants must be small, detached a party to land below in order to surround them ; but the movement had been watched by Putnam, and the party was repulsed by twelve men, under the command of Lieutenant Durkee. During the whole night were the enemy exposed to the mur derous fire from the parapet. At day-break, Put nam learned that a detachment had effected a landing at some distance below ; his ammunition also began to fail, and he gave the order to retreat. It was afterwards ascertained, that the enemy consisted of a corps of five hundred men, com manded by the well-known partisan Molang ; and that more than half their number perished on that fatal night. Two only of Putnam's little band were wounded ; they were ordered to the camp under the escort of two other soldiers, but were pursued and overtaken by the Indians. Find ing their own fate inevitable, they persuaded their escort to leave them, and quietly awaited the 136 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. approach of the foe. One of them, a provincial, whose thigh had been broken by a bullet, killed three of the savages by a single discharge of his musket. He was instantly put to death ; but the other, an Indian, was made prisoner, and related these circumstances afterwards to Putnam, who encountered him in Canada. While the party were effecting their retreat, they were fired on by an unexpected enemy. Putnam, who was never disconcerted, ordered his men to charge, when the leader of the other party, recognising his voice, cried out that they were friends. Friends or foes, replied Putnam, they de served to perish for doing so little execution with so fair a shot ; only one man had been wounded by the 6re. Soon after, they were met by a corps detached to cover their retreat, and regained the fort on the following day. The expedition against Ticonderoga, which has been already mentioned, was led by General Abercromby in person. His force consisted of six teen thousand men, amply provided with artillery and military stores. On the morning of the 5th of July, 175S, they were embarked in batteaux, and began to descend Lake George, the whole array presenting a brilliant and imposing specta cle. They reached Sabbath-day Point at evening Here they halted for a few hours, and then re sumed their voyage, Lord Howe leading the van. ISRAEL PUTNAM. 137 An officer, who had been sent to ascertain whether the proposed landing-place was unobstruct ed, returned at day-break with the information, that it was in possession of the enemy. Another place of landing was selected, and the troops were dis embarked at mid-day on the 6th of July. Rogers advanced with his Rangers and drove the enemy before him, and the columns of the army began their march. Lord Howe led the centre, and Putnam was at his side. Some musketry was heard upon the left. " What means this firing ? " said Lord Howe. "I know not, but with your Lordship's leave will ascertain," replied Putnam. He went, accompanied, in opposition to his earnest remonstrances, by Lord Howe with one hundred of the van. The firing proceeded from a portion of the advanced guard of the enemy, who had lost their way in the woods, while retreating before Rogers. They were soon encountered ; and, at their first discharge, Lord Howe fell. No heavier loss could well have been sustained. This young nobleman was in the prime of man hood, of fine address, full of amiable qualities, and eminent for manly virtue ; his military fame was already high, and presented the most bril liant promise for the future. Never was a British officer so much endeared to the Provincial troops, or enjoyed more of the general esteem and con fidence. He was regretted equally for what 138 AMERIJ^N BIOGRAPHY. he was, and what he was expected to become , but the man, over whom the tears of a people are shed, cannot be said to have descended imma- turely to the tomb. His death was avenged by his troops, who charged the enemy, and drove them from the field. Having accomplished this, they were return ing to the lines, when they were fired upon, on the supposition that they were of the French ar my. Several men were killed ; nor was the danger averted, until Putnam ran through the midst of the fire, explained the mistake, and thus secured his men from farther injury. He remained himself upon the field until evening, attending to the wounded French, and providing them with such alleviations as he had it in his power to bestow.* " The fall of Lord Howe," says Rogers in his Journal, " appeared to produce an almost general consternation and languor." Certain it is, that from that hour the enterprise wholly ceased to prosper. No progress was made during the next Colonel Humphreys assures us, in his Life of Put nam, that Major Rogers was sent next morning to bring off the wounded prisoners ; " hut, finding the wounded unable to help themselves, in order to save trouble, he despatched every one of them to the world of spirits." We have no means of contradicting or confirming a story, which every reader would be glad to believe unfounded ISRAEL PUTNAM. day ; but the principal engineer was sent forward to examine the defences of Ticonderoga ; he re ported in favor of hazarding an attack without waiting to bring up the artillery, and the prepara tions were immediately made. This fortress stood on a peninsula in Lake Champlain, very near the shore ; and the French lines, which were defend ed by two redoubts and strong abatis, extended across the neck of the peninsula. The garrison at this time consisted of six thou sand men ; three thousand more, who had been detached to the Mohawk river, were hourly ex pected to return. On the morning of the 8th of July, the British troops advanced to the attack 'over a tract swept by the deadly fire of a sheltered enemy ; and were shot down by hundreds as they rushed forward to the abatis, and vainly la bored to remove this fatal obstacle. Three times in the course of four hours, did they assault the works with unyielding resolution ; but their gal lantry was wholly unavailing, and their officers at last put an end to this wanton sacrifice of life, and ordered them to retire. About two thousand of the assailants perished in this rash attack, during the whole progress of which General Abercromby remained in safety two miles from the scene of action. Not a single piece of artillery was ordered up, and the assault was made precisely in the spot where the lines were best 140 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. defended. Even at the moment of their retreat, the English force was more than twice as great as that of the garrison ; the fortress might still have been reduced by a well-conducted siege ; but all further operations were at once abandoned. Ma jor Putnam, who had been employed throughout the action in bringing up the provincial regiments, rendered great service in securing the retreat ; and, by the evening of the next day, the whole army had regained their camp at the south end of Lake George. The annals of even this war give no example of a more unfortunate or ill-coc ducted enterprise. ISRAEL PUTNAM. 141 CHAPTER III. Perilous Descent of the Rapids at Fort Miller. Battle with the Indians. Putnam taken Prisoner and treated with great Cruelty. Sent to Ticonderoga, and thence to Montreal. Exchanged, and returns to the Army. Colonel Schuyler. Putnam is commissioned Lieutenant-Colonel. Serves under General Amherst. Takes part in the Expedition against Havana. Engaged in an Enterprise against the Western Indians. Retires from the Army after Ten Years' Service. ONE day in the course of this summer, while Major Putnam was lying in a batteau with five men on the east side of the Hudson, near the Rap ids by Fort Miller, he was suddenly warned from the opposite shore that the Indians were upon him. His batteau was at the head of the Rapids ; to re main or cross the river would be inevitably fatal. Before the batteau could be put in motion, the Indians opened their fire from the bank ; one man, who, being at. a little distance from the rest, had been of necessity left behind, was instantly seized by them, and killed. Without a moment's hesitation Putnam seized 142 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. the helm, and steered his batteau directly down the river ; there was scarcely even a chance for escape ; the current was broken into whirlpools and eddies, as it rushed furiously over shelves and among projecting rocks. Without any aid from his companions, who were aghast at the danger, he guided his boat, as it shot down, in the course which seemed least threatening, avoiding the rocks and stemming the eddies. Sometimes it was turned fairly round, again .it sped onward with the fleetness of a dart ; till, in a few minutes, it was gliding quietly over the smooth stream below. " On witnessing this spectacle," says Colonel Humphreys, " it is asserted that these rude sons of nature were affected with the same sort of su perstitious veneration which the Europeans, in the dark ages, entertained for some of their most val orous companions. They deemed the man invul nerable, whom their balls on his pushing from the shore could not touch ; and whom they had seen steering in safety down the Rapids that had never before been passed. They conceived it would be an affront against the Great Spirit to kill this fa vored mortal with powder and ball, if they should ever see and know him again." It will be seen, however, that some of the race were not inclined to push these religious scruples so far, as to deny themselves the satisfaction of subjecting him to th ordeal of fire. ISRAEL PUTNAM. 143 In the month of August, Major Putnam was de serted by the fortune which had hitherto attended him, and encountered some of the most remarka ble of those perils, which give a character of ro mance to his personal history. A corps of five hundred men, under the command of Major Rogers and himself, was detached to watch the enemy in the neighborhood of Ticonderoga. When the party reached South Bay, it was separated into two divisions, which were stationed at a consider able distance from each other ; but, being discov ered by the enemy, it was deemed expedient to reunite them, and to return without delay to head-quarters at Fort Edward. They were arranged for this purpose in three divisions. Rogers headed the right, Putnam the left, and the central one was led by Captain Dal- zell. At the close of the first day's march, they halted on the borders of Clear River. Early the next morning, Major Rogers, with a strange disre gard of those precautions to which the Rangers were so often indebted for security, amused him self by a trial of skill with a British officer, in firing at a mark ; and this signal act of imprudence was followed by the loss of many lives. Molang, the French partisan, had been sent out with five hundred men to intercept the party, and was at this moment lying scarce a mile from their encampment. The sound of the firing guided him 144 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. at once to their position ; and he posted his men ir ambush along the outskirts of the forest, near the paths through which they were to pass. Soon after sunrise the Americans resumed their march through a thicket of shrubs and brushwood, over land from which the timber had been partially cleared some years before ; and, owing to the dif ficulty of forcing their way through these obstruc tions, they moved in close columns, Putnam lead ing the way, Dalzell being stationed in the centre, and Rogers in the rear. Just as they had trav ersed the thicket and were about to penetrate the forest, they were furiously attacked by the Trench and savages. The assault, however unexpected, was sustained with gallantry and coolness ; Putnam ordered his men to halt, returned the fire, and called upon Dalzell and Rogers to support him. Dalzell came immediately up ; but Rogers, instead of advancing to the aid of his associates, stationed his men be tween the combatants and Wood Creek, in order, as he affirmed, to guard against an attack in the rear ; or, as was suspected by others, to relieve himself from the necessity of making one in an opposite direction. The action began to assume a desperate character. Putnam was determined to maintain his ground ; his soldiers, as occasion re quired, fought in ranks in the open spaces- of the forest, or fired from behind the shelter of the trees. IS It A EL PUTNAM. But his own fusee chanced to miss fire, while he held its muzzle against the breast of an athletic savage ; thus defenceless, he was compelled to surrender ; and his antagonist, having bound him securely to a tree, returned to the battle. Captain Dalzell, who now commanded, main tained the fight with signal intrepidity ; but the Provincials were compelled to retreat for a little distance, closely followed by the savages, exult ing in their fancied triumph, and rushing forward with shouts of victory. The Provincials rallied and drove them back beyond their former posi tion , and the battle here grew warmer than before. The tree to which Putnam was secured was thus brought midway between the combat ants, in the centre of the hottest fire of both ; and he stood, wholly unable to move his body, or even to incline his head, in the midst of a shower of balls, of which many lodged in the tree above him, and several passed through the sleeves and skirts of his coat. In this position, than which it would be difficult for the imagination to conceive one more appal ling, he remained for more than an hour ; each of the parties meanwhile giving ground several times \n succession, but not so far as to place him beyoiid the field of contest. Once, when the Provincials had retired a little and the savages were near him, a young Indian amused himself by throwing his VOL. VII. M 10 146 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. tomahawk at the tree, apparently to ascertain how nearly he could cast it to the body of the prisoner, without striking him ; and the weapon more than once lodged in the tree, within a hair's breadth of the mark. When this barbarian grew weary of his sport, a French subaltern drew near, and levelled his musket at Putnam's breast. Fortunately it missed fire. It was in vain that the latter claimed the treatment due to him as a prisoner of war. The Frenchman, instead of desisting, pushed him violently with his musket, and after dealing him a severe blow upon the cheek with the but-end of his piece, left him to his fate. After a long and gallant contest, the Provincials remained in possession of the field; the enemy were routed with the loss of ninety of their num ber, and retired, taking with them their prisoner, who was destined to undergo still greater suffering. When the Indians had retreated to a considera ble distance from the field of the battle, they de prived Major Putnam of his coat, vest, stockings, and shoes, bound his hands tightly together, and piled the packs of a number of the wounded on his back. In this wretched condition, exhausted by fatigue, and severely suffering from the injuries he had received, he was forced to march for many miles through a mountainous and rugged tract ; until the party, overcome with weariness, at length halted to rest themselves. Meantime, the tight- ISRAEL, PUTNAM. 147 ness of the cords around his wrists had caused his hands to swell, and made them exquisitely painful ; the blood was flowing from his torn and naked feet ; the weight of his burden became intol erable to his exhausted frame ; and he entreated the savages to loose his hands or to release him from his sufferings by death. A French officer interposed, removed the liga tures, and relieved hkn of a portion of his burden ; the Indian, who had made him captive and who had remained behind to attend to the wounded, also came up, provided him with moccasons, and expressed much indignation at the treatment which he had received ; but soon went back, without takingjneasures to secure him against its repetition. A spot for the evening's encampment was se lected, and the Indians, taking with them Major Putnam, went thither in advance of the rest of the party. On the way he experienced fresh out rages, and was deeply wounded on the cheek by a blow from a tomahawk. He had been thus far spared for a darker purpose ; it had been resolved that he should perish at the stake, with all those refinements of torture, by which the savages know how to enhance the bitterness of death. The depths of the forest were chosen as the scene of sacrifice. The victim was bound entirely naked to a tree ; large piles of fuel were laid in a circle around him ; and, while these fearful preparations 148 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY were in progress, they were rendered more ap palling by the wild songs and exultation of the Indians. When all was ready and their victim was await ing the hour of death with the fortitude which never failed him, the fire was set to the fuel about him ; but a sudden shower extinguished the flames. After repeated efforts, the blaze began to rise from every portion of the circle. Putnam's hands were closely bound, but he was still able to move his body ; and his convulsive writhing to avoid the flame gave infinite diversion to his tor mentors, who accompanied their orgies with songs and dances, and their usual terrific expressions of delight. All hope of relief was now at an end, and na ture was beginning to yield to the excess of suf fering, when a French officer rushed through the throng, dashed aside the blazing brands, and cut the cords of the prisoner. A savage, touched by some sudden impulse of humanity, had hurried to inform Molang of the proceedings of his fellows , and it was this brave partisan himself, who had thus, at the last extremity, redeemed from the most horrible of deaths a gallant foe. After sternly reprimanding the Indians for their cruelty, he took Putnam under his protection, until he could re store him to his savage master. The kindness of this master (for so the Indian ISRAEL PUTNAM. 149 who captured Putnam was considered) bore some resemblance to the tender mercies of the wicked. He appeared to feel for the sufferings of his pris oner ; and, finding him unable to eat the hard bread set before him, in consequence of the injury in flicted by the Frenchman, moistened it with water for his relief. Apprehensive, however, that Put nam might take advantage of the darkness to escape, he removed his moccasons, and bound them to his wrists ; then placed him on the ground upon his back, and, extending his arms as far asunder as possible, secured them to two young trees. His legs were next secured in the same ingenious man ner. Several long and slender poles were next cut, and laid, together with bushes, transversely across Putnam's body ; on the extremities of these lay several Indians, in such a manner that the slightest effort to escape must awaken them. Having completed this singular cage, the In dians were content with the provision they had made for his safe-keeping ; and in this particularly inconvenient prison Putnam spent the dreary night that followed his release from death. He was accustomed to relate, that, even while thus reposing, he could not refrain from smiling as he thought of the odd subject for the canvass which was presented by the group, of which he consti tuted the most prominent figure ; but his merri ment was probably of short duration. 150 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. Next morning he was released from durance and provided with a blanket ; some bear's meat was given him to allay his hunger, and he was permitted to resume his march without a burden. Some vexation was occasionally shown by the sav ages, by menacing signs and gestures, on account of the loss of their expected entertainment ; but they were no longer suffered to molest him, and he reached Ticonderoga the same night, without ex periencing farther violence. On his arrival there, he was placed in the custody of a French guard. After having been examined by Montcahn, Major Putnam was transferred to Montreal. He was conducted thither by a French officer, from whom he received a courtesy and kindness which were the more welcome, from the indignities he had so lately suffered. Several American prison ers were in that city at the time ; among the num ber was Colonel Peter Schuyler. When he heard of the arrival of Putnam, Colonel Schuyler has tened to ascertain the place of his abode. The Provincial Major had been suffered to remain with out a coat, vest, or stockings ; the remnant of his clothing was miserably tattered, and his body exhibited serious marks of the violence he had endured. Colonel Schuyler, when he came into his presence, was so affected by the sight, that he could hardly, in the language of Humphreys, " contain his speech within limits consistent with ISRAET, PUTNAM. 151 the prudence of a prisoner, and the meekness of a Christian." He immediately supplied his countryman with all that his necessities required ; and, after securing to him, by the most active intercession, the treat ment to which his rank entitled him, found means to render him a more important service. The capture of Frontenac by the British occasioned an exchange of prisoners, of which Putnam reaped the benefit by a stratagem of Colonel Schuyler. There were several officers among the prisoners, whose claim to be exchanged was superior to his ; and Schuyler, fearing that the opportunity might be lost if the character of the prisoner should be known, prevailed upon the Governor to permit him to name an officer to be included in the cartel. He then assured his Excellency, that he should name an old Provincial major, who was of no service there or elsewhere, but was very anxious to re turn to his wife and family, in preference to the young men, who had no families to care for. There is another instance of the beneficence of Colonel Schuyler, not wholly unconnected with the object of this narrative. Mrs. Howe, the story of whose captivity by the Indians is familiar to Amer ican readers, was an inmate of his family in Mon treal, at the time of which we speak. The first husband of this lady had been murdered by the Indians, several years before. Mr. Howe, the 152 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. second, met with a similar fate at Fort Dummer, in 1 756 ; and his wife, with seven children, was carried into captivity. They wandered for many months, exposed to the extremity of hardship and privation. Her two daughters were destined by the Indians to become the wives of two young warriors ; but this scheme was defeated by the address of their mother, who prevailed upon the French com mander to procure them admission into a convent at Montreal. The sons, five in number, were distributed among various Indian tribes. She was herself ransomed from the Indians by an old French officer, from whose rude importunities, as well as those of his son, she found it difficult to escape. She had heard of Colonel Schuyler, and found means to acquaint him with her story. With his usual generosity he immediately paid the price of her ransom, and thought his work of charity imperfectly accomplished, until all her sons were restored to her. It became necessary for him to return home before the other prisoners were ready for the journey ; and he recommended Mrs. Howe and her family to the charge of Major Putnam, with whom she returned in safety to her friends ; both having experienced a larger measure of suf fering, than humanity is often called to undergo. In 1759, a plan was formed for the entire expulsion of the French from their possessions on this continent. Three powerful armies were to ISRAEL PUTNAM. 153 enter Canada by different routes ; General Wolfe was appointed to conduct an expedition up the St. Lawrence against Quebec ; General Amherst, after reducing Ticonderoga and Crown Point, was to join him under the walls of that city ; and a third army was destined against Fort Niagara. General Prideaux, the commander of the last, after reducing that fortress, was to attack Mon treal, and, if successful, was to unite himself with the grand army at Quebec. This vast scheme was only partially accomplished before the close of the campaign. The name and victory of Wolfe are familiar in the mouths of all as household words. Amherst succeeded in the reduction of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, but at so late a period as to prevent him from advancing into Canada ; the fortress of Niagara was also taken by Prideaux, but it was not thought prudent to hazard an attack on Mon treal. Such was the general condition of affairs at the close of 1759. Putnam, who had been raised to the rank of lieutenant-colonel, accompanied the army of Amherst, and was employed during the latter part of the season in strengthening the defences of Crown Point ; but we have no means of giving any particular detail of his operations. The next season, that of 1760, witnessed the termination of the war in this portion of America. Montreal was the only important post remaining 154 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. in possession of the French, whose whole force was concentrated in its neighborhood ., General Amherst, the British commander-in-chief, had employed the winter in preparations tj> unite his forces under the walls of that city. With this view, General Murray was to advance upon it by water from Quebec ; Colonel Haviland was to proceed thither from Crown Point by the way of Lake Champlain ; while Amherst himself, at the head of an army of ten thousand men, was to enter the St. Lawrence by the way of Lake Onta rio, and descend it to Montreal. In falling down the river, the progress of the troops was arrested by two armed vessels near the mouth of the Oswegatchie, in a position which effectually prevented the British from attacking the fort of the same name in the vicinity. Lieu tenant-Colonel Putnam's activity and resources were called into requisition to remove the obsta cle ; and he undertook, with one thousand men, in Ifty batteaux, to carry the vessels by boarding. Having made his preparations, he took his station in the van, with a chosen crew, and provided with the somewhat odd munitions of a beetle and wedges; with these he intended to secure the rudders of the vessels, so that they might be pre vented from bringing their broadsides to bear. At the appointed signal, the batteaux were put in motion, Putnam having quite unnecessarily assured ISRAEL PUTNAM. 155 his men, that he should show them the way up the vessels' sides. But the object was effected in a less sanguinary way ; at the moment of attack, the crew of one of the vessels compelled its cap tain to strike, and the other was run on shore. The fort of Oswegatchie was situated on an island, and was defended by abatis, overhanging the water, and apparently quite inaccessible. Put nam again devised a method of attack, for which he was indebted to no mortal engineer. With the permission of General Amherst, he caused a num ber of boats to be prepared, with musket-proof fascines along the sides, forming a complete shelter from the fire of the enemy ; and a broad plank, twenty feet in length, was so attached to the bows of each, that it could be elevated or depressed at pleasure. It was his intention to force the boats directly against the abatis ; when the planks, till then upright, were to be lowered, so as to form a species of bridge over the projecting stakes, and thus enable the assailants to scale them ; ' the attention of the enemy was meanwhile to be distracted by simultaneous attacks upon various portions of the works. The signal had been given, and the boats were moving in order to the attack, when the sight of their strange enginery discomposed the nerves of the besieged, who sur rendered without a blow. Putnam was highly complimented for his inge- 156 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. nuity and courage by the general-in-chief; and it is in no small degree to be attributed to him, that the armies of Amherst and Murray, approach ing Montreal from opposite directions, arrived on the same day beneath its walls. Colonel Haviland came in immediately after, when the conquest of Canada became complete, oy the capitulation of the French. It deserves to be mentioned that Putnam met once more with his savage master, at an Indian village in the neighborhood of Montreal, and was welcomed by him with much hospitality. The change of circumstances had given him an oppor tunity, which he did not neglect, of requiting the attentions of the Indian, whose kindness, though not of the most delicate kind, had been quite beyond the usual standard of his race. In the spring of 1762, \var having been declared by Great Britain against Spain, a powerful arma ment was prepared at Portsmouth for the reduc tion of Havana. A body of four thousand regu lars was ordered from New York to join the ex pedition on the coast of Cuba, and a large Pro vincial force, under its own officers, cooperated in the enterprise. The regiment from Connecticut was under the command of General Lyman ; but as he was called to the command of the whole Provincial force, the charge of it devolved on Lieutenant-Colonel Putnam. ISRAEL PUTNAM. 157 The fleet arrived in safety on the coast of Cuba , but a violent storm arose before the troops were landed, and one of the transports, in which was Putnam with five hundred men, was thrown upon a dangerous reef. No aid could be afforded by the other ships, which with difficulty rode out the gale ; but rafts were prepared of masts and spars, secured together with cordage, by means of which every individual reached the shore in safety. Having fortified his camp, Putnam remained for several days until the storm subsided ; his troops were then reembarked in the convoy, and joined the armament before Havana. Their seasonable ar rival gave fresh courage to the English, who had landed several weeks before, and had already lost half their number by privation, disease, and the sword. Their efforts were at length successful, but the success was very dearly purchased ; the troops sunk by hundreds beneath the influence of the burning climate ; scarcely any of the Ameri can soldiers, and a feeble remnant of the officers, returned to their own country. The hostilities of the Western Indians were not terminated by the treaty of Paris in 1763 ; and a new expedition was undertaken against them in the course of the next year, to which Connecticut contributed four hundred men. This corps was under the command of Putnam, who now for the first time received the commission of a colonel 158 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. Among his companions in the expedition was the Indian chief, of whom he had been formerly the captive. Little opportunity, however, was af forded for brilliant services ; the savages were o overawed, and next year concluded a treaty with the English. A single incident occurred, which requires to be mentioned here. Before the Provincials reached Detroit, it had been invested by the Indians. Among its defenders was Captain Dalzell, the old associate and friend of Putnam. He had been de tached by General Amherst to raise the siege, and found means to gain admission to the fortress ; but, reluctant to disobey the orders of his commander, made a desperate sally against a formidable force. His troops were surrounded, and attempted to re treat. They had gained a temporary shelter, when he saw one of his sergeants without, desperately wounded, and exposed to capture by the enemy ; his men were ordered to bring him in, but they declined the undertaking, as too hazardous ; Cap tain Dalzell then went forth alone, declaring that he would never leave his comrade at the mercy of the savages. As he was raising the wounded man from the ground, the fire of the enemy was poured in, and they fell together. No nobler death ever ended the triumphs of the brave ! Colonel Putnam had now been engaged in the military service for about ten years ; and no man ISRAEL PUTrfAM. 159 quitted it with greater honor. A larger measure of hardship and danger than had fallen to his lot, is rarely crowded into the compass of a single life. All this had been encountered, and all his duties been discharged with a chivalrous bravery and fulness of resource, which commanded universal admiration. Military education, except such as was the result of his experience, he had abso lutely none ; his early instruction was very defec tive, and, had it been otherwise, could have done little towards qualifying him for the life which he had chosen ; but he had a calm good sense, a ready ingenuity, unbounded energy and self- possession in the midst of danger, which had made him fully equal to all the stations he was called to fill. Personal bravery is perhaps the cheapest of the military virtues ; but there was something cool, daring, and unostentatious in that of Putnam, which attracted equally the wonder of the culti vated and the rude. In the words recorded by a personal friend upon his monument, he had always " dared to lead, where any dared to follow." His disposition was full of the frankness of the soldier, united with a kindness and generosity, not always found in union with the sterner qualities demanded by the life of camps ; an extended intercourse with others had refined the asperities of his man ners, without impairing the simplicity of his genuine New England character. ICO AMERICAN BIOGRAPHT. He carried with him into private life the esteem and confidence of all. Throughout the country, tnere prevailed a strong feeling of respect for his services and military talent ; and he was regarded as not the least able proficient in that seminary of no gentle discipline, the Seven Years' War. As there was now no call for the display of his ability as a soldier, he returned to his plough ; and his fellow citizens took pleasure in offering such testi monies of esteem to it was in their power to give, oy electing him to fill the higher municipal offices, and to represent them in the General Assembly of the State. ISRAEL PUTNAM. 161 CHAPTER IV. Colonel Putnam opposes the Stamp Jict. Goes \o Mississippi River to select Lands His Intimacy u-ith the British Officers in Bos ton. Hastens to the Army on hearing of the Battle of Lexington. Made a Brigadier- General of the Connecticut Troops. Battle of Bunker's Hill. THE great drama of the Revolution had already opened. In 1764, the British Parliament resolved that it would be proper to impose certain stamp duties, with a view to raise a revenue in America ; and next year the fatal scheme was consummated by the passage of the Stamp Act. The ties, which bound the colonies to the mother country, were nearly severed, and a flame began to ascend, which could be extinguished only with blood. From the outset, Putnam's heart and hand were devoted to the cause of freedom ; and he brought to its support that manly energy and firmness, which never failed him in the hour of danger. He was among the foremost to compel the stamp-masters, appointed in Connecticut, to relinquish their odious office ; and, when this was accomplished, became one of a committee appointed to confer with the VOL. vii. N 11 162 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY governor of the colony upon the subject. He was asked by Governor Fitch what he, as chief ex ecutive magistrate, was to do, if the stamped paper should be sent him by the orders of the King i '' Lock it up," replied Putnam, " and give us the key ; then, if you think proper, to screen yourself from responsibility, prohibit us from entering the room where it is deposited ; we will send it safely back." " But should I refuse you admission ? " " In five minutes your house will be levelled witt the dust." Colonel Humphreys remarks, that the report of this conversation was believed to be one reason why the stamped paper was never sent to Connec ticut. The repeal of the obnoxious act, in 1766, having somewhat tranquillized the popular feeling, Colonel Putnam returned once more to his agri cultural labors. They were interrupted by two accidents, by one of which he was deprived of a portion of the thumb of his right hand, while the other was attended by a compound fracture of the thigh, which made him slightly lame for the re mainder of his life. General Lyman, whose name has been already mentioned, had been deputed by the surviving officers and soldiers of the expedition to Havanc, to receive in England the portion of their prize- money, remaining due. He also acted as the agent of a company, who were solicitous to procure a ISRAEL PUTNAM. 163 grant of land upon the Mississippi. After a delay of some years, the application for the grant was successful; and, in 1770, General Lyman, accom panied by Colonel Putnam and two or three other persons, went from Connecticut up the Mississippi to explore the tract. Putnam placed some labor ers on his portion, but did not himself remain or derive any permanent advantage from the under taking. General Lyman revisited Connecticut with the rest of the party, but soon returned to Natchez, where he formed a settlement, and re mained until his death. In the interval between this period and the beginning of hostilities, Colonel Putnam had occa sion frequently to visit Boston. He was familiarly known to General Gage, Lord Percy, and the other principal British officers, and often conversed with them on the subject of the controversy. Whenever he was questioned as to the part which he proposed to take, his answer was that he should be found on his country's side, and stand ready to abide the issue. It was intimated to him, that one acquainted as he was with the military power of Great Britain, could hardly think it unequal to the conquest of a country unprovided with any regular forces, magazines, or ships of war; and his reply to this suggestion is full of sense and judg ment. If the united forces of Great Britain and the colonies had required six years to conquer 164 AMERICAN * BIOGRAPHY. Canada, he thought it would not be easy for Brit ish troops alone to subdue a country, with which Canada bore no comparison ; and he believed that the consciousness of a sacred cause would give vigor to the efforts of the colonists. Being asked, whether an army of five thousand veterans might not march from one end of the continent to the other ; " No doubt," he said, " if they conducted themselves properly, and paid for what they want ed ; but, should they attempt it in a hostile manner, the American women would knock them on the head with their ladles."* On the 19th of April, 1775, the hour of trial came. Colonel Putnam was laboring in the field, when the news of the battle of Lexington was brought to him ; he left his plough standing in the furrow, and without even waiting to exchange his clothes, rode with the utmost expedition to the scene of action. On the 21st, he attended a coun cil of war at Cambridge. The Assembly of Con- * There are some other weapons, to which the women might possibly have resorted in such an emergency. In 1684, Cranfield, the governor of New Hampshire, under took to tax the people of that colony without their con sent, but found it impossible to enforce the imposition. The provost, to whom the tax-bills were committed for collection, testified, that the people of Exeter drove the sheriff away with cudgels ; the women having prepared red-hot spits and boiling water, by way of increasing the warmth of his welcome. ISRAEL PUTNAM. 165 necticut was then in session. He was summoned back by that body to confer with them respecting the preparations for the campaign ; and, when the object was effected, received a commission as brigadier-general, and returned to the camp, leav ing orders for the troops to follow as rapidly as possible. These, to the number of three thousand, were soon upon their march. On the 21st of May, General Ward was com missioned as major-general and commander-in- chief of the troops of Massachusetts ; and his orders were obeyed by all the officers of other colonies within the province. General Putnam was first in rank among the officers of Connecticut ; but the troops from the various colonies were distributed among the several stations. The head-quarters of the commander-in-chief were at Cambridge, with eight thousand Massachusetts troops, and one thousand from Connecticut ; the latter, with two other regiments, being stationed at Inman's Farm, an advanced position, under the immediate com mand of General Putnam. The right wing of the army, consisting of two thousand men from Massa chusetts, one thousand from Rhode Island, and the remainder of the Connecticut troops, was at Roxbury, under the command of Brigadier- General Thomas ; and the left was composed of one thousand from New Hampshire under Col onels Stark and Reed, who were at Medford, and 166 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. another detachment of the same troops, together with three companies of Gerrish's regiment, at Chelsea. General Ward had with him five compa nies of artillery, and General Thomas three or four. The British army in Boston, at the close of the month of May, consisted of ten thousand men. Perhaps -there was no officer in the American army, eminent as many of them certainly were, who enjoyed more of the public confidence than General Putnam. Several of them had become dis tinguished in the old French war, and there were some, whose capacity to conduct large military op erations was perhaps superior to his ; but there was no one of greater promptness and energy in action, or who had acquired a higher reputation for adventurous bravery. In the course of the month of May, it was de termined to remove the cattle from the islands in Boston harbor, in order to cut off the supplies of the enemy, who were blockaded in the town For this purpose, three or four hundred men were detached, and succeeded in removing them from Hog Island and Noddle's Island. A skirmish was thus occasioned, in which several of the marines, who had been stationed to guard them, were killed. The Americans were fired on by the British ves sels in the harbor, and a reinforcement of three hundred men, with two pieces of artillery, was ordered to support them. One of the armed ISRAEL PUTNAM, 167 vessels, a schooner, which lay near the shore, was set on fire by the artillery, and destroyed ; and a second was towed beyond the range of the shot by the boats of the fleet. The affair was not of much importance, except as it served to inspire confi dence in the troops, who found that they could encounter the enemy with success. On this occa sion, General Warren accompanied Putnam as a volunteer. The spirit of the Americans was high, and they were impatient to be led into action ; but their disorganized and unprovided state rendered such a step very hazardous. Many of the officers and men, who had been accustomed only to the irreg ular service of rangers, could not appreciate the necessity of long and thorough discipline ; and the general voice of the people called for some deci sive measures. General Putnam was himself desirous, that the advantage of this spirit should not be lost by inac tion ; and he urged the necessity, not of hazarding a general engagement, but of some partial action in which the Americans, under cover of intrench- ments, might cause the enemy to feel their skill as marksmen ; it being a favorite maxim with him, that, if the militia could find protection for their legs, they were quite indifferent to the welfare of the rest of their persons. The same opinion was maintained by Colonel Prescott and other veteran 168 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. officers, and the subject was considered with much earnestness in the council of war. General Ward and General Warren, on the other hand, were apprehensive that the issue of an action could not fail to prove disastrous ; the supply ol ammunition was very limited ; and they feared that it must terminate in a general engagement, in which the Americans would be defeated. But the bolder counsel at length prevailed. The Committee of Safety had received information, that it was the intention of the British to occupy the heights of Dorchester and Charlestown ; and the necessity of anticipating them in at least a portion of this scheme was obvious to all. The committee there fore recommended to the council of war, to take possession of Bunker's Hill without delay. The heights of Charlestown had already been exam ined by Putnam and other officers, and the advan tage of the position fully ascertained. For the information of those who are unac quainted with the place, it may be proper to remark, that the peninsula of Charlestown is some what more than a mile in length from east to west, and eleven hundred yards across from north to south ; washed on the north by Mystic River, and on the south by Charles River, which ap proach within about one hundred yards of each other at the Neck of the peninsula. The eastern part is separated from Boston by a narrow channel ISRAEL PUTNAM. 169 From the Neck rises Bunker's Hill, to the height of a little more than one hundred feet, terminating in a tongue of land, which extends for a considerable distance along the shore of Mystic River, about twenty feet above the water. The summit ot Breed's Hill, which is about sixty feet in height, rises in a southeasterly direction from Bunker's Hill, towards Boston ; between this and the tongue oi land, on the north, is a slough, and the village of Charlestown lay on the south, on the declivity ana at the base. , Morton's Point is the northeast ern extremityfof the peninsula, and the hill of the same name, thirty-five feet high, rises near it. The detachment, intended for the expedition, consisting of about one thousand men, under the immediate command of Colonel Prescott, were assembled on Cambridge Common at an early hour on the evening of the 16th of June, where prayers were offered by the President of Harvard College. General Putnam accompanied the de tachment. They moved at nightfall through Cambridge and across the Neck of the peninsula, Colonel Prescott, dressed in his calico frock, lead ing the way. A question now arose respecting the height, which was intended to be fortified. Bunker's Hill had been designated for the pur pose by the Committee, while Breed's Hill ap peared better suited to the object of the expedition ; but it is orobable, that the former name was 170 AM ERICA > BIOGRAPHY. usually applied indiscriminately to both the heights. So much time was consumed by the discussion, that it was nearly midnight before it was con cluded to erect the principal work on Breed's Hill, and a subsidiary one on Bunker's Hill for the protection of the rear, and as a rallying-point in the event of their being driven from the other. A redoubt, about eight rods square, was ac cordingly laid out on the summit of Breed's Hill, with a breastwork, extending from its northeastern angle down the northern declivity to the slough. Before the action, the American line 1 was extended to the left across the tongue of land to Mystic River. This was done by General Putnam, who ordered Captain Knowlton, just as the enemy were landing, to take post with some Connecticut troops behind a rail fence, running in the direction already mentioned, about two hundred yards in the rear of the breastwork ; and an imperfect intrenchment was made by disposing other fences in a parallel line and throwing some newly-mown grass between. While the men were engaged in their labors on" the breastwork and redoubt, General Putnam re turned to Cambridge to procure a reinforcement ; but the report of a sudden cannonade induced him to repair without hesitation to his post. The operations of the detachment were unknown to the British until daylight, when a heavy fire was opened on them by the ships and batteries. At ISRAEL PUTNAM. 171 the suggestion of some of his officers, who were anxious that the men should be relieved, Colonel Prescott convened a council of war ; expressing at the same time his aversion to the proposition, and insisting, that, as they had endured the labor, they were entitled to the honor of the victory. Putnam again returned to Cambridge for pro visions and a reinforcement, and equally without effect. Colonel Prescott now called another coun- cil of war, still refusing to ask to be relieved ; but he consented to apply to General Ward for the aid which had been twice asked in vain. Move ments had already been observed among the British troops in Boston, indicating their design to prepare for an attack. By eleven o'clock, General Ward had issued his orders to the troops of Col onels Stark and Reed at Medford, to proceed to the scene of action ; but, before this fact could be ascertained, all possible preparation had been made to repel the enemy. Putnam had withdrawn a detachment from the redoubt to throw up the contemplated work on Bunker's Hill, a position by which Breed's Hill was completely commanded ; and he resolved to make another effort, before the preparations of the enemy could be completed, to procure an additional force from Cambridge. He repaired thither for the third time across the Neck, which was now swept by the fire of a man-of-war and AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY floating batteries ; but, learning there what orders had been issued, he hastened back to Charles- town. The expected reinforcement at length arrived ; and Putnam, reserving a portion of them to aid in the construction of the work on Bunker's Hill, or dered Stark and Reed to join the Connecticut troops at the rail fence with the residue. Colonel Prescott had on his part been indefatigable in his preparations, and all were anxiously awaiting the approach of the enemy. Never was the fearful spectacle of battle pre sented to the eye, under circumstances more strik ing, or of deeper interest. Every movement of the troops on either side was distinctly open to the view of thousands, who watched from the neigh boring roofs and spires the changes of the scene. On the one hand, the hopes of freedom depended on the issue ; on the other there was a deep solici tude to support the honor of the British name. The day was beautifully clear and cloudless. At noon, twenty-eight barges, containing four battalions of infantry and twenty companies of light infantry and grenadiers, with six pieces of artillery, moved in perfect order across the channel, their brilliant arms flashing in the sun of June. They landed at Morton's Point, and were soon joined by a second detachment. Shortly after, a third detachment reached the shore, near the east end ISRAEL PUTNAM. 173 of Breed's Hill. The united force consisted of about five thousand men. A fire was now opened on the American lines by the British artillery at Morton's Hill ; and it was answered by a few pieces from the redoubt, which soon became useless and were carried to the rear. As one of the captains of artillery was re treating over Bunker's Hill, Putnam ordered him Dack to his post, threatening him with death if he should disobey. He returned ; but the pieces were deserted, and his men took their stations in the line. A single horseman rode at full speed over Bun ker's Hill, and encountered General Putnam. It was General Warren ; and Putnam offered to re ceive his orders. Warren replied, that he came only as a volunteer, and desired to know where his services would be most useful. Putnam pointed to the redoubt, remarking that he would be covered there. " I came not," said Warren, " for the pur pose of security ; tell me where the onset will be most severe." " Go, then, to the redoubt," said Putnam ; " Prescott is there, and will do his duty ; if that can be defended, the day is ours." Warren rode forward to the redoubt, where he was received with loud acclamations. Again he was offered the command by Colonel Prescott, but still declined it ; observing, that he was happy to study the art of war under such an officer. 174 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. At three o'clock, the British line was formed, and the troops moved in perfect and imposing order towards the rail fence and redoubt. Putnam has tened from his post on Bunker's Hill, rode along the lines, and ordered the men to reserve their fire till the enemy were within eight rods, and then to prove their well-known skill as marksmen ; the same order was enforced by Prescott, Stark, and all the veteran officers. As the British were ad vancing, all within those low intrenchments was silent as death. Just as the enemy were upon them, the signal was given ; a close and deadly fire blazed along the lines, and the front ranks of the enemy were swept down before it. Rank fol lowed rank, but in vain ; the order was given to retreat, and a ahout of victory rung through the American line. In the mean time, reinforcements from Cam bridge reached the Neck, but were reluctant to encounter the enfilading fire. When the Brit ish had retreated, Putnam hurried to the spot to bring them over, riding backward and forward several times, while the earth was thrown up by the balls around him ; but few could be persuaded to follow. The British commander had now rallied and re-organized his men ; a second time he led them against the Americans, who were ordered to reserve their fire, till the enemy should be nearer ISRAEL PUTNAM. 175 than before. Charlestown was at this time set on fire, and, as the troops were advancing, the flames ascended on their left. They hurried on, firing with the coolness and precision of a holiday review. Once more the American lines were still, until the enemy came to the appointed dis tance ; again the fire blazed forth with the same fatal precision as before, and the ground in front of the intrenchments was covered with the dead and wounded. Nearly a thousand of the enemy, with a vast proportion of officers, had now fallen ; and the order to retreat was given for the second time. Major Small, the s old friend of Putnam, was stand ing alone ; the muskets were levelled at him, when Putnam threw them up with his sword, and be retired unhurt. But the ammunition of the Amer- cans was at length exhausted. Colonel Prescott ordered his men to club their muskets, and hurl the stones of the parapet against the enemy should they venture on a third attack ; while Putnam galloped to the rear, and labored in vain to bring up the scattered reinforcements. The British threw aside their knapsacks, and were ordered to reserve their fire, and trust to the bayonet. They then concentrated their force on the redoubt and breastwork, where every effort was vainly made to repel them. Prescott, unpro vided with bayonets and exhausted of his ammunl 176 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. tion, at length gave the reluctant order to retreat ; and his troops moved slowly down the western declivity of the hill. It was at this moment, that the gallant Warren fell. The American left con tinued to repel the enemy, but finding their flank opened by the retreat of the right, were compelled in their turn to retire. Putnam indignantly urged the troops to make a stand upon Bunker's Hill. He took his station between them and the enemy, exposed to the hottest of the fire ; but the men were unable to encounter the British bayonet. The Americans continued their retreat over the Neck to Prospect and Winter Hills, where they took up their position for the night. In presenting this sketch of a battle, so impor tant to the cause of freedom, it was of course impossible to enter very minutely into the conduct and services of others, who shared with General Putnam the glory of the day ; and this has been rendered unnecessary by the diligent research of Colonel Swett, who has written a very interesting account of its details. We have thus far refrained from saying any thing of the particular command allotted to Put nam on this occasion. In the work to which we have just referred, he is mentioned as having the general control and superintendence of the expe dition ; and this opinion is supported by the fol lowing considerations. He was the only general ISJiAEL PUTNAM. 177 officer who was present at the battle ; and it is very improbable, that the various detachments should have been left without a commander of the whole. He appears also to have acted, throughout the battle and the previous arrangements for it, in this capacity. Such was the purport of his own constant dec larations ; and if any evidence were wanting of his personal honor, it may be found in the language of President Dwight respecting him. " His word was regarded as an ample security for any thing, for which it was pledged ; and his uprightness commanded absolute confidence.'' On the other hand, the orderly book of General Ward is silent on the subject of the expedition, and no orders for its conduct and command are now to be dis covered. Under these circumstances, it is diffi cult to speak with certainty upon the question However it may be determined, there can be no doubt, that the part taken by General Putnam was in the highest degree important and effective. Shortly after the battle of Bunker's Hill, it was proposed to Putnam by Sir William Howe, through the medium of Major Small, to accept the commis sion of major-general in the British service. A large pecuniary offer was at the same time made to him. It is needless to say, that these offers were indignantly rejected. VOL. VII. 12 178 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. CHAPTER V. Putnam is appointed Major- General in the Con tinental Army. Remains at Cambridge till the Evacuation of Boston. Commands at New York. Suggests a Mode of obstructing the Navigation of the Hudson, to prevent the Ene my's Vessels from ascending it. Commands on Long Island. New York evacuated. Retreat through New Jersey. Putnam sta tioned at Philadelphia, and afterwards at Princeton. Anecdotes. ON the 15th of June, George Washington was unanimously elected by Congress general and commander-in-chief of the American army ; and Generals Ward, Lee, Schuyler, and Putnam were appointed to act as major-generals under him. He arrived at Cambridge on the 2d of July, and next day entered upon his most momentous and responsible command. He had no personal ac quaintance with Putnam before this period ; but he found him bold, energetic, and single-hearted, frank and generous in his disposition, and diligent and faithful in the discharge of all his duties. " You seem, General Putnam," said he, .after ex amining a work which had been erected with great ISRAEL, PUTNAM. 179 expedition, " to have the faculty of infusing your own industrious spirit into all the workmen you employ." In one of his letters from Cambridge, addressed to the President of Congress, he speaks of Put nam as " a most valuable man, and a fine executive officer " ; and the commendation of Washington was never thoughtlessly bestowed. These are the very words, which the reader of Putnam's history would probably consider best suited to describe his personal and military character ; and they are im portant, also, as indicating the keen glance with which Washington penetrated the qualities of those around him. In General Putnam's own sphere, which was that of prompt and chivalrous action, he had no superior ; and it costs us nothing to admit, that, in the conduct of war upon a very ex tensive scale, he might be excelled by some of his fellow laborers in the cause of freedom. During the remainder of this season, the condi tion of the army was such, as to render it inexpe dient to venture upon hostile operations ; there was little or no powder in the magazines, and the troops were in every respect so deficient and ill- provided, that General Washington, as he himself declared, was compelled to use art to conceal their situation from his own officers, as well as from the enemy. Meantime the people of the country, not knowing or unable to appreciate these diffi- ISO AMERICAN BIOGKAPHY. culties, were constantly expecting some decisive blow ; and on the 22d of December, Congress resolved, tbat, if General Washington and his council should be of opinion, that a successful attack could be made upon the troops in Boston, he should make it, " notwithstanding the town and property in it might thereby be destroyed." The harbor was frozen over by the middle * of February, and Washington himself was then desirous of hazarding a general assault ; but nearly all his officers were hostile to the scheme, and it was reluctantly abandoned. They recommended, however, in partial compliance with his suggestions, that preparations should be made to occupy the Heights of Dorchester ; a measure, which could scarcely fail to be followed by a battle. It was determined, also, that, if a sufficient number of the enemy should march to the assault of that position, materially to reduce the garrison of Boston, a body of four thousand men, under the command of General Putnam, should land in the west part of the town, and force their way to the Neck at Roxbury, where the troops from that quarter were to join them. The Heights of Dorchester were accordingly occupied; but the plan formed by. the enemy to carry that position was defeated ,by a storm, and on the 17th of March, the town was evacuated. When the first intelligence of the preparations ISRAEL PUTNAM. 181 of the British for departure was received at Cam bridge, several regiments under the command ol Putnam were embarked in boats, and dropped down the river. On landing at its mouth, the fact of the departure of the British was fully ascer tained, and a detachment was ordered to take pos session of the town. Another detachment marched in at the same time from Roxbury, and the whole were placed under the command of Putnam, who proceeded to possess himself of all the important posts. Early in January, General Washington had been informed, that an expedition was fitting out at Boston, with the view to take possession of New York ; and he ordered General Lee to repair immediately thither, with such volunteers as he could assemble on his march, and to make the best arrangements for its defence, that circum stances would admit. General Lee was also in structed to disarm all disaffected persons, and to examine the state of the fortifications on the North River, in order to secure them from the danger of surprise. On his arrival at New York, it was determined to fortify some commanding position in the city, to erect batteries Sdr Hell Gate for the security of the entrance of the harbor, as well as for the pro tection of the communication with Long Island, where a fortified camp was proposed to be estab- AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. lished, and to strengthen and garrison the defences of the Highlands. It soon appeared, that the expedition already mentioned was destined farther south ; and kee was ordered from New York by Congress, on the 1st of March, to take command of the Southern department of the army. After the evacuation of Boston, General Washington, deeming the preser vation of New York as of the last importance to the cause, sent on a portion of his troops to that city ; and, on the 29th of March, General Putnam was ordered to assume the command at that station, and to execute the plan of defence, which had been projected by General Lee. General Putnam, on his arrival at New York, devoted himself, with the utmost assiduity, to the charge with which he was intrusted. The British fleet had been thus far amply supplied with fresh provisions from the shore ; a species of accommo dation, which he forthwith made the subject of a pointed prohibition ; and the good effects of this step were soon exhibited by the departure of some of the vessels from the harbor. By the middle of April, General Washington arrived with the greater portion of his army, and entered on the chief command ; but the preparations for defence were still prosecuted by General Putnam. On the 21st of May, Washington, in obedience to the call of Congress, went to Philadelphia to confer rSBAELIMTTNAM. 183 with them respecting the condition of affairs , during his absence, General Putnam was com mander of the army. The judgment of Washington had easily fore seen, that New York and the Hudson would be the first objects of the attention of the enemy. Early in July, General Howe, who had sailed for Halifax after evacuating Boston, returned and landed with his army at Staten Island ; where he was soon joined by a powerful armament from England, under the command of Lord Howe, his brother. Before the arrival of the squadron, Gen eral Washington, under the direction of Congress, had instructed General Putnam to prepare fire- rafts and gondolas to prevent the ships from enter ing the New York Bay or Narrows ; and he was also charged with the supervision of various other schemes, designed for a similar object. The plan of destroying the British fleet by means of fire-ships, had been suggested to Con gress by a Mr. Anderson. General Putnam him self projected a novel species of chevaux-de-frise to obstruct the channel. Two ships, about seventy feet distant from each other, connected by the sterns with large pieces of timber, were ordered to be sunk with their bows towards the shore. But neither of these plans was ultimately successful ; the chevaux-de-frise were broken by the ships of war, and an attempt made with the fire-ships to 184 AMERICAN 7 BIOGRAPHY. destroy the vessels, that had passed up the river, was followed only by the burning of a single tender. Another experiment was made, under the eye of General Putnam, with a singular machine, which was invented by David Bushnell, of Connecticut. It was a boat, so constructed as to be capable of being propelled at any depth below the surface of the water, and of being elevated or depressed at pleasure ; to this was attached a magazine of pow der, designed to be secured by a screw to the bottom of a ship ; when the magazine should h disengaged from the boat, certain machinery was to be set in motion, which would cause it to ex plode at any time desired. The whole was to be managed by a single person, stationed in the boat. Mr. Bushnell, the inventor, was too feeble to un dertake its management himself, but had taught the secret to his brother, who chanced to be ill at the time when the British fleet arrived. His place was supplied by a sergeant of the army, who was instructed to manage the machine as well as time and circumstances would permit. Late in the evening he set forth upon his expedition, and sailed directly underneath the Eagle man-of- war, the flag ship of the British admiral ; but the screw, with which he was to penetrate the copper sheathing, struck some iron plates, near the rudder ; the tide was strong, and the inexperience of the ISRAEL PUTNAM. 185 sergeant prevented him from applying the proper remedy to remove the difficulty, before the day began to dawn. He therefore abandoned the magazine to its fate, and reached the shore, where General Putnam was anxiously awaiting the issue of the enterprise. A prodigious explosion fol lowed at some distance from the ship, to the infinite consternation and perplexity of all who were unacquainted with the secret ; but various circumstances occurred to prevent a repetition of the experiment. As the safety of New York essentially depended on the possession of Long Island, a body of troops was early stationed on the peninsula of Brook lyn, where a camp had been marked out and for tified. This was expected to be, as it proved, the first object of the enemy's attack. The works had been erected under the supervision of General Greene, who alone possessed a thorough knowl edge of the posts and of the routes by which the British would probably approach; but he was unfortunately taken ill, and the command de volved on General Sullivan. The British army anded on the island on the 22d of August, and it oecame certain that an engagement must soon take place. On the 23d, General Putnam was ordered with reinforcements to take the command at Brooklyn ; but the time intervening between his appointment and the battle was too short to VII. P 186 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY permit him to obtain the essential information, to which we have above alluded. The British army was now arranged in the following order. Lord Cornwallis, with the right wing, was at Flatland ; the centre, under General De Heister, was at Flatbush ; the left, commanded by General Grant, extended to the western shore ; the centre being about four miles, and the right and left wings about six miles, distant from the American lines at Brooklyn. Besides the direct road leading from Flatbush to Brooklyn, there was another which led more circuitously by the way of Bedford. A strong redoubt had been erected by the Ameri cans on the former, and a detachment was posted on the other ; another detachment was also sta tioned to guard the passes by the western shore. General Putnam appears to have expected, that the principal attack would be made in the last of these directions. On the morning of the 27th, General Clinton led the British van on the road to Bedford, de signing to turn the American left, while De Heister and Grant advanced at the same time from their respective positions. Lord Stirling, with two regiments, was ordered by General Putnam to repel the corps of Grant; General Sullivan ad vanced on the direct road leading to Flatbush ; and the American left, which consisted of two regiments, under the command of their respective ISRAEL PUTNAM. 187 colonels, occupied the road leading from that place to Bedford. While General Clinton was effecting his main purpose of gaining the rear of the American left, attacks were made by Grant and De Heister on the right and centre, in order to withdraw their attention from this most decisive movement. The purpose of Clinton was at length effected ; the British centre, which had hitherto advanced only to divert the attention of the Amer icans, now attacked the troops of Sullivan ; and these, discovering the movement of Clinton upon their left, were broken and fled, leaving their general a prisoner. Lord Stirling, in the mean time, whose situa tion had been rendered extremely critical by the defeat of the other divisions, gave the order to retire ; and, to cover more effectually the retreat of the main body of his detachment, charged a corps of the British under Cornwallis with spirit, and for a time with success ; but was at length compelled to surrender. The whole American force engaged in this action, amounted to about five thousand men, while the British army ex ceeded twice that number ; but the loss of the Americans was comparatively very great. It was shown by the result of the battle, that the camp of Brooklyn was no longer tenable ; and, on the night of the 29th, while the British were encamped within six hundred yards of the works, 188 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. the troops were withdrawn to New York, by General Washington himself, with so great celerity and skill, that nearly all the artillery and stores were saved. The movement was undiscovered by the enemy, until half an hour after the works had been evacuated, though the noise of their spades and pickaxes was distinctly heard within the American lines. It was now obvious, that the city of New York must be sooner or later abandoned ; but the prin cipal officers of the army were solicitous to retain possession of it, as long as might be in their power. The army was arranged in three divisions ; one of which, under General Putnam, was stationed in the city, another at Kingsbridge, and the third occupied an intermediate position, so that it could be readily brought to the support of either. On the 12th of September, a council of war came to the resolution to evacuate the city, and the events of the few succeeding days demon strated, that this measure was quite indispensable. Three days after, some British ships ascended the North River as high as Bloomingdale, while Sir Henry Clinton, with four thousand men, landed on the eastern shore of the island, at Kipp's Bay. Their landing was covered by the fire of five ships of war. The new levies stationed to defend the works at this position fled, without waiting for the enemy ; and two brigades of Putnam's division, ISRAEL PUTNAM. 189 which had been ordered to support them, imitated their example ; breaking at the approach of about sixty of the British, and flying without firing a single shot. General Washington met them in their flight, and vainly used every possible effort to rally them ; he was left alone within eighty yards of the enemy ; but he refused to fly, and was rescued only by the care of some of his attend ants, who seized his horse's bridle, and turned him from the field. Orders were immediately given to secure the Heights of Haerlem ; and they were at once occupied by the fugitives and the other troops in the vicinity. The main road leading from the city to Kings- bridge was in possession of the enemy, and Gen eral Putnam resolved to secure the retreat of his division by the route of Bloomingdale. The man ner in which it was effected will be best described in the words of an eyewitness. " Having myself," says Colonel Humphreys, " been a volunteer in his division, and acting adju- int to the last regiment that left the city, I had frequent opportunities, that day, of beholding him (Putnam), for the purpose of issuing orders and encouraging the troops, flying, on his horss covered with foam, wherever his presence was most neces sary. Without his extraordinary exertions, the guards must have been inevitably lost ; and it is probable the entire corps would have been cut ID pieces. AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. " When we were not far from Bloomingdale, an aid-de-camp came from him at full speed, to inform that a column of British infantry was descending upon our right. Our rear was soon fired upon, and the colonel of our regiment, whose order was just communicated for the front to file off to the left, was killed upon the spot. With no other loss we joined the army, after dark, upon the Heigh ts of Haerlem. Before our brigades came in, we were given up for lost by all our friends. So critical indeed was our situation, and so narrow the gap by which we had escaped, that, the instant we had passed, the enemy closed it by extending their line from river to river." The enemy's shipping having passed up the North River, notwithstanding the obstructions, the American army was withdrawn from the island of New York to the neighborhood of the White Plains. On the 28th of October, the British forces ad vanced in order of battle, and a brigade of Hessians was detached to dislodge a corps of about sixteen hundred militia from Chatterton's Hill, where they were stationed to cover the right flank of the army. After a sharp encounter, the Hessians remained in possession of the hill. Major-General Putnam, who had been ordered to support the militia, met them in full retreat, and it was then too late to attempt to retake the post ; but no attack was made upon the camp of Washington, who ISRAEL PCTNAM. 191 withdrew, on the night of the 1st of November, to the heights in the rear of his first camp. A few days after, General Putnam was sent across the Hudson, to provide against a descent of the enemy upon New Jersey ; and on the 13th, General Washington passed the river with about five thousand men, and took post at Hack- insac. And, when Fort Washington and Fort Lee had fallen, began the retreat of the " phan tom of an army," as it was emphatically called by Hamilton, through New Jersey ; when Wash ington was compelled to face a powerful army with scarce three thousand men ; unprovided with all that makes a soldier's life endurable, and this too in the depth of winter, and abandoned by General Lee, to whom the command on the east bank of the Hudson had unfortunately been con fided. There was no darker period in the history of the Revolution ; scarcely any spirit, but that of Washington, was unshaken by the accumulated weight of difficulty and disaster ; nor could he, without deep emotion, witness the suffering, which he had no power to relieve. Throughout this season of peril, until the army had crossed the Delaware, General Putnam was at his commander's side ; and it may be well im agined, that he would have been one of the last to intermit his efforts in the almost hopeless cause. 192 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. The passage of the Delaware was effected on the 8th of December ; it became now all-important to prevent the enemy from occupying Philadelphia, and General Putnam was ordered to make imme diate provision for its fortification. Congress had already resolved that it should be defended to the last extremity. At this time an incident occurred, which strikingly illustrates the foresight and sagacity of Washington. A report had been circulated, that Congress was about to separate ; and on the llth of December it was resolved by that Assembly, that the commander-in-chief " be desired to contra diet this scandalous suggestion of the enemy, this Congress having a better opinion of the spirit and vigor of the army, and of the good people of these States, than to suppose it can be necessary tc disperse ; nor will they adjourn from the city 01 Philadelphia in the present state of affairs, unti . the last necessity shall direct it." This resolution was fonvarded on the same day to Washington, who was at once convinced that its publication would be attended with evil consequences, and took upon himself the responsibility of suppressing it in the next day's orders. In a letter addressed on the 12th to the Presi dent of Congress he says ; " I am persuaded, if the subject is taken up and reconsidered, that Con gress will concur with me in sentiment. I doubt ISRAEL PUTNAM. 193 not, but there are some, who have propagated the report ; but what if they have ? Their remaining in or leaving Philadelphia must be governed by circumstances and events. If their departure should become necessary, it will be right ; on the other hand, if there should not be a necessity for it, they will remain, and their continuance will show the report to be the production of calumny and falsehood. In a word, Sir, I conceive it a matter, that may be as well disregarded ; and that the removal or staying of Congress, depending en tirely on events, should not have been the subject of a resolve." Well was it for Congress, that their resolution was suppressed by Washington ; for, on the self same day on which he wrote, that body adjourned to meet again in Baltimore on the 20th of Decem ber. It appears, that General Putnam, who had entered on the command, and General Mifflin, his predecessor in the station, had been summoned by Congress to a conference ; and it was in con* sequence of their judicious suggestions, that the resolve for an adjournment was adopted.* "Upon the salvation of Philadelphia," was the earnest language of Washington,. " our cause almost depends ; " and his selection of General Put nam to command it at this crisis denotes the confi- * See Writings of Washington, Sparks's edition, VoL IV. p. 210. VOL. VII. 13 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. dence reposed by the commander-in-chief in his energy and skill. Nor were his expectations disappointed ; General Putnam entered on his duties with his usual diligence, forwarded with all his power the construction of the fortifications, and labored with untiring zeal to reconcile con tending factions, and to animate the citizens to efforts for their own defence. While he was thus employed, General Wash ington was preparing to attack the enemy at Trenton. It was a part of his original plan to call Putnam to cooperate in the enterprise, with the troops at Philadelphia and a corps of the Penn sylvania militia; but he was induced to change this plan by an apprehension of an insurrection among the Royalists within the city. General Putnam had therefore no share in the victory at Trenton, nor in that of Princeton, by which it was succeeded. So great was the effect of these enterprises on theenemy, that Washington began to entertain the hope of driving them beyond the limits of New Jersey. On the 5th of January, 1777, he ordered General Putnam to march with the troops under his command to Crosswick, a few miles southeast of Trenton, using the utmost precaution to guard against surprise, and laboring to create an impres sion that his force was twice as great as it actually was. The object of the commander-in-chief was ISRAEL PUTNAM. 195 partially accomplished by the concentration of the British forces at New Brunswick and Amboy ; and General Putnam was soon after ordered to take post at Princeton, where he passed the re mainder of the winter. This position was scarcely fifteen miles distant from the enemy's camp at New Brunswick ; but the troops of Putnam at no time exceeded a few hundred, and were once fewer in number than the miles of frontier he was expected to guard. Captain Macpherson, a Scotch office^: of the seventeenth British regiment, had received in the battle of Princeton a severe wound, which was thought likely to prove fatal. When General Put nam reached that place, he found that it had been deemed inexpedient to provide medical aid and other comforts for one who was likely to require them for so short a period ; but by his orders the captain was attended with the utmost care, and at length recovered. He was warm in the expres sion of his gratitude ; and one day, when Putnam, in reply to his inquiries, had assured him that he was a Yankee, averred that he had not believed it possible for any human being but a Scotchman to be so kind and generous. Indeed, the benevolence of the general was one day put to a somewhat delicate test. The patient, when his recovery was considered doubtful, so licited that a friend in the British army at New AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. Brunswick might be permitted to come and aid him in the preparation of his will. Full sorely perplexed was General Putnam, by his desire on the one hand to gratify the wishes of his prisoner, and a natural reluctance on the other, to permit the enemy to spy out the nakedness of his camp His good nature at length prevailed, but not at the expense of his discretion ; and a flag of truce was despatched, with orders not to return with the captain's friend until after dark. By the time of his arrival, lights were displayed in all the apartments of the College Hall, and in all the vacant houses in the town ; and the army, which then consisted of fifty effective men ; were marched about with remarkable celerity, some times in close column, and sometimes in detach ments, with unusual pomp and circumstance, around the quarters of the captain. It was sub sequently ascertained, as we are assured by Colo nel Humphreys, that the force of Putnam was computed by the framer of the will, on his return to the British camp, to consist, on the lowest estimate, of five thousand men. During his command at Princeton, General Putnam was employed, with activity and much success, in affording protection to the persons in his neighborhood, who remained faithful to the American cause. They were exposed to great danger, from the violent incursions of the Loyalists; ISRAEL PUTNAM. 197 *nd constant vigilance was required, in order to guard against the depredations of the latter. Through the whole winter there raged a war of skirmishes. On the 17th of February, Colonel Nielson, with a party of one hundred and fifty militia, was sent by General Putnam to surprise a small corps of Loyalists who were fortifying them selves at Lawrence's Neck. They were of the corps of Cortlandt Skinner, of New Jersey, a brig adier-general of Provincials in the British service. We know not how to relate the result of this affair more briefly than it is given in the following extract from a letter addressed by Putnam to the Council of Safety of Pennsylvania, on the day after it occurred. " Yesterday evening, Colonel Nielson, with a hundred and fifty men, at Lawrence's Neck, attacked sixty men of Cortlandt Skinner's brig ade, commanded by the enemy's renowned land pilot, Richard Stockton, and took the whole pris oners ; among them the major, a captain, and three subalterns, with seventy stand of arms. Fifty of the Bedford Pennsylvania riflemen behaved like veterans." On another occasion, he detached Major Smith with a few riflemen, against a foraging party of the enemy, and followed him witli the rest of his forces; but, before he came up, the party had been captured by the riflemen. These, and other 1 98 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. similar incidents, may appear individually as of little moment ; but before the close of the winter, General Putnam had thus taken nearly a thou sand prisoners, and had accomplished the more important object of keeping the disaffected in continual awe. ISRAEL PUTNAM. 199 CHAPTER VI. Putnam commands in the Highlands. Opera tions during the Campaign. The British ascend the Hudson. General Putnam super intends the Construction of the Fortifications at West Point. His perilous Adventure at Horseneck. Retires from the Army in Conse quence of a Paralytic Attack. His Death. His military and personal Character. IN the month of May, 1777, General Putnam was ordered by Washington to assume the chief command of the army of the Highlands, on Hud son's River ; and was particularly charged with the execution of a plan, devised by Knox and Greene, to obstruct the passage of the enemy's ships in the river. Much uncertainty rested at this time on the ultimate purposes of the British generals, Burgoyne and Howe ; and it became necessary for the Americans, with forces quite inadequate to the purpose, to prepare for the defence of the three important points of Ticonderoga, Philadelphia, and the Highlands. Sometimes there was reason to believe that Burgoyne and Howe intended to unite their forces on the Hudson River ; at others, that the troops 200 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. of the former would be transported by water ior the purpose of reinforcing General Howe, without advancing from Canada ; and, for a considerable peuiod, the destination of the force of Howe him self, who sailed with the British fleet from New York towards the close of July, was wrapped in equal mystery. As circumstances appeared to favor either of these suppositions, the American forces at different stations, including the greater part of that of Putnam, were detached in different directions. All that remained fcr him to do was to stand ready to execute the orders of Washing ton, and to transmit such intelligence of the enemy's movements as came into his possession ; and he attended to these objects with the activity and vigilance required by the exigency. On the 3d of August, Sir Henry Clinton, who commanded the British force in the city of New York, sent up a flag of truce to General Putnam at Pcekskill. Edmund Palmer, a lieutenant of a Tory regiment, had been detected in the American camp, and it was the purpose of Clinton to claim him as an officer in the British service. The fol lowing was the reply sent back by Putnam. "Head Quarters, 1th August, 1777. " Edmund Palmer, an officer in the enemy's service, was taken as a spy lurking within our lines ; he has been tried as a spy, condemned as a I S R A E L P U T N A M. 20 1 spy, and shall be executed as a spy, and the flag is ordered to depart immediately. " ISRAEL, PUTNAM. ^ " P. S. He has been accordingly executed." A few weeks afterwards, Sir Henry Clinton availed himself of the opportunity afforded by the absence of the main American army, to make an incursion into the interior of New Jersey. On the 12th of September, with a force consisting of aboul two thousand men, in four divisions, he proceeded to ravage the country, with little opposition. When General Putnam received intelligence of this movement, he sent General M c Dougall across the Hudson with fifteen hundred men ; but they were too late to overtake the enemy, who returned on the 16th to New York, with considerable booty. General Putnam himself now devised a plan for attacking the enemy at the four different points of Staten Island, Long Island, Paulus Hook, and the Island of New- York, at the same time. He had been encouraged to expect the aid of large bodies of militia from Connecticut, and hoped to derive similar assistance from New Jersey and New York ; and thus supported, he entertained no doubt of his ability to succeed in the enterprise. On the 23d of September, however, he received an urgent letter from Washington, which compelled him to abandon his design. Affairs were assuming vn. a 202 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. a critical aspect in the neighborhood of Philadel phia ; and twenty-five hundred men were sum moned to the main army from the force of Putnam, who was instructed to call in the militia to supply their place. For this purpose he made instant requisition on the governors of Connecticut and New York ; but, as no hostile demonstrations ap peared, and the militia were impatient of deten tion at the time of harvest, he discharged such portions of them as had not spontaneously deserted him. His force now consisted of about fifteen hundred men, stationed at Peekskill, on the east side of the Hudson. The defences of this river had employed much of the attention cf General Washington, who relied upon them to arrest the progress of the enemy. Fort Independence was the lowest on the eastern side, just above Peekskill ; four or five miles higher, on the opposite bank, were Forts Clinton and Montgomery, and about two miles above, on an island near the eastern shore, was Fort Constitution. Forts Clinton and Montgomery, which may be considered as one, were regarded a the strongest ; and various obstructions, defended by two frigates and a galley, were thrown across the river at. their base. The garrison consisted of about six hundred men, under the command of Governor Clinton, of New York. Partly with the view of destroying ISRAEL PUTNAM. 203 some military stores collected in the neighborhood, and partly to make a diversion in favor of General Burgoyne, an expedition against these fortresses was undertaken by Sir Henry Clinton. On the 5th of October, he landed at Verplanck's Point, just below Peekskill, on the east bank of the Hudson, with about three thousand men ; and General Putnam retired on their approach to the high grounds in his rear. The next morning, under cover of a fog, a portion of the British crossed the river to Stony Point, and marched un observed through the mountains in the direction of Forts Montgomery and Clinton. Governor Clinton, at ten o'clock, received the intelligence of their approach, and sent for reinforcements to Putnam, who, believing that Fort Independence was the real object of the enemy, was engaged, as well as the state of the atmosphere would permit, in reconnoitring their position. The express, sent by Clinton, failed to reach him.* * This failure is attributed by Chief Justice Marshall to the absence of General Putnam for the purpose of reconnoitring, when the messenger arrived. Colonel Humphreys, who was upon the spot, says, that the letter of Clinton miscarried through the treachery of the mes senger ; that Putnam, astonished at hearing nothing from the enemy, rode to reconnoitre them, and that he (Col onel Humphreys) being alone at head-quarters when the firing began, urged Colonel Wyllys, the senior officer in camp, to send all the men not on duty to Fort Montgom ery ; which was immediately done, but unhappily too late AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. At five o'clock in the afternoon, both of the forts were assaulted at the same time by the British. They were resolutely defended until dark, when they were entered by the enemy at various points, and a portion of the garrison made prisoners. The greater number, from their familiar knowledge of the mountain passes, and under cover of the night, effected their escape. No intimation of the assault was received at the camp, until it was made known by the firing on the west bank of the river ; a reinforcement of five hundred men was then despatched, but, before they could cross the river, the forts were in possession of the enemy. In consequence of this disaster, Forts Indepen dence and Constitution were evacuated ; General Putnam was compelled to retire to Fishkill ; the entire command of the river was lost, and the way was thrown open to Sir Henry Clinton to ascend it. In the course of a week, the arrival of the militia having increased the force of Putnam to six thousand men, he retook Peekskill and the mountain passes, and employed the main body of his troops in watching the progress of the Brit ish up the river. While on his march with this design, he received intelligence of the capitulation of Burgoyne, and five thousand men were sent to his aid from the northern army ; but, before they arrived, the British had returned to New York. ISRAEL PUTNAM. 205 When the fact of the surrender of Burgoyne had been ascertained by Washington, but before he was aware of the return of Clinton to New York, he suggested to General Putnam the expe diency of uniting his forces with those of Gates, to gain, if possible, the rear of the British, and take possession of the city. This was on the 25th of October, several days after the convention of Sar atoga, of which Washington had not yet been informed by Gates. Five days afterwards, when the commander- in-chief had been apprized of the return of the British to New York, Colonel Hamilton, one of his aids-de-camp, in obedience to the decision of a council of war, was despatched by him to Putnam, to direct him to send forward the brigade he had received from the northern army. Having done this, Hamilton proceeded to the camp of Gates, to instruct him to detach a large portion of his force to the vicinity of Philadelphia. The British force in Philadelphia and its neighborhood amounted to ten thousand men ; while that of Washington, the militia included,' whose stay was very uncertain, did not much exceed that number. Oti his return from Albany, Hamilton addressed a letter to General Putnam, expressing his sur prise and regret that the orders of the commander- in-chief had not been complied with. This letter was forwarded to Washington by Putnam, with a 206 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. complaint that the reflections of Hamilton were illiberal and unjust ; that he was unconscious of having omitted any portion of his duty ; but that, without explicit orders from Washington, he could not think of remaining at his post, and sending his troops away ; the effect of which would certainly be the reinforcement of Howe's army from New York. The course of Hamilton having been in conformity with the orders of Washington, was fully approved by him, and he expressed dissatis faction at the delay of General Putnam in com plying with his orders. This is the only instance, in which the conduct of General Putnam gave occasion to the censure of his commander ; and it is probably to be attrib uted to a disposition, which he had long cherished, to attempt a descent upon New York, and a too high estimate of the importance of such an enter prise. After the departure of the troops. General Putnam moved down the Hudson with a part of his remaining force. When General Dickinson made a descent upon Staten Island, he ordered two brigades to march upon Kingsbridge, in order to divert the attention of the enemy ; but their purpose had been penetrated, and the British withdrew at their approach. He now took post at New Rochelle, and ar ranged a plan for attacking the forts at Satauket ISRAEL PUTNAM. 207 and Huntington, on Long Island ; but both were in the mean time evacuated. This was followed by another enterprise, on a more extensive scale ; the object of which was to destroy the materials collected on Long Island for barracks in New York, together with the ships sent thither to obtain wood from Newport, to attack a regiment stationed about eight miles eastward from Jamaica, and to capture or destroy the public stores. The execution of this scheme was intrusted to General Parsons and Colonel Webb ; the former of whom succeeded in taking a few prisoners, and in destroying a sloop, to gether with a large quantity of boards and timber ; but the other portions of the enterprise were unsuccessful. About the middle of December, General Put nam, in obedience to the orders of Washington, returned with his troops to the Highlands, where he spent the winter ; a winter, which was passed by Washington in his dreary encampment at Valley Forge ; in the course of which he wrote, (and a darker picture of suffering could not easily l)e drawn,) that he had " no less than two thou sand eight hundred and ninety-eight men in camp unfit for duty, because they were barefoot and otherwise naked." Nor was the situation of Putnam in any respect more enviable ; his troops 208 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. bore their full share of suffering and priva tion.* General Washington had never lost sight of the defences of the Hudson ; and, on the 25th of January, he urged on General Putnam the neces sity of placing them on a respectable footing he fore the spring. All the old works had been demol ished by the British. Early in January the several positions had been examined by Putnam, in com pany with Governor Clinton and others ; all of whom, with the exception of Radiere, a French engineer, agreed in selecting West Point, as the best position for a fortress. Colonel Humphreys claims for General Putnam the merit of this selec tion. However this may be, there can be no doubt that he is entitled to a large portion of the credit, particularly as it was made in opposition to the remonstrances of the engineer, who enjoyed the confidence of Congress and of Washington. Their judgment was confirmed by that of the committee of the Assembly and Council of New York, among whom was Governor Clinton, and the ground was broken in the month of January, * On the 13th of February, 1778, General Putnam wrote to Washington as follows : " Dubois' regiment is unfit to be ordered on duty, there being not one blanket in the regiment Very few have either a shoe or a shirt, and most of them have neither stockings, breeches, nor overalls." 1311ASL. PUTNAM. 209 By a brigade despatched by Putnam for the purpose. Congress had directed that an inquiry should be made into the causes of the loss of Forts Clin ton and Montgomery ; and General Putnam, who had on the 12th of February returned to Connec ticut on a visit to his family, was of course required to attend, as the commander of the army of the Highlands at the time of the disaster; but the report of the court, constituted for this purpose, attached no blame to any officer. He was, how ever, superseded in his command ; and the cir cumstances attending this change demand some notice. In a letter addressed to him by Washington on the 16th of March, we find the following passage ; " General M c Dougall is to take the command of the army of the Highlands. My reason for making this change is owing to the prejudices of the peo ple, which, whether well or ill grounded, must be indulged ; and I should think myself wanting in justice to the public and candor towards you, were I to continue you in a command, after I have been almost in direct terms informed, that the people of New York will not render the necessary support and assistance, while you remain at the head of that department." The complaints to which Washington refers were very general, and had probably their origin VOL.. VH. R 14 210 AMERICAN B1OOKAPHY. chiefly in the ill success of Putnam's efforts to prevent the incursions of the enemy, and the loss and inconvenience, which were thus occasioned. General Schuyler's history, however, is sufficient to show, that such prejudices are not always wel? founded in proportion to their violence ; though in this instance it was necessary for the com- mander-in-chief to yield to them, without deciding the question of their justness. Among the charges urged against him, was that of exercising too much lenity in his treatment of the Tories, and of too great facility in allowing in tercourse with the enemy. His situation was cer tainly a difficult one ; his disposition inclined him to alleviate as much as possible the evils resulting both from the civil war which was raging in that quarter, and the contest with the foreign enemy ; nor is it certain that a different course would have relieved him from all imputation. Colonel Humphreys has given us an explana tion of these circumstances, which is entitled to much consideration, as proceeding from one, who had every opportunity to ascertain the truth. He declares, that General Putnam became the object of this prejudice in consequence of his humanity, in showing all the indulgence he could, consist ently with duty. " He had conceived," adds this writer, " an unconquerable aversion to many of the persons who were intrusted with the disposa ISRAEL PUTNAM. 211 of Tory property, because he believed them to have been guilty of peculation, and other infamous practices. But, although the enmity between him and the sequestrators was acrimonious as mutual, yet he lived in habits of amity with the most re spected characters in public departments, as well as in private life." It is difficult at this time to determine the precise weight which should be at tached to the charge on one hand, and the vin dication on the other; it is sufficient to say, that the former imputed to him no improper de sign, nor affected in any way the purity of his char acter. After the termination of the inquiry, already mentioned, General Putnam was ordered to Con necticut, to hasten the march of the new levies from that quarter. He returned to the camp shortly after the battle of Monmouth, and took the command of the right wing of the army ; but no important operation occurred before the retire ment of the troops into their winter-quarters, the arrangement for which was made early in Novem ber. General Putnam, with three brigades, com posed of the Connecticut and New Hampshire troops, and two other regiments, was then stationed at Danbury, in Connecticut. In the course of the winter, a spirit of insubordi nation arose among a portion of these troops, which, but for the vigor and promptness of their AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. commander, might have been attended oy the most serious results. The General Assembly of Connecticut was in session at Hartford ; and a plan was matured by the brigades belonging to that col ony, of marching thither to demand redress of the grievances under which they labored. One of them was already under arms, when the intelli gence of their proceedings was brought to Gen eral Putnam. He rode instantly to their canton ment, and addressed them with his usual energy, in an appeal which went directly to a soldier's heart ; when he concluded, he ordered them to march to their regimental parades and lodge their arms ; and the command was instantly obeyed. In the course of the winter, General Putnam was one day visiting his outposts at West Green wich, when Governor Tryon, with a corps of fifteen hundred men, was on his march against it. Putnam had with him only one hundred and fifty men, with two pieces of artillery ; with these he took his station on the brow of a steep declivity near the meeting-house. The road turned to the north, just before it reached the edge of the steep ; after proceeding in this direction for a considerable distance, it inclined to the south, rendering the descent gradual and tolerably safe. As the British advanced, they were received with a sharp fire from the artillery ; but, perceiving the dragoons about to charge, Putnam ordered his men to retire ISRAEL PUTNAM. to a swamp, inaccessible to cavalry, while he him self forced his horse directly down the precipice. His pursuers, who were close upon him, paused with astonishment as they reached the edge, and saw him accomplish his perilous descent ; and be fore they could gain the valley by the road, he was far beyond their reach. The declivity, from this circumstance, has since generally borne the name of Putnam's Hill. He continued his route to Stamford, where he found some militia, with whom, added to his former band, he pursued Tryon on his retreat; and, notwith standing the inferiority of his force, succeeded in taking about fifty prisoners. The military career of General Putnam termi nated with the campaign of 1779, during which he commanded the Maryland line, stationed near West Point, but was engaged in no impor tant operations. His time was principally occu pied in superintending the erection of the new defences of that commanding post. There he re mained until the army retired to their winter- quarters at Morristown, when he returned with his family on a visit to Brooklyn, in Connecticut, the place to which his residence had been transferred. As he was journeying towards Hartford on his way back to Morristown, his progress was arrested by an attack of paralysis, by which the use of his limbs on one side was temporarily lost. For a AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. season, he was reluctant to admit the real charac ter of his disease, and resorted to very active exertion for relief; but the complaint refused to yield to the influences of such a remedy, and he was doomed to pass the remainder of his life in a state of comparative inaction. In closing the recital of the military services of General Putnam, it would be unjust to his memory to omit a portion of a letter addressed to him by General Washington, in 1783, after the conclusion of the treaty of peace. " I can assure you, that, among the many worthy and meritorious officers, with whom I have had the happiness to be con nected in service through the course of this war, and from whose cheerful assistance and advice I have received much support and confidence in the various and trying vicissitudes of a complicated con test, the name of Putnam is not forgotten ; nor will be but with that stroke of time, which shall oblit erate from my mind the remembrance of all those toils and fatigues, through which we have struggled for the preservation and establishment of the rights, liberties, and independence of our country." General Putnam survived the close of the war about seven years ; a period of repose, strongly contrasted with the animation and vicissitude which had marked his early and maturer life ; presenting little incident for his biographer to record, yet forming an appropriate termination of a busy and ISRAEL, PUTNAM. 215 adventurous career. His age and bodily infirmities disqualified him for any public occupation, but did not impair his ability to enjoy the tranquil pleas ures, that constitute the solace of declining years. He was enabled to take the moderate exercise, which the preservation of his measure of health required ; and the vigor of his mind remained unbroken to the last. Fortunately, his early agri cultural labors had provided him with a compe tency, and shielded him from the embarrassment and sorrow, which darkened the old age of many of his brethren of the army of the Revolution ; and thus, in the retirement of his family, enjoying the regard of those around him, and the grateful respect of his countrymen, his life gradually wore away. On the 17th of May, 1790, he was sud denly attacked by an inflammatory disease, and foresaw that his end was nigh ; the consolations of religion sustained him in his closing hours, and, two days afterwards, he died with resignation and in peace. His remains were borne by his fellow- citizens to the grave with the martial honors due to the memory of a brave and patriotic soldier, and a feeling eulogy was delivered by a neighbor and personal fiiend. It only remains for us to say a few words respecting the military and personal character of one, whose history we have thus attempted to delineate. His qualities as a soldier are already 216 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. apparent to the reader. Under all circumstances, however critical, he was perfectly fearless and self- possessed, and full of the most active energy and resource at the time when they were most urgently required. No man could surpass him in the fiery charge, of which the success depends so much upon the leader ; in this respect he reminds the reader of Murat, the gallant marshal of Napo leon ; nor would the general feeling deny him the proud title, by which another of those marshals was distinguished, that of the bravest of the brave. At the same time, as has been already intimated, he was somewhat less successful in the more extended operations, which require the combined action of large and separate masses of men. Yet, when it is remembered, that, wholly without mili tary education and with scarcely any other, and simply by the force of his own energy and talent, he rose through all the gradations of the service to the station of first major-general in the army of the United States, till he stood second in rank to Wash ington alone, no better evidence could be given or required of his capacity and conduct as a soldier. Nor should it be forgotten, that his humanity was always as conspicuous as his bravery ; his treat ment of the sick and wounded was such as to attract the warm attachment of his own soldiers, and to extort the gratitude of the enemy. He is certainly entitled to the praise of disinterested, ISRAEL PUTJNAM. 217 * ardent, and successful efforts in the cause of his country ; and he will be long remembered among those who served her faithfully and well, at a season when she wanted either the ability or the inclination to reward their toils and sacrifices. But the military reputation of General Putnam, high as it was, concealed no dark traits of personal character beneath its shadow. In all the domestic relations, the surest tests of habitual virtue, he was most exemplary ; and his excellence in this respect deserves the more notice, as the stern discipline and wild adventure, in which so much of his life was spent, were more favorable to the growth of severer qualities. His disposition was frank, generous, and kind ; in his intercourse with others, he was open, just, sincere, and unsuspecting ; libe ral in his hospitality, and of ready benevolence wherever there was occasion for his charity. Those who knew him best were the most forward to express their admiration of his excellence. The late President Dwight, who was his friend, but very unlikely to sacrifice the claims of truth to those of personal regard, has in his writings more than once expressed the sentiment, which he has embodied in the inscription on General Putnam's monument ; that he was " a man, whose gener osity was singular, whose honesty was proverbial ; who raised himself to universal esteem, and offices of eminent distinction, by personal worth and a AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. useful life." Such is the language of others who have borne witness to his private virtues ; and what more needs to be added, than that his moral excellence flowed from a religious fountain, and that the character of a man of worth was adorned and dignified in him by the higher qualities of a Christian ? A MEMOIR OF LUCRETIA MARIA DAVIDSON; THE AUTHOR OF "REDWOOD," "HOPE LESLIE" Sic., &c. PREFACE. AN interesting memoir of Miss Davidson has already been written by Mr. Morse, and prefixed to the volume of her published poems, entitled " Amir Khan, and other Poems." That memoir, being a mere introductory prefix, was necessarily, as its title announces, a " sketch." The editor of this biographical series, express ing it as his opinion of Miss Davidson, that " there is no record of a greater prematurity of intellect, or a more beautiful developement of native delicacy, sensibility, and moral purity," requested a memoir from the writer of 'the subjoined. It is little more than a transcript of the mate rials kindly furnished by Miss Davidson's mother. There has been no effort (as there was no need) to magnify the prodigious genius of the young poet. The object sought has been to set in a clear light before her young country-women the attrac tive model of Lucretia Davidson's character. LUCRETIA MARIA DAVIDSON. LUCRETIA MARIA DAVIDSON was born at Platts- burg, in the State of New York, on the 27th of September, 1808. Her father, Dr. Oliver Da vidson, is a lover of science, and a man of intel lectual tastes. Her mother, Margaret Davidson (born Miller), is of a most respectable family, and received the best education her times afforded, at the school of the celebrated Scottish lady, Isabella Graham, an institution in the city of New York, that had no rival in its day, and which derived advantages from the distinguished individual that presided over it, that can scarcely be counterbal anced by the multiplied masters and multiform studies of the present day. The family of Miss Davidson lived in seclusion. Their pleasures and excitements were intellectual. Her mother has suffered year after year from ill health and debility ; and, being a person of imaginative character, and of most ardent and susceptible feelings, employed on domestic incidents, and concentrated in maternal tenderness, she naturally loved and cherished her 224 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. daughter's marvellous gifts, and added to the inten sity of the fire with which her genius and her affections, mingling in one holy fiame, burned till they consumed their mortal investments. We should not have ventured to say thus much of the mother, who still survives to weep, and to rejoice over her dead child more than many parents over their living ones, were it not to prove that Lucretia Davidson's character was not miraculous, but that this flower of Paradise was nurtured and trained by natural means and influences. The physical delicacy of this fragile creature was apparent in infancy. When eighteen months old, she had a typhus fever, which threatened her life ; but nature put forth its mysterious energy, and she became stronger and healthier than before her illness. No records were made of her early child hood, save that she was by turns very gay and very thoughtful, exhibiting thus early these com mon manifestations of extreme sensibility. Her first literary acquisition indicated her after course. She learned her letters at once. At the age of four she was sent to the Plattsburg Academy, where she learned to read and to form letters in sand, after the Lancasterian method. As soon as she could read, her books drew her away from the plays of childhood, and she was constantly found absorbed in the little volumes that her father avished upon her Her mother, on some occasion LUCKETIA MARIA DAVIDSON. 225 in haste to write a letter, looked in vain for a sheet of paper. A whole quire had strangely disappeared. She expressed a natural vexation. Her little girl came forward confused, and said, " Mamma, I have used it." Her mother, knowing she had never been taught to write, was amazed, and asked her what possible use she could have for it. Lu- cretia burst into tears, and replied that she " did not like to tell." Her mother respected the childish mystery, and made no further inquiries. The paper continued to vanish, and the child was often observed with pen and ink, still sedu lously shunning observation. At last her mother, on seeing her make a blank book, asked what she was going to do with it. Lucretia blushed, and left the room without replying. This sharpened her mother's curiosity. She watched the child nar rowly, and saw that she made quantities of these little books, and that she was disturbed by obser vation ; and, if one of the family requested to see them, she would burst into tears, and run away to hide her secret treasure. The mystery remained unexplained till she was six years old, when her mother, in exploring a dark closet, rarely opened, found, behind piles oi linen, a parcel of papers, which proved to be Lucretia's manuscript books. At first the hiero glyphics seemed to baffle investigation. On one side of the leaf was an artfully-sketched picture ; VOL. VII. 3 15 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. : on the other Roman letters, some placed upright, others horizontally, obliquely, or backwards, not formed into words, nor spaced in any mode. Both parents pored over them till they ascertained the letters were poetical explanations, in metre and rhyme, of the picture on the reverse. The little books were carefully put away as literary curiosi ties. Soon after Lucretia came running to her mother, painfully agitated, her face covered with her hands, and tears trickling down between her slender fingers. " Oh mamma ! mamma ! " she cried, sobbing, " how could you treat me so ? You have not used me well ! My little books ! You have shown them to papa, Anne, Eliza, I know you have. Oh, what shall I do ! " Her mother pleaded guilty, and tried to soothe the child by promising not to do so again. Lucre tia's face brightened, a sunny smile played through her tears, as she replied, " Oh mamma, I am not afraid you will do so again, for I have burned them all." And so she had ! This reserve proceeded from nothing cold or exclusive in her character ; never was there a more loving or sympathetic creature. It would be difficult to say which was most rare, her modesty or the genius it sanctified. She did not learn to write till she was between six and seven. Her passion for knowledge was then rapidly developing. She read with the closest attention, and was continually running to her LUCRETIA MARIA DAVIDSON. 227 parents with questions and remarks that startled them. At a very early age her mother implanted the seeds of religion, the first that should be sown in the virgin soil of the heart. That the dews of heaven fell upon them, is evident from the breath ings of piety throughout her poetry, and still more from its precious fruit in her life. Her mother remarks, that, " from her earliest years she evinced a fear of doing any thing displeasing in the sight of God ; and if, in her gayest sallies, she caught a look of disapprobation from rne, she would ask with the most artless simplicity, ' Oh mother, was that wicked ? ' " There are, very early, in most children's lives, certain conventional limits to their humanity, only certain forms of animal life that are respected and cherished. A robin, a butterfly, or a kitten is a legitimate object of their love and caresses ; but woe to the beetle, the caterpillar, or the rat, that is thrown upon their tender mercies. Lucretia Davidson made no such artificial discriminations. She seemed to have an instinctive kindness for every living thing. When she was about nine, one of her schoolfellows gave her a young rat, that had broken its leg in attempting to escape from a trap. She tore off a part of her pocket handkerchief, bound up the maimed leg, carried the animal home, and nursed it tenderly. The rat, in spite of the care of its little leech, died, and 228 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. was buried in the garden, and honored with " the meed of a melodious tear." This lament has not been preserved ; but one she wrote soon after on the death of a maimed pet robin, is given here as the earliest record of her muse that has been preserved. ON THE DEATH OF BIT ROBIN. " UNDERNEATH this turf doth lie A little bird which ne'er could fly ; Twelve large angle-worms did fill This little bird whom they did kill. Puss ! if you should chance to smell My little bird from his dark cell, Oh ! do be merciful, my cat, And not serve him as you did my rat ! " Her application to her studies at school was intense. Her mother judiciously, but in vain, attempted a diversion in favor of that legitimate sedative to female genius, the needle. Lucretia performed her prescribed tasks with fidelity and with amazing celerity, and was again buried in her 'books. When she was about twelve, she accompanied her father to the celebration of Washington's birth-night. The music and decorations excited her imagination ; but it was not with her, as with most children, the mere pleasure of stimulated sensations. She had studied the character and history of the father of her country, and ihefete stirred up her enthusiasm, and inspired that feeling LUCRETIA MARIA DAVIDSON. 229 oi actual existence and presence peculiar to minds of her temperament. To the imaginative there is an extension of life, far back into the dim past, and forward into the untried future, denied to those of common mould. The day after the fete, her elder sister discov ered her absorbed in writing. She had sketched an urn, and written two stanzas beneath it. She was persuaded, with some difficulty, to show them to her mother. She brought them blushing and trembling. Her mother was ill in bed ; but she expressed her delight with such unequivocal ani mation, that the child's face changed from doubt to rapture, and she seized the paper, ran away, and immediately added the concluding stanzas. When they were finished, her mother pressed her to her bosom, wept with delight, and promised her leisure, and all the instruction she could give her. The sensitive child burst into tears. " And do you wish me to write, mamma ? " she said, " and will papa approve ? and will it be right that I should do so ? " This delicate conscientiousness gives an imper ishable charm to the stanzas, and to fix it in the memory of our readers we here quote them from her published poems. " AND does a hero's dust lie here ? Columbia ! gaze and drop a tear ! His country's and the orphan's friend, See thousands o'er his ashes bend ! 230 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. " Among the heroes of the age, He was the warrior and the sage ! He left a train of glory bright, Which never will be hid in night ! " The toils of war and danger past, He reaps a rich reward at last ; His pure soul mounts on cherub's wings, And now with saints and angels sings. "The brightest on the list of Fame, In golden letters shines his name ; Her trump shall sound it through the world, And the striped banner ne'er be furled ! " And every sex and every age, From lisping boy to learned sage, The widow and her orphan son, Revere the name of Washington." Lucretia did not escape the common trial of pre cocious genius. A literary friend, to whom Mrs. Davidson showed the stanzas, suspected the child had, perhaps unconsciously, repeated something she had gathered from the mass of her reading, and she betrayed her suspicions to Lucretia. She felt her rectitude impeached, and this, and not the wounded pride of the young author, made her weep till she was actually ill. As soon as she re covered her tranquillity, she offered a poetic and playful remonstrance,* which set the matter at rest, and put an end to all future question of the authen ticity of her productions. *See the Biographical Sketch prefixed to "AmirKkan, and other Poems," p. ix. L.UCRETIA MAU1A DAVIDSON. 231 Before she was twelve years old, she had read the English poets. " The English poets," says Southey, in his review of Miss Davidson's poems, " though a vague term, was a wholesome course for such a mind." * She had read beside much history, sacred and profane, novels, and other works of imagination. Dramatic works were particularly attractive to her. Her devotion to Shakspeare is expressed in an address to him written about this time, from which we extract the following stanza ; "Heaven, in compassion to man's erring heart, Gave thee of virtue, then of vice a part, Lest we in wonder here should bow before thee, Break God's commandment, worship and adore thee." Ordinary romances, and even those highly wrought fictions, that without any type in nature have such a mischievous charm for most imaginative young persons, she instinctively rejected. Her healthy appetite, keen as it was, was under the government of a pure and sound nature. Her mother, always aware of the worth of the gem committed to her keeping, amidst her sufferings from ill health and other causes, kept a watchful eye on her child, directed her pursuits, and sym pathized in all her little school labors and trials. She perceived that Lucretia was growing pale and sickly over her studies, and she judiciously with drew her, for a time, from school. * See the London Quarterly Review, No. 82, 232 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. She was soon rewarded for this wise measure by hearing her child's bounding step as she approached her sick-room, and seeing the cheek bent over her pillow, blooming with returning health. How miserably mistaken are those, who fancy that all the child's lessons must be learned from the school- book, and in the school-room ! This apt pupil of Nature had only changed her books and her master. Now she sat at the feet of the great teacher, Nature, and read and listened, and thought, as she wandered along the Saranac, or contemplated the varying aspects of Cumberland Bay. She would sit for hours and watch the progress of a thunder storm, from the first gathering of the clouds to the farewell smile of the rainbow. We give a speci men of the impression of these studies in the following extract from her unpublished poems TWILIGHT. "How sweet the hour when daylight blends With the pensive shadows on evening's breast, And dear to the heart is the pleasure it lends, For 't is like the departure of saints to their rest. " Oh 'tis sweet, Saranac, on thy loved banks to stray, To watch the last day-beam dance light on thy wave, To mark the white skiff as it skims o'er the bay, Or heedlessly bounds o'er the warrior's grave.* * Cumberland Bay was the scene of a battle during the last war. LUCRETIA MARIA DAV[DSON. 233 " Oh 't is sweet to a heart unentangled and light, When with hope's brilliant prospects the fancy is blest, To pause 'mid its day-dreams so witchingly bright, And mark the last sunbeams while sinking to rest." The following, from her unpublished poems, is the result of the same pensive meditations. THE EVENING SPIRIT. ' WHETS' the pale moon is shining bright, And nought disturbs the gloom of night, 'T is then upon yon level green, From which St. Glair's dark heights are seen, The Evening Spirit glides along, And chants her melancholy song ; Or leans upon a snowy cloud, And its white skirts her figure shroud. By zephyrs light she 's wafted far, And contemplates the northern star, Or gazes from her silvery throne, On that pale queen, the silent moon. Who is the Evening Spirit fair, That hovers o'er thy walls, St. Clair? Who is it that with footsteps light Breathes the calm silence of the night 3 Ask the light zephyr, who conveys Her fairy figure o ? er the waves. Ask yon bright fleecy cloud of night, Ask yon pale planet's silver light, Why does the Evening Spirit fair Sail o'er the walls of dark St Clair? " In her thirteenth year the clouds seemed heavily gathering over her morning. Her father had suf- <234 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. fered many losses and discouragements during the war. The result of his professional labors was scarcely adequate to the wants of his family. Her mother was so ill that she could no longer extend to her child the sympathy, help, and encouragement that she needed. Lucretia was oppressed with the apprehension of losing this fond parent, who for weeks and months seemed on the verge of the grave. There are among her unpublished poems, some touching lines to her mother, written, I be lieve, about this time, concluding thus ; " Hang not thy harp upon the willow ; That weeps o'er every passing wave ; This life is but a restless pillow, There 's calm and peace beyond the grave." But far more touchingly than by the most elo quent song, did she evince her filial affection. Dr. Davidson's well-selected library, which had been, at all times, the dearest solace of his daugh ter, had been broken up and dispersed at ths invasion of Plattsburg, and Lucretia sighed over the empty shelves. Her father met, at a friend's house, an English gentleman, who, saying he had heard much of the little girl who promised to do great honor to American literature, expressed a strong desire to see some of her productions. With difficulty her father obtained her permission to send copies of a few of them to the stranger. He returned a polite note to the father, expressing LUCRETIA MARIA DAVIDSON. 235 his gratification, and enclosed a twenty-dollar note for Lucretia. Her father gave it to her, telling her to regard it as the first fruit of her poetical merit. She took the bank note and examined it with eager simplicity, and exclaiming, " Oh papa ! how many books it will buy ! " then, casting her eyes to the bed where her suffering mother was lying, a shade of tenderness passed over her radiant face, and she added, " Oh no, no, no ! I cannot spend it ; take it, papa, I do not want it, take it and buy something for mamma ! " How must those parents have blessed the darkness of that adver sity, on which such light from heaven shone ! To them it must have been given to see the gracious ministry of what the world calls poverty, in nur turing those virtues that were rapidly ripening for mmortality. Mrs. Davidson's health gradually amended, and with it returned her desire to give her daughter leisure, and every other means within her power to aid the developement of her extraordinary genius. For this some blamed, and others laughed at her. The taunts of vulgar minds reached Lucretia's ears. " Was she to be made a learned lady ? a reverend ? or fitted for the law ? " This she might have borne ; but, when she heard whispers that it was her filial duty to sacrifice her literary tastes, and to bear a part of the domestic burden that weighed too heavily on her mother, she made a AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. secret resolution, to devote herself exclusively to the tasks thus gratuitously prescribed. She put her books aside, and her mother observed her assid uously devoted to her needle, and to household labors. Her mind languished for its daily bread. She became pale and dejected ; and her vigilant mother, after much pains, extracted the reason of her change of pursuits, and persuaded her to re sume her books and pen. Her cheerfulness returned, and she was again the life and charm of her home. Her extreme sensibility and delicate health subjected her, at times, to depression of spirits ; but she had nothing of the morbid dejec tion, the exclusiveness, and hostility to the world, that are the results of self-exaggeration, selfishness, and self-idolatry, and not the natural offspring of genius and true feeling, which, in their healthy state, are pure and living fountains, flowing out in abundant streams of love and kindness.* Indulgent as Mrs. Davidson was, she was too wise to permit Lucretia to forego entirely the cus tomary employments of her sex. When engaged with these, it seems she sometimes played truant with her Muse. Once she had promised to do a sewing-task, and had eagerly run off for her work- * Genius, like many other sovereigns, has been allowed the exercise of unreasonable prerogatives ; but none, per haps much more mischievous, than the right to confer on self-indulgence the gracious name of sensibility. LUCKETIA MARIA DAVIDSON. 237 basket. She loitered, and, when she returned, she found her mother had done the work, and that there was a shade of just displeasure on her coun tenance. " Oh mamma ! " she said, " I did forget, I am grieved. I did not mean to neglect you." " Where have you been, Lucretia ? " "I have been writing" she replied, confused. " As I passed the window, I saw a solitary sweet-pea. I thought they were all gone ; this was alone ; I ran to smell it ; but, before I could reach it, a gust of wind broke the stem. I turned away disappointed, and was coming back to you ; but, as I passed the table, there stood the inkstand, and I forgot you." If our readers will turn to her printed poems,* and read " The Last Flower of the Garden," they will not wonder that her mother kissed her, and bade her never resist a similar impulse. When in her " happy moments," as she termed them, the impulse to write was irresistible. She always wrote rapidly, and sometimes expressed a wish that she had two pairs of hands, to record as fast as she composed. She wrote her short pieces standing, often three or four in a day, in the midst of the family, blind and deaf to all around her, wrapt in her own visions. She herself describes these visitations of her Muse, in an address to her, beginning ; * Amir Khan and Other Poems, p. 87. AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. " Enchanted when thy voice 1 hear, I drop each earthly care ; I feel as wafted from the world To Fancy's realms of air." When composing her long and complicated poems, like "Amir Khan," she required entire se clusion. If her pieces were seen in the process of production, the spell was dissolved ; she could not finish them, and they were cast aside as rubbish. When writing a poem of considerable length, she retired to her own apartment, closed the blinds, and, in warm weather, placed her ^Eolian harp in the window. Her mother has described her, on one of these occasions, when an artist would have painted her as a young genius communing with her Muse. We quote her mother's graphic description : " I entered her room. She was sitting with scarcely light enough to discern the characters she was tracing. Her harp was in the window, touched by a breeze just sufficient to rouse the spirit of harmony. Her comb had fallen on the floor, and her long dark ringlets hung in rich profusion over her neck and shoulders, her cheek glowed with animation, her lips were half unclosed, her full, dark eye was radiant with the light of genius, and beaming with sensibility, her head rested on her left hand, while she held her pen in her right. She looked like the inhabitant of another sphere. She was so wholly absorbed, LUCRETIA MARIA DAV DSON. 239 that she did not observe my intrusion. I looked over her shoulder, and read the following lines ; 'What heavenly music strikes my ravished ear, So soft, so melancholy, and so clear ? And do the tuneful Nine then touch the lyre, To fill each bosom with poetic fire ? Or does some angel strike the sounding strings, Who caught from echo the wild note he sings? But ah ! another strain, how sweet ! how wild . Now rushing low, 'tis soothing, soft, and mild.' " The noise I made in leaving the room roused her, and she soon after brought me her ' Lines to an JEolian harp.' " During the winter of 1822 she wrote a poetical romance, entitled " Rodri." She burned this, save a few fragments found after her death. These indicate a well-contrived story, and are marked by the marvellous ease and grace that characterized her versification. During this winter she wrote also a tragedy, " The Reward of Ambition," the only production she ever read aloud to her family. The following summer, her health again failing, she was withdrawn from school, and sent on a visit to some friends in Canada. A letter, too long to be inserted here entire, gives a very interesting account of the impression produced on this little thoughtful and feeling recluse by new objects and new aspects of society. " We visited," says the writer, " the British fortifications at Isle-aux-Noix. 5240 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHT. The broad ditch, the lofty ramparts, the draw bridge, the covered gate-way, the wide-mouthed cannon, the arsenal, and all the imposing parapher nalia of a military fortress, seemed connected in her mind with powerful associations of what she had read, but never viewed before. Instead of shrinking from objects associated with carnage and death, like many who possess not half her sensibil ity, she appeared for the moment to be attended by the god of war, and drank the spirit of battles and sieges, with the bright vision before her eyes of conquering heroes and wreaths of victory." It is curious to see thus early the effect of story and song in overcoming the instincts of nature ; to see this tender, gentle creature contemplating the engines of war, not with natural dread, as instru ments of torture and death, but rather as the forges by which triumphal cars and wreaths of victory were to be wrought. A similar manifestation of the effect of tradition and association on her poetic imagination is de scribed in the following passages from the same letter. " She found much less in the Protestant than in the Catholic churches to awaken those romantic and poetic associations, created by the record of events in the history of antiquity and traditional story, and much less to accord with the fictions of her high-wrought imagination. In view ing the buildings of the