THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES 13 * * lA. n\ o^U^£^U^^Zy~- STUDIES IN HONOR OF A. MARSHALL ELLIOTT IN TWO VOLUMES Volume I BALTIMOBK THE JOHNS HOPKINS PRESS PARIS H. CHAMPION LEIPZIG O. HABBASSOWITZ PRESS OF J. H. FURST CO. 8 ALTO. The Following Students of Professor Elliott offer this book in grateful appreciation T. G. Ahbens E. C. Armstrong H. D. Austin A. H. Baxter P. S. Blondheim F. A. Blossom B. L. Bowen G. G. Brow nell J. D. Bruner M. P. Brush D. L. Buffum J. A. Child F. L. Critchlow A. E. Curdt E. P. Dargan F. De Haan D. B. Easter E. A. Fay J. A. Fontaine E. J. Fortier P. J. Frein F. L. Frost Samuel Garner C. F. Gloth W. E. Gould P. W. Harry J. A. Haughton H. C. G. von Jagemann S. S. Janney T. A. Jenkins O. M. Johnston A. D. Jones G. C. Keidel A. F. Kuersteiner H. C. Lancaster G. G. Laubscher C. C. Marden J. F. Mason C. E. Mathews J. E. Matzke A. J. Morrison T. A. E. Moseley W. A. Nitze Phillip Ogden K. S. Patton W. T. Peirce W. H. Perkins R. E. Phillips J. E. Shaw J. S. Shefloe E. H. Sirich G. E. Snavely J. A. Sprenger W. A. Stowell H. P. Thieme H. A. Todd Oliver Towles F. M. Warren K. E. Weston George Whitelock J. R. Wightman E. H. Wilkins 650444 There have been collected in the accompanying volume a set of studies prepared by present or former members of the department of Eomance Languages in the Johns Hopkins University and recent lecturers before that department. These studies were planned to celebrate the completion of Professor Elliott's thirty-fifth year of service in the University, and were to be offered to him as a mark of his pupils' esteem for their teacher and an evidence of the profit they had derived from his scholarly example. We would not have his death affect our purpose. On realizing the gravity of his disease, we told him of our desire, and afterwards kept him informed of the steps taken to accomplish it. And whatever misgivings we may have had, he never lost confidence in the success of the undertaking. So we feel that his personality has guided us from beginning to end. He did not look upon our work as a memorial of a career that is finished, nor do we. That memorial is to be found elsewhere, closely bound up with the place where he labored. These pages are an offering in his honor, a tribute to his intellectual activity, and a witness which we bring, in behalf of ourselves and our comrade who went before him, to the lasting influence of his ideals of instruction and investigation — an influence which it will be our privilege, we hope, to carry forward in a circle that ever widens. TABLE OF CONTENTS VOLUME I Abmstbong, E. C. (Johns Hopkins University), The French Shifts in Adjective Position and their English Equiv- alents 251-274 Austin, H. D. (University of Michigan), The Origin and Greek Versions of the Strange-Feathers Fable 305-327 S BiSdier, J. ( University of Paris ) , La Legende des " En- fances " de Charlemagne et l'Histoire de Charles Martel 81-107 Blondheim, D. S. (University of Illinois), Etymological Notes (Fr. cadastre, Span, and Port, cerdo, cerda) . . 237-250 Bowex, B. L. (Ohio State University), The Place of Chateaubriand as a Critic of Italian Literature. . . . 187-193 Bbush, M. P., Editor (Johns Hopkins University), Esopo ^ Zuccarino 375-450 Buffum, D. L. (Princeton University), The Songs of the Roman de la Violette 129-157 Cubdy, A. E. (Yale University) , The Versions of the Fable of the Peacock and Juno 329-346 Dabgax, E. P. (University of California), The Poetry of Sully-Prudhomme 195-208 Jexkixs, T. A., Editor (University of Chicago), Le Contenz dou Monde, by Renaud d'Andon 53-79 Keidel. G. C. (Johns Hopkins University), Problems in Medieval Fable Literature 281-303 Laxcasteb, H. C. (Amherst College), A Classic French Tragedy based on an Anecdote told of Charles the Bold : 159-174 Matzke, J. E. (Stanford University) , The Roman du Chate- lain de Couci and Fauchet's Chronique 1-18 r Nitze. VV. A. (University of Chicago), The Castle of the Grail — an Irish Analogue 19-51" >navely, G. E., Editor (Allegheny College), The Ysopet of Jehan de Vignay 347-374 Stowell, W. A. (Amherst College), Notes on the Etymology of bachelier 225-236 Terrachek, A. (Johns Hopkins University), Le Pluriel du D^monstratif dans les Parlers populaires de l'Angou- mois (avec carte) 275-280 Thieme, H. P. (University of Michigan), Notes on Victor Hugo's Versification 209-224 Todd, H. A., Editor (Columbia University), An Unpublished Fourteenth Century Invocation to Mary Magdalen: II est bien temps que je m'avise 109-128 Warren, F. M. (Yale University) , French Classical Drama and the Comeclie Larmoyante 175-185 / THE ROMAN DU CHATELAIN DE COUCI AND FAUCHET'S CHRONIQUE BY John E. Matzke In the long list of titles x constituting what is commonly known as the Cycle of the Eaten Heart two groups stand out distinctly. In the one the hero is slain by the husband of the lady whose love he has won, and it is the husband who cuts the heart from his victim's body. In the other group the hero, dying at a distance from his lady, commands his servant to carry his heart after his death to his lady as proof of his fidelity, and when the messenger arrives with his relic near the lady's castle, he meets with the husband and is forced by him to surrender the box which contains the hero's heart. In the majority of the texts of either group the hero is a knight, but there is a distinct line of tradition appearing in both by which the cruel adventure is attributed to a poet. The matter would be simple if it could be shown clearly that the Provencal biography of the troubadour Guillem de Cabe- staing, the oldest of the texts showing this feature, were the source of this variation. But this view of the question has so far met with scant favor. The grouping of the texts involved is fraught with great difficulty, and consensus of -opinion with reference to this relation has not yet been reached. This side of the problem I intend to discuss at 'See Patzig, Zur Geschichte der Uerzmare, Berlin, 1891, pp. 6-8; and Ahlstrom, Studier i den Fornfranska Lais-Litteraturen, Upsala, 1892, pp. 127-129. 1] 1 MATZKE [» length at some future date in a larger study of the ' Legend of the Eaten Heart/ * The point which I have selected for examination here is concerned in the first place with the source and composition of the Roman du Chatelain de Couci, the representative text of the second group and at the same time the foremost literary member of the whole cycle. But in order to make this discussion clear it will be necessary at least to outline the claims of the three scholars who have given consideration to the problem. We may disregard here the Indian story published by Swynnerton in the Folklore Journal, Vol. I, 1883. The versions that concern us more directly are the Biography of Guillem de Cabestaing 2 and Boccaccio's story of Messer Guiglielmo Bossiglione e Messer Guiglielmo Guardastagno. 3 The question is what relation these two stories hold to the French roman d'aventure. Gaston Paris believed 4 that a lost Provengal version was the source of both the Biography and the Italian story, and that from this lost version had sprung also a French version which in turn became the source of the Chatelain de Couci and several other texts related to it. Patzig 5 rejected this filiation and tried to prove that the Provengal Biography was Boccaccio's direct source, and that the French poem also derives from it, but that at least two intermediate forms of the story which have disappeared are necessary to explain the Old French poem and its closest congeners. Ahlstrom, 6 finally, derived the whole tradition in its literary form from the Guirun lay, sung by Isolt, according to the Thomas version. 7 Thru lost intermediate stages, but along independent lines, this story on the one hand became * See editor's note, infra, p. 16. I See Mahn, Biographieen der Troubadours, 2d. ed., pp. 3 33.; and also Bartsch, Chrestomathie provencale, cols. 231-234. * Decamerone iv, 9. 4 Romania vm, pp. 343-373, and xn, pp. 359-363. II Op. cit., p. 21. *L. c. * See B£dier, Roman de Tristan, 1, p. 295. 3] THE CHATELAIN DE CODCI 3 the Biography from which Boccaccio drew his material, and on the other gave the version found in the roman d'aventure. The Roman du Chatelain de Couci is rather inaccessible in its complete form, the only existing edition being that pub- lished by Crapelet in 1829. 8 The contents of the poem have, however, become familiar to students of medieval literature thru an article by Gaston Paris, 9 and more recently thru the long digest of the story by Langlois. 10 We may content ourselves therefore with a brief outline. The hero is Renaut, Chatelain de Couci, the heroine is called la dame de Faiel. Rejected at first, the chatelain decides to win the love of his fair lady thru the fame that will cling to his name from evidences of eminence in the quali- fications of knighthood. The poem thus describes his visits to the castle of Faiel, recites tournaments in which he wins renown, and tells the hero's gradual conquest of his lady's heart. When she finally grants him her love, the visits are arranged with the greatest secrecy, and every precaution is taken to make it appear that not the lady of Faiel, but Yzabel, her maid, is the object of the chatelain's love. Another lady falls in love with him. When her advances are disdained, she suspects and discovers the secret, and informs the husband, who conceals himself and thus is able to interrupt one of these interviews. Yzabel now sacrifices her own reputation for that of her mistress. Outwitted but not convinced, the husband guards the lady carefully. Yzabel is sent away and further meetings of the lady of Faiel with the chatelain are made impossible. Now follows a series of stealthy visits in which Gobert, a faithful squire of the chatelain, who is able to play a double ' L'Histoire du Chatelain de Coucy et de la Dame de Fayel. I have in preparation a new edition of the poem which I hope to finish in the near future. ' Ro. vin, pp. 343-373; see also Hist, litt., xxvin, pp. 352-390. 10 La 8oci6t6 fran^aise au XI He siecle, Paris, 1904, pp. 186-221. 4 MATZKE [4 role, being apparently the husband's spy, renders signal aid in the intrigue. The chatelain first takes cruel revenge upon the jealous lady who had betrayed his secret. Then during an absence of the husband, Gobert brings him to the castle of Faiel under the disguise of a knight wounded in a tourna- ment. This is followed by a pilgrimage to Saint-Maur-des- Fosses, which the lady is forced to undertake in the company of her husband. Passing thru a ford before a mill, she lets herself fall into the water and then enters the mill where the chatelain is waiting for her, while a servant is sent to fetch dry clothing. The husband, thoroly aroused, now announces his inten- tion to join the crusade and take his wife along, fully confi- dent that the chatelain would be informed of this plan and take the cross at the same time. Soon afterwards the chatelain comes to the castle disguised as a traveling merchant. He is told of the husband's decision, and in consequence he goes to England and joins the army of Eichard. So soon, however, as the husband learns that his ruse has been successful, he refuses to take the cross. The chatelain now comes to the castle, disguised as a blind beggar, to say farewell, and the lady gives him a braid of her hair as a keepsake, to remind him of her lo^e on the journey beyond the sea. These incidents are followed by the account of the crusade and the chatelain's death. After an absence of two years, he is wounded during a battle by a poisoned arrow. The wound does not heal, and, desirous of seeing his lady again, he embarks to return to France. During the journey he grows worse, and, feeling death approaching, he commands Gobert to cut his heart from his body after his death, and to carry it in a box to the lady of Faiel, together with a letter which he dictates to a clerc and the braid of hair. Then he dies and is buried at Brindisi. The squire continues the journey. As he approaches the castle he meets the husband, who at once suspects his 5] THE CHATELAIN DE COUCI 5 mission. He draws from Gobert the news of the chatelain's death, learns the contents of the box, takes it from him, and drives him away. Then he returns to the castle and com- mands his cook to prepare the heart for his lady's dinner. She lauds the taste of the dish, is told its nature, and is shown the box with the braid of hair and the letter. Saying that she will touch no other food after such a delicious meal, she swoons and dies. Fearful of the consequences of his action, the husband causes her to be buried with honors, but the lady's family suspects him of having caused her death, and he is forced to leave the country. He goes to the Holy Land, whence he returns after a long interval, and soon thereafter dies. A story closely similar in form was printed by Fauchet, 11 who drew his version from a Chronique in his possession, now the property of the Bibliotlieque Nationale. 12 It was Leopold Delisle who directed attention to this fact in 1879 in a communication read before the Academie des Inscrip- tions. 13 I print this version, drawn anew from the manu- 11 Recueil de Vorigine de la langue et poe~sie francoise, Paris, 1581, pp. 124-128. "MS. fr. 5003, fos. 257 v. to 258 v. 13 See the Comptes-rendus des stances de I'Acade'mie des Inscrip- tions, 1879, p. 199, and a note by Gaston Paris in Ro. viii, p. 633. The ms. is described in the Catalogue des mss. fr. de la Bibl. Nat. (Paris, 1895) iv, p. 468, as follows: Chronique de France allant jusqu'au regne de Charles VI (1380). L'auteur a fait beaucoup d'emprunts aux anciens romans francais. Le commencement manque . . . . Ce ms. a appartenu au president Fauchet, qui y a mis de nombreuses notes marginales. On lit en effet au fol. 1 et au fol. 386 la note suivante : " A Claude Fauchet conseiller du roy, president en la cour des monnoies." Une main posterieure a ajoute' (fol. 386) : " II y a parmi les mss. de Me. Daguesseau, chancelier de France, une copie de cette chronique faite vers l'an 1550." Au fol. 381 sont plusieurs proverbes. Papier xv s. ... It is to the point to em- phasize here the fact that the marginal notes to be spoken of later are not the work of Fauchet, but were written by this unknown hand, apparently in the eighteenth century. 6 MATZKE [6 script, here in full both because of its importance, and because of the rarity and inaccessibility of Fauchet's work. It has been copied several times from the book in question, the last time, so far as I know, by F. Michel. 14 [f. 257 v.] Ou temps que le roy Philippe regnoit et le roy Richart d'Angleterre vivoit il avoit en Vermendois ung aultre moult gentil gallart preux chevalier en armes qui s'apeloit Eegnault de Coucy, et estoit chastelain de Coucy. Ce che- valier fut moult amoureux d'unne dame du pays qui estoit femme du seigneur de Faiel. Moult orent de paine et travail pour leurs amours, ce chastelain de Coucy et la dame de Faiel si comme l'istoire, le raconte qui parle de leur vie dont il y a Romant propre. Or advint que quant les voyages d'oultre- mer se firent, dont il est parle cy dessus, que les roys de France et d'Angleterre y furent, le chastelain de Coucy y fut pour ce qu'il exercitoit voulentiers les armes. La dame de Faiel, quant elle sceut qu'il s'en devoit aler, fist ung las de soye moult bel et bien fait, et y avoit de ses cheveux ouvrez parmi la soye dont l'euvre sembloit moult belle et riche, dont il lyoit ung bourrelet moult riche par dessus son heaulme et avoit loinz pendans par derriere a gros boutons de perles. Le chastelain ala oultremer a grant regret de laissier sa dame par dessa. Quant' il fut oultre il fist moult de chevaleries, car il estoit vaillant chevalier et avoit grant joye que on rapportast par dessa nouvelles de ses fais, affin que sa dame y print plaisir. Sy advint que a ung siege que les chrestiens tenoyent devant sarrazins oultre [f. 258 r.] mer ce chastelains fut feru d'un quarel ou coste bien avant, du quel coup il luy convint mourir. Sy avoit a sa mort moult grant regret a sa dame, et pour ce apela ung sien escuyer et lui dist : " Je te prie que quant je seray mort que tu pren- gnes mon cueur et le met en telle maniere que tu le puisses porter en France a madame de Faiel et l'envelopes de ces 14 Chansons du Chdtelain de Couci, Paris, 1830. 7] THE CHATELAIN DE COUCI 7 lenges ycy." Et luy bailla le las que la dame avoit fait de ses cheveulx, et ung petit escriniet, ou il avoit plusieurs aneles et dyamans que la dame luy avoit donnez, qu'il portoit tous- jours avant luy pour l'amour et souvenance d'elle. Quant le chevalier fut mort ainsy le fit l'escuyer et prist Pescriniet et luy ovri le corps et prist le cueur, et sala et confit bien en bonnes espices, et mist en Pescrinet avecques le las de ses cheveulx et ung petit escrinet ou il avoit pluysieurs aneles et dyamans que la dame luy avoit donnez, 15 et avecques unes lettres moult piteuses que le chastelain avoit escriptes a sa mort et signees de sa main. Quant l'escuyer fut retourne en France il vint vers le lieu ou la dame demouroit, et se bouta en ung boys pres de ce lieu et luy mesavint tellement qu'il fut veu du seigneur de Faiel qui bien le congneut. Sy vint le seigneur de 16 Fayel atout deux de ses privez en ce boys et trouva cest escuyer auquel il voult courir sus ou despit de son maistre qu'il haioit plus que homme du monde. L'escuyer luy crya mercy, et le chevalier luy dist : " Ou je te ocirray ou tu me diras ou est le chastelain." L'escuyer luy dist qu'il estoit trespasse. Et pour ce qu'il ne Pen vouloit croire et avoit cest escuyer paour de morir il luy moustra Pescrinet pour Pen faire certain. Le seigneur de 17 Eayel print Pescrinet et donna conge a l'escuyer. Et le seigneur vint a son queux et luy dist qu'il mist ce cueur en si bonne manyere et Pappar-ellast 18 en telle confiture que on en peut bien menger. Li queulx le fist et fist d'aultre viande 19 toute parelle et mist en bonne charpie en ung plat, et en fut la dame servie au disner, et le seigneur mengoit d'une autre viande qui luy ressembloit, et ainsy menga la dame le cueur du chastelain son amy. Quant elle ot menge le seigneur luy demanda : " Dame, avez vous menge bonne viande ? " Et celle luy respondy qu'elle Pavoit menge bonne. II luy dist: 15 The MS. adds, et avec le las de ses cheveulx. "ms. du. "ms. du. " ms. apparellasst. " ms. viaulde. 8 MATZKE [8 " Pour cela vous l'ay je fait apparellier car c'est une viande que vous avez moult amee." La dame qui jamais ne pensast que ce fut n'en dist plus riens. Et le seigneur luy dist dere- chef : " Savez que vous 20 avez menge ? " Et elle respondi que non. Et il luy dist : " Adont or sachez que vous avez menge le eueur du chastelain de Coucy." Quant elle oyt ce, sy fut en grant pensee pour la souvenance qu'elle eust de son amy. Mais encore ne peust elle croire ceste chose jusques a 21 ce que le seigneur luy bailla l'escrinet et les lettres, en quant elle vit les choses qui estoient dedens l'escrin, elle les cong- neut, si commenga a lire les lettres. Quant elle congneut son signe manuel et les ensengnes, adont commence fort a changer et avoir couleur et puis commenga forment a penser, et quant elle ot pense elle dit a son seigneur : " II est vray que ceste viande ay je moult amee et croy qu'il soit mort dont est dommage, comme du plus loyal chevalier du monde. Et vous m'avez fait menger son cueur, et est la derniere viande que je mengeray 22 oncques, ne oncques je ne menjay point de si noble ne de si gentil viande. Sy n'est pas raison que apres si gentil viande je doye en mettre aultre dessus, et vous jure par ma foy que jamais je ne mengeray d'aultre viande apres ceste cy." La dame leva du disner et s'en ala en sa chambre faisant moult grant douleur, et plus avoit de douleur qu'elle n'en moustroit la chiere. Et en celle doleur a grant regret et complaintes de la mort de son amy fina sa vie et mourut. De ceste chose fut le seigneur de Fayel courouce, mais il n'y peut mettre remede, ne homme ne femme du monde. Ceste chose fut sceu par tout le pays et en ot grant guerre le seig- neur de Fayel aux amis de sa femme tant qu'il convint que la chose fut rapaisee du roy et des barons du pays. Ainsy finerent les amours du chastelain du Coucy et de la dame de Fayel. This Chronique has so far not received the attention which " MS. vomz. M ms. ad. ** MS. menjay. 9] THE CHATELAIN DE COUCI 9 it merits. Beschnidt examined it rapidly in his dissertation, Die Biographie des Trobadors Guillem de Capestaing, 2Z and came to the conclusion 24 that it is based partly on our roman d'aventure and partly on what was probably a Latin account of the story, and at the same time the real source of the Old French poem and the Provencal biography. Gaston Paris 25 rejected this theory and returned to the older belief that the Chronique represents nothing but a brief digest of the Old French poem. Patzig 20 examined it somewhat more carefully and noted some of its most striking features, but he did not go into the question at sufficient length, and in the end he accepted an explanation but slightly different from that proposed by Beschnidt. The initial difficulty of the problem lies in the clause of the Chronique: si come Vistoire le raconte qui parle de leur vie dont il y a romant propre. Together with others, both Be- schnidt and Patzig believed that the histoire and the romant propre are two different texts which the author of the Chronique combined. Yet it is evident that such a method would presuppose a critical attitude scarcely to be expected on the part of its author. We are ready, therefore, to accept the interpretation of the clause given by Gaston Paris : 'comme le raconte Vhistoire de leur vie, car il existe un roman qui leur est particulierement consacre.' However, even then the difficulty is not removed, for we shall presently see that the roman of which we know cannot have been the source of the Chronique. To meet this difficulty, the claim might be ad- vanced that another version of our story must have existed, also in the form of a roman d'aventure, as for example is true of Tristan or Floire et Blancheflor. There would be no way of substantiating this claim, but in support of it atten- tion might be called to the marginal notes of the Chronique added by the unidentified eighteenth century hand: Histoire n Marburg, 1879. 2< P. 25. 33 Ro. vili, p. 369, n. 4. ^ Op. cit., p. 20. 10 MATZKE [10 du Chast. de Coucy on the left side of this passage, and Romant des amours du chastelain de Coucy. While the former is the constant marginal note describing the contents, the latter is plainly intended as the title of the romant propre. Is the form of this title the invention of the un- known annotator, or does it belong to a manuscript or version of the story which he knew? If the second of these possi- bilities were correct, then we should have here evidence of the fact that as late as the eighteenth century there existed some version or manuscript with a title differing from those known at present. Crapelet's manuscript bears the super- scription: Ci commence li Roumans dou chastelain de Couci et de la dame du Faiiel; the other available manuscript reads : Ch'est li romans du castelain de Couci; a third, cited by Cra- pelet, p. xv, from the inventory of the library of Charles V made in 1373, cites a poem du chastelain de Coucy, de la dame de Fay el, with a later similar record in 1415, but all trace of this manuscript has disappeared. 27 However, while this marginal note might be evidence of another version, there is no way by which the fact could be proved, and it is therefore not worth while to dwell on it. Moreover, the assumption of a second version of our story is unnecessary, and the relation of the roman oVaventure and the Chronique finds a satisfactory explanation along another road. Let us first compare the two versions and note the differences. The Chronique knows nothing of the hero's profession as trouvere. Eegnault de Coucy is a moult gentil gallart preux chevalier en armes. He joins the crusade of Philippe and Kichard of his own accord, pour ce qu'il exercitoit voulentiers les armes. The keepsake which the lady of Faiel gives him is not a braid of her hair, but ung las de soye moult bel et bien fait, et y avoit de ses cheveux ouvrez parmi la soye. In the Holy Land the chatelain is spurred on to deeds of valor by "Cf. also Delisle, Recherches sur la librairie de Charles V, Paris, 1907, Vol. n, p. 186. 11] THE CHATELAIN DE COUCI 11 the knowledge of the pleasure that his lady will experience when she hears of them. The arrow which wounds him is not poisoned, and his death apparently occurs on land, or at least no mention is made of any preparations for the home- ward journey. Together with his heart, and the las que la dame avoit fait de ses pheveulx, he sends to her plusieurs aneles et dynamans que le dame lui avoit donnez. The letter which accompanies these gifts was written and signed by the chatelain himself before his death. The squire meets the husband, accompanied by two of his men. When the dreadful meal has been eaten, the lady lauds its taste, not of her own impulse, as in the roman, but in answer to the question of her husband. When she realizes what has happened she does not swoon, as in the poem, but she goes to her room, faisant moult grant douleur . . . . Et en celle doleur .... fina sa vie et mourut. And, finally, when the deed becomes known, the family of the lady makes war upon the seigneur de Fayel. These differences are fundamental and remain unexplained on the assumption that the author of the Chronique made a careless rendering of the poem. How could he forget that the hero was known in Palestine as Li chevaliers as grans proueces Qui sus son elme porte treces (Crapelet, 7477) that he was sent on the crusade thru a ruse of the husband, that he was wounded by a poisoned arrow, and that he died on the ship during his return journey? We have definite evidence here of the existence of another version of the chate- lain de Coucy story, and in addition we may unquestionably conclude that it was older than and independent of the roman d'aventure, for the literary form of this poem would have prevented the fabrication of a new version differing from it in important and fundamental details. There is further evidence that this older form of the story stood in close relation to the Provencal Biography, for there also the 12 MATZKE [12 cruel husband is punished by the relatives of his wife. Since a closely similar ending is found also in the Indian version published by Swynnerton, its reappearance here cannot be due to accident. The evidence brought forward here necessitates a read- justment of all the facts accepted so far with reference to the source and composition of the poem of Jakemon Maket. 28 In the first place, we shall be able to understand better the manner in which this legend of the eaten heart became associated with the Chatelain de Couci. The roman calls him Kenault, and Gaston Paris 29 accepted this as the name of the trouvere. Believing further that Maket was the first to connect the story with the chatelain, he saw the initial reason for it in the tone of the Chatelain de Couci's poem beginning A vous, amant, plus qu'a nule autre gent, which Maket cites. Some years later Fath 30 showed that the name of the trouvere was in reality Gui de Couci, and that he was unmarried and had died and been buried at sea during the fourth crusade, a fact mentioned by Villehardouin, § 124. Maket's identification appeared, therefore, to be a mistake, and Fath saw its explanation in the fact that manu- scripts containing the chatelain's songs always refer to him simply as the Chatelain de Couci. Living in Vermandois during the second half of the thirteenth century, our author knew at least two chatelains of Couci by the name of Eenaut, and he might easily have inferred that the trouvere bore the same name. 28 The acrostic in the better of the two known manuscripts reads Jakemes Makes, of which Jakemon Maket would be the accusative form, and this should be accepted as the author's name; cf. also Langlois, op. cit., p. 221. It is interesting in this connection to point out a threefold mention of a person or persons of this name, of course not our author, in Tournai toward the end of the thirteenth century: cf. Zwei altfranz. Friedensregister der Stadt Tournai, published by Benary, RF. xxv, p. 156. 28 Ro. vili, p. 353 ss. 80 Die Lieder des Castellans von Coucy, Heidelberg, 1883. 13] THE CHATELAIN DE COUCI 13 The evidence before us, however, points in a different direction. The Chronique also calls the hero Renaut, and this fact makes it extremely likely that this name existed already in the earlier and simpler version from which the Chronique derives. To be sure this text is late and the great popularity of Maket's poem might have influenced its author, just as it caused this same name to be introduced into at least one of the lyric manuscripts, Brit. Mus. Egerton, 27431 There is, however, no reason to think that this was the case here, for the whole story in the Chronique is told in a straightforward manner without any evidence of addi- tions or changes, and the hero is described as ' ung aultre 32 moult gentil gallart preux chevalier en amies qui s'apeloit Regnault de Coucy, et estoit chastelain de Coucy.' This detail in the short account must have identical value with the other characteristic traits emphasized above. If the author had intended to describe his hero in the light of Maket's poem, he would have called Renaut a trouvere. The omission of this detail is reasonable before, but not after, the composition of the roman d'aventure. It follows, then, that the confusion of names is not due to Maket, and that the earlier version also called the hero Renaut, chdtelain de Couci, but it would be wrong to infer further that the hero was some other chatelain de Couci and not the famous trouvere. When the name of a poet had once been introduced into the story in Provence, it was natural that in a different region another poet should be similarly treated. The reasons why Guillem de Cabestaing was singled out in the first place are beyond our reach. Perhaps the name of the hero in the lost Provengal version, from which the Biography derives and of which we have an imperfect echo in the Guardastagno of Boccaccio, gave the impetus. Carried "See Fath, op. cit., p. 10. a Evidently other knights had been spoken of in previous sections of the Chronique. 14 MATZKE [14 to the north of France, the story became attached to the figure of the Chatelain de Couci, whom tradition wrongly called Renaut. Why he should have been selected remains equally obscure. His songs are in many respects not very different from hundreds of other lyrics of the period. Yet there is in several of them a note of reality, a certain definiteness of situation, which create the impression that they are based on more than mere commonplaces of lyric composition. At any rate the Chatelain de Couci was looked upon as one of the serious lovers of his profession. He had been a member of the fourth crusade, had made the pain of parting from his lady the subject of his song, had celebrated the fact that his heart was left behind with his love, had died during the journey, and had been buried at sea. We may also imagine that, in accord with a frequent custom of the period, his heart had been cut from his body by his attendants and brought back to his native land for burial. All these facts must have been active in attracting the story to him. His name was in reality Gui, but he was commonly known rather by the office which he held, an office hereditary in his family. Thus the Chatelain de Couci became the hero of a new form of our story, and a name which was probably frequent in this well-known family was attributed to him. In this effort to trace the road over which the tradition traveled before it found a literary form in the poem of Jake- mon Maket, we must not be misled by the story as this author tells it. He made numerous additions to the plot, added the lyrics, following the fashion set by the author of Guillaume de Dole, and in a general way elaborated the trouvere side of his hero, but his source as such was probably closely similar to the form of the story preserved for us in the Chronique. What the nature of this source was must remain a mere matter of surmise. It may be that it had already been utilized for some earlier roman d'aventure, of which the much discussed lay of Guirun might be an evidence. It may also have been a simple story modeled upon the Provencal 15] THE CHATELAIN DE COUOI 15 biography, with which the Chronique shows some striking similarity. The whole new setting of the story is due to the change of hero, who, tho a poet, joins the crusade in his capacity as knight and dies duriDg his absence from home. This point of view allows us to estimate more accurately than has been possible heretofore the methods followed by Jakemon Maket in the composition of his poem. It explains in the first place why the character of the hero as a knight appears so prominently in the poem. The poet attracted the story, but this side of him remained undeveloped in the earlier version. Maket decided to give it prominence, but he failed to work his additions into an integral part of the whole picture. His hero wins the love of his lady thru his prowess in tournaments and jousts, in fact he frequents these gather- ings so that the report of his valor may come to the ears of the lady of Faiel, just as in the Chronique the chatelain hopes that she may hear of his deeds during the crusade. In the next place he weaves into his plot certain charac- teristic themes from the Tristan legend. Yzabel plays the role of Brangien, the husband watches an interview of the chatelain and his wife and is deceived as to the real relation between the two, just as Mark is constantly misled concerning the love of Tristan and Isolt. He introduces a series of stealthy interviews in which the chatelain meets the lady in disguise, as Tristan meets Isolt, and for one of these scenes he utilizes a theme which he probably knew from the Eracle of Gautier d' Arras. Finally, he draws on the Tristan legend for the ruse which the husband employs to induce the chate- lain to take the cross. The Chronique states that the hero joined the crusade because of his love of warfare. He intro- duced the lyrics as already indicated, and developed to the full the poetic significance of the lyric commonplace of the lover's heart, which Chrestien had combatted in his Cliges. 33 The jealous lady, who betrays his secret, belongs probably to M Cf. Von Hamel, Ro. xxxin, p. 470. 16 MATZKE [16 the Chatelaine de Vergi. Certain other borrowings have been indicated by Grober. 34 This conception of the origin of Jakemon Maket's fine composition I believe is essentially correct. As far as I can see, it is in entire harmony with the history of the legend as a whole. But space forbids me to go into the subject here more at length. A full treatment of the whole question must be deferred for another occasion.* The facts brought forward here do not clear up entirely the relation of Konrad von Wiirzburg's poem and the Exemplum to our poem. The German poem relates the following story. Das Herze. A knight and a lady love each other, but they can not meet as they wish because the lady is jealously guarded by her husband, especially when he begins to suspect her passion. To win her back and to make the two lovers forget each other, he decides to take her with him on a journey to the Holy Land. When the knight hears of this plan he decides at once to follow them; and the lady is much pleased with this decision. She even advises him to begin this journey at once, so that the husband, when he hears of it, may lose his suspicion and leave her at home. The knight agrees to her wish, accepts a ring from her as a keep- sake, and parts from her with a heavy heart and sad forebodings. He goes across the sea and lives there, lonesome and shunning all amusements, in the hope of seeing his lady again. In the end his grief grows so strong that he feels his death approaching. He commands his squire to cut his heart from his body after his death, to place it in a golden box together with the ring of his lady, and to carry it to her. Then he dies and the squire executes his com- mands. When he comes near the lady's castle, he meets the husband, out with his falcons. The husband recognizes the squire, at once ** Grundriss, n. Band, I. Abtlg., p. 772. * The study printed above had been completed and sent in to the editors of this volume before Professor Matzke's death. A portion of the larger study to which he referred (supra, p. 2) was found among his papers, and has been published in MLN. xxvi, pp. 1-8, with the exception of the treatment of the German versions, which has been appended to the present article. F. M. W. 17] THE CHATELAIN DE COUCI 17 suspects a message, and seeing the golden box attached to the squire's belt asks him about its contents. The squire tries to avoid giving an answer, the knight then forces him to give it up, and, when he has seen the objects it contains, at once guesses their destination. He sends the squire on his way with threats, returns home, gives the heart to the cook and orders him to prepare it for the table. Then he sits down to eat with his wife, and offers her the dish which he says was prepared only for her. She eats it, not suspecting its nature, and, thinking that she has never eaten finer food, asks what its nature is. The husband shows her the ring, and tells her what she has eaten and how he has gained possession of the heart. The lady falls into a swoon, exclaiming that after such a delicious dish God forbid that she should take any food. And thereupon her grief becomes so violent that she clasps her hands in despair and her heart bursts. It is evident that this poem cannot derive from the poem of Jakemon Maket. The reasons which militate against this belief are clearly stated by Gaston Paris. 35 Comparison with the Chroni- que also shows fundamental differences, so that the version given the story by Konrad von Wiirzburg would seem to have no direct relation to either of the other two. On the other hand, the general framework of the German poem is closely similar to that of the two French versions. The journey to the Holy Land, the lover's death in that part of the world, the function of the squire in the story, and the method by which the husband obtains possession of the heart, all these are elements which are not likely to have been added to the story at different times, independently of each other. The German poem must be related to the French version. But the evidence at hand is not sufficient to allow us to solve the problem. Certainly no conclusions should be drawn from an argument ex silentio. Konrad von Wiirzburg may not have known that Renaut, Chatelain de Couci, was a trouvfere, if that name stood in his source, for this fact is not stated in the Chronique. He may have misunderstood the references to the crusades, or they may not have interested him, and he may have preferred to treat this portion of his source in his own way. We are thus forced to look upon the German poem as an inde- pendent offspring of the source of Jakemon Maket and the Chronique, where the transmission has become altered, either because inter- vening links are lost or because the German author treated his material freely. The fourth member in this group is an exemplum cited in a "Ro. vni, p. 366. 2 18 MATZKE [18 collection of sermons often printed in the fifteenth century under the title of Sermones parati. Gaston Paris *• believed that it is based upon the lost source of Konrad von Wurzburg. For the sake of completeness we print the Short text anew. Comparison with our abstract of the German poem will make it clear that it is closely related to it, and, considering its date, we are inclined to look upon it as a derivative of this poem rather than its source. Quidam miles turpiter adamavit uxorem alterius militis. Con- tigit autem ipsum mare transire; cumque ibi infirmaretur et morti appropinquaret, ita fatuus erat et ita excecatus amore mulieris quod nee communicare nee confiteri voluit. Preeepit autem servo suo ut eo mortuo cor suum amice sue in pixide portaret; quod cum fecisset et reversus vellet intrare castrum illius domine, occurrit ei vir ejus et quesivit ab eo quid de transmarinis partibus portaret; et cum nihil responderet coegit eum ut diceret; et accipiens cor istud conditum in pixide (et) bene coctum dedit uxori sue ut comederet. Cumque comedisset quesivit de domina dicens: Dilexisti etiam ilium militem qui mare transivit. Et ilia rubedine perfusa loqui non aude- bat. Et dixit miles: Sciatis, domina, quod cor dilecti vestri vobis de transmarinis partibus missum comedistis. Et ilia respondit: Et certe ego post ilium cibum nunquam alium cibum comedam. Et interfecit seipsam. Ecce quomodo luxuria istos duos fatuos fecit et excecavit. The relation established so far is the following: X 1 1 lian 1 Provencal (lost) 1 Bocc. 1 Biog. 2 1 Biog. 1 Y 1 1 Chat, de Couci Chronique l i Konrad von Wurzburg Exemplum L. c, p. 367, note 2. THE CASTLE OF THE GRAIL— AN IRISH ANALOGUE BY [ William A. Nitze Crestien de Troyes and Wolfram von Eschenbach agree, as compared with the other grail romances, in describing more or less precisely the external setting in which the ceremony of the grail takes place. More than any of their contempo- raries (1180 to 1205), they give to it a local habitation and a name, the remoteness and unfamiliarity of which must have excited the wonder, and stimulated the imagination, of those who came after them. Thus in the Titurel of Albrecht von Scharfenberg, composed during the latter part of the thirteenth century, the temple of the grail is a church of matchless splendor, the architectural ideal of a mystical Christian brotherhood. 1 But of the simpler, more charac- teristic description of Crestien and Wolfram only indistinct traces survive in later works, such as the Prose Perceval, 2 the Perlesvaus 3 (Gawain's visit) and the Peredur.* Here the location of the castle is still beyond a river (lake) and behind a mountain, as the Fisher King had said, but the hall (sale) in which the holy vessel appears does not differ formally from any typical baronial hall of the twelfth or thirteenth centu- ries. And in the Peredur alone do we still find mention of the fire in front of which the host and his visitors are seated, *Cf. F. Zarncke, Der Graltempel, Sachs. Akad. vn, 1876. * Jessie L. Weston, Sir Perceval, II, pp. 57 ff. * Potvin I, 86, 128 ff. But it is Lancelot not Gawain, who meets the fishermen. 4 Loth, hes Mabinogion, ir, 45 ff., 56. 1] 19 20 NITZE [2 though beyond the bare statement of this fact nothing is said of the castle and its equipment. The Crone, replete as it is otherwise with valuable information especially on the grail, contains no evidence of importance 5 on our subject. Thus the grail castle descriptions of Crestien and Wolfram are distinct in character, and have a marked resemblance to each other. It would be folly to attempt to decide a priori their immediate relationship. So much only is certain that here Wolfram is either following the French poet with seme elaboration, or else he is using a source close to Crestien's. For the moment it matters little which view we prefer since the ultimate origin of both accounts must be the same. But from what we now know of Crestien's methods in other cases; that is, his characteristic habit of retaining in his story marked details of his original, regardless often of their relevancy to the feudal conditions he describes, we may as- sume that here, too, he drew on a definite source. It is more than probable that the latter was identical with the livre given him by Philip of Flanders: "The following citations show that Heinrich's conception of the castle was that of Crestien, though no fireplace is mentioned. Dirre wlte und lange sal Wart vol von in liberal Und die tische bevangen. 90. 29271 ff. Die kerzen und kerzstal Truogen vil ane zal Daz machte den sal als6 lieht, Daz man mochte vervahen nieht, Ob ez tac oder naht waere. Der wirth saz under den drin Den sal urribe und unibe urrib in Die andern besazen; Mit einander da azen Ein ritter und eine vrouwe ie. 29282 ff. 29298 ff. 3] THE CASTLE OF THE GEAIL 21 Ce est li contes del graal Don li cuens li bailla le livre.* But, however that may be, the source 7 already contained Celtic material, for Crestien's scenario, the Grail Palace, practically reproduces the Banqueting or Mead House of the Irish heroic saga. I propose to discuss in the following pages the bearing of this analogue on the origin of the grail question. Before doing so, it will be necessary to outline in detail Crestien's and Wolfram's respective descriptions of the grail castle. In the Perceval, 8 after the hero has mounted the hill (puy) to which the fisherman had directed him, seeing nothing but *ms. printed by Baist (see below, note 8), w. 66-67. 1 1 assume, of course, that the central event of the romance was found in Philip's book, and that it had to do with the grail cere- mony. Baist is inclined to think (see Parzival u. der Oral, Frei- burg, 1909, p. 19) that in the source the counsels (Weisheitslehren) were more closely bound up with the action than in Crestien. This seems to me possible, if it can be shown, as I believe it can, that the grail ceremony is an " initiation." At the same time, Crestien, as we see from his other works, was essentially a scho- lastic in training and temperament. This fact in itself would explain the emphasis he places on questions of conduct, see my Fountain Defended, in Mod. Phil, vn, 146. In w. 4608 ff. Crestien likens the theme to a quest of Fortune (cf. Perlesvaus, Pot. I, 24 ff.), and a frequent citation of proverbs is characteristic of his works. His relationship to the mediaeval learning should be investigated. Further, compare the instructions given by Gornemanz, w. 1610 ff. with the Ordene de Chevalerie, printed by Meon, Fab. I, 59 ff . * I quote from Baist's text, privately printed, Freiburg, 1910. Of the value of this version Baist says : " Eine genaue Wiedergabe der Hs. 794 ist der Abdruck erst von v. 6175 an, bis dahin Auszug einer Collation, welche die Eigenart des champagnischen Schreibers wohl im Grossen u. Ganzen, aber doch nicht mit der wunschenswerten absoluten Genauigkeit wiedergiebt." 22 NITZE [4 sky and land, he accuses his guide of deception. Presently, however, he perceives nearby (a) an un val Le chief d'une tor qui parut; L'an ne trovast jusqu' a Barut Si bele ne si bien asise. Quarree fu de pierre bise, Si auoit [deus] torneles antor, La sale fu devant la tor E les loges devant la sale. [w. 3012 ff., Baist]. When he has ridden thither, dismounted, and put on a " mantel d'escarlate," the host despatches two squires to greet him in the loges. E cil avoec ax s'an ala (6) An la sale qui fu quarree E autant longue come lee; Enmi la sale sor un lit , Un bel prodome seoir vit Que estoit de chenez meslez E ses chies fu anchapelez D'un sebelin noir come more; A une porpre vox desore E d'itel fu sa robe tote, Apoiez fu desor son cote.* (c) Si ot devant lui un feu grant De sesche busche bien ardant, (d) E fu antre quatre colomes. 9 Cf. a similar description in the Perlesvaus, Potvin I, 86 ff: Et li rois Peschieres gisoit an un lit cordeiz dont li quepou estoient d'ivoire, et avoit une coute de paille sor quoi il gisoit et par desus I couvertoir de sable, dont li dras estoit mout riches. Et avoit un chapel de sebelin an son chief, couvert d'un vermeil samiz de soie, et une croiz d'or; et avoit desouz son chief i oreiller qui touz estoit anbaumez, et avoit an mi cornez de l'orillier mi pierres qui ran- doient mout grant clart6; et avoit I piler de coivre sor quoi i aigle seoit qui tenoit une croiz d'or. 5] THE CASTLE OF THE GRAIL 23 Bien poist an quatre cent homes Asseoir anviron le feu, S'atist chascuns aeisie - leu. Les colomes forz i estoient, Qui le cheminal sostenoient, ; D'arain espes e haut e 16. The host invites Perceval to sit beside him: Li vaslez est lez lui asis. Then the sword is presented ; la sore pucele Vostre niece qui tant est bele Vos anvoie ci cest present. Perceval finally hands it to un bacheler Antor le feu qui cler ardoit. The light there is Si grant com l'an le porroit faire De chandoiles an un ostel. Then the lance and the grail are brought forth. From the latter there streams so great a brilliancy (e) [Qu'] ausi perdirent les chandoiles Lor clarte" come les estoiles Quant li solauz lieve e la lune. De fin or esmere" estoit; Pierres precieuses auoit El graal de maintes menieres, Des plus riches e des plus chieres Qui an mer ne an terre soient. The grail-bearers pass before Perceval, • E d'un chanbre an autre alerent. 24 stitze - [6 (/) Then two squires bring Une lee table d'ivoire Ensi con reconte l'estoire Ele estoit tote d'une piece. This is placed on deus eschaces, Don li fuz a deus bones graces Don les eschaces fetes furent, Que les pieces toz jorz andurent, Don furent eles d'ebenus. De celui fust ne dot ja nus Que il porrisse ne qu'il arde; De ces deus choses n'a il garde. As each dish is served the grail passes Par devant lui tot descovert. Li mangiers fu e biax e buens; De tel mangier que rois e cuens E empereres doie avoir Fu li prodom serviz le soir, E li vaslez ansanble lui. (g) When it is time to retire the host bids Perceval, who has been marvelling much, good-night, and is carried into his own room: " Je n'ai nul pooir de mon cors Si covandra que l'an m'an port." But Perceval goes to bed in the hall where they have been sitting, and in the morning when he awakes he finds it de- serted and all the doors to the adjoining rooms bolted. The entrance (Vuis) to the hall, however, is open; and passing out, he discovers at the foot of the steps his horse saddled and his lance and shield in readiness for him. According to the Parzival 10 (v), P. had come by a long 10 Ed. Martin, Halle, 1900-1903. 7] THE CASTLE OF THE GRAIL ' 25 journey, " liber ronen und durchez mos " to a lake. 11 Here he meets fishermen, one of whom wears a hat with peacock feathers. 12 The latter sends P. to his house to the right of a rock. This P. finds at once. (a) It is a castle (burc), the drawbridge of which is up. Unless the enemy came flying or were blown in by the wind, it could not be stormed — so round and smooth the castle was built. 13 A squire lowers the bridge ; 14 and P. rides into the yard, where " ritter jung und alt " welcome him. 11 In Chrestien it is a " riviere A l'avalee d'une angarde." u On peacock feathers as used by the Irish, see Sullivan's intro- duction, p. cccclxxxi to O'Curry, Manners and Customs of the Ancient Irish. 13 See Martin, ii, 210, for the translation I give. This feature of the castle suggests Chaucer's Hous of Fame, w. 2002-2006 (the House of Tidings) : " But certein, con thing I thee telle, That, but I bringe thee ther-inne, Ne shalt thou never cunne ginne To come in-to hit, out of doute, So faste hit whirleth, lo, aboute." Chaucer describes a typical otherworld abode, similar in several characteristics to Wolfram's castle, the castle in Syr Gawayne and the Green Knight, etc. For the latest and fullest treatment, see W. O. Sypherd, Studies in Chaucer's Hous of Fame, 1907 (Chaucer Soc), pp. 138 ff. The following features are of interest here: an eagle, i. e., a helpful animal ( see Sypherd, pp. 95 ff. ) , bears him thither. The Hous of Fame, v. 1116 ff.: stood upon so high a roche, Hyer stant ther noon in Spaine. The Horn, w. 1184-1185: Al was of stone of beryle, Bothe castel and the tour; and within the hall, 1360-1367: But al on hye, above a dees, 14 See Syr Gawayne and the Green Knight, ed. Morris, w. 764 ff ., where Gawain has the same experience. 26 NITZE [8 He is then led into a chamber, where he doffs his armor and puts on a "mantel, mit pfelle von Arabi," the property Sitte in a see imperial, That maad was of a rubee al, Which that a carbuncle is y-called, I saugh, perpetually y-stalled, A feminynye creature; That never formed by nature Nas swich another thing y-seye. Not far away, in a valley, is the House of Tidings (there are often two castles in otherworld adventures, a typical example is the Bel Inconnu, ed. Hippeau, vv. 2471-2829) : An hous, that Domus Dedali, That Laborintus cleped is, Nas maad so wonderliche, y-wis, No half so queynteliche y-wrought. And ever-mo, so swift as thought, This quentye hous aboute wente, That never-mo hit stille stente. w. 1920-1926. A " turning " castle is frequent in the romances, see Perlesvaus, Pot. I, 195 (Sypherd also mentions, p. 149, the castle in the Welsh Seint Graal, which is, however, only a Welsh redaction of the French work) ; Crone, vv. 12945-12966 (Reht als ein mill, diu d& malt; Diu mure was als ein glas Berhtel, hoch unde glat) ; Mule sans Frein, ed. Meon, I,- vv. 440-443; Wigalois, ed. Pfeiffer, w. 6714- 7053; Karlsreise, vv. 369 ff. (see K. G. T. Webster, Eng. Studien, xxxvi, 337 ff., for the Celtic character of this part of the Karlsreise ; in Peredur, Loth ii, 92, the otherworld mistress is empress of Con- stantinople, and in many later Celtic tales the otherworld is Greece). The chief Irish parallels are: the fort of Curoi in the Fled Bricrend, ed. Henderson, § 81, which "revolved as swiftly as a mill-stone"; and the island of the revolving " fiery rampart " in the Voyage of Maelduin, Stokes, Revue Geltique x, 81. Rhys also claims the same trait for the Welsh Caer Sidi (see Skene, Four Ancient Books, I, 264-266, 276). For other analogues in folklore and story, see Sy- pherd, pp. 166 ff., 173 ff. On Lajamon's reference, w. 22736 ff., to Arthur's feast at Yuletide and to the seating of the knights: al turne abute, that nan ne beon toify'te, see the suggestion of Miss Weston (Melanges Wilmotte, 9] THE CASTLE OF THE GRAIL 27 of Repanse de Schoye, sister of the Fisher King. Thereupon he is invited into the presence of the host. ' (6) Si giengen uf ein palas. hundert krone da gehangen was, vil kerzen druf gestozen, ob den husgenozen, kleine kerzen umbe an der want. hundert pette er ligen vant (daz schuofen dies da pfl&gen) : hundert kulter drfiffe lagen, Ie vier gesellen sundersiz: da enzwischen was ein underviz, derfiir ein teppich sinewel. fil lu roy Frimutel mohte wol geleisten daz. [Martin, § 229, 23 ff.] One thing is of great importance: (c) mit marmel was gemuret dri vierekke fiwerrame: dar ilffe was des fiwers name, holz hiez Iign aloe\ So great a fire was never seen at Wildenberc (see Martin n, 213). The host has himself placed gein der mitteln fiwerstat uf ein spanbette. ez was worden wette zwischen im und der vroude. P. sits beside him. The fire had been made because of the host's illness; to keep warm he also wore a sable fur, with a mantle over it; of sable too was his cap upon which shone ein durchliuhtic rubin. 15 Amid lamentations the lance is then carried by. deprint, 1910, p. 7). But Lajamon's point is that the circular seat- ing places the knights on a plane of equality; cf. A. C. L. Brown, Harvard Studies and Notes, vn, 186. u Ci. above, Hous of Fame, vv. 1360-1367; and Zarncke, Der 28 NITZE [10 (/) Thereupon two maidens in red follow with candle- sticks and a herzogin u. ir gespil bring two stands of ivory, upon which others in green place a slab of hyacinth — grdndt jachant — as a table-top. Upon this [cf. Martin, 11, 218] Eepanse de Schoye places the grail. Tables are set before the knights in the hall: fiir werder rtter viere. [Martin, Z. c, estimates that 1200 persons were present]. The grail provides whatever food is desired: swa nach jener b6t die hant; daz er al bereite vant splse warm, spise kalt, sptse niwe unt dar zuo alt, daz zam unt daz wilde. swa nach den napf iesltcher b6t, Graltempel in Sachs. Gesell. d. Wissensch. vn (1876), p. 484: " Rubin, eine Abart des Karfunkel, vgl. Alb. Magn. in Mus. 2, 62 fg. : Carbunculus, qui Grceca antrax et a nonnullis rubinus voca- tur." On the carbuncle, see ibid., p. 485; it is thus described in the Palace of Prester John: una quaeque columpna in suo cacumine habet unum carbunculum adeo magnum, ut est magna amphora, quibus illuminatur palatium, ut mundus illuminatur a sole. Tanta est namque claritas, ut nichil tam exiguum tarn subtile possit excogitari, si in pavimento esset, quin posset intueri. Also, Roman de Thebes, ed. Constans, v. 634 ; P. Meyer, Girart de Roussillon, Paris, 1884, p. 25, note; Hertz, Parzival, 2 526; Bel Inconnu, ed. Hippeau, v. 1879; the lit merveilleux in the Perceval, w. 7666 ff. A chascun des quepouz del lit Ot un escharbocle tferm 45 Cf. also Bartsch, Rom. und Past., p. 30 and p. 79. ] 50 BUFFTJM [22 The girl's jealousy is aroused and she wishes to know whom Gerart so honors; he replies: Adeviner pores cui j'aimme, Par moi ne le sares-vous ja (3673). An idea similar to one given by Jeanroy : 66 Ja par moi n'iert noumee cele cui j'ai amee. A little later Gerart again sings of his love: J'atenc de li ma joie: Diex! arai le jou ja? (4180). A typical refrain of the poesie courtoise, with which the following given by Jeanroy, 66 may be compared: Mais n'aurai joie en ma vie, dame, se de vous ne me vient. This refrain is also similar to that already cited at lines 3332-3333. As Gerart again sets out in search of Oriaut he sings the second (the third, if the variant of the first be counted) Provengal song of the Violette, which proves to be by Ber- nard de Ventadour. It may be found in the Provengal chrestomathies of Bartsch 67 and Appel. 68 The stanza is also given by the Rose. 69 Michel has substituted the version given by Eaynouard 70 for that given by the manuscripts of the Violette, which he considers extremement defigure. The corrupt version of the better of the two Parisian manuscripts is as follows: Quant voi la loete moder De ioi ses ele contre rai, M Origines de la poe'sie lyrique en France, p. 121. "Column 68. M P. 56. "Line 5197. T0 Choix des poisies originates des troubadours, ill, p. 68. 23] THE ROMAN DE LA VIOLETTE 151 Qui s'oblide et laisse cader Pour la douchour c'al cors li vai; Dex! tant grant anuide mi fai De li quant vi la jausion! Mirabillas son cant fait Anui le felon (4201). Gaston Paris has given this stanza reconstructed from the two Parisian manuscripts of the Violette. 71 He does not, however, cite the variants except to call attention to the fact that in one manuscript the song is called a son poitevin and in the other a son provengal. Paris thinks that the presence of the Provengal songs in the Rose proves their popularity in northern France as late as the twelfth century. Their presence in the Violette shows that the time may be extended to 1225 or 1230. Paris is also of the opinion that these songs were brought to the North by the jongleurs in their repertory of love songs, and that the various versions of this song by Bernard, preserved in northern manuscripts, go back to a common source. 72 Of the three songs of Pro- vengal origin in the Violette (one being merely a variant), two are in the Provengal dialect and one has been translated into the langue d'o'il; two are by Bernard de Ventadour and one is of unknown authorship. Of the three Provengal songs of the Rose, two are there given in the northern dia- lect and one in Provengal. They are by Geoff roi Eudel, Bernard de Ventadour and probably Eigaud de Barbezieux. The tendency already mentioned on the part of the author of the Violette to shorten the selections may be seen also in the case of the song of Bernard de Ventadour cited in both the Rose and the Violette. Two stanzas are given in the former. Gerart again takes up his search for Oriaut and one of the deserted girls sings: " Servois, Rose, p. cxvi. " See his article on the Chansons in Servois' edition of the Rose. 152 BUFFUM [24 Dex! li cuers me faurra ja: Trop le desir a veoir (4352). These lines are given by Bartsch 73 as the refrain to the first stanza of an anonymous pastourelle. The girl sends a messenger in search of Gerart and as the messenger leaves she sings to him : Vous qui la ires, pour Diu, dites-lui C'a la mort m'a trait s'il n'en a merchi (4417). This is the refrain of the third stanza of the pastourelle from which the preceding refrain was taken. 74 As Gerart rides on in search of Oriaut, he sings a refrain which I have been unable to identify, it is: Volentiers verroie Cui je sui amis: Diex m'i maint a joie! (4487). Again he sings: Par Diu! Amours, grief m'est a consirer Dou douch solas et de la compaignie, Et des biaus mos dont sot a moi plaire, Cele ki m'ert dame, compaigne, amie, Et quant recort sa simple cortoisie Et son douc vis et son viaire cler, Comment me puet li cuers el cors durer Que ne s'en part? certes, trop est malvais (4638). This stanza has been identified by Michel as the third of a song by the Chatelain de Couei and has been published by Michel in his edition of this poet's works. 75 The song as given above is corrupt. Michel's edition of the Violette gives the stanza reconstructed from both the Parisian manuscripts. 73 Rom. und Past., p. 134; see also A. und A., op. eit., p. 82. u See Bartsch, Rom. und Past., p. 135. ,B P. 79 ; see also Brakelmann, Les plus anciens chansonniers fran- cais, p. 104. 25] THE ROMAN DE LA VIOLETTE 153 Gerart, intent on his search for Oriaut, unintentionally makes another conquest in the course of his wanderings, but he is soon on his way again and this time the girl sings as he leaves: Lasse! comment porrai durer? Or ne sai mais que devenir Quant cil que je voloie amer Ne m'a daigne ne velt ofr, Si ne me puis recomforter, Ains m'estuet le mal endurer Ki me destraint et lasse et fait fremir; Ne de nule autre amour ne quier joir (5065). Michel has pointed out the resemblance of the first line of this stanza to the following from Renart le Nouvel: Diex! comment porroie sans celui durer, Qui me tient en joie ? 76 Gerart hears the song, but he is so little affected that he sings of Oriaut: Or aroie amouretes Se voloie demourer (5076). Though I have been unable to find the source of this refrain, refrains so ending are not rare. The rime is furnished by the lines of the preceding stanza. 77 Towards the end of the Violette, 18 after Gerart's search "Violette, p. 236. " Cf. Bartsch, Rom. und Past., p. 43. "At line 5106 the poorer Parisian manuscript (B. N., fr. 1374) substitutes for twelve (not thirteen as stated by Michel) lines of the better manuscript twenty-two lines which include this com- monplace refrain: Sains cors Deu! quant averai cell cui j'aimf Though both the St. Petersburg and the New York manuscripts follow this reading, the passage is poorer than the version given by the best manuscript and was probably a later interpolation. 154 BUFFUM [26 has been successful and the lovers are once more together, Oriaut sings : J'ai recouvree ma ioie par Men amer (5708), and Gerart replies : Nus ne doit amie avoir N'amer par droit, ki miex n'en doie valoir (5721). Waitz, 79 gives a song of Gillebert de Berneville, which contains the idea of the latter of these refrains. It is : Por valoir ' Doit avoir Chascuns bone amor Sans movoir. Again Gerart sings to Oriaut a song that proves to be the first stanza of a song by Gace Brule : 80 Ne mi sont pas ochoison de canter Pres ne vergies, plaseis ne buisson: Quant ma dame mi plaist a commander, N'i puis trouver plus loial ochoison; Et molt m'est bon que sa valour retraie, Sa grant biaute et sa coulour vraie, Dont Dex li volt si grant plente donner Que les autres m'en couvient oublier (5798). Then follow three songs that have not been identified. Gerart sings to Oriaut: J'en sai .ij., li uns en sui, Cui Amors ont fait grant anui (6127), 81 "In Festgabe fiir O. Qrober, No. 4. M Huet's edition, p. 45. w Tarb€, Chansonniers de Champagne, quotes a jeu parti of about 1220 from Bertrand Cordielle, in which the last two lines of the fourth stanza are: Soffrir atrait amors, certains en sui; Et orguels fait a mainte gens anui. 27] THE ROMAN DE LA VIOLETTE 155 and Oriaut replies: Bones sont amors dont on trait mal (6130). The latter is given only in the poorer of the two Parisian manuscripts. The final song of the Violette is given after the marriage of Gerart and Oriaut. Gerart sings to Oriaut: Qui bien aimme ne se doit esmaier Pour grevanche c'Amors sache envoier; Que a chelui donne double loier Ki pour lui trait plus de painne et essaie; Ne sans amour n'a nus joie vraie ( 6622 ) . In conclusion, the Roman de la Violette, one of the best known romans d'aventure, is, just as the Roman de la Rose, thoroughly imbued with the aristocratic spirit and may be regarded as representing in part the literature of the higher classes of French society when medieval civilization was at its height. The songs introduced were therefore of the style that would appeal to such a society, and they illustrate the kind of lyric literature prevailing at the courts of Louis VIII and Louis IX. Of the forty-four songs found in the Violette, the majority (twenty-eight) consist of refrains usually given as chansons a carole, with or without the accompanying dance. These refrains of from one to three lines are generally considered to be the debris of older dance-songs. They have, however, been strongly colored by the aristocratic or court spirit that came from the South, and, besides, the refrains of the Violette are probably only twelfth or thirteenth century court imitations of earlier refrains. The first seven carols are sung in April at Easter, and mention is also made of the garlands worn by the men as they go singing another song. There may be here a connection with the earlier May festivals, for which the earliest lyrics seem to have been composed and sung, and which are regarded by Gaston Paris as a survival 156 BUFFDM [28 of an old pagan custom. In the Violette, however, the popu- lar character has disappeared. Most of these brief refrains have been identified, and we have seen them figuring as refrains in what Bartsch called romances, which was a blanket term used by him to include chansons a toile, chansons de mal mariee, debats, etc.; or they appear as refrains in the pastourelles. In certain cases the author of the Violette exactly followed the original, in others he adapted the original to the requirements of his context, in a few instances he may have blended several re- frains into one or composed one refrain out of several from his memory. In the case of the refrains that have been identified, the author of the Violette may not, of course, have copied the version that I have found. Both writers may have copied an earlier model. In one instance we find the author quoting a stanza, but with the substitution of a different refrain. The refrain was thus felt to be some- thing distinct from the stanza, and doubtless many of the refrains given by Bartsch were never composed for the songs in which they occur. The number of refrains in the Violette and the Rose is almost the same, but neither offers an example of the rondel, the older form of the triolet, which was built up from just such refrains. There is, however, in the Violette an instance of a refrain which occurs in Bartsch as the refrain of a rondel. 82 Of the twenty-eight refrains of the Violette, twelve have been identified, resemblances of eleven to refrains occurring elsewhere have been pointed out, and five have not been found. Of the sixteen songs which are not refrains, but consist of a number of lines, four are by Gace Brule, one each by Moniot d' Arras, the Chatelain de Couci and Audefrois li Bastars, two from the Provencal poet Bernard de Ventadour, one is an anonymous chanson de toile occurring only in the "Violette, lines 151-152. 29] THE ROMAN DE LA VIOLETTE 157 Violette, one is from an epic of the southern cycle, Aliscans, and five have not been found (except for minor resemblances). These longer lyrics, as well as the refrains, are in the courtois style. The conventional idea of the mat mariee, the idea that love is incompatible with marriage, that the hus- band is the arch-enemy, represent a phase of the Provengal influence, but by no means represent ideas common to all. If society as a whole had believed in these ideas, the logical result, as Gaston Paris suggests, would have been the aboli- tion of marriage. Lastly, the Violette is the second roman d'aventure to in- troduce these songs, and by his method the author should be placed between the author of the Rose, who never brings in a refrain of one line, and the later imitators, who scarcely use anything but these brief refrains. The Violette, by never citing more than one stanza of the longer songs, also illustrates this tendency to reduce the length of the quota- tions. In never mentioning the source from which the songs were drawn (the epic passage is of course excepted), the Violette conforms to the later fashion. On the other hand, in the choice of his quotations and in the manner of introducing them (in addition to the title of his work and the motif of the flower) the author of the Violette closely follows the Rose, but shows superior taste in adapting his songs to the context. A CLASSIC FRENCH TRAGEDY BASED ON AN ANECDOTE TOLD OF CHARLES THE BOLD BY H. Carrington Lancaster The fact that Corneille and Racine drew their tragic ma- terial largely from ancient sources has given rise to a belief, current in America, if not elsewhere, that modern subjects were never allowed by authors of French classic plays. " The subjects of French tragedy," a prominent American scholar x has recently stated, " were, in the seventeenth century, taken exclusively from the Bible (Old Testament) history or from Greek and Roman history and legend." If the Cid and Bajazet should be cited to prove this statement erroneous, the reply might be made that the former was written before the classic manner became thoroughly established and was at first called a tragi-comedy, not a tragedy, while the choice of the latter subject made necessary Racine's explanation that the " eloignement des pays repare en quelque sorte la trop grande proximite des temps." 2 But the Cid and Bajazet are by no means the only classic tragedies with modern subjects, nor are Turkish and Spanish history alone utilized. England, for example, furnished sub- jects from the lives of Edward III, Thomas More, Lady Jane Grey, and especially Mary Queen of Scots and the Earl of Essex. National tragedies were written concerning Anne of Brittany and Joan of Arc. These plays and others that could be mentioned show that the modern subject, though less l .T. F. Crane in his introduction to Cbatfield-Taylor's Moliire, p. XIX. 'Bajazet, second preface. 1] 159 160 LANCASTER [2 popular than the ancient, was freely admitted throughout the classic period. It ought not to surprise us, therefore, to find among such plays Le Jugement equitable de Charles le Hardy dernier due de Bourgoigne? a tragedy published by Antoine Mareschal in 1646, concerning events supposed to have happened almost on French soil less than two centuries before. A study of this work shows how modern history was treated by classic dramatists and gives an opportunity to compare seventeenth century with sixteenth century handling of the same material, for the story had already given rise to a Latin Philanira (1556), turned by the author, Claude Eouillet, into French as Philanire, femme d' Hypolite (1571). The plot of these plays is derived from an historical inci- dent, which occurred many years after Charles's death and of which he was subsequently made the hero. It is concisely told in the argument to Philanira and its French translation : " Quelques annees sont passees, depuis qu'une Dame de Piemont impetra du Preuost du lieu, que son mari lors prisonnier pour quelque concussion, et desia prest a receuoir iugement de mort, luy seroit rendu, moyennant une nuit qu'elle luy presteroit. Ce fait, son mari le iour suiuant luy est rendu, mais ia execute de mort. Elle esploree de 1' une et l'autre iniure, a son recours au gouuerneur, qui pour luy garantir son honneur, contraint ledit Preuost a Pespouser, puis le fait decapiter : et la Dame ce pendant demeure despourueue de ses deux maris." In the play this " gouuerneur " is called the " Vice Eoy " of the French king, a clear reference to the Marechal de Brissac, who governed Piedmont for Henry II from 1550 to 1559 and who is named by Belleforest as the hero of this tale. 4 Another version is given in a certain Histoire d'ltalie, cited 8 Paris, Toussainct Quinet. 4 Belleforest's version is found in the Sixiesme Tome des Histoires trctgiques, Paris, 1582, pp. 171-191; also, incompletely, in Golart, Thrc'sor d'Histoires admirables et me'morables, Geneva, 1620, I, 304-5. 3] A CLASSICAL FRENCH TRAGEDY 161 by Goulart, 5 in which 1517 is mentioned as the date of the event ; the Duke of Ferrara is the hero ; a Spanish captain, the villain ; a citizen of Como, the husband. Pierre Matthieu ' 5 changes the Duke of Ferrara to " Don Ferdinand de Gonzague, lieutenant general de l'Empereur Charles V." John Cooke 7 follows Goulart more closely, adding the names of the Duke of Ferrara, the Spanish captain, and his victim. A similar story, in which the woman is the sister of the murdered man and the avenging ruler is the Emperor Maximian, was pub- lished in 1565 by Giovanbattista Giraldi Cinthio, 8 and became the source of Shakespeare's Measure for Measure through the version given by Whetstone in Promos and Cassandra (1578) and Heptameron (1582).° We shall see presently that Charles the Bold was made the hero of the story by Pontus Heuterus (1584) and others. Lupton 10 gives a vague account, in which the hero is a judge. John Eeynolds ll tells the story of Gustavus Adolphus. Pomfret in 1699 made Colonel Kirke the villain of an incomplete version, to which more modern parallels are not wanting. 12 Now, in the absence of contemporary evidence to the con- trary, we have no right to suppose that so complex a story as this arose independently at various periods and in various localities. 13 The versions must have had some common source, 5 Ibid., Paris, 1601, i, 2nd part, pp. 59-60. 6 In a note to his Histoire de Louis Onze, 1610, p. 292. I Vindication of the professors and profession of the laics, 1646, p. 61. For this and other references, cf. Douce, Illustrations, London. 1807, I, 152-60 and n, 274. 8 Hecatommithi, Mondovi, 1565, viii, 5. * Cf. Shakespeare's Library, London, 1875, HI, 155 sq. 10 Siqvila. Too good to be true, London, 1580. II Ood's Revenge against Adultery, added in 1679 to the sixth edition of Reynold's Triumph of God's Revenge against Murder. u Cruelty and Lust in English Poets, London, 1810. Cf. Macaulay, History of England), I, 577-78. u Similar stories of independent origin are incomplete. St. Augustine, De Sermone Domini in Monte, I, 50, tells of a poor man's 11 162 LANCASTER [4 whose nature will best be determined by consulting the narra- tives of men who wrote shortly after the occurrence of the events described. Of the early narrators, Lupton failed to locate or date his version; Giraldi and Heuterus were not contemporaries of the persons they wrote about. There re- main Eouillet, Belleforest, and, as representing an earlier Histoire d'ltalie, Goulart, Matthieu, and Cooke. These five versions place the scene of the tragedy in Northern Italy 14 and connect it with the wars between France and Spain which took place about the middle of the sixteenth century. They differ regarding the exact date and the names of the persons involved. As Eouillet and Belleforest are describing recent events, it is probable that they are correct in making Brissac the hero of the incident, which must in that case have occurred be- tween 1550 and 1555, the dates of Brissac's appointment as G-overnor of Piedmont and of the publication of Eouillet's Latin play. The latter's contemporary testimony is hard to overthrow, but it is possible that the event may have involved Hercule d'Este or Ferdinand de Gonzague rather than Brissac and that the story, coming to Eouillet through French sources, may thus have acquired as hero the French king's represen- tative in Italy. Concluding, then, that the story originated from events that occurred in Northern Italy towards 1550 much as Eouil- let relates them, we must now determine how Charles the Bold was substituted for Brissac or Hercule d'Este as the hero of the tale. Barante accepts Charles's connection with the wife, who, to save her husband, sold herself to a rich man for a sack of gold and received a sack of earth in payment. There, too, the ruler intervened, but the husband was not put to death and, of course, there was no idea of the murderer's marriage to the widow and his subsequent execution. "Giraldi's version helps to confirm the location of the story in Northern Italy, where the writer lived and composed the Hecatom- mithi. 5] A CLASSICAL FRENCH TRAGEDY 163 story as true, but J. F. Kirke rejects it because of parallel accounts referring to other rulers and the silence of con- temporary authors, such as Comines and Chastellain, with regard to it. 15 The first author who connects Charles with the story is Pontus Heuterus 16 in 1584, who follows Rouillet's account with some changes of detail, new characters, and location in the Netherlands about the year 1469. But two stories of a somewhat similar nature had already been told of Charles by writers of the Low Countries. Eenier Snoy or Snoius, 17 who lived from 1467 to 1537 and conse- quently wrote not long after Charles's death, states that, about 1469, just after the capture of Liege, Charles came to Zeeland and heard the complaint of a woman whose daughter had been ravished by a " consul praedives." He ordered the culprit to marry the girl or give her half his possessions and, when he refused, had him put to death, although before the execution the man offered to obey Charles's first command. Jacques Meyer, 18 who died in 1552, tells of events that occurred at the same period of Charles's life, with the scene in Holland in- stead of Zeeland. One of his officers tortured a citizen of Liege and ravished his wife when she came to beg for her hus- band's liberty. Charles had him put to death as in the Italian story, but there is no mention of marriage between the widow and the murderer. I cannot vouch for the historical accuracy of either of these accounts. As their authors lived shortly after Charles, and as the stories are neither improbable nor too remarkable to have been overlooked by earlier historians, it seems likely that M Barante, Histoire des Dues de Bourgogne, Paris, 1837, n, p. 65 sq. ; Kirke, History of Charles the Bold, London, 1864, I, 516. " Rerum Burgundicarum libri sex, v, 393-398 (Edition of 1639). As he states that his story comes "e manuscripto libello," it is probable that Rouillet is not his immediate source. 11 De rebus batavicis, XI, 159, first published as the second part of Rerum Belgicarum Annates, Frankfort, 1620. u Commentarii sive annates rerum, Flandricarum, Antwerp, 1561. 164 LANCASTER [6 they are true. At any rate they appear to furnish Heuterus with the time and place of his narrative, Holland or Zeeland towards 1469, just after the capture of Liege. While they do not contain the most important clement of Eouillet's story, the marriage of the widow to her husband's murderer, they have enough in common with it to suggest the introduction of Charles as the hero of the Italian tale. This, I take it, is the correct explanation: the story that is told us first by Eouillet was adapted to Charles the Bold by the influence of Snoy and Meyer. Whether the fusion was made by Heuterus, or by the author of the manuscript he mentions, remains unknown. It is Heuterus who put the complete story into general circulation. 19 Heuterus was followed by Lipsius in 1605, and he by Pierre Mathieu in 1610. 20 Mareschal probably derives his version from the latter rather than directly from Heuterus or Lipsius, for there seems to be a case of verbal imitation, in spite of the fact that Mathieu uses little dialogue and Mareschal writes in verse. " Rendez moy a, moy et ie vous rendray vostre mary ; il est mon prisonier et ie suis le vostre, il est en vostre 18 Douce suggests that the story of Olivier le Bain's death may have given rise to Charles's connection with this narrative and refers to Comines, edition of Godefroy, Brussels, 1723. But the story there related is taken, not from Comines, but from Boistel's Tragiques accident, Paris, 1616, and it is incomplete, leaving out the essential incident of the widow's marriage. 20 Op. cit., vn, 290-292. A similar story is told by Goulart, op. cit., ni, 373-374 (Edition of 1628), in which Charles forced a noble to marry a girl he had raped and then put him to death. The date is uncertain, for Goulart gives as his sources " George Luterberg au 2 livre des Magistrats " and " Spangenberg en son traict6 du droit usage de la chasse." I have been unable to find out anything about the first of these; if the second reference is to Cyriaque Spangenberg, Der Jagdteuffel, Eisleben, 1560, the version is older than Heuterus and may have had some influence upon him. I imagine, however, that it is a later version of our story, adapted to the needs of writers on hunting legislation. 7] A CLASSICAL FRENCH TRAGEDY 165 puissance de nous mettre tous deux en liberte." 21 Mareschal writes in his opening scene: " II est mon criminel et moy ie suis le vostre. Conseruez le par moy, conseruez moy par luy." In England, Lipsius's version is followed by Wanley and Burton 22 while Heuterus, through the narrative in Bayle's dictionary, inspired Steele to write article 491 of the Specta- tor. We see, then, how this North Italian incident, dramatized by Eouillet and recounted by others, was fused with Dutch anecdotes of Charles in the version of Heuterus and thus, through Lipsius and Mathieu, gave rise to Mareschal's tragedy. But the two plays, thus connected historically, differ widely in the treatment of the material. Eouillet's play 23 begins with Philanire's expression of grief at her husband's imprisonment. Advised by her maids, she appeals to the prevot, Seuere, who falls in love with her and makes her the proposition mentioned. After renewed lamen- tations she is moved by the love of her children to consent to the loss o'f her honor, but she is rewarded in the morning by the jests of Seuere and the sight of her husband's corpse. " Voyla eeluy que demandez si fort Voiez vous pas de quel sommeil il dort Tout estendu?" In the fourth act the widow demands vengeance of the French king's viceroy, newly come into Piedmont. The chil- dren, who accompany her, complain of their black garments and are reproved by their mother for not rather mourning for n Mathieu, loc. cit. 28 Of. Douce, loc. cit., who refers to Wanley, Wonders of the little world, ill, 29, and Burton, Unparalleled Varieties, 42. a As Rouillet's French play is a close translation of his Latin tragedy, the two works will 'be discussed as one. 166 LANCASTER [8 their father. The viceroy, shocked at her story, summons Seuere and, finding that there is no doubt of his guilt, orders him to espouse the widow. After some slight hesitation, both Philanire and Seuere consent " de bien bon cceur " and the wedding is ordered to take place at once. In the fifth act we are told by a messenger that the morning after the mar- riage the viceroy had Seuere put to death, whereupon Philanire enters, lamenting the loss of the two husbands, apparently equally dear. She leaves the stage meditating suicide, which the messenger hopes to prevent. This analysis shows how incapable Eouillet is of changing his plot except in details, how he fails to see that the last two acts destroy the effect of the first three by showing the in- sincerity of Philanire's grief, how his interest in the bizarre stultifies his tragic appeal, while he is not a good enough story teller to avoid impeding his action by interminable speeches introduced to show the pathos of a situation. The usual defects of the sixteenth century are evident: turgid rhetoric, artificial imagery from the classics, excessive use of monologues, the banal chorus, prophetic dream, messenger, confidants. On the other hand these defects are less evident than in many contemporary pieces. There is real feeling in the first three acts, where the appeal is purely emotional and the situation suggests Andromaque. The introduction of the children and the brutal language of Seuere and the execu- tioner lend an unusual realism. Compared with other six- teenth century plays, there is a considerable amount of action, if less than M. Faguet would have us believe. 24 The author has not felt bound by the unities, for not only are there sev- eral places represented and more than two nights, but the story is acted almost from the beginning, contrary to the usage of his contemporaries. In short, by his neglect of cer- tain artistic standards, the crudity of his language, the 24 Cf. his criticism of this play in the TragMie francaise au XVI. sitcle, pp. 369-373. 9] A CLASSICAL FRENCH TRAGEDY 167 naivete with which he follows his source, Eouillet shows that he has preserved certain characteristics of the medieval mys- teries in spite of his imitation of Seneca and his Greek pre- decessors. Mareschal is allowed by his seventeenth century idea of imitation to treat history with greater freedom. His regard for the bienseances and his inartistic desire to reward virtue make him provide the heroine, Matilde, with a third husband and prevent her being dishonored by the second. He seeks to bring his persons into conflict with each other and, as far as possible, to unite the whole play by a central struggle in the soul of the leading character. As his conception of the heroine prevents his allowing her the hesitation necessary to a moral combat, she yields the center of the stage to Charles, who is introduced in the second act and has the play named after him. To make his problem more difficult, the guilty man becomes his son and a new character is introduced to plead for the tatter's pardon. The exposition of the play is excellent. No time is wasted on the discussion of previous events; the chief scenes pass between persons vitally concerned in what is taking place. Rodolphe, Governor of Maastricht, sends his subordinates, Frederic and Ferdinand, to obtain a confession of guilt from Albert, while he remains with Matilde, the latter's wife, and seeks to convince her that her husband has sought to betray the city to the French king. When she tries to defend him, Rodolfe shows her that she has no proof of his innocence and tells her the only way in which she can save his life. Matilde rejects his proposition with indignation. Both Albert and herself will die rather than sacrifice her honor. Rodolfe shows her into the next room for a last interview with her husband. This exit makes possible a thoroughly dramatic situation, for Ferdinand, returning from an interview with Albert, comes to speak to Dionee, Matilde's suivante, of Albert's innocence and his own love for Matilde. He is surprised not to find the latter in the room where he had left her pleading for her 168 LANCASTER [10 husband. Told that she is in the next room with Albert, Ferdinand replies that he has just left the latter in prison. "Albert n'est point sorti; que mon coeur est bless6! Et Frederic luy-meme avec luy m'a laisse\ Ah ! ce rapport est faux ; il m'instruit, et me trouble, Dionee, on nous trompe; et ma crainte redouble. On vient: forcons la chambre; allons; suy ma fureur." The audience, led to believe that Matilde had gone to see her husband, suffers the same horrible suspense as Ferdinand and is not relieved by the following scene, in which Eodolfe is upbraided, by his mother, Fredegonde, for his treatment of Matilde, and is threatened with the approaching arrival of Charles the Bold. We learn from Frederic, however, that Charles is coming because he is afraid that Albert's treachery may endanger Eodolfe and we also learn the truth about the latter's interview with Matilde. He tells Frederic that his purpose has been thwarted by Matilde's fainting and the entrance of her mother. The women believe, however, that he has been successful and Matilde is now engaged in rousing the town against her supposed assailant. Frederic, acting here as elsewhere the part of Iago or Narcisse, seizes the occa- sion to persuade Eodolfe to have Albert executed in order that the death of her husband, rather than the loss of her honor, may seem to be the cause of Matilde's lament. In the first scene of the second act we learn that Albert is innocent and that the letter, supposedly sent by him to Louis XI, was a forgery. The main struggle of the play now begins, when Matilde enters with Charles, urging him eloquently to forget his love for Eodolfe and remember only his duty to the oppressed. " Vos Etats, sa valeur, sa faveur, vostre foy, Tout parle enfin pour luy; le Ciel parle pour moy." Charles debates, with preciosite to our thinking, probably not to that of the seventeenth century. He has put Rodolfe's welfare before the interests of state that held him at Liege, 11] A CLASSICAL FRENCH TRAGEDY 169 only to find him accused of a crime. Eodolfe tries to explain that Matilde fainted because of the news of her husband's execution, an event that is in reality now made known to her for the first time, as she plainly 3hows by the execrations she hurls at Eodolfe. Charles is shocked by the unjust and fool- ish haste of this execution, which prevents the discovery of possible accomplices. Eodolfe's attempted explanations only succeed in convincing Charles of his guilt and bringing about his arrest. A concluding tirade develops Charles's victory over his love for Eodolfe. But this struggle is renewed in the third act by the plead- ing of Fredegonde and Matilde. Charles, apparently unable to decide between them, declares that Eodolfe must imme- diately marry Matilde and bestow his possessions upon her. Neither Matilde's horror at this proposition nor Ferdinand's arguments turn Charles from his decision. Eodolfe is highly pleased. The ceremony is to be followed by a " tragedie " in which he and an unknown person are to take part. This anachronism, by which the court amusements of the seven- teenth century are put back into the fifteenth, may be par- doned by virtue of the dramatic interest it adds to the denoue- ment, which is now eagerly expected. The fourth act tells us that one of Eodolfe's hirelings has committed suicide after confessing the whole plot against Albert and Matilde, that the latter's marriage to Eodolfe has been celebrated, that the play is being performed. The ac- tion is behind the scenes in accordance with classic usage. The recital is made by Dionee to Ferdinand, Matilde's lover. "On ouure le Theatre On void sur le deuant un grand tapis s'abbattre ; De flambeaux esclairans lea deux cotez bordez; Deux hommes au milieu; dont l'un, les yeux bandez, Teste nue, a genoux, le col sous une lame, Alloit dans un moment rendre le sang et l'ame: L' autre pour un tel coup tirant le coutelas N'attend que le sinal, que Charles ne fait pas." * *iv, 3. 170 " LANCASTER [12 She adds that Charles has left the hall without giving the signal that will decide Rodolfe's fate. As in Horace, the recital of an important event, taking place behind the scenes, is made dramatic by its division among sev- eral persons, arranged so as to form a climax according to the amount of interest they have in the result. After Dionee's discourse, Matilde comes to tell us that the decision is sus- pended while Fredegonde pleads for Eodolfe. Then the fifth act begins with the entrance of Fredegonde and Charles. Despite her plea, he sends an attendant to order the execu- tion, whereupon she tells him that Eodolfe is his son by her sister and proves her statement by two notes left by the mother at her death. She has brought up Eodolfe as her own son. Charles is convinced, but decides not to alter his decision. Even Matilde now ceases to demand that Eodolfe be put to death, but Charles assures her that only so can justice be done. His victory over his emotions is considerably elaborated. Finally a captain brings the news of the execution. As Rodolfe swore before his death that he had not succeeded in his attempt to ravish Matilde, there seems nothing to prevent her marriage to Ferdinand. Left alone, Charles, still the cen- tral figure of the play, laments the necessity that had forced him to this sentence : " justice ! 6 destin ! que vostre ordre est seuere ! Perdre un Fils! vos decrets me porter a ce poinct! Ciel! ie l'ay fait; j'en pleure, et ne m'en repens point." This analysis shows how a classic dramatist handled a sub- ject from what he considered modern history. The theme is one that appeals to a romanticist: love, murder, and retribu- tion, a wife called upon to sacrifice her honor to save her hus- band's life, a professional villain who makes another of his master, the illegitimate son of a prince, recognized when the latter is about to put him to death ; all in the late fifteenth century at the court of the last of the Dukes of Burgundy. But Mareschal is not turned from the classic principles of his 13] A CLASSICAL FRENCH TRAGEDY 171 time. Like Corneille he chooses a complex and unusual sub- ject and alters it to suit himself, selects an Auguste for his protagonist, seeks to rouse admiration rather than pity. His characters debate with themselves and with one another, adorn- ing their discourse with rhetorical periods, sententious lines, and subtle antitheses. He is classic in the rapidity of the action and the preserva- tion of the unities. By keeping Albert off the stage 26 and crowding into one act the events that preceded Charles's arrival, the author brings us quickly to the principal theme of the play, the justice of the Duke. There is a slight viola- tion of the unity of action in the unnecessary sub-plot con- cerned wth Ferdinand's love for Matilde. The fact that Eodolfe turns out to be Charles's son has no effect upon the action and consequently does not act as a deus ex machina; it helps to bring out clearly Charles's love of justice. The compression of the events into a single day suits Charles's impetuosity. The single place has the advantages and disad- vantages of similar arrangements in other classic plays. The scene of the play within the play, the sentence suspended while the prisoner waits with his head on the block, would have tempted a romantic dramatist, but Mareschal leaves it in the wings, and shows us instead the effect of the impending execu- tion upon Matilde, Fredegonde, and Charles. His treatment of local color and character is as fully classic. His people, indeed, unlike Rouillet's, bear names ap- propriate to the time and place in which they lived, Matilde, Ferdinand, Frederic, Leopold, etc. Mention is made of Louis XI, of the siege of Liege, of Maastricht. We see a feudal system in operation with the power of life and death in the hands, first of Charles, then of his subordinate. There is talk of war and tents. But there is little concrete and detailed local color except, perhaps, in the description of the " tra- '"For a different treatment of a similar subject, cf. Maeterlinck's Monna Vanna. 172 LANCASTER [14 gedie," which is clearly anachronistic. Mareschal seeks only the general characteristics of the times and is more interested in the ideas and sentiments of his characters than in their physical surroundings. His men and women illustrate general types. Matilde is brave, virtuous, vindictive, and cold; she shows as little hesi- tation in sacrificing her husband's life to her own virtue as she does in demanding the death of his murderer. Frederic is an accomplished villain, who arranges Eodolfe's crimes in their smallest details and inspires him with courage for their execu- tion. Rodolfe is the weak criminal, ruled by his passions and the suggestions of his intimates, without resources when left alone and without remorse until he is about to die. Ferdi- nand, the self-sacrificing lover, serves to comfort the heroine at the end of the play, as he had helped to keep the audience informed of various happenings during its progress. But we are mainly interested in Charles, the only his- torical person of the tragedy. It seems to me that Mareschal has succeeded in making an accurate picture of his hero, apart from his giving him an illegitimate son. Charles was noted for his continence, although he had been a reluctant bridegroom, and is said to have lived " plus chaste- ment que communement les princes ne font." 27 The picture, too, is incomplete, for Mareschal does not show Charles taking vengeance on Liege, contending with Louis, or attacking the Swiss. We think of him as the rash, obstinate, and blood- thirsty fighter because we remember him chiefly from these incidents, but there was another side to him, historically well attested, which we are apt to forget and which Mareschal has well described. Charles " aimoit fort ses serviteurs," " aimoit honneur et craignoit Dieu." 28 Comines 29 says that he was open to every appeal. He was rigorously just in his judgments, suppressed 21 Chastellain, Pantheon litt&raire, p. 509; Kirk, op. cit., I, 113. M Chastellain, loc. cit. a n, 66. 15] A CLASSICAL FRENCH TRAGEDY . 173 crime with vigor, and made no exception of the nobility. He was " sage et descret de son parler, orne et compasse en ses raisons . . . parloit de grand sens . . . dur en opinion, mais preud'homme et juste, en conseil estoit agu, subtil." 30 Ac- cording to Mareschal, Charles is an excellent judge, who hears Matilde's appeal and goes quickly to business, is not deceived by Rodolfe's efforts to clear himself, realizes the state's need of discovering a criminal's accomplices. He is a keen in- vestigator and knows when to be silent. He does not allow his love for Eodolfe to prevail over his sense of justice, basing his judgment on the need of example and reparation and, per- haps, influenced by Matilde's appeal to his religious ideas. Mareschal also shows Charles's impetuosity by his hurrying away from the siege of Liege to arrive almost unannounced at Maastricht and by the speed with which he proceeds to the trial and the execution of the sentence. He brings out his posses- sion of absolute power, his thorough acceptance of feudalism, his desire for fame. 31 Finally there is a certain hardness, a thorough self-confidence, a reserve, a melancholy about Charles that are admirably brought out in the play. On the whole, the portrayal is a fine example of historical characteri- zation as conceived by a classical dramatist. From the foregoing considerations it is clear that the mod- ernity of the subject has little effect upon the classic manner. For his chief appeal the writer depends on the admiration roused by a noble action rather than on the pity caused by suffering. History is followed only far enough to make the audience accept the narrative as plausible. The characteriza- tion is general ; in the case of Charles, largely historical. The local color is that which Corneille put into his Roman plays, a few names and facts known to all, with few concrete details to rouse the imagination or distract the attention from the psychological study. The unities are preserved. Important " Kirk, op. cit., I, 462. 81 III, 2 ; v, 3. 174 LANCASTER [16 events take place behind the scenes, while their effect upon the minds of the characters is carefully shown. A classic dramatist does not become a romanticist by the choice of a modern subject. The two conceptions of the drama are so profoundly different that the plays remain essentially unlike even when one dramatist comes into the historical period supposedly reserved to the other. FRENCH CLASSICAL DRAMA AND THE COMEDIE LARMOYANTE BY F. M. Warren The notions which obtain in the serious comedy of France, the comedie larmoyante, during the second quarter of the eighteenth century, are commonly derived from the moralists of the closing years of the seventeenth century, and from ideas which were current on the English stage of that period. Apparently no attempt has been made to connect these notions with the conceptions and methods of French classical drama. Yet the ordinary trend of literary criticism would naturally lead to such an attempt. Dramatic composition is peculiarly amenable to tradition. The principles of the art are fairly permanent. The theatre of one generation invari- ably contains the germs of the theatre which follows. Why then should the comedie larmoyante prove an exception, and alone of all the forms of comedy or tragedy reject its an- cestral inheritance ? Leaving England aside for the moment, we may admit that the ethics of La Rochefoucauld, La Fon- taine, Boileau and La Bruyere prompt the virtuous senti- ments of Destouches and La Chaussee. Certain apothegms of these older writers may be even regarded as the text for the exegesis of the younger. The familiar maxim of La Rochefoucauld : "Le bon naturel, qui se vante d'etre si sensible, est souvent etouffe par le moindre interet " (Maxime 275), and its corrective with La Bruyere : " II y a de certains grands sentiments, de certaines .actions nobles et elevees, que nous devons moins a la force de notre esprit qu'a la bonte de notre naturel " (" Du Cceur," 79), contain the essence of Le Glori- eux or Le Prejuge a la Mode. The innate goodness of 1] 175 176 WARREN [2 human nature, the joy which a " sensible " heart bestowed on its lucky possessor, may have been heresy and folly to the rank and file of Moliere's contemporaries, but they never- theless formed the delight of some select souls of his day. However, neither La Rochefoucauld nor La Bruyere were playwrights, and of the quartet La Fontaine alone ventured to try his hand at dramatic composition. So that in order to give the comedie larmoyante a rational place in the history of the French theatre, we must find its forerunners in plays which preceded it. There must be ideas, episodes, perhaps plots — the last is surely not necessary — in the stage of the seventeenth century, which resemble the ideas and incidents of the serious comedy of the eighteenth. At first glance this resemblance does not appear. The strik- ing feature in Destouches, who anticipates and explains La Chaussee, 1 and therefore must himself be explained, is his character portraits, a trait which he borrowed from La Bruyere. His fondness for moral teaching may be attributed quite as plausibly to the example of Boileau and La Fontaine. It is also probable that Telemachus was a model for his heroes and heroines. For Fenelon has endowed this off- spring of his invention with those qualities of mind and heart that Destouches and La Chaussee never tire of praising. Telemachus is " sensible." He is emotional even to tears. His belief in the inherent goodness of human nature is based on bedrock. And the mere sight of the father whom he does not know is enough to start in him the flow of natural affection. 2 What further virtues can Destouches — or La 1 G. Lanson, Nivelle de la Chamsee et la Comedie larmoyante, 2nd ed'n., pp. 43-45. 2 T6l€maque, d'un naturel vif et sensible (T6Umaque, vm). — Lais- sez-moi en ce moment pleurer mon pere (do. i). — II verse un torrent de larmes (do. vn). — II s'afflige sans savoir pourquoi; les larme? coulent de ses yeux, et rien ne lui est si doux que de pleurer (do. xxvi ) . — T6l6maque . . . se rGjouissait qu'il y eut encore au monde un peuple qui, suivant la droite nature, fat si sage et si heureux 3] CLASSICAL DRAMA AND COMEDIE LARMOYANTE 177 Chaussec — add? Telemaque was published in 1699. U Ob- stacle imprevu, where Destouches appeals for the first time to the voice of nature, where he makes his first attempt to heighten the spectator's interest by the sight of a father in disguise, 3 and where novelistic incidents first become notice- able, is of 1717. 4 This same year, 1717, Destouches went to England. He staid there six years. It is generally supposed that acquaint- ance with the English stage increased his liking for pathetic scenes and moral exhortations. But when a specific instance of such an influence is sought for one finds himself in a quan- dary. The comedies of Cibber, Mrs. Centlivre and Steele, the dramatists in vogue during Destouches' residence in London, resemble the drame bourgeois but remotely. Steele's Con- scious Lovers, which was acted in November, 1722, could alone be cited as fostering a taste for the pathetic and romanesque. This play appeared only on the eve of Destou- ches' return home, and its peculiar characteristics may in fact have been due to the unrecorded instigation of the French playwright, a conjecture which is surely more probable than the other, that Steele swayed Destouches. 5 Nor did the latter, when again in France, in 1723, imme- diately engage in further dramatic production. Several years slipped by before his Philosophe marie (1727) was staged. And here there is nothing new. The old effects of tout ensemble ( do. viii ) . — Je sens que mon coeur s'interesse pour cet homme, sans savoir pourquoi . . . . je sentais bien dans cet in- connu je ne sais quoi qui m'attirait ;1 ltd et qui remuait toutes mes entrailles (do. xxiv). 3 W. T. Peirce, The Bourgeois from Moliere to Beaumarchais, Columbus, 1907 (Johns Hopkins dissertation), p. 58. * Tears had already flowed in L'Ingrat (1712), and Le Me"disant (1715). They are shed again in L'Obstaele impre'vu. With this play melodrama really begins. 5 See The Conscious Lovers, Act I, Sc. 2 (family captured on the high seas, daughter saved unknown to father), Act v, Sc. 3 (recog- nition scene, pathos, tears). 12 178 WARREN [4 L'Obstaclc imprevu are simply revived and developed. A disguise again (of the unsuccessful lover, not the father), pathos and tears, and a moral lesson succinctly preached. But these features of the future comedie larmoyante now form scenes in a plot which was made fairly famous by later use, the idea of the husband ashamed of his love for the wife because the decree of fashion was against it. This notion had come forward in Destouches' first comedy, Le Curieux impertinent (1710), and, before Destouches, in Dan- court's Foire de Besons* (1695). Yet its repetition in Le Philosophe marie must have seemed a novelty to the public, for Destouches felt himself obliged to reply to the criticisms aimed at him with the one-act comedy of UEnvieux, much as Moliere had defended himself under similar circumstances. In UEnvieux the various questions raised by Le Philosophe marie are passed in review, such as the husband's attitude towards the wife, the propriety of tears in a comedy, the advantages of a simple style and plot and the appropriate- ness of moral instruction on the stage. 7 So it is in Le Philosophe marie of 1727, and not in Le Glorieux of 1732, that Destouches is confessedly conscious of his new departure. It is with this play, therefore, that the analysis of the elements which go to make up the comedie larmoyante should stop. What were these elements? "Were they purely narrative, disquisitional, coming from essays, maxims, satires, novels only? The confidence which Destouches showed in his apology of UEnvieux would argue that they were not. Had he doubted the strength of his case as a dramatic writer, had he felt himself unsupported by the traditions of the French theatre, he would have be- trayed some slight uneasiness at least when he summoned Molicre's comedies of character to give their evidence in his e Peirce, op. cit., p. 46. ''UEnvieux, Sc. 10, 12, 14. — The apologist suggests Le Mari horteux de Vetre as a better title for the original play. 5] CLASSICAL DRAMA AND COMEDIE LARMOYANTE 179 favor (Sc. 14). Assured then by his bearing we should turn back to the stage of the seventeenth century, with the firm expectation of finding in its productions more than mere traces of these same novelistic ideas. And if we find them there to any marked degree, we would be in a position to object to the accepted verdict, that Destouches was the first who shaped them to dramatic ends. In such a review Corneille naturally leads, and so far as his comedies are concerned we do not discover any especial resemblance to Destouches. Le Menteur is a character play, but it is not at all pathetic. Corneille's tragedies are also foreign to the conception of the comedie larmoyante, with one important exception, Heraclius. The performance of He radius, in 1647, had been attended by a moderate amount of success. Its production by Moliere's company later did not, however, meet with favor. When it was revived again, many years afterwards, in 1724, Destouches had just returned from England, and the fortunes of the new comedy were hanging in the balance. But this time Heraclius was well liked. Public taste had evidently changed. Heraclius suited the change, and attracted sufficient notice to become the subject of a literary controversy. 8 Its romanesque plot and melodramatic notions, which may have harmed it under Louis XIV, helped it under his successor. For its hero, Heraclius, is a disguised character. Phocas believes him to be his son, while in reality he is the son of Maurice, who had been put to death by Phocas. As a further complication, Phocas' Own son, Martian, passes as the son of a governess. Phocas' desire to have Heraclius marry Pul- cheria, who is Maurice's daughter and therefore Heraclius' sister, forces the governess to acquaint Heraclius with the facts of his birth. The other characters of the play remain unenlightened still, with the result that this misunderstanding ■ Marty-Laveaux edition of Corneille ("Les Grands Ecrivains"), v, p. 118. 180 WARREN [6 lasts up to the solution, and sustains the action. When all are finally informed of their actual parentage, Martian, who had unwittingly joined in a conspiracy to kill Phocas, his father, claims that had he proceeded to carry out his purpose " nature " would have stayed his hand. 9 But Phocas could not rightly interpret this instinctive feeling because of his vices. After much wavering he thinks that nature indicates Heraclius as his son. 10 The goodness of Heraclius inclines him towards the same mistaken conclusion. Phocas' kindness to him makes him uncertain as to the promptings of nature's voice. 11 Yet when Phocas is punished at the end, it is Martian's heart and not Heraclius', which tends towards a silent protest. 12 Disguised relationships, appeals to nature to decide which is the father, which the son, these are among the chosen devices of the comedie larmoyante. And they make the whole interest of Heraclius. Given again to the stage at the mo- ment when the new comedy was forming, with the authority of the great Corneille back of them, we cannot possibly pre- sume that they remained without any influence on the play- wrights of 1724. Though Destouches does not mention Heraclius, we must suppose, with his great passion for the theater, that he is to be counted among the spectators who applauded Martian's sentiments. Of the literary controversy which the tragedy excited he surely was cognizant. Other dramatists of Corneille's day, following in his foot- * Et lorsque contre vous il m'a fait entreprendre. La nature en secret aurait su m'eri d 2166 185 .08 Feuilles d'Automne 2065 77 .03 Roi S'Amuse 1662 113 .06 Chants du Crep 2219 79 .03 Esmeralda 112 4 .03 Voix Inter 2048 103 .05 Marion de Lorme 2025 141 .06 Buy Bias 2250 168 .07 Rayons et Ombres 2444 78 .03 Burgraves 1885 115 .06 Chatiments 5167 280 .05 Contemplations 1 3370 173 .05 II 4430 179 .04 Legendes des S. 1 5400 359 .06 Paris 826 33 .04 Actcs et Paroles '70-71.. 411 17 .04 '71-76.. 240 20 .08 Annee Terrible 6050 325 .05 Legende des S. II 7000 242 .03 III 4600 212 .04 Religions. L'Ane 4500 185 .04 Art d'Etre Gr.-Pere 3120 162 .05 Close Overflow. 7 4 33 6 21 16 14 117 94 34 80 141 127 39 189 16 2 3 63 62 39 60 45 5] victor Hugo's versification 213 Quatre Vents de 1'Es. I. " II. Torquemada Legende des S. IV Theatre en Liberte Annees Funestes Dieu Jumeaux Toute la Lyre I " II " III Fin de Satan Pape. Pitie Supr Total, 4100 2550 2150 5300 3800 2600 5100 1450 3650 2550 2600 5300 3050 160 89 94 303 266 190 345 32 226 161 197 335 213 .03 .04 .04 .05 .07 .07 .06 .03 .06 .07 .07 .06 .06 79 21 53 137 85 50 66 16 31 33 35 62 34 119,800 6198 .05 1814 .01 TABLE II. Lyric. Name. No. of Lines. Odes et Ballades 3800 Orientales 1550 Feuilles d'Aut 2065 Chants du Crep 2219 Voix Inter 2048 Rayons et Om 2444 Contempl. 1 3370 II 4430 Legende, 1 5400 " II - 7000 " III 4600 Art d'Etre Gr.-Pere 3120 Quatre Vents 1 4100 " II 2550 Legende, IV 5300 Toute la Lyre, 1 3650 " " " II 2550 " " " III 2600 Fin de Satan 5300 Total 68,096 Soman ti< c- % Close Overflow. % 41 .01 52 .04 4 .003 77 .03 6 .002 79 .03 16 .007 103 .05 14 .006 78 .03 34 .01 173 .05 127 .03 179 .05 39 .008 359 .06 189 .03 242 .03 62 .009 212 .04 39 .008 162 .05 45 .01 160 .03 79 .01 89 .04 21 .008 303 .05 137 .02 226 .06 31 .008 161 .07 33 .01 197 .07 35 .01 335 .06 62 .01 3228 .047 973 .01 214 THIEME [6 Drama. Cromwell 6260 312 Hernani 2166 185 Eoi S' Amuse 1662 113 Esmeralda 112 4 Marion de L 2025 141 Buy Bias 2250 168 Burgraves 1885 115 Torquemada 2150 94 Theatre en Lib 3800 266 Jumeaux 1450 32 Total 23760 1430 Satiric, etc. i Chatiments 5167 280 Paris 826 33 Religions. L'Ane 4500 185 Actes et P 411 17 " 240 20 Annee Ter 6050 325 Annees Fun 2600 190 Dieu 5100 345 Pape. Pitie" S 3050 213 Total 27,930 1708 .05 7 .001 .08 33 .01 .06 21 .01 .03 .06 117 .05 .07 94 .04 .06 80 .04 .04 53 .02 .07 85 .02 .03 16 .01 .06 506 .02 .05 141 .02 .04 16 .01 .04 60 .01 .04 2 .004 .08 3 .01 .05 63 .01 .07 50 .02 .06 66 .01 .06 34 .01 .06 435 .01 Verse Measure. As far as the writer has been able to ascertain no attention has heretofore been called to the occurrence of lines of 13, 11, or 10 syllables in Victor Hugo's Alexandrines. In the Hetzel edition there are a considerable number of printer's errors and some of these give lines of 13 or 11 syllables. In the Edition de l'Imprimerie Rationale some of these errors have been corrected or changed, but unfortunately without a statement of the authority. But, apart from these typo- 7] victor Hugo's versification 215 graphical variations, there are a number of irregular verses attributable to Victor Hugo. I. Thirteen Syllable Lines. A. Assured cases. In the following lines there seems to be no doubt as to thirteen syllables: 1. Cromwell, Acte II, Scene x, p. 132: Surtout ne m'interromps pas! Tous ces airs-la, mon cher. 2. Legende, I, Aymerillot, p. 225 : Comte, ce bon due Naymes expire do vieillesse. 1 3. Theatre en Liberie, L'Epee, fin de la Scene n; in, p. 78-79 : Slagistri ! L'homme a le droit de toucher au cadran. 4. Dieu, L'Ange, p. 188 : Brigands que la nuit cache dans son vaste recel. 5. Pitie Supreme, vm, p. 123 : Les maudits ont besoin de tStes inclinees Sur eux, sur leurs mysteres et sur leurs destinees. 2 1 Naymes occurs in two other lines and in both cases the s is retained. The line reads the same in the Imp. Nat. edition. 2 Compare, in this connection : Toute la Lyre, in, La Corde d'Avrain, vin, p. 156: Dgsirant tuer seulement qui leur deplatt. This poem was written in 1871 and the line which is probably the first example of an overflowing or run-over cesura found in 216 THIEME [8 B. Lines corrected in the Edition de I'Imprim. Nat. 1. Les Contemplations, i, La Tie aux Champs, p. 18: Mais le doux rire honnSte ouvrant bouches et occurs, Qui montren£ en m6me temps des ames et des perles.* 2. Legende, n, Les Quatre Jours d'Elciis, p. 230: Done, viatique, psauwies et vSpres, scapulaires.* 3. Legende, in, La Rose de Vlnfante, p. 46: Et le lugubre roi sourit de voir groupees Sur quatre cents navires quatrevingt mille epees. 5 C. Doubtful Cases. 1. In the following line ruine must be counted as dis- syllabic. The word occurs more than fifty times and in every other case is trisyllabic. Les Rayons et les Ombres, Le 7 Aout 1829, p. 29 : O palais, sois beni, soyez b6nie, 6 ruine.* French poetry, has undoubtedly served as a type for the many lines of the same structure found in de Banville and Verlaine. It has the required number of syllables. 8 Imp. Nat. montre. * Imp. Nat. psaume. 6 Imp. Nat. vaissauw. •In the same work, pp. 27, 45, 202, 212, 223: Helas, s'attache aux rois comme a toute ruine. Car la ruine m6me autour de sa tristesse. Sent qu'il n'est deja plus qu'une tombe en ruine. Le nid qui jase au fond du cloitre ruine\ Cette mousse qui pend aux siecles ruinfis. Les Burgraves, p. 88, 98: Vas-tu, sur ce donjon que tu dois ruiner. Sont disperses sans doute au vent de ma ruine. 9] victor Hugo's versification 217 2. In the following line " pion " is used as a monosyllable. Nouns in -ion are elsewhere dissyllabic. Art d'Etre Grand-pere, Aux Enfants Gates, p. 170: Quand, ainsi qu'on remue un pion sur l'gchiquier. 3. The following lines, if read according to the text, con- tain thirteen syllables, but in each a slight change gives the required number of syllables: ' Chants du Crepuscule, p. Ill : Vent fatal qui eonfond les meilleures et les pires. T Esmeralda, p. 158 : Enfants! pas de querelles, aujourd'hui tout est joie. 8 Buy Bias, p. 167: Rien! pas d'armes! Une 6p6e au moins! Marquis tu railles. 9 Les Bayons et les Ombres, p. 159 : Par eux-m§mes amene" dans 1'orniere ou nous sommes. 10 La Ltgende, I, p. 279, 285: Je sois vaincu, d6truit, aboli, ruine\ La ruine est promise a tout ee qui s'6leve. Other examples may be found as follows, all showing the dis- syllabic use of ruine: Paris, pp. 138, 144-6-7-8-9, 152, 161. Amite Terrible, pp. 107, 131, 252, 262-3, 281. Ltgende, n, pp. 59, 67, 153, 168, 285; in, pp. 21, 47, 82, 241. Religions, pp. 99, 110. Art d'Etre Grand-pere, p. 72. Quatre Vents, I, pp. 192, 256; II, pp. 11, 220, 237. Jumeaux, pp. 162, 184, 193, 240. Anntes Funestes, pp. 6, 169. Ltgende, Vf, p. 55. Theatre en LiberU, p. 178. Toute la Lyre, I, pp. 48, 147, 243; n, pp. 80, 191. T Read meilleurs. * Read querelle. •Read arme. M eux-mime ; the same change in Toute la Lyre, I, p. 207: D'ouvrir la porte eux-m6me(s) aux coleres en bas. 218 THIEME [10 Legende, m, p. 200: Aiguilles, pics de nei^es et cimes souveraines." II. Eleven-Syllable Lines. A. Assured Cases. 1. Esmeralda, Acte IV, Scene I, p. 180; Etes-vous prete ? A quoi? Prfite a mourir. Oui. 2. Les Contemplations, l, A propos d'Horace, p. 41: Ces diacres, ces bedeaux dont le groin renifle. 3. Religions, Conclusion, p. 71 : Qui n'est pas lui, m'indigne, et n'a pas droit d'etre. 4. Torquemada, Acte II, Scene n, p. 122: Et madame, aux pieds de vos altesses. Soit. 5. Les Annees Funestes, xxxiii, p. 88 : Le monde, ainsi aux temps de Claude et Comene. B. Lines corrected in the Edition de VImprim. Nat. 1. Marion de Lorme, Acte V, Scene vn, p. 189 : Avoir fait ton malheur, va, e'est un grand remord. Ne me laisse pas, pardonne-moi, Marie ! a 2. La Legende, I, Montfaucon, p. 171: Quel est le moyen de regner? dit Philippe. 1 * 11 Read neige. ■ Imp. Nat. ^e me le laisse pas. a Imp. Nat. Quel est le moyen done. Victor Hugo never used moyen except as a word of two syllables. 11] victor Hugo's versification 219 C. Doubtful Cases. 1. Legende, ii, Welf, p. 201 : Ouvre-moi. Je suis roi d'Arle aux verts coteaux." 2. Legende, n, Les Catastrophes, p. 241 : Seule utile lueur qui sort du despote. 15 III. Ten-Syllable Lines. The following two ten-syllable lines are found in L'Art d'Etre Grand-pere: 1. L'Art d'Etre Grand-pere: Printemps, p. 24: J'entends dans le jardin les enfants rire. 2. L'Art d'Etre Grand-pere: Un Manque/ p. 27: Dans l'admiration de ces jolis doigts roses, Leur compare, en toutes sortes de choses, Ses grosses mains a lui. . . . IV. Words used as Monosyllables or Dissyllables. A. Such words as hier, diable have always been used by poets both as monosyllables and as dissyllables. The follow- ing words have generally a definite value, but in Victor Hugo they are found as monosyllables or dissyllables : 1. "aout." Le quatorze juillet, le dix aout, ces journees (1), Actes (1871-76), p. 82. "Arle may be written Aries, e. g., p. 202: Aries t'attend. Je t'offre en ma ville latine. 15 The subjunctive " sorte " is undoubtedly the correct form and is the one found in the Ed. de l'lmp. Nat. 220 THIEME [12 Or, en juin, la Lusace, en aout, les Moraves (2), L6gende, ii, p. 66. C'etait le sept aout, 6 sombre destinee! (2), Les Rayons, p. 23. 2. "Juan." Et voila que don Juan pStrifie" palit (1), Contemplations, I, p. 29. D'Eve au clottre, et que fuir don Juan dans Origene (1), • Religions, p. 113. Fait tout© la grandeur de don Juan athee (2), Quatre Vents, n, p. 194. Et don Juan! — C'est Dante et Beatrix! — Le lierre (2), Ligende, iv, p. 20. 3. " jaguar." Le mandrille au jaguar, le perroquet a l'aigle (1), Art d'Etre . . . , p. 47. Aux jaguars, aux lynx, aux tigres des forgts (2), Ligende, H, p. 224. 4. " miasme." Comment le parfum pur devint miasme f6tide (1), L6gende, in, p. 16. Mgle" dans leur s€pulcre au miasme insalubre (2), lb., p. 116. 5. "moelle." Trouve peu d'os a moelle et peu d'auteurs a seve (1), Religions, p. 103. Le sang pro fond du coeur, la moelle des os (2), Ann4e Terrible, p. 241. 6. " ruisseau." Oc6an aux ruisseaux et soleil aux planetes (1), Annte Ter., p. 190. Comme au sombre ocean arrive tout ruisseau (1), LSgende, iv, p. 125. Comme un ruisseau vil est pire qu'un torrent (2), Annie Ter., p. 25. B. Trisyllabic words used as dissyllables: 1. " luncheon." Devant les grecs faisant, dans un luncheon nocturne, Religions, p. 28. 13] victor Hugo's versification 221 2. " prairials." Apres ces messidors, ces prairials, ces frimaires, Chdtiments, p. 117. V. Hiatus (Mute e -J- oui or a Vowel). In the following list of examples it will readily be seen from the variety of cases that mute e -J- oui or a vowel counts as one or two syllables. A. Mute e -(- oui = two syllables. Monsieur! Wilmot devrait mourir de honte, oui, Cromwell, p. 68. Une aureole. Oui, de la couleur du sang, 76., p. 253. Comment as-tu besoin qu'on te rgponde: oui? 76., p. 286. Qui n'ose dire non et ne peut dire oui, Voix lntir., p. 187. Libre? Oui . . . Prenez-moi pour frere, pour appui, Marion de Lorme, p. 15. Ah! malheureuse. Oui, malheureuse, en effet, lb., p. 110. Soyons l'immense Oui (6 syl. line), Contemplations, II, p. 160. Entendra ce tombeau dire a voix haute: Oui, Ann&e Terrible, p. 13. Tu viens d'incendier la Bibliotheque ? Oui. 76., p. 220. Non aux basques de Oui toujours se suspendit, Religions, p. 159. l T n petit prince est-il un petit homme? Oui. Art d'Etre Grand-pere, p. 159. Etes-vous sombre? Oui, vous l'etes (8 syl. line), lb., p. 176. Qui pourrait dire non? Qui pourrait dire Oui, Quatre Vents, p. 211. Vraiment? Connaissez-vous son ecriture? Oui, Jumeaux, p. 186-7. Suis-je un homme? Ai-je un nom? Seul je peux dire Oui, 76., p. 221. C'est qu'on me pilera sans que je dise Oui 76., p. 224. Xotre voisine? Oui. Va cliez elle. Avec toi, L4gende, ni, p. 199. Ici, spectre ! Viens la que je te parle. Oui, Annies Funestes, p. 28. Dieu vit. Le Oui du jour et le Non de la nuit, Dieu, p. 171. Du vrai, le oui du non, le rayon de la foudre, Toute la Lyre, I, p. 266. Dieu! Rfrve! Oui finit par ressembler a non, 76., in, p. 123. 11 se dit par moments: C'est moi qui marche; oui, 76., ni, p. 200. 222 THIEME [14 B. Mute e -f- oui = one syllable. De l'apocalypse. Oui. Cromwell sur notre tete, Cromwell, p. 345. Dona Sol de Silva? parle. Oui. — Pourquoi? Pour rien, Hernani, p. 12. Vous etes done le diable? Oui, duegne. Entrez ici, lb., p. 14. O Marion de Lorme! Oui! La beauts du jour, Marion de Lorme, p. 27. II est temps de dormir, madame, Oui, e'est notre heure, lb., p. 33. Deux mots. A l'6p6e? Oui. Veux-tu le pistolet, lb., p. 46. De renoncer au duel? Mais e'est tres sage. Oui, mais, lb., p. 52. II fait grace? Oui, le roi. Mais non le cardinal, lb., p. 62. De la Rochelle. Oui, da! J'approuve le saint sifege, lb., p. 123. Je vous la rends. Vraiment! une 6pee! Oui, ma foi, lb., p. 150. Ma femme! Oui, votre femme! Allons, je n'en suis pas, Ruy Bias, p. 144. Ma joie! Oui, je saurai terminer mon courage, Bur graves, p. 67. C'est horrible, oui, brigand, jacobin, malandrin, Contempl., I, p. 67. De charrue? Oui, je veux creuser le noir limon, lb., p. 202. Voila ce que m'offrit l'histoire. Oui, c'est cruel, lb., ii, p. 59. Bonhomme. — Oui, je sais bien, parce que j'ai des membres, Lfyende, I, p. 72. Et ces dieux ont raison. Phtos ecume. Oui, dit-il, lb., p. 87. Pretre! Oui, je suis a thee a ce vieux bon Dieu-la, Annee Ter., p. 68. Dit Jorge. Oui, s'il revient? dit Materno l'Hyene, Legende, n, p. 37. Un pauvre oui. Jamais roi dans sa coupe ne but, lb., p. 196. Dit l'ane. Oui. C'est mon nom et je l'ai merits, Religions, p. 79. 18 C. Miscellaneous Examples. Chassons-le/ Arriere tous! il faut que j'entretienne, Cromwell, p. 129. Puisqu'il s'agit de hache ici, que .Hernani, Hernani, p. 172. Votre pere .Henri, de mgmoire royale, Marion, p. 136. Qu'apres tout on est fils d'.Henri quatre, et Bourbon, Id., p. 137. " Further examples may be found as follows : Quatre Vents, pp. 181, 196, 207, 242, 243, 250; Torquemada, 20, 26, 33, 152; Jumeaux, 218, 222; Theatre en LiberU, 34, 61, 88, 130, 137, 167, 180, 214; Annees Funestes, 57, 67, 110; Dieu, 178. 15] victor Hugo's versification 223 Ce Gaspard? Ce Didier? Je crois qw'oui. Les derniers, Marion, p. 146. Ciel! Qu'as-tu r6pondu? J'ai dit que oui, mon mattre, Ruy Bias, p. 150. O libre i/offmann, planant dans les r§ves fougueux, Religions, p. 118. VI. Que and ce in Stressed Position. Aside from these irregularities or licenses which have done so much to pave the way for the modern tendencies in French verse, there are lines which pointed out to the younger poets new possibilities in the division of the Alexandrine. The romantic divisions of which 444, 453, 345, 534 are the most common, are now well known and practised, more or less, by all poets. To place a mute e in the stress or " coupe," thus giving it the value of any other vowel, had not been done before. Thus, when we meet lines in which " que " or " ce " are in a stressed position, we have practically every liberty demanded by modern poets. The Alexandrine is now reduced to twelve syllables with no restriction in the interior of the line. The following lines are very unusual and interesting from the technical structural point of view: C'est qu'il est un des coeurs que, d6ja sous les cieux, Voix Inter., p. 137. H6las! de quelque nom que, broy6 sous l'essieux, lb., p. 220. N'est-ce done pas assez que, soldats et finance, Marion, p. 45. Sur ce, faisons la soupe, et repassons nos rOles, lb., p. 80. Un des jeunes seigneurs que, de cette fengtre, Ruy Bias, p. 34. A la reine. Un seigneur que, de la part du roi, 76., p. 67. Donne done a ta ville, ami, ce grand exemple Que, si les marchands vils n'entrent pas dans le temple, Rayons, p. 132. Pour que, puisant la vie au grand centre commun, lb., p. 172. Que, l'epee a la main, seul, brisant une porte, Burgraves, p. 88. Magistrats! maintenant que, reprenant du cceur, Chdtiments, p. 15. Va, maudit! ce boulet que, dans les temps stoiques, lb., p. 34. Sur ce, les charlatans prfichent leur auditoire, 76., p. 274. 224 THIEME [16 Fremissent. C'est ainsi que, paisible et euperbe, lb., p. 318. Et, sur ce, les pedants en chceur disent: amen, Contempl., i, p. 66. Ces hydres que, le jour, on appelle des arbres, lb., n, p. 151. Depuis quatre mille ans que, courbe' sous la baine, lb., II, p. 190. Du parapluie, afin que, s'il tombe trop d'eau, Quatre Vents, i, p. 206. When we consider the number of Alexandrines written by Victor Hugo and the conditions under which he often wrote, as well the nature of the subjects, and note from the table of statistics the relative rarity of irregularities, we realize that his technical art was and will remain the model for the French poets of the future. NOTES ON THE ETYMOLOGY OF "BACHELIER" BY William A. Stowell Bachelier, Old French bacheler, is usually supposed to go back to a Folk-Latin baccalaris, of which I know no occurrence. There are, however, in South-French cartularies, numerous examples of a form baccalarius, a term applied to certain peasants, and of a form baccalaria, referring to a kind of landed tenure. Scheler's suggestion x that bachelier may perhaps be related to Latin vacca through a derived form applied to property connected in some way with cattle has not met with general acceptance, on account both of the phonetic obstacle offered by the initial sound of the word, and of the absence of a demonstration of the semasiological filiation; yet no other etymon has been proposed which offers greater claims to favor, so that the general opinion of scholars seems to accord with the statement of the Dictionnaire general 2 that the origin of the word is uncertain. It may therefore be useful to assemble the examples of the Latin words, and 1 Diet, d'e"tymologie fr., s. v. bachelier. This derivation is already proposed in the first edition (1862), and is still maintained in the third (1888) ; it is referred to by Murray, 2V. E. D., s. v. bachelor. Korting, in the third edition of his Worterbuch den rom. Spr. (1907), no. 1134, still looks on this etymology as at best a pis alter, but in the Worterbuch der frz. Spr. (1908), s. v. bachelier, he has adopted it, and posits for baccalarius the successive mean- ings: owner, of a cow; small peasant proprietor; young peasant; youth. 2 8. v. bachelier. Those who have made serious attempts to ex- plain the word without recurring to vacca would connect it with the Celtic, but no satisfactory Celtic etymon has been suggested. See Thurneysen, Keltoromanisches, Halle, 1884, pp. 38-39. 1] 225 15 226 STOWELL [2 to see whether the context and the geographical distribution of the material cast any light on their disputed meanings and on their possible connection with bachelier. So far as I know, the list which follows includes all ex- amples that have been found of baccalaria (a tenure), and examples of baccalarius, baccalaria (adjective or substantive used of persons) from the only texts known to contain the word. The passages preceded by an asterisk have not to my knowledge been previously referred to in this connection. 3 I. Baccalaria, a Form of Feudal Eeal-Estate ( 1 ) Ego, Godefredus, . . . comes, . . . cedo ... ad monasterium . . . curtem meam indominicatam, quae vocatur Igeracus, cum ecclesia in honore S. Martini constructa, et baccalariis indo- minicatis, et mansis servilibus: mansum unum, ubi Ricuinus manet, mansum ubi Ingilbertus manet, mansum ubi Ictarius manet, etc. Cartulaire de Beaulieu, ch. 3, p. 10 (A. D. 866). (2) Cedimus . . . ecclesiam nostram . . . cum ipsa bacallaria . . . et cum ipsa vinea quae est in Blandina. Ibid., ch. 171, p. 238 (A. D. 877). (3) Nos, . . . Sicardus et uxor mea, . . . cedimus . . . ecclesiam nostram . . . cum curte, et orto, et exitu, et viridario, et cum ipsa baccalaria integra quae ibidem pertinent. Et . . . ilium mansum integrum ubi Bertemarus servus noster visus est manere . . . et alium integrum mansum ubi Sicardus visus est manere, . . . Hos mansos constructos cum curtibus et ortis et exitibus, cum viridariis, cum campis, pratis, pascuis, adjacentiis, silvis, sepibus, cum exitibus et regressibus, viis, aquis, aquarumve decursibus, cultos sive incultos quaesitos vel quod adquirendum est, omnia et ex omnibus, quantumcumque ad ipsam ecclesiam una cum ipsa baccalaria, et ad ipsos mansos adspicit . . . cedimus. Ibid., ch. 17, p. 40 (A. D. 879-884). (4) Cedo . . . villam meam, . . . cum ipsa bacallaria seu cum ipsis mansis: mansum ubi Golfardus visus est manere; mansum ubi Garardus manet, etc. Ibid., ch. 152, p. 210 (A. D. 891). 3 The cartularies referred to in this paper have all been published. Specific references to the editions will be found in the Bibliographie g6ne"rale des cartulaires francais par Henri Stein. Paris, 1907. 3] NOTES ON "bachelier" 227 (5) Cedo . . . mans um ubi Ermenricus manet, cum ipsa vinea mea dominicaria, . . . et alium mansum ubi Magnolenus visus est manere; in. eodem loco bacallaria mea indominicaria; et ipsi in a n -i vel ipsa bacallaria est in loco quae dicitur Vadecia. Ibid., ch. 63, p. 112 (A. D. 893). (6) Cedimus . . . ecclesiam nostram . . . cum ipsa bacallaria, et mansis ad ipsam ecclesiam pertinentibus : mansum ubi Arlaldus visus est manere, . . . et alium mansum ubi Germanus visus est manere. . . Cedimus etiam casam nostram dominicariam, cum ipsa bacallaria, cum pratis, silvis, molendinis, etc. Ibid., ch. 52, p. 95 (A. D. 895). (7) Cedo . . . curtem meam . . . cum casa mea dominicaria, ubi ego ipse praesenti tempore visus sum manere, cum verdiariis et pratis dominicis, et cum ipsa bacallaria, qui est in pago Limo- vicino, et . . . mansum ubi Adalricus visus est manere. Ibid., ch. 147, p. 202 (A. D. 916). (8) Cedimus ad monasterium . . . capella nostra, quae est fun- data in honorem S. Petri, cum ipsa baccalaria indominicata, cum ipso prato, et cum ipso brolio indominicato, et cum ipso manso qui est de ipsa capella, ipsum mansum ubi Avidus visus est manere, et alium mansum ubi Benjamin visus est manere, . . . et alium man- sum ubi Amardus visus est manere, ipsa capella, cum ipsis mansis supradictis, cum terris cultis et incultis, et cum ipsa plantada, pratis, silvis, aquis, etc. Ibid., ch. 38, p. 72 (A. D. 926). (9) Cedimus . . . casam indominicatam ubi ipse Uguo visus fuit manere, cum ipso bosco vel cum alio brolio, cum ipsa bacallaria, cum ipsis vineis prope adhaerentibus, cum pratis, aquis, aquarumve decursibus, cum molendino, cum manso ubi Leoterius manet; et alium mansum quem Ademarus tenet. Ibid., ch. 109, p. 162 (A. D. 968). (10) Baccalariam meam de Camairaco dimitto Deo . . . ita ut corpus meam sepeliatur, si ad ipsum locum portatus fuero. Ibid., ch. 95, p. 148 (After 1000). (11) Dimitto . . . medietatem de bacallaria de Monte Catfredo. Ibid., ch. 62, p. Ill (xi or xn cy.). (12) In the same cartulary, ch. 101 ("Brevem de exemptis quae vicarii de Favars habent in terra S. Petri " ) , the concluding passage is: De terris vero absis, si homo adiquid fecerit, judex recipiat quod exierit, et, si censum solvere voluerit vicariis, recipiant, et, si reddere noluerit censum, reddit illi3 tertiam partem de hoc quod 228 STOWELL [4 de terra exitum fuerit, et Beato Petri duas. In illis rusticis ubi quaerere solent opera, habent unam diem cum bovibus de illis homi- nibus qui boves habuerint, quamdiu baccalariam facer int, et non plus. Si battalia aut judicium fermaverint cum aliquo, et si propter hoc redemptionem dederint, non habeat partem vicarius nee judex. Si sacramentum fermaverint cum lege, et redemptionem dederint, tertiam partem illis reddant. Ibid., ch. 101, p. 155 (xn cy.). *(13) Iste Godafredus comes, Alius Radulfi comitis, . . . dedit . . . villain suam, cum ecclesia S. Martini, cum baccalariis, et quinque mansis servilibus. Ibid., ch. 193, p. 270 (Date: ?). *(14) Cedimus . . . tres mansos et duas bordarias in villa . . . et villam nostram quae dicitur Belna, domum scilicet propriam, cum baccalaria, pratis. Cartulaire de Tulle, ch. 124 (A. D. c925). (15) Medietatem de ipsa curte et ipsum castellum, cum bacca- laria dominicaria, et duos mansos. Will of St. Geraud d'Aurillac; Migne, Pat. Lat., exxxm, col. 672 (A. D. 999). (16) Breve de comunia sancti Salvatoris de Concas. . . A Bello- monte, aecclesia cum mansos xiiii vel cum bacallarias. Cartulaire de Conques, ch. 478 (xi or xn cy.). (17) Dono quoque in villa de Belne duos mansos . . . cum omni- bus que ad ipsos mansos pertinent: sunt etiam due appendarie cum omnibus que ad ipsos respiciunt; est dimidia appendaria que vocatur Trelia, cum omnibus que ad ipsam medietatem respiciunt; dono etiam bacallariam que est in ipsa villa, cum campis et vineis et omnibus que ad ipsum abodum pertinent. Cartulaire de Sauxillanges, ch. 400 (Date: ?).* * In certain cartularies (La) Baccalaria occurs as the name of a place. I give here citations from every text in which I have found occurrences of this use. * ( 1 ) Galterius de La Bachalaria et f rater meus Aimericus, d[amus] dimidium mansum in villa La Bachalaria. (Foot-note: "La Bachellerie, 26 habit. Salon"). Cartulaire d'Uzerche, ch. 209 (x cy.). *(2) Petrus de Noalius . . . dedit . . . , in manso Petri Radulfi de la Bachalaria, quatuordecim sextaria siliginis, quinque avenae. 5] NOTES ON "bachelier" 229 II. Baccalarius, Baccalaria, Adjective or Substantive applied to Persons In an enumeration of the domains possessed by the abbey of St. Victor of Marseilles, made during the bishopric of Vuadalde, 813-818, the following and other similar mentions occur : ( 1 ) Colonica in Campania. Stephanus, colonus. Uxor Dara. Dominicus, filius baccalarius. Martina, filia baccalaria. Vera, filia annorum XV. Ermesindis, filia annorum VII. Aprilis, presbiter. Marseille: Cartulaire de St. -Victor, vol. rr, p. 633. (Cf. p. 519, Table fr., which says that this is La Bachelerie in St.-Germ.-les-Ver.) Ibid., ch. 998 (A. D. 1096). *(3) Damus ... in villa de Chambaret . . . mansum del Chas- tenet de Fillis, mansum Donet de Cuus, quartam partem de vineis de La Bachelaria. Ibid., ch. 481 (A. D. cll07). * ( 4 ) In manso La Terrassa, quinque solidos ; in manso La Bacha- laria, viginti solidos. (Cf. p. 519, Table fr., which says that this is La Bachelerie, Salon. ) Ibid., ch. 1022 (cxm cy.) *(5) Geraldus Stephanus dedit . . . duodecim denarios quos dedit Petrus Aimoinius in manso de La Baccalaria. Cartulaire de Tulle, ch. 247 (A. D. cll04). * (6) Bordaria Duranni de la Grelleira, in martio, IIII den. Bordaria della Bachallaria. Bordaria della Poncharia Alegre, in martio, IIII den.; in augusto, I sext. vini, et asinum. Cartulaire de Vigeois, ch. 162, p. 118 (A. D. 1108-1110). *(7) Do etiam bordariam de La Bachallaria totum quod habeo vel alii per me. Ibid., ch. 172 (A. D. 1108-1110). *(8) Excepta bordaria Stephani Willelmi quam ipse tenet et bordaria La Bachallaria. Ibid., ch. 341 (A. D. 1165-1171). *(9) Froterius . . . dimisit . . . Ill mansos et unam bordariam 230 STOWELL [6 (2) Inibi, colonica in Nono. Gisefredus, colonus. Justinianus, ad requirendum. Murtesinda, filia baccalaria. Donatus, ad requi- rendum. Godobertus, baccalarius. Ibid., p. 633. (3) Colonica in Cenazello. Dructaldus, accola, uxore extranea. Dructomus, filius. Dutberta, filia baccalaria. Drueterigus, Alius ad scola. Ibid., p. 637. (4) Colonica in Asaler. Candidus, colonus. Uxor Dominica. Celsus, filius, ad requirendum. Mariberta, filia baccalaria . . . Gennarius, filius, vervecarius. Ibid., p. 637. (5) Colonica inibi. Colonus, Martinus. Uxor Primovera. Fe- licis, filius baccalarius. Deidonus, filius baccalarius. Leo- bertga, filia baccalaria. Martina, filia annorum V. Infans ad uber. Ibid., p. 637. (6) Colonica ad Ulmes. Fulcomares . . . Uxor Vuteria. Rade- bodus, filius baccalarius. Dominicus, filius baccalarius. Do- minildis, filia baccalaria. Fulcorad, annorum VI. Beto, filius et in Bachallaria tres bordarias et in villa de Anglars IIII mansos. Ibid., ch. 10 (Date: ?). *(10) In villa que vocatur la Bachalaria, in manso qui vocatur li Roures. ( Foot-note : " Bachellerie, village sur la Briance, . . . commune de St.-Hilaire.") Cartulaire d'Aureil, ch. 282 (Before 1140). *(11) Hoc est feudum presbiterale de ecclesia Sancti Juliani de Larunt: mansum de fonte Arnaldi, mansum de Bachalaria; etc. ( Foot-note : " St.- Julien-le Petit, commune du canton d'Eymoutiers." ) Ibid., ch. 303 (Before 1140). (12) Ego Rodbertus filius Rodberti Isalgari et Stephanie dono . . . fevum et vindemiam mei mansi de Bacallaria qui est in villa Deuslet. (Cf. Table ge"n., s. v. Bacallaria, which locates this as a dependency of Valu6jol, dep. of Cantal). Cartulaire de Conques, ch. 396 (A. D. 1065-1087). (13) Turpin, bishop of Limoges, is quoted by Bernard de Guy as saying: Villain quae vocatur Baccalaria, quae decern in se mansos continere probatur. Philippe Labbe, Nov. Bibl. Mss., II, 278; cited by Deloche. 7] NOTES ON " BACHELIER " 231 annorum V. Ingomares, filius annorum III. Romildis, filia an- norum II. Ibid., p. 639. (7) Colonica in Cassaneto. Teobertus, colonus. Uxor Natalia. Teoberta, filia annorum V. Offrasia, annorum IIII . . . Magincus, baccalarius. Rodolandus, baccalarius. Rodofredus, clericus. Ibid., p. 640. (8) Colonica in Mairolas. Rodolfus, mancipium. Uxor Fromul- dis. Aulildis, filia annorum X. Rocara, filia annorum VIII. Dadebertus, baccalarius. Ibid., p. 640. (9) Colonica in Primo Capa. Giso, mancipium. Uxor Muscula. Adaltrudis, filia baocalaria. Ermentrudis, filia baccalaria. Tomas, filius ad scola. Uius, filius annorum VIII. Arsinda, annorum V . . . Ermesindis, cum infantes suos. Dominici, verbe- carius. Maurobertus, mancipium. Uxor Superantia. Mauregotus, filius baccalarius. Scaemenus, baccalarius. Ibid., p. 642. (10) Colonica in Caladio indominicada. Onoratus, ad requiren- dum. Vuideratus, baccalarius Bertefredus. Uxor Florentia. Inga, filia annorum X. Emnildis, filia annorum V. Dominica, filia annorum III. Joanna, filia annorum III. Infans ad uber. Ibid., p. 647. The following occurs in the Usages de Barcelone : 5 (11) Sacramenta rustici qui teneat mansum e + laboret cum pare boum sint credenda usque ad VII solidos platae. De aliis namque rusticis qui dicuntur bacallarii, credantur sacramenta usque- ad IV mancusos auri valencie. 4 Deinde quidquid jurent per examen caldarie demonstrent. (A. D. 1068?). 4 Ch. Giraud, Essai sur I'histoire du droit francais au moyen Age. Paris, 1846, vol. II, p. 474. The passage cited constitutes §§ 52-53 of Giraud's text of the Usatici Barchinone Patrie. Cited by Du Cange as from Usatici Barchinonenses, cap. 46. •The table of moneys given in the Usages, § 141 (Giraud, n, 495) shows that a silver solidus had the value of one gold mancusus and a half. 232 STOWELL [8 The context of the examples cited above for baccalaria throws very incomplete light on the meaning of the word, but its constant recurrence to indicate some subordinate por- tion of a country property, inventoried side by side with chapels, servants' quarters, gardens, orchards, vineyards, meadows, groves, thickets, and the like, renders manifest that it was some form of farm dependency. 7 Baccalarius, baccalaria, as an adjective or substantive applied to persons, is employed in enumerations of peasants, and stands (after the names of married couples and either alone or in conjunction with filius, filia) in contrast with adults and with children of all ages from infancy up to and including fifteen j r ears. It is also used in contrast with unqualified filius, filia. The conclusion seems natural that the unqualified filius, filia had reference to an adult son, daughter, while (filius) baccalarius, (filia) baccalaria, re- ferred to the children over fifteen years old but not yet mature, to the adolescents. The passages found all occur in one ninth-century text and clearly accord with this interpre- tation, with the exception of the example (II, 11) occurring two centuries later in the document from Barcelona. Here the baccalarius is mentioned as a type of rustic whose oath is counted as of less value than that of certain specific small proprietors. This might seem to indicate that at the later period the term had come to be applied to the tenants of an exceedingly unimportant fief — a meaning not impossible of *Du Cange (Glossarium, Henschel-Favre, I, p. 509), Deloche (Cartulaire de Beaulieu, Paris. 1859, pp. cclxxxvi ff . ) , and Diez (Worterbuch, s. v. baccalare), see in the baccalaria a more or less important tenure with the baccalarius as tenant. Stubbs (Select Charters, Glossary, s. v. bacheleria) would make it a grazing farm. On these views see Guilhiermoz, Origine de la noblesse, Paris, 1902, pp. 111-112. Guilhiermoz recognizes that the baccalaria is only a minor portion of a tenure, but does not attempt to determine its character further than that he considers the example cited above, I, 12, to indicate that the ground was in cultivation. Doniol, Cartu- laire de Sauxillanges, pp. 19-20, discusses the word, but reaches no conclusion. 9] NOTES ON " BACHELIER " 233 development from baccalarius, " a youth," but more likely to be derived from baccalaria, " a farm-dependency." Leaving aside for the moment the reasons for the change of initial v to b, I should suggest, in the light of the above indications of the meaning of this group of words, the follow- ing possible developments in form and meaning: from bacca, " cow," an adjective *baccalis, " having relation to cows " ; from this, baccalaria, " place having relation to cows," bacca- larius, " person connected with a baccalaria^ There is not at present sufficient information about the nature of the baccalaria and the baccalarius to give certainty to more specific definitions. It is therefore only as a query and under all reserves that I make the suggestions which follow. Since the baccalaria in the cartularies is a minor form of farm-dependency, this dependency may have been the pasture field or fields, a meaning not out of harmony with the ex- amples, except perhaps in the case of I, 12, where the late date minimizes its value in determining the basal signification of the word. The baccalarius, " the youth " of the cartularies, may in like manner once have been " the cow-herd." Since cow-herding as one of the lightest forms of farm labor would frequently fall to the charge of adolescents, " cow-herd " could readily be transferred in meaning to " adolescent." It is not impossible that we have a trace of the meaning " cow-herd " preserved still in the Old French, to judge by the following examples, 8 taken from Old French Bible gloss- aries in Hebrew characters. D : moron now D^nn fe w y^ s m^ i enwn E: yn yr\ on antc^?^ wysn F: nioran now crjmn on vpfa er$ nnjnn * These examples are from the manuscripts described by Dar- mesteter in " Glosses et glossaires hebreux-francais," Ro. I, pp. 146-176. For them and the accompanying comment I am indebted to the kindness of Dr. D. S. Blondheim of the University of Illinois. 234 STOWELL [10 D. " The young men," les bachelers, that is, the herdsmen who guard the cattle. E. " The young men," les bachelers, these are herdsmen of cattle. F. " The young men," les mechines, these are the herdsmen who guard the cattle. The Hebrew word glossed, though used elsewhere as well (Gen. 37, 2) for a herdsman, literally means only a "young man," a " lad," and the fact that ms. F translates " les mechines" makes it doubtful whether bacheler really means more than " youth " in this connection. It is possible, how- ever, in view of the somewhat archaic character of the glos- saries, that D and E preserve an old gloss using bacheler in an antiquated sense, while F, which seems to have been written in Germany and is perhaps later than the other texts, may have altered the original reading. Should the connection in meaning among the forms we have considered be granted to be natural, there still remains the question of the substitution of initial b for v. In con- nection with this, the geographical location of the examples is of interest. Baccalaria, the farm dependency, has been found only in texts belonging to territory which is embraced in the present departments of Correze (Beaulieu and Tulle: 14 examples), Cantal (Aurillac: 1 example), Aveyron (Con- ques: 1 example), Puy-de-D6me ( Sauxillanges, located in the south-central . part of the department: 1 example). Turning to the Atlas linguistique, 9 we find that Latin initial v is represented by b in Aveyron, and by b by the side of v in Correze and Cantal. In other words, baccalaria belongs to the b territory in sixteen instances and to contiguous terri- tory in the remaining instance. 10 • Carte 1349, " vache," and other maps of words with initial v. 10 In the cases where the word baccalaria has become a proper name (see note 4), the almost uniform custom of joining with it the article la indicates that we are dealing merely with the French place name La Bachellerie in a Latin dress, but there seems no reason to question that this French name goes back in the first 11] NOTES ON " BACHELIER " 235 Baccdlarius applied to persons, with the exception of the Barcelona example, has been found only at Marseilles; that is to say, in territory still in the general region near the v > b ground, but more distinctly separated from it than any place at which we have been able to locate baccalaria, the land term. A possible inference from the foregoing facts and deduc- tions is that in a part of South France, in a section where v > b, there arose the words baccalaria, baccdlarius with the meanings represented in other French territory by vaccaria, vaccarius; that baccdlarius, in a transferred meaning "youth," lost all trace of its connection with vacca and spread to the other parts of the territory, forming the background of bachelier. 11 The material brought together in this paper can probably be supplemented by further examination of documents, 12 place to baccalaria. As a place name, however, it has lost all traces of whatever specific content it originally possessed, and we find it in the cartularies applied to mansus, villa, or bordaria. Baccalaria as a place name occurs for Correze ( Uzerche and Tulle : 5 examples), Cantal ( Value jol: 1 example), and Haute-Vienne (Vigeois, Aureil, Limoges: 7 examples) ; that is, to 6 territory in six instances, to contiguous territory in the other seven instances. Joanne's Dictionnavre ge"ographique gives La Bachellerie as the name of five places in France, ranging in population from 60 to 1535. One of these is located in Dordogne, two are in Correze, two in Haute- Vienne. These indications render it probable that baccalaria as a common noun and, later on, as a proper noun originated in and was restricted to a limited territory in and near the region where v is still to-day represented by 6. u If this be correct, the Old French form bacheler is due to an almost inevitable confusion with the other words with an I stem (sangler, chevaler, escoler, etc.), which go back to the suffix -alis. On the French -er and -ier, see Diet, gin.: Traits, pp. 61, 96, 117; on -arias, see Zimmerman, Die Geschichte des lat. Suffixes -arius, Darmstadt, 1895; Thomas, Ro. xxxi, pp. 481-498. 13 1 have, however, been unable to find further examples of baccalaria in a quite extensive list of cartularies from all parts of the territory. 236 8T0WELL [12 and it can manifestly not be claimed that the evidence here adduced is conclusive as to the meaning of baccalaria and the relation of the group of words. It is possible that I am influenced in my interpretation by the fact that the render- ings would accord with the connection suggested between these words and bachelier, yet if further investigation should reveal additional material according with the meaning and the geographical distribution of the examples so far cited, there would seem to be no valid objection to definitely connecting the word bachelier with Latin vacca. ls 13 1 desire to express my thanks to Professor C. M. Andrews for information regarding English documents where the word baccalaria might be sought, and to Professor E. C. Armstrong, who, in addition to other valuable suggestions, directed my attention to the import- ance of the geographical location of the cartularies where the term occurs. ETYMOLOGICAL NOTES 1 BY D. S. Blondheim Cadastre To one who reads the article cadastre in the New English Dictionary, it would seem that modern lexicographical science had said its last word on the subject. We are told that cadastre has been adopted from " Fr. cadastre; = Sp., It. catastro : — Late L. capitastrum ' register of the poll tax,' f . caput head, poll," and that the word means "a. (= L. capi- tastrum.) The register of capita, juga, or units of territorial taxation into which the Roman provinces were divided for the purposes of capitatio terrena or land tax. (Poste Gains.) b. A register of property to serve as a basis of proportional taxation, a Domesday Book. c. (in mod. French use) A public register of the quantity, value, and ownership of the real property of a country." A closer examination of the subject, however, is unfavorable to the views adopted by the editors of the great work of the Philological Society. To begin with, so far as accessible information indicates, the Latin capitastrum, which figures so bravely as the etymon of cadastre, never existed except in the imagination of etymologists. The New English Dictionary, usually so care- ful, has been led astray by the commentary appended to Poste's edition and translation of the Roman jurist Gaius' In- 1 For valuable aid in connection with the following notes I am indebted to Professors David H. Carnahan and John D. Fitz-Gerald, of the University of Illinois, to Professor Edward S. Sheldon, of Harvard University, and to my sister, Miss Grace H. Blondheim. 1] 237 238 BLONDHEIM [2 stitutionum Iuris Civilis Commentarii Quatuor, 2 from which comes the substance of definition a, as well as the quotation given a few lines below it : " The list of capita was called a Cadastre ( capitastrum ) ." 3 Poste has in turn derived his information from Savigny, to whom he refers. The illustrious German jurist, in a paper entitled Romische Steuerverfassung unter den Kaisern* in describing the ancient registers of real property, remarks : " Im spateren Mittelalter nannte man diese Grundbiicher capitastra, weil es Yerzeichnisse der Steuerhufen {capita) waren: daraus hat sich catastrum gebildet, welches noch in unsern Tagen die ubliche Bezeichnung geblieben ist." Savigny states that this derivation is already to be found in Jacques Godefroy 's famous edition of the Theodosian code, a work first printed at Lyons in 1665. Godefroy mentions, in fact, 5 that a book of the kind in question " In Gallia ali- quibus in locis a capitibus vel capitatione, Capdastra, vel Catastre vocatur, Capitationis scilicet registrum." It will be seen that Savigny has gone a step beyond the cautious Godefroy in giving as a real form a purely hypothetical capitastra, made, no doubt, in the image of capdastra. 'Oxford, 1875, p. 174. 8 It may be noted in passing that the New English Dictionary, in its etymological note, falls, as does Diez (p. 93 ) , into the error of many old jurists as to the sense of caput in Roman law, in describing capitastrum as a " register of the poll tax," while a few lines below, under definition a, it inconsistently follows the correct interpretation, given by Poste, according to which caput was a unit of land. 4 This study, read February 27, 1823, before the Berlin Academy of Sciences, was printed in the Abhandlungen of the Academy (histoiisch-philosophische Klasse) for the years 1822 and 1823, (Berlin, 1825). The passage referred to is on p. 57, and is reprinted in Savigny's Kleinere Schriften, vol. 2 (Berlin, 1850), pp. 125-126. 5 Codex Theodosianus cum perpetuis commentariis Jacobi Gotho- fredi, ed. Ritter, vol. 5 (Mantua, 1748), p. 104. The passage in question is cited by the Benedictines in Du Cange, s. v. capdastra. 3] CADASTRE 239 Savigny's conjecture was not a new one. Long before him Menage had advanced the opinion that catastro and cadastre came from capitastrum, in supporting his view by " l'anci- enne orthographe capdastre." 6 Diez follows Menage. He says (I. I.) : " Das fruhste mittelalter brauchte dafiir capitularium Greg. Tur. 9, 30 mit dem zusatz in quo tributa continebantur , eigentlich eine in capitula eingeteilte schrif t ; 7 capitastrum aber entstand gewiss unmittelbar aus caput wie sp. cabezon steuerliste aus cabczaP Thus, like Savigny, Diez would appear to regard capitastrum as of late medieval origin. The objections naturally presenting themselves against such a hypothesis are striking. In the first place, as Ulrich suggests, 8 the formation of such a word at any period would be surprising. Moreover, if the word had arisen late in the middle ages, as Diez supposes, it could not have given the Eomance forms, which could have come only from a popular development, and an irregular one at that. There is little need to enlarge upon the difficulties of this etymology, diffi- culties which led the editors of the Dictionnaire general to describe the origin of the word as uncertain, and caused Gaston Paris 9 to treat with a certain seriousness Ulrich's very hypothetical ^Karoo-rpaKov. The oldest examples of the word known to me are cited from Italy. Giulio Eezasco, in his valuable Dizionario del linguaggio italiano storico e amministrativo, 10 informs us (s. v. catasto) that the word came into use in Flor- ence in connection with a reform in taxation introduced • Dictionnaire etymologique de la langue francoise (Paris, 1694), s. v. cadastre. Capitastrum appears for the first time in the Origini della lingua italiana (Paris, 1669). ' The reference to Gregory of Tours is borrowed from Manage, who cites it from Antoine Dadin de Hauteserre's Rerum Aquitanicarum libri quinque (Toulouse, 1648, p. 172). •ZRPh. xxn, 262. *Ro. xxvn, 511. "Florence, 1881. 240 BLONDHEIM [4 in the year 1427, involving an assessment of all sources of income. The word was also applied to the tax levied on the basis of such an assessment. 11 The word occurs previously in Umbria and in the Marches; Eezasco cites the form catascto (sic; bis) from the statutes of Perugia (1342) and catasti (pi.) from those of Norcia (1342), while the archives of Fabriano still preserve the Liber Catastus Fabriani de anno 1322. The word is found still earlier in Venice, under the form catastico; in a document dated November, 1185, it signifies a list of citizens owning taxable property. 12 The word was not, however, restricted in the Venetian territory to this sense; it often meant simply an inventory, u The oldest Florentine text known to me containing the word is a Latin document dated July 4, 1426, with the form catastum, published in the Giornale storico degli archivi toscani, iv, 40. For a reference to the article containing it I am indebted to Rezasco, I. I. The oldest examples cited by the Benedictines in Du Cange (s. v. catastrum) come from documents of Popes Eugene IV (1431- 1447) and Nicholas V (1447-1455). S. v. catastatio the Benedictines refer to the De Finibus Regundis of Hieronymus de Monte ( 1st ed. Venice, 1556 [at Harvard] ; 2d ed., revised by the author, Venice, 1562 [Brit. Mus.] ) ; the passage indicated is (ed. 1588, f. 348 v. ) , "6 Catastatio illius, qui est debitor onerum realium in uno loco, non praejudicat alteri loco. 7 Catastum praebet signum, quod bona in illo acatastata (ed. 1556: accatestata) sint illius, cujus est catastum." Professor Sheldon states that this writer's proper name is Hieronymus de Monte Brixianus, and that he may have been related to " Petrus de Monte Venetus " ( bishop of Brescia, 1442-1457; cf. Gradonicus, Brixia Sacra [Brescia, 1755], 337 ff. ) , and perhaps to Pope Julius III. 12 Rezasco, s. V. catastico and s. v. catasto; the text cited is probably that referred to by Cecchetti (La Vita dei veneziani fino al 1200 [Venice, 1870], p. 51), as recording the entry in the " catastici del Comune " of the names of returned Venetians despoiled in 1171 in Byzantine territory by the emperor Manuel, restitution being made by Andronicus Comnenus (1183-1185) and Isaac Angelus (1185-1195). On p. 73 Cecchetti cites another example of the same expression in Latin form from a text of May, 1207. 5] CADASTRE 241 as in the following passage of a Paduan chronicle : 13 " Ap- pare nel Catastico di tutti i beni della veneranda Area di esso glorioso Santo delP anno 1405, che fino all' Anno pre- sente 1560 si conservano. . . ." Cecchetti defines the word, 14 " Inventario, e spesso quasi protocollo di scritture risguardanti i possessi di privati, ed anche di tutti i documenti di un Ufficio o di una amministrazione, e, anticamente, degli averi e degli aggravii del Governo." Catastico seems also to have meant the " statute-book " or "journal" (matricola) of a corporation; a text of 1530 15 tes- tifies that the expenditure of 150 ducats on August 3, 1377, by the Scuola di San Cristoforo dei Mercadanti alia Madonna delV Orto "... apar . . . per el libro over chatasticho dela nostra schuola . . . " Kezasco cites the derivates catasticare (1425), catasticatore (1540), and catasticazione (1576), all used in reference to the assessment of property. Pirona gives the noun catdstic and the verb catastico, as in use in Friuli. From the facts cited it is evident that any etymological study of catasto must begin with the form catastico, which, strangely enough, seems to have escaped the attention of all previous students of the word, with one exception. 16 13 Muratori, Rerum italicarum scriptores, vol. xvn, col. 944; cited by Rezasco, s. v. catastico. u Archivio veneto, xxix, 471. ** Atti del Regio Istituto Veneto, series ill, vol. xv, p. 1616. "The exception is Ottavio Ferrari, who, in his Origines linguae Italicae (Padua, 1676), has an article headed Catasto & Catastico, which he proposes to derive " a Graeco /caMrra/xcu, constituor, redigor, componor; vt Catastici libri sint, in quibus bona civium conscribuntur, & in ordinem rediguntur. 11 registro." Though born in Milan (1607), Ferrari had been professor in Padua since 1634 and doubtless learned to know the form catastico in his new environment. As he taught Greek, one might suppose he meant to regard the word as adapted from Karaa-rariKdi rather than directly from Ka6t frente, has been pronounced " very doubtful " by Meyer-Liibke, 29 and rejected by Ford 30 as postulating initial c < s and e < 6. The indi- rect confirmation of Diez's etymology which Madame Michaelis de Vasconcellos finds in her demonstration [Mis- cellanea . . . in memoria di Nap. Caix e Ugo A. Ganello (Florence, 1886), pp. 164-165] that Portuguese xurdo "dirty" (epithet of a hog) and xodreiro "dirty; mud- puddle," come from Lat. sordidus, is not very convincing, though it seems to have led Meyer-Liibke to modify the statement previously quoted by saying 31 that it is " not certain " that cerdo is from sordidus. Diez notes that by the side of cerdo there exists the word cerda, " bristle, horse-hair," which he regards as derived from cerdo; he suggests that cerda originally may have meant a " pig-skin," and then have been restricted to the " bristles " upon the pig-skin. This view, in itself none too plausible, rests in part upon an error. Diez defines cerda incorrectly " haufe schweinsborsten oder auch pferdehaare," an inaccuracy probably explained by the fact that cerda is generally used in the plural. A serious objection to this explanation consists in the apparently complete absence of cerdo from Spanish diction- aries printed previous to 1729, when the word appears in the famous Diccionario de autoridades of the Spanish 28 Etymologisches Worterbuch, p. 438. "ZRPh. vm, 228. 89 Old Spanish Sibilants, in the Harvard Studies and Notes in Philology and Literature, vii, 72, n. 2. n Grammaire des langues romanes, I, § 217. 246 BLONDHEIM [10 Academy, 32 Cerda, on the other hand is found in Pedro de Alcala (1505), 33 in Christoual de las Casas (1587), and in Covarrubias (1611). If the last-named, who is generally well-informed, had known of the existence of cerdo, he could hardly have failed to mention it, since he remarks, s. v. cerda: " Solos los puercos estan llenos de cerdas, estas son cortas, y los llamamos por esta razon, El ganado de la cerda." Moreover, the word is not added in the enlarged edition of Covarrubias published in 1674, and the Diccionario de auto- ridades, though it quotes the word cerda from three writers, does not give any examples to illustrate the use of the word cerdo, and defines it : "Lo mismo que Cochino, Puerco 6 Marrano. Llamase tambien assi, porque este animal en lugar de pelo esta cubierto de cerdas cortas. . . " It should be noted, moveover, that no form corresponding to cerdo exists by the side of cerda in Catalan. 34 Further- more, the Portuguese dictionary of Moraes (1844), which gives cerda without remark, describes cerdo as antiquated; 82 The word cerdo, along with cerdudo and cerdoso, has been added in the margin of the copy of Covarrubias (1611) belonging to the Johns Hopkins University. The original owner of the book, one Don Diego Nicolas Ruiz de Ojeda Gallegos y Andrada, to give him in one breath all the names he assumes in three incomplete auto- graphs on the title-leaf of the book, made systematic additions to the dictionary, mostly learned words of little interest to Romance students. D. Antonio Paz y Melia kindly informs me that the Madrid ms. cited by Gallardo (Ensayo, n, app., p. 115, s. v. Ojeda) makes no reference to this D. Diego de Ojeda. The additions, accord- ing to various indications, would seem to antedate the Diccionario de autoridades. This manuscript note is consequently the oldest evi- dence known to me for the existence of cerdo. 83 P. 166 b, ed. Lagarde. Neither cerdo nor cerda occurs in Lebrija, to judge by the reprint of Antonio por Rubinos (1778). "This statement rests on the fact that the dictionaries of Esteve- Belvitges-Jugla y Font (1803), Labernia (1839), Saura (1878), and Labernia y Esteller (n. d. ), though all containing cerda, give no form *cert, and that Saura (1870) renders the Spanish cerdo, " Porch, tocino, bac6." 11] CERDO, CERDA 24? this statement should probably be interpreted as meaning that the word was an ephemeral importation from Spain. 35 It would seem, then, that cerdo was derived from cerda, presumably at a comparatively late period. The exact way in which cerdo was formed is obscure; the suggestion of the Spanish Academy (1899) that the word comes from cerdudo (cf. also cerdoso) is perhaps along the right track. If it be granted that cerdo is derived from cerda, and not vice versa, it is clear that the etymology must be looked for in another direction. Here Catalan, as in so many other Iberian questions, is of assistance. Labernia (1839) gives cerra as a rare form of cerda, and registers serra as an anti- quated equivalent; 36 Esteve-Belvitges-Jugla y Font (1803) give cerra as rare, serra as archaic, and cerda only as an equivalent of cerra, while Saura (1878) gives cerda and cerra without remark. Inasmuch as Lacavalleria (1696) gives only cerres or serves (pi.), and as Torra (1757; first ed., inaccessible, 1650) has only cerras (pi.), it seems probable that the true Catalan form is cerra, and that cerda is due to Spanish influence. The fact that the Majorcan form is cerra and not cerda 37 lends color to this view. It is further to be noted that a form cerros, paralleling Spanish cerdoso, is given in the dictionary of " F. M. F. P. y M. M." (1839), as well as in the pentaglot dictionary "per una "This view is supported by the fact that cerdo appears in none of the older Portuguese dictionaries accessible (e. g., Barbosa, 1611; Bluteau, 1712; Bluteau and Moraes, 1789), and that the Moraes of 1844 cites no author who uses the word. It seems possible, indeed, that cerda also is not properly a Portuguese word. It is not found in Barbosa (1611), and, though Bluteau and Moraes (1789) cite it from the writings of Vieira (1608-1697), Bluteau (1712) says that cerdoso, which he cites from Camoens, is derived from the Spanish cerda, and translates (1721) the Spanish cerdas de be8tia by sedas. * In Labernia y Esteller (n. d. ) we find the same statements, except that serra is not described as archaic. "Cerra is the only form given by Figuera (1840) and by the Diccionario . . . Mallorquin-castellano por unos amigos (1859). 248 BLOISTDHEIM [12 Societat de Catalans" (1839), and that cerrud, an analogue of cerdudo (cf. the Abruzzese cerrute, " Setoloso " [Fina- more]), appears in the two Majorcan dictionaries cited. Cerra, of which serra is doubtless a mere orthographical variant, seems clearly to come from the Lat. cirra, a femi- nine form of cirrus, " lock of hair," abundantly attested in grammarians and glossaries. Some of the manuscripts con- taining cirra are as old as the seventh century. Cirrus is used in Latin of horse hair, and as it is frequently used in the plural, it could readily come to be applied to a single hair. The step from " horse-hair " to " hog-bristle " is not difficult. Cerda appears to be a modification of cerra. The change from rr to rd is perhaps an example of consonantal dissimi- lation, parallel to the well-known cases in which 11 and nn become Id and nd. 38 Cases which might lend some color to such a view are those of izquierdo and ardalear. As regards the former, Old Spanish has also the form esquerro, 39 the normal forms in Catalan and Provengal have no -rd-, 40 and the Basque form would appear, sccording to the evidence adduced by Diez (p. 461), to be usually in -rr- rather than in -rd-, 41 so that one would expect -rr- rather than -rd- in the primitive Iberian form. 42 Ardalear, cited by the Academy 38 Cf. Baist, Grober's Grundriss, r\ 898. **The only example of this form known to me is found in the Poema de Jos4, ed. Janer, 185 c [=ed. Morf, 174 c]. 40 Mistral cites, it is true, s. v. esquerre, a feminine Provengal form in -erdo, but as the old examples cited by Levy, s. v. esquerre- tat and esquerrier, have only -rr-, it would seem likely that the form in -rd- is due to Spanish influence. "The Basque forms in -rd- appear to rest chiefly upon the testi- mony of Larramendi. " The view suggested in regard to izquierdo has in part the support of the high authority of Professor Baist {ZRPh. VI, 461), though it is possible that he no longer holds to a view advanced twenty-eight years ago. Professor Schuchardt speaks (ibid., xxiii, 200) of the word as existing in Sardinian, without mentioning the 13] CERDO, CERDA 249 (1726) from the Agricultura of Gabriel Alonso de Herrera 43 (described by Senor Menendez y Pelayo 44 as "uno de los mas clasicos y venerables " of Spanish testi di lingua) , as well as the participle ardaleado,* 5 which are the equivalents of ralear and raleado, as applied to grape-clusters, in the sense of " thinning out, becoming thin," would appear to be derived from an *arralear, a member of the group of Iberian words discussed by Cornu, 40 which take on a prosthetic a-. 47 The rarity and uncertainty of corresponding examples, how- ever, would lead to the suggestion that perhaps cerra > cerda through the influence of seda and its derivate cedazo. This view is favored by the existence of the form cerdazo, given without any quotations by the Diccionario de autoridades as an antiquated form of cedazo. As a number of examples of forms in ced- are given, cerdazo would appear to be a rare and probably local variant of cedazo. The hypothesis of a connection between cerda and cirra is strengthened by the fact that cerda, like the French cer* 8 form he may have had in mind. I have been unable to find a corresponding word in Spano, Hofmann, or Wagner, and do not know what source the eminent author of the Vokalismus des Vul- garlateins may have drawn upon. " The passage cited by the Academy runs thus in the edition of Alcala de Henares (1513; lib. II, ch. II, f. xxii, v°) : " Esta vua suele hardalear, que es quedar rala en los razimos." The initial h is probably merely orthographic. I owe the verification of the quota- tion to the courtesy of Dr. W. R. Martin, librarian of the Hispanic Society of America. The copy in the library of the society bears the signature " Gabriel Alonso de Herrera," and appears to have formed part of the author's own library. ** In the Pr6logo, p. xxxvi, of Senor Bonilla y San Martin's Spanish translation (Madrid, n. d.) of Mr. Fitzmaurice-Kelly's History of Spanish Literature. "Given in the Segunda impresidn (1770) of the first two letters of the Diccionario de autoridades. "Ro. xi, 77-78. ■ The form arralar is well attested. 48 Cf. Thomas, Nouveaux essais, pp. 200-203. 250 BLONDHEIM [14 means a " bundle of flax not yet hackled," while cerro, the regular derivative of cirrus, is applied to flax or hemp which has been hackled. It is also to be noted that the part of animals on which cerdas grow is called cerro, " back." The Diccionario de autoridades cites +wo passages which are of interest in this connection. The first comes from Lopez de Gomara's Conquista de Mejico, which says of the iguana : 48 " Paresce lagarto de los muy pintados, tiene la cabeza chica y redonda, el cuerpo gordo, el cerro erizado con cerdas. . . " The second citation is made up of lines from Gongora's second decima, 50 in which he speaks of the " jabalf, en cuyos cerros Se levanta un escuadr6n De cerdas ..." ** Biblioteca de autores espanoles, xxn, 311 b. The Diccionario refers merely to " Hist, de Ind. fol. 15," presumably omitting a reference to part II, the Conquista de Me'jico being published in at least one instance as a separately paged part of the Historia general de las Indias (cf. Gallardo, in, col. 453). 60 Biblioteca de autores espanoles, xxxn, 482 b. THE FRENCH SHIFTS IN ADJECTIVE POSITION AND THEIR ENGLISH EQUIVALENTS BY Edward C. Armstrong In a review x of two recent works on the adjective, I attempted to classify the current ideas with reference to the causes which determine the position of attributive adjectives in French. It is there set forth that a French adjective, when placed after its noun, serves as a logical distinguisher; when placed before, as an emotional attribution. 2 A logical distinguisher marks out, from the specimens in question of a class named by the noun, the sub-class which the speaker has in mind; an emotional attribution serves to indicate, with reference to these specimens, the speaker's favorable or unfavorable impression : the specimens are adjudged satis- factory or noteworthy or faultless, unsatisfactory or insignifi- cant or defective. Dans le mur il y a une porte basse, in the wall there is a door of slight vertical extension. TJn homme de basse stature, a man of defective height. Son chapeau mou, his hat of yielding texture. Son joli chapeau, his attractive hat. Son grand cha- peau, his notably big hat. 3 1 Modern Language Notes, vol. xxin, pp. 149-154. 'Compare Vinet, Chrestomathie francaise,* II, p. 117; Grober, Grundriss, I 2 , p. 273. A small group of adjectives, for which emo- tional attribution is the commoner function, precede the noun also in the rarer cases in which they serve to distinguish a sub-class. For these, see infra, p. 7]. * Since grand is one of the adjectives for which fore-position is as a rule generalized, son grand chapeau may also mean: that one of his hats which is distinguished from the others by its size. 1] 251 252 ARMSTRONG [2 If the foregoing distinction exists, and the French speaker, by utilizing his power to change the place of the adjective, thus distinctly modifies its character, the question presents itself immediately whether it can then be asserted as a gen- eral principle of language that the place after the noun is the natural position of logical subdividers, the place before the noun the natural position of emotional epithets. Even if this holds good for French, it would not necessarily do so for other speeches; and to assume the universality of its application would at least imply a wide difference in the mental attitude of different peoples during the period when they were forming their habits in adjective position. Thus, a comparison of German and English with Romance positions would then seem to indicate, on the part of the Teutons, a most surprising predominence of a tendency to interpret the adjective as an epithet. In case, therefore, it should be strongly indicated that logical distinction and emotional attribution are, in some languages at least, not associated with post-position and fore-position, it might become advis- able to review the French status in order to determine whether, after all, the shift in position is there the deter- mining factor of the differing values, or whether it is only an accompanying phenomenon. A further question presenting itself is whether a language which, like the English, is not at liberty to vary the position of attributive adjectives has other methods of indicating the shadings of meaning that, in French, can be so delicately differentiated by the shift in word order. To seek an answer to these questions is the purpose of the present paper. Let us first consider in detail the different types of French epithets, and compare with them the corresponding English significations. In the first place, a number of French adjec- tives can, at times, instead of serving to distinguish a sub- class, simply call attention to the fact that the substantive to which they are attached possesses in extensive or in com- 3] FRENCH AND ENGLISH ADJECTIVES 253 plete measure the qualities belonging to its class. The adjec- tive becomes thereby merely augmentative or meliorative, indicating the speaker's approval of the selection of the specimen in question as an example of the type named by the substantive. Compare: c'est un enfant parfait (i. e., a child without faults: distinguishing adjective), and: c'est un parfait enfant (i. e., a perfect specimen of the type ''child": epithet). If French has, by means of position, this ready method of indicating the two values of the adjective, the English has also a means to accomplish the same result. Instead of varying the position, it differentiates by means of differences in the stress and in the closeness of union of the two ele- ments. In certain cases, we find a clearly noticeable stress resting upon the adjective. The noun also is accented, so that the two elements retain their independence and have between them an appreciable pause. In other cases the stress on the adjective is so light that the adjective is practi- cally proclitic; the substantive is then heavily stressed and no pause is possible between adjective and noun. Compare: he is a per' feet \ child', and : he is a perfect child'. Note the difference between : he has an ac'tive | in'terest in the business, and: he has an active in'terest in the business; between a brave' | sol'dier and a brave sol'dier; between a soft' | bed' and a soft bed'; between: now that he is down on the Irish, he has a French' \ cook', and: he will not so much as speak to his former friends, now that he has a French cook'. The list of examples showing similar dis- tinctions could be indefinitely lengthened. It is manifest that in the English adjectives cited accentuation followed by a pause corresponds to French post-position. It is perfectly natural that this difference in the separation of the two elements and in their accentuation should mani- fest itself. Decorative epithets, despite their emotional trend, should not themselves be stressed, but should instead increase 254 ARMSTRONG [4 the stress on the substantive; for decorative epithets are not emotional in the sense of magnifying their own importance, but are emotional attributes of the noun, fixing attention on the specimen mentioned as awakening admiration or surprise by the extent of its participation in the qualities belonging to the class. For this same reason, it is also natural that adjectives constituting emotional attributes should be very closely united with the substantive; and further that, when the adjective logically distinguishes, there should be a pause between the two elements. In fact, such a pause exists, not alone in English, but in French as well, and is there suffi- ciently marked to render infrequent, in colloquial French, liaison between a noun and a following (that is, a distin- guishing) adjective. Un petit enfant | americain. The fore-position of the French adjective and proclisis of the English adjective may also be observed when the adjective, instead of the value of a mere " plus," which obtains in the examples so far considered, takes on that of a mere " minus " ; namely, when the adjective is diminishing or pejorative in character. It is still an emotional attribution, and indicates the displeasure, condescension, or surprise awakened by the meagre participation of the individual in qualities naturally pertaining to the class, or by the meagre participation of the class in qualities usually present in ideally developed entities. Compare, for the French, un 6crivain me chant (a writer who is characterized by malevolence: distinguishing adjec- tive) with un mechant ecrivain (an unsatisfactory speci- men of the type "writer"; a sorry writer: epithet); une jeune fllle mince with une mince dot; un domestique simple with un simple domestique; and, for the Eng- lish, an old' | hat' with an old hat' ; a lit' tie \ house' with a little house'; a wretch'ed | sin'ner with a wretched sin'ner; a sim'ple \ ser'vant with a simple ser'vant. In the uses given above, . the adjective as an emotional attribution stands in the relation to its substantive of an 5] FRENCH AND ENGLISH ADJECTIVES 255 augment or a detractor. Another case where the adjective does not, and in fact can not, serve to distinguish a sub-class is when it is known to constitute a quality of the class as a whole; that is, when it forms one of the essential elements of the concept. If it is then detached and mentioned, this will be done solely because it possesses an augmentative or a detractive value which the speaker utilizes to give an in- dication of his emotional attitude toward the substantive concept. Here again we naturally find conformity to the laws for decorative epithets; the adjective joining the noun proclitically in the English, and preceding in the French. Compare, for the French, une nuit blanche with la blanche neige ; une femme savante with un savant professeur du Sanscrit; and, for the English: who ever saw a gen'tle \ hye'na? with: he was as mild as a gentle lamb'; this region abounds in the hard' | varieties of wood with : / slept on the hard floor'. If there is considered to exist only one member of the class named by the substantive, the adjective must of neces- sity possess the character just described and be augmentative or detractive: le paresseux Henri, la catholique Espagne ; lazy Hen'ry, Catholic Spain'. In many instances, however, a substantive usually applied to a single definite individual may also be looked upon as an appellative for the persons who happen to bear that name; or an individual designated by the substantive may be considered as being made up of separate individualities corresponding to his different epochs or qualities. When viewed in one of these two lights, the substantive may be qualified by a distinguish- ing adjective: Henri jeune, l'Angleterre catholique; big' | Hen'ry, Cath'olic \ Eng'land. While this is possible, and in some instances not infrequent, there exists for many indi- vidual cases in both languages a tendency to avoid the con- struction and to employ paraphrases, such as Henri pendant sa jeunesse; the Catholic portion of England; 256 ARMSTRONG [6 and a French Henri paresseux equivalent to la'zy Hen'ry, or an English drunk' Cae'sar for Cesar saoul are quite excluded. A clear-cut example of the possible two-fold aspect of proper names as at times forming a class composed of a single member, and at times constituting appellatives, is fur- nished me by one of my friends. He grew up on his father's farm, on which there was another and much larger boy, whose name, like his, was Charles. My friend was called Charley, and, in order to distinguish between the two, the second Charles was regularly termed big' Char'ley. The son grew up and quitted the farm; and when, after a prolonged absence, he returned for a visit, he found that the adjective was still commonly attached to the name of his boyhood companion, but that, instead of being big' Char'ley, he had now become big Char'ley. The situation which had created the need for a distinguishing adjective having disappeared, the word " big " had shifted over and become an augmentative. It is important to note at this point that in English as in French a quality not common to the whole class named by the substantive is liable to assume the character of an aug- mentative or detractive attribution if it has already been established as a quality of a definite individual under dis- cussion. "When the speaker employs an adjective which serves to posit for a second time a quality already imputed to the individual named by the substantive, if he makes this repetition for the purpose of recalling or emphasizing that the quality constitutes a distinguishing trait, the adjec- tive so employed naturally receives the treatment accorded a distinguishing adjective; but if he assumes that its dis* tinguishing character is still sufficiently present and promi- nent in the hearer's mind, he may look on the adjective as now constituting an ornamental epithet. Thus of a lawyer whose mildness is well known or has been recently remarked upon, or of whom an incident has been related tending to es- tablish mildness as an element of his character, we can per- 7] FRENCH AND ENGLISH ADJECTIVES 257 fectly well say in French ce docile avocat, or employ in English a proclitic adjective : this timid law'yer. A group of the commonest French adjectives, such as bon, mauvais, jeune, vieux, etc., stand regularly before the noun, not only when augmentative or detractive, but even when they serve to distinguish a sub-class. All of these are adjectives which readily lend themselves to augmentative or detractive attribution, so that they would naturally occur oftener before the noun than after it, and at the period of the earliest French written monuments the dominant position had already been generalized, creating a stereotyped word order which still persists. No similar irregular treatment marks the corresponding English adjectives, which conform to the general laws of English adjective accentuation. Epithet and distinguishing adjective may alike unite with nouns to form compound words, which are then restricted to some one meaning among those of which they are potentially capable. When, in such cases, the French adjective precedes its substantive, no means exists of distinguishing for the ear that the speaker's intent is to use the phrase as a compound. Un bon mot, un bonhomme, un grand-pere, une sage- femme have not a stress distinctive from that of un bon lit, un bon onele, un grand poids, une sage reponse. In consequence of this, the establishment of such a compound value has the result of driving out the remain- ing possible meanings of the given combination, which ha\e then to be expressed in some other way. For example, c'est un bon homme is not used in the meaning: he is a good man. When the French adjective follows its substantive, some slight differentiation can be made, since the light pause which exists between noun and distinguishing adjective is eliminated if they unite into a compound noun; but this difference is not sufficiently marked to prevent the compound form from driving out, as a rule, the other acceptations. Compare une ville | neuve and Villeneuve ; un gout | aigre and du vinaigre ; du marbre 16 258 ARMSTRONG [8 | blanc and du fer-blanc. In this matter of recognizing compounds, English has a distinct advantage. When the elements of the combination are not merged, the noun keeps its accent; but if the whole is felt as a single word, the stress, in accord with the general tendency of English word accent, shifts to the beginning; i. e., falls on the adjective, the noun assuming an enclitic relation to this initial stress. Thus the fused and the unfused forms can stand side by side and still be distinguished; as, for example, in a grand fath'er and a grand' father; a round' \ ta'ble and the Knights of the Round' '-table ; a gen'tle \ wom'an, a gentle worn' an and a gen'tlewoman. In a number of cases, it is difficult to determine whether the English adjec- tive, in the stage antecedent to its forming with the noun a compound word, was a distinguisher or an epithet. In such compounds as blackbird, paleface, red-breast, White- House, the adjective may in the beginning have served to point out a distinguishing mark, or it may have been an epithet indicating the agreeable or disagreeable sensation evoked in the mind of the speaker by the appearance of the individual named. In the French, on the other hand, the original character of the adjective is, of course, evident from its position. Thus the adjective was the mark of a sub-class in pivert, Esprit-Saint, chevau-lgger, coffre-fort, amour- propre; it was originally augmentative or detractive in rouge-gorge, blanc-bec, blanc-manger, Saint-Siege, bas- fond, vif-argent, beau-flls, frane-maeon. Adjectives which are emotional by their meaning are not forced, on this account, to precede the French noun. They can just as readily as any other adjectives serve to name distinguishing qualities, and this can still be true when they are so enunciated as to indicate that the speaker is stirred to the highest degree. They will be placed before the sub- stantive only under the same conditions as other adjectives; namely, when they constitute a mere augment or diminisher of the substantive; that is, when they contribute to the 9] FRENCH AND ENGLISH ADJECTIVES 259 stress on the noun rather than direct attention to the stress on themselves. Thus the French does not especially fa- vor frequent antecedence for such of them as have pre- served a clear-cut, distinctive meaning. Bon and mauvais, which have lost most of their content" and have become hardly more than a plus and a minus sign, stand regu- larly before the noun; heureux and triste, which have a more specific content, generally follow, and in the in- stances where they stand first hardly exceed in value bon and mauvais; while an author who places frequently at the front such adjectives as joyeux or terrible, 4 marks out his style as feeble and ineffective. Similarly, in English, good and bad are frequently proclitic; glad and sad not as commonly so; while joyful and terrible rarely fail to preserve their full accent. It may be noted in this connec- tion that to augment further the emotional intensity of emotional adjectives the English increases the force of their accent, prolonging, at the same time, the pause between the adjective and the noun. The French, on its side, prolongs the pause between the noun and the adjective, and shows a certain tendency, if the number of syllables permits this differentiation, to shift the accent of the adjective to the initial syllable : 5 ter"rible \ news'; une nouvelle | ter'rible. No other rhetorical element causes as frequent disturb- ance in French adjective position as does chiasmus. The desire to fix the attention upon the unity of two kindred ideas, or to bring out the diversity between two that are opposed, seems at times the sole motive in the placing of a pair of adjectives modifying two nouns which happen to be located in proximity to one another. Yet it is interesting to note how rarely, in the works of the more careful authors, * Bourget, who is rather over-fond of fore-position, not infrequently offers such instances as: TJn malade qui, dans son agonie, lais- serait peut-etre echapper un terrible secret, Emigre" , p. 42. B See Passy, Petite phone'tique compare'e, Leipzig, 1906, pp. 33-35. 260 ARMSTRONG [10 adjectives in such collocations are in pronounced disaccord with the law for the position of distinguishing adjective and epithet. In the following examples, chosen at random, chiasmus doubtless determines the position of the adjectives, but in no one of these cases is it impossible to reconcile their location with the principles treated in this paper. Si ceux-la sont damnes, qui furent amateurs Du parler clair et du clair sourire des dames, Helas! le Paradis n'aura plus de chan- teurs, A. France, Poesies, 82. — De petits mari6s pauvres et leur pauvre compagnie attendaient, id., M. Bergeret, 76. — La princesse . . . 1'aimait avec une mollesse fougueuse, avec une as>tucieuse sensuality dont le faible Berthier etait trouble' pour la vie, id., Puits de Ste. Claire, 292. — lis s'engagerent sur la route bleue, bordee de noir feuillage, dans la nuit silencieuse, id., M. Bergeret, 144. — A cause du froid acre de ce dur pays, Bourget, Emigre", 219. — Apres le dernier cierge 6teint, nuit complete et complete silence, Arene, Domnine, 39. — Vous enseignez aux jeunes poetes . . . l'amour de la po6sie pure et du pur langage franchise, De Her&iia, Trophies, dedication. — Une fatigue immense, un immense degout l'enva- hissait, Prevost, Chonchette, 118. — Une barbe longue terminait de longs favoris, Rosny, Affaire Derive, 23. — Dont la robuste vieillesse faisait honte aux maturites 6 puisnes d'aujourd'hui, Bourget, Emigre", 56. — Content des elections municipales qui n'avaient fait sortir ni nouvelles idees, ni hommes nouveaux, A. France, Or me du mail, 176. — Ayant en elle le double amour qu'ils reprgsentent : le volontaire appel a la chastete, et l'appel involontaire au sauvage amour, Aicard, Maurin des Maures, 279. II The foregoing comparison of English accentuation with French adjective position seems to show that English proclisis is the correspondent to French fore-position, and to furnish examples of an English accentual equivalent for French post- position. It is now necessary to consider whether the examples thus far cited are typical of the whole of English usage : whether the epithet will uniformly be found to be proclitic, and the distinguishing adjective as uniformly be found to 11] FRENCH AND ENGLISH ADJECTIVES 261 be accented. An observation of English as spoken and read seems to bear out the following conclusions: (1) Light stress or proclisis. An adjective used as an epithet is uniformly light-stressed. (2) Normal stress. Distinguishing adjectives are accent- ed, but the amount of stress they receive varies widely, at times being inferior to, and at times exceeding, the stress on the noun. Expiratory force which approximates or equals, but does not exceed, that on the following noun may be termed normal stress. Such stress constitutes the usual accentuation of distinguishing adjectives. (3) Heavy stress. The stress on the adjective will be greater than that on the noun, if it is desired to give promi- nence to the distinguishing character of the adjective. This will be the case (a) when the intent is to indicate that the quality in question is present to a degree so exceptional that it constitutes the preeminent mark of the individual; (b) when the quality in question is contrasted with other qualities, or when the individual's possession of the quality is contrasted with the absence of it from other members of the class. The following illustrations may serve to render the pre- ceding statement clearer: He lives alone in an ugly little house' (= light stress; French: une vilaine petite maison). — You can easily find his residence: he lives near the church in an ug'ly house' (= normal stress; une maison assez laide). — Look at that ug'ly house' ! (= heavy stress, a; regardez comme cette maison est vilaine ! ) . — Out of all the group he chose the ug'ly house' (= heavy stress, b; la maison laide ) . — It is an ug'ly house', but it is commodious (= heavy stress b; il est vrai que la maison est laide mais ....). Further examples are: (Light stress) He writes a fine hand' (une belle ecriture). — We had a fine walk' ( une belle promenade) . — I am nothing but a humble police'man (un humble agent de police). 262 ARMSTRONG [12 (Normal stress) The whole letter was written in a fine' hand' (une ecriture fine). — We rarely see a hum'ble police'man (un agent humble). — Then he told us an ama'zing sto'ry about his early adventures ( une histoire etonnante ) . — I should like a cup of strong' tea' and a few biscuits (de the un peu fort). — Just then a tall' man' entered (un homme de haute tattle). — He stooped and picked a red' flow'er growing at his feet (une fleur rouge). (Heavy stress, a) He writes a fine' hand' ! (une ecriture fort belle). — We had a fine' walk' ! (une promenade tout a fait charmante ) . — He told an ama'zing sto'ry ! ( une histoire tres dtonnante). (Heavy stress, b) I like strong' tea', but I object to its being bitter ( je veux bien que mon the soit fort, mais . . . ). — Even a tall' man' can stand erect in this doorway (un homme de haute tattle). — From among the various colors he chose a red' flow'er ( une fleur rouge). Thus we see that distinguishing adjectives will have either the normal or the heavy stress. For both of these, the same accent symbol has been used throughout this paper, but it is important to keep in mind the existence of the two types; otherwise there is a risk of confusing normal stress with light stress, and of being misled into thinking that, when the heavy stress is absent from a distinguishing adjective, the adjective is therefore proclitic. It may be further noted that, where the French feels the need of making the distinction which the English renders by heavy stress, it usually accomplishes this either by adding an intensive adverb to the adjective, or by recasting the sentence in such a way as to increase the promi- nence of the adjective. In order to simplify as far as possible the discussion, expiratory force is the only element in accent that has so far been considered. The other main element involved, the difference in pitch which is invariably associated with differ- ence in stress, is subject to modification by factors extraneous to the subject of this paper. In general, greater expiratory 13] FRENCH AND ENGLISH ADJECTIVES 263 force and higher pitch are regularly associated; but as this accent-pitch frequently shades off, even within the same syllable, into a much lower or a much higher note due to the sentence inflexion, it is difficult to analyze it simply with the aid of the ear. 6 In many of the sentences used as illustrations, another speaker might accent the adjectives in a different fashion, or my own accentuation might vary according to the context. This is natural, but it implies, not an invalidation of the fore- going analysis, but a change in the character of the adjective according to the setting, or even according to the speaker's point of view. In written English, more responsibility is thrown on the reader for the interpretation of the character of the adjective than in written French, since the adjective 6tress, which would furnish in English the key, is not indi- cated and must be decided from the context or from the reader's own feeling. It should, however, be recognized that the question of how near the " light-stressed " adjective approaches to being fully proclitic, and the exact amount of stress that should be embraced in the term " normal-stress," are problems too delicate for the lines of demarcation to be rigorously determined by the ear, particularly by the ear of a single observer. 7 •An effort to note by the ear and to indicate by means of curved lines the pitch of the sounds and syllables in specimens of English, French and German prose and verse has been made by Daniel Jones in Intonation Curves, Leipzig, Teubner, 1909, 80 pp. Professor Hermann Collitz of the Johns Hopkins University is making a careful study of the pitch of adjectives in connected discourse; I am indebted to him for helpful criticisms and suggestions, and for the term " normal " as applied to adjectives with the prevailing accentuation. 'Sweet (Phil. Soc. Transactions, 1880-81: Proceedings, pp. 4-6, and pp. 26-27 ; and Primer of Spoken English* Oxford, 1906, pp. 2-3, and pp. 27-31) has discussed the accent of word combinations, paying special attention to the stress of compound words. Of adjec- tives he merely says (Primer, p. 29) that in the combination of adjectives with nouns even stress is the rule. Svedelius ("Sur la 264 ARMSTRONG [14 It is interesting to parallel corresponding passages in French and English with a view to comparing the treatment of the adjectives. An experiment upon one of Poe's stories and Charles Baudelaire's translation led me to mistrust the use of an English text as the basis, since the translator seems by the placing of the English adjectives to be disposed to an abnormally frequent use of fore-position. This disturbing element can be eliminated if a work is chosen for which the French text forms the original version, though the delicate shadings given by the French position is then not infrequently missing from the translation. Since in many instances the interpretation of the character of the adjectives is a matter of view point, as may be seen from the possibility of hesitating, in not a few cases within the French itself, between fore-position and post-position, and since the differences in mental attitude toward the specific adjectives are likely to be numerous when we pass from the French to another language, it is to be anticipated that there will be a lack of exact correspondence in individual instances between French position and English stress. Further, as the accentual interpretation of an English passage is difficult to determine with accuracy and depends upon the reader, the elements of uncertainty are too numerous to make definite statistics attainable, or the attempt to attain them of any great value. I have, however, ventured to count and classify the adjective usage in the opening pages of France's Crime de Sylvestre Bonnard, 8 using for the English the translation of Lafcadio Hearn. 9 place de l'adjectif qualificatif frangais," M6langes-Wahlund, Macon, 1896, pp. 75-93) suggested a parallelism between position in the French adjective . and stress in the German, a suggestion which met with disapproval from the critics (See Tobler, ASNS., Vol. 96, p. 428). 8 Paris, Calmann-L6vy, pp. 1-17. •New York, Harper, 1890, pp. 1-14. For a portion of the text of the comparison see the end of this chapter. 15] FRENCH AND ENGLISH ADJECTIVES 265 I include only those adjectives of the French text preserved as attributive adjectives in the English translation. Accord- ing to my reading of the adjective accent in the English, I found the following situation : (a) Out of the cases of French post-position (61 in all), the English shows normal stress or heavy stress in 58 cases, and light stress in 3 cases; or almost complete agreement, (b) In the cases of fore-position where the adjectives are such as would precede even if they serve to distinguish (50 in all), the English shows light stress in 33 cases, and normal stress or heavy stress in 17 cases. This class is naturally of little value for purposes of compari- son, (c) There are 31 other cases of fore-position. Here the light stress which in English would represent the equiv- alent occurs in only 14 cases, the other 17 having normal stress or heavy stress. A similar analysis of the first chapter of Merimee's Colomba 10 shows agreement according to my interpretation, as follows: for (a), in 24 cases out of 24; for (&), in 10 cases out of 14; for (c), in only 4 cases out of 11. The above figures would indicate that the tendency to interpret adjectives as epithets, in which modern French, and particularly modern conversational French, shows moderation, is even less in vogue in English. That such a tendency is not wholly lacking in English appears with especial clear- ness in many of the examples of group (&), but the English tends strongly the other way. In fact the testimony for this in tne passages I have chosen is possibly even more pronounced than my figures indicate, since I believe that the average reader, where his interpretation differs from mine, would decrease rather than increase the number of cases of light stress. It is manifest that the general equivalence between French position and English accent is too difficult of application and 10 Boston, Heath, 1899; and English translation by the Lady Mary Loyd, New York, Collier, 1901. 266 ARMSTRONG [16 too subjective in character to be of the slightest value as a rule of thumb; and yet a comprehension of the principle conduces to a clearer perception of the delicate and delicious savor of a French adjective discriminatingly placed. As to the relative merit of the methods employed in the two languages to differentiate between distinguishing adjec- tives and epithets, each system has its advantages. The English provides a ready and effective means for a speaker to give the desired shading as he renders his thought into words, but does not as satisfactorily lend itself to the reconsti- tution of an author's thought from its written expression, and therefore puts an extra burden on the reader. The French facilitates the rendering of shadings through the written form, and thus possesses a stylistic resource lacking in the written English. Literary French, in the search for stylistic effect, tends to strengthen the use of epithets, and French grammarians, in helping to associate certain meanings with fore-position, have aided this tendency. English, in which the difference between epithet and distinguishing adjective can not be indicated in the written form and has remained beyond the touch or ken of grammarians, shows a much rarer use of the epithet. Spoken French will naturally be found in this respect in closer accord with English than is written French. As a specimen of the system used in comparing adjectives in the two languages, I append about one half of the passage from Anatole France for which statistics have been given in this chapter, joining to it Hearn's translation. I omit a number of clauses and sentences containing no attributive adjectives preserved as such in the transla- tion. As already said, the English stress as here noted represents simply the present author's interpretation of his own pronunciation. Others would certainly in some cases read the words with a different stress. The symbols inserted in brackets after the adjectives of the French text are to be interpreted as follows: [1]: the French adjective is in post- position ; the English shows accord by employing a normal-stressed or heavy-stressed adjective. [lx]: The French adjective is in post-position; the English, on the contrary, employs a light-stressed adjective. 17] FRENCH AND ENGLISH ADJECTIVES 267 [2]: the French adjective is in fore-position; the English shows accord by employing a light-stressed adjective. [2x] : the French adjective is in fore-position; the English, on the contrary, employs a normal-stressed or heavy-stressed adjective. [3] : the French adjective is in fore-position, but is one of the adjectives which precede whether used as epithets or not; the English employs a light-stressed adjective. [3x] : the French adjective is in fore-position, but is one of the adjectives which precede whether used as epithets or not; the English employs a normal-stressed or heavy-stressed adjective. Un souffle egal [1] soulevait sa fourrure epaisse [1] et legere [1]. His thick fine fur rose and fell with his regular breathing. A mon approche, il coula doucement ses prunelles d'agate entre ses At my coming, he slowly slipped a glance of his agate eyes at me from paupieres mi-closes [1] qu'il referma presque aussitSt. . . . between his half-opened lids, which he closed again almost at once. . . . Hamilcar, prince somnolent [1] de la cite' des livres, gardien Hamilcar, somnolent Prince of the City of Books — thou guardian nocturne! tu defends contre de vils [2] rongeurs les manuscrits nocturnal! Thou dost defend from vile nibblers those books et les imprimis que le vieux [3] savant acquit au prix d'un modique which the old savant acquired at the cost of his slender savings [2x] pecule et d'un zele infatigable [1]. Dans cette bibliotheque and indefatigable zeal. Sleep, Hamilcar, softly silencieuse, que protegent tes vertus militaires [1], Hamilcar, dors as a sultana, in this library that shelters thy military virtues; avec la mollesse d'une sultane! Car tu r6unis en ta personne for verily in thy person are united the formidable aspect of a l'aspect formidable [1] d'un guerrier tartare [1] a la grace appe- Tartar warrior and the slumbrous grace of a woman of the Orient, santie [1] d'une femme d'Orient. H6roique [2] et voluptueux [2] Sleep, thou heroic and voluptuous Hamilcar, dors en attendant l'heure oil les souris danseront, au Hamilcar, while awaiting that moonlight hour in which the mice clair de la lune, devant les Acta Sanctorum des doctes [2] will come forth to danse before the Acta Sanctorum of the learned Bollandistes. . . . Hamilcar m'avertit en abaissant les oreilles et Bollandists. . . . Hamilcar notified me by lowering his ears and 268 ARMSTRONG [18 en plissant la peau zgbree [1] de son front, qu'il 6tait malseant de by wrinkling the striped skin of his brow that it was bad taste on d^clamer ainsi. . . . C'6tait un petit [3x] homme, un my part so to declaim. . . . He was a little man — a poor little pauvre [3] petit [3] homme de mine chgtive [1], v§tu d'une mince man of puny appearance, wearing a thin jacket. [2x] jaquette. II s'avanga vers moi en faisant une quantity de He approached me with a number of little bows and petits [3] saluts et de petits sourires. ... Je songeai, en le voyant, smiles. ... I thought, as I looked a un ecureuil blesse" [1]. II portait sous son bras une toilette at him, of a wounded squirrel. He carried under his arm a green verte [1] qu'il posa sur une chaise; puis, defaisant les quatre [3] toilette, which he put upon a chair ; then unfastening the four corners oreilles de la toilette, il decouvrit un tas de petits [3] livres of the toilette, he uncovered a heap of little yellow books. . . . jaunes [1]. . . . Je fais la place pour les principales [2x] maisons I represent the leading houses of the capital, and de la capitale, et, dans l'espoir que vous voudrez bien m'honorer in the hope that you will kindly honor me with your confidence, de votre confiance, je prends la liberty de vous offrir quelques [3] I take the liberty to offer you a few novelties, nouveautes. Dieux bons! [1] dieux justes! [1] quelles nouveautes Kind gods ! just gods ! such novelties as the homunculus m'offrit l'homonculus Coccoz! Le premier [3x] volume qu'il me Coceoz showed me! The first volume that he put in mit dans la main fut PHistoire de la Tour de Nesle. . . . C'est un my hand was PHistoire de la Tour de Nesle. ... It is a livre historique [1], me dit-il en souriant, un livre d'histoire historical book, he said to me, with a smile — a book of real veritable [1]. . . . Vous risqueriez de la garder toute [3] votre history. . . . You would run the risk of keeping it all your vie dans votre serge verte. . . . Certainement, monsieur, me life in that green-baize of yours. . . . Certainly, Monsieur, the little rgpondit le petit [3] homme, par pure [2] complaisance. . . Si vous man answered, out of pure good-nature. ... If you voulez me rappeler les regies du bgsigue, rendez-moi mon vieil [3] want to make me remember the rules of besigue, give me back my ami Bignan, avec qui je jouais aux cartes, chaque [3] soir, avant que old friend Bignan, with whom I used to play cards every evening 19] FRENCH AND ENGLISH ADJECTIVES 269 les cinq [3] academies l'eussent conduit solennement au cimetiere, before the Five Academies solemnly escorted him to the cemetery; ou bien encore abaissez a la frivolity des jeux humaines [1] la or else bring down to the frivolous level of human amusements the grave [2] intelligence d'Hamilcar que vous voyez dormant sur ce grave intelligence of Hamilcar, whom you see on that cushion, for he coussin, car il est aujourd'hui le seul [3x] compagnon de mes soirees, is the sole companion of my evenings. Le sourire du petit [3] homme devint vague et effare\ Voici, me The little man's smile became vague and uneasy. Here, he dit-il, un recueil nouveau [1] de divertissements de soci6t6, fac^ties et said, is a new collection of society amusements — jokes and puns — calembours, avec les moyens de changer une rose rouge [1] en rose with a recipe for changing a red rose to a white rose. . . . blanche [1]. . . . Quant aux fac6ties, il me suffisait de eelles que As to jokes I was satisfied with those which I je me permettais, sans le savoir, dans le cours de mes travaux unconsciously permitted myself to make in the course of my scientific scientifiques [1]. L'homonculus m'offrit son dernier [3x] livre avec labors. The homunculus offered me his last book, with son dernier [3x] sourire. . . . J'avais saisi les pincettes, et c'est his last smile. ... I had taken hold of the tongs, and, en les agitant avec vivacity que je r^pondis a mon visiteur com- brandishing them energetically, I replied to my commercial visi- mercial [1]. . . . Votre petit [3] livre jaune [lx] me donnera-t-il tor. ... Is your little yellow book able to give me the la clef de celui-la?. ... Le livre est complet et pas cher: un [3x] key to that?. . . . The book is complete, and not dear — one franc vingt-cinq [3x] centimes, monsieur. ... Je puis dire chaque franc twenty-five centimes, Monsieur. ... I am able to say [3] soir: Seigneur. . . . Ayant ainsi parl6, ma gouvernante aida every night: Lord. . . . And with these words my housekeeper le petit [3] homme a renfermer sa pacotille dans la toilette helped the little man to fasten up his stock again within the green verte [1]. L'homonculus Coccoz ne souriait plus. Ses toilette. The homunculus Coccoz had ceased to smile. His traits d6tendus [1] prirent une telle expression de souffrance que relaxed features took such an expression of suffering that I felt je fus aux regrets d'avoir raille' un homme aussi malheureux [1]. sorry to have made fun of so unhappy a man. 270 ARMSTRONG [20 Je le rappelai et lui dis que j'avais lorgne" du coin de l'oeil l'Histoire I called him back, and told him that I had caught a glimpse of a copy d'Estelle et de Nemorin, . . . et que j'acheterais volontiers, a un of the Histoire d'Estelle et de Nemorin, . . . and that I would be prix raisonable [1], 1'histoire de ces deux [3] parfaits [2x] amants. quite willing to purchase, at a reasonable price, the story of those Je vous vendrai ce livre un [3x] franc vingt- two perfect lovers. I will sell you that book for one franc twenty- cinq, monsieur, me repondit Coccoz. ... Je vous apporterai de- five centimes, Monsieur, replied Coccoz. . . . Tomorrow I will bring main les Crimes des papes. C'est un bon [3] ouvrage. Je vous you the Crimes des Papes. It is a good book. I will apporterai l'edition d'amateur, avec les figures coloriees [1]. . . . bring you the edition d'amateur, with colored plates. . . . Quand la toilette verte [1] se fut evanouie avec le colporteur dans When the green toilette and the agent had disappeared in the shadow l'ombre du corridor, je demandai a ma gouvernante d'ou nous etait of the corridor I asked my housekeeper whence this little man had tombe ce pauvre petit [3] homme. ... II a une femme, ditesvous, dropped upon us. . . . You say he has a wife, Therese? Cela est merveilleux! Les femmes sont de bien etranges Therese ? That is marvelous ! Women are very strange creatures ! [2x] creatures. Celle-ci doit 6tre une pauvre [2] petite [3] femme. This one must be a very unfortunate little woman. Je ne sais trop ce qu'elle est, me rgpondit Therese. . . . Elle coule I don't really know what she is, answered Therese. . . . She makes des yeux Juisants [1], . . . On les a pris dans le grenier. ... en soft eyes at people. . . . They allowed the couple to occupy the consideration de ce que le mari est malade et la femme dans un etat attic in consideration of the fact that the husband is sick and the interessant [1]. . . . lis avaient bien besoin wife in an interesting condition. . . . They must have been very d'avoir un enfant! Therese, repondis-je, ils n'en avaient sans badly off for a child! Therese, I replied, they had no need of a doute nul [3x] besoin. ... II faut une prudence exemplaire [1] child, doubtless. . . . One must have exceptional prudence to pour dejouer les ruses de la nature. . . . Quant aux robes de soie, defeat Nature's schemes. ... As for silk dresses, there il n'est pas de jeune [3] femme qui ne les aime. . . . Vous-meme, is no young woman who does not like them. . . You your- 21] FRENCH AND ENGLISH ADJECTIVES 271 Therese, qui 6tes grave et sage, quels cris vous poussez quand il self, Th6rese — who are so serious and sensible — What a fuss you vous manque un tablier blanc [lx] pour servir a table! . . . make when you have no white apron to wait at table in! ... III. Having finished this somewhat detailed comparison of the French and the English adjectives, we are perhaps prepared to attempt an answer to the questions raised at the beginning. It is manifest, in the first place, that position plays no part, for contemporary English, in determining the character of attributive adjectives. We have seen, however, that there exists a method of indicating in English the distinctions which are made in French. The distinguishing adjective is accented, this accent varying from a somewhat light stress to a stress so pronounced that, in the case of emphatic or con- trasted adjectives, it is the main stress in the combination formed by adjective and noun ; the epithet, on the other hand, is so lightly stressed that it may be accounted proclitic. Such a difference is natural, for the proclitic adjective pushes the attention on to an accent-bearing noun which it serves to augment or diminish; while the full-stressed adjective holds the thought to the quality which delimits the sub-class to be distinguished. This situation in English causes us to turn our thought anew to the French. Can the accent, the all-important feature in English, play a part also in the French? There the augmenting adjective always precedes the noun, and, as is shown by its inviolable liaison, is intimately joined to it. The distinguishing adjective, except in certain speci- fic cases which are probably fossils, follows the noun, and the tendency to omit liaison is strong evidence of a pause between noun and adjective. Now in French the main stress-accent tends to fall uniformly upon the end of the word group. If the union of the elements of the group is so intimate that 272 ARMSTRONG [22 they constitute practically a unit, the parts preceding this end-accent tend to be proclitic; if the group is more loosely connected, a stress will occur in each part, but the main stress still remains at the end of the whole. In other words, the French situation is similar to the English: in a combi- nation of epithet and noun, the noun alone is accented ; while in a combination of distinguishing adjective and noun, adjec- tive as well as noun receives an accent. C'est un parfait en- fant' and c'est un enfant' | parfait' do not differ from he is a perfect child' and he is a per 1 feet \ child'. This being the case, the shifts in French adjective position are presumably not due to any basal connection between post-position and the making of a logical distinction, but arise from the exi- gencies of the French accent, which can not, as in English, be shifted at will to any element in the phrase, regardless of its location. The shift in position is then due to the same cause which has developed in French the types: c'est lui' qui l'a fait and il l'a fait, lui' as the equivalents of the English he' did it. If this be true, it is evident that the position of the French attributive adjective has, in the question of the theoretically proper place for the adjective, no such import as the shifts in that position have often been assumed to indicate. One more point in the French requires attention. In the case of the small group of adjectives which uniformly precede the noun (bon, mauvais, grand, petit, vieux, jeune, etc.), does the French, when such adjectives serve to make a logical distinction, have any way of indicating this to the ear? The logical stress would here tend to fall on the adjective, but this is opposed by the tendency of the phrase stress to fall on the end word. My observation leads me to think that from these opposing tendencies there results a compromise by which the main stress remains on the noun, but a light stress falls also on the adjective ; so that, in : si le canif n'est pas dans le petit tiroir, vous le trouverez sans doute dans l'autre, there is a stress on the adjective suffi- 23] FRENCH AND ENGLISH ADJECTIVES 273 cient to distinguish it from petit in : mais regardez done le petit garcon. This is however, a matter that could be definitely determined only by the apparatus of the experi- mental phoneticians. Cledat ai has called attention to the close similarity in value between decorative epithets and augmentative and detractive suffixes. Notice the kindred meanings of gouttelette and petite goutte, poulette and jeune poule, ballon and grande balle, salon and grande salle, paperasses and mauvais papiers. Epithets and suffixes of the kind will alike attach themselves with especial readiness to objects with which, in our daily life, we come in frequent contact, and of which many play a part in contributing to or dimin- ishing our physical or spiritual well-being. We know what a great extension of emotional suffixes there was in Folk Latin; the generalization of fore-position for the commoner adjectives of size and age and quality bears witness to a similarly strong tendency in the Folk Latin to employ ad- jectives for purposes of emotional attribution. The two pro- cesses are alike forms of word composition; for, just as the one is accomplished by the addition of a suffix, so the other constitutes the joining on of a prefix, the proclitic adjective being in reality little else than this. The question of the position of the adjective in French is so closely related to the same question for the other Romance languages that it can not receive definitive treatment in studies restricted to the one speech; but much less has been done in detailed study of the position of the adjective in these other languages, and in the investigation of their phrase accent, so that extensive preliminary analysis would be necessary before a synthetic treatment could be undertaken. This much, however, is already manifest: the rules which apply to the placing of adjectives in the remaining Romance tongues are so similar to those prevailing in French that, " RPhF., Vol. xv, pp. 243-244. 17 274 ARMSTRONG [24 if, as here claimed, it is the rising phrase accent which determined the character of the French adjective shifts, we should definitely expect the Eomance phrase accent in general to be likewise a crescendo. It is not essential to the correct- ness of the theory as applied to French that all its details should be applicable to the rest of the territory; it is essential that the whole group of kindred speeches possess, or at an earlier period possessed, a rising phrase stress. That such is the general stress is borne out, for the Spanish at least, by an examination of the phonetic transcription of Spanish texts given by Araujo in the Phonetische Studien. 12 Two grades of accent are indicated in this transcription, and, no matter where else a stress falls, there is almost invariably a heavy stress noted for the last accented syllable of the breath groups or sense groups. For the Italian I have found no treatment of this subject, but my own impression, which coincides with the opinion of others I have consulted, is that the same status exists also in that language. Thus the conclusions at which I have arrived in the course of my study are that the English has a parallel for the French adjective shift; that this English parallel throws light on the true meaning of the French varying position; and that this interpretation of the French status in the light of the English finds confirmation in a least one other Romance language. "Vol. vi, pp. 44-62; 134-150; 257-273. Compare also the following statements of Araujo (ibid., vol. v, p. 159; repeated in his Estudios de fonetika castellana, Paris, 1894, p. 118) : "La formation des groupes d'accentuation est tres ind€terminee, et il est tres difficile de saisir les regies auxquelles elle est soumise. . . . Par-dessus toutes ces variations, on peut reconnaitre toutefois que dans les mots qui finissent les vers ou les phrases, l'accent du groupe est celui qui correspond au mot final." Araujo further says (PS., vol. v, pp. 143-144, and Estudios, p. 97) that monosyllabic adjectives, when they precede, are weak, and, when they follow, become strong; giving as examples vil enemigo, enemigo vil ; f iel amante, amante fiel. LE PLURIEL DU DfiMONSTRATIF DANS LES PARLERS POPULA1RES DE L'ANGOUMOIS (AVEC CARTE) 1 PAR A. Terracher En Angoumois (et en Saintonge),* le demonstratif eccu-ille presente les formes regionales 3 que voici : 1 a) Pour l'^poque ancienne, v. E. Gorlich, die siidwestlichen Dialerte der langut kl'e, -&■ kye, lye) (v. L. Favre, Parabole de I' enfant prodigue en divers dialectes, patois de la France, p. 144 : thiellaie masc. dans les Deux-Sevres) et non pas seulement une forme palatalise"e de ke (eccu- illos), le pluriel allonge - n'existerait en tout cas que dans la partie nie'ri- dionale du d£partement. s Je neglige les phe'nomenes secondaires de palatalisation et — pour 1' in- stant — le fe*m. plur. kela dans l'est de 1' Angoumois. 1] 275 276 TERRACHER [2 masculin Singulier !ka devant consonne kel " voyelle masc. J et fem. j Plwiel k(e)le devant consonne k(e)l#z " voyelle. teminin kel Parallelement, on a pour eccu-iste * : au singulier ke (ou ket) pour le masculin, ket pour le feminin ; au pluriel k(e)te(z) pour les deux genres. Les formes du singulier s'expliquent d'elles-memes ; l'origine du pluriel allonge (kele et kete) est moins claire. A ma connaissance, on a propose jusqu'ici deux explications de ce pluriel, l'une phonetique, 1' autre analogique. La premiere en date (explication phonetique), due a M. Rousselot, 5 peut se resumer ainsi : a Cellefrouin, -as atone est represents par -e (p. ex., au pluriel des substantifs et adjectifs feminins : vdccas -*■ v&chg, bonas -+ boune ; dans les desinences verbales : cdntas -> chate ; etc. ) : on y a done eccu-illas -* kele, nostras -» notri, *vostras -» votrt,. Cet ^, caracteristique du feminin pluriel, s'est £tendu au masculin aussi bien dans les mots anciens (6ft bovem, plur. 6ite) que dans les termes empruntes recemment au francais (jadtirm •< gendarme >, plur. jadarme) ; de la eccu-illos -> kele, comme — etd'apres — eccu-illas, nostros — notre, etc. Mais, tandis que VI de flexion nominale et verbale tend a dispa- raitre, l'emploi proclitique de kett, notre, etc., a maintenu cet 2 qui s'est allonge, d'ou k(e)le, notre, etc. La seconde explication, toute recente, emane de M. Bourciez 8 : dans la naissance de la forme kele, " il ne saurait 6tre question d'un developpement phonetique proprement dit " et il faut songer a une influence analogique. L' article defini a du servir * eccu-iste, d^monstratif de proximity, n'existe— du moins en Angoumois — que dans des expressions fige"e8 : d ke ta " de ce temps," ket ane "cette ann^e," da ktejur "dans ces jours" (pluriel tres rare). b Devocabulorum congruentia in rustico Cellae-Fruini sermone, Parisiis, 1892, p. 14, n. 1 et p. 22 ; comparer Les modifications phonetiques du langage etudiees dans le patois d' une familie de Cellefrouin (Charente), Paris, 1892, p. 283. 8 Le Demonstratif dans la Petite Oavacherk (Melanges Wilmotte, Paris, 1910, p. 67-67). 3] PLURIEL DU DEMONSTRATE EN ANGOUMOIS 277 de point de depart : ou bien "le feminin pluriel ikelce(s) a eu sa finale purement et simplement influencee par Particle le(s) " et " s'est ensuite transmis au masculin " ; ou bien (et M. Bour- ciez penche pour cette seconde hypothese) il s'est etabli une sorte de proportionality, d'abord devant les noras commencant par une voyelle : on disait I om, lez om, un singulier kel om aura appel£ un pluriel kelez om. *** L' explication de M. Bourciez a le defaut de negliger les pluriels allonges des possessifs "nos" (noire), "vos" (yotre), etc. Or, si l'on peut a la rigueur admettre une proportion- nalite 7 I om : fez om, kel " : kefez om, il est plus difficile d'expliquer par le m£me procede la formation de kete, notre, yotre, etc., a moins de supposer qu'ils ont ete refaits d'apres kele qui avait 50 chances pour 100 de ne pas naitre. De plus, kele, notre, etc., se rencontrent en Angoumois non-seulement dans la region ou le pluriel de 1' article defini est le pour les deux genres, mais aussi ou Ton a lou pour le mas- culin et la pour le feminin — ce qui ecarte, a mon sens, toute explication par une influence analogique. 8 Je crois qu'il faut accepter 1' explication phonStique de M. Rousselot, mais en la precisant et la completant. — Remarquons, d'abord, que eccu-illl, eccu-illos ont du etre employes comme proclitiques des Vorigine: on attend, des lors, *Ml, *kels (formes du francais et du provencal litt^raires) et non kele. — L' etude d'une partie de 1' Angoumois ou l'on distingue entre le masculin kV et le feminin kele m'amene a proposer une expli- cation un peu differente de celle de M. Rousselot. 7 0u, plus exacteraent, une demi-proportionnalite", puisque le paralle'- lisme n'existepas devant les mots commenyant par une consonne. 8 La premiere hypothese de M. Bourciez (le fe'minin ikelce(s) -> ikele(s) (sous l'influence de le(») article) ^tendu au masculin) admet en outre que les formes du fe'minin puissent gagner le masculin, alors que — pour le pluriel du de'monstratif — c'est l'inverse qui s'est produit en francais. 9 M. Rousselot (Modi/, phonet., p. 231) signale kl a Saint-Claud, pn?s de 278 TEERACHER [4 La carte ci-jointe est celle d'une region de l'Angoumois tra- versed par la "limite du francais et du provencal"( — • — — • — ). 10 A Test de cette limite, on distingue, au pluriel de l'article defini, le masculin lou du feminin la (proven9al); a l'ouest, on a pour les deux genres une forme unique le (fran- cais). Le domaine provencal de cette region n'est pas homo- gene : a Test de la ligne formee par les trois limites , — — et , — as atone des substantifs et adjectifs feminins pluriels (et des desinences verbales) existe encore (plus ou moins menace) ; a l'ouest, au contraire, on n'en trouve aucune trace ni aucun souvenir. — Or, partout ou — as atone est conserve^ on distingue, au pluriel du demonstratif, entre le masculin Id et le feminin hell (kela); 11 partout ou — as atone a disparu, on trouve une forme unique hell pour les deux genres. — L'on a ainsi, en allant de l'ouest a Test, trois zones : f I), article defini demonstratif le masc. et fern. — as atone disparu. et possessifs : kele, notre, etc., masc. et fern. II). article defini: masc. lou, fem. la, demonstratif et possessifs : kele, notre, etc., pour les deux genres. fill), article defini : masc. lou, fem. la. — as atone J demonstratif conserve. et possessifs : masc. ki, notre; fem. kele (d), [ ?wtre ( — a) ; etc. Cellefrouin, et le rattache a eccu-isti. — II me semble plus naturel — au moins pour la region que j'ai exploree — de consideVer kl (klz devant voyelle) comme repr&entant eccu-Ulos -> *kels -> kl (d'apres eccu-illi); cf. Appel, Provenzalische Chrestomathie,* p. xvi, c. 10 Cette limite est simplement celle de la distinction des genres au pluriel de l'article defini; je n'use de "francais" et de "provencal" que pour des raisons de commodity. "Dans la region occupde par les hachures en rouge, kelh est en train de supplanter un masculin kl plus ancien ; il n'y a pas la extension du feminin (kele) au masculin, mais penetration du type uniformise" de l'ouest et du nord-ouest. 5] PLURIEL DU DEMONSTRATE EN ANGOUMOI8 279 *Kelou(z), *kelq(z) n'existant pas dans les zones II et III, 12 1' explication de M. Bourciez ne vaut pas pour ces zones ; kele, kelq feminins n'ayant pas influence le masculin Id dans la zone III, F explication de M. Rousselot est insuffisante. 13 L'examen des formes que presentent les pronoms possessifs du pluriel (non proclitiques) dans la zone III ( — as atone con- serve) nous met sur la voie. ^L'aire ou — as -> -e (de Terre- bour a Agris, corarae a Cellefrouin), laisse place au doute : dans lou, la, notrZ (ou de plus en plus frequemment, notr) " les notres," F I du masculin pourrait proveuir de F g du feminin auquel il est identique. — Par contre, de Rivieres a Anthieu, les deux formes sont distinctes : — as y est en effet represente non plus par -8, mais par -a§y qui ne devient -£ qu'en position syntactique : chataiiagy " chataignes, " et d la boune cataiiagy "des bonnes chataignes." On y a, en consequence, eccu-illas -> *kela§y -> kele, eccu-illi (eccu illos) -> kl ; nostras -> *notraly -*■ notre (et notre aussi pour le masculin) ; pour les pronoms possessifs, au contraire, la notragy f6tn. s' oppose a lou notre masc. Cet e du masculin est un e de soutien. — II en est de meme a Bunzac, Pranzac, la Brouterie, ou — as atone -► -a : bonas vaccas ->- bouna vdtsa ; eccu-illas (nostras) vaccas -** held (nouotra) vdtsa; mais le masculin (lou) nouotrZ "(les) n6tres (nos)" s' oppose au feminin (la) nouotra. — La geographie linguistique nous enseigne ainsi que dans le domaine oil — as de flexion est conserve^ F e s'est developpe, dans les adjectifs pos- sessifs du pluriel comme dans les pronoms possessifs, d'un oz de soutien (apres le groupe str) ; il ne s'est pas developpe apres 11 de eccu-illi (eccu-illos) -* kl. C'est a cet ce de soutien que je suis tente de rattacher la for- mation du pluriel allonge kele, notre, etc., en Saintonge et dans 11 Keld(z) se rencontre dans une partie de la zone III, ou tous les — as atones aboutissent a — a (Bunzac, Pranzac, etc.); mais *kelou au masculin n'existe nulle part en Angoumois. 13 En effet, il n'y a pas lieu de supposer que eccu-illos ait ete, dans 1' Angoumois occidental et en Saintonge, moins proclitique que dans l'est de 1' Angoumois et, au surplus, l'explication ne vaudrait pas pour les formes des possessifs dans la zone III. 280 TERRACHER [6 le reste de 1' Angoumois. De eccu-illos, eccu-illas on a eu, en position syntactique et par suite d'un deplacement d' accent, ^eccu-illos (cabdllos), *eccu-illds (vdccas), de nostros, nostras on a eu, de m6me, *nostros (cabdllos), *nostrds (vdccas)) puis, tandis que 1' — as d6sinentiel disparaissait comme -os, -es, (vach " vaches," chat "chantes," le notr, masc. et fem. " les notres," etc.) sans laisser de traces, les groupes proclitiques ^eccu-illos, *eccu-illds, *nostros, ^nostras, etc., ont passe a ^kelce(s'), *notro3(s) et cet ce est devenu e sous 1' accent, d'ou les formes actuelles Icele(z), notre(z), etc. 1 * S'il en est aiosi, pourquoi cette formation n'a-t-elle pris nais- sance que dans le sud-ouest de la langue d'o'il? Cela tient, je crois, a ce que le deplacement d' accent (qui se produit, p. ex., dans les 3 emes personnes du pluriel) est caracteristique des par- lers de cette region : hdbent — * ava, cdntant — > chata, etc. 15 — Enfin, si les pi Uriels allonges kele, notre n'apparaissent pas en Poitou, bien que le Poitou connaisse aussi le deplacement d' accent sur les desinences verbales, la raison en est sans doute que Va final atone s'est amu'i beaucoup plus tot en Poitou qu'en Angoumois et en Saintonge (le Poitou n'offre que e dans les graphies les plus anciennes, tandis qu'on trouve a — quelque- fois m6me pour Ye de soutien — a une epoque assez tardive dans les chartes de Saintonge et d' Angoumois). 16 14 M. Bourciez, art. cite, p. 63-64, a pos£ la question de l'anciennete* du pluriel allonge" qui, dit-il, " devait exister en Saintonge au XVI e siecle, peut-£tre des le XV e ." — Etant donne que Turpin I (£crit en Angoumois, v. Gorlich, o. c, p. 12) dcrit parfois nostra "nos" au cas regime masc. plur. (id., p. 108) tandis que la traduction poitevine des Sermons de Maurice de Sully donne toujours noz, je crois que ce nostres (comme les formes analogues indique'es par Cloetta, art. cite, p. 189) doit s' interpreter par *notre. L' invasion de noz dans les textes diplomatiques aussi bien que dans les textes litt^raires s'est produite de bonne heure : cf., par ex., pour le feminin pluriel: "volons .... que nostres dettes saent paes et noz amendes . . ." (Archives Nationales, J. 407, piece 5, (1283)). 15 Voir Atlas linguistique de la France, cartes 93 (ont), 513 (etaient), etc. — Ce deplacement d'accent est beaucoup moins marque* dans la zone III (surtont au sud) que dans les zones I et II. 16 Cf. Gorlich, p. 72, et surtout Cloetta, p. 181, 192-193 et la note des p. 193-194. ■ Limite occidentale de -as -> -a dans les substantifs et adjectifs feminins pluriels ; types : masc. (/«) iiuotre, fern, (la) tiuotra ; masc. ki (ou tt), fern. Ma. Limite occidentale de -as -» -aey (-e'en position syntactique) ; types : masc. lunotri, fern, /i nottaey ; masc. et fern. «o/r^; masc. /«, fern, keif. Limite occidentale de -as -» -i (plus ou moins disparu) ; types : masc. et fern, lu (lei) notr(e) ; notrf ; masc. ki, fern. keif. Illllllll Localites ou fe/^ masc. a triomph£ ou triomphe d'un ki plus ancien. A 1'ouest de ces limites, types : masc. et fcm. # (ou, a Test de la limite———, lu masc, /a fern.) notr ; «o/(r)«5y' cs xopaxas, das die Dohlen ihrer zuriickgewiesenen Genossin zuriefen " (my italics) . " The crows " as a synonym for woe and destruction was surely as old as, and probably was much older than, the " Aesopic period " ; and the real explanation of the ex- pression — as is more clearly seen in the Latin equivalent pasce corvos — is simply this: to be food for crows was to remain unburied, the non plus ultra of damnation to the ancients. The phrase was certainly not derived from the fable, and there is no good reason even for believing that it ever had anything to do with, or any part in, the fable. Leaving therefore a shadow of suspicion on Photius, we shall turn to the third Greek form of the fable — the only one in which strange feathers figure. This entirely eclipsed the other two in popularity. It is much more picturesque 18 Photii Patriarchae Lexicon, rec. S. A. Naber, Leidae, 1864, vol. prius, p. 215. 14 Lexicon, ed. G. Bernhardy, Halis, 1853. Tom. i. Part, n, col. 550 sq. 15 Op. cit., p. 8. 5] STRANGE-FEATHERS FABLE 309 and animated and works up more dramatically to a single climax. Babrius [fab. 72] 16 is our earliest extended version ; and for that reason and also because his poetical account so well realizes the artistic possibilities of this form of the fable, it is worth while to translate it here in its entirety: " Iris, gleaming herald of the skies, once announced to the winged creatures that a contest of beauty would be held in the home of the gods; quickly all gave heed, and all desired the divine gifts. From a rock that a goat could scarcely scale there trickled a spring, and the pool stood 6ummer-like and clear; thither came all the race of birds, and washed their faces and their legs, and shook their feathers, and combed their locks. And to that spring came also the aged Daw — son of his mother [? — ko/jwvt;? vldW], and fitting to his moistened shoulders a feather from this bird and from that, put on his single self the variegated hues of all; then swooped before the gods, outclassing the eagle. Zeus marvelled, and was granting him the victory; but the Swallow, like a true Athenian,- convicted him him by pulling out her feather before the others. He said to her : ' Dont tell on me.' But then the Turtle-dove and the Thrush dismantled him, and the Jay and the crested Lark that plays about the tombs, and the Hawk that lies in wait for weaker birds, and all the rest beside. And the Daw was recognized." 1T This form of the fable — which I shall henceforth refer to as the " Many-Bird " form — is absent from the Accursian group of mss. of the Prose- Aesop; and this fact, together with its evident fitness for and popularity with the poets and rhetoricians, leads me to judge that it was not in the original corpus of Aesopica, but belongs entirely to the 16 Crusius: Babrii Fabulae Aesopeae, Lipsiae, 1897. "The (obvious) moral appended is probably not by Babrius. v. Cru- sius : ed. eit., p. 64n. ; also E. Hohmann : De indole atque auctoritate epimylhiorwn babrianorum (Dissertation), Regimonti, 1907, pp. 99 and 101. 310 AUSTIN [6 "learned tradition." Fortunately we are not left wholly without evidence as to its existence before Babrius' time. Phaedrus' Gragulus et Pavo antedates Babrius perhaps a century and a half 18 ; but we shall see that the analogies between these two versions result from indirect relationship rather than direct descent. 19 Horace's reference is much more enlightening; he is giving warning to a plagiarist: "lest, if perchance the flock of birds come to claim their feathers, the Cornicula become a laughing-stock when stripped of his stolen colors." This is clearly the Many-Bird form ; but the use of cornicula is somewhat disconcerting. The Latin writers seem to have been very inexact in their ideas about the crow-kind. One almost comes to believe that it was by mere chance that Phaedrus hit on the real equiva- lent for koXoios in his version. This much may be said, however, of Horace's cornicula: it is a opr)T6) as the bird which first discovered the Daw's trick and pulled out her own feather. The two versions which follow Babrius in point of time, Aphthonius [fable 31 = Halm 200] (cir. 315 A. D.) and Libanius [Progymnasmata, 3] 25 (cir. 350 A. D.), both have Hermes as the messenger of Zeus to the birds ; while the other versions make no mention of a messenger. It might seem at first sight that Aphthonius made the change from Babrius, and that Libanius simply followed the former. This may be true for this single point ; but we find that in numerous other details Libanius differs from Aphthonius, besides having in his much fuller account many points not found in Aphthonius at all. Now most of these variations from Aphthonius have analogues in Babrius; and we might conclude that Libanius followed Aphthonius as far as the latter went and then 24 Along with Babrius I class also the Bodleian Paraphrase and Ignatius Diaconus, both of which are merely reworkings of Babrius. 2i Libanii Sophistae Orationes ci Declamationes, ed. Beiske, Altenburg, 1797, Vol. iv, p. 854 sq 9] STRANGE-FEATHERS FABLE 313 filled out with Babrius. But even this hypothesis will not stand the test ; first because Libanius follows Babrius in points where the latter is contradictory to Aphthonius ; and secondly, and still more significantly, because Libanius has points which first appear in his version but are perpetuated in succeeding writers, and especially in the Prose-Aesop of the Augustan and Casinensis groups of mss. ; and these certainly are dependent on the Ehetorical group to which Libanius belongs, but just as certainly did not draw on Libanius him- self who was a rhetorician and not a fabulist and was not a recognized authority in fable literature. The most striking of these motifs which thus seem to start with Libanius is the statement that the prize which was to be granted for superi- ority in the beauty contest was the kingship over the other birds. It seems to me that the only reasonable solution is: that in some variety of the Many-Bird type — which it will be remembered belongs purely to the learned tradition — the kingship as prize was a well-known motif; that Aphthonius if he knew of it omitted it because it seemed to him, as it indeed is, a very unconvincing and in fact immoral procedure to choose kings on the basis of looks; and that Libanius worked with Aphthonius, Babrius, and some lost text or texts of the pre-Babrian version before him. Furthermore, I believe that Babrius' account itself shows traces of the kingship idea : all the birds were said to be anxious to win the "divine rewards" (dela Scopa), though it is not stated what those rewards were to be; and when the Daw is decked out he rushes in " surpassing the Eagle " (aierov /cpeio-o-cov) and the astonished Zeus is on the spot disposed to give him the victory ( vUrjv ) . Now why this reference to the Eagle? If it had been merely a matter of beauty, and some ordinary prize was to be won, why should it be by surpassing the Eagle — certainly not a beautiful bird in the sense that beauty is evidently meant in Babrius' and 314 AUSTIN [10 his followers' accounts? The eagle was recognized in antiquity as he is now as the king, or at least the leader, of the birds. 26 Keeping this in mind let us consider that other idiosyncrasy of the Babrian version : the Swallow, instead of the Owl (Y\at)f) which occurs in all the non-Babrian versions 27 where any particular bird is mentioned as the first to incriminate the Daw. As this does not occur in the Prose-Aesop it may proceed directly from Aphthonius. But note this fact: if Owl was in that pre-Babrian version which Babrius, Aph- thonius, Libanius and others seem to have used it would be in accordance with a traditional enmity which existed between the owls and the crow-kind and of which the most important Eastern record is found in the Frame to the Third Book of the Panchatantra. Here we find a king-choosing too. Whatever weight may be given to the preceding, it is reasonably certain that Babrius was using a version which either did not mention any messenger from Zeus, or else he found Hermes given and substituted Iris for purposes of poetic effect. For outside of the fact that Aphthonius and Libanius have Hermes in this fable, there is the further fact that nowhere else in the whole of the " Aesopic " fable- literature — whether anonymous or in definitely named col- lections — does Iris appear either as the messenger of Zeus, or otherwise; while Hermes figures in eleven fables 28 of the Prose- Aesop ; three times 29 definitely as Zeus' messenger. In a similar way Babrius' use of the Swallow, whether his own contribution or a substitution for an Owl of his original, is just such a proceeding as we should expect from 26 Of., esp., Pindar, Nem. Ill, 80-2 : . . tan 8' alerbs j iv iroravoh, \ 6s £\a/3e^ diij/a, rrfkbde fiera/iaibfievos, 8aoivbv iypav woaiv | tcpaydrai 5£ KoKoiol rairetvb. vtnovrou. " Aphthonius, Libanius, Theophylactus, Tzetzes. "H. 136, 137, 138, 140, 141, 118, 205; 308, 315, 150, 152. 29 H. 136, 137, 138. 11] STRANGE-FEATHERS FABLE 315 a poet. For when he says that the Swallow " confuted the Daw like the Athenian she was " (eb? 'AOrjvairj rjXey^ev) he not only is hitting off the Athenian shrewdness and talent for litigation, but may also be recalling the story of Philomela and Procne who were changed to nightingale and swallow 30 and on whose Athenian birth and characteristics Babrius himself lays emphasis in another of his fables [preserved by the Bodleian Paraphrase — No. 148 in Crusius*]. And he may also have had in mind the passage in the Odyssey [% 240] where Athena perched on the rafters above Odysseus' head " like a swallow " (%e\i86vL el/ceXr] ) . 31 Now ordinarily the Owl was associated with Athena and with Athens; Athena's epithet yXavfcwiri 1 ; was popularly connected with y\av£, 32 and Athenian coins bore an image of the owl. There- fore if there was any especial bird mentioned in Babrius' original it was probably the 1 and \j/apes in fab. 33, cf. II 583, P 755. ) including probably our Iris : with Babrius' irop is driven u Op. tit., p. 20 sq. 13] STRANGE-FEATHERS FABLE 317 out, and then is repulsed by his own people when he returns. The motivation of this version seemed to Phaedrus too re- stricted, and perhaps not natural enough; so he introduced the * Strange Feathers ' from the Many-Bird version, sub- stituting peacock feathers in place of the feathers of various birds." The possibility, however, that Phaedrus found this combi- nation of the Greek motifs already consummated in his own Aesop-book is recommended by the position of the fable in his collection. Gragulus et Pavo is the third fable of his First Book; and in this book we find that the Latin fabulist, as his Preface indicates, sticks closest to the well-known Greek Aesop. A comparison shows that Phaedrus' fables numbers 1, 2, 4, 6, 7, 8, 11, 12 and 13 follow closely the Greek fables as found in our Prose-Aesop, 35 and no. 5 has a near analogy ; 36 while as we proceed through the thirty-one fables of this First Book analogies in the Greek rapidly become scarcer, and indeed are almost entirely wanting for the latter half. If so be that Phaedrus was using such a contaminatio of the two fables, then his own contribution may have been limited to the substitution of the Peacocks in place of the Many Birds, in conformity with his usual predilection for brief and succinct accounts. For his original in such case would have been unusually long. The Many- Bird one alone, as we now possess it, is among the longest of the Aesopic corpus. By using Peacocks in his fable Phaedrus could not only omit enumeration of the various birds, but also avoid the necessity of explaining how they came to be assembled, and at the same time preserve the effect of variegated plumage. However this may be, Phaedrus' fable has far outlived all the other forms and has contributed not a little to the fame of its ambitious and mediocre author. 35 Respectively : H. 274b, 76(b\ 233, 77b 47(b), 276b, 259, 128, 204b. 36 H. 258 ; cf. 260, and 259. 318 AUSTIN [14 II. The Many-Bird Type in Later Greek. A reference to our fable is found in Oration xxiv of Themistius of Paphlagonia 37 (317-cir. 390 A. D.), a con- temporary of Libanius. His use of the fable is pointed at those whose adornments and acquisitions are external and not of the spirit. This turn of the application is new, though pat enough, but the few motifs of the short passage tally with both Aphthonius and Libanius. A certain verbal co- incidence 38 makes it probable that he was following the latter. St. Gregorius Nazianzenus, Cappadocian, was only about a decade younger than Themistius. In one of his carmina theologica 39 this good Church father warns vain women that they run the risk of being stripped of their adornment and rendered ridiculous as was the Daw of the fable. The few characteristics of this reference are not sufficient to place it definitely as to derivation. At the end of frag. 87 40 the historian Eunapius 41 (fl. cir. 380 A. D.) treats of magistrates who get into trouble through peculation and are both punished and preyed upon by more powerful magistrates, who in their turn are liable to the same fate. It happened that one of these unfortunate officials who got caught between the nether and the upper millstone was named 'Iepaf, Hawk; and this suggested to our his- torian the appropriateness of an allusion to the Hawk and Xightingale fable. He says : " This man named Hierax being 37 Themistii Orationes, ed. Dindorf, Lipsiae, 1832, p. 368. 58 irepiT tdr/aiv, Lib. irepierldei. 39 Lib. I, carm. xxix, 11. 55-8 — in Migne, Patrol, s. gr., Vol. xxxvn, col. 888. 40 Historici Graeci minores, ed. Dindorf, Lipsiae, 1870, Vol. I, p. 270, 1. 21 sqq. 41 1 am indebted to Dr. D. S. Blondheim for pointing out to me this passage. All the other references are furnished by Crusius, op. cit., p. 63. 15] STRANGE-FEATHERS FABLE 319 caught by the more powerful one,* 2 as by the Eagle, was [like] the Nightingale of Hesiod, helpless in the clutch of the stronger." Here the author has twisted the characters to his purpose, as he had to make this Heirax the one to succumb and therefore introduces the Eagle. But he does not stop as this confusion; he goes on without a break and switches over into our Strange-Feathers fable : " And the Eagle himself differed from the Nightingale in naught, save as it happened to the Daw of the fable, [for he was] stripped of his own feathers as well as of those not his own." Which must mean that the more powerful magistrate, later on, himself underwent the fate of the one whom he had oppressed plus confiscation of his own goods and those he had stolen from others. The question why the Eagle (who figures in the typical form of neither of these fables) having been grafted on the first as hero, led to a comparison with the protagonist of the second, suggests the interesting possibility that Eunapius had in mind a version of that type of the Strange-Feathers fable which has been distinguished as " pop- ular " ; in which the beauty-contest of the birds is presided over by the Eagle — by whose orders the Daw is properly humbled. If this be the case, then it would be natural for the writer, with both fables in his mind, to introduce the Eagle as the avenger in the first; and his only original contribution would be the felicitous idea of making the puissant Eagle himself ultimately succumb to the fate of the Hawk whom he had wronged on the one hand, and on the other of the Daw who had justly fallen under his wrath. Our longest prose version is from Epist. xxxiv of the historian Theophylactus Simocatta 43 (fl. cir. 610 A. D.). Here we have a new introduction : the birds were suffering from anarchy and petitioned Zeus to give them a leader; 41 Literally : " by the one who had paid more " ; i. e. for his office. 43 EpiatolograpM Graeci, ed. Hercher, Paris, 1873, p. 773 sq. 320 AUSTIN [16 the contest of beauty was then arranged. The general treat- ment of the main body of the fable, though inflated in diction, follows very consistently the motifs of the Rhetorical type as indicated to us by Aphthonius, Libanius and the probable pre-Babrian version which I have reconstructed. The birds' application to Zeus for a king, and their reason for doing so, is at once suggestive of the fable of the Frogs who ask for a king [H. 76] ; and when *we compare the Augustan form of the latter 44 with Theophylactus' intro- duction the verbal correspondences are so striking, in spite of the latter's prolixity, that there is not a shadow of doubt that he had the Frog-fable before him, or at least very fresh in his mind. 45 The last clause, too, offers a correspondence with the Prose- Aesop version of our Many-Bird fable : Theo- phylactus has teal yeyovev av$i<; 6 tco\otb<; koXolos ', H. 200 b reads kcu 6 Ko\oLoea ko.1 rbv ' 0\ip.iriov iir p efi(Dv, via the Bodleian, or other, paraphrase. The other variations are wholly, as will be noted, in the nature of omissions; and we are thus confirmed in our belief that the Many-Bird type of the fable belonged only to the Ehe- torical or "learned " division, and was never a part of the " popular " collection which culminated in the Recensio Accursiana. The only addition at all notable furnished by the Prose- Aesop to the Ehetorical form of our fable is the catch-phrase at the end which I have already quoted: "and the Daw became again a Daw." In the middle of the twelfth century John Tzetzes, Byzan- tine grammarian, put a version of our fable into his versi- fied mythological-historical encyclopedia [Chil. vm, 11. 500- 522]. 49 He mentions Babrius among others at the end; but the Table of Motifs shows that his sources were : ( 1 ) a version of the Ehetorical type (of the Aphthonius-Libanius variety) and (2) a Prose- Aesop version akin to the Codex Casinensis. All indications are distinctly away from his having used the version of Babrius directly. In a sort of "Sternbach, ed. cit., p. 65. 4S Furia, ed. cit., fab. 78. w Joannis Tzetzae Chiliades, ed. Kiessling, Lipsiae, 1826. 20 322 Austin [18 postscript Tzetzes gives a brief disquisition on the koXoios which seems to indicate either that his acquaintance with the bird was rather literary than actual, or else that to him ko\oi6<; meant not the Daw but some varicolored bird, probably the Magpie. A short reference to our fable which is found in the minor works 50 of Eustathius, Archbishop of Thessalonica (ft. cir. 1160), does not offer enough features to determine its source. Finally, the fable occurs in the Progymnasmata (no. 5) of the twelfth century rhetorician Mcephorus Basilaea. 51 In his version, as in that of Theophylactus, we have the birds acting on their own initiative and desirous of a ruler for the sake of security; but there the resemblance ends. The birds hold their own election, and the Daw is actually chosen king before they discover his trick and pull out their own feathers ; and the punishment does not end with his humiliation, as in all the other Greek versions, but they fall upon him with their claws and tear him to pieces. To determine the pro- venience of this version is therefore a rather complicated problem; but a sequence of isolated correspondences with the version of Libanius, and a realization of the fundamental difference in the general nature of the two versions, together with a recognition of the fact that Libanius' version was, like Nicephorus', contained in a work intended for a " First Steps in Rhetoric" and was the only other version thus circumstanced — all these considerations have led me to adopt an explanation which seems fairly satisfactory. Nicephorus' version agrees with the non-Phedrine Latin-Romance type of the fable in: (1) having no mythological machinery and presenting a council of birds more or less autonomous in its 50 Opusctda, ed. Tafel, Frankfurt a/M.. 1832, p. 331, 11. 10-13: ['OnuK-/) dpx e * \ (Theraiatius ) \ \c R P U S/' 3 \ A / Frogs King fable P-?g \ E r- KB/ I — T ♦ ♦ Theophylactu3 R I C u H Recensio Augustana , , I Codex Ca8inensis "1 T30tZ63 bit Kalm 200 mixed type{?) Medieval Latin-Rouance Phedrino group Nicephoru3 Basilaca Medieval tin- Latin- Ro mance non-Phad~rina group Explanation: Mere references in round bracketa ♦Starred forms hypothetieaL Slanting lines show less certain relationships. Ignatius Diacorms and Paraphrasis Bod- leiana omitted: both known to be from B&briuB.. Non-Greek versions and references underlined. (iadij paxtra) qoos va\vn stsnaniSBQ xapoj BUBjsn^nv oisnaoaji (sniqjBisng) BOBiis«a siuoqdaoijj sazjazx > snuoo'Big sntjBuSi — — — _: _= _= £ OO oo oooo 3 3 £ P4 fcfc fe fcfc fr ( _^ « a; 3 -> 2 S-*"" * « « y c c § S x ai rt o y I £ o o y-2 ^ yj§ Q Q pq "pq Q tS O o 2 c £ B ■ (J g ft bC E-3 " § « S.S-O ~ 2 £ be a 9 ri HPhHHPh — i ■-. — i — — i i| § a E O y e«_ ► 5 "3 ■i s*! •» • a « .-1 *_ H S 3." co J ►?! -Q C 03 O .fi co O w £ s> CO £ SI $ a S y a a y co CO n cu -Si C-T3 ce a B B CO tH .s.s 42.2 .8.8 a a ^> & CC03 THE VERSIONS OF THE FABLE OF THE PEACOCK AND JUNO BY A. E. Curdy Of the fables which have come down to us from antiquity, none is more interesting in its genealogy, or better adapted to special study, than that discussed in the present study. 1 The versions of the fable of the Peacock and Juno follow, in general, the treatment in their prototype, the Phaedrus, but with variations or additions, some of which reappear in numerous redactions, while others are independent. At first glance the versions fall into two groups: (a) those 1 The present examination deals solely with the fable as contained in certain versions from Phaedrus to Caxton. The results will not, in all cases, agree with the statements of writers who have based their judgments regarding relationship upon a study of the collections as such, taking as their criteria the order of arrangement of the fables in the collections, the title, beginning, and ending, together with the general idea of each fable. This does not suffice, for it is certain that some writers of fables received their inspi- ration from various sources, drawing now from one for a certain fable, and, again from a different stock for others. Hence, the fables must be studied individually before a true judgment can be rendered regarding an entire collection. Few quotations from the writings of students are made in the following pages, although most of them have been examined, for, as has just been stated, their remarks apply generally to the collections rather than to the individual themes. In order not to extend too greatly the limits of this paper, it is necessary to treat a portion of the study very summarily. Collections which are not at present available to the writer are not discussed here, and no excursions into the field of folk-lore have been made, nor will any versions later than Caxton be treated. 1] • 329 330 CUEDY [2 in which there is an enumeration of gifts to the peacock and to other creatures, and (&) those in which there is simply an allusion to the gifts or powers, or no mention at all beyond that of song or beauty. To the former group belong Phaedrus, Weissenburgensis, Vulgaris, Nilant, Trevirensis, Neckam, Te Winkel, Florentinus, Vienna Codex 303, Ysopet II de Paris, Steinhowel, Ysopet de Chartres, and Caxton. The second group is represented by the Fabulae Metricae, F. Ehythmicae, Bozon, Harleianus, Marie de France, Eic- cardiano, Laurenziano, and Palatine This division is of no significance in the genealogy of the fable, as an examination of the summary on the last page of this article will show. The earliest version of which we have knowledge is that of Phaedrus, c. 25 A. D. (Ph). 2 It is no. 18 of the collection 3 and reads as follows: Pavo ad Junonem de Voce sua. Pavo ad Junonem venit, indigne ferens, Cantus luscinii quod sibi non tribuerit; Ilium esse cunetis avibus admirabilem, Se derideri, simul ac voccm miserit Tunc consolandi gratia dixit Dea: Sed forma vincis, vincis magnitudine; Nitor smaragdi collo praefulget tuo Pictisque plumis gemmeam caudam explicas. Quo ml, inquit, mutam speciem, si vineor sono? Fatorum arbitrio partes sunt vobis datae: Tibi forma, vires aquilae, luscinio melos, Augurium corvo, laeva eornici omina, Omnesque propriis sunt contentae dotibus. Noli adfectare quod tibi non est datum, Delusa ne spes ad querelam recidat. 2 The abbreviations in parentheses will be used to represent the versions. 8 The text is in L. Hervieux, Les Fabulistes Latins, 5 vols. 2d ed., Paris, 1893-1896; II, 38, and discussion, I, 5 ff. 3] FABLE OF THE PEACOCK AND JUNO 331 This version has no introduction by way of moral, and the injunction at the end is of the briefest character. The inci- dents are few in number, only enough to develop and illus- trate the idea, and are without embellishment. Most of the themes reappear in later redactions. Of the personages, the peacock appears in all, and Juno is a character in eleven, her place being taken in the others by Nature, Destiny, Creator, Goddess, Lord. No Christian element enters into the Phaedrus narration. The version next in date is the Weissenburgensis, c. 925 (W). There is such a striking resemblance between it and Vulgaris, c. 950 (Vg), Florentinus, 1250 (F), and Vienna Codex 303, c. 1350 (Vn), as to suggest that they be con- sidered together. 4 That they are interrelated is evidenced by the large number of similar motifs and the manner of express- ing them. Of the total number of motifs in the group, fourteen appear in all four versions, thus indicating a com- mon source. Only three of the Ph. motifs fail to reappear: laeva cornici omina; omnesque propriis sunt contentae; delusa ne spes ad querelam recidat; but, on the other hand, the story receives several additions : cock tells the hour of the night; swallow enjoys the light; gods are givers; crane makes known the time; thrush broods in the olive tree; dove mourns; bat flies in the evening; nestling chirps. Omitting from con- sideration the features in which all four versions agree, we find that Vg., F., Vn. have the gods as givers, while W. (and Vg., F., Vn. as an addition) has the fates. W., Vg., F. agree in the words of the introduction regarding the recipient. In the complaint all four have the bird as iratus or indignans, and Vn. states, in addition, that the peacock comes to Juno ' graviter ferens.' Vg., F., Vn. express the peacock's gifts *The text of W. is to be found in Hervieux, n, 188; of Vg., ib., n, 225, and in H. Oesterley, Romulus, die Paraphrasen des Phaedrus. Berlin, 1870; 4. 4. p. 30; of F., in Hervieux, n, 504; of Vn., ib., II, 445. 332 curdy [4 as nitor, color, forma, gemmea cauda, cauda lucens, visus superat vocem (F. omnes voces, and W. pulchritudinem su- perat vocem), grus ostendit tempus, in oliva parit turdus, forma superat lusciniam (W. formonsam superat . . . .), grunnire accepit columba (W. grunnit columbus), nudus sero volat vespertilio (W. nidus fugit v.) ; W. has pectusque flammis, Vg. pictisque plumis, and Vn. pectore flamme. The agreements noted place these three versions in a group separate from W. Meanwhile W., Vg., Vn. show agreement in nullus similis tibi (Vn. nullusque volucrum similis est tibi) ; Vg. dolet ritus; W., Vn., dolores Jiabet thetus; Vn.. Vg., cauda et collo refulgent; W. . . lucens; W., Vn. have exclusively pipilat nibulus [nidulus?], and Vg., F. have exclusively fabula narrat, or probat, luscinia cantaret et hu- mana cognosceret ; Vg., Vn. have omnibus in suo (h)abundat. Finally, the moral, or injunction in W. is vero nolo ut queras illud quod tibi non est datum; F., Vn. nolo queras quod tibi a diis non est datum; Vg. tu vero queras quod tibi a diis non est datum. This evidence, then, places Vg., F., Vn. in a special group, and suggests a possible intermediate version of which we have no knowledge; or the situation may be due to the influence of the earliest of the versions, Vg., on the others. Aesopus ad Kufum, 5 now lost, may have contained these separate motifs, which were omitted, for some reason, by the scribe. The agreement between W. and Vn. remains to be ex- plained. Hervieux 6 states a well-known fact when he says that in the eleventh century there was a fever for correction by more or less ignorant scribes, who, in their desire to give sense to what was unintelligible or misunderstood, changed whole lines. Then he adds that the corrector, in reestablish- 5 Collections -which are lost or inaccessible are inserted in the positions determined by the investigations of the Romance Seminary of the Johns Hopkins University. 6 1, p. 278. 5] FABLE OF THE PEACOCK AND JUNO 333 ing the disfigured text of W., had recourse to a text, which was neither that of Ph. nor the Romulus Primitivus, and which Hervieux calls R. de Yienne. Further, he gives 7 four reasons why W. is not out of R. Prim.: (1) The copyist would have followed the divisions of his model; (2) He would have copied it in the same order; (3) He would have used the same dedication; (4) He would not have given, as a preamble, the dedicatory epistle to Rufus, which could be borrowed only from Aes. ad Rufum. In many instances W. and Prim, seem to be imitations rather than copies of Ruf. In W. there occur expressions from Ph. which are not found in Prim., and Prim, also preserves some not in W. Each might have made changes. The conclusion is that Prim, and W. were imitations of Ruf., differing slightly from the model, yet sufficiently servile to give an idea of what it had been. The W. which we possess 8 is not the original W., of 925, but a rewriting of the fable according to the 925 W., with what additions or omissions we are unable to say. Thus we must take W. and Prim, out of Ruf., and it is reasonably certain that Prim, was the source of Vn., Vg., and F. Nilant, c. 1050 (Ni). Of all the early texts Ni. 9 is the most compact and condensed. It is given here in full: De Pavone invidente Concentui Philomenae. Refert subsequens fabula, quod omnis homo debet libenter uti et frui illis donis quae illi Deus concessit. Jam dudum Pavo, iratus et indignans, ad Junonem dixisse fertur: Jam, 'i, p. 316. • For a discussion of the manuscripts of W., see Hervieux, I, livre ii, chap. II. * Hervieux, II, p. 540 ; Thiele, Der illustrierte Lateinische Aesop in der Hs. des Ademar, Codex Vossianus. Lat. Oct. 15. Fol. 195-205. Leiden, 1905. 334 CUEDY [6 Domina mea, vehementer doleo eo quod despectus sim ab omnibus, quia Luscinia pulcrius et honorabilius canit me. Quapropter jam ab omnibus derideor. Cui Juno ita respon- disse fertur consolandi gratia: Pulcritudo formae tuae omnes aereas volucres antecellit, colore et nitore smaragdi profusa. Xulla enim avis similis tui; picta enim es plumis similibus fulgentibus gemmis; color tuus omnibus fulgoribus terrestri- bus praecellit. Et Pavo ad Junonem sic ait: Quid mihi color proficit, quia superor voce Lusciniae? It will be noticed that the introduction differs materially from the injunction in Ph., and that it lacks any mention of other creatures or their powers or graces, Very few of the Ph. motifs have been retained, and these few have been altered: despectus sim takes the place of derideri, doleo that of miserit, luscinia pulcrius et honorabilius canit me that of cantus luscinii, etc.; the simple Ph. forma vincis is elabo- rated in NL to pulcritudo formae tuae omnes aereas volucres antecellit, smaragdi is repeated, fulgentibus strengthens the beauty of the gems, color tuus omnibus fulgoribus terrestribus precellit is a sweeping assertion not found in Ph. nor in the four versions just discussed. The tale is simple and primi- tive in character, and belongs to a period prior to W., and nearer to Ph. than to the other versions already discussed. Ni. has nine of the motifs in the group previously dis- cussed, but the omission of the remainder separates it from this group. Its similarity to Ph. draws it further from Vg., R, Vn., W., and places it prior to the common source of these four versions. The paucity of its statements might indicate that its source was an earlier form than Ph., but, in view of the lack of documentary evidence, this cannot be definitely asserted. Hervieux discusses 10 the version known as Aes. ad Eufum and the relationship of this version with Ni. and Prim., which 10 1, pp. 325, 710, 714. See also Thiele, op. cit. 7] FABLE OF THE PEACOCK AND JUNO 335 is shown not only by the subjects treated, but also by the order of arrangement. He argues that Ni. is a paraphrase of Prim. 11 But an examination of the fable of the Peacock and Juno does not bear out the view of Hervieux. Warnke 12 concludes that Ni. contains a selection from a version which is parallel to Vg., but not identical with it. As W. has an addition of twenty-one motifs, and Ni. of seven only, the inference is that W. has gone several steps further than Ni. Trevirensis, c. 1175 (T). This version lS does not belong to the Ni. group, for: (1) It agrees with Ni. only in two motifs : is derided by all (which is also in Vg., and occurs only in Me. in the Ni. group), and sad (which, while running through the Ni. group, occurs also in four versions of the Vg. group, though not in Vg. itself) ; (2) There are eight other motifs not in the Ni. group, which occur in several versions of the Vg. group: nature; feathers shine; cock tells the hours; crane makes known the time; swallow announces light, or salutes the morn; dove mourns; hat flies. Yet one motif, what are these feathers to me, also in Me., is not in any other version, but in all probability this is a casual variation. T. agrees with Wk., which is treated later, and Vg., in cock tells the hours of the night; swallow salutes the morn; bat flies; and with S., Vg. in scorned because of mean voice; because you shine, or feathers shine; crane makes known time; dove mourns; bat flies in the evening. Thus T. must be out of Vg. Later it will be shown, under Par. and Ch., that Ch., G., S., Wk., Nk., T. agree in cock tells the hours, and that Ch., S., Wk., Nk., T. agree in the question "Mtiller (De Phaedri et Aviani fabulis libellus, "Lipsiae, 1875, p. 16) is of a different opinion. a Die Quellen des Eaope der Marie de France. Forschungen zur romanischen Philologie; Festgabe fur Hermann Suchier, Halle, 1900; p. 162. u "De Pavone." Hervieux, n, p. 619. 386 curdy [8 what is worth (quid valet, proficit, prosunt, produit). This, then, additionally establishes the indebtedness of T. to Vg. "Warnke 14 discusses the relationship of LBG (another name for T.) and Alfred of England, and gives the opinions of G. Paris, Hervieux, and Mall, all of whom consider the fablea collectively. Their conclusions do not entirely agree with those reached here in so far as the study concerns the fable of the Peacock and Juno. T. is the first in date to use nature or creator. Ph., W., Vg., F., Vn. have fatorum arbitrio; Vg., F., Vn., add a diis. Nature is repeated in Nk., Ch., and Par. Wk. has God. The occurrence of nature in Nk. and T. may be explained by supposing that Nk. saw T. and took this idea from it. Ch. also testifies to the influence of Nk. by the fact that it is followed by an elegiac distich in Latin taken from Nk. An examination of the versions suggests another solu- tion. In T. the peacock approaches his creator; creator answers: 'do not demand more than the creator has granted you ' ; one is admonished to be satisfied with what nature has given; nature sends none away empty. In Nk. nature gives strength; nature gives each one what she pleases. This asso- ciation of creator with his visible representative, nature, per- haps arose independently. The writer may have wished to vary his locutions, and to avoid the repetition of the word creator, which appears in the lines noted. Neckam, c. 1215 (Nk.). This version offers slight evi- dence upon which to base a judgment, but there is enough to show that it is out of Vg., and so to accord with Her- vieux's 15 statement that of the forty-two fables of Neckam, thirty-seven have Vg. as a basis. Nk. has twenty-one motifs, of which six are its own: vincor modulis; praemodicae volu- 14 Die Fabeln der Marie de France. Halle, 1898; p. L. ""De Philomena et Pavone." Hervieux, I, 676, II, 414; E. du Meril, Poesies ine'dites du Moyen Age. Paris, 1854; pp. 209-210. 9] FABLE OF THE PEACOCK AND JUNO 337 cris; modulos modicae dulces dedit haec philomenae (this appears elsewhere only in Ph. as luscinio melos) ; luciferum progne voce notare docet; natura dedit; nulli vult vitae com- moda cuncta dare; tibi variumque color em. Nk. agrees with Vg., F., Vn., Ni. in six motifs : form; color; like a gem (an emerald in W., Vg., F., Vn.) ; raven prophesies; cock tells hours; I am conquered in voice; with Vg., F., Vn. in one: colorem; with Vg., F. in one: quid prosunt. This leads to the group Vg., F., Vn. as the source, but, as Vn., F. are too late, and as Ni. has shown no influence, Vg. is the only possible source for Nk. We thus have Nk. and S., as will be demonstrated later, out of a common parent, Vg. It is not possible to treat Nk. and S. together, nor is it possible to confirm our decision by a comparison of Nk. and S., for they have few motifs in common. Out of the thirty-one in S. and the twenty-one in Nk., only five are common; nor does a study of their derivatives establish a relationship. Consequently, each must stand on its individual proof. The indebtedness of Nk. to Vg. is further shown in the discussion of Par. and Ch., which proves that Ch., G., Nk., S., Wk., T. are from a common stock, which, in the case of Ch., G., Nk., must also have been Vg. See the discussion of the motifs sad and angry. Te Winkel, c. 1275 (Wk.). 16 Under Ch. and Par. we shall see that the motifs cock tells the hours of the night and an- nounces the morning give a common source for Ch., S., G., Nk., Wk., T., namely, Vg. All the motifs, except one, ic sterve van rowen, occur in Vg., and all except one, nightingale has better voice, or song, are in S. (in Vg., it is vincor sono). This would indicate that Wk. is out of Vg., with the addition of the motif ic sterve van rowen. Also, the agreement of " Esopet, . . . uitgegeven . . . door J. Te Winkel, no. 29 of Bibl. van middelnederlandsche Letterkunde, Groningen, 1868; pp. 65-66, Fable lviii. 21 338 CURDY [10 Wk., S. in three motifs: gods; form; eagle has greater strength, indicates a common source, and, as it is seen in the discussion of S. that S. is out of Vg., one statement supports the other. Again, a comparison of Nk. and Wk. shows that they agree in two motifs: form; eagle has strength. There- fore, we have Nk., S., Wk. out of a common original, Vg. Further, under T., it is seen that T., Wk., Vg. are common, and that T., S., Vg. are also common. Ysopet II de Paris, c. 1350 (Par) " and Ysopet de Chartres, c. 1250 (Ch.). 18 At this point our task becomes difficult and at times hopeless, for the evidence grows slender, and there is a lack of agreement where we should expect harmony. Eecourse must consequently be had to the results of the general investigations of the collections. Par., Ch. contain a similar number of motifs, not all, however, agree- ing. Par. adds to the general stock peacock hears nightin- gale sing (this has been hinted at in other versions) ; cock announces the morning (in other versions the same idea is expressed as it tells the time or is prophet of the hours) ; nature gave virtues and graces; the rich and poor are contrasted, and their position on earth and in heaven is discussed; each should be content with what Jesus Christ gives. New motifs in Ch. are: nightingale has crown; nature gave delight in song. An examination of the entire list dis- closes the following status: (a) Ch., Par. agree with Nk. in nature gives; cock tells the hours; Par., Nk. introduce beauty and form; Ch., Nk. agree in raven prophesies; cock tells "The title is " Comment le Paon se courrouce de ce qu'il ne chante comme faist le Rossignol." Robert, Fables ine"dites des Xlle, XHIe et XlVe siecles, et Fables de La Fontaine. Paris, 1825; I, 150-152: fable 39. 11 The title is " Dou Poon et dou Rousignol parce chacun doit suffire." Duplessis, Fables en vers du XII le siecle. Chartres, 1834, pp. 58-59. 11] FABLE OF THE PEACOCK AND JUNO 339 hours (announces, prophet); not all gifts to one; (6) raven prophesies is in Ch., G., Nit, Vn., Vg., F.; cock tells the hours is in Ch., G., Nk., Vn., Vg., F., S., Wk., T. ; what profit is in Ch., Nk., Vg., F., S., Wk., T.; (c) raven prophesies shows a common source for Ch., G., Nk. ; what profit shows a common source for Ch., S., Nk., Wk., T. ; cock tells hours makes Ch., G., S., Nk., Wk., T. common. These motifs are found in Vg. and F., and, as F. is too late for Nk., this is further proof for the position of T. and Nk. ; (d) Par. is common with Ch., Nk. in two instances: nature; cock is prophet of the hours; and, as one motif, nature, is not found in Vg., it must have come in through the influence of Nk. ; (e) Ch. accords with Nk. in four traits: nature; raven prophesies; cock tells hours of the night; nature gave not all to one; two of which are not in Vg., F. : natures- nature gave not all to one. Nk. has a concluding elegiac distich: Torqueri nos ista bonis prohibent alienis, Et bona sufficient ut sua cuique monent, which is repeated in Ch. Steinhowel, c. 1475 (S). This version 19 is connected with the group W., Vg., F., Vn. There are two versions of S., one in Latin and the other in German (G.). S. agrees with W., Vg., F., Vn. in fifteen motifs; with Vg., F., Vn. in but six : color; cauda gemme; visus superat vocem; forma superat lusciniam; grus ostendit tempus; nudus volat sero vespertilio. S., Vg., F. are the same in that the givers are the gods; then fabula narrat, or probat; luscinia cantus vocis; S., W., Vg., F. have a similar introduction; S., Vg. have pictisque plumis; S., Vg., Vn. agree in the ending. The S. version does not agree alone with any motif in W., conse- quently the motifs in the group W., Vg., F., Vn. fall in with the group Vg., F., Vn. As we have separated Vg. " H. Oesterley, Steinhowels Aesop. Tubingen, Bibl. des Litt. Ver- eins zu Stuttgart, cxvn, 1873; pp. 175-176. The title of the German version is " Die IV iabel von dem pfawen, der gotin und nachtgallen." 340 CURDY [12 and F., and, as there is no evidence in the motifs here considered to disprove the correctness of this procedure, it leaves S. in agreement with Vg., F. in a large number of instances. But S. agrees with Vg. in one additional motif: Nullus similis tibi; hence it is out of Vg. S. adds no motifs to Vg., but it changes one: the crane is made to brood in the olive tree instead of the thrush, as in other versions. Jacobs says 20 that Heinrich Steinhowel brought together in his Aesop the four books of the Romulus, prose versions of Phaedrus, and selections from other collections, and seventeen from a collection, the source of which has never been determined, the Fabulae Extravagantes, contained in the Breslau manuscript of Petrus Alphonsus. It would seem that our fable belongs to the class just mentioned, and which is shown to be Vg. Steinhowel's German version is considered incidentally under Par. and Ch. It is essentially the same as the Latin version. Fabulae Metricae, c. 1125 (Me) and F. Rhythmicae, c. 1250 (Rh). These two versions 21 offer no difficulty, as their agreements with Ni. are apparent. The only question is in regard to the motif sad, which they have in common with T., and which has been explained in the treatment of T. Marie de France, c. 1175 (Mar). The fable in Marie gives us only a slight clue by which we may hope to determine the store from which she drew. The motifs belonging to Mar. are to be found scattered among the earlier versions. Ni. contains the largest number, and these in Mar. agree more nearly in wording with Ni. than they do with those in other versions. Marie's fable is as follows : " 30 The Fables of Aesop as first printed by William Caxton . . . London, 1889; I, p. 185. "Hervieux, n, pp. 702-703; II, p. 745. "Warlike, Fabeln, pp. 108-109. 13] FABLE OF THE PEACOCK AND JUNO 341 Uns potins fu forment iriez vera sei meisme e curuciez de eeo que tel voiz nen aveit cum a lui, ceo dist, avendreit. A la deuesse le mustra, e la dame li demanda s'il n'ot asez en la bealte dunt el 1 'aveit si aiirne; de pennes l'aveit fet plus bel que ne veeit nul altre oisel. Li potins dist qu'il se cremeit, de tuz oisels plus vils esteit pur ceo que ne sot bien chanter. Ele respunt: "Lai mei ester! Bien te deit ta bealtez suffire." " Nenil," fet il, "bien le puis dire: quant li russignolez petiz a meillur voiz, jeo sui huniz." Marie adds to other motifs deuesse, dame, goddess as giver; question whether beauty is not sufficient; fear; uglier than other birds; let me be. Exclusive of these features, Mar., in the briefness and directness of her narration, stands nearer to Ni. than to any other version or group of versions. The expressions I cannot sing; had not such a voice, and the traits given above are not present in Ni., nor are they in the Vg. group. In Ni. form is superior to nightingale takes the place of beauty of feathers, and doleo that of cremeit. On the other hand J cannot sing appears in the representatives of the Vg. group, and is absent from Ni., but nightingale has better voice appears only in T. of the Vg. group. This would indicate either that the English version which Marie translated, that of Alfred of England, 23 was slightly influenced by some version of the Vg. group, or that Marie herself saw or heard a version of the fable which "Marie states in her epilogue that she translated the fables from the English. For a discussion of this and of Mall's assertion that the source of the first forty fables (the present one included) is Ni., see Warnke, Festgabe fur Stickler, Halle, 1900; p. 162; and ZRPh., ix, pp. 161, 165, 188 ft*. 342 cukdt [14 belonged to the Vg. group, and thus introduced these elements. Ph. and Vg. are the only versions which contain all of these additional motifs. T. has two: timeo and desiste, both of which express ideas contained in Mar. and not found in any other redactions of the Vg. or Ni. groups. T. is of the same period as Mar., and, unless these are accidental simi- larities, it is possible that this may be taken as evidence that the T. ideas were conveyed to Marie, and that they probably were not in Alfred. It is thus certain, that the fable of Mar. should be placed under Ni., with the influence of a 6ide version. Besides the similarity of motifs in Mar. and Ni., the character of the narration in both versions is much alike, both being short, terse in statement, beginning and ending abruptly. It is to be noticed that the intro- duction in Ni. is lacking in Mar. Biccardiano, c. 1325 (Ri) u ; Isopo Laurenziano i, c. 1375 (L); 25 Palatino I, c. 1425 (Pal.). 26 These three versions agree among themselves in nearly all their motifs. Ri. has more song to the nightingale, which is not in the others. The remaining motifs are scattered among the other versions; the only one occurring extensively is the motif sad. The three Italian fables have a common source, but the paucity of evidence as to their agreement with previous versions allows us slight opportunity to reach a definite decision regarding their position in our scheme. Warnke discusses 2T these col- lections and their relations to Mar. and T., and concludes that they are direct literal translations of Mar. 28 This state- 94 L. Rigoli, Volgarizzamento delle Favole di Esopo. Testo Ric- cardiano, Firenze, 1818, pp. 85-86; fable 40. * " Del Paone che ssi ramarica alia Natura della Bocie e de Piedi rustichi, domandando volere essere anzi uno Lusigniuolo. M. P. Brush, Isopo Laurenziano. Columbus, 1899; pp. 167-168; cap. xix 28 " II Pagone si mirava le penne e poi i piedi." Favole di Esopo in Vulgare. Lucca, 1864; pp. 91-92; xxxxi. 21 Fabeln, p. lxxv ff. "Brush, Isopo Laurenziano. Columbus, 1899; pp. 43 ff., takes the L. collection from a particular manuscript of Mar. 15] FABLE OF THE PEACOCK AND JUNO 343 ment does not apply to the fable which we are considering. The versions may have been, and probably were, inspired by Marie's tale, but a synopsis of EL, the oldest- of the three, will refute Warnke's statement as concerns our fable. The title of Hi. is " Del paone che si guatava le penne." A peacock is admiring his feathers, is delighted at his beauty, hears a nightingale sing, is grieved because he thought himself the handsomest bird in the world, but now his beauty is nothing because he cannot sing. He goes to Nature in an angry mood, complains that more has been given to the nightingale than to himself. Nature replies that she had given him the most beautiful feathers in the world. The peacock responds : " What good is that to me if I cannot sing, and if my feet disturb me so, that every time I look, I am ashamed ? " 29 Nature orders him away with the remark that his beauty is sufficient, and that she does not wish him to be other than he is. Then follows the moral, that every one is discontented with what he has, and can not bear to see another have more. Bozon, c. 1325 (Bo); 30 Harleianus, c. 1375 (H) 31 ; and the motifs sad and angry. Two motifs which are important in the genealogy of these versions are sad and angry. Sad is represented by the expressions triste in Me., doleo in Ni., doleas in Ph., mcestas in Nk., T., duel demenoit in Par., lamantanente in L., sorrowful and heavy in Cax. Angry is represented by indigno ferens in Ph., S., indignans in Me., Vg., Ni., F., iratus in Me., Vg., F., W., Vn., S., turbatus "The remark about the ugly feet occurs only in the three Italian versions. It is borrowed from the bestiaries; see Goldstaub und Wendriner, Ein Tosco-Venezianischer Bestiarius. Halle, 1892, p. 342. ■ " Contra proximos contempnentes." L. T. Smith — P. Meyer, Contes moralises de Nicole Bozon. Paris, SATF., 1889, p. 24, §18; See P. W. Harry, A Comparative Study of the Aesopic Fable in Nicole Bozon. Cincinnati, 1905; pp. 23-25. w " Pavo et Predestinacio." Nicolai Bozon Exempla Qucedam. Hervieux, rv, p. 258. 344 curdy [16 in Eh., graviter ferens in Vn., gravabatur in H., iriez in Marie. Ch., B., G., Wk. have complaint, and Wk. has ic sterve van rowen. These stand nearer to sad than to angry. It will be noticed that some of the versions have more than one of the expressions. The following scheme shows the occurrence of the motifs in the Prim, and Ni. groups: Sad— Brim, group: T., Par., Nk., G., St., Ch., Bo., Cax.; Ni. group : Me., Nl, Eh., L. Angry— Prim, group : Ph., S., Vg., F., W., Vn., H., Wk. ; Ni. group : Me., Ni., Eh., Mar., Ei., Pal. Sad, which was not in Ph. (nor W.), started later, prob- ably in Euf., thence going into Ni. and Me.; also going into Prim., from which version it went into X. and derivatives. As sad is not in our Vg., which is here called Vg. I, and it is in Bo., Nk., Par., T., Ch., Cax., a new common source may be posited and called Vg. II. This means that from version X, out of Prim., were copied two versions, Vg. I, which we possess, and Vg. II, of which we have no mention, possibly lost. This Vg. II must have contained all the motifs common to Vg. I and those versions which we have proved to be out of Vg. I, and, in addition, it must have contained motif sad, which is common to Bo., Nk., T., Par., and Cax. T. cannot be an immediate source for Bo., Nk., Wk., S., as T. has not gods; to whom it is given; let it be used; form; color; beauty; like a gem; like an emerald, which are com- mon to several of the versions; nor are Nk., Wk. singly out of T., as T. has not the Nk. motifs: beauty, which is in S., Wk. ; color, which is in S.; like a gem (like an emerald in S., Cax.); nor the Wk. motifs: nightingale sings; (also in Cax., S.) ; beauty, which is in G., S; (in Nk., S. it is form). Bo. may be out of T., because they have in common sad; peacock cannot sing; more song to nightingale, which are not in Vg., Vn., F., W., nor in Ni. Thus Bozon may be out of a version or a rehandling of T., and H. is parallel to Bo., except that it omits neck shines and has painted feathers, and 17] FABLE OF THE PEACOCK AND JUNO 345 adds beauty of feathers. Hence, Bo., and, after it, H., are out of T. 32 Machault, c. 1484, and Caxton, 1484 (Cax). The Machault collection 33 is not, for the moment, accessible to the "writer, and so it is necessary to accept Jacobs' statement, 34 that Cax- ton translated his version 3B from Jules Machault, who trans- lated it from Steinhbwel. The agreement of Caxton and Steinhbwel indicates that the French original of Caxton mentioned in the title of Caxton's work is also directly con- nected with S. ; hence, the absence of the French link is of no great moment. 36 Caxton, however, omits several motifs which are found in S. : prophecy by the nightingale ; gemmed tail; blackbird, swallow, bat, cock. These may be absent also from the French redaction. 37 The comparison of motifs given above and the summary which follows serve to show the relationship and interdepen- dence of the collections cited. It will be seen that they can be divided into groups, and subdivided into still smaller groups. Yet hundreds of years after the primitive division, we find a version in one group showing direct influence on one belonging to an entirely different group. It is such cross- " Harry, op. cit., pp. 23 ff., proposes the possible influence of Mar., or of some oral tradition resembling that version. ** Les subtitles fables de esope avec eelles de auian de alfonce et de poge ftorentin . . . lequel a este translate de latin en fracois par . . . frere iulien des augustins de lyon. Lyon, Mathis Hucz, 1484. He-vieux, iv, pp. 403-406, attributes the first edition to a date an- terior to 1480. **Op. cit., I, p. 4. 85 " The fourth fable is of Juno the goddesse and of the pecock and of the nyghtyngale." The Fables of Aesop as first printed by William Caxton in 1484 . . . now again edited and induced by Joseph Jacobs. London, 1889; II, p. 105; Liber quartus, Fable 4. "The writer intends to republish the Machault collection in the near future. "This ends the list of collections which, so far as the writer has been able to determine, contain the fable in question, nor are parallels to it found in the many other collections he has examined. No effort has been made to include stray occurrences of the fable. 346 curdy [18 relations as these that make it imperative for the student of medieval fable collections to examine the relations and motifs of the individual fables. In conclusion, the relations of the variant versions of this fable may be summarized historically as follows: Phae- drus (c. 25) is followed by Eomulus Primitivus (c. 900), through *Aesopus ad Eufum (c. 850, lost). Weissenburgen- sis (c. 925) branches from Primitivus, and is continued by the copy of 1050. After Weissenburgensis, and out of Primitivus, we have a group containing *Vindobonensis (c. 1050, lost) and a later copy, Vienna Codex 303 (c. 1350) as one branch; and a group having Vulgaris (c. 950) and a posited *Vulgaris II, which is the predecessor of Trevirensis, Neckam, Florentinus, Te Winkel, and Steinhowel. Treviren- sis (c. 1175) gave Bozon (c. 1325) and Harleianus (c. 1375). Neckam (c. 1215), influenced by Trevirensis, give rise to Ysopet de Chartres (c. 1250) and Ysopet II de Paris (c. 1350). Steinhowel (Latin and German, both c. 1475) is the parent of a large number of European versions, two of which, Machault (c. 1484) and Caxton (1484), are in the period which is treated here. From a version occurring between Eufus and Primitivus, another group "was formed, having Nilant (c. 1050) as its earliest representative, which, in turn, furnished the material for a line of versions consisting of an ♦Anglo-Norman version (c. 1100, lost), *Alfred of England (c. 1150, lost), and Marie de France (c. 1175). Marie, who shows in this fable the influence of Trevirensis, was the inspiration for the Italian version, *Isopo Italiano (c. 1300, lost), and the latter was the precursor of Eiccardiano (c. 1325) on the one hand, and, on the other, of *Isopo Lauren- ziano (c. 1350, lost), which served as the model for Lauren- ziano I (c. 1375) and Palatino I (c. 1425). Florentinus (c. 1250) and Te Winkel (c. 1275) have no successors in the period included in this study, as far as is known to the writer. Fabulae Metricae (c. 1125) and Fabulae Eythmicae (c. 1250) appear to have been derived from a version preceding Nilant, and they have left no successors. THE YSOPET OF JEHAN DE VIGNAY EDITED BY Guy E. Snavely The collection of ^Esopic fables here published for the first time is found in the Mireoir Historial of Jehan de Vignay, who nourished in the early part of the fourteenth century and who was a very popular literary man at the court of the first Valois kings. He translated into French some twelve historical and religious works, of which the most famous are the Legende Doree of Jacques de Varazze, the Livre des Eschez of Jacques de Cessoles, and the Mireoir Historial of Vincent de Beauvais. The last-mentioned work is a long treatise in four folio manuscript volumes giving a general survey of the history of the world. Vincent de Beauvais in treating of early Greek history interpolates this collection of fables after a brief reference to iEsop. There are known to be extant some forty-one manuscripts containing portions of this work, and the collection of fables is found in nine of them. 1 The text here given is taken from ms. fr. 316 of the Bibliotheque Rationale in Paris, which is by far the oldest and best manuscript. In fact it is probably the copy made in 1333 for Queen Jeanne de Bourgogne herself. In the footnotes, however, there are given all the variants showing differences of meaning found in 1 For a more detailed account of Jehan de Vignay and his works see Guy E. Snavely, The Msopvc Fables in the Mireoir Historial of Jehan de Vignay. Baltimore, 1908 (Johns Hopkins Dissertation). 1] 347 348 SNAVELY [2 the other eight manuscripts. The abbreviations employed refer to the following manuscripts: A = ms. 434, Bibl. Municipale, Besangon. (1372) B = ms. Vossianus gallicus, folio 3 A, Universiteits- Bibliotheek, Leiden (ca. 1345) C = ms. Royal 14 E. i, British Museum, London (ca. 1500) D = ms. fr. 50, Bibl. Rationale, Paris (ca. 1460) E = ms. fr. 308, Bibl. Nationale, Paris (1455) F = ms. fr. 312, Bibl. Rationale, Paris (1396) H — ms. fr. 6354, Bibl. Nationale, Paris (ca. 1450) I = ms. Beg. 538, Bibl. Vaticana, Eoma (ca. 1455) MlREOIE HlSTORIAL. (Liv. iv, ch. 2-8). De Esope et de ses fables faintes moralement con- tre les malicieus envieux : h [Prologue] En Pan du regne Cyre premier, Esope est occis de Delphins. L'aucteur. Les fables de Esope sont nobles et renommees les queles Romulus un Grec estrait de grec en latin et les envoia a son filz Tyberim, escrivant ainsi: 5 " De la cite de Atice, Esope, un homme grec et engigneus, enseigne ses sergens quel chose les hommes doivent garder. Et a fin que il devise et demonstre la vie des hommes et les meurs, il amaine a ce arbres, oysiaus et bestes, parlans a prouver chascune fable. Et ceste chose ie, 10 Romulus, tresportai de grec en latin. Et certes, filz Tyberin, se tu les lises et les apercoives a plain courage tu trouveras jeux dedenz mis qui te feront rire et te 3] THE YSOPET OF JEHAN DE VIGNAY 349 aviveront ton enging." Veez ci l'essample contre les malicieus. (Heading) DH des for de ses; DF sainctes for faintes; CDEI omit contre les malicieus envieux; H malicieus et; A adds estraites de grec en latin; C le lie chapitre; F omits II. — (Prologue) 1. H ou premier an for en . . . premier; BCEH fut for est; BF des; C omits de. — 2. C omits nobles et. — 3. DH escripst for estrait. — 5. CDEHI omit de Atice; I un homme Esope; A omits grec; DH greigneur for engigneus. — 6. D ensigne de; H a l'instruction de for enseigne; B les for ses; H serviteurs for sergens; DI quelles choses. — 7. CDEHI des for les. — 8. C. omits et bestes parlans. — 9. B flabe for fable; I omits ceste chose. — 10. F le translatay, H ay translate 1 for tresportai; H mon filz. — 11. CE et tu; I omits second les ; H de for a. — 12. H mis dedens ; H omits te. — 13. ACDEI esmouveront, H aguiseront; A omits veez . ... essample; I et veez; BCE ve; DEH omit ci; H omits 1'; F encontre. [I. Wolf and Lamb] II faint que l'aignel et le loup, qui avoient soif, vin- drent a un ruissel de diverses parties, Fun de amont, l'autre de aval. Le lou bevoit en haut et l'aingnel bien loing au bas. Et quant le lou vit l'aignel il dist ainsi: 5 " Tu as trouble l'yaue a moy bevant." Et l'aignel souff rant dist : " Comment t'ay je l'yaue troublee qui acourt de toy a moy ? " Et le loup dist : " Tu me dis mal." Et dist l'aignel : " Je ne te di nul mal." Et dist le lou : " Ton pere vraiement me dist et monstra mout 10 de maux." Et la fin de leur estrif le lou dist a voiz despiteuse : " Et encore paries tu a moy, larron ? " Et tantost il s'embati contre li et tua l'aignel innocent. 1. A adds example de l'aignel et du lou; I omits qui avoient soif. — 2. I vindrent boire. — 3. B et l'autre; DH et le lou; I d'en; CH amont for en haut; B le lou for l'aingnel; F repeats bevoit after l'aingnel. — 4. CDEHI en for au; H lui escria for dist ainsi. — 5. H pourquoi me troubles tu mon eaue for tu . . . bevant. — 6. I ce souff rant; H pacient for souff rant, H lui respond i 350 SNAVELY [4 for dist; I et comment; CEI omit t'; H la troubleroie for t'ay . . . troublee. — 7. H je puis quelle iront for qui acourt; B court. — 8. H injure for mal; H lui dist; H chose qui te doye desplaire for second mal; HI lors for second et; H lui dist. — 9. CEI et me; H fist en sa vie for dist et monstra. — 10. I mais for et; CDEHI en la. — 11. H comment oses parler for et encore paries; H que tu es larron. — 12. C omits il; F se combati a for s'embati centre; D il se embati contre l'aignel et le tua; H il se print au corps de l'aignel le saisi tua et menga for il . . . innocent. [II. Mou6e, Frog and Kite] Contre ceulz, certes, qui appareillent aguez au profit et au salu des autres destruire, il faint que la souriz, qui vouloit passer un fleuve, requist l'aide de la raine et la raine prist un gros fil et lia a la souriz et a 5 son pie et commenga a noer. Et el milieu du neuve la raine se plunga. Et si comme l'autre se tenist forci- blement sus l'yaue, une escoufle voloit sus l'yaue et prist la souriz a ses ongles et emporta la raine pendante ensemble. 1. A adds exemple de la rayne et de la souriz; A omits aguez; H a leur for au. — 2. H omits au ; H pour les for des ; E fault for faint. — 3. F d'une for de la; H renoulle for raine. — 4. I mais for et; C omits et la raine ; BCDEHI le lia ; H omits a la ; H omits souriz et and adds after pi6: par ung bout et a l'autre a la gusue de la souris. — 5. I oniits et commenga a noer; F puis commenca; ACDEF ou for el; I omits et . . . plunga. — 6. I mais for et; H ainsi for ei; FH la souris for l'autre; H tenoit for tenist; D fortement, H le plus for quelle pouoit for forciblement ; E un. — 7. H omits second sus l'yaue; HI qui for et. — 8. F emporta la souris et; H qui pendoit a elle for pendante ensemble. — 9. A adds et ainsi fu prise et devoree qui cuidoit la souriz noier. [III. Dog and Shadow] Avec ce il faint contre les convoiteus que un chien passant un fleuve tenoit une piece de char en sa bouche, 5] THE YSOPET OF JEHAN DE VIGNAY 351 et si comme il en vit l'ombre en l'yaue il cuida que ce fust une autre piece et ouvri la bc-uche pour la prendre, 5 et tantost le fleuve emporta eele que il tenoit, et ne pot avoir cele que il cuidoit estre souz Pyaue. Et ainssi aucuns qui veult avoir Pautrui pert aucune foiz le sien. 1. A adds exemple du chien contre les convoiteus; A omits ce and contre le9 convoiteus. — 2. H qui passoit for passant; FH gueule for bouche. — 4. I piece de char: H si for et; H gueule for bouche. — 5. H omits le fleuve emporta; H tenoit ala au fons; H et si. — 6. H dont for que; H La figure estoit for il cuidoit estre; FH en for souz; H semblablement for ainssi. — 7. CEI omit aucuns; DH veulent; I cuide for vuelt; CEI il pert, DH perdent; DH le leur, F le leur avec la vie for le sien. [IV. Lion's Share] Dereohief il faint contre ceulz qui folement se acom- paignent as puissans homines que la vache et la chievre et la brebis furent acompaigniees ensemble avec le lyon, et si comme il eussent vene es bois et il eussent pris un 5 cerf, les parties faites, le lyon diet ainsi: "Je pren le premier quar ie sui lyon. La seconde partie est moie quar ie sui plus fort de vous. Et la tierce ie vous defent car g^i ay plus couru que vous. La quarte qui y atouchera il m'ara anemi." Et ainsi par sa grant mauvaistie il 10 ot toute la proie. 1. ACDEHI omit il faint; B compaignent. — 2. F omits hommes; CEI il faint que; H omits que; CH omit et. — 3. H s'estoient for furent; H furent ung jour; H omits ensemble. — 4. CE omit si; H couroient ensemble parmi ung bois ilz chasserent ung cerf et le prindrent for eussent ven6 . . . un cerf; BCEI au for es; CEI omit second il. — 5. H inserts after cerf: et fut le cerf mis en quatre parties afin que chacun eust la sienne et; I cerf et; CEI omit second le. — 7. que for de; C omits et. — 8. DH omit i; I le plus; I omits que vous; C et la, F a la; F quarte partie; CEI la for y; CDEHI touchera. — 9. omit il; CDEHI a anemi, F pour anemi; CEI omit grant. 352 SNAVELY [6 [V. Wolf and Crane] Et done faint il contre ceulz qui aident as mauves folement, et dit ceste fable. Si comme le lou devouroit les os, un en traversa griefment entre ses dens. Le lou promist grant pris a qui eel mal osteroit, et prioit la 5 grue au col lone que elle li donnast medecine. Tant fist que ele mist son col en sa bouche et li osta le mal de la bouche et de la gorge. Le lou gueri, la grue demanda sa promesse, et le lou li dist : " ! comme g'a este grant injure as vertus de moy que celle grue retrait sa teste 10 saine de ma gorge, et je estoie travaillie les dens, et el ne m'en scet gre et demande son loier." 1. H encores for et done. — 2. H malement for folement; CE un for le; C lou si. — 3. H une beste l'un les; H des for les; H omits un en and inserts se rompit en sa gueule et; BH omit griefment; H par entre; H dens si qu'il ne le pouoit avoir; I mais le. — 4. Dons for pris; FH celui qui; CH pria. — 5. F au grant; ABCEH lone col, F col et; C donnast la; F alegance for medecine. — 6. EI lui mist; FH gueule for bouche; CEF l'os, H eel os, I oe mal for le mal; BCEFI omit de la bouche et; I le mal e'est a dire l'os. — 7. H guele for bouche; CEI sa for la; CE gorge qui le grevoit; I gorge qui lui faisoit mal; F omits de la gorge and adds et fu gueri et. — 8. C. omits et; BI omit li; B dist a li; C et for o. — 9. Ha for as vertus de; H ceste for celle; H a tire" for retrait. — 10. DH omit et; H avoie for estoie; F mes for les; H omits et. — 11. F encore for el; F scet elle; H et si; B omits son; F de for son. De ces fables meismes contre les orgueilleus et pre- somptueus de vaine gloire : OB [VI. Fox and Eaven] De rechief contre ceulz qui s'esjoissent de estre loez de fausses paroles et puis e'en repentent il faint ceste fable. Si comme un corbel avoit pris un formage par aventure en une fenestre, il monta sus un haut arbre. Et quant 7] THE YSOPET OF JEHAN DE VIGNAY 353 5 le gourpil le vit de terre, il dist ainsi : " corbel qui est ce que soit semblable a toi ! Comme tu es bien resplen- dissant de tes pennes ! Quel biaute ce fust se tu eusses la voiz clere ! Nul oysel ne fust premier de toy." Et ycelui qui li voult plaire et monstrer plus viguereusement 10 sa voiz cria haut et le bee ouvert par oubliance geta hors le formage, le quel le gourpil traitre ravi gloutement. Adonc le corbel esbahi gemi et fu deceu du tout en tout. (Heading) CEHI ce for ces fables; F plains de; CEH omit de vaine gloire. — 1. A inserts Exemple du corbel et du regnart; BI de for contre; A meismes qui — 2. B flabe for fable. — 3. H omits si comme. — 4. H quelque for une; H a tout sus; H omits et quant. — 5. E un for first le; CH ung renard for le gourpil; H qui estoit a for de; H si for il; CH lui dist; H omits ainsi; I tu corbel; H quel oisel for qui. — 6. H ce en ce monde; DEHI qui for que; CEF est for soit; D semble; A omits a toi; CH omit comme; H as tes plumes moult for es bien. — 7. H omits de tes pennes ; D plumes for pennes ; CEI fust de toy. — 8. Ce plus beau, H acomparager for premier; H a for de; I mais for et. — 9. CDEHI omit y; H le corbel for celui; BE omit li. — 10. CE omit par; I oubli; H laissa cheoir for geta hors. — 11. H formage a terre; H et for le quel; I omits le before gourpil; CH renart for gourpil; H l'emporta et le devora for ravi. — 12. I adonc le gourpil saisi et; H demoura esbahi qui par la fraude du renard du for esbahi . . . fu; D de tout en. [VII. Sick Lion] II faint une fable aussi en esmouvant les hommes qui sont en dignitez a estre debonnaires en ceste maniere. Come le lyon, greve de aage et ses forces defaillies, se geust et traioit au derrenier esprit, un cenglier vint a lui, courroucie, escumant et fronchant ses dens, et feri le lyon et vencha sa vielle haine. Le torel, son anemi, feri le lyon a ses cornes. Et, quant l'asne sauvage vit ce, il le defoula et li depieca le visage a ses piez. Et 22 354 SNAVELY [8 ycelui, en gemissant, souspirant dist : u Quant je estoie 10 en ma vertu, je esto-ie craint et honnore, si que touz s'enfuioient de mon regart, et cele opinion espoentoit pluseurs. Et ceulz a qui je sui bien veullant et qui je ne blecai onques, ceulz me font mal. Et pour ce que je sui sanz forces, je n'ai nule des premiers honneurs. 1. A adds Exemple du lyon et du cenglier; B flabe for fable; C aussi une fable; CEI omit en; I qui esmuet for esmouvant. — 2. H estre doulx et. — 3. H viel et greve; CE de ses; B les for ses; H omits et ses forces; CEH omit defaillies; CE omit se. — 4 C omits geust et; H malade et; A has trioit before traioit; BE traist; H tiroit; B darrenier; CE derrain; H souspir for esprit. — 5. 1 lui moult lui; H et escumant fronchant; H les for ses; EF omit et; C si, H qui for et. — 6. D en vengant, H pour soy venger for et vencha; C la, H d'une for sa; H haine qu'il avoit contre lui; I mais le; H torel aussi. — > 7. CEHF de for a; H cornes pour soy venger du temps passed — 8. I foula; B son for le; H de for a. — 9 H lors le lyon for ycelui; CEI celui lyon; CDEHI et souspirant, F et en souspirant. — 11. DH devant for de; CEI ma voiz for cele opinion. — 12. H maiz for first et; BCEI fus, H ay este" for sui; BCDEHI que for qui. — 13. H ilz for ceulz; C omits que. — 14. CDEH force; ABFHI nulles, CDE nulz; I de mes for des. [VIII. Ass and Lap-Dog] De rechief il faint ceste fable contre ceulz qui non convenablement s'enbatent, non pas dignes as meilleurs servises et offices. Un asne si veoit chascun jour a un chienet joir son seigneur, et estoit touz les jours saoule 5 de sa table, et que la mesniee donnoit au ohiennet pluseurs choses. Et l'asne dist ainsi : " Se mon seigneur aime ainsi une tres orde beste, et li et sa mesniee, combien m'amera il miex, se je li fais le service. Je sui meilleur d'un chien. Je puis user de meilleur vie et avoir trop 10 greigneur honneur." Et si comme l'asne pensoit ceu en soy meismes il vit son seigneur entrer ens, et li courut 9] THE YSOPET OF JEHAN DE VIGNAY 355 encontre hastivement eriant et sailli sus et mis ses deux piez devant sus les espaules de son seigneur, leschant son maistre a la langue et honissant ses vestements et 15 lassa trop son seigneur de sa pesanteur. Et toute la mesnie est esmeiie par le cri du seigneur et prennent fuz et pierres et batent tant l'asne que il le firent tout foible et li rompirent les costez et ainsi le chagent en le stable demi mort. 1. A adds Exemple de l'asne et du chienet; B omits fable. — 2. CEI embatent, DH esbatent; H omits non pas; I point; H indignes. — 3. A omits et offices ; CEH omit si ; CDEHI omit a. — 4. CEI enjoyr, H faire festes for joir; FH a son. — 5. CEI omit que; CEI mesniee qui lui, H mesniee pour faire plaisir au seigneur; CEI omit au chiennet. — 6. I mas for et; H seigneur et ses serviteurs; H aiment. — 7. D si; BFHI omit first et; HI omit li; H omits et sa mesniee and inserts de. — 8. H doit amer moy for m'amera; H qui for se je; F et li; H tant de for le; B service je sui meilleur d'un chien qui sui profitable a plusieurs choses. Je sui norri d'eaues de fonteinnes nette viande m'est donnee. — 9. ACDEI du, H que n'est le for d'un; F et for je; D je ne, H doys for puis; I vivre for user; HI omit trop. — 10. F honneur que lui; H ainsi for et si. — 11. H si for et. — 12. Ha l'encontre; I encontre moult; C haultement; H eriant et hullant; CE sus lui; F les deu; D omits deux. — 13. EH piez de; D 1', I ses for les; CI omit de son seigneur; HI en leschant; C omits leschant. — 14. C de son; CDH omit a; B de for a; CDH omit la langue; BEI sa for la; D vestements en la langue, H vestements de sa langue. — 15. F travaillant for lassa trop; DH tant for trop; B omits trop; H maistre for seigneur; H pesanteur qu'il commenca a hucher les ger.s en son aide; C omits toute; H tous les serviteurs for et . . . mesnie. — 16. H acourent au cry for est ... cri; CE fut for est; F se esmut for est esmeue; I son for du; CEH prindrent, D prennant, F pristrent, I prannent. — 17. CEF bastons for fuz; DHI omit et; H des pierres; D gectent sus et batent; H gecterent contre le povre asne et le batent; CEH batirent; H omits l'asne; CEHI omit le . . . foible et. — 18. BD rompent; EH les os et les; CEI omit ainsi; EI Ten for le; CEFHI chasserent, D chassent; H jusques en. — 19. H ou ilz le laisserent demi. 356 SNAVELY [10 [IX. Lion and Mouse] De reehief a amonnester que nul ne mefface as petis, il faint ceste fable que le lyon dormant les souriz estoient en gest et par aventure l'une trespassa par dessus li. Et le lyon, esveillie en haste, prist la chaitive souriz a sa 5 main isnele. Et ele li prioit merci, car ce n'avoit ele pas fait de son gre. Le lyon, pensant que ce seroit de la vengance de la souriz se il l'occioit, ce ne li seroit point d'onneur, si la lessa aler et li pardonna. Un pou apres, le lyon cha'i en une fosse. Et quant il se 10 senti pris il commenga a ruire et a crier a grant doleur. Et quant la souriz le sot elle courut a li' et, la chose veue, elle li dist : " Ne te doute pas. Je te rendrai semblable grace. Je n'ay pas oublie le bien que tu me feis." Et done commence a regarder- touz les ars de 15 ce piege, et a rungier les liens et les cordes as dens, et a despecier les engins de eel art. Et ainsi rendi la souriz franc le lyon qui estoit pris. 1. A adds Exemple du lyon et de la souriz; H il amonneste for a amonnester; H tant soit grant ne; H efface ne mesdye. — 2. H et a ce propos il; BF omit ceste fable. — 3. I omits et. — 4. H qua la sentit for esveilli6; DH omit en; DH omit haste; H omits chaitive; H souriz soudainement ; CD en for a. — 5. H pate for main; H omits isnele; H crioit for prioit; H omits car ce n'avoit ele; CE que, I et que for car; C omits ele. — 6. H omits pas . . . gre" and adds disant qu'elle ne pensoit pas a lui faire aucune desplaisir; I point; BF quel vengance for que; I seroit moult; BCEHI omit de. — 7. B omits first la; CEI petite, H grant honte a lui de prendre for first la; B omits vengance; H de si petite bastelete et que for de la souriz; CEI omit se il; CEI occire, H la tuoit for l'occioit; CEI omit ce ne li seroit; BF car ce; H qu'il n'y aroit gueres for ce ne li seroit point. — 8. I omits si ; CE il for si; BF omit aler; H aler pour celle foiz; H ne demoura gueres que le lyon chay et fu prins for un pou apres le lyon chai. — 9. CEI dedens une roys en; H piege for fosse; CE sentit qu'il estoit for se senti. — 10. BF omit first a; CEHI braire for ruire; 11] THE YSOPET OF JEHAN BE VIGNAY 357 BCEI omit second a and CEI add par. — 11. C l'ouyt for le sot; H vers for a; H quant elle le vit en eel estat for la chose veue; C omits la chose. — 12. CEI veue et sceue; D veue et; E omits li; A redoute for te doute; I point for pas; F rendrai sain et. — 13. I car je; B omits ay; I point for pas. — 14. H omits et; CDEHI commenca; H toutes, I tretous; H cordes et engins for ars. — 15. H et commenca; H omits second et. — 16. B omits a; C cest for eel; H mist for rendi; BF omit la souriz. — 17. H en franchise for franc; H prisonnier en danger de miserablement finir sa vie for pris; F odds au piege. De ce meisme contre les gloutons enflez, orgueil- leus et de petit sens : iv [X. Dog and Thief] Encontre les gloutons qui a un disner perdent leur chose ordena il ceste fable. Comme un larron de nuit eiist donne a un chien du pain, le chien dist : " II m'est donne pour grace. Tu me le donnes pour ce que 5 tu me decoives. Se tu me donnes maintenant pain tu ne le donras mie apres quant je arai fain. Je ne veul pas tant seulement la vie presente, mes je pourvoi cele a venir. Je ne veul pas que tu does mes joes par ton pain, mes se tu ne t'en vas je abaierai contre toy et 10 esveillerai mon seigneur et sa mesniee, et leur dirai: " C'es-t un larron." (Heading) F ESOPE for de ce meisme; DI omit gloutons; CDEI omit enflez; CE omit orgueilleus; H arrogans for orgueilleus; CDEI omit et de petit sens. (Fable X) A inserts Exemple du chien et du larron; D repeats perdent; H le leur. — 2. H omits chose; B omits fable; H omits comme. — 3. H donna for eust donn6; H une grant piece de for du; B omits le chien dist il; H lui dist; HI le pain for il; I il si — 4. B omits m'est donne" pour grace; A de for pour; HI mais tu; C a fin, H pour fraude afin for pour ce. — 5. H du pain. — 6. BD ne me ; CEHI le me ; D donnera, CDEH pas, I point for mie; H tousjours for apres; F omits apres. — 7. CE mie, I point for pas; H a cele. — 8. I point for pas; DH pour, I de for par. — 10. F mesniee toute; CH dirai que. 358 SNAVELY [12 [XI. Mountain and Mouse] De rechief contre ceulz qui sont trop espoentez par vaines nouvelles, il faint ainsi : Une montaigne si en- fantoit et donnoit trop grans gemissemens ; et toute la nation, quant il oi'rent ce, touz furent troublez si que il ne 5 sorent que faire. Et en la fin cele montaigne enfanta une souriz, si que le mal que il cuidoient retourna a touz en noient a ceulz qui avoient eii paour. 1. CEI le for contre; H de for par. — 2. CE omit si. — 3. H tres douloreux for trop grans; H a for second et. — 4. BF elle for il; B oi, F ouy for oirent; H omits touz; CEHI ilz furent. — 6. F ceuls touz; CDEHI a for en. — 7. CDHI neant. [XII. Hares and Frogs] De rechief contre ceulz qui trop petiz ne pueent souffrir leur estat, il ordene ainsi. Comme une grant frainte venist as lievres soudement, il pristrent conseil que pour les paours continuees il se tueroient et se leroient cheoir 5 et trebuchier. Et si comme il vindrent a la rive d'un fleuve, il virent mout de raynes qui la estoient qui orent paour d'eulz et se geterent el flueve. Et quant les lievres virent ce, Fun d'eus dist : " Autres que nous sont paou- reus; ensuions nostre vie et l'ensuions comme ces autres 10 que qu'il aviengne, ne il ne sera pas touz temps mal." Et qui ne puet souffrir mal, si regarde les maus des autres. 1. H de for trop; CEH omit ne; H se desesperant for pueent souffrir; I souffrir ne endurer. — 2. C dit for ordene; H une telle for ainsi; H feinte for comme; H frainte de gens; H survint en ung tropel de for venist as. — 3. H si s'en fuirent et loinga for il; H conseil entre eulx. — 4. H. continuelles qu'ilz avoient for continuees; CEI omit se . . . trebuchier and insert il s'en yroient de leur region en autre pays; F il pristrent ordenance que ilz. — 5. H omits si ; H pour ce faire for comme il ; Hen ung 13] THE YSOPET OF JEHAN DE VIGNAY 359 estang a; H duquel for d'un fleuve. — 6. CEI omit qui la estoient. — 7. si grant paour; H qu'ilz for et; A es, CDEHI ou for el; A fleuves; I ces for les. — 8. CEI aux autres; CEI somes for sont; H paoureus aussi bien que nous. — 9. C et ensuions; H nous maintenons la for ensuions nostre; H vie Gu'avons aeoustumee; CEFI omit et l'ensuions; H le temps for comme; CDE les for ces; H omits ces autres and adds je loe. — 10. CEFHI quoy for que; CEI aviengne et nous en retournons; CEI car, H que for ne; H omits il ne; CE fera for sera; I point for pas; H jours for temps; H mauvais for mal. — 11. CEI un lien for et; CEI son mal; CE omit si; ACDEHI le mal for les maus. [XIII. Strange Feathers] De rechief que aucuns ne se vante des estranges dons, il les amonneste, faignant que un grant corbel si avoit pris les pennes d'un paon qui estoient cheoites, et en estoit aorne et avoit les senes en despit, et se mesla 5 en la compaignie des paons. Et les paons li vont oster que il ne le cognoissoient point les pennes mout vilaine- ment, et le mordent et esgratinent des ongles, et le chaitif delaissie des paons demi mort doubta arriere aler a son propre genre. Car comme il estoit aorne des plus beles 10 plumes estranges, il en espoenta pluseurs injurieusement. Et done li dist un de ses compaignons : " Se tu eiisses aime la vesteiire que nature te donna, ee te souffisist, ne tu n'eusses pas souffert l'injure que il font faite, et si ne fusses pas deboute de nous. 1. A adds Exemple du corbel qui prist pennes de paon; CEI omit dons. — 2. A nous for les; CH omit les; CEHI omit si. — 3. CDEHI plumes for pennes; C cheues for cheoites; BCEFH s'en for en; EI et il. — 5. I mais for et; B les li; B voldrent for vont; CEI omit li vont oster. — 6. H pour ce que, I bien que; CEI estoit qui congneurent for le cognoissoient; CE pas, F pour, I mie for point; CEI point de leur compaignie (I si) lui osterent; EI ses for les; C omits les pennes; DEHI pJumes for pennes; CEI omit mout. — 7. C ses ongles et; CDEHI mordirent, F bequent for mordent; C et 1'; CDEHI esgratinerent ; CE forment des; I 360 SNAVELY [14 moult griefment des; CEI de leurs for des. — 8. D moult for mort; A mort il; BF sa for son. — 9. BF nature for genre; B quant for eomme; B s'estoit, DH fust for estoit; CDEH de for des; BF omit plus beles; A pennes et beles. — 10. A omits en; H pluseurs si le villenerent et mutilerent. — 11. CE omit et; B vist il for dist; C des for de. — 12. CEI et for ce. — 13. CEI omit ne; DHI point for pas, E omits pas. [XIV. Stag and Antlers] De rechief contre ceulz meismes qui a eulz me'ismes loent choses non profitables. Le cerf bevant a la fontaine, si comme il vit ses comes grans, il les commenca a loer et ses cuisses gresles et tenvres a blasmer. Et 5 comme il feist ce, il oy soudement les veneiirs et la vois des chiens abaier, et s'en eschapa en fuie parmi un champ. Et quant il entra el bois, la grandeur de ses comes le retint si que les veneiirs le pristrent. Et done il voiant sa mort dist : " Les choses qui m'estoient 10 profitables je blasmoie, et looie les nuisanz." 1. A adds Exemple du cerf; BCFH omit meismes. — 2. F venant for bevant; H en une for a la. — 5. H eust fait for feist. — 6. H abaier si; H tourna fuiant for en fuie. — 7. I mais for et; ABCDEFHI ou for el. — 9. C ilui for il; H quant vit for voiant; I n' for m'. [XV. Ant and Fly] De rechief contre ceulz qui se loent contencieusement. Le formi et la mousche tengoient aigrement laquelle estoit meilleur de eulz. Et dist la mousche : " Tu ne te pues comparagier a noz loenges. La ou les entrailles 5 sont sacrefiees, j'en gouste la premiere; et me sie sus la teste du roy et donne douz besiers a toutes les dames. Des quiex choses tu, formi, ne fais rien." Done dist le formi : " Tu as dit ce contre toy, mauvaise pestilence 15] THE YSOPET OF JEHAN DE VIGNAY 361 loe ta mauvaistie ! Viens tu la desiree ? Nenil. Les 10 roys et les dames que tu nommes, te tiennent a mauvaise et y vas malgre leur. Et tu dis tout estre tien, et tu es chaciee la ou tu vas, et es aussi comme par injure dechaciee de ga et de la. Tu ne pues que en este quant il n'est point de froit, et je vraiement sui en este et en 15 yver, et les choses d'yver sont delicieuses a moy, et tu en es hors boutee comme orde et puante. 1. A adds Exemple du fourmi et de la mousche after conten- cieusement. — 2. I tenoient for tencoient; CEFI tencoient ensemble; H pour ce que chascun des deux disoit estre plus digne de louenge for laquelle . . . eulz. — 3. I estoit la; CE eulz deux. — 4. B omits te; CE acompaigner, FI acomparagier, H acomparer; CE mes for noz; H moy for noz loenges; CEH car la. — 5. CDEHI sur for sus. — 6. CEI table for teste; H d'un for du. — 7. CEI omit formi; CEFHI adonc for done. — 8. D la formy; I ce dit; B moy for toy. — 9. B tu for ta; F oar viens; H tu ne peuz vanter for viens . . . desiree; F sanz estre for la; C mandee, D derriere, EI dessure for desiree; B nennin, FH omit nenil; H car les. — 10. C omits que tu nommes; I tres mauvaise. — 11. H car tu for first et; CEHI eulx for leur; DH omit last et; H de par tout for tu ea chaciee. — 12. I par tout la; H tu for et; CDH ainsi for aussi. — 13. CDEHI chassee; H vivre que; CEI et quant. — 14. FH ne fait for n'est. — 15. I mais for second et. — 16. CDEI omit en; E boutee hors. De ce meisme contre les povres orgiieilleux et les riches desloiaux et non estables : v [XVI. Frog and Ox] De rechief contre le povre orgueilleus. Une raine vit un buef pessant en un pre et cuidoit que ele petist estre faite icele se ele emploit sa piau froncie. Et ele, enflant soy, demanda a ses filz se ele estoit ja aussi grant comme 5 un buef; et il distrent que non. Et ele s'enfla plus de rechief et demanda as siens se ele estoit buef; les quiex respondirent que ele ne li resembloit de riens. Et tierce 363 SNAVELY [16 foiz, si comme ele s'enfloit, la piau rompi et ele est morte. Et pour ce est il dit communement : " Ne vous enflez 10 pas que vous ne crevez." (Heading) B inserts v; F omits de ce meisme; C reads les povres et les riches orgueilleux ; DEI omit orgueilleux; CH omit desloiaux, H inserts variables; CDEH omit non estables; B omits v; C reads Ve. (Fable XVI) 1. A inserts Exemple de la raine et du buef; CE les povres. 2. H omits que; DH omit ele peust . . . faite. — 3. BDFH telle, CEl tele for icele; H maiz qu' for se; H emplist fort for emploit; H pauce si menga fort et but tant qu'ele for piau . . . enflant; D se enflant. — 4. DH omit soy; B que for comme. — 5. I mais for second et; CEI omits s'; B plus et, H plus fort. — 6. B ele leur for et; H lors e x ; B omits as siens; I et ilz; CEI sa for la; CEFHI omit ele; F omits et est morte; BCEI fut for est; H mourut for est morte. — 9. H ou for est i 1 ; C omits vous. — 10. H pas tant. [XVII. Proud Horse and Ass] De rechief que ceulz qui beneurez se cuident ne facent injure a nul et se remembrent que la roe de fortune est doubteuse. Un cheval, aorne de frain d'argent et de belle selle d'or, courut contre un asne de loing en un 5 lieu estroit, et estoit chargie et travaillie. Et pour ce avoit l'asne a celui trespassant lessie plus tart la voie pour ce que il estoit lasse de la voie, le cheval dist: " Se je ne me retenisse assez, je te rompisse tout des piez, que quant tu m'encontras ne me donnas pas lieu, 10 ou tu ne arrestas tant que je passasse." Et le chetif asne se tut et gemi pour la paour et pour Forgueil de li. Et pou apres de temps le cheval fait rompu maigre en courant et en chevauchant, fu mene du commandement de son maistre a porter le fiens as champs et a vilz 15 aornemens aloit par le chemin chargie. Et pour ce que l'asne paissant es pres le cognut si chaitif et si maleiire, il le commenga a blasmer par tel son : " Que font profitie 17] THE YSOPET OF JEHAN DE VIGNAY 363 ces precieux aornemens dont tu avoies tel hardiesce, et maintenant tu uses avec nous de vilaines offices." 1. A adds Exeniple du cheval orgueilleus; BF de for que. — 2. H leur souviengne for remenibrent; CEI de for que. — 3. CE qui trop est; I qui est; D omits et. — 4. CE omit belle. — 5. CE estoit l'asne; I chargie" l'asne. — 6 D a icelui H au cheval for a celui; H ocupe" for lesste; DH omit plus . . . Iass6. — 7. H omits de; CEI omit de la voie; F charge for voie; F et le, I mais le; B dist a l'asne. — 8. Ha peu for je; H feust for retenisse assez; DH tous; D tez, F de mes, H tes for des. — 9. H pour ce que; F qui for que; CEI tu for ne; H feiz for donnas pas; CEI omit pas; H voie for lieu. — 10. H ou que; CEI omit tu ne; I toy for te; CEI jusques a tant; CEHI fusse passe for passasse; I mais for et; H mais for et. — 12. CEI omit de temps; CEI fut, F fu fait, H devint for fait; BCDEFHI rompu et. — 13. CE omit en; C si fu; FI et fu. — 14. EF les for le. — 15. C et aloit; I parmi for par; F omits et. — 16. A Ten recognut for le cognut; H et si. — 17. B se for le; H en lui disant for par tel; F telz; F moy for son; H omits son; D ton for font. — 18. CEFH tes for ces; I que en for dont; A repeats et maintenant. — 19. E des; CEI vilz for vilaines. [XVIII. Bat, Birds and Beasts] De rechief contre ceulz qui se partent desloyaument des leur et trespassent as autres. Les bestes si faisoient guerre avecques les oysiaus, et l'une partie ne vainquoit Pautre, mes se combatoient forment; et la chauve souriz 5 doutoit les grieves aventures et la grant compaignie des bestes, et elle qui estoit haut en l'air, se mist avec les bestes aussi comme avec les vainqueurs. Et soudement Paigle vint avec les oysiaus et se mesla as bestes et, les bestes fuians s'en, la victoire fu des oisiaus; et puis 10 sont retouTnez arriere les oisiaus et les bestes a la premiere pais. Et la chauve souriz fu condampnee par la sentence des oisiaus; pour ce que elle avoit les siens lassiez et est despoilliee de ses plumes pour voler nue par nuit. 364 SNAVELY [18 Aussi cil qui ara mesfait nuisant as deux parties, il est 15 mal agreable a Pun et l'autre et vit plus nuisant a lui meismes. 1. A adds Exemple de la chauve souriz; I de for contre; CEI departent for partent. — 2. BF de; CDEFHI leurs; BF estas et; CEI omit si. — 3. CEI contre for avecques; A des parties for partie; H pouvoit vaincre for vanquoit; BF vainquoit point. — 5. CEI omit grieves. — 6 C bestes cuidant tout ce estre moult bien a son avantaige; F ce for et; F estoit en. — 7. CH ainsi for aussi; I omits aussi; DH omit avec. — 8. I si vint; F omits et se . . . victoire; CEI et les desconfist et. — 9. CEHI omit s'en; H se mist avec les oiseaulx qui obtindrent la; FH omit fu des oisiaus; CEI aux for fu des. — 10. H firent for sont; H omits retournez; H omits arriere . . . premiere. — 11. H. pais entre eulx; I mais for et; H et fu lors; CEI omit par la; CEI omit sentence des oisiaus. — 13. CEI omit est, F fu for est; CEI a for pour; I omits nue. — 14. DH et aussi; CH ainsi for aussi; C omits il, — 15. F et a; CDEHI une; BCDEFHI a l'autre; CDEHI omit et . . . meismes; F que aidant for a lui meismes. Contre les envieus et folz et vendaiiz leur fran- chises : vi [XIX. Sparrow-Hawk and Linnet] De rechief contre les aguetans a mal faire. Si conrme un esprevier s'estoit assis sus le ni d'une linote pour regarder le temps, il trouva illeuc petiz poucins, et la linote seurvint tant tost et pria a celui que il espargnost 5 a ses poucins. " Je ferai," dist il, " ce que tu veulz se ■tu me chantes bien." Et icelle fist oultre son courage comme contrainte de paour et plaine de douleur, et chanta. L'esprevier qui avoit trouve sa proie dist : " Tu n'as pas bien chante," et prist un des poucins et le commenca 10 a devourer. Et un oiselleur le vint d'une autre partie, et a une petite hautelete recorbee au bout prist l'esprevier et le geta a terre. Et ainsi ceulz qui espient les autres doivent craindre que il ne soient pris. 19] THE YSOPET OF JEHAN DE VIGNAY 365 I (Heading) H Derechief contre; B le; C francz, D lefrans, EI frans for folz; CEHI omit second et. (Fable XIX) A adds Exemple de l'espervier et de la linote; H il feint une telle fable for si comme. — 3. I petiz enfans; I mais for et. — 5. C omits a. — 6. CEI omit me; CEI contre for oultre. — 7. E doulceur for douleur; CEI omit second et; I chanta mais; I point for pas. — 9. I omits le; I dist tu seras devor6 for commenca a devourer. — 10. F omits un oiselleur le; CEI homme for oiselleur; BDH omit le; CEI leur for le; A vit for vint. — 11. CEI omit et; C a tout; F omits au bout; CEI bout et. — 12. F aussy for ainsi; I omits ceulz. — 13. CEI et doubter que; F a estre for que il ne scient; CEI espiez et pris; I esprins for pris. [XX. Man and Trees] De rechief que aucuns ne preste armeiires a son anemi. Comme la coignie fust faite, l'omme requeroit as arbres que il li donnassent manche de fust qui fust ferme. Laquelle chose faite, l'omme prist le manche et le ap- 5 propria a la coignie et en coupoit les rains et les grans arbres et tout ce que il vouloit. Done dist le chesne au fresne : " Nous usons dignement et bien qui comme avugles a nostre anemi depriant avon donne manche." Et pour ce chascun se pourpense avant que il ne preste 10 a son anemi armeiire. 1. ACDEHI omit que aucuns; H on ne doit; DH prester, CDEHI preste nulles; CEI ton for son; H anemi par cest exemple. — 2. H quant for comme; CE requist. — 3. CEI omit qui fust. — 5. H omits grans. — 7. BF souffrons ceste chose, H avons este" for usons; H bien abusez for dignement et bien; C omits comme avugles. — 8. C a nous for avon; CEI manche de quoy il nous destruit. — 9. F omits se; CEHI omit ne. — 10. CEI omit armeure and insert chose dont (C de quoy) mal lui puisse (I puet) venir. [XXI. Dog and Wolf] De rechief a la loenge de franchise il faint que comme le chien et le lou se assemblassent ensemble en un bois, 366 SNAVELY [20 le lou dist au chien : " De quoy est ce que tu es si luisant et si gras?" Et le chien irespondi: "Car je 5 sui garde de la maison mon maistre contre les larrons et m'est le pain aporte et mon seigneur me donne des os. Et toute la mesnie me aiment et me donnent de la viande, et l'yaue ne me faut point, et couche souz la couverture. Et ainsi demaine ma vie sanz riens faire." 10 Au quel le lou dit : " Frere, je voudroie bien que ces choses m'avenissent, que je oiseus fusse saoule de viande et vesquisse miex souz couverture." Et dist le chien: " Se tu veulz que il te soit bien, si vien avec moy et n'aies paour." Et si comme il aloient ensemble, le lou 15 vit le col au chien lie de chaennes, et dist: " Qu' est ceci, f rere ? Quel est ce lien que tu as entour le col ? " Et le chien dist : " Je sui liez aucunes foiz, car je en eui plus aigre; et sui deslie par nuit dedenz l'ostel et me vois esbatant entre les maisons et dorm la ou je 20 veul." Et le lou dist : " II ne m'est mestier user de tiex choses que tu m'as loees. Je veul vivre franc, quar je vois tout franc a ma volente la ou je veul a ce qui me plest. Nule chaienne ne me tient. Nule cause ne me empeesche. Les voies me sont aouvertes as champs. 25 Je gouste le premier des bestes. Je escharnis les chiens par mon enging. Vif si comme tu as acoustume, et si je vivrai si comme j'ay acoustume aussi." 1. A adds Exemple du chien et du loup; F omits comme. — 4. BF il for le chien; CH omit car and H inserts pour ce que. — 5. CH de mon; B omits mon maistre. — 6. D omits second et. — 7. BCEFHI aime; CEI donne. — 10. F tiex for ces. — 11. D et que; F fusse et. — 12. C omits miex; C la couverture; C et adonc; I et lors. — 13. BCDEFHI omit si. — 14. C aies pas, F aies nulle; D pour for paour; I mais for et; I omits ensemble. — 15. H du for au; H si lui for lie" de chaennes et; ACDEI d'une for de; ACDEI chaienne; I lui dist et. — 16. CI cy, D ce, H cela for ceci; D le for ce; I qui est for que tu as; CEI ton for le. — 17. I mais for et; I lui dist; CE liez entour mon col. — 19. C contre, I parmi for entre; CEI me dorm. — 20. A lors for et; D omits 21] THE YSOPET OF JEHAN DE VIGNAY 367 II j D de user; H des for de tiex. — 21. B omits tu; F loee. — 22. H et a ce; CEI en for a; CI qu'il for qui. — 23. C omits me; I retient; FI ne nule; C chose for cause. — 24. C es for as; C adds et aux boys, E aux boiz, I au boys after champs. — 25. C evite for escharnis. — 26. CE omit si; BCDEFHI omit second si. — 27. CE omit si; H ainsi que for comme; CEHI omit aussi. Contre les envieus, paresceus, folz, et avers, van- teiirs, lobeiirs, et meiiteiirs : vii [XXII. Belly and Members] De rechief contre les paresceux qui labourer ne veulent, il faint eeste fable que les mains et les piez orent despit du ventre et ne li vouldrent donner viande, pour ce que sanz nul travail, que il feist, il estoit touz jours 5 replani et se seoit tout oiseus, et en despit de lui ne voudrent labourer, et li deneerent tout servise. Le ventre vraiement tout familleus crioit, mes eulz ne li vouldrent riens donner par pluseurs jours. Le ventre certes geu- nant, les membres toutes se laschierent. Et apres ce 10 ceulz voudrent donner viande au ventre, et le ventre les refusa, car il avoit ja clos les voies. Et ainsi les mem- bres et le ventre lassez morurent ensemble. (Heading) H de rechief contre; H omits envieus; F vains for folz; H omits folz et avers; D omits et; F avers et; CDEHI omit vanteurs; F vanteurs et; F flateurs for lobeurs; F porteurs de nouvelles for menteurs. (Fable XXII) 1. A adds Exemple des mains et des piez qui orent despit du ventre. — 2. BF omit ceste fable; B un despit. — 3. C plus donner. — 4. H face for feist; ADH est for estoit. — 5. CEI rempli for replani; H omits tout; CEI ilz ne. — 6. C defendirent for deneerent. — 7. H omits vraiement tout familleus; CDEFI omit tout; H crioit de rage de faim; A il, CDEHI ilz for eulz. — 8. B omits certes. — 9. BCDEFHI tous. — 10. A il, CEI ilz, DH qu'ilz for ceulz; I mais for et; DH omit et le ventre; H ventre il; CEI le, DH la for les. — 11. F refuse. — 12. I tous ensemble. 368 SNAVELY [22 [XXIII. Monkey and Fox] De rechief contre envie et avarice, il faint ceste fable que le singe pria le gourpil que il li donnast de la grandeur de sa queue, que il en couvrist ses naches tres laides. " Quel profit as tu," dist il, " que tu la traines si longue 5 et si pesant par terre ? " Au quel le gourpil dist : " Je aime miex que ele soit faite greigneur et plus longue, et que je la traine par terre, par pierres, par espines, et par boe, que tu fusses veii plus bel de la couverture de cele." " Biche," dist il, " et aver, il te blame par sa 10 fable que tu ne donnes ce de quoy tu as trop." 1. A adds Exemple du singe et du gourpil; I omits et avarice; BF omit ceste fable — 2. H omits que; C ung regnart, H le renart for le gourpil. — 3. CDEHI a fin que; F si que; B nues for tres. — 4. CEI en disant for dist il. — 5. CH regnart for gourpil. — 7. E le for la; D pres for pierres. — 8. C la boe; H embely for veu plus bel; CEI par for de; CDEFHI d'icelle. — 9. H inserts before riche; H has je for second il; D omits sa, H ceste for sa. — 10. H pour ce que; BF quant for que; H donnes mie; I or for ce; D ce que. [XXIV. Workman and Ass] De rechief contre ceulz qui par annui de vivre et de travaillier desirent la mort. Un laboureur fu qui son asne chargie batoit en la voie d'un fouet et d'une verge pour ce que il venist tost a la foire pour cause de 5 gaaignier. L'asne desiroit la mort et cuidoit estre seiir apres, et li lasse et casse. Apres sa mort sont fais tabors et timbres de la pel de eel asne qui cuidoit estre seiir, et il sont touz jors batus. 1. A adds Exemple; C omits third de. — 2. BF travail. — 3. H asne tout. — 4. BFH omit pour ce and H inserts afin. — 5. BF gaing; I mais l'asne. — 6. H si tost li; F casse que; F fussent for sont; H mourut leu fist for apres . . . fais. — 7. H cribles 23] THE YSOPET OF JEHAN DE VIGNAY 369 for timbres; BF sa for la; CDH de cest, I d'icelui for de eel; H omits qui cuidoit estre seur; F after seur inserts de sa pel sont entendus les chetis sers qui ont esperance de reeouvrer franchise. — 8. H par ee moyen il; H fut for sont; H plus batu que devant for touz jors batuz. [XXV. Fox and Grapes] De rechief contre ceulz qui ce qu'il ne pueent faire, demonstrent il pouoir faire par paroles et par volente. Un gourpil contraint de fain regarda une grape pendant en haut, et il se boutoit sus un haut degre, et tant de 5 foiz comme il y vouloit ataindre, il ne pouoit. Et en la par fin dist il : " Je ne te veul point ; tu es aigre et non pas meiire." Et aussi comme se il ne la daignast touchier, il s'en ala. 1. A adds Exemple du gourpil; C omits de rechief; D repeats ce; CE omit ce qu'il; D omits ne; H le feignent laisser for faire demonstrent; CI faire et. — 2. CHI omit il; CDEHI omit pouoir; F pouoir de; H omits faire; CDEFHI parole; D la volenti. — 3. CH regnart for gourpil ; H omits de fain. — 4. BF omit en ; C monta, EI s'en monta for se boutoit; DH omit haut; H omits second et. — 5. DH omit y ; H ataindre et ; Ha for en. — 6. CEI omit par; BF omit il; CEHI n'en for ne te; D omits te; H elle est trop for tu es. — 7. H peu for non pas; I point for pas; CH ainsi for aussi; D omits se; DH n'y for ne la. — 8. EI omit il. [XXVI. Monkeys and Men] De rechief contre les lobeurs et raconteurs de nouveles. Deus hommes, l'un faus, l'autre vray, si comme il aloient par terre, il vindrent en la province des singes. Et si comme un des singes, qui estoit establi greigneur mestre 5 que les autres, les vit, il commanda ces hommes estre tenuz et demander leur que il diroient de lui. Et com- manda touz les autres singes semblables a li ester eulz a destre et a senestre de li, et commanda que Pen li 23 370 SNAVELT [24 feist un siege bel et grant si comme il avoit aucune 10 faiz veii faire. Et adonc il a commande ces homines estre amenez devant. Et dist celui greigneur singe : " Qui sui je ? Di ! " Et le tricheiir respondi : " Tu es emperiere." Et il dist de rechief : " Et ceulz que tu vois ci ester devant moy ? " Et il respondi : " II sont contes et chevaliers 15 et princes et ont ces autres offices." Celui adonques est loe en sa mengonge, et est commande avoir grans dons, pour ce que il l'a lobe et deceiis touz les autres. Et l'autre veritable homme disoit en soy mei'smes : " Cestui qui est menteiir et faux, qui est ainsi guerredone de sa 20 menconge ! Que serai je se je di voir?" Adonc li a ce singe demande : " Di tu, quel sui je, et ceulz que tu vois entour moy ?" Celui qui amoit verite respondi : " Tu es un singe, et touz ceulz ci sont 6inges semblables a toy." Et maintenant il est commande estre despecie as 25 dens et as ongles pour ce que il avoit dit ce qui estoit voir. En ceste maniere seult il estre fait des mauvais hommes que fallaces et malices soient amez, et honneste et verite soit despite. 1. A adds Exemple des singes; A menconges for nouveles; CEI nouveles il faint ceste fable. — 2. H omits il. — 3. B omits et . . . singes; H omits si. — 4. E saiges for singes; H estoient. — 5. CEI des for que les; CEI les H qu'ilz for ces hommes; H feussent retenuz pour savoir for estre . . . demander. — 6. C de- manda, E demande, I omits demander; ACDEHI omit leur; H omits second et; CEHI omit commanda. — 7. H transposes touz . . . de li after faire, I. 10; CEI entour for semblables a; H feussent for ester; B soi for eulz, CEHI omit eulz. — 8. Ha coste de; CEI omit de li; H si for second et; CEI on for Ten. — 9. I feist venir; CEH beau; H omits et and si. — 10. H faire et si ordonna que; H en apres for et adonc; CDEI omit adonc; CEI omit il a commande; FH commanda for a commande; D a ces, H que ces; CEHI ces deux; H feussent for estre. — 11. ABCDEFHI devant lui; H lors dist a l'un; H ce for celui; H maistre for greigneur; CEI singe a ces deux hommes. — 12. C omits di; H omits le; H l'homroe tricheur; H respondi le premier et dist; H es ung droit. — 13. C omits et il dist de rechief; F demanda, H l'interroga 25] THE YSOPET OF JEHAN DE VIGNAY 371 for dist; H omits second et; CEI entour for ci ester devant. — 14. H moy qui sont ilz; CEF dist for et il respondi; DI omit et il respondi; H ce for second il; H sont dues; CDEHI omit second et; H chevaliers barons. 15. H omits ont ces; C telz, EF tes for ces; F nobles for autres; H officiers; H cest homme cy for celui adonques; CEFH fut for est. — 16. H fort avance" a la court des singes for lo6; H pour for en; F f u for est; H lui furent for est commands; F qu'il eust, H donnez for avoir; B grant for don. — 17. CEFHI omit Y ; H avoit for a; H omits lob6 . . . et and inserts menty mais. — 18. H homme ce voiant; C a for en; H se cestui. — 19. DH omit qui; I est for et; H trompeur for faux; H omits qui. — 20. H feray for serai; DF omit li. — 21. ACDEHI le, F celui for ce; F demande et; H omits di tu; CF toy; CH qui for quel; I tous ceulz. — 22. J environ for entour; F moy et. — 23. D ces for ceulz; D omits sont. — 24. C incontinent, H tantost for maintenant; CEF fut for est; H le maistre single commanda qu'il feust dessire" for il . . . despecig; F a estre. — 26. B voir et; C souloit. — 27. CEHI omit que; H qui par flaterie et menterie for fallaces et malices; B malice; HI sont; H avancez for amez; F amez et honnorez; D honne for honneste" et; CEFI honnestes. — 28. CEI vrais disans, F veri- tez for verity ; CEFI soient; H maiz on n'a cure de oyr for et . . . despite ; A despite et haie. Contre les orgueilleus, peresceus, et en quel ma- niere il est a user de ces fables : vin [XXVII. Ass and Lion.] De rechief contre ceulz qui ne veulent riens faire par vertu et espoentent les autres par paroles et par mains. L'asne si vint de diverses parties et acourut contre le lyon, et dist ainsi : " Monton el quaquevel de cele mon- 5 taigne, et je te monsterrai que pluseurs me craignent." Et lyon riant li dit : " Alon." Et si comme il vindrent au lieu, l'asne estent soy en eel lieu, et commenga a crier a voiz basse. Et quant les lievres et les gourpilz l'oi'rent, il commencierent a courir. Au quel le lyon dist : " Et 372 SNAVELY [26 10 ta voiz me pourrist ele espoenter se je ne savoie qui tu fusses." (Heading) H omits contre . . . fables and inserts contre ceulz qui ne font nulz beaux faiz et l'exortation de l'aucteur; CDEI envieux for orgueilleus F omits peresceus; CI omit et; D omits en; I omits en . . . fables; CDE omit de ces fables. (Fable XXVII) 1. H qui a la verite" ; H font nulz beaux faiz maiz for veulent . . . vertu et. — 2. D verite" for vertu; H de parole for par paroles; BF omit second et; B tres sainnes, F vainnes, H de maniere for par mains. — 3. H li asnes; CEI omit si; B diverse partie; H regions for parties. — 4. H lui dist; BCDEHI ou for el; BCEH sommet, F sommerel for quaquevel; CEH ceste for cele. — 5. I omits te; H tu verras for je te monsterrai. — 6. BCDEFI le lyon; I lou for lyon. — 7. H ou hault for au lieu; CE omit estent soy; H s'estendy for estent soy; B ou for en; CE omit en eel lieu; ADHI ce, B dit for eel; BCEF omit et. — 8. CH regnartz for gourpilz. — 9. CE si for il; D omits le; CH omit et. — 10. BCDEFI pour- roit; B ausi for ele; F ele aussy; H omits ta . . . fusses and inserts je croy que tu me feroies paour se je ne t'avoie onques veu; CE ne te congnusse et ne; CF que. [XXVIII. Lion and Fox]. De rechief contre ceulz qui legierement entrent en la maison des puissans hommes. Le lyon si faignoit que il estoit malade, et par ceste fallace, si comme les autres bestes venoient a li visiter il les mengoit maintenant. Et 5 le gourpil vint devant la fosse au lyon et le salua. Et le lyon li demanda pour quoi il n'entroit ens. Et il renpondi : " Pour ce que je voi bien la trace des entranz, mais je ne la voy point des issans." 1. A adds Exemple; CEI de for contre. — 2. B du poissant homme; CE omit si; C faignant estre for faignoit . . . estoit. — 4. CEI bestes le; CEI omit a li; DH le for li; C incontinent for maintenant; CE et si comme. — 5. C regnart for gourpil; CEI du for au; C omits second et, I mais for et. — 7. H de ceulz qui y entrent for des entranz. — 8. CEHI omit la; CDE pas; CEI la trace des; H celle de ceulx qui en yssent for des issans. 27] THE YSOPET OF JEHAN DE VIGNAY 373 [XXIX. Ant and Cricket]. De rechief contre les peresceus. Le formi el temps d'yver traioit le fourment de sa fosse hors et le sechoit, le quel formi il avoit conqueilli en este. Le gressillon si le prioit que il li donnast aucune chose de viande pour 5 vivre, car il mouroit de fain. Auquel le fourmi dist: " Que f aisoies tu en este ?" " Je n'i entendoie point," dist il, " mes me esbatoie par les buissons et chantoie." Le formi adonc, riant et encloant son f orment, dist : " Se tu chantas en este, si sail en yver." Ceste fable enseigne 10 le pereceus que il laboure en certain temps, si que quant il ara petit, il n'ara pas ce que il demandera. 1. A adds Exemple; ABDFH ou, CEI par for el. — 2. C si traioit; CH tiroit for traioit; C hors de; BCF la for sa; E omits hors. — 3. BFH forment for formi; C formi si; CDEI I' for il; CE este et; BF criquet for gresillon; CE omit si. — 4. CDEHI lui for le; I pria. — 5. H demanda for dist. — 7. I parmi for par. — 8. D si for se. — 10. ACDHI les, F au for le; CDEHI ilz for il; ABCDEHI labourent; F temps de prosperity; FH omit si . . . demandera; F inserts que il n'ait deffaute en temps d'aver- site, H inserts pour recueillir et vivre en Pautre. — 11. I appetit for petit. [Epilogue] Uaucteur. Ces choses ay je voulu estraire des fables de Esope, les quelles se par aventure aucune chose en plaise reciter en commun, si comme aucuns des sages le font pour alegier l'ennui des oyanz, qui sont delictez de 5 tiex choses. Et avec sont veiiz avoir aucune chose de bon edefiement pour les demonstrances qui i sont. Et toute voies ne estime je pas ce a estre fait fors sagement et espergnablement, si que ceulz qui par saintes paroles doivent estre apelez a voie de penitence et a la devocion 10 de Dieu, il ne soient pas trop enjo'is en ris et en jolivete. 374 SNAVELY [28 Et avec ce que a raconter les fables aussi comme deiiement a l'essample des preeschans il ne soient mal enformez. De rechief savoir mon se cestui Esope soit celui qui Eusebe tesmoigne estre occis des Delphins le premier an de Cyri, 15 ou se ce fu un autre je n'en sui pas certain. Maintenant certes je retorne a ma matiere. 1. D omits l'aucteur. — 2. des for les. — 4. CEH se delic- tent for sont delictez CEI en oyant, H en for de. — 5. CEHI avec ce; C aulcunes choses. — 6. CDEFHI toutes. — 7. BF foiz for voies; I escripve for estime; CI point for pas; CEI omit a. — 8. D que for qui. — 10. CEI omit il; I point for pas; BCFI ne for et. — 11. I omits et . . . enformez; C en for a; B ces for les; CDH ainsi for aussi. — 12. ACDEH pas mal. — 13. Ha savoir; D ce for se; Ce est for soit; CDEHI que for qui. — 14. F a estre. — 15. B omits se. — 16. A omits maintenant . . . matiere and inserts ci fenist ce livret Esope; I mais certes; F mais il est temps maintenant que certes; BF omits certes. ESOPO ZUCCARINO EDITED BY Murray P. Brush Among the numerous collections of Aesopic fables found in Italian literature before the sixteenth century, none shows greater beauty of form or greater finish in detail than that compiled toward the middle of the fifteenth century by Accio Zucco, of Somma Campagna, a small village near Verona. It is a translation of the well-known twelfth century collec- tion in Latin distichs usually attributed to Walter of England, 1 and consists of sixty-four fables in sonnets, 2 there being two to each fable, one for the example, the other for the moral. It is preceded by a prologue, and also by an introduction of four sonnets, 3 and is followed by a thirty-two line Can- 1 For the collection of Walter of England, or the Anonymous Neveleti as it is sometimes called, see Leopold Hervieux, Les Fabu- listes Latins, 2nd ed., Paris 1893 sq., I, 472-502, II, 316-351; W. Foerster, Lyoner Ysopet, Heilbronn, 1882, Vol. VI of Altfranzosische Bibliothek ; H. L. D. Ward, Catalogue of Romances in the Department of Manuscripts in the British Museum, London, Vol. II (1893), 309-321; M. P. Brush, Ysopet HI of Paris, PMLA., xxrv, 494-546. For other Italian derivatives of Walter of England, see Hervieux, op. cit., I, 637-665; K. McKenzie, Note sulle antiche favole italiane, in Miscellanea di studi critici e ricerche erudite in onore di V. Crescini, Cividale del Friuli, 1910; M. P. Brush, The Isopo Lauren- ziano, Columbus, Ohio, 1899 (J. H. Diss.), pp. 31-42. * There are really sixty-five fables, as the story of the Athenians seeing a King is entirely separate from the dependent fable of the Frogs desiring a King. Ward (loc. cit.) classes these as fifty- eight Aesopic fables and two tales, followed by two supplementary fables and two tales. *The edition of 1483 has also a prefatory sonnet which precedes the prologue. 1] 375 376 brush [2 zonetta, and a Canzone of eight fifteen-line stanzas with an envoy of eleven lines. The collection has come down to us in a single manuscript, dated 1462, and in some sixteen early printed editions ranging from 1479 to 1566. 4 In the main the printed editions agree, but together show such variations from the manuscript that we must suppose an older form of the collec- tion as the original translation. In the manuscript and in all of the earlier editions the Latin text 5 alternates with the Italian, and one is often surprised at the fidelity of the trans- lation when one realizes that more than once a fable of but ten or twelve lines has been developed into two full sonnets. Earely is there any introduction of new motifs, rather the translator amplifies his text by repeating the essential facts 4 Hervieux {loc. cit.) gives a list of these editions as follows: 1479 at Verona, 1483 Rome (not Venice, as erroneously stated in my Isopo Laurenziano, p. 33, fn. 100), 1487 Brescia, 1491 (1492) Venice (Dr. Mackenzie has found a copy of this edition in the Harvard University Library), 1493 Venice, 1497 Venice, 1498 Milan, 1502 at Venice and at Milan, 1520 Milan, 1528 Venice, 1533 Venice, 1544 Venice, 1566 Venice. In addition to the foregoing list, we have references to two other editions as follows: a. 1494 Bologna. This edition is described in Opere della Biblio- g'rafia Bolognese che si conservano nella Bibliotheca municipale di Bologna, Luigi Prati, Bologna, 1889, n, col. 897, No. 7258: Zn-4. cc. 72 n. n., car. rom., s. rich., c. segnat. A-I, lim,. 37. Non registrata dal Haiti. The colophon reads: Impresso ne lalma & inclita cita | de Bologna ne lo edificio da carta | dela illustrissima madon(n)a Zeneura | sforcia de bentiuogli: per maestro | Hercules nani sotto al diuo & illu | stro signore misser Giouan(n)i benti- | uoglio sforza di uesconti da ragona | ne lanno del nostro signore misser | Jesu Cristo, Mcccclxxxxiiii. a di xxii. de Febraro. Laus deo. Finis. 6. 1508 Venice. This edition is cited in Ilari's catalogue of the Bibliotheca Comunale di Siena (I, 226) as having the same colophon as the edition of 1502 except the date, which is 1508 a di 20 de Decembrio. It is also listed in Brunet, Manuel du libraire* I, col. 98. 5 A comparison of this with Foerster's critical text (loc. cit.) shows little variation. 3] ESOPO ZUCCARINO 377 of the story and by stressing the conclusions to be drawn therefrom. In the Canzone which closes the collection, he again repeats in epigrammatic form the lesson taught by each and every fable, thus giving a brief resume of his whole work. In the same Canzone we find the title of the book, for in the last line of the first stanza the author says: Olio nomato Exopo Zucharino. That he did not believe in literary incog- nito is shown by the envoy of the poem, of which the last seven lines read: S'el nome mio alcun saper volesse, Digli che Azo e'l proprio nome mio. Or vatene con Dio, E franchamente mostra la tua arte; E se trovi in parte Che del pronome mio saper si lagna, Risponde il Zucho da Soma Campagna. The basis of the accompanying edition of the fables is the unique manuscript preserved in the British Museum as Additional 10389. It is described by Ward as follows: " Paper; A. D. 1462. Folio; ff. 54, having 30 to 34 lines to a page. Imperfect, a leaf being lost after f. 27. Followed (ff. 56 b and 57 b ) by other entries in Latin verse and prose. With initials in blue and red, and 76 coloured drawings. At the foot of the first page is a shield of arms, bendy nebuly of 8, argent and gules. The shield is between two lozenges, one of them bearing the motto " Pax Aeterna ", and the other bearing a device which looks something like a tradesman's mark, together with the initials " b " and " A " (f. 3). The arms and motto are repeated further on, upon the trappings of a knight's horse (f. 54) ; and the colophon gives the name of the scribe as " Jhoanes benedictus aurifex," together with the same motto (f. 57). 6 The full text of the colophon is: De sorio / Jhoanes benedictus aurifex scripsit die . 15 . •Ward, op. cit., n, 331. 378 brush [4 augustij / 1462. i(n) co{n)trata sa(n)cti saluarij. Of this scribe we know nothing. 7 Fr. Douce, in a letter of February 17, 1817, addressed to Eichard Heber, a former owner of the manuscript, and which has been pasted in the binding, con- siders that the aurifex stood for ' goldsmith ' rather than the surname Orefice. The drawings with which the manuscript is profusely illustrated are of exceptional merit, many of them being worthy of reproduction. In addition to the fables, the manuscript contains the epitaph of John Vis- conti, Duke of Milan, and a list of the early Doges of Venice. In preparing the text for publication, the abbreviations have been solved and marks of punctuation, capital letters, and accents have been introduced in accordance with modern usage. Changes from the original reading have been made only where there was evident error on the part of the scribe, and all such changes have 'been indicated by italics, while the manuscript reading, in each case, has been put in the footnotes. Owing to the exigencies of printing, the words Sonetus and Comentum, found before the fables and morals respectively, have been omitted. Use has been made of the editions of 1479 and 1483 to supply all lacunae in the manuscript and to give the more important variant readings. 8 The text of the printed editions is so unlike that of the manuscript in orthography and in the order of words, that it has been necessary to limit the citation of variants to distinctly different readings and to lines where the printed text serves to illuminate a particularly obscure passage. 'Mentioned by Bradley, Dictionary of Miniaturists, London, Vol. I, 1887, pp. 120-121, the reference being to this manuscript only. 8 For the manuscript, a rotograph copy, made by the Oxford University Press, was used; for the first editions, a copy of the 1479 edition made by the writer, revised and with the variants of the edition of 1483 inserted by Mr. P. B. Fay of the Johns Hopkins University. 5] ESOPO ZUCCARINO 379 Incipit Libeb Exopii Zucarxxi Editi a Zucoxe de Suma Campaxea. I. El me convien vestir de Paltru fronde, Per che l'enzegno mio troppo e ligiero, E seguir l'orma per si bon sentero, Che al mio rimar faga perfecte sponde. Eccoti Exopo, che qui mi responde 5 Con chiaro volto e animo sanciero, E disse a me cum suo parlar maniero: "I' dono a te le mie faule jocunde." I spiriti mei alor tuti fuor mossi Per l'alegreza quali eran dii prima 10 Tuti occupati e d'ignorancia grossi. Cominciar volgio adonca dala cima E revestir di lui li nudi dossi, Tanto che redurolo tuto in rima. Colui che regie nel celeste regno, 15 Sua gratia preste al mio picolo ingiegno! II. Chiamdmi poscia el mio doctore indrio, Volgarizando me disse: "Figliolo, Poi ch'entrar voy nel gracioso bruolo, E di me rivestir il tuo dixio, Fa ch'el tuo ymaginar sempre sia pio, 5 Ne di superbia non salir in suolo; Amato ne seray per tuto il stuolo, E primamente avray gracia da Dio. Multi vi son ch'el fructo guasta atento, Et altri per dileto el fiore gusta, 10 Ne di niun di loro il gusto sento, Per che meglio si senta la lor usta. Voglio che sopra me faci comento SI ch'el si veza la sentenza giusta." Comiato prexi, et el mi benedisse; 15 El suo comento poy per me si scrisse. M8. I. 1 mainero. Var. I. 10 qual gli fe di prima. 15 alto regno. 16 debil ingiegno. Var. 11. 9 Alguno Ve; gusta. 10 E alguno. 11 nullo. 380 BRUSH [6 I. "Una sala depincta a una ystoria, Dice il maestro, piu rende leticia Che una fata per altra faticia, E piu s'attende a seguir sua memoria. Cossi questo zardin te presta gloria 5 De vagi fiori e de fruto divicia, L'un saporita e l'altro per mundicia, Ti mostra relucente sua vitoria. Adoncha acogli quel che piu t'agrada, O voy l'adorno fiore, o '1 dolce fructo, 10 Tu sei de liberta su rita strada, E se trambe te piace, cogle el tuto. E Dio, de sua sanctissima roxada, Bagni il piccol parlar cotanto suto. Parole breve porta gran consiglio, 15 E secha gussa sconde bon nosiglio." II. Mostrando a voy el gracioso amore, El doctore benigno qui presente, L'amicicia deserta di sua mente, Ut juvet et prosit ecco per gran dolzore, Che come dice Ysodoro doctore, 5 Per nulla forza amicicia se pente, Siando verace, ne mai si desmente, Per che tra Paltre possi chiamar fiore. Ecco la sala pinta, ecco il zardino, Ecco il fiore, ecco il fruto soave, 10 Ch'esse fuori del fior cotanto fino. Coglite il fiore che perfecta chiave, El fior lasiate stare al fantolino, Che lezendo gli toglie mente prave. Ben che l'uno per l'altro siano buoni, 15 Per che l'alegoria meglio disponi. Var. I. 1 vagha historia. 3 Che quando e fatta. 7 Che un per sapore. 14 parlar mio tanto asciutto. 16 sica scorza. Var. II. 2 dottor mio. 3 Con perfetta amicicia. 4 Te dinota fugire ogni dolore. 8 tra le virtu se chiama il fiore. 9 gloria for zardino. 11 Che nasce. 12 il fruto. 13 fanciullino. 15 con for per. 16 meglio gli exponi. 7] ESOPO ZDCCARINO 381 1. Cock and Jewel. I. Dice il maestro ch'el gallo raspando En el letame per trovar del grano, Meravegliossi ch 'el ghe vene a mano Una preciosa pietra, et el parlando Disse : "O preciosa «ossa, in quanto bando 5 Sei posta scuoxa in luoco si vilano! Se Parti fice ti fosse prozano, Di te traria sua vita lieto stando. Per me non fay, e io de te non euro; Piu ameria una cossa men richa 10 Che dela fame me fesse securo." Cossi l'ignorante sempre picha Contrario de fortuna dov' e il cuoro De l'aspra provertil sempre l'empicha. Si come il gallo sprexia tal semenza, 15 Cossi desprexia il mato la scienza. II. Mostravi il gallo qui raspar letoame, Cioe l'uomo quando sta in mortal pecato, Che quando dal buon homo fi consigliato Dice che ama piu trovar il grame, Cioe di pecati il doloroso strame; 5 E cossi contra Dio sta sfigurato, Ay doloroso tristo sciagurato! Che non gli valera puo dir : " I'd fame." Disprexia poi la pietra preciosa, Cioe la scienza, et ama il tristo pasto 10 Dela gola crudele e dolorosa. Cossi l'uomo cativo, quando al tasto Si da cum mente vile et occiosa, SI como bestia pud portar il basto. Ma fa che al gallo tu non assimiglie, 15 II bon consiglio vo che sempre piglie. MS. II, 15-16 lacking. Var. I. 8 S'el te havesse uno artifice soprano. 14 ogni hor for sempre. Var. II. 4 gli ama piu cerchar tal trame. 12 l'homo maligno. 382 brush [8 2. Wolf and Lamb. I. Partissi il lupo del prato e l'agnelo Per trovar l'aqua, no per un sentero, E zaschadun per gran sete lezero Corse ala ripa d'um bel timecello. Beveva il lupo de sopra da quello, 5 E disse a luy, cum malvaxio pensiero: "Tu me turbidi l'aqua, e per lo vero, Ne poteristi portar grave flagello." L'agnello com el vero si scuxava: "Vero nonne che'l flume sia turbato, 10 Tu mi minaci." II lupo ancor cridava: "Cossi mi fe tuo padre, falso nato, Non fa sey mexi." E cossi il devorava, Colpando luy del injusto peccato. D'offendre al justo, il falso trova l'arte, 15 E questi lupi regna in ogni parte. II. Or vedi il lupo, che senza caxone L'agnello divord cum falso frodo. Cossi il demonio trova l'arte e'l modo Di tuorce l'arme cum temptatione. Cossi nel mundo le false persone 5 D'offendre il justo sempre trova il nodo, Ne si ricorda del afito chiodo, Ne del nostro Segnor la pasione. Disse San Daniel: Tu condennasti Sangue innocente, or torna al tuo judicio. 10 El justo e confirmato per psalmista, Perd vi prego voltate la vista Al fonte sancto, dove vi lavasti, Si che tornati al sumo beneficio. Var. II. 4 tuorne l'alme. 9] ESOPO ZDCCARINO 383 3. Rat, Frog, and Kite. I. II toppo non possando far sua via Per l'oprobrio del laco che II giaoe, Veneli contra la rana loquace, Mostrando ver de lui la cera pia, E proferisse cum lingua polia 5 De condurlo oltra, et a quel molto piace. E quela falsa di mal far sagace Un filo a pedi lor forte mettia. La rana falsa, quando fo nel mezo, Rupe sua fede per condurlo a morte, 10 Unde convene che venisse a pezo; Ch'el toppo, aiutandosi cum volte et storte, Dal nebio foron prexi doivo erezo Ch'ensieme sofrise amara sorte. Cossl perissa chi falsa il servire, 15 E per l'ingano pena soferire. II. Colui che may no dorme per far male, E per condurci al infernale hostello, Fa l'uomo desliale falso e fello Per condenar coluy ch'e piQ liale. Quando ambiduy son in pecca mortale 5 E copulati del suo capistrello, L' inganato si chiama miserello, Aitar si vuole ma nulla gli vale. Perd non creder al uomo cativo Che facto rana tuopo no ti facia, 10 Che l'un per l'altro male se nutricha. San Gieronimo dice: Chi phi abraza Una cossa gli mancha dond'e privo, Ch'el non ci e huomo che vero gli dica. Prova I'amico novo, e poi te fida, 15 S'egli e Hal, tien quello per tua guida. MS. II. 15-16 lacking. Var. I. 2 lo obstacol. 4 facia pia. 8 al pie di quel forte ponia. 11 ne for che. 12 II toppo aitar se vol con volte storte. 13 Ma dal; doudio creggio. 14 Che sostenero insieme. 16 E possa ad ingannar. Var. II. 7 mischinello. 9 Perd fa che non credi. 11 assai mal. 14 Che verun huom non glie. 384 BRUSH [10 4. Dog and Sheep. I. La pegora constreta per lo cane Davanti il podesta dove comparse. Comanddgli che se debia acordarse O che gli renda lo promiso pane. Quella negando le domande vane, 5 II nibio, l'a vol tore e'l lupo parse, Et in favor dal can testificarse Come l'agnel promise la dimane. Di raxon non gli de'render a quello, El podesta pur vuol ch'ela il contenti, 10 Unde conven che venda il propio vello. Cossi conven che sostegna tormenti, E del inverno l'aspero flagello, E fuor d'ogni pieta li fredi venti. Cossi per lo falsario se perisse, 15 E dolse la pieta che ciS sofrisse. II. Per la temptation del inimico Si muove l'uomo contra la raxone, Talor movendo false questione E falso prova per alcun amico. Cossi la fede prexia men d'un fico 5 Pur che spoliar possa l'altra maxone, E mendicando fa gir le persone, E grami son se gli riman un spicho. Non esser milvo, lupo ne avoltore, Non esser cane a dimandar ingiusto, 10 Non esser nel mal far ubiditore; Ben che pietate si doglia del justo, Per che un pocheto tardi il Criatore, Subito calla il suo pesente fusto. Se mai per caso fussi a dar sentenza, 15 Mira que testimonii a tua presenza. MS. I. 6 inbio; 11., 12 be. Var. I. 2 podestate humil. 3 Qual (first word). 4 prestato pane. 13 il gelido flagello. Var. II. 9 nibio for milvo. 14 potente fusto. 11] ESOPO ZUCCARINO 385 5. Dog and Shadow. I. Passando il cane supra per un ponte, Portava in bocha un gran pezo di carne, Pensando ben di ley sua voglia fame. Guard6 nel aqua del chiarito fonte E vide l'ombra cum tropo piu zonte, 5 Che mostrava nel aqua zu piu carne. E quel sperando aver piu da manzarne Lascid quella che avea di propia sponte, Unde cade nel aqua zu nel fondo. Poy drietro si zitd per aver quella, 10 La qual esser paria di mazor pondo, E perse la speranza vana e fella, E la propria rimaxe nel profondo. Cossi falsa speranza ne martella. No lassar my lo certo per l'incerto, 15 Senno che del tuo proprio fie diserto. II. Ecoti il can portar la carne in bocha, E giu nel aqua lasiarla cadere, Sperando magior pezo reavere, Poy drieto si zitd e nulla tocha. Cossi travien a vuy quando s'imbrocha 5 Gli animi a questo mondo con piacere Togliandosi giu del divin volere, Al pezo di pecati ogniun s'invocha. Or credi tu aver parte del mondo E lasiato ay la divina sustanza, 10 E'l mondo tuto ti ritrovi in zanza. Adoncha lasscia la mondana usanza E ritornati al primo justo pondo, Ch'el non trabuchi la justa bilanza. Var. 11. 10 E posseder la. 11 Tenendo quel che te retiene in zanze. 24 386 brush [12 6. The Lion's Share. I. Per engualimente seguir la fortuna Fece compagnia la manza e lione, La pegora e la capra in tal casone Ch' el se partisse la caza comuna. Un cervo mosse, dunde zascaduna 5 Di queste fiere ala promissione Segondo l'esser dele sue persone Drieto li corse e a morte il rauna. "Io sero herede dela prima parte, Disse il leone, per lo primo honore, 10 E la secunda mi deffende Marte, Concedimi la terza il gram labore, La quarta voglio, se no ch' el se parte El nostro amore." E cossi fo signore. Perd questa scriptura no eonsente 15 Ch' el s'acompagne il tristo col possente. II. Non e fermeza in la gran segnoria, N6 in homo richo de posanza grande, Ne per sua vogla in grande gloria scande. Perd sempre ti servon di boxia, E sempre dice : " Come io dico, fia." 5 Cum minazce or cum parole blande, Beuto quello che cotal girlande Schiva de firgli dicto cossi sia. Doncha schivate le mondane zoglie, Ch'el mondo vi promete e no v'atende. 10 Piu cum fece il lion a soy compagni. Chi serve a Dio non bisogna se lagni; Quest'e coluy c'ogni promessa atende, Per6 zaschun di cuor faza sue voglie. Var I. 3 a tal stagione. 8 e denli morte bruna. 13] ESOPO ZUCCARINO 387 7. Thief and Sun. I. Mariddsse la dona cun un ladro, Alegrasse la zente come sole. Un savio huomo mosse tal parole: " II sole essendo zovene e lizadro, Tolse mugliere nel suo proprio quadro, 5 Unde la terra molto se ne dolle. A Jupiter lamentdssi del solle: 'Or vede, signor mio, che io mi disquadro; Per un sol sole son distructa e morta, Or duncha que faro s'un altro nasse? 10 Come sofrir potrd pena si forta?' Cossi convien che gli animi s'abasse De dare al cativo homo lieta scorta, Che male ariva chi el cativo passe. Che non securi la raxon protesta, 15 Qui che an mal facto e del mal far s'apresta." II. L'uomo cativo di mal far non cessa, Come fa l'onda al mar, dixe Ysaya, Ne mala mente non a pace pia. Prospero qui, ma de mal far opressa, Coluy che sempre persevera ad essa, 5 Despresiando la divina via, Per nuy conven che desprexiato sia, Ogni sostegno e gracia a luy dimessa. Non si convien dar moglier a costui, Per che la terra piu ch'el sol scota, 10 Ne alegreza fame qui tra nuy. Or zaschaun lector qui faza nota Che quel ch' e uso a rapinar l'altruy Non so se possa far mente divota, Si como il nostro buon doctore insegna, 15 Lassiate tal persona com'e diegna. Var. I. 6 Volse tuor moglie. 11 A tal pena soffrir son male ac- corta. 15 Chi non soccorre a chi ragion si presta. 16 far non resta. Var. II. 3 E mai la mente. 4 Prospera si, ma dal mal far e oppressa. 10 Dil qual la mala vita se dinota. 388 brush [14 8. Wolf and Cbane. I. Manzando il lupo la carne per freza, Intrdgli un osso nela streta gola. Apena proferando la parola, Per retrovar un medico s'adrieza, Prometendogli doni d'alegreza 5 Come una voce di pietate mola. La grua in questo com esso s'anola E l'osso gli cavO cum sua destreza. La sua proferta la grua domanda. Rispoxe il lupo: "Per me sei secura 10 Dela tua vita die perigolava. Non possemo cum la mia dentadura Tagiarti il collo? Doncha non ti grava A cognoser da mi la via fatura." Al perfido servir perder si trova, 15 Che sempre scognosente esser si prova. II. Or vede il lupo aver in gola l'osso Et esser liberato per la gruda, Et ogni sua faticha aver perduda, Et oltra cid cridalgli il lupo adosso Come tenuta la gruda gli fosso 5 Quasi che a vita l'avesse tenuda. Or quivi vostra fede ti saluda, Che dal servire may non sie remosso; Se l'uomo rio el servixio no agrada, Lasial portare 1'animo protervo, 10 Ch6 Dio a te fara larga l'entrada. Dice San Paulo: Io me feci servo Libero siando per trovar la preda, La dove phi guadagno mi riservo. Se tu perdi el servir del uomo rio, 15 Troppo mazor e la gracia de Dio. Var. I. 6 Con; vola for mola. 7 La grua tal voce odendo, laqual sola. 9 La grua poi la promessa. 13 Troncharti. 14 via secura. 15-16 Al perfido servir noce e non giova, E chi gli serve pocha gratia trova. Var. II. 5-6 Come se con ragione fosse mosso, E come quella gli fosse tenuda. 9 Se a l'homo. 13 trovar la strada. 15] ESOPO ZUCCARINO 389 9. Two Bitches. 1. Una cagnola qual era de parte Cum sue losenge l'altra cagna prega, E cum dolce parole si la prega Che del suo proprio tecto se departe. La pregna stete e l'altra via se parte, 5 Dal prego facta mata, lorda e cega, E mendicando soa vita desprega Tanto ch'en parturi quel altra parte. Domanda il tecto suo la bona cagna, L'altra le 'rechie chiude e si la cassa, 10 E si di minazarla non sparagna. E per lo figiolo suo convien che taza Per che la madre sta piu ferma e stagna, Unde si parte e l'altra ce rimaxa. Non e fermeza in le dolce parole, 15 Che mal e danno d'esse sevir sole. II. Vedi che per losinghe sta di fuore La bona cagna, scaciata dil tecto, L'altra gli latra col figlio a dispeto, E partir si conven cum bruti honori. Perd convene che gli humani cuori 5 Si guardi per luxenge aver diffeto, E non lasciare il suo continuo leto Di penitenza per alcun furore. Cossl giamay non ti lasciar scaciare Al enemico fuor de bona fede 10 Cum sue loxenge sicome suol fare, Sta pur constante a quel che fermo sede Che qual si lacia al inimico ugelare, A caxa non ritorna quando crede; Or sta constante e troveray mercede. 15 Var. I. 6 fatta stolta e ciegha. 10 la scaccia.- 14 E quella se ne andd come una paccia. 16 seguir. Var. II. 10 Da lo. 15-16 Al lusenghier non dare troppo fede, Solo a Jesu se voi trovar mercede. 390 BRUSH [16 10. Man and Ungrateful Serpent. I. La neve sbianchezando per la terra Come gran fredo congelando l'aque, Un gelato serpente molto piaque Al pover homo, che nel grenbio il serra, Ad un gran fuocho scaldarlo non erra. 5 E come fo scaldato, d'esso naque Un perfido venim, dove despiaque Al poverel veder guastar sua serra; Unde ghe disse: "Va senza ritorno!" E quello obprobrio non vuol ch'el discaza, 10 Movendo crudel si voli dintorno E drito ver di lui drizd sua faza, Voglando dar a quel pessimo zorno, Venim zitando luy strenze et abraza. Sempre il mal huomo rende mal per bene, 15 Per pieta ingano, e per lo fructo pene. II. Tu vedi l'uomo portar il serpente, t E la neve la terra sbianchezando, Per che ghiaziato si stava tremando A casa s'il portd subitamente. Or el vidi zitar venim dolente, 5 La casa dil bon huomo atoxicando, Ne partir non si vuol per suo comando. Cossi ti fa l'inimico veramente, Tu vidi il mondo biancho, chiaro e bello, Vedi il serpente, zioe mortal pecato, 10 i Nel cuori il porti e li si face hostello. Quando da luy vogli fir liberato, E luy t'abraza, tristo miserello, Ne si ligieramente vien scaciato. Perd non nutricar li peccati, Si che da loro siamo liberati. MS. 15 mal per male. Var. I. 10 E quel serpente non vol lo discacia. 11 sibili. 15 bene (last word). Var. II. 13 mischinello. 14 lievemente. 17] ESOPO ZUCCARINO 391 11. BOAB AND ASS. I. Coon mato riso el misero asinello Tasto il porcho cengiaro e si se misse Enver del forte quel cativo ardisse Dir: "Dio ti salvi, caro mio fratello." Squasud el capo il porcho e za per ello 5 Non si curld, ma forte superbisse E pocho stando ver de luy si disse: "Desprexia la vil escha il dente bello. Non so come se tegna mia fereza Che non ti squarci tuta la tua pelle, 10 Ma sicuro ti fa la tua mateza." Perd mato e coluy qual cum novelle Va simulando e no porta chiareza Davanti a zintil homo suoe loquelle. Non si fa al mato temptar il poeta, 15 Ne zir trepando a luy cum voglia lieta. II. L'uomo ch'a troppo zanze e troppo beffe E si dileta d'ucelare altruy, Costui non e cognoscente de luy Ne s'avede che z6 no monta un effe. L'uomo discreto che non vuol caleffe 5 E che vorebe viver cum nuy, Piil no possando minaza coluy Che se pid zanza di menar le zeffe. Parola recresievola fa injuria, Dice qui Dionixio nil suo testo, 10 Corumpando costumi mal auguria. Per6 questo ti dico e ti protesto Che tu ti guardi da commover a furia Coluy che tuto regie a fermo sexto. Adoncha nota questo : 15 "Giocha quanto ti piace come fanti, Dic'el proverbio, e lascia star i sancti." Var. I. 5-6 Conquassd il capo il porcho, ne per ello Pur si crold. Var. II. 4 tutto cid. 6 viver ben fra noi. 10 chiaro testo. 15 Tu dunque. 392 brush [18 12. Town Mouse and Country Mouse. I. Con chiaro volto il topo dala villa Invito secho il citadino rato, Col picol mensa ma no men difato Dal nobel fronte lor cibi sintilla. El citadino al rustico se humilia 5 E dise: "Fratel mio, quest' altro trato Convien die vegni mecho dove 6 fato La vita mia, et ancor li tranquilla." Mendlo nel celato dove carne Prexe manzare. Intanto il canevaro 10 Zonae, donde zaschun prexe a scampare. II rustico parl6 cum gusto amaro : "Nanci voglio la fava rosegare, Che di tal pena senpre dubitare." La povertade e richa se vien lieta; 15 Dove timenza alberga, non <# meta. II. Monstrati anchora il sorzeto vilano Farsi cortexe et invitar comesso, Con nobel fronte e con bel dir apresso, Per condur ala villa il topo urbano; I soy cibi lucean dal viso humano. 5 El citadino rato sieco adesso El rustico mend donde dicesso Fu per la tema del sconder sotano. Cossi il justo invita il peccatore, Com esso luy e mostragli la fede, 10 Per trarlo fuore da mortal errore. PoBsa l'injusto cui nemico lede, Invita il justo e mostragli il terrore, Onde si scampa e pi cum luy non sede. Meglio e goder il pocho ch'il ben cerno, 15 Che la richeza spetando l'inferno. Var. I. 8 che anchor fe asai tranquilla. 14 Che star in cotal pena, fratel caro. Var. II. 2 e mandar un suo messo. 5 Da gli soi cibi e da. 19] ESOPO ZUCCARINO 393 13. Eagle and Fox. I. L'aquila per dar cibo a lor figlioli Porto nel nido i figli dela volpe. Quella studendo par che si dispolpi, Pregando ley come anguosioxi duoli : "Aquila che pietoxa eser tu suoli, 5 Dey! rendi a me quelle mie propie polpe, Che sul arbaro tieni senza colpe. Pregoti ch'al mio prego tu ti muli." L'aquilla nega la giusta dimanda, Unde la volpe l'alboro cerconda 10 Di legna e frasce, tuto nel girlanda. Poy cago fuoco in gascaduna sponda, E tanto fumme agli aquiloti manda Che i figli scosse, dove fu jocunda. Non voglia ofendre il mazor al menore, 15 Che ben pud ofendre il minor al mazore. II. L'aquila tolse ala volpe lor figli E portdsegli suxo nel suo nido. La volpe udendo di figlioli il strido Convien che a rescatarli si sotigli. * L'alboro cerconda de vimine e stigli 5 E fuoco gli cago senza disfido. L'aquila per schivar di figli el crido I suoy gli resse con cruciati pigli. Eccoti Idio! per nuy deliberarni Mandd il figliolo al aquila superba, 10 A quel nemico che volea disfarni. Eccoti il fumme, ecco la pena acerba Che sostene l'inferno a relasiarni, No sperando gamay gustar tal erba. Cristo portd la pena di peccati 15 Nostri, donde siamo liberati. MS. II. 9 deliberarni. Var. /.la soi. 3 stridendo. 8 amoli. Var. II. 8 con gli proprii artigli. 11 Cioe for A. 15-16 portO per gli nostri peccati Morte crudel per cui siam. 394 brush [20 14. Eagle and Tortoise. I. L'aquila mossa dela vaga cima Prese nel prato la bissa squara, E quella cum la concha se repara, Che dal becho aquilin non se delima. E la cornice cum sagace lima 5 L'aquila castigando disse: "Empara A spandre il cibo che da te s'apara Quale nutriente a far lucida pima, S'ela cadesse di somo altitudine, Ruperiase la concha che la serra, 10 Si che manzar poresti la testudene." L'aquila il fe, donde sopra la terra Sparse tuta quela dulcitudine, Qual subito per se la grola aferra. La savia lingua e falsa molto offende, 15 Ch'el forte per inzegno liga e prende. II. Se tu ben guardi qui, l'aquila prexe Una bissa squara nel bel prato, E si coperta tien per ogni lato Che dal becho aquilim si fa difexe. Ancora vedi le false contexe 5 Che la grola gli mostra per suo grato, Per aver quello che s'a ymaginato, Gli mostra il modo a portarla suspexe. Cossi stimando il buon in penetenca, Gli corre subito el pecato adosso, 10 Quel si diffende per la soferenga. Dic'el dimonio: "Convien che comosso Fia costui via dala ubidienca, E da piu grave temptation percosso." Com'el se parte da servir a Dio, 15 Cossi s'el porta 1'enemico rio. Var. I. 7 Spargier quel cibo. 15 la lingua astuta. Var. II. 9 stando for stimando. 10 va for corre. 12 remosso. 21] ESOPO ZUCCARINO 395 15. Fox AND CBOW. I. Trovo nel libro del maestro mio Che la volpe afamata pasturando Un corvo vide, che un caxo portando In becho andava. Donde gli andd drio, E quela a luy col suo parlar pio: 5 "Tu che sul arbor ti vay diportando, Cotanto adorno e bello e vagezando, E sopra ogiii altro uzello biancho e polio, Tu mi somigli al cigiio di parazo. Se del tuo canto sol fosse contcnta, 10 Certo tu vinci tuti d'avantazo." El mato a grolezar si spromenta, Unde di becho gli cade il formazo; La volpe il prexe, donde il corvo stenta. La vanagloria ti mostra dolgeza 15 Che vergogna ti rende e gran tristeza. II. Quando la volpe pasturando andava, Sul alboro si stava il corvo etaxo, E vide il corvo che portava il caxo. Che cantasse luy amaistrava, E quella tuta volta il loxengava 5 Per poner il formazo nel suo vaxo. Coluy credendo al judayco baxo, A cantar prexe e'l formaio lasciava. Cossl ti fa il doloroxo baxo mondo Che ti porze richeza e tu la porti, 10 E non ricorda di pecati il pondo. I quali sempre guarda e stan acorti A condurti di povertate al fondo. Cossl dal enimico aiamo scorti, Che sempre ci conforta a falsi canti 15 Per condur l'anima a doloroxi pianti. MS. II. As partially indicated by letters in the margin, the manu- script order is involved, the lines running 1, 2, 4, 7, 3, 5, 6, 9, 8, 11, 10. The order followed is that of the 1479 edition. Var. I. 12 1497 a gloriar si se exprimenta; 1483 agrolizar. Var. II 2 corvo adaso. 4 Per che di bel cantar lo amaistrava. 9 fa sto dolloroso mondo. 16 Per menar. 396 brush [22 16. Old Lion Sick. I. Per la vechieza il posente lione Indormentosi suoi membri possenti, E per lo fredo persse i sentimenti, Ne se puo mover per nulla raxone. Unde il ciengiaro, per vechia questione, 5 Una gran piaga gli fe cum sui denti, Et anche il toro cum corni ponzenti Luy perforS per ambeduy galoni. Rietro costoro il misero asinello, Zetando calci cum fera tempesta, 10 Nel fronte del lion fece sagiello. Unde el lion come occupata testa Disse: "Multi 6 scampati da flagiello Che nela mia misera mi molesta." Tema quel caso quel che no a amico, 15 Che pochi aid'a colui ch'e mendico. II. Quando meglio ti segue la fortuna E che piu fermo sula rota sedi, Si com'el mare subito tu cedi, Poy riman bassa d'aqua tua laguna. Tulio non solo la vista fa bruna, 5 Fortuna e chi la segue cossi vedi, Tu medesimo non senti se ti ledi, Ne se tuo amico fia persona alguna. Vien il dimonio e forate le coste Cun le corne per lo mortal pecato, 10 E justicia ti squarza l'altra poste. De pecati nel fronte sugielato Seray; non ti vara dire: "Za hoste Fui, e servi, ed or sum flagielato." Che tu servivi al mondo miserello, 15 PerS di calci ti da Pasinello. Var. I. 16 Che puocho adjuto ha quel che vien mendico. Var.II. After line 16 are two lines of Latin translated: Non e senza gran colpa ad impazarte De quel che non te tocha e n'e tua arte. 23] ESOPO ZUCCARINO 397 17. Ass and Lap-dog. I. E come alegreza un cucolin zentile Vag6 trepando com el suo signore, Mostravagli il signor perfecto amore, Di dolci cibi e vivande sotile. Questo vezando l'aseneto vile. 5 Disse: "Per scrici costui sie mazore Di me, chi me fatico cum dolore; Forsi s'io ziocho, grander^ mio stile." E rito si lev6 forte ragiando, I pedi algadi sule spalle posse 10 Al suo signor, che se levd cridando. Unde i famigli sentando tal cosse Cum grave maze luy zi va batando, Facendo luy sentir pene dogliose. A forzar la natura non e licito, 15 E spiace il mato nel piacer solicito. II. Giugava col signore il cuzolino, E l'asino si gli vuol simigliare, E col signore se mise a trepare, Credendosi piQ bel d'um armerino. I fanti quando vide tal distino 5 L'asino forte prexe a bastonare, E cum gran bote via da luy scaciare, E cossl gli respoxe a suo latino. Cossi e l'uomo che vive in virtute E serve a Dio e cum solaza, 10 Che com'el cuzolim gli da salute. Eccot'il vicio ch'el buon homo abraza, Cioe l'asino cum voce disolute, E quel atento da se il cride scaza, Poy di virtute viene i fidel servi 15 Cal vicio rompe ossa, polpe e nervi. M8. 1. 13 mze. Var. I. 1 cagnolin. 6 scherci. 13 macie. Var. II. 1 cagnolino. 3 se puose. 5 Gli servi. 10 con buona efficacia. 11 al cagnolin. 398 brush [24 18. Lion and Mouse. I. La freda silva un zorno loxengava El sopito lion che dentro jace, Intanto zonse un ratolin sagace, Ch'entorno del lion prompto zugava. El lion il prese cum sua brancha prava, 5 E'l toppo disse : " O possanza tenace, Misericordia ti domando e pace." Dal prego mosso, il lion luy lassava E disse: "Al vincitore e tanta gloria Quant'e la possa di quel che perdente, 10 Si che vincer costuy no m'e memoria." Cade nel rete quel lion posente, Possa dal topo ebi la victoria, Ch'el fune roxego col fero dente. Tu chey possente sempre fui al picolo, 15 Che scanpa'r ti poria de gran pericolo. II. Qui vi figura il doctor molto bene Che la gloria del vincitore e tanta Quanto la possa del vinto s'amanta, Ch'al piu possente vincer si convene. Ma quando vince un tristo, questo vene 5 Che vile ystoria poy di luy si canta. Al pizol fa gracia larga e spanta, Per che giovar ti pu6 nele tue pene. Per servir no si perde, anci s'aquista, Dice Ysaya sovente al enfermo. 10 Retien la furia tuta, dic'el psalmista, Da carita procede, e It sta fermo, El gracioso dono a Dio fa vista, E contra l'inimico gli fa scermo. Perd zaschun s'alista 15 Di sovenir i tristi povereti, E Idio ve guardara da mal deffecti. MS. II. Has lines 12 and 13 in reverse order, not according to the metrical scheme. Var. II. 3 s'avanta. 7 larga e sancta. 15 insista. 25] ESOPO ZUCCAEINO 399 19. Young Kite Sick. I. El nebio infermo pregava la madre Che Dio pregasse cuz benigno effecto, Che liberasse luy dal crudel leto, Offerendo per luy done ligadre. La madre a luy : " Col tuo vicio disquadre 5 L'animo a Dio, per tuo grave diffeto, Usando la rapina per dileto Cum falsi inzigni e cum parole ladre, Possa che turbato ay li nostri dei, Voglion egli che tu porti la pena 10 Del pecato dove tu degno sey. Prima che tu cadesti in tal catena Pensar dovevi nelli acessi rey, Che come umilita cossi ti mena." Perd chi fa sua vita nei pecati, - 15 Non abia fede de star nei beati. II. Fin che l'uomo sta fermo in sua bontade, Ardito, forte, giovene, possente, El non si pensa may nela sua mente Che gli possa venire adversitade. Dixpresia Dio e la sua maiestade, 5 Uxando ingani e robando la zente, E sempre nei mal far e soferente, Fina che Dio gli tuol prosperitade. Possa si torna a sancta madre chiexia, Pregando ley che de tanti diffeti 10 El cavi, e contra Dio faza difexa. E quela dice: "Per gli tuoy dispeti, Dio vuol che vadi rito ala distexa, Dove si purga i mondani dileti." Perd fin che tu vivi in questo mondo, 15 Fa che salvar ti possi dal profundo. MS. I. 13 nlli. Var.I. 2 con benigno. 4 cose ligiadre. 13 excessi. 14 Humilita non e che hora ti mena. 400 brush [26 20. Swallow and Birds. I. La terra nudrigando la somenza Del lino per che lino dinasesse, La rondinella a consiglio si messe Cum gli altri ucelli, alegando sentenza: "Se a questo non faciamo providenza, 5 Morte siamo se quel lino cresce." Ucel non fo che non si ne ridesse, Isprexiando sua chiara eloquenza. El lino cressce e fa l'erbeta bella, La rondinella ancor consiglia queli 10 Contra el pericolo, e lor ridem de quella. Per lo qual cossa se parti da elgli, A l'uomo s'acordo cum sua loquella, Unde nel rete cade i altri uceli. Chi lassa il buon consiglio per lo rio, 15 Cade nel rete quant'e piu scaltrio. II. Se alguno cum buon modo a te vera, Entendi bene e pensati ben sil, Se il suo consiglio ti rende salu, Ancora pensa che seguir porra. Posa faray quel che te ne parra, 5 Ne disprexiar il buon consiglio tu, Velox ad audiendum sie tu piu. Jacobo dice: El parlar tardera. E se per caso tu consigliti, E tu cognosi il perigol che c'e, 10 E creduto non fia come tu di, Senza voglierli dir piu, cossi fe, Fati rondena e tuote via de II, E digli "Mai volete!" E cossi ste. Prendi'l consiglio de servir a De, 15 E non curar del mondo iniquo e re. Varl. 11 Contra il suo male. Var. II. 7 sie ogn' hor. 14 E cosi habie. 27] B80P0 ZUCCARIXO 401 21a. Citizens of Athens. I. Attene civita chiexe sigiiore Per aver de justicia nove seze, E la sua libertil propria dileze, Credondosi per questo fir mazore. Ecco multiplicar il suo dolore, 5 E rinovar statuti e nove leze, Poiier il giovo nele humane greze, E qual potea schivar senza rimore. El signor coniinzo statuti novi Dilacerando qui chi era colpevoli, 10 E tuto'l primo stato par che rimovi. I citadini, qual eram uxevoli, Di far sua voglia e vincer le lor prove, Convien che stea sozeti e raxonevoli. Exopo vide la terra dolente, 15 E muove per exempio lo dir seguente. II. O civita dolente! o falso hostello! di ma 1 ii-i:t pregna in ogni calle, Piena di tradimenti in monti e valle, Che mo ti segnoreza Lucibello! O mondo injusto! mondo topinello! 5 Dio te fe francho, e volte gli ai le spalle! Non vede tu ch'el domonio t'arsalle, Se Dio non pensa remedio novello? Atennea chenne prima fusti francha, E volisti tirarti a tirania, 10 Che mutando costumi ti fa stancha, O vuy che disiderate signoria, Pensateve quando sedete in bancha Que risposta pud aver l'anbasaria, La verzene Maria 15 Faza prego al suo figlio, se gli piace, Che tra. nuy mande sua perfecta pace. Tar. I. 8 II che potea schiffar senza dolore. HE tuto quel stado par che rinovi. Var.II. 5 injusto, tristo e tapinello. 7 non porgie. 16 figliol benigno. After the fable is a Latin couplet headed Seneca, trans- lated: Justicia ferma la sua signoria, Se con dementia temperata sia. 25 402 BRUSH [28 21b. Fbogs Desiring King. I. Supplicdsse le rane al sumo Jove, Che gli desse segnor, che non n'avea, E luy del vano prego se ridea, Ma pur si mosse ale domande nove. Un ligno grande fa che d'alto piove, 5 E nel laco percosse, unde fagea Le rane tute. Ma quando vedea El suo signore che niente si muove, A Jupiter torno subitamente. El qual, comosso subito per ira, 10 Mand6gli un ydro, perfido serpente. Coluy le ucide, coluy a se le tira, Unde merce dimanda humelmente A Jupiter, ch'el mondo volze e zira. Sia lieto quelo c'a'l debito suo; 15 Non esser d'altri, se poy esser tuo. II. Vedi le rane supplicar a Dio Che non gli lasse star senza segnore, E luy ridendo de cotal errore Mandogli un travo che sta quieto e pio. Ben che teme9se del cadel che fio, 5 Ancor torno a dimandar priore. Idio comosso ad ira cum furore, Un serpe gli mandO, mortal e rio. Prima concesse Dio la libertade, E poy, vegiando nuy pigliar ria parte, 10 Mando il figliolo pien di humilitade, E nuy segundo pur in pezo l'arte, Mandd il demonio, pien de crudelitade, Che nuy devora e liga cum suo sarte. Possa voglan tornar a dir mercede 15 Quando serrati sciamo nele rede. Var. I. 6 E nel luoco percosse ove stasea. 29] ESOPO ZDCCARINO 403 22. Doves, Kite and Hawk. I. Dice il maestro che una grande guerra Era tra'l nebio e le colunbe bianche, Et eram per l'asedio tanto stanche Che quasi per padura si soterra. E per suo scampo al sparavier s'aferra, 5 Per che di capitaneo stava manche. Tenendosi per luy libere e franche, Libero albitrio gli dona e diserra. Mangiava il sparaver i lor pizoni, , Unde le madre querondi lor nati, 10 Dispersi fuori per le lor maxoni, Tra lor dicendo: "Melius bella pati Era che morir senza questioni, Che piu siamo dal re dampnizati." Se tu fay cossa alguna, gurda'l fine 15 A cid ch'en le piu grave non ruyne. II. Faceano guerra il nibio e le columbe, Cossl cum poverta faciamo nuy, E per paura degli morsi suoy Al sparavier se diamo cum le fombe. Cid al pecato per schivar lor gronbe, 5 Corre il peccato e'l dimonio cum luy De Palme nostre, lasiandoci nuy, Divorando le vano a false trombe. Per la roba vogliamo perder l'alme, Robando, rapinando, e dando a usura, 10 Ne Dio curamo, ne sue sante psalme, E quando Idio a zd trovava mensura, Merce queriamo, batendo le palme, Ma no possiamo render la pastura. L'enjuria de Dio e'l mal tolesto 15 Mostra che fazi al suo voler aspeto. Var. II. 4 frombe. 5 Cioe. 8 Devorando le va con. 16 Vol che ne aspetti la vendetta presto. 404 brush [30 23. Dog and Thief. I. Una note per andar a furare Si mosse uii ladro, dond'el fero cane Forte latrava, e quel gli porse un pane. El cane alora comincid a parlare: "Qel cibo fello che me voy donare 5 Vuol ch'io consenti le tue voglie vane, Le quale da mia mente son lontane, Per che dal cibo mio mi ere scaciare. Se non ti parti tosto, il can parlava, Col mio latrar ti faro manifesto 10 Dal furto che far vuol tua mente prava." E cossi il cane valoroso e presto II ladro com el crido discazava, Faciando el gusto suo puro e modesto. Gurda quel che recevi e quel che day, 15 E tu proprio glioton chastigheray. II. El ladro per voler cometer male, El cane dolcemente si loxinga Che tacer debia e de dormir s'infinga. Un pan gli porse, e'l can disse: "Che vale I ladronici toy mostrar cotale, 5 Che vuol che dal mio cibo mi ristrenga? Or tosto parti, o dardti la stringa, E per lo mio latrar colpo mortale." Coast el enemico ti da tentacione, Per trarti fuora del divino amore, 10 E che tu segui lor operacione. Or doncha servi Dio, nostro Signore, E come psalmi e buone oracione Da te discacia il falso proditore. E si liale al tuo mondan signore mazore, 15 Che per la lialta se aquista honore. MS. II. 16 lacking. Var. I. 8 mi vol. 16 gioton. Tar. II. 6 da questo cibo. 12 siegui Dio. SI] ESOPO ZUCCARINO 405 24. Wolf and Sow. I. Parlava il lupo ad una porcha pregna: "Comadre mia, in questa vostro parte Mi proferischo de volerte aitarte, E del tuo grezo aver cura benegna." La porcha ver dil lupo si disdegna, 5 E disse: "A me non bixogna tua arte, Ne il eorpo mio. Lascia digno arte De nutrir quiglie che dentro vi regna. Or sta lontano a gid che piu secura Parturir possa la mia vita cheta, 10 Che di tuo aito mia parte non cura." Colluy se parte e quela stete lieta. Per gli tuo figli comanda natura Che tu temi i parenti senza meta. Non creder tuto a tuti in ogni pacto, 15 Chi matamente crede e tenuto mato. II. S'el vien alcun di cuy tu non ti fidi, Mostrandosi d'aitarte al tuo bixogno, Digli: "Amico mio, el non fa sogno Per questa volta che tu te convidi." Simelmente cum la porcha vidi 5 Verso dil lupo ridrizar el grogno, Che sti lontano anchor gli da ranpogno, Che piu sicura possa far suo cridi. Cossi coluy che sta in mortal pecato, Se'l vene a te per voler consigliarti, 10 Quanto piu tosto poy, dallo commiato, Ch'el suo consiglio sempre e per disfarti E tuorti dal amor de Dio beato. Or guarda ben de lasciarti alazato. Chi crede tutto cid che I'ode dire, 15 Vergogna e danno gli convien seguire. MS. I. 7 co marked for omission before mio. //. 15-16 lacking. Var.I. 7 N6 al corpo mio. 8 quelli. Var.II. 3 mi par un sogno. 5 qual for cum. 11 dagli combiato. 14 ben che non lassi allaciarti. 406 brush [32 25. Mountain in Travail. I. Crescie la terra como un gran tumore, E come un aspro son quel tumor gieme, Raundssi la zente tuti insieme Temandosi di tanto rimore; Ad arme corse cum grave furore 5 Come color cli'el forte caso tieme. Ecco la terra dessa un topo preme, E ritornd nel eser suo priore. Torno quela paura in alegreza, Vegiando si gran facto far si puocho, 10 Che si mostrava di tamanta aspreza. Cos! rimaxe quela giente in giocho, Aliviate da quela fereza, Che dimostrava uscir di cotal luocho, Sovente men fa colui che pu crida, 15 E pizol caso gran timenza guida. II. Come la terra vene al tumor grande, Cossi vien 1'uomo grande in questo mondo, Ogni or piu cresse e fassi piu facondo, E'l nome suo per tuto'l mondo spande. Per tema i citadini le arme prende, 5 Ciofe di misiricordia el justo pondo. Eccoti el tristo cader giu nel fondo, Disgonfiarsi, ne pi timenza stando. Homo che fay questo mondo tristo, Sgonfiati di superbia e de pecati ! 10 Ne ti ricorda de servir a Cristo, Da te gli offexi reman liberati, Quando tu schiopi de pecati misto, E per mal fare cadi tra damnati, Quanto hay fato e men d'un ratolino, 15 Et ay perduto il summo amor divino. Var.I. 11 cotanto asprezza. Var. II. 8 ne piu temenza scande. 33] ESOPO ZUCCARINO 407 26. Lamb and Goat Mother. I. Zugando cum le capre el biancho agnello, Vene li il lupo cum dolce parole, E disse: "Figliol mio ehe tetar sole El dolce laote gracioso e bello, Come poy sofrire in tanto fello 5 E putrido sentir di capre molle. La madre tua, ch'e qui, di te si duolle, Or vien tosto da ley dulci fratello." Disse l'agnello: "La capra mi presta Come mia madre dolcissimo lacte, 10 E cossi mi nutrisse e mi modesta, Si che le voglie mie nanci son fate Con le capre de far mia vita honesta, Che contentar la gola che te bate." Non e cossa che avangi il buon consiglio, 15 Che per lo rio discende gran periglio. II. Stiando l'agnello nel barco gregie, Cioe nel gregio di sancti pastori, Goldando l'uomo nei beati cori. Eccoti il lupo cum parole sbiegie, L'enimico ch'el barbato diliegie, 5 Per farti perder cossi duolci fiori. Mostrandoti del mondo i vani honori, A se ti chiama nele triste segie. Ecco tua madre, ecco la ria speloncha, Ecco il buon lacte, eccoti il fuocho eterno 10 Ch'el demonio ti vuol porgier. Adoncha Segui l'agnello e fuzeray l'inferno. Nela tua mente da Dio non si troncha, E cossi goderay nel ben superno. Var. II. 1 nel barbato greggie. 4 parole spreggie. 408 brush [34 27. Old Dog and Master. I. El cane armato di forte natura, Lizero, forte, zovene e possente, Dal suo signore amato fortemente, Ulcidea molte fere ala verdura. Secondo che ci reze la ventura, 5 Vechio diventa, donde perse i denti. Un giorno prexe un lepore corrente, Quel disarmato lascid la pastura. La furia dil signore bate il cane, E luy rispoxe: "Fin ch'ebi l'etate 10 Fuorum ver me le fere tute vane." Ciascadum e di tanta facultade Quante le done ch'el fa cum sue mane, N6 dura amor senza prosperitade. Mai serve quel che serve l'uomo rio, 15 Che perdonar non sa l'iniquo al pio. II. El mondo e tanto al vicio sotomesso Che non cognosce del bem la radice. Boecio dice del stato felice: Vuy mi giettasti perd ch'e comesso, Stabilita non era al grado opresso. 5 Cossi mi feza l'amico infelice. Non ti meter il giovo, Paulo dice, Con gli infidelli, perche fie sopresso. Chi chom el cativo homo si nutrica, Dice Grigolo, convien che cativa 10 Sua vita facia, e com essa inimica. Quando dal cane fo la forza priva, II suo signore gli tolse la spica; Al cativo servir cossi s'ariva. Doncha zaschadun che viva 15 Se guardi da servir l'enimico, Per ch'el gli tolle dela gloria il spico. MS. II. 2 cognsce. Var. II. 4 mi privasti. 7 te poner al giovo. 35] ESOPO ZUCCARINO 409 28. Hares and Frogs. I. Per lo gran vento la selva risona, Le leproselle tute s'enfuga. Gionte al palude quasi se mittia Sottopozarsi, ma qui si consona Che riguardaudo lion vide persona, 5 Salvo che rane che se somergia, Per la gran tenia che di quelle avia, Unde gli ritorno speranza bona. Disse una d'esse: "Licito e sperare Che nuy non scianio ala timenza sole, 10 Le rane vezo per nuy dubitare." La speranza e salute d'ogni prole, E la timenza vicio da scaciare A chi teme vergogna e vertu vole. Perd spera chi teme ch'el si vede 15 Di gran periglio tornar a mercede. II. Quando fortuna sona, zascum fuze, E per gran tema quando piu si sconde, Ma quando vede altruy in maior unde, Confortasi e tanto non si struze. Le leproselle cui timenza fruze 5 Vide rane timere per le fronde, E tropo piu di lor di tema sconde, Unde per temma piu no si distruze. Cossi timendo la mortal sentenza, Per vergogna de dir nostri deffecti, 10 Nuy si scondiamo dala penitenza, Ma poy vegiando i tiribili effecti, Sotopozarsi nela obidienza, Alor dala paura siamo necti. Non ti temer di tornarte a Dio, 15 Con piu l'uomo a pecati, egli e piu pio. Var. I. 3 se ponia. Yar. 11. 2 quanto p6 se asconde. 6 le rane fugir. 7 de lor eran joconde. 12 li horribili effetti. 410 BBUSH [36 29. Wolf and Kid. I. Querando il cibo la capra si mosse Et al ovile il figlo recomanda, Eccossi luy castica e gli comanda Che non apra may l'usso per percosse, Ne per luxinghe se alchun di fuor fosse, 5 Fin che non torna cum la sua vivanda. Eccoti il lupo el diserar dimanda, Voce di capra fa cum voce grosse. "Fati lontano, il capreto gli disse, Che d'esser capra mente tua loquella, 10 E per toy ingani molti ne perisse. Che sie mia madre menti ala favella, E te eser lupo le pariete scisse Ti mostra, e no mia madre ni caprella." Perfecta e la doctrina di parenti, 15 E chi la sprexia ni riman dolenti. II. El vien a te amico over parente El qual ti doni perfecto consiglio, Amico mio, dagli tosto di piglio E tiel serato fermo nela mente. S'el ti bixogna subitanamente, 5 Uxa com esso com'al padre figlio, Lieto ti troveray cum chiaro ciglio, E tuoy nimici rimmara dolente. Com'el capreto ubidl la soa madre, Cossi debiamo ubedir fede nostra 10 Negli comandamenti de Dio padre. Guarti dal enemico che ti mostra Si come lupo parole buxarde, Sol per condurte al infernal giostra. Or doncha fugi sua giostra violente, 15 Che le anime con lui stan mal contente. M8. II. 15 violente giostra. 16 lacking. Var. I. 3 cosi lo ammonisse. 7 lupo che ad aprir. 8 Parlar d* capra. 9 Statti lontano. Tar. II. 4 E fermo tienlo stretto. 14 parole bugiadre. 15 giostra violente. After line 16 comes a Latin couplet translated: Non te diletti l'homo lusignero, Ma quel che ti correggie e dice il vero. 37] ESOPO ZUCCARINO 411 30. Peasant Who Strikes Snake. I. Avea nutrito el vilan un serpente, El serpe luy tenia per car amico. Al vilan ritornd per inimico El dito serpe subitanamente E sul capo il feri vilanamente. 5 E poy si fo pentito com'o dico, Credendo per quel fallo esser mendico, Perdon gli domandava humelmente. Disse il serpente: "I non serd securo Fin ch'el mio capo sera recordevole 10 Del colpo tuo cotanto aspero e duro. Esser non voglio piu participevole Del animo disccognosente e scuro Senza pietate e fuor de raxonevole. Offender vuol anchor chi offende pria, 15 E'l don del rio venim credo che sia. II. Quando tu servi algun di bona fe, E nel bixogno tuo ti offenda po, Un altra volta digli tu di no, Com'el serpente al vilanazo fe. Che quando gli domando poy merce 5 Dela sua injuria, poy si ricordd E disse: "Tu me feristi sul cho, Si che giamay mi fiderd di te." Adamo et Eva il dimonio tradt, Perd non ti fidar giamay di lu, 10 Che vuolentieri inganarebe ti. Servi a coluy che per nostra salu Fo passionato, ne giamay mentl, Si che cum luy ti receva lasu. i M8.I. 12 participeule. 412 brush [38 31. Stag and Sheep. I. Un giorno il cervuo ala pegra dimanda, Presente il lupo, un vaso di formento, Che la gli renda. II lupo inconteneuto Subitamente gli dice e comanda. La pecora, per la timanza granda, 5 Confessa contra suo proprio talento Di far il cervo tuto contento, Al termino che la sentencia manda. Eccoti in breve ch'el termino passa, Dimanda il cervuo la promisione; . 10 La pecora rispoxe a voce bassa: "La mia promessa non val di raxone, Che per non esser dela vita cassa, Confessa fui tua falsa questione." Pacto fato per tema val niente, 15 Ne fede a le parole del timente. II. Non esser scarso giamai di parole Quando tu poy scamparti la persona, Fa ogni pacto cum parola bone Pur che ti chiavi fuor di cotal scole. Non val ne tene, questo raxon vole, 5 Pacto facto per tema, ne consona. Ess'el promisso may di cid raxona, Digli cotal raxon uxar si suole. Cossi il pechato piu volte te chiede, Presente l'enimico, l'uomo adello, 10 Per trarlo fuori de bona fede, E cossi engana l'enimico fello. Ma s'el non fosse la justa mercede, Di nuy farebe piu volte fiagiello. Perd guardati ben da far tal pacti 15 Com el pecato, che tu no te inbrati. Var. I. 3 lupo turbulento. 4 judica e comanda. 7 De far che el cervo ne resti contento. Tar. II. 7 Esser promisso. 39] ESOPO ZUCCARINO 413 32. Bald Man and Fly. I. Yogliantio il calvo la mosca ferire, Si medesimo ferisse e quella ride. El calvo quando ritornar la vide Contra la mosca cost prese a dire: "Se to me ferischo, tu ride e mi mire, 5 E solo un colpo te abbatte e conquidej Ferirme diece volte non me occide, Per una volta te convien morire. La gratia mia a mi sta sempre pronta, E la tua trista, che e" nocente e sorda, 10 Ben tosto fie da nulla, se fie gionta" Quel che offender altrui sempre recorda, Se lo offeso vol vendicar sua onta, Xon c'e qui conscientia che el rimorda, Che ben po fir offeso quel che offende, 15 E de picol cagion gram mul descende. II. Come la mosca el calvo quivi attenta, Cost lo mondo attenta li cristiani, Quanto piu schiffa soi diletti vani, Tanto piu certo quelli li presenta. Cost penando la persona stenta 5 Hora presso te mostra, hora lontani, Ferisse spesso con pensieri strani, yd mai salvo al peccato te contenta. "Se io te ferisco pur una sol volta, El calvo dice, non harai sofrenza, 10 Che ogni possantia da te non sia tolta." Convien ferirse cun la penitenza, La falsa moscha si che sia dissolta Da el peccatore per la obedienza. A cid che schivi la sententia grave, 15 Guardati da ferir con voglie prave. MS. I. Initial V of Vogliando omitted. 3 From this point to Part II., line 3, of the next fable, No. 33, the manuscript text is lost. The lacuna has been filled from the 1479 edition. 414 BRUSH [40 33. Fox and Stork. I. La volpe invito seco la cygogna Falsariamente per darli da cena; De sot til cibo la gran concha piena Li presento senza at to di menzogna. La cycogna al mangiar par che si sogna, 5 Per che del cibo prender non pb apena, Ma saviamente puo la volpe mena A cena senza mostra de rampogna, E disse: "Arnica, perfette vivande Habiamo a cena, andiamo ciascaduna." 10 Quella se mosse ale parole blande, Mangiar potea la volpe ad una ad una Le giozze che dal longo becho spande Sopra el vaso del vetro, onde dejuna. Quel che tu non voresti, a altrui non fare, 15 A 7 ^ piaga far che potresti portare. II. Collui ch'c offeso sempre se ricorda E tutta volta pensa la vendetta, E quando pud ti la da tuta neta; Pero non dare al can che non ti morda. De non tirare di tal vicio corda, 5 Lasciala stare come maledeta, Tira la vista buona e benedeta, Che dal servire may non si discorda. Chi siegue ingano, prima offende Cristo, E poscia si conturba si medesmo, 10 E del anima sua si trova tristo. Conturba l'inganato ch'el batesmo Biastema se a vendeta non fia visto, E cossi perde Talma el cristianesmo. Non voler farti cicogna ni volpe; 15 Fa si che rio pecato no t'incolpe! MS. II. Resumes with line 3. Var. II. 7 la justa, santa e benedetta. 41] ESOPO ZUCCARINO 415 34. Wolf and Bust. I. El lupo andando fuori per un campo Ritrovd un capo ben fato per arte. Quel com el piede el volze in ogni parte, E guarda quanto e bello el dolce stampo, Che quasi mostra aver dy vita stampo. 5 Unde parlo : " Piu gientil contrafarte Non ti potria maestro hedificarte, Se solo avisti dela vita nampo, Ma tu sey senza voce e senza mente, Si che niente vale tua beleza, 10 E capo sey adoncha da niente." Cossi pertien al uomo aver destreza Dal animo, del cuor, donde possente, Savia e acorta fazia soa grandeza. El nobel cuor extingue ogni diffeto, 15 E sol nel mondo e l'animo perfecto. II. Capo di pietra fato in forma humana Trovd il lupo fuori in un bel prato. Quelo col piede il vuolgie in ogni lato, Bello gli parse ma una cossa vana. Per che da sentimenti si lontana, 5 Nol chiama piu esser capo beato. Da luy si parte cossi sconsolato, E'l capo lasa come cossa strana. Cossi l'uomo tristo e doloroso, Che in questo mondo come un zocho vive, 10 E tuto il tempo suo sta ocioso, N6 may si trova che da luy dirive, Salvo che lamentarsi estar pensoso, Temando che luxura non si prive. Nfc a Dio nft al mondo cotal homo atende, 15 Se tu gli servi, par che tu Poffende. Var. II. 2 capo d'huom fatto. 5 de vita scampo. 8 vita vanpo. Var.II. After line 16 is a Latin couplet translated: Pero che ogni servir servitio vole, Servi con fede a chi servir te sole. 416 brush [42 35. Cbow in Peacock Feathers. I. Vestisse el corvo d'una zentil piuma D'un bel pavon, ch'el trovo nela via. Costui s'adorna, costuy si polia, E di superbia monto sula cima, E di star fra pavoni fa sua stima, 5 E non si teme aver sua compagnia. Quando di questo i pavon s'avedia, Luy dispoglio, e luy bate e dilima, "Chi trope vole, e il corvo alora parla, El tuto lassa, e cade nel estreme, 10 Vogliendo la natura sua sforzarla. El corpo mio, che nudo langue e gieme, La vesta sua potria lieta portarla, La donde poverta ville me preme." Coluy che lascia il suo per tuor 1'altruy, 15 Ignorante di se disorta luy. II, El corvo e l'uomo al mondo baratero, Che nel mondo percaza grandi officii, E quand'e grande fa de molti assticii, Rubando Polo, Martino e Si Piero. E poy quando si vede bien altiero 5 E vestito digli altri beneficii, Tra grandi va, ne teme malefici, Tanto chi vien falito suo pensiero. Sopra gli vien subito la fortuna, Ch'el mena al fondo e tuto lo dispoglia, 10 E fagli il di parer di note bruna. Ay quanto e duro sofrir tal doglia! Ne in questo mondo n'e persona alguna De non pigliati azoglia. Di voler tor l'altruy per algun modo, 15 Che tosto vien ch'el se desficha il chiodo. Var.I. 1 bianca piuma. 16 deserta. Before line 1 is a Latin couplet translated: Se tu voi far alcuna cosa grande, Mensura el tuo poder quanto si spande. Var. II. 2 Che d'ognhora. 9 Da poi gli sopragionge la. 13 Im- percio che non e. 14 Che del suo male non ne pigli zoglia. 15 Deh! non tor tu lo altrui. 43] ESOPO ZUCCARINO 417 36. Mule and Fly. I. La mula carcha dal pexo dolente Dal mulater offexa piglia il corso. La moscha minazando i da di morso, E disse: ''Dorme tuo piede corrento, Curri liziera via subitamente. 5 Non sentime riemica del tuo dorso, Che contra el ponzer mio non a socorso?" La mula gli rispuoxe a mantinente: "Per che tu suoni grande, mostrar vuoy Che tu sie grande, ma di te non dubito, 10 Ne temo te ne le minace touoy. Temo coluy che col suo grave cubito Spesso mi bate nely accesi suoy, E'l grave pondo ch'el mi poni subito." Non teme il tristo al forte minazare, 15 Quando c'e tempo ch'egli il possa fare. II. Se nel aversita recevi injuria, Non temer li minace del dimonio, Che Dio sempre sera tuo tistimonio A liberarti da sua mortal furia. Tutora Dio il sofferente alturia, 5 Quando gli piace, il bate col suo conio. Tute l'altre minace son insonio, Tu solo timi Dio e la sua curia. San Gieronimo dice ch'el fastidio De l'inimicho sempre sta solicito 10 Per condur l'uomo al enfernal astidio. Escenipio dela mula te fia licito, Che non teme dela moscha l'ensidio, Ma teme il proprio suo signore hospicito. Adoncha questo recogli felicito, 15 E tale exempio fa che te sia placito. MS. II. 16 lacking. Var.I. 16 Quando non teme che esso el possi fare. Tar. II. 15 racogli e state tacito. 26 418 brush [44 37. Fly and Ant. I. La mosca mosse lite ala formica; "Trista che stay enele oscure cave, E per fatica duri pene grave, Et i'6 la nobel casa per arnica, E'l chiaro vin bever non mi faticha, 5 E tu t'afondi nele fece prave, El baso dono ale golte soave Dele regine per usanza anticha." Ripose la formica: "I'vivo in pace Nela mia cava, e tu sempre in rancura. 10 I fati tuoy a tuto el mondo spiace; Bevando il vino vivi cum paura; El falivello ti da bote penace, E'l fredo inverno ti da morte dura." Vien odio e pace segondo il contendere, 15 Che odio e fede suol la lingua rendere. IL Se la cativa lingua ti contende, Serra le orechie e refrena la alduta, Pero che ogni resposta sie perdua, E zS da vertu vien chi no gli atende. Ma si discreta lingua ti riprende, 5 Quela come humeltate tu salua, Per che vertute in ley e divolua, Ghe scaza l'odio e la fede comprhende. Prima vertute e constringere la lingua, Dice Catone nel suo bel volume, 10 A zS che ogni mal dir da ley se stingua. Lingua che nel mal dir prende costumme, Dice San Sisto, e di malicia pregna, Che dal animo rio lingua fa lumme. Or colglete le summe 15 De non seguir el vicio dela moscha, E la formica per vuy se cognoscha. MS. II. 2 line ends with refrena. Var.I. 2 che jaci. 3 soffri. 7 ale guanze. 11 La tua natura a tutto. 13 botte tenace. 15-16 guerra for odio. Var.II. 2 Chiudi le orechie. 13 malicia pingua. 45] ESOPO ZUCCAEINO 419 38. Fox, Wolf and Monkey Judge. I. Davanti da Meser lo Simioto, Quale era zuxe, il lupo dimanda Ala volpe per furto, e'la negava Ogni dimanda, tuta moto a moto. El judice, che non era ben docto, 5 Di saper leze tra luy simulava, E secreto di mente si pensava, E la sentencia soa diede diboto. Al lupo disse: "Tua dimanda e frodo, Ne tue parole son digne di fede, 10 N& la tua propria fe no gli dar lodo. E tu, volpe, col vitio dele arede, Ben megi il furto come uxevol modo, Or fate pace ch'io ve do mercede." Non sa lasciar gli engani i malfactori, 15 E cum piu vive diventa pizori. II : El lupo cum la volpe fa tenzone, Dimandando per furto, e quela nega. Ecco doe que limoxine s'alega, La gola e l'avaricia fa questione. La gola non vuol perdere soa raxone, 5 E l'avaricia la sua borsa strenga. El judice, che sua sentencia spiega, Salvo di pace fa comandaxone. Come far pace pu6 quivi la gola? Gula dimanda solo per si sola, 10 No largeza ma prodegalitate, Avaricia non cura dignitate, Ingana ghioca sempre roba e invola E desliale senza veritate. L'un diserta e l'altro si consnma, 15 Doncha fugite sua cativa suma. Var. I. 2 Fatto judice. Var. II. 3 Ecco che due elemosine. 6 borsa lega. After line 16 comes a Latin quotation from Sallust translated: Per che lo avar no Be riposa ma, Non po acquistar sciencia ne bontft. 420 brush [46 39. Febbet and Mouse. I. La donola avea prexo un topo grande, Intanto l'uomo prexe la mustella. Dimandando perdon quella favella: "Justo e'l perdon a me juste dimande, El tuo nimicho, che quivi s'apande, 5 Cum sua zenia la mia possa martella, Tenir me dey como cara sorella, Che tuoi nemici ligo, ucido e prande." "Per l'utel tuo l'animo prompto e rio Ucide i rati, l'uomo prexe a dire, 10 Per esser soil a a roder el pan mio, Credendo l'enemico far perire, II suo nemico agranda, dove io Ti penso per gli damni far morire." Non e che adorni il facto de niente, 15 S'el non c'e l'uopra, e'l fructo dela mente. II. Chi libero non serve, nulla valle, Per ch'el premio refrena il buon volere. Cossi l'uopra mostra suo podere Come a servite sua voglia gli calle. Credendo l'enemico farti malle, 5 Talor ti serve senza suo piacere, L'amico ancora talora cadere Ti fa, crendo servir liberalle. El justo l'enimico spesso atenta, Credendo luy tor giu di buon talento, 10 E la possa de Dio piu l'argumenta. Ecco sul tristo ch'a falso argumento, Con piu fi consigliato, piu tormenta, E piu s'aferma al rio proponimento. La mustella ucidea il suo nimico, 15 Inimicando se mostrava amico. Var. I. 8 nemici uccido e ne fo sangue. Tar. II. 2 referma. 4 a servire sua voglia li sale. 47] ESOPO ZUCCARINO 421 40. Frog and Ox. I. La rana, per volierse simigliare Al bove di persona e de grandeza, Si messe voler farsi a sua gualeza, E feramente se prexe a sgonfiare. El figliol suo gli dixe : " Dey ! non fare ! 5 C'al bove sey niente de pareza, E s'el non cessa quela tua fereza, Ben levemente potresti crepare." CorrozOssi feramente la rana, E di sgonfiarsi sforza sua natura, 10 Credendosi compir sua voglia vana. Unde sgonfiata fuor dela mexura, Li enteriori cade in tera piana. Si clie disfata jace sua figura. Non voglia al grande el pizol simigliarsi, 15 Consiglisi e voglia temperarsi. II. Guardative, signor, farvi ranochia, Ne vi sconfiati per vostra superba, E lacio et inflacio non si surba, Cipriano dice, ne Cristo le adochia, Ma del dimonio son cotal panochia, 5 E Dio d'umilitate chiede l'erba. Sgonfiati vuy crepati a pena acerba, E poy l'anime vostre non sornochia. Vuy pur volete, signor, farvi grande, Piu che non vi richiede la natura, 10 La quale sempre suol masticar jande. E quando sete nel altru pastura, Vuy vi sgonfiati dele sue vivande, Le qual crepati cade ala verdura. El ben mondano vuy lasciati in terra, 15 E col nemico 1'anima s'aferra. Var. I. 3 Se puose. 16 Pria se consigli. Var. II. 2 per voglia superba. 3 die la negra palude non ve wrba. 12 Le qual ve fan crepar. 422 brush [48 41. Lion and Shepherd. I. Al leon intr6 una spina nel pede, E zopegando vide un pegoraro, II qual un buon castrato iprexentaro, Querando a luy pieta di buona fede. El lion ver luy cuz humelta procede, 5 Porsiglie il pede, che dovesse traro La spina fuori, e quel gela cavaro. Unde il lion si gli rese mercede. Prexo il leone fo conduto a Roma, Con molte fere dentro dala rena. 10 Digno di morte il pecoraro anoma, E tra le fiere per suo cibo il mena, Liberdl il leon di cotal soma, Unde Romani l'ira sua rafrena. Non si de il merto vilmente scaciare, 15 Del beneficio se dian ricordare. i II. Coluy che serve may non pud perire, Se tropo gravy pechati nol tocha, Ma quando quelo che pecati inbrocha Va zopegando e quaxi non pud zire, Per ch'el pecato nol lascia guarire, 5 E cossi sta fermato nela gocha, E quando a penitencia si discrocha, Rimedio trova che non pu6 perire. Cossi il leone trovd medexina Et aiutato dal justo pastore, 10 Che lietamente gli trasse la spina. Cossi consola certo il pecatore L'animo a Dio quando mal se destina, E subito ritorna al suo factore. Chi serve a Dio, perir non pud zamay, 15 E sempre schiva i dolorosi guay. Var. I. 3 castrato e hebbe'l caro. 6 piede per trovar riparo. 7 Quel gli cavo la spina e il duol amaro. 14 Und'el popul roman. Var. II. 2 Ma se grande peccato troppo el tocha. 3 Come fa quel che da el chiodo se imbrocha. 5 Cosl el pecato non se pd guarire. 8 pd morire. 11 li cavo. 13 quando ben. 49] ESOPO ZUCCARINO 423 42. Horse and Liox. I. Pasturando il cavallo in un bel prato, Vene il leon per voler lui manzare, E sue parolle prexe simulare: "Medico son nel arte amaistrato, Se tu vien mecho, i'te faro beato." 5 Prima il cavalo prexe pensare Al frodo, e per voler luy inganare Disse: "Credo che Dio t' a qui mandato, Malatia grande nel mio pede sento." El lion vogliendo mostrar medecina, 10 Quel cum suoy calci gli diede tromento, Unde suoy menbri sopiti dechina. Disse il lion: "Per falso pensamento Sostegno male e greve disiplina." Non voler farti quel che tu non sey, 15 Che tu non cadi neli accessi rey. II. Homo cativo, a cui mal far dileta, Per che mutar ti voy di tua natura? Non vede tu che la justa mesura Giamay non calla, ma stassi perfecta? Vedi il leone che vuol dar dieta, 5 Medicinando fuor per la verdura, Unde il cavallo gli fici paura Quando di calci gli diedi la streta. Cossi nel falso nemico sempre incalza L'uomo che chietamente in pace vive, 10 Et in sua vanagloria sempre s'alza. Idio, che may non vuol ch'el justo prive, Com' el suo signo gli fa dar di calza, Quando signato s'a zaschun che vive. Per6 d'offender altruy ciaschun si schive, 15 Per che Voffeso in mar more lo scrive. MS. II. 16 lacking. Var.II. 5 leone come ben se assetta. After line 16 is a La l in couplet translated: Se tu hai nemici, non li vilipendere, Sapi chi pensan sempre mai de offendere. 424 brush [50 43. Horse and Ass. I. Del freno, dele barde e dela sella Alegrassi el cavallo tanto bello, E superbisse contra l'asinello Offexo dala carga grave e fella. Ver luy disse cum fera favella: 5 "Occuri al tuo signore, miserello." Fortuna tosto gli volsi mantello, Luy smagra, batte, luy spoglia e flagiella. Nel asino scontrossi, et el gli disse: "Se Dio ti salve! Dov'e il gientil freno, 10 La respiendente sella, e l'altre arnisse? Como sey di grasieza giunto al meno, Che magrega ti preme in tute guisse, Manchati orzo, spelta, vena o feno!" Ne i ben vani non voler credere, 15 Ne'l povero offender, che tu poy cadere. II. Or puoni niente ala falsa sembianga Ch'el mondo porze nela vanagloria, Che quanto monti e quanto piu ta gloria Cotanto piu ti trovy buffa e zanga. Quanto ti mostra piu ligiadra stanca, 5 Tanto piu tuolti da Dio la memoria, E quanto credi aver maior victoria, Tanto piu tosto cade tua bilanza. Non odi tu come l'asino dice: "Dov'e la sella, il freno esi le barde? 10 Dov'e di tua superbia la radice, Per che nel ben mazar cotanto tarde? Dov'e il buon feno e del grano le spice, Per che sey maceo, e or per che non s'arde ? " Queste cosse buxarde 15 Chi mostra il mondo e poy di nuy caleffa, E col nemico ce lassa ale ceffa. Var. I. 6 Va nanti al. Var. II. 5 legiadra danza. 14 non pice. 15 cose felice. 12 Line 13 precedes line 12. After line 17 is a Latin couplet translated: Nisun se fidi del tempo sereno, Che spesso el muta aspetto e volgie el freno. 51 ] ESOPO ZUCOARINO 435 44. Bat, Birds and Beasts. I. Faceano insieme una grande bataglia Tuti gli ucelli contra gli animali, E la victoria stava tra le ali Degli ucelli, che le fere travaglia. El vespertiglio par che non si calgla 5 Contra gli ucelli dar corpi mortali, Abandonando soy compagni equali, Contra lor vuole che sua possa vaglia. Possa vegiando lassua possa grande Che avean gli ucelli per l'aquila forte, 10 Subitamente alor si torna e rande. Comandando gli ucelli amare sorte Gli diede c'al volar l'ale non spande Salvo la note, in pena dela morte. Chi offende la sua patria e fuor de honori, 15 Servessi injustamente duy signori. II. Oldi novella che qui el berbistrello Stava sicuro a dir viva chi vienge! Ora da l'una parte, or torna a quinge, Or viva il leo! Et or viva l'ucello! Cossi l'uomo cativo e topinello, 5 El qual de lialtate mai si finge, Ma sempre nel mal far si liga e cinze, Sempre metendo mal da questo a quello. Cossi coluy il qual non t\ fermeza, Vasi ala chiexa e sta molto divoto, 10 E com'e fuori e di pezor fereza. Al berbistrello fo dato andar di noto, CossI chi siguirano cotal treza Nel profondo d'abisso avera suo scoto. L'apostol dice ben ni si compensa 15 De Cristo e del dimonio la lor mensa. Var. I. lie pande. Var. II. 12 Al barbastel di notte andar e noto. 14 suo voto. 10 in una mensa. 426 brush [52 45. Hawk and Nightingale. I. Cantava dolcemente il risignolo, Sul nido suo lieto si dieportava; Intanto il sparavero gli rivava, El nido gli asaltd, ch'era nel bruolo. Quela suplicd a luy cum grave duolo. 5 "Canta soave," il sparivero parlava. El risignuol piu dolce ancor cantava, Per tema che non manzasse il figliolo. Quella cantando avea nel core doglia. El sparaveri grido: "Tu mal canti." 10 E presente la madre il figlio spoglia. Cossi convien che di dolor s'amanti E senza morte la morte ricoglia Dal cor roduto da gravosi pianti. Merita il rio mal fin e mala vita, 15 E teme l'arte che justi merita. II. El risignuolo canta dolcemente Per guardar ch'el suo nido non fia guasto; El sparaveri, per rubargli il pasto, Vuol che di canto piu dolce il contente. E cossi fa la dolorosa mente 5 Del uxeraro, quando da di tasto Al puover huomo gli mete tal basto, Che lasciar gli conviem canpi e zumente. Canta via dolce, e quel gli puorta l'uova, Canta piu dolce, e'l gli da la galina, 10 Ancor piu dolce, a la biada nuova, Tropo piu dolce, e vutagli le scrina. Cossi come i figlioli fame pruova, E mendicando fa vita topina, Ne may si menda questi sciagurati, 15 Maledeti da Dio e biastemati, Usurari suogeti ala rapina. Var. I. 15 che male vita. 16 Sempre ha menato e poi pena infinita. Var. II. 3 sparver che poi li robbd. 12 e voltagli la schina. After line 16 come three additional lines of text: O anima meschina! Che mai se pente deli soi peccati. Doppo la morte vassen tra dannati. 53] ESOPO ZUCCAKINO 427 46. Fox Betbays Wolf. I. Aveva il lupo furato un agnello, La volpe ver luy parlava lieta, E disse: "Dove sta tua vita cheta? Di te me meraveglio, car fradello." E quello a ley come riguardo fello: 5 "Di pregar Dio per mi non cessi in freta. Puoi volentieri troveresti meta Di furar cid che col dente flagello." Partisse quella vergogiiosa e grama, El pecorar sula campagna vide, * 10 Qual feramente a se parlando chiama, E disse: "II lupo l'agnel tuo divide." Mostragli il luocho, e quel d'ira s'infiama, Corsegli drieto e quelo junto ucide. Per invidia perisse chi rapina, 15 Per gli altruy damni in suoy damni ruina. II. Eccoti il lupo aver l'agniello tolto, E divoralo suol per si soleto. Et ecoti la volpe cum dilecto Fraudevolmente fargli lietto volto. Cossi coluy che in le bragald'e involto, 5 El soto cozo vien che sa il diffeto, E tutora gli mostra chiaro aspeto Per aver parte di quel ch'a disolto. E quando vide che coluy ghel nega, Dice tra se: "Dar&tila per ponto." 10 E come il suo signor gli da la piega. Quando il signore il ciagurato il giunto E vede che di certo el gli e la frega, Segondo sua justicia el fa difonto. Idio prima punisse il rubatore, 15 E simelmente poy l'acusatore. Var. I. 6 per me non te affreta. 14 Ma quel dietro li corse e'l lupo occide. 16 sua vita ruina. Var. II. 5 le maghagne e. 14 defuncto. 428 brush [54 47. Stag and Antlebs. I. Speculavasi il cervo nel chiaro fonte, Ito per bevere ala fresca fontana, E superbisse della gloria vanna Delle ramose corne del suo fronte. Poy si lamenta delle magre zonte 5 Dele sue cambe. Et ecco per la piana Latrando cani, e quel cum voce sana Le gambe priega c'al correr sian pronte. Fuzando il cervo nel boscho discese, E cum le corne luonge ch'el avia 10 Ingateglidssi senza far difexe. Intanto i cazatori 11 venia, E subito quel cervo ligd e prexe, Dala speranza offexo vana e ria. Sprexia quel die ci giova e gran mateza, 15 Quel che ci noce, abiamo per legreza. II. Come tu vidi, il cervo quivi preso Fu per la vannagloria delle corne, Che piu non vada ne piu retro torne Di ce le frasche da cuy son contexo. Eccosi l'uomo dalla fonte offexo, 5 Cioe dal mondo in cuy spechiar ti scorni, Per lo pecato prexo, unde sozorne, E nel peccato convien star alexo. Quando sentisti che latrava i cani, Cioe il demonio che ti sottomesse, 10 Alora cognosesti i pensier vanni. Tu pregavi le gambe che corresse, Cioe la penetenza ma lo lontani, Tropo eram fati tuoi penser da esse. Per gli pecati si porta le penne, 15 Perd zaschadun si sforza di far benne. Var. I. 7 Latrar li cani ma la voce il sana. 16 noce haverlo per legrezza. Var II. 2 per lo desiderio. 4 Di con le frasche dale qual fu appreso. 55] ESOPO ZDCCARINO 429 48. Knight and Widow. I. Duolsi la donna del marito priva, E nocte e di la sepoltura abraza. Eccoti un ladro ala croce s'alaza, La guardia forte la note si tinia, Andd ala tomba e la dona queriva 5 Che gli porzesse bevre in una caza, Apresso qib d'amor quela bonaza. Quella consente senza voglia schiva, Possa la guardia ritornd ala croce, ,, Trovd ch'el ladro gli era tolto via. 10 Ala donna tornd cumme humel voce: " Oimfc ! Come de far la vita mia ! " "Non dubitar," quela dice feroce. E sula croce il marito metia. Teme i vivi paura, e morti pena, 15 Et a mal fin femena l'uopra mena. II. Vedi la donna pianzer il marito E poy cavarlo dela sepoltura. Vedi malicia propria e non sciagura Poner luy in croce essendo morto. O peccato mortale istabelito 5 Che non temi vergogna ne paura, Luxuria in cui non si trova mesura, Unde pifl parte del mondo e perito. La dona il suo marito abraza e strinze, Cioe luxuria abraza questo mondo, 10 E quanto puo a se il tira e constrinze, Poy il mete in croce col suo grave pondo. Cun Palturio del inimico il vinze, E trabucar il faze nel profondo. Non 6 nel mondo terribel pecato 15 Quanto ch'e questo, ne piu scelerato. Var. I. 3 ala forcha. 6 in una taccia. 7 quella percaccia. 11 donna ne vien. 14 sula forcha; ponia. 15 Temen vivi vergogna. Var. II. 4 chi era sepelito. 12 E doppo in croce el pone con gruo pondo. 15 horribel. 430 brush [56 49. Youth and Harlot. I. Per l'arte sua la blandente bagassa Un gioveneto trasse al falso amore, Dicendo: "0 vita, spene del mio core! Tu sey coluy che possar non mi lassa, II tuo amore si com el mio s'acassia, 5 Che esser denno inseme d'un colore. Son serva tua, voglio che si segnore Del corpo mio, ch'al tuo voler s'abassa." E quello a ley: "O dolce mia speranza! Sum tuo, sie mia, tuto mi ti abandono. 10 In me giamay non troveray falanza. Ma fami avere il gracioso dono, Dale parole ai fati dubitanza, Come gia fece l'enfengibel sono." Chi ama la bagassa pud crerre 15 Ch'ela non ama luy, ma si l'averre. II. Eccoti qui le false meretrice, Deslialtate e simulatione. Eccoti due perfect© compagnone A farti perdere l'anima felice. Simula falsamente sua radice 5 Per condur l'uomo a disperatione, Poy dal enimico vien temptatione, Che ti consiglia del stato infelice: "Io son in tuto toa, O vita mia!" Eccoti qui simulare il contrario: 10 "Cossi sie mio," come una voce pia. Ecco deslialtate, color vario; "Viver non posso, s'io non 6 tua guya." Cossl perisse il giusto per falsario, Tu credi ch'el mondan dilecto t'ama, 15 Ma per farti perire a se ti chiama. Var. I. 4 che in requie. 5 amor con el mio cosi se amassa. 6 de- veno. 15 pd ben sapere. 57] ESOPO ZUCCARINO 431 50. Fatheb and Son. I. II padre castigava so figliolo, E'l figliolo al padre non crede niente, Sempre il contrario piglia nela mente, Unde suo padre molte se ne duolo, E quando il figlio falla com'el suolo 5 El padre bate i fanti duramente, E sempre a castigarlo e sofrente, E di sua mente questa faula tuolo: " Figliol, la man maestra del bovolcho Puose il vitello in giovo com'el bove, 10 Simel a quel del ixola del colcho, Unde il bovolcho tal parole move: 'Ara via lieto che'l convien ch'el solcho.' " El giovene dal vechio impare e trove Molto gioua cautela di dotrina 15 Per ch'el minor al major si dichina. II. Perd che fui di vuy primo creatore, Adamo vi creai per primo padre Eva ve trassi vostra prima madre, Moyse ve diedi per gubernatore, Abram, Ysach, Jacob, consiliatore, 5 Che di virtude ve mostro le quadre. Tuti propheti cum viste ligiadre, Verita disse e non fo mentitore. Tuti costor vi frustay davanti Per castigarvi per lor gran martire, 10 E vuy pur nel mal far seti constanti. El mio dolce figiol cum gran dexire Tra vuy manday cum humeli sembianti; Vuy per invidia lo fisti morire. Non ve castigard com padre figlio, 15 Poy che voglite l'eterno periglio. MS. II. 1 nuy. Var. I. 4 padre ne sente gran duolo. 5 figlio comette alcum dolo. 6 il servo. 9 mente fa questo revolo. 16 declina. Var. II. 1 vui for nuy. 432 BRUSH [58 51. Vipeb and File. I. Intro una serpa in casa d'un feraro Per la gran fame, e riguardando prima In bocha prexe una tagliente lima, Vogliendo ley del tuto rosegaro. La lima alora cominzd parlaro 5 E disse: "II morso mio non se dilima Ma tuti i ferri in farina sublima, Si ch'el tuo morso non pud dubitaro; Com el mio morso vincho ogni metalo, Le aspre piano, com el dento mio, 10 Le tropo longe alia misura callo, E quele da foraro foro io, Si ch'el tuo minazare e grave fallo. I'rido, e tu pianzeray del morso rio." Ami el men forte sempre il piil possente, 15 Ne luy contrari perche fia perdente. II. Qui ti consiglia il perfeto maestro Che sempre debie amar l'uomo valente, Ne contradirgli ponto de niente, Che per sua forza ti pu6 far sinestro. Mira quanto l'exempio ti da dextro 5 De la serpe che per fame dolente Roder volea la lima cum suo dente, Che men il teme che bolza balestro. Simelmente non contender Dio, Ma sempre ama luy e la sua corte, 10 Come justo signor possente e pio. E quando fame ti gieta le sorte D'ofendre il povereto amico mio, Lascialo in pace che e di te piu forte, E ama sempre zaschuz tuo consorte; 15 Lieto ti troverai doppo la morte. MS. II. 14 sorte. 16 lacking. Var. I. 7 in polvere. 8 Si ch'el tuo dente mal non mi p6 fare. 13 e vano e frallo. Var. II. 3 over for de. 9 tu cosi non. )9j ESOPO ZUCCAIUXO 433 52. Wolves and Sheep. I. Per to moltnii Bieure, e per io cam'. Da lupi si tenian le peccorelle. A lupi molto spiace tal novelle, Che contra loro stiano franche e sane. Tregua com esse fece una dimane 5 Per inganare quelle misserelle, E per ostaxo il can domanda a quelle. Elle si mosse ale promesse vane E'l cane per ostaxo ai lupi dona. Un altro pigno poy da lupi prexe, 10 Che a nullo obprobrio de lupi consona. I lupi ver di lor mosse contexe, Che avean roto et a nulla perdona, Dilacerando lor senza difexe. Sicur cossa e salvar chi el pud defendere, 15 S'el mancha l'enimico gli pud offendere. II. Quando tu ay un perfecto avocato Simelmente procurator Hale, Amico mio, tientelo per cotale, Che l'altra parte non ti faza mato. Non oldi tu, come te dice Cato, 5 Da secreto consiglio al tuo sodale, Se Pabandoni, tu ne rivi male, Et al dissoto cadi al primo trato, Al compromessa la setta lupina Subitamente ti ricorre adosso 10 Ch'ay posta tua raxon perfecta e fina. Dice gli tuoy: "Piu aitar non ti posso, Che Pinstituta e'l codego defina La dove lupi fa boehon phi grosso." Chi dala penitenza s'abandona, 15 Subito l'enimico adosso sprona. Var. I. 1 Per guardia del monton. 4 siano. 6 le triste miserelle. 13 rotto el patto. Var. II. 2 un tuo fator liale. 11 Questi fan tua rason. 27 434 brush [60 53. Man and Trees. I. L'uomo luprega el boscho ch' el gli presti Un manico, che non gli val usare La sua secure che non puo tagliare, Unde convien che da luy la rivesti. Coluy consente i maltalenti presti, 5 E l'uomo il boscho cominzfi truncare, Cun la sicure quel tuto disfare Dentro e di fuore cum fere tempesti. " Io perischo, alora il boscho disse, Istesso son caxon del mio periglio, 10 Per lo mio ligno mia vita perisse, Per lo dom ch'el vilano da di piglio A disfarmi quel sua man si ardisse, Cossl ci afonda el nimico consiglio." Guardati di dar favore al tuo nemico, 15 Che com el tuo medesmo fie mendico. II. Ala sicure ch'el manico mancha, Dimanda l'uomo al bosco che g"el dia. Coluy a soy malfari consentia, E l'uomo luy disfar may non si stancha. Cossi coluy che l'enimico afrancha, 5 Per gli suoy doni porta mala via, Truovasi in scelerata malatia Tosto cadere, dove il vicio brancha. Dela folia e del mondo dito e quivi, E contra l'enimico alcuna parte, 10 Per dar axempio a color che son vivi. Chi al dimonio presta il suo sarte, Convien che nel profondo mal dirivi, Perd che de mal far uxa quela arte. Or rote son le carte. 15 Non c'e niuno che vero ti dicha, Se tu gli servi, et el ti da la fieha. Var. I. 1 rechiede. 4 che gli la. 13 con sue mani ardisse. Var. II. 9 De la folia del. 17 te fa poi. 61] ESOPO ZDCOARINO 435 54. Dog and Wolf. I. Scontrosi il lupo nel cane e si dice: "La copia di buon cibi che tu gusti Politi e grassi monstra gli tuoy busti." El can rispuose: "Mia vita felice Facio di came, faxam e perdice, 5 Per che i ladri discazo e salvo i justi." "Tiecho voglio che mia vita si frusti," II lupo si disse, e'l can a luy suplice. Vegiando il lupo i pilli dela gola Ch'eran caduti al cane, luy dimanda: 10 "Per qual caxon?" E il gli disse: "Sola Per la morsura mia, ch'e tropo granda, Ligami il giorno." II lupo tal parole Disse : " Non voglio che gola mi prenda," Liberta non si vende ben per oro, 15 Quel don celeste passa ogni texoro. II. Salvando quela prima alegoria E la sententia non bene pro toto, Convienmi refiorir un altro moto Com'el doctore mi da vigoria. Io non so dir si ben com'io voria, 5 Ben che l'animo di zo si dinoto, Ma quanto posso in me comprendo e noto, Per non scriver in van la rima mia. Nota qui ch'el dimonio dal inferno Mostra di compagnarsi a l'uomo justo 10 So per condurlo nel abisso etemo, Ma quando vede il col di pilli frusto, Zoe di pecati, volzesi in alterno, Ne vuol sentir di penitenza il gusto. Cosi el predicator, s'io ben discerno, 15 A ti vol nulla a predicar lo inferno. MS. II. 15-16 lacking. Var. I. 3 grossi. 8 E questo el lupo al cane anchor redice. Var. II. 6 sia di eio devoto. 7 quanto io so, cio che conprhendo, noto. 436 brush [G2 55. Belly and Members. I. I piedi cum le mane si lamenta Del ventre suo, che occioxe vivo, E disse a luy: "Senza faticha prive El guadagno che nostra vita stenta, Or soffrisse la fame dolenta, 5 Che tanto ingordo e tristo eser solive." Di dargli da manzar le man son schive, La donde il corpo sua vita tromenta. Misericordia il corpo dimandava. La man avara niente gli vuol dare, 10 La donde il corpo a fin pericolava. E possa quando luy vuolse aiutare, El corpo non pud piu, che non parlava, Unde insieme convien pericolare. Asay per se non fe sol la persona 15 Se non perdoni altrui, a te perdona. II. II ventre si simiglia al fontichare, E si le membre agli altri mercadanti. Finch'al fonticho dura esta constanti, Niun di loro puo pericolare. Come il fonticho vien abandonare, 5 E che nel mercandar sono distanti, De signori diventa tristi fanti, >.~e'l fonticho non gli pud piu aiutare. Similemente a nuy e sancta chiexa Fonticho justo dele anime nostre, 10 Finche la oservi, sempre fa difexa, Contra il nemico com el quale tu chiostre. Ma se pur tua malicia fi represa, Convien che perdi le beate chiostre. Verb non abandonar quel che ti giova, 15 Ne contra il tuo miglior non pigliar prova. M8. I. 15 till'a. II. 13-14 lacking. Var. I. 5 fame violenta. 15-Utel per se non 6 sol la persona. Var. II. 12 giostre. G3] esopo zuccarixo 437 56. Ape and Fox. I. Lamentasi la simia dela lacha Contra la volpe e dela soza nadega, E disse: "La toa coda molto radega, Che spazando la terra ogn'or si stracha. Un puocliolin del peso che ti fracha 5 A mia sozura si faria paradega, Che tanto forte non parria sylvatica." "Seriami aconza quella che ti mancha, Disse la volpe, a mi non par chi noxa, La coda mia mi par cnrta e legiera, 10 Lamentomi che non e phi gravoxa. Nangi volio che per la terra fera Che faza honore a tua lacha stizoxa, Ne faci acossa cossi soza spera." El tropo sempre par puoco al avaro, 15 E'l puoclio tropo al puover homo paro. II. O avaricia, misera consorte! Seneca dice che qnal pi\1 t'abraza, Piu cade in povertade e piu s'alaza. Quanto concupiscendo sta piu forte Ay radice d'ogni male sorte, 5 Dice San Paulo, a quel che a te sissiaza. Salamon dice che turbida faza A tua famiglia fai, se tu la porte. Adoncha non vogliete farvi volpe, Coprete le sue carne al puovereto, 10 Ne lasciatel perir per vostre colpe. Idio mando per nostro gran difecto In terra a judicar sue proprie polpe, Ne avaro vi fu del proprio aspecto, Per6 zaschun di zO prenda l'effecto. 15 E sia ben liberal al poveretto. MS. I, 7; //, 16 lacking. Var. I. 1 simia verghognosa. 4 Che scopando terren te e pon- derosa. 5-6 La cosa che te e tanto faticosa, Fariasse a mia sociura adatta e praticha. 8 Stariiunmi ben <|uella che ti e nogliosa. 9 ehfl me sia. 10 La coi conosce quest i topinelli Fin che nel soldo dura suo furore, 10 E quando e cassi riman miserelli Abandonati da ciasc-luim signore. Xe'l ospetale vuol recever quelli Fina nel inferno fuge el MM /mzorc. Ben che sua vita mostra bella vita, 15 Certo nel mondo nonne la pid trista. MS. II. 14 last half of line lacking. Var. I (1483). 11 E de addurla al inferno. 12 Riguardando ciascun di quella il caso. 15 se stuppa. Var. II. 15 bella vista. After the fable comes a Latin OOUptei translated: Entri in la nostra scola chiunque usan- \<>l OOD gU l>oni. c li altri lasse stare. 446 brush [72 Cancionetta. Volume mio quel poco d'argumento II qual tu spandi so che biaxemato Seray per zaschun lato. Per li sogieti di mortal peccati Non ti curare dil suo mal talento, 5 Che coluy che non vuol fir consigliato Si riman scelerato. E nele fine vasi tra damnati Ay doloroxi tristi sciagurati, Che non cognose comme il mondo attento, 10 Per gir come fa il vento. Si sta non aspetando il piu beato, Tirando al fondo quel che maior stato, E nel mal fare pur si stan fichati. Quando sie condemnati, 15 Riposserassi poscia nel tremento, , Se biaxemato fia il compilatore, Di star in tal errore. Perd non fia scuxato quel che falla, C'el suo vitio non calla, 20 Che simigliante del predicatore. Or sta constante si che non si stalla, Di mandar la tua balla, Dov'e pill turba di gran peccatore, Che gli mostra il terore. 25 Che nel profondo dove non si balla. ( Dimanda perdonanza a cuy recresse Le tue parole messe Disordinate fuori di tua rima, Ma nondimeno fa ch'el si sublima 30 L'efecto al alta cima, Si che del tuto non sio sottomesse. Var. 10 che non vedete. 12 Aspettando di voi el. 1479 ed. at Bibl. Nat'le ends with line 22: the 1483 edition shows no further variations of importance. 73] ESOPO ZUCCARINO 447 Can zone. Qui si conchude il fin del opra mia, Che si contene avanti nel principio Del polito hedifficio, Ch'el buon doctore irii dond luy stesso. O examinato in omni allegoria 5 Coliendol il fiore per lo primo indicio, E per lo beneficio II fructo retentivo o fermo messo, L'un dopo l'altro seguitando apresso, Per haver doppo il fin qualche memoria. 10 E per die questa ystoria Per me volgarizando 6 posta in rima, Cogliendo di sentencia la piu cima, E in volgaro tracta dal latino. Olio nomato Exopo Zucharino. 15 La seeha gnssia buon noxiglo sconde, Dice il maestro, doncha providenza Habi in te et retinenza, Segondo che seguendo ti di chiaro. Prima ti veste de sue verde fronde 20 Che tu debie honorare la scienza; La segonda sentenza, Che dal malvaxio ti sapi guardare, Perd ch'el falso l'arte sa trovare D'ofendre al justo e perd ti castica, 25 Ancora ti faticha De schivar quegli che ruompe sua fede, Per che inver de l'uomo n'il mercede, E guardati dal falso testimonio, Che pieta teme l'arte del dimonio. 30 Figliol mio per la vana speranza II propio tuo may no abandonare, E non ti compagnare A superbo huomo di te piu possente. Homo cativo per anticha usanza, 35 Caro figliolo, non l'alturiaie. Xe'l scognosct'iitc aidare. Al perfido tu fa simelemente, St- tu gli servi, il ti vuol far dolente. 448 brush [74 Xe ti fidare in le parole blande, 40 Ne al savio in vano scande, E godi im pace quel puocho che ai, Che rich'e poverta se lieta l'ay. Ne il pover humo non voler contendere, Che lievemente il ti pu5 ben offender e. 45 Guardati ancora dala savia lingua, Che non t' engani e vanagloria scaza, D'amici ti percaza, E non voler sforzar la tua natura; Al pizol servi sempre a voglia pingua, 50 Che in caso de periglio el ti rifaza. E fa ch'el non ti alaza Gravi peccati a far tra lor tua cura. Sempre del rio consiglio habi paura, E se sey francho, guarti da far servo, 55 Che gli e dolor protervo; E sie contento del debito tuo. Se tu fay cossa, guarda il fine suo. Non esser vile figliolo per la gola, Ne matamente credi ogni parola. 60 Coluy che piu minaza, fa men fati, Per6 ti prego non esser di quigli. E credi ai buon consigli di tuoy parenti, E schiva tuoy nemici, Che la segonda volta non t'enbrati. 65 Ne pato fare a chi teme i perigli, Ne in carta poner igli, Che temeroxi pati ven felici. Per ofender mai non s'aquista amici, E di pizol caxon gran mal discende; 70 E perd ti diffende Di non far piaga che tu non voresti. A ben seguir l'efecto te rivesti, Ne de l'altruy non ti voler vestire, Che lievemente poristi per ire. 75 Cativo minaza quando a tempo, E per la lingua nasce ben e male. Al mal factore non vale Di relasciare il vitio che in luy regna, El servixio non val, se per tempo 80 75] ESOPO ZUCCAMNO 449 L'uopra non mostra il fructo sieco eguale. Chi vuol farsi cotale, Quanto el mazor a luy non convegna, Isteso abassa e fortuna disdegna. Or tiente a mente el beneficio agrada, 85 N& la tua mente vada A voler farti quel che tu non sey, Ne i beni mondani creder, che son rey. Servessi duy signori inutelmente, Questi castichi tienti nela mente. '.)<) El malvaxio merita malla vita, Per invidia perisse chi rapina. Et in grave ruina Cade chi sprexia cossa che gli giova. Femina l'opra sua mal ve finita, 05 E quel ch'ala bagascia se dechina Sosten gran disciplina. Cautela di doctrina e gran sapere. Fassi al cativo il possente temere, Gran segureza he haver chi'l pu5 guardare, 100 Ne'l tuo nemicho aidare, N6 liberta se vende ben per oro. Intende figliol mio questo laboro, E fa la mente tua si retentiva, Che salvi i boni e li altri vici schiva. 105 Nulla persona e asay per si medesmo, E tuto'l mondo par pocho al avaro. E non ti dubitaro Che malle ariva chi sua vita rompe. Se schivi el mese, si prompto al milesmo. 110 N6 per moneta homicidio non faro. Che mal convien rivaro, Chi la vita aventura per le pompe. Ne per tema raxon non si corumpe. E l'amico si prova ala bixogna. 1 1 5 11 justo non fa sogna Di far albergo in casa de tiranny. Per che dan fede a rey che uxa inp;mi. Chi utel ti fa tiente'l per caro, Luxenge tene per venin amaro. 120 450 brush [76 Tu ai canzon ben perfecto noxiglio, Sia pur secca la guscia quanto vole. Faciam poche parole, Ch'el tropo dir talora recresse. S'el nome mio alcun saper volesse, 125 Digli che Azo e'l proprio nome mio Or vatene con Dio, E franchamente mostra la tua arte E se tu trovi in parte, Che del pronome mio saper si lagna, 130 Risponde il Zucho da Soma Campagna. UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY Los Angeles This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. JUL 18 1952 JAN 1 RECO •WW 2 i960 D£e 6 1967 «ECBtof L0 JAN2 41962 R£C'D LD-URL ■ MAY 13 1 968 m WTERLIBRARY LOANS 0CT24~ THREE WEEKS FROM NONRENEWABLE 'Jg^SW* HOM (ML -"f'2S jggj;. DEC a 01969 MAR fl9" UHJHC I* ML APR 9198*: & & Form L9-42m-8,'49(B5573)444 THE LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES I II I llll III 3 ^158 00743 6669 AA 000 141361