WSSM mmi\ '46, Gt. ItuK LONDOK PJ V SELECTIONS FROM THE MINUTES AND OTHER OFFICIAL WRITINGS OF THE HONOURABLE MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE GOVERNOR OF ROM DAY. SELECTIONS FROM THE MINUTES AND OTHER OFFICIAL WRTTTNCS OF THE HONOURABLE MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE GOVERNOR OF BOMBAY. WITH AN INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. EDITED BY GEORGE W. FORREST, B.A., DECC'AN COLLEGE, KELLOW OF THE UNIVERSITY OF BOMBAY. LONDON : RICHARD BENT LEY AND SON, ^ublishwrs in ©rbinarg to |ijer ^ajtstij the (Qut tn. 1884. {All Bights Beserved.'\ 3)5 >- "^ •^ # w i Q TO Tif^- MEMBERS DF THAT SERVICE WHO HAVE FOR MORE THAN A CENTURY, WITH FIRMNESS AND EQUITY, .UJMINISTERED OUR BRITISH INDIAN EMPIRE, i ^ciicate the (Dfftrial Mriting^ OF ONE OF THE ABLEST OF THE MANY ABLE MEN WHO HAVE BELONGED TO THE INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE. 357129 PEEFACE. Some years ago, when I was employed in looking over the valuable records in the Bombay Secretariat, the idea struck me that a compilation of the official writings of Mountstuart Elphinstone would prove of use, not only to those actively engaged in the administration of India, but also to the daily widening circle of men who take an interest in Indian questions. There is hardly an important problem connected with the government of India which has not been discussed by Mountstuart Elphinstone ; and to the discussion of Indian problems he brought vast experience and a liberal and highly- cultivated mind. In order to make the Minutes more intelligible to the reader, I have thought it ad\dsable to prefix to them a short narrative of Mr. Elphinstone's life, and of the principal historical events connected with his career. In this memoir I have drawn largely upon the admirable memoir written by Sir Edward Colebroke many years ago, and published in the Royal Asiatic Journal. My best thanks are due to Lord Elphinstone for the trouble he has taken in sending me a cop}- of the letters viii PREFACE. of Mountstuart Elphinstone describing the battles of Assaye and Kirkee, which are now j^ublished for the first time. My acknowledgments are also due to Sir Richard Temple for supplying me with the Minute on Education, and also to Mr. Monteath, C.S., for his kind assistance in procuring me records from the Bombay Secretariat. G. AV. FOEREST. Deccan College, Puna. Odoler 18, 1883. CO:ST TENTS. /A Life of the Hon. Mountstuart Elphinstone CHAPTEK I. EARLY LIFE— INDIA — ASSAYE— ARGAUM — NAGPUR II. EMBASSY TO CABUL ----- IIL PUNA ------- IV. COMMISSIONER OF THE DECCAN \'. BOMBAY— RETURN TO ENGLAND — DEATH ]MlNUTE BY THE HON. MOUNTSTUART ElPHINSTONE, DaTED March, 1824, on Education . . - - Narrative of Proceedings relating to the Murder of Gangadhar Shastri, the Gaikwar's Minister deputed to Puna ------- Report from Lieutenant-Colonel Burr, of the Bombay Establishment, and Despatches from the Honourable Mountstuart Elphinstone to the Governor-General Keport on the Territories Conquered from the Peshwa, submitted to the Supreme Government of British India ------- ^Iinute by the President, Extracted from 'East India Papers,' Vol. III. pp. 697—701 - - - . Minute by the Governor, Extracted from 'East India Papers,' Vol. HI. pp. 661— 66-1 - - - - 1 22 39 56 65 ir 179 251 445 457 X CONTENTS. PAGE Minute by the President, Extracted from ' East India Papers/ Vol. III. pp. 677—697 - - . - 467 Further Minute by the President, Extracted from 'East India Papers,' Vol. III. pp. 706—709 - - 521 Minute by the Hon. Mountstuart Elphinstone, Dated February 21, 1821 - - - - - 531 Minute by the Hon. Mountstuart Elphinstone, Dated Chobari, Cutch, January 26, 1821 - - - 559 IFE OF THE HOK MOUOTSTUART ELPHB^STO^^E. CHAPTEE I. EARLY LIFE INDIA ASSAYE ARGAUM NAGPUR. 1779—1803. buNTSTUART Elphinstone was born in the year 1779 -the sou of the eleventh Lord Elphinstone, and Anna, LUghter of Lord Ruthven. His father was a general ficer, and Governor of Edinl)urgh Castle ; and for any years sat in the House of Lords as one of the presentative peers of Scotland. As a boy, Mouut- uart seems to have been first remarked chiefly for gh spirits and love of singing revolutionary songs, hich he learnt from the French prisoners confined in e castle. At the age of fourteen he was sent to hool at Kensington, where he remained for two years, hese two years do not seem to have been devoted to dustry and the beaten paths of school-life, but he lowed a love of reading ; and in after years it was re- arked that he was fond of quoting Shakespeare. At ihool it was said he ' was clever enough for anything, it an idle dog.' Mountstuart Elphinstone was but a ,d of sixteen years of age when he left school to pro- 1 2 LIFE OF MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. ceecl to India as a writer in the Civil Establishment of Bengal. He embarked in July, 1795, and was ac- companied by two young friends — John Adam, who during a brief interregnum was Governor-General of India, and Houston, who rose to be Sir E. Houston, K.C.B. After a long voyage, the vessel reached India in February of the following year ; and a short time afterwards, Mr. Elphinstone was appointed assistant to the magistrate at Benares — the Hindoo Rome of India. AYlien young Elphinstone landed, Sir John Shore was Governor-General. It was the brilliant courage of Clive which first gained for the English anj'' territorial position in India : it was the daring genius of Hastings which first conceived the policy of reducing Native princes to the position of subordinates without inde- pendent rights. He was the first to introduce, in his dealings with Oude, the subsidiary system. When a state consented by treaty to accede to this sj^stem, it acknowledged the British Government as the paramount power in India ; and, in return, it received the guarantee of that Government for its safety and integrity. It agreed not to make war or peace without the sanction of the paramount power, and to maintain a contingent of troops as a subsidiary force to aid the British Government in time of need. But the policy which commended itself to the capacious mind of Hastings, was not regarded with favour by the Directors, who did not care to strengthen the position of the Company as an Asian power, but were only anxious as to the Com- pany's commercial position and its trade. Lord Com- wallis and Sir John Shore, according to the wishes of tlieir masters, introduced a policy different to that of Hastings. Their desire was to treat al] Native sovereigns as equals, and to maintain a balance of power amongst EARLY LIFE. 3 the Native States, so as to prevent any of them be- coming too powerful. Sir John Shore, however, found it impossible to carry out the principle of non-inter- ference in the affairs of Native States in its integrity. He was compelled to set aside the claims of Vazir AH to the throne of Oude. In January, 1799, the followers of the deposed Nawab, who was in sur- veillance at Benares, attacked the British officers at the Eesidency, and massacred them. Mr. Elpliinstone was seated with his friend Houston when the news reached them of the massacre ; and they had barely time to mount their horses, when they w^re pursued by some of the Nawab's horsemen. They sa.ved their lives hy riding through a high sugar-cane plantation, which concealed them from their pursuers. Two years after this event, Mr. Elpliinstone was transferred to the Political Department, or Diplomatic Service. Lord Wellesley was now Governor-General. He saw that the idea of his predecessors of a balance of power was impracticable, and that the British authority must be supreme throughout the country. At the time when he assumed office, the vevy existence of the British Empire in India was threatened with grave danger. Tippu, the Nizam, and Scindia were all under French influence, and had their armies chiefly officered by Frenchmen. A Jacobin club had been organized in Seringapatam. The men were required to swear hatred to tyranny, love of liberty, and de- struction to all kings and sovereigns, except the good and faithful alty of the French Eepublic — Citizen Stiltan Tippu, The first war, undertaken by Wellesley, was forced on him by the hostile attitude of Tippu. It began in 1779, and ended in the gallant capture of Seringapatam. The fall of Seringapatam made the English supreme in the Deccan. In a few months, the 1—2 4 LIFE OF MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. Madras Presidency grew from a few scattered districts into the great country known hj that name, comprising almost the whole of Southern India. The Governor- General further extended the British dominion in India by compelling the Nawab Vazir of Oude to cede the greater part of his dominion. The districts thus acquired compose a greater part of what is now called the North-Western Provinces. That Lord Wellesley's dealings with the Nawab were harsh and arbitrary, no impartial man can deny ; but the increasing certainty of a rupture with the Mahrattas compelled the Marquis to resort to them. In 1801, Mr. Elphinstone was appointed to Puna, as assistant to the British Piesident at the Court of the Peshwa, the chief of the Mahratta Confederacy. But few facts can be gleaned from the mass of legendary accounts regarding Maharashtra and its many inde- pendent states antecedent to the inroads of the Mussul- mans, under Alla-ud-deen, in the year 1294. The Deccan remained subject to the Emperor of Delhi till 1345, when the Mussulman nobles revolted, and established the Bahamani dynasty, so-called from the supposed Brahman descent of its founder. The capital was first at Kalburgah, sixty miles from Sholapur, and was afterwards removed to Bedar, both which places still possess magnificent palaces and mosques in ruin. Towards the close of the fourteenth century, the Baha- mani Empire fell to pieces, and five independent king- doms divided the Deccan amongst them. Only three of these states — the Adhil-Shahi dynasty, with its capital at Bijapur, the Kutub-Shahi dynasty at Gol- couda, and the Nizam- Sliahi dynasty at Ahmednagar — retained their independence until conquered by Aurangzib. This was not accomplished without many campaigns ; and the struggles of Golconda and Bijapur EARLY LIFE. 5 with the great Mogul Emperor favoured the amhitious schemes of Sivaji, who now became an important per- sonage upon the scene. The founder of the Mahratta Empire was born at a hill-fort near Puna in 1G27. The family from which he sprang had for some genera- tions been settled in the wild valleys of the Western Ghats, and belonged to the ranks of the lesser Mahratta chiefs. When Sivaji was but a lad, the warlike moun- taineers of the neighbourmg glens began to have faith in him ; and uniting himself to a small band, he, through the native force of his character, made him- self their leader. The band grew in numbers, and Sivaji quickly welded a few mountain tribes into a great nation, and from being the captain of a handful of horsemen, he became the sovereign of a mighty empire. In 1674, Sivaji caused himself to be en- throned with great splendour, from which time the Mahrattas rank as a Hindu nationality. Six years afterwards his chequered career was terminated by death. His son inherited his father's vast posses- sions, but none of his father's greatness. Having destroyed the great monarchies of Bijapur and Gol- conda, Aurangzib determined to crush his old foes the Mahrattas. The son of Sivaji fell a prisoner into his hands, and was put to death with cruel torture. Satara was captured ; nearly all the Mahrattas' strongholds were seized ; but the Mahrattas were neither crushed nor subdued. Beaten in a pitched battle, the daring- Cossacks dispersed once, to collect again and renew their guerilla warfare. The large but cumbersome army of the Emperor, with its numerous guns, long train of elephants, and elaborate camp equipage, was ill suited for coping with irregular horsemen who slept with their horses' bridles in their hands and swords by their sides, and their trusty spears stuck in the ground near them, 6 LIFE OF MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. ready at a moment's notice to fall on an unwary enemy, or beat a retreat into some wild mountain glen. India had also proved to be the Capua of the Mogul nobles. They had grown luxurious and effeminate, and utterly unsuited for ' wild Mahratta battle.' The Emperor was now stricken in years, and troubles encircled him on all sides. His armies sustained a signal defeat from the Mahrattas, and he himself narrowly escaped from being taken a prisoner. Aurangzib returned to Ahmednagar, baffled and beaten, and, full of sorrows, descended into the tomb (February 21st, 1707). On his death ShahuKajah, the grandson of Sivaji, was released; but the young man was not fit to wield a sceptre. He allowed his state affiiirs to be managed by his chief minister, who from the time of Sivaji was called the Pesliwa, or Prime Minister. In 1714 Balaji Vishwanath, a Brahmin, was appointed to that office. He, by his intrigues and ability, contrived to concentrate all the real pow^r in his own hands, leaving to the Eajali the title only of sovereignty. He made Puna the seat of power, the centre of all authority ; and from this time the Brahmin Peshwas became the real heads of the Mahratta Con- federacy, the Eajahs, the descendants of the great Sivaji, being merely nominal rulers living in splendour as state prisoners in Satara. Balaji caused the office to be made hereditary in his family. He was succeeded by Baji Pvao, his eldest son, an able man and thorough soldier, who greatly extended the Mahratta power. Baji Eao was succeeded by his son, Balaji Baji Eao, commonly called the third Peshwa. During his reign the Mahrattas suffered their most disastrous defeat. In 1758 Eaghunath Eao, the brother of the Peshwa, a brave, rash man, full of ambition, brought the distant province of the Punjab under the Mahratta INDIA. 7 yoke. This raised the ire of the terrible Afghan Abdah, and he again invaded India to take vengeance on the Mahratta race. On the phxins of ranipat, where Baber had won his empire, and where the fate of India had frequently been decided, the Mahrattas, devout believers in Vishnu, and the Afghans, followers of the man of Mecca, met to settle once again the fate of India. At early dawn the battle began. The Mahrattas fought with desperate valour, but ere the sun had set their vast splendid army had become a weltering mass of confusion, a mere rabble rout. Thousands of the vanquished fell on the field, and the great Mahratta leaders were numbered among the dead. Into every Mahratta cottage sorrow entered ; some mourned the death of a loved one, all mourned the death of their national greatness. Their hope of supremacy in India had perished. The Mahratta chiefs never again united heartily for a common purpose, though they continued still to be the most formidable power in India. They especially dominated over the British settlement of Bombay. The Bombay Government was anxious to establish its influence at the Court of Puna by making- its own nominee Peshwa. The attempt took form, in 1775, in the Treaty of Surat, by which Raghunath agreed to cede Salsette and Bassein to the English, in consideration of himself being restored to Puna. The military operations that ensued were known as the first Mahratta War. They were most eminently successful, and the war ended in the Treaty of Salbai, by which the conquests in Gujarat were given up, with the exception of Salsette, and a provision made for Eaghunath Piao. The Mahratta powers were at this time five in number. The recognised head of the Confederacy was the Peshwa, who ruled the hill-country of the Western 8 LIFE OF MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. Gliats, the cradle of the Mahratta race. The fertile province of Gujarat was governed by the Gaikwar of Baroda. In Central India, two military leaders — Scindia of Gwalior, and Holkar of Indore — alternately held the pre-eminence. Towards the East the Bhonsla Eajah of Nagpur, sprung from the same stock as Sivaji, reigned from the Berar to the coast of Orissa. When Mr. Elphinstone was appointed to Puna, Baji Eao II., the seventh Peshwa, was on the throne. He was a treacherous, worthless creature, endowed with showj^ accomplishments and a good address. The death of his powerful minister, Nana Farnavis, one of the ablest administrators India has produced, sealed the ruin of the Mahratta Confederacy. Civil war raged throughout the country. Scindia and Holkar were engaged in hostilities, and the Peshwa espoused the cause of the former. Yittojee Holkar, brother of the Mahratta chief, fell into his hands, and he caused him to be executed in his presence by being dragged along the ground, tied to the foot of an elephant. The cruel murder took place in the spring of 1801, and in October of the following year, Holkar defeated at Puna the armies of the Peshwa and Scindia. Driven as a fugitive into British territory, the necessities of the Peshwa induced him to sign the Treaty of Bassein, by which he pledged himself to hold com- munication with no other power, European or Native, and ceded territory for the maintenance of a subsidiary force. Mr. Elphinstone was residiug with the Besident when the decisive en^^afifcment between the Peshwa and Holkar was fought almost at the gate of the Besidency. He accompanied his chief, Colonel Close, when the treaty was negotiated at Bassein, and again returned to Puna with Sir A. Wellesley when the Peshwa was reinstated in power. The Treaty of Bassein led directly to the second Mahratta "War, for neither Scindia nor INDIA. 9 tlie Eajah of Nagpiir could tolerate the abandonment of the Mahratta independence. The war was begun on the 3rd x\ngust, 1803. The first blow was struck by General Wellesley against Ahmednagar, which sur- rendered on the 12th August; and it was in August that Mr. Elphinstone joined the General as his secretary. He accompanied him on the famous march to meet Scindia, and the next five months were probably the most stirring in Elphinstone's life. Leaving a small garrison in the fort of Ahmednagar, General Wellesley moved forward, and marching rapidly, as was his wont, crossed the Godavari, and arrived at Aurungabad on the 29th August. Here, he heard that Scindia and the Eajah of Berar had entered the Nizam's territory with an army of horse only, and had passed Colonel Stevenson, who, with a force of 7,000 men, was watching the Ajunta Pass. The next day, General Wellesley marched southwards towards the Godavari, having received intelligence that the enemy intended to march in that direction, to cross the river and proceed to Hj^derabad. But the enemy w'ere quite undecided as to their plans of operation. On hearing of the movement of the English force, they countermarched in a northerly direction. They wished to cross the river, and make a dash southward ; but it is certain that they did not like General Wellesley's position upon that river, and his readiness to cross with them. They knew that the river, which was then fordable, must rise again, and they did not dare to be cut oft" from their own countries and all assistance. Colonel Stevenson made several attempts to bring them in action, but in vain. General Wellesley himself had to remain stationary till the convoys of grain which he expected reached him. On the 18th the last of them arrived, and on the 25tli he was enabled to move lo LIFE OF MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. forwards towards the enemy, who had been joined by large reinforcements. On the 21st, General Wellesley and Colonel Stevenson had a conference, at which they concerted a plan to attack the enemy on the morning of the 24tli. It was deemed expedient to separate their forces, in order to pass through defiles quickly and with care. On the 23rd September, 1803, the British troops advanced in two columns against the combined armies of Scindia and Berar Rajah ; Colonel Stevenson's division marching about eight miles on the left of Wetlington. The Mahratta horsemen were so numerous that it was difficult, if not impossible, to get exact information of the position of the enemy, who was believed to be in front of Colonel Stevenson, at Bokerdun, the point at which, it is probable, Wellesley intended to join forces. On the morning of the 23rd, however, Wellesley, arriving on the bank of the Kaitna, found the enemy drawn up on the southern opposite side of the river, holding the chief passages, and evidently expecting to be attacked directly in front. Wellesley determined to give battle without w^aitiug for Colonel Stevenson. Mr. Elphinstone used to relate how the General, after the engagement, vindi- cated himself from the charge of rashness. ' Had I not attacked them,' he said, ' I must have been sur- rounded by the superior cavalry of the enemy, my troops must have been starved, and I should have had nothing left but to hang myself to these tent-poles.' On the morning of the battle, Mr. Elphinstone tells us in his letter that he ' got on horseback for the first time for a month, owing to a liver complaint, and kept close to the General the whole day.' General Wellesley' s division consisted of five native battalions, each 700 strong; of these one entire battalion, together with 100 men from each of the other four regiments, were left in rear with the baggage, while an INDIA. II additional force of 100 men from each of the same regi- ments formed a rear guard. There were thus left in front line four native battalions, each 500 strong ; the 78th Regiment, 600 ; 74th Eegiment, 570. Total, 3,170 infantry, with 150 artillery and 1,200 cavalry. The enemy, at the lowest estimate, were 17,000 strong, besides thousands of horse, and a fine park of artillery. Wellesley, having reconnoitred, noticed two villages, Pimpalgaon and Warur, one on each bank of the river and beyond the left flank of the enemy, which appeared unguarded, and on the assump- tion that where villages exist on opposite banks of a river there is generally a passage between them, he directed a flank march for the purpose of crossing there and turning the enemy's left flank. The narrow delta between the Kaitna and its northern affluent, the Juah, gave sufficient space for Wellesley to employ his small force (while the nullahs or river-beds on either side secured his flanks), but the space was so confined as to restrict the enemy from bringing his immense supe- riority of numbers into action, and the decisive struggle was therefore limited to almost equal numbers of the two forces. At the battle of Cannae, Hannibal crossed the river Aufidus to secure a similar tacti- cal advantage. The attack on the left flank also gave a great advantage ; inasmuch as the enemy's lines of retreat lay to his left rear, he would have run much risk of being cut away from it, and in that case might be driven in the direction towards which Colonel Stevenson's force was coming up ; or in case of a less decisive success the enemy would at least be taken in flank on his line of retreat, and as he would have to cross the Juah river, an operation in which he might find difficulty in carrying oft* his guns. The latter case is what actually happened. 12 LIFE OF MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. The flank moYement was carried out with a mauoGiiYririg power worthy of a great and skilful commander. Small pickets of infantry were thrown out to hold the enemy, and give time for the main body to form. The British cavalry in rear and the Mahratta and Mysore cavalry supporting them on the right flank, protected the force against Scindia's cavalry, who had been all massed on the right flank of his infantry. Part of the enemy's cavalry crossed the river, but they were deterred from attacking by the bold front of the British cavalry and their sup- ports. Wellesley crossed the river, and as the heads of his columns appeared on the northern bank, the enemy commenced with all practicable speed to create a change of front to their left in order to face their foe. On the left of Scindia's line lay the village of Assayc which he had surrounded with cannon. Just before the British had got fully into position, the of&cer commanding advanced troops on the right, contrary to the orders of Welleslej', turned and attacked the village of Assaye, and was followed by the 74tli Foot. The attack was repulsed. The enemy's cavalry broke the 74th ; and Elphinstone justly remarks : ' This was the critical moment of the engagement ; if the enemy's horse had pushed the Sepoy they could never have stood what had overpowered the 74th. But at this instant our cavalry appeared on the right, charged the enemy and drove them with groat slaughter into a nullah (or river).' Eventually the whole British line advanced, and the enemy gave way in all directions. He was unable to carry oft' his guns, ninety of which were captured. Then it was that, having to cross the nullah of the Juah, his infantry became huddled together and cramped for room. A short attack was made by the British BATTLE OF ASSAY E. 13 cavalry. As the General writes, ' After the action there was no pursuit, because our cavalry was not then in a state to jDursue.' Had a pursuit been pos- sible, the battle of Assaye, decisive as it was, would have been as deadly and as complete an overthrov/ of the Mahrattas as the battle of Panipat. The victory was bought at a heavy price in killed and wounded. * I fear,' writes Elj^hinstone, * we have scarce less than 600 Europeans killed and wounded ; 50 officers is the least at which the killed and wounded can be reckoned, and 1,500 odd men and officers appear on the returns.' The most graphic account of the battle of Assaye is given in the letter which is now published for the first time. It details in clear and simple language the difi'erent phases of the fight on which hung the fate of the Indian Empire. There are words of hearty praise for the General's bravery, and the clearness with which he gave his orders at the most anxious and important moment ; but there is not a single word about self, though the young civilian rode by the side of the General through the thick of that hot fight. 'Camp near the village of Assaye, ten miles from Jafferabad, 25//i Sq^temher, 1803. ' My dear x\DA:\r, ' You will have heard that this army has fought a very bloody battle, and gained an important victory. ' Scindia and the Eajah of Berar, after trying what they could do with an arni}^ of horse only, and after getting as far south as the Godavari river, changed their place and moved south to near the Ajunta Pass, to meet a detachment of infantry and guns, which Scindia ordered to join them. 14 LIFE OF MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. ' The detachment consisted (it is said) of seven- teen hattahons, 500 strong, and upwards of 100 guns. General Wellesley, after halting for some time for supplies, followed the enemy, and Colonel Stevenson also moved north, and halted at Badala- pur. * The two divisions met there on the 21st, and it was settled that they were to move separately towards the enemy, and both attack them on the 24th. When this was settled he marched on the 22nd to Pangey, and on the 23rd to Naulnair, from which place he thought the enemy was at some distance (sixteen miles, or near it) ; but, as he was taking up our ground, news was brought that the enemy was close at hand. ' General Wellesley sent for the cavahy, and pushed on about three miles, and came to the brow of a rising- ground from which he saw the enemy's two camps at the distance of about three miles. The General halted the cavahy and rode back for the infantry. They came up in an hour, and w^re shown a road to the enemy's camp. In the meantime a large body of the enemy's horse advanced towards the cavalry. The General went thither ; the cavalry were drawn up in line, and I really expected to have had the pleasure of a charge ; but when the enemy came near they halted, and the General left the cavalry to watch their motion, and joined the infantry. He went to the head of the line, which soon got in sight of the enemy's camp ; and they opened a cannonade upon it, with no effect that I knew of except slightly wounding General Wcllesley's Brigade-Major, Lieutenant Campbell, in the leg, and carrying off the head of one of the General's orderly troopers. Going on, he passed some ravines and came to a broad nullah (or river). We were BATTLE OF ASS AYE. 15 lucky enough to find the only place passable for j]funs, and he crossed and marched on, and began to form in line, with little or no loss, though we were cannonaded all the time. But while the troops were forming the enemy advanced on us ; and then shots which were so ineffectual before, now foil like hail, and knocked down men, horses, and bullocks every shot. A gentleman with the General had his horse shot under him, and I and another gentleman had the dust knocked in our faces, at this time. After we had gone on a good way (near enough to hear the enemy shout) with the infantry, who were terribly harassed, but cheered as they advanced, we rode back to the cavalry, whom the General had sent for, and who were now about the spot where the line had formed. The General ordered them to take care of the right of the infantry, and rode back, intending to join our line. In going and coming the General crossed a tract where there was very heavy fire ; one of the gentlemen with him had two horses, and another one, killed under them. The General pushed for the first line he saw, which happened to be the enemy, but when we got pretty near (not within musket-shot) he saw the guns firing towards us, and towards our own line. In coming back we fell in with several of the enemy's guns (a most delightful sight), and soon after got to our line. We moved on under a very heavy fire. The enemy retreated in front, and fell back on a second line in their rear. They out- flanked us greatly to the right, and kept up a very heavy cannonade on our line. The right suffered, particularly the 74tli Eegiment. The corps on the right was dreadfully cannonaded and cut in on by the enemy's cavahy, and, I fear, almost annihilated ; out of 19 officers, 11 killed and 6 wounded; and out of 1 6 LIFE OF MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. 569 men and officers, exactly 400 have been returned killed and wounded. ' The enemy's cavalry broke the 74th Eegiment, and this was the critical moment of the engagement. If the enemy's horse had pushed the Sepoy, tlieij could never have stood what had overpowered the 74th; ' but at this instant our cavalry appeared on the right, charged the enemy, and drove them with great slaughter into a nullah (or river) in our front. Our cavalry crossed this, and charged among the enemy's infantry, who had been driven by our infantry across it, and made a great slaughter. They afterwards re- crossed the nullah, and made another charge at a body of infantry wdtli less success. While they were making this charge, the General took the 78th and 7th Regi- ment of Native Cavalry and led them back to drive off a body of the enemy's foot, who had taken some of our guns which we left behind, and turned them back. While moving to this attack, the General's horse was killed under him ; after which he pushed on, the enemy retreated, and this concluded the engagement. We saw enormous bodies of horse on all sides, but they behaved very ill. They came almost within musket-shot, and threatened us often, but never charged but once, when they cut up the 74tli. We have taken 95 pieces of cannon, and there are some more not yet brought in. The enemy's loss in men is almost equal to our own in numbers, but very different in value. I fear we have scarce less than GOO Europeans killed and wounded ; 50 officers is the least at which the killed and wounded can be reckoned, and 1,500 and odd men and officers appear in the returns. ' This is, all agree, the bloodiest battle ever fought in India. Cuddelore is the only one I have heard com- BATTLE OF ASSAY E. 17 pared with it, and there the force of our army was 12,000 men at least, and their loss 1,G00 killed and womided. Our army consisted of live battalions of natives, 700 strong ; of these a battalion was left with the baggage, as was the rear-guard of 100 men from each battalion (total 500), and each battalion left its baggage-guard of 100 men (500 more). So that there were four corps of natives, 500 each ; the 78th Eegiment, GOO ; the 74th Kegiment, 570 ; the artillery, 150 : total infantr}^ 3,320. The cavalry were 1,200. Total of all descrip- tions, 4,520. The enemy, at the lowest number that can be reckoned, were 17,000 strong, besides thousands of horse. The enemy have fled to the northward, and are getting down the passes as fast as they can. Colonel Stevenson marched after them this morning, after having reinforced us with one battalion. His force is 7,000 firelocks and 750 cavalry, but they are ill off for artillery. ' I got on horseback early in the morning of the action (the first time for a month, owing to a liver complaint), and kept close to the General the whole day ; slept almost supperless (and really breakfastless and dinnerless), on the ground in the open air, without finding the smallest inconvenience. ' The General will doubtless get great credit for this. I am sure he deserves it. It is nothing to say of him that he exposed himself on all occasions, and behaved with perfect indifference in the hottest fire (for I did not see a European do otherwise, nor do I believe people ever do) ; but in the most anxious and important moments he gave his orders as clearly and coolty as if he had been inspecting a corps or manoeuvring at a review. ' I am afraid to say how well I like the General, for, though I have known him some time, I have only been i8 LIFE OF MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. with him six weeks, and I may change my mind ; but all that can be said in six weeks' acquaintance I would have said before this action, which has not lowered my opinion of him.' The following extract gives a graphic and a poetic description of a visit to the battle-field at night : Extract of a Letter to ' Stracheij,' dated ' Camp of Assay c, Srd Octohcr, 1808.' * I went yesterday evening to the field of battle. It was a dark, cloudy evening. I rode by myself, and saw phirima mortis imago. Some of the dead are withered, their features still remaining, but their faces blackened to the colour of coal ; others still swollen and blistered. The Persian I mentioned was perfect everywhere, and had his great quilted coat on ; but his face had fallen or been eaten off, and his naked skull stared out like the hermits of the wood of Joppa (in the " Castle of Otranto "). Kites and adjutants, larger than the Calcutta ones, were feasting in some places, and in others dogs howling all over the plain. I saw a black dog tearing in a furious way large pieces of flesh from a dead man looking fiercely and not regarding him. I thought the gaze horrible and subhme. At last I began to feel a good deal of horror — awful, but not unpleasant — when, by way of adding to the sublimity, iha evening gun fired, and, to my surprise, I heard a shot whistle over my head. This I suppose was some neglect of the artilleryman.' The day after the battle of Assaye Colonel Steven- son joined (lencral Wellesley, and was immediately despatched in pursuit of Scindia beyond the Tapti. ARGAUM. 19 The capture of the famous fortress of Aseer^-urh deprived that chief of his hist stron<^]iohl in Khandcsh. Tlie Kajah of Bcrar turned towards his own dominions, and was followed by both corps of the British army. Scindia, now thoroughly disheartened, sent an envoy for peace, and suspension of hostilities was granted on November 22nd, by General Wellesley, on condition that Scindia's forces should move to the eastward ; but the same terms could not be extended to the Rajah of Berar so long as his army was in the field. Scindia did not comply with the terms of his agreement, and Wellesley determined to attack the two chiefs ; and, having been joined by Colonel Stevenson, he advanced on November 28th and 29th. At the close of a long march, General Wellesley found himself suddenly upon the army of the confederates. He made direct towards the enemy, followed by Elphinstone. At last he pulled up. ' There will be time to take those guns before night.' Before night closed in, thirty-eight of these guns and all their ammunition had been captured. Wellesley writes : ' If we had had daylight an hour more, not a man would have escaped. ' We should have had that time, if my Native infantry had not been panic struck, and got into confusion when the cannonade commenced. What do you think of nearly three entire battalions, who behaved so admirably in the battle of Assaye, being broke and running off, when the cannonade commenced at Argaum, which was not to be compared to that at Assaye ? Luckily, I happened to be at no great distance from them ; and I was able to rally them, and re-establish the battle. If I had not been there, I am convinced we should have lost the day. But as it was, so much time elapsed 20 LIFE OF MOUNT STUART ELPHINSTONE. before I could form tliem again, that we had not day- light enough for everything that we should have cer- tainly performed.' The capture of the stupendous mountain-fortress of Gavelgurh, followed the victory of Argaum. It was an operation of exceeding labour and skill, patiently and successfully achieved. It was at this siege that the great Duke told Elphinstone that he had mistaken his profession, and ought to have been a soldier. The capture of the fortress crushed the hopes of the Mahratta confederates, and negotiations were now opened in earnest. The treaty with Eaghoji Bhousle of Berar, known as the Treaty of Deogaum, was concluded in December. He was obliged to cede the Province of Cuttack, the whole of Berar lying west of the Wurdali river, and to resign all claims on the Nizam. General Wellesle}^ when the treaty was concluded, appointed Mr. Elphinstone to act as Kesident to the Rajah, and shortly afterwards he was confirmed in the responsible post. Elphinstone had not completed his twenty-fifth year, but Sir Arthur Wellesley had complete confidence in his tact, his cool- ness, and judgment. He wrote of him to his brother in the following eulogistic language : ' Upon the occasion of mentioning Mr. Elphinstone, it is but justice to that gentleman to inform your Excellency that I have received tbe greatest assistance from him since he has been with me. He is well versed in the languages, has experience and a know- ledge of the interests of the Mahratta powers, and their relations with each other, and with the British Government and its allies. He has been present in all the actions which have been fought in this quarter LETTER OF SIR ARTHUR WELLESLEY. 21 during the war, and at all the sieges ; he is acquainted with every transaction that has taken place, and with my sentiments upon all subjects. I therefore take the liberty of recommending him to your Excellency. 'To the CJovernor-General, Camp at Ellichpur, ' 17 th December, 1803.' CHAPTER II. EMBASSY TO CABUL. 1808—1810. The merchants of the East India Company could not ajjpreciate Welleslej^'s imperial policy; they praised 30th Jul ^^^ ^^^' ^^^^ ' ardent zeal to promote the well- 1S05. being of India, and to uphold the interest and honour of the British Empire ;' hut they recalled him. Lord Cornwallis for the second time became Governor- General, ■vvith the avowed intention of reversing as far as possible the policy of his predecessor. A policy of self-repression, of retreat from fancied dangers and real responsibilities, took the place of that holder and wiser system by which AYellesley had crowned the fahric of our power in India, and by which it must always be maintained. Lord Cornwallis's second administration continued little more than two months, and it was left to Sir George Barlow, the senior member of Council, to carry out the new policy. During these quiet times literature divided the attention of Mounstuart Elphinstone with his political duties. He always had a genuine love of books ; and during the whole of his Indian career he devoted a vast amount of time to classical reading and research. From his private journal we have an account of his studies at Nagpur : EMBASSY TO CABUL. 23 ^ April 2. — Rose at four. Piead "Antigone" with Jenkins. Walked on the veranda. Eeturncd to " Anti- gone," and read till half-past seven. I had not time to finish my breakfast before Yaswant Eav came. He stayed till twelve. Then read some of Page's " History of the French Eevolution/' on which I have been em- ployed for these two days. Jenkins tiffed at Close's, where I joined him. I stayed there some time, and read some of Gibbon's " Life," my old inspirer and guide. Read some more of Page. He is republican, and consequently hostile to the royalists, and insensible to their sufferings ; but not on the whole furious or partial, as one would expect him to be. ^Aprils. — Rose at four. Read " Antigone." Rode out. Ran a jackal, but did not kill. Breakfasted. Read thirty-six pages of the " Memorabilia." Ate sandwiches. Rode to Sydenham and Kennawa3\ Read Grotius. Went out in the buggy. 'April 4.— Read 300 lines of the "Antigone." Breakfasted. Put my papers in order. Set off in my palanquin for Hall. On the way finished Mackintosh. He is eloquent and acute, but inexperienced and enthu- siastic. Also read some of Page. At the Hall ordered repairs. Read an Idyll of Theocritus, and Jenkins read aloud almost the Avhole fifth book of Homer. At five rode back, dined. In bed, read Locke on "Liberty and Necessity." ' April 5. — Finished " Antigone." I perceive this to be a very affecting play, though reading it in company does not give it a very fair chance. We began to read Sophocles with more ease than we did Euripides.' Mountstuart Elphinstone spent four years at Nagpur pleasantly and profitably. He studied much, he rode much, he hunted the wild boar, and by the way he con- ducted his public duties he confirmed the confidence of 24 LIFE OF MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. the Government in his tact and ability. From Nagpur he was transferred, in March, 1808, to the temporary charge of our relations with the Court of Scindia. In the July of the previous year Lord Minto had taken his seat as Governor-General in the room of Sir Charles Barlow, who had those business qualities which make dulness respectable, but possessed none of those qualities which make a statesman. Lord Minto was no blind adherent to the policy of Lord Welleslej^ but he had a keen sense of what the honour and true interest of England demands. He was among those whom Burke loved best and trusted most, and had been one of the managers of the prosecution of the great Pro- consul. Indian experience had the same effect on him which it has on all wise men. It greatly altered his preconceived opinions on all Indian matters. Sent out to uphold the policy of peaceful isolation, he soon found that it was impracticable. The year after Lord Minto landed, a conjuncture arose which seemed to threaten England's power in the East. The peace of Tilsit left her without an ally. The close alliance which was then formed between the victorious Napoleon and Eussia boded ill. French intrigues had been active in Persia ; and for the Indian Government the advance of hostile influences to a country of so much importance was a compulsion to act with promptitude and vigour. A memorandum was sent to Persia, for the purpose of countermining the progress of France at that Court. But even if France succeeded in gaining a paramount influence in Persia, much would remain to be done before India could be successfullj^ invaded. The States between the Britisli and Persian frontiers, aided by British arms, could clierk the force of her advance, if they could not entirely stop it. Lord Minto therefore wisely EMBASSY TO CABUL. 25 determined to send Embassies to the States lying on and beyond the Indus — Lahore, Cabnl, and Sindh — for the purpose of making defensive alHances with their rulers. Mr. Elphinstone was selected to conduct the British Mission to be despatched to the Court of Cabul. The Governor-General was personally unacquainted with him, but he had formed a very high opinion of his character and attainments. ' The countries under the sovereignty of the King of Cabul had,' writes Mr. Elphinstone, ' once extended sixteen degrees in longitude from Sirhind, about 150 miles from Delhi to Meshed, about an equal distance from the Caspian Sea. In breadth, they reached from the Oxus to the Persian Gulf, a space including thirteen degrees of latitude, or 910 miles.' This great empire had suffered a considerable diminution before the days of our Embassy, but it was still a powerful kingdom. The rule of the sovereign extended not only over all the territories which we now reckon in Afghanistan, but over part of the western and all the southern portions of the Punjab, Multan, Cashmere, and Sindh. The power of this monarch was measured by the memory of the days when Ahmed Shah had marched to the gates of Delhi, and defeated the Mahrattas at Paniput. The King of Cabul had, and has always been the resource of all the disaffected in India. To him the Mohammedan sovereigns addressed their com- plaints against the Mahrattas, and the Mahratta princes addressed their complaints against us. To confront so great a monarch with due dignity, it was determined that the Mission should be in a style of great magni- ficence, and suitable preparations were made at Delhi for its equipment. The Envoy's suite and staff were chosen with care ; and the escort was numerous, con- sisting of 200 infantry and 100 irregular cavalry. 26 LIFE OF MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. The Embassy left Delhi on the 13th October, 1808. It proceeded by the route through the desert which lies between Delhi and the Indus, in order to avoid the dominions of the ruler of the Punjab — the Lion Eanjit. One hundred miles from the capital of the Moguls, the Embassy came to ' naked piles of loose sand, rising one after another, like the waves of the sea, and marked on the surface by the wind like drifted snow.' After a weary march over dismal hills and valleys of loose and heavy sand, they reached the walls and towers of Bikaneer, which presented the appearance of a great and magni- ficent city in the midst of a wilderness. At that time, five hostile armies were encamped around it. The Embassy was well received by the Kajah, and Mr. Elphinstone displayed considerable tact in avoiding any entanglement in the quarrels of the contending parties. On the 16th November they marched from Bikaneer, and after five weeks' sojourn in the desert, they reached a place where the desert and the cultivated country were separated as if by a line. A long row of trees ran along the edges of the sands, and beyond it were clumps of trees, green fields, and wells of abundant and clear water, with houses and every sign of fertility and cultivation. They had reached the banks of the Hyphasis, and encamped beneath the w^alls of Baliwul- poor. Elphinstone received much hospitality and kind- ness from the Khan, who seemed to be a man endowed with a considerable amount of common-sense. He praised the King of Cabul highly, but said he had never seen him, and, please God, he never would ; he could live in his desert and hunt his deer, and had no desire to follow Courts. The Mission marched on the 5th December from the right bank of the Hyphasis, and reached Multan, 400 miles from Delhi, on the 11th. EMBASSY TO CABUL. 27 Here tliey were detained by the necessity of obtaining correct intelligence of the King of Cabul's movements, as well as waiting for an officer from his Majesty to accom- pany the Mission after it entered the lands of the Afghan tribes. During his stay at Multan, Mount- stiiart Elphinstone wrote a long letter to the Governor- General, in the course of which he pointed out that it would be impolitic to send an army to Cabul, ' because it would be to meet the French on equal terms, and to wave the advantage of the strong frontier to the west- ward, presented by the rivers of the Punjab, the Indus, and the desert.' Mr. Elphinstone, however, said that if it were practicable, it would be desirable for us to contribute more directly to prevent that country from falling into the hands of the French, ' for if they were once in possession of it, their invasion of our territories would no longer be a great and desperate enterprise, but an attempt which they might make without risk when they pleased, and repeat whenever the state of our affairs gave a prospect of success.' He then shows the real danger of any foreign power having a para- mount influence at the Court of Cabul. What he writes concerning the French is equally applicable to the Eussians in the present day. ' If that specious people send an emissary to the King of Cabul, lie will probably assure his Majesty's entire safety from the French, offer protection against the designs of the English, and promise, in the course of the operations against India, to reduce this Soubali Bliawul Khan's country and Sindh entirely under the King's authority ; perhaps he may also promise the Pun- jab, Kutch, Gujarat, or some other country on this side of the Indus ; or he may engage to procure a desirable settlement of the disputes about the Khorassan, getting over all difficulties by promising indemnities in India. 28 LIFE OF MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. ' Amidst all these dazzling prospects, I fear an Eastern monarch might lose sight of the danger to which he exposes his crown, by associating with such a nation of military adventurers, and would not give a very favourable hearing to a person who could only offer to destroy the illusion.' Mr. Elphinstone asked the Governor-General to instruct him how far to offer pecuniary aid in case he found it necessary to counteract French promises, and what assistance he should give in ordnance stores and officers. ' It is desirable that I should be furnished with these materials to treat on as soon as possible, as some open negotiation will probably be required as a pretence for xnj remaining at Cabul. The Asiatics know nothing of the character of a resident minister, and so much are the Afghans impressed with the idea of an ambassador being always charged with some important communica- tion, that their etiquette allows him only one audience to deliver his message, receive a reply, and take his leave.' The King was at Candahar when Mr. Elphinstone reached Multan, and the Mission at first intended to join him there. After preparations were completed, and after man}" projects for overcoming the difficulties of a journey through the snow, they had the satisfaction of hearing that the King had set out on the road to Cabul. The news of the arrival of the Mission reached the sovereign while on his journey, and its object was at first regarded witli strong prejudice and distrust. The Afghan lords were adverse to an alliance which would strengthen the King, to the detriment of the aristocracy; and the King himself, who at that time was much troubled by dissensions at home, thought it very natural that we EMBASSY TO CADUL. 29 should profit by the mternal dissensions of a neighbour- ing kingdom, and endeavour to annex it to our empire. The exaggerated reports, however, which he received of the splendour of tlie Embassy, and of the sumptuous presents by which it was accompanied, determined him to admit the Mission, and to give it an honourable reception. On leaving Mflltan the Mission marched up the great Indus, which they crossed on the 7th of January. The people of the country were always very civil. They, however, entertained some strange notions con- i cerning the strangers. They believed they carried ' great guns packed up in trunks ; and they had certain boxes so contrived as to explode, and kill half a dozen men each without hurting themselves.' Some thought we could raise the dead, and there was a strong current rumour that we had made an animated wooden ram at Multan; that we had sold him as a ram, and that it was not till the purchaser began to eat him that the material of which he was made was discovered. After crossing the Indus the Mission marched to Dera Ismael Khan, where they waited near a month for an officer from the King. At the end of January they heard that the King was coming to Peshawar, and an officer had been appointed to escort them. On the 7tli February tliej- continued their journey, under the guidance of the King's troops, and, after some drear}^ marches, they encamped at the mouth of the Kurrum. From this they made three marches, across a highly cultivated plain, to the Calla-baugh, or Karra-baugh, whore the Indas is compressed by mountains into a deep channel, only 350 yards broad. The road runs along the mountain, and is cut out of solid salt at the foot of the cliffs of that mineral, in some places more than 100 feet high above the river. ' The ^b LIFE OF MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. salt is hard, clear, and almost pure. It would be like ciystal, were it not in some places streaked and tinged with red. In some places salt-springs issue from the foot of the rocks, and leave the ground covered with a crust of the most brilliant whiteness.' Shortly afterwards they halted in the fertile plain of Kohat. Here their eyes were delighted by finding English plants, from which they had been long estranged in India. ' The walks were covered with green sod, and there were hedges of wild raspberry and blackberry bushes.' There was also clover, chickweed, dandelions, common dock, and many other English weeds. After leaving the verdant plain of Kohat the Mission' pro- ceeded through the valley belonging to the tribe of Kheiber, and saw a great many armed Kheibrees sitting on the hills, looking wistfully at the camels passing. The chief came and asked for a present, but the Afghan nobleman who was deputed to conduct the strangers to Peshawar told them to come to the camp after the baggage was past. 'It gave me a strange notion,' writes Mr. Elphinstone, ' of the system of manners in Cabul, that these armed robbers should come up and ask for a present ; and that Moosa Khan, in his rich dress and golden arms, should sit almost unattended in the midst of their matchlocks and refuse them.' On the morning of the 25th the Mission made their entry into the fine old city of Peshawar. A week, however, lapsed without their being introduced to the King, in consequence of a dispute al^out the forms of their presentation. Points of etiquette having been overcome on the morning of the 15th March, the Embassy set out in procession for tlic palace. They found Shah Sujah, the man of many misfortunes and some faults, seated on a throne covered with cloth of gold and pearls. His crown and all his dress were EMBASSY TO CABUL. 31 one blaze of jewels. Large emerald bracelets were on his arms, and in one of them shone the Momitain of Light, the romantic Kohinor. The King was a hand- some man, almost thirty years of age, of an olive com- plexion, witfh a thick black beard. The expression of his countenance was dignified and pleasing, his voice clear, and his address friendly. The English Ambassa- dor found him to be a courteous, well-mannered gentle- man, who preserved his dignity while he seemed only anxious to please. On being told that the climate and productions of England greatly resembled those of Cabul, he said the two kingdoms were made by nature to be united. On subsequent occasions the Envoy was admitted to more private interviews with the King, when business was discussed. The King had definite news, and was ready to make definite engagements. The Envoy had definite views, but no definite engagements to offer. The King had a dangerous revolution to cope with in his own kingdom. Whilst the English wanted him to make an alliance concerning a remote danger, and yet w'ere unwilling to give him any aid against the enemies at his gate. The Afghc^ns were shrewd enough to see that the English wished to make a very one-sided bargain. ' They stated,' wrote Mr. Elphinstone, in a letter to the Governor-General, ' that an alliance for the purpose of repelling one enemy was imperfect, and that true friendship between two States could only be maintained by identifying their interests in all cases ; that Shah Mahmoud had no influence over the Douranees, and would be obliged, if he obtained the Crown, to put himself under the pro- tection of the Persians to maintain his authority ; that he had before connected himself with that people, and was naturally inclined to them ; and that from the 32 LIFE OF MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. moment of his restoration to the government of this country we might consider the French and Persians as akeady on the Indus. They said the Afghans were a powerful people against a foreign invader, and that when the French and Persians came they might not require our assistance ; but that we might regret our tardy aid if, before the threatened attack commenced, the present Government of this country was overthrown, and all the fruit of our alliance with it destroyed. Supposing a weaker case, and that Shah Sujali was only able to make head against the rebels without destroying them, they said that an attack from the French and Persians might then be difficult to withstand, and it would cost us millions to effect wdiat might now be done for thousands. Throughout their whole discussion they seemed to consider the invasion of the French and Per- sians to be by no means formidable, unless aided by intestine divisions ; but they were candid enough to admit that the war with these nations concerned them as much as they did us. In reply to this, I said that my instructions went only to the conclusion of a de- fensive alliance against the French and Persians, and that I knew your Lordship would never wish to take any part in the domestic quarrels of the Afghans ; that your Lordship would of course be anxious that his Majesty's means of repelling invasion should be strengthened by the removal of the disturbances within his dominions, but unless it could be proved to your Lordship's satisfaction tliat the party in rebellion was connected with the common enemy, it would be entirely out of your plan to interfere in them. I said that we did not profess to act towards this State merely from motives of disinterested friendship. If we did, the King would have cause to suspect us of harbouring designs which we thought it impolitic to avow. I EMBASSY TO CABUL. . 33 frequently urged tliem to bring forward any information they possessed respecting Shah Mahmcud's connection with the Persians, but they always acknowledged their belief that he had no transaction with that nation.' Mr. Elphinstone continued to press upon the Afghan diplomatists the necessity of signing a treaty against the common enemy ; and they, on their part, continued to beseech the English Envoy to grant assistance to their sovereign, to enable him to suppress the rebellion of his brother, which every day was growing more formidable. The English Ambassador tried to persuade them ' that the war concerned them more than us,' and that 'the Afghans must fight, or lose their country;' but they were neither convinced nor alarmed. The Afghan Minister replied that his Majesty was resolved not to give a passage to the French and Persians ; but if he did, there seemed no reason to apprehend the dangers the English Envoy had described. If ten thousand French were in search of the cities of Herat, Candahar, Cabul, and Peshawar, the word of one Mullah would be sufficient to destroy them without the assistance of a single soldier. The Afghan Minister added a remark, the force and truthfulness of which has been impressed on our mind of late years by pain- ful experience. ' The Afghans,' he said, 'were divided among themselves ; but such was their national spirit, that a rebel would rather deliver himself up to the King than accept the assistance of a foreign power.' Mr. Elphinstone stated in conversation that the English depended on their own means of warding off the danger. ' I then gave a short account of our expeditions to Spain and Portugal, and explained the . preparations at Bombay as far as I could with propriety ; and concluded by saying that we had often been at war with all the world, and had never suffered in the contest ; and that 3 34 LIFE OF MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. if the French by any means get this country into their power, we should still be able to oppose them, as we had been in many more difficult junctures.' The xVfghan duly replied that ' he could not allow that it was so easy for us to repel our enemies on our frontier. If the King gave them a passage, he would join in their enterprise ; and we should find a war with the Douranees very different from one with the French.' The English Envoy enlarged on the frankness of the English character ; but even to this statement the Afghan Minister refused to give a complete assent. He said that he did not believe that we intended to impose upon the King, but he did not think that we were so plain as w^e pretended to be. He said our reputation was very high for good faith and magnani- mous conduct to conquered princes, but he frankly owned that we had the character of being very design- ing, and that most people thought it necessary to be very vigilant in all transactions with us. The Afghan Minister proved himself skilled in the art of diplomacy ; but after many negotiations, Mr. Elphinstone surmounted the difficulties in his path, and a treaty of friendship with the Shah was signed on the 19th of April. It bound the Governor-General to assist the King of Cabul with money against a con- federacj^ of French and Persians, and the King of Cabul to resist these powers while their confederacy lasted, and to exclude all Frenchmen from his country for ever. The events of the hour materially helped the Envoy in getting the treaty signed. The troubles of the King had so increased, that he would have made any terms with the English, in the hope of gaining their assistance against his internal enemies. Shah Sujah had succeeded to his half-brother, Shah Mahmoud, who was deposed in consequence of a EMBASSY TO CABUL. 35 popular insurrection. Shortly after his march to Peshawar, the Kin^^ heard of the capture of Caudahar by Shah Mahmoud. An army was sent to attack the rebels of the west. Four days after the treaty was signed, this army was disastrously beaten in a pitched battle. News came to the King of the advance of his brother, of the capture of Cabul, and also a report of the immediate advance of the enemy towards Peshawar. It was determined to march to Cabul to meet the enemy, and the King quitted Peshawar. On June 14th, after having paid a farewell visit to the sovereign, the Mission quitted the city. On June 17th, the treaty was signed at Calcutta by the Viceroy. Before the month had expired, Shah Sujali had been com- pletely routed, and had fled from his dominions. On their return home the Embassy marched through the Punjab, and reached Delhi, from which it had started twelve months before. During his stay at Peshawar, Mr. Elphinstone had proposed that the Indian Government should receive the Province of Sindh in return for money paid to Shah Sujali. The State of Sindh had come within the scope of the defensive arrangements proposed by the Governor- General. Mr. Elphinstone was rebuked for the pro- posal which he made, and on his way back, at Hassan Abdul, in the Punjab, he wrote a letter of explanation. No one had a greater horror of spoliation than Mount- stuart Elphinstone. ' The expediency,' he wrote, ' of accepting of the cession of Sindh has clearly been removed by the change which has taken place in the state of affairs, and the consequent alteration of the views of Government ; and I have to beg the Eight Honourable the Governor- General's excuse for having at any time submitted a 36 LIFE OF MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. plan founded on such imperfect information. I was ind.uced to do so by the consideration that the slowness of the communication between Peshawar and Calcutta rendered it necessary to lose no time in pointing out the disposition of the Court of Cabul with respect to Sindh, and the advantage which might be derived from it. I trust that the following explanation will make it clear that the plan which I proposed did not involve any step at all inconsistent with the strictest principles of political morality. ' When I had the honour to address to the Governor- General my letter No. 12, I had not the same informa- tion respecting the state of Europe which I now possess, and I was very far from considering any event that had taken place in that quarter of the globe as fatal to the French invasion of India. I understand that the chiefs of Sindh had given a cordial welcome to an Agent of France and Persia, while they had received the British Envoy Avith coldness and distrust. I had also received intelligence (which has proved to be erroneous) that Mr. Smith had arrived at Hyderabad, and had been immediately dismissed. I had no doubt that the views of the chiefs of Sindh were entirely repugnant to an alliance or anything like the terms proposed to them, and I conceived the period to be fast approaching, which had been anticipated in the 67th and C)8tli paragraphs of your despatch, when the submission of the chiefs of Sindh to the King of Persia would render it just and necessary for our Government to assist in reducing them into complete subjection to the King of Cabul. Considering an attack on Siudh to be, in the event of certain probable contingencies, determined, I addressed the Governor-General, chiefly with a view to show that it was more for the benefit of both States that we should take Sindh for ourselves EMBASSY TO CABUL. 37 tlian for the KiDg of Cab ill. Though my principal object was to enumerate the advantages we should derive from the possession of Sindh, I was aware that our obtaining them depended on the conduct of tlie chiefs of Sindh and on the facility with which we could occupy their country if the state of our relations with them rendered it necessary to attack them ; but with these subjects I was unacquainted, and was obliged to content myself with alluding to them, and referring them to his Lordship's better information. ' It did not,' he continued, ' fall within the range of this discussion to examine the King of Cabul's right to Hindh ; and from what I was in the habit of hearing daily, it did not occur to me to question his title. There seemed little or no difference in point of form between the manner in which the King held Sindh and that in which he holds the countries most subject to his control ; nor is there any real difference, except that he cannot remove the Governor, and that more of the revenue is withheld on false pretences (of inundation, etc.) than in other provinces. The King does not appear ever to have renounced his right to the full sovereignty of Sindh. His march in that direction last year was, professedly at least, for the purpose of settling the province ; and the reduction of Sindh is as commonly spoken of as that of Cashmere. On the other hand, I understood the chiefs of Sindh to acknowledge the King's sovereignty in the fullest manner, and to pretend no right to the countries they govern, except what they derive from the King's Hukkum. These facts would have rendered it necessary for us to attend to the King of Cabul's claims in any arrangement we might make for Sindh, but it was on the supposed transfer of their allegiance to Persia that I conceived our riixlit of interference to be founded. I have said 357129 38 LIFE OF MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. SO much on this subject because I am very anxious to show the Governor-General that I did not intend to recommend a wanton attack on Sindh for the mere purpose of aggrandizement.' From Delhi the Embassy proceeded to Calcutta, where Mr. Elphinstone stayed throughout the year 1810, writing his Eeport for the Government. When the task was finished, Mr. Elphinstone was selected to fill the difficult office of Resident at Puna, and at the beginning of 1811 he embarked for Bombay. At the capital of Western India he met the man of promise, Sir James Mackintosh, who formed a very just estimate of his new acquaintances. He w'rote of him — ' He has a very fine understanding, with the greatest modesty and simplicity of character.' Sir James Mackintosh also urged Mr. Elphinstone to publish the results of his Afghan labours, advice which afterwards bore good fruit. CHAPTEE III. PUNA. 1810—1817. In March, 1810, after seven years' absence, Mount- stiiart ElpliiDstone found himself once more in the capital of the Peshwas. He took advantage of having again a settled home to renew his old studies, though a less energetic man would have found the laborious duties of his office sufficient to engross his time. He used to rise early, and, like Macaulay at Calcutta, devote the first cool hours of the day to the study of some classic author, ancient or modern. He studied in the garden at the Sungum the ' Hecuba ' of Euripides. ' It is, as far as I have read, a noble production, rising at every step in dignity and interest.' Two hours a day were devoted to the study of Greek, and he thinks that ' four months' such study as the present would enable me to read most books in Greek with ease.' His spare times were devoted to the ' Concilio Tridentino,' but he found doctrinal discussions tedious and useless. At this time Mountstuart Elphinstone was employed not only in the study of the writings of others, but in the labours of authorship. He had pondered over the advice given him by Mackintosh to let the public share in the information which he had gathered regarding the countries beyond the Indus. But he, however, could 40 • LIFE OF MOUNT STUART ELPHIN STONE. not come to a decision on the point until he knew what Malcolm intended to embrace in his book on Persia, which he was then preparing for the press. ' It is necessary,' he wrote, ' that I should know with some precision what you intend to do, or I shall spoil your work and waste my trouble (and no small trouble it is writing quires of paper, let alone writing for the public), while I might be hunting, hawking, reading, and doing my business with much more profit both to myself and the public, even if I do not take in hand the account of India which you so fully convinced me was required.' Malcolm wrote back that he intended to confine his work to Persia ; and, on hearing this, Elphinstone began his account of the kingdom of CabuL His method of composition was slow and toilsome, his care and cor- rections as to matter and style endless. lie knew well that, ' There is no workeman That can bothe worken wel and hastilie ; This must be clone at hcsure paifaidlie.' At last the work was finished, sent home, and published. It attracted much attention, and was favourably noticed by the leading reviews. The article in the Edinhurgh spoke of the style of Mr. Elphinstone as very good. ' It is clear, precise, significant, and manly, often nervous, always perfectly unaffected, severely guarded against every tendency to Oriental inflation (totuni. iinuicre lioc tuum rst), quite exempt from that verbosity and expansion which are the sins that most easily beset our ingenious countrymen in the East.' After the lapse of fifty years, Mountstuart Elphiustone's ' Cabul ' is the book wliicli contains the best descrip- tion of the manners and political condition of the remarkable tribes which constitute the Afghan nation. The time was now fast approaching when Elpliin- PUNA. 41 stono was to be occupied, not in Avriting, but in making history. At the ck)se of 1813, Lord Miuto left India, and was succeeded as Governor-General by the Earl of Moira, a man of mature age and experience, who had been in England an opponent of Lord Wellesley's im- perial policy. But the new Governor-General had not been many months in India before he became aware of the grave mischief which had been brought by the peace-at-any-price policy of the merchants of Leaden- hall Street. The Ghoorkas had made encroachments upon the country lying south of their mountains. Lord Minto had tried to persuade them to retire by negotia- tions with the Nepaul Court, and had failed. Lord Moira was then driven to try the force of arms ; and, in 1814, active hostilities began against the moun- taineers. The Ghoorkas fought as valiantly against us as they have subsequently done for us. Eashness and incompetency on the part of our generals brought disaster to our arms. But the hour of need is the opportunity of heroes ; and a hero arose at this severe crisis in our Eastern Empire in the person of David Ochterlony. Lord Moira appointed him to the supreme command of the army of operation ; and, with 17,000 men, the new chief determined to advance upon the capital of Nepaul. The pass which led to Khatmandoo was found impregnable ; but, by a clever strategical movement, the flank of the enemy's position was turned, and they retreated. General Ochterlony advanced to within fifty miles of the capital. The Ghoorkas, seeing that resistance was hopeless, signed a treaty, and peace was established. Lord Moira, for the statesman-like manner in which he had conducted the war, was created Marquis of Hastings, the title by which he is better known in Indian history. 42 LIFE OF MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. When the Pesliwa heard of our early disasters in the Nepaul War, he hegan to intrigue against those to whom he owed his throne. The Enghsh had not only placed Baji Eao on the throne, but they had, by the Treaty of Bassein, bound themselves to defend it against external foes, and to protect it from rebels. From the period of his restoration, the Peshwa had made use of us in endeavouring to establish his authority over his own powerful feudatories ; and Mr. Elphinstone found much work in acting as mediator between the Peshwa and his powerful vassals. But Baji Eao not only wished to reduce his own vassals, but he wished to get rid of the instrument by which he conquered them. He was assisted in his design by Trimbakji Dengie, a vicious man of considerable courage and ability, who had gained complete as- cendency over his weak and vicious master. The Peshwa, under the advice of his Minister, took advan- tage of our difficulties in Nepaul to establish secret agencies at the Courts of Scindia, Holkar, and the Kajah of Berar. Mr. Elphinstone was not unaware of the intrigues which were being carried on, and was preparing to act decisivel}^, when matters were brought to a crisis by a foul and horrible murder. Certain diff'erences had arisen between the Gaikwar and the Pesliwa, concerning the forming of the Peshwa's districts in Gujarat. A distinguished Brahmin, by name Gangadhar Shastri, was sent to Puna as the Envoy of the Baroda Government, to endeavour to effect a settlement of the pecuniary questions at issue. The Gaikwar asked and obtained the guarantee of the British Government for the safety of his Ambassador. The unfortunate Shastri was received with every mark of outward respect by the Pesliwa ; and, to make the friendship apparently more complete, a matrimonial i PUNA. 43 alliance between the Pesliwa's sister-in-law and the Shastri's son w^as arranged. The Shastri, however, feared that the marriage would give offence to his master, and he broke off the engagement. This gave mortal umbrage to the Puna Court. The Shastri now made preparations for returning home ; but the Peshwa and his Minister were afraid this might bring them into trouble with the English. They therefore persuaded the unfortunate Brahmin Envoy to delay his departure ; and went so far as to invite him to accompany the Peshwa on a pilgrimage to the annual great festival of Pandharpur, on the Bhima. Here, on the night of July 14th, 1816, shortly after he had left the Peshwa, who had been unusually courteous to him, the Shastri was attacked in the streets, and hacked to pieces. Mr. Elphinstone was at Ellora when the murder took place, but on his return to Puna he received sufficient proofs that the daring Minister had ordered the murder. He immediately addressed an earnest remonstrance to Baji Eao, in which lie pointed out the gravity of the crime. ' A foreign ambassador,' he wrote, ' has been murdered in the midst of your High- ness's Court. A Brahmin has been massacred almost in the temple, during one of the great solemnities of your religion.' He called upon the sovereign to punish the authors of the crime, and to apprehend and confine the chief culprit — the Prime Minister — till his High- ness and the Governor-General could have an oppor- tunity of consulting on the subject. Baji Piao hesitated to surrender his favourite, for he knew that the master was implicated in the guilt of the servant. He thought of opposing the Piesideut's demand by force, and Mr. Elphinstone was compelled to gather troops to support his authority. Just as hostilities were on the point of 44 LIFE OF MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. commencing Baji Eao yielded, and surrendered to justice his Minister. Trimbakji was confined in the fortress of Tanna. His imprisonment was of short duration. He effected his escape in a romantic manner, on the 12th September, 1816, and retired to the wild hills near Nasik, where he began afresh his intrigues against the English. Mr. Elphinstone informed the Peshwa of Trimbakji' s escape, and asked him to issue stringent orders for his arrest. Baji Eao promised to do so, but took no measure to carry his promise into effect. No exertions were made to seize the captive, although it was a matter of notoriety that he was collecting armed fol- lowers within a short distance of the capital. Authentic information reached the Kesident that the Peshwa had had several secret interviews with his favourite, and that large supplies of money had been conveyed to him from Puna. Matters rapidly grew worse. Tidings came from all quarters of gatherings of armed men, and the insurgents grew bolder, and began to capture the Mahratta strongholds. Mr. Elphinstone felt the time had come for vigorous measures, and troops w^ere sent to quell the insurrection. He referred to the Governor- General for orders as to the course of proceedings to be adopted towards the Peshwa. Baji Eao continued, in spite of all remonstrance, to carry on his warlike and threatening preparations, and at length the Ecsident was forced to act decisively on his own responsibility. He ordered the subsidiary force to assemble in the vicinit}^ of Puna, and he sent a written demand for the surrender of Trimbakji within a specified time, and the immediate cession of three forts as pledges for the act. The Peshwa at first absolutely refused compliance, but on May 8, ISIG, when ho found tliat troops guarded all the outlets of the city, he agreed to the demand. PUNA. 45 The concession came too late. On the 10th May Mr. Elpliinstone received instructions from the Marquis of Hastings to require the Peshwa to promise that he woukl neither maintain any envoys at other Courts, nor receive any at Puna ; and that he wouhl renounce all claims to the titular leadership of the Mahratta Empire. He was called upon to surrender valuable territories for the support of the military contingent ; and to acknow- ledge on the face of the treaty his belief in the guilt of his Minister. These were hard terms. They could not have been harder if made at the end of a successful campaign. No statesman could expect an independent prince to adhere to them unless compelled by force of arms. There was one last chance of escape for the Peshwa. Mr. Elphiustone was instructed only to make these demands in the event of no serious efforts having been made to arrest Trimbakji. The Peshwa, however, exhibited his usual vacillating conduct, and took no measures to arrest the Minister. Then, after a few days hesitation, Mr. Elphinstone was forced to ask Baji Piao to sign the new treaty. The Peshwa refused. His military adherents urged him to save honour by an appeal to arms, but Baji Eao was lacking in the courage of his race. Sullenly he ratified the treaty, protesting that he submitted to the conditions solely because he was wanting in the power to resist, and that they had not his acquiescence. The treaty was signed in May, and at the close of the year the Governor-General determined to make effective preparations for the crushing of the Pindarics of Central India. These irregular horsemen owed their origin and power to the anarchy produced by Mahratta invasions, and their number had increased with every Mahratta army. They now received secret encour- agement from the Mahratta States, who regarded them 46 LIFE OF MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. as useful instruments to aid in the destruction of the English power. Towards the end of 1817 the military preparations of Lord Hastings were completed, and they were made on a scale to meet any open hostilities from the greater Powers. The subsequent conduct of the Peshwa proved that the Governor-General was wise in his caution. After the signature of the treaty Baji Eao went on his annual pilgrimage to Pandharpur, and in that sacred city he had an interview with Sir John Malcolm, whom he pretended to regard as an old friend. He succeeded in convincing Sir John of his peaceful intentions, but Mr. Elphinstone's suspicions were not so easily lulled, and he viewed with serious apprehension the march of the greater part of his troops to their position in the general distribution of the grand army. Only three weak battalions of Bombay infantry, under Colonel Burr ; a battalion of the Puna Brigade of the Peshwa's own troops, under Major Ford ; and two companies of Bengal Sepoys, forming the Resident's guard, were left to protect Puna. It had, however, been arranged that a regiment of European infantry should be sent up from Bombay. Baji Piao, finding the Mahratta capital denuded of our force, began to levy more troops, and call in feudatories under the shallow pretence of acting in concert with the British in their operations against the Pindarics ; but the insolence of his men showed their master's real intentions. He also began to tamper with the fidelity of our Sepoys. These proceedings were well known to Mr. Elphinstone, but he did not like to take any active steps to counteract them ' for fear of interfering with our negotiations at Gwalior by any appearance of a rupture here.' Tlic Resident knew that Scindia was well acquainted with Baji Rao's vacillating and treacherous nature, and that the PUNA. 47 sovereign of Gwalior would not commence hostilities against the English until the Peshwa had committed himself. There was grave danger that Baji Rao would strike the first blow before the European regiment could reach Puna. Mr. Elphinstone wrote to the European regiment to come on as fast as possible, without regard to anything except the health of the men. On the 30th October, the British battalion marched into Puna ; Mr. Elphinstone now took a bold and decisive step. He ordered the regular troops to leave the cantonments, and to march to Kirkee, a village two miles north of Puna, and near to Dapuri, the station of the Puna Brigade. Others were sent to hasten the arrival of the battalion stationed at Sirur. General Smith, who commanded the Puna Division of the grand army, having heard of the threatening aspecl of affairs at Puna, halted his forces at Pultamba, on the Godavari, and promised to march immediately on Puna if communications should be interrupted. The Peshwa now saw that the time had come when he must throw off the mask, and hostilities could no longer be delayed. Accordingly, he sent a bullying message to desire the Resident to remove the cantonment to such place as he should direct, reduce the strength of the Native Brigade, and send away the Europeans. This was, of course, refused. Within an hour the Resident was a fugitive from the Residency, which was set in flames by the Mahrattas. He got safely to the Kirkee troops, and the battle of Kirkee followed. We had 2,800 in all, while the Peshwa had 18,000 horse, 8,000 foot, and 14 guns. This is the history of nearly all our Indian battles. The courage shown in brilliant attack — courage shown in coolness under danger, pre- sence of mind, and fertilit}^ of resource in the most terrible emergencies, were the means by which ^ve won 48 LIFE OF MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. our Indian Empire. The most graphic description of the battle is that written by the chief actor, Moiiutstuart Elphinstone, a few days after the victory was won. It is characteristic of the man that he says so httle of himself in the letter. But Mountstuart Elphinstone fought the battle of Kirkee, and won it. He urged the folly of acting on the defensive with an Asiatic foe, ordered an instant attack, and this gained the day. ' To Captain Eobert Close. (Private.) 'Camp Kirkee, Noveiithev 11, 1807. 'My dear Close, ' I make no doubt you are astonished at my long silence, and perhaps think I am murdered, or that the communication is quite cut off. The truth is, I did not like to trust your dawk with my secrets, for fear of their being intercepted, and so influencing Scindia's resolutions. Now they are no longer secret, so I sit down to write to you. ' The Peshwa, under cover of Malcolm's desire that he should raise troops, got together a large army at Puna — about 25,000 horse, and half as many foot. These he encamped at Ghorpare, pressing on and almost surrounding our brigade ; he had long since set to work to corrupt our Sepoys, and pushed on with in- creasing vigour and publicity. In short, everything tended to a rupture ; and it was necessary to watch the moment when it would break out. ' On arrival of the Bombay European regiment, I moved the cantonment to this delightful position, and felt quite relieved when I saw it was established here ; but the impression made on the town and diligently encouraged by Gokhle was, that the Firangies had fled before the invincible arms of Srimant, and would soon be clear out of the country. PUNA. 49 "■These feelings were shown with great insolence. Oar cantonments were plundered ; a gentleman was wounded and robbed of his horse at Ganesh Khind, and it was unsafe for an officer to ride even between our old camp and our new. Moro Dixit warned Ford of an approaching attack in which all our Sepoys were to leave us, and offered to save his life if he would remain quiet in Dapori. ' The Pesliwa treated every application I made to him with contempt, although I had complained of troops coming near in our old ground. We were scarcely out when the Vinchurkar sent 1,500 horses to skirmish and have a sham fight between the Sangam and the Saits Grarden. ' Maddu Sing Pindare came out with 700 or 800 horse to the place where the dead are buried, and sat for an hour examining the Sangam at his leisure, while we were at breakfast; and Grokhle pushed on 2,000 men, and threatened to form a camp on the river in front of Ghorpuri. ' All this could not be borne with, without leading to more insult ; so I very moderately remonstrated, and ordered on the Light Battalion from Sirur. About tlie same time General Smith, of his own accord, concen- trated on Fort Camba. The Pesliwa, who perhaps had been flattered by Gokhle that all his preparation should be made without his getting into a scrape, now saw that he must throw ofi' the mask ; accordingly he sent a very bullying message to desire I would move the cantonments to such place as he would direct, reduce the strength of the Native Brigade, and send away the Europeans. If I did not comply, peace could not last. I refused, but said I was most anxious for peace, and should not cross the river towards Puna ; but if his army came towards ours, wc should attack it. 4 50 LIFE OF MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. ' Within an hour after, out they came with such readi- ness that we had only time to leave the Sangam with the clothes on our back, and crossing the river at a ford under Chilando, march off to the bridge with the river between us and the enemy. A little firing, but no real fighting. The Sangam, with all the records, all my books, journal, letters, and manuscripts, was soon in a blaze ; but we got safe to the Kirkee Bridge, and soon after joined the line. While the men and followers were fording, we went ourselves to observe the enemy. The sight was magnificent as the tide rolled out of Puna. Grant, who saw it from the heights over the Powder cave, describes it as resembling the Bore at Cambay. Everything was hushed except the trampling and neighing of the horses, and the whole valley was filled with them like a river in flood. I had always told Colonel Burr that when war broke out he must recover our character by a forward movement that should encourage and fire our own troops, while it checked our enemies ; and I now by a lucky mistake, instead of merely announcing that the Peshwa was at war, sent an order to Captain Grant to move down at once and attack him. Without this, Colonel Burr has since told me he certainly would not have advanced. However, he did advance ; we joined, and after some unavoidable delay the Dapori Battalion joined. ' When opposite to the nullah, where there used to be a plantain-garden, we (injudiciously, I think) halted to cannonade, and at the same moment the enemy began from twelve to fifteen guns. Soon after the whole mass of cavalry came on at speed in the most splendid style ; the rush of horses, the sound of earth, the waving of flags, the brandishing of spears were grand beyond description, but perfectly ineffectual. One great body, however, under Goklile and Moro Dixit and some others. PUNA. 51 formed on our left and recar ; and when the 1 7th were drawn off by its ardour to attack, Major Pinto, who appeared on our left, and was quite separated from the European regiment, this body charged it with great vigour, broke through between it and the European regiment. At this time the rest of the line were pretty well occupied with shot, matchlock, and above all with rockets ; and I own I thought there was a good chance of our losing the battle. ' The 1 7th, however, though it had expended all its ammunition, survived, and was brought back to the line by Colonel Burr, who showed infinite calmness and courage, and after some more firing and some more advancing together, with detaching a few companies to our right towards the little hill of Ganesh Khind, we found ourselves alone in the field, and the sun long set. I was at first for advancing to the water at the Salts Garden, but was persuaded it was better to return to camp, which it was. If we had not made this move forward, the Peshwa's troops would have been quite bold, ours quite cowed, and we doubtful of their fidelity. We should have been cannonaded and rocketted in our camp, and the horse would have been careering within our pickets. As it is, the Peshwa armj^ has been glad to get safe behind Puna, and have been almost as quiet as if encamped on the Pirti* of Delhi. We did not lose 100 men alto- gether; and we have quite set our name up again. Our life here is delightful — no plots or cares, but idling, looking through spy-glasses, and expecting another field- day. That the Peshwa should not give us one before General Smith comes in, which he will by the 14th, is incredible ; but the Mahrattas are unaccountable.' The Peshwa did not give them another field-day. On the 12tli, General Smith arrived at Puna. The Mahrattas * Plain. 4—2 5 2 LIFE OF MOUNT STUART ELPHINSTONE. had taken up a strong position in our old cantonments, and it was expected a great battle would be fought. On the evening of the 16th, the English army crossed the river in tw^o principal divisions ; and next morning having united, they advanced on the Peshwa's camp, but found it deserted. Measures were now taken for reducing the city, and for securing it, if practicable, from the fury of our troops. ' This,' Mr. Elphinstone writes, ' had long been an object of great anxiety to General Smith, and the consideration of it had entered into all his plans for the defeat of the army. The plunder and destruction of our Kesidency and canton- ments, the lives of many of the Sepoys, the disgraceful circumstances of the murder of the officers at Fort Mallegaum, the massacre of the wives of the Sepoys that had fallen into the enemy's hands on the 5th, the mutilation of a Sepoy who had been taken prisoner while straggling from General Smith's line of march, and many other acts of impotent rage on the part of the Peshwa's Court, had raised the indignation of the men to the highest pitch, and they did not conceal their eager desire to revenge themselves by sacking and plundering the enemy's capital. Through the exertions of the Resident, Puna was taken possession of without bloodshed. The capture of the capital did not close the war. Baji Rao fled to Purandhar, and the campaign which followed consisted in the pursuit of a beaten foe. On the 9th February Satara, the stronghold of Sivaji, surrendered after a show of resistance, and the flag of the founder of the Mahratta Empire was again hoisted on the citadel. The descendants of Sivaji were, how- ever, released from their dependence on their Mayors of the Palace only to be made dependent on the power of the English. Baji Rao had destroyed the empire which Sivaji PUNA. S3 founded. After the fall of Satara, Mr. Elpliinstone, actiug under the instructions of the Governor-General, issued a Mahratta proclamation to the people of the Deccan. The document points out that Baji Rao was restored to power hy the English ; that ' at Baji Eao's restoration the country was laid waste by war and famine, the people were reduced to misery, and the Government derived scarcely any revenue from its lands.' ' Since then, in spite of the farming system and the exactions of Baji Rao's officers, the country has completely recovered, through the protection afforded it by the British Government ; and Baji Rao has accumulated those treasures which he is now employing against his benefactors. The British Govern- ment not only protected the Peshwa's own possessions, but maintained his rights abroad.' The proclamation then dwells on the murder of the Ambassador ; the demand for the punishment of Trimbakji ; the Peshwa's refusal ' until the British Government had marched an army to support its demand. Yet it made no claim on the Peshwa for its expenses, and inflicted no punishment for his protection of a murderer. It simply required the surrender of the criminal ; and on Baji Rao's compliance, it restored him to the un- diminished enjoyment of all the benefits of the alliance. Notwithstanding this generosity, Baji Rao immediately commenced a new system of intrigues, used every exertion to turn all the powers of India against the British Government. At length he gave the signal of disturbance, of fomenting an insurrection in his own dominions, and preparing to support the insurgents by open force. The British Government had then no remedy but to arm in turn. The troops entered Baji Rao's territories at all points, and surrounded him in his capital before any of those with whom he had 54 LIFE OF MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. intrigued could strike. Baji Eao's life was now in the hands of the British Government; but that Government, moved by Baji Rao's professions of gratitude for past favours, and of entire dependence on its moderation, once more resolved to continue him on his throne, after imposing such terms on him as might secure it from his future perfidy. And on this being agreed to, the British Government restored Baji Rao to its friend- ship, and proceeded to settle the Pindarics, who had so long been the pest of the peaceful inhabitants of India, and of none more than the Peshwa's own subjects. Baji Rao affected to enter with zeal into an enterprise so worthj^ of a great Government, and assembled a large army on pretence of cordially assisting in the contest. But in the midst of all his professions he spared neither pains nor money to engage the powers of Hin- dustan to combine against the British ; and no sooner had the British troops marched towards the hordes of Pindaries, than he seized an opportunity to com- mence war without a declaration, and without even an alleged ground of complaint. He attacked and burnt the house of the British Resident, contrary to the laws of nations and the practice of India, plundered and seized on peaceable travellers, and put two British officers to an ignominious death. Baji Rao himself found the last transaction too barbarous to avow ; but as the perpetrators are still unpunished, and retain their command in his army, the guilt remains with him. After the commencement of the war, Baji Rao threw off the mask regarding the murder of Gangadhar Shastri, and avowed his participation in the crime by uniting his cause with that of the murderer. By these acts of perfidy and violence, Baji Rao has compelled the ]3ritisli Government to drive him from his Musnad and to conquer liis dominions.' The proclamation then put forward the intention of Government of setting PUNA. 55 apart a portion of the Peshwa's territory for the llajah of Satara. ' The rest of the country will be held by the Honourable Company. The revenues will be col- lected for the Government, but all property, real or personal, will be secured. All Wattan and Inam (hereditary lands), annual stipends, and all religious and charitable establishments will be protected, and all religious sects will be tolerated, and their customs maintained, as far as is just and reasonable. The farming system is abolished. Officers shall be forth- with appointed, to collect a regular and moderate revenue on the part of the British Government, to administer justice and to encourage the cultivation of the soil ; they will be authorized to allow of remissions, in consideration of the circumstances of the times.' To carry out the provisions of this proclamation, distinguished for its moderation and good sense, Mr. Elphinstone was appointed sole Commissioner for the settlement, and administrator of the conquered terri- tory, and was invested with full authority over all the civil and military officers in it. No better choice could have been made. As Resident, he had shown much administrative ability, and to his coolness and courage the English owed the decisive victory which won them the Mahratta land. The words spoken by Canning in the House of Commons were not mere words of eulogy. ' Mr. Elphinstone (a name distinguished in the literature as well as the politics of the East) exhibited, on that trying occasion military courage and skill, which, though valuable accessories to diplomatic talents, we are not entitled to require as necessary qualifications for civil em- ployment. On that, and not on that occasion only, but on many others in the course of this singular campaign, Mr. Elphinstone displayed talents and resources, which would have rendered him no mean general in a country where generals are of no mean excellence and reputation.' CHAPTER IV. COMMISSIONER OF THE DECCAN. 1818—1819. In the year 1818 Moimtstuart Elpliinstone entered upon liis new duties as Commissioner of the lands lately ruled over hy Baji Eao, the head of the great Mahratta Confederacy. The rapidity and apparent ease with which the British rule was estahlished over a country of wild valleys and precipitous mountains inhabited by a race of warriors is worthy of note. Many causes contributed to the rapid spread of British authority over the Deccan, but the main cause was the energy and the character of the new ruler, and the broad and impartial views which guided his adminis- tration. When the war first broke out, every Mahratta thought Baji Pvao would drive the foreigner out of his dominions. The defeat at Kirkee did not destroy their hopes, for the Mahrattas suffered no crushing loss, and Baji Eao still possessed an army. The battle of Aslite dispelled all illusions ; for in that engagement Gokhle, the only militaiy commander of repute among them, was killed, and Baji Bao, deserted by the Mahrattas, retired from his dominions, and surrendered finally to Sir John Malcolm. The populace now had nothing to gain from the favour, nothing to fear from the resent- ment of the Peshwa. In every village the new pro- COMMISSIONER OF THE DECCAN. 57 clamation began to be discussed. Weary of war and an unsettled government, the people bailed with joy the hopes of peace and the promised immunities. Mr. Elphinstone took advantage of this feeling, and, by wise and conciliatory measures, succeeded in reconciling the several classes of Mahratta society to the foreign rule. Mountstuart Elphiustone's success as an adminis- trator was chiefly due to the fact that he saw that political institutions and social usages which had lasted for centuries could not be entirely devoid of merit. His great endeavour in the civil administration was ' to show the people that they are to expect no change but in the better administration of their former laws.' He felt that not only the privileges, but even the prejudices of the people ought to be respected. He wrote to the Governor- General : ' It is, however, to be remembered that even just government will not be a blessing if at variance with the habits and character of the people.' Mountstuart Elphinstone knew that foreign dominion must ever be a hardship, and the most that conquerors can do is to take care that the yoke presses as lightly as possible, and that it galls at the fewest points. The Marquis of Hastings left him the choice of giving the Eaja of Satara a jahagir or a small sovereignty; and he adopted the latter course, for he felt the importance ' of leaving for part of the Peshwa's subjects a government which could afford them service in their own way.' The re-establishment of the Satara Kajah in some measure reconciled the old Mahratta chiefs to the destruction of the more modern authoritj^ of the Peshwa. The English were no longer fighting against the House of Sivaji, but against a successful Mayor of the Palace. Many of the old families, let it be re- corded to their credit, resolved to share the fortunes of their fallen prince ; but the majority, from fear of for- 5S LIFE OF MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. feiting their lands, gave in their allegiance to the con- querors. To preserve the old families from destruction, to maintain their influence, was one of Mr. Elphin- stone's first cares. He saw that the nobles of the Deccan wore not like the chiefs of a Mohammedan government, foreigners to the people; but they were of the same nation and religion, and the descendants of those who had been their leaders since they rose to independence. He also saw that the Mohammedans in their most powerful days never attained complete success in taking the place of the local princes, and in substituting their own for native law and organization ; and he tried to avoid as far as possible, attempting what the Mohammedans failed to do. The local princes of the Deccan were the jahagir- dars, or owners of jahagirs, which, both in nature and history, had a strong resemblance to feudal beneficences. A jahagir was at first granted to some successful warrior during life, for the purpose of maintaining troops to serve the King. A small portion was set aside as a personal possession for the chief. On his death, the grant was renewed on condition of the heir paying a relief. The jahagirs, as in Europe, came in course of time to be regarded in the light of hereditary property. ' The period,' wrote Mr. Elphinstone, ' for which a jahagir had been held, was therefore a very important point to advert to in deciding how long to continue it. I recommend that all granted by the Mogul Emperors, or the Rajahs of Satara, should be hereditary in the fullest sense of the word. The former most generally have been very long in the families which held them, and had survived two changes of dynasty. These do not seem now to be interfered with. The latest of the Satara grants must now l;e near a century old, and must have survived a COMMISSIONER OF THE DECCAN. 59 change of dynasty, besides our conquest. Surely there is enough to entitle the possessor to feel secure from future disturbance ! On this principle, I believe we stipulated with the new Kajah of Satara that he should not resume such grants of his ancestors as lay within his territorj', binding ourselves by implication (if the fact be as I have supposed) not to resume those within ours. The Jahagirdars of the Pesliwa stood on a different footing : they had arisen under the dynasty which we subverted ; none could have been in possession for more than seventy years, and they had been kept in mind by the exactions of service, as well as by oc- casional resumptions, of the real nature and extent of their tenure. Much consideration was, however, due to them as the actual possessors of power ; and they were allowed to retain their private lands for one or more generations, according to their merits or import- ance. No change has taken place in the condition of this class ; and I cannot see how any claim w^hich they possessed at the conquest has been weakened since.' Mr. Elphinstone had a regard for hereditary rights ; and not only were jahagirs given back to their owners, but all other rent-free lands — all established pensions, charitable and religious assignments and endowments were restored. ' The preservation of religious es- tablishments,' he wrote, ' is always necessary in a conquered country ; but more particularly so in one where the Brahmins have so long possessed the temporal power. The Peshwa's charities and other religious expenses amounted to nearly Pis. 1,500, 000, besides those of the wealthy persons in employment under his Government. It would be absurd to imitate this prodigality^ but many expenses of this nature are rendered necessary by the proclamation of Satara ; and 6o LIFE OF MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. it would be worthy of a Liberal Government to supply the place of the Peshwa's indiscriminate charities by instituting a Hindu College at once in both of the sacred towns of Nasik and Wai.' Mr. Elphinstone, however, found it was no easy task to conciliate the Brahmins. A plot, in which a few of them were the chief conspirators, to murder the Europeans and restore the Peshwa was discovered. The Commissioner ordered the ringleaders to be blown from the cannon's mouth. Sir Edward Nepean, the Governor of Bombay, approved of the vigorous act, but advised Mr. Elphin- stone to ask for an indemnity ; but he rightly refused. ' If I have done wrong,' he said, ' I ought to be punished ; if I have done right, I don't want any act of indemnity.' The suppression of rebellion was accompanied by a settlement of the land revenue. The system intro- duced did not essentially differ from the comparatively patriarchal scheme of management of Nana Farnavis, by which the agents of the Government settled directly with the people. The advantage of the Eayatwari system is that it enables us to know the Kayats, and them to become acquainted with us. The abolition of the farming system of Baji Rao, by which districts were rented to contractors, removed many grievances. Mr. Elphinstone felt that many novelties must accompany every revolution, and he tried to limit the number as much as possible. He ordered the collectors to ad- minister the government ' without the restraint of any regulations but those which they found established.' He did all that lay in his power to revive the public spirit which once animated the village communities, ancient institutions which have existed from time im- memorial, and which centuries of alternating tyranny and anarchy have never been able entirely to extinguish. COMMISSIONER OF THE DECCAN. 6i He preserved the influence of tlic village officers, for he knew what other English administrators have been ignorant of — that the task of really governing India doAvn to the villages and the people is too great for a foreign Government, and can only be done through native agency and communal self-government. In the important matter of the administration of justice, Mr. Elphinstone refrained from any hasty introduction of English machinery and agency, for his knowledge of the people taught him that the state of society and civilization which pervades the many millions of India calls for a simple, cheap, and expeditious administration of justice. Under native rule, the main instrument of dispensing justice was the Panchayat or assembly of village elders. This ancient institution had its defects, but it also possessed many advantages. ' The intimate acquaintance,' wrote the Commissioner, ' of the members with the subject in dispute, and in many cases with the character of the parties, must have made their decisions frequently correct, and it was an advantage of incalcul- able value in that mode of trial that the judges being drawn from the body of the people could act on no principles that were not generally understood, a circum- stance which by preventing uncertainty and obscurity in law, struck at the very root of litigation.' Mr. Elphinstone felt that the object of the conquerors ought not to be to destroy the native system, but to take means to remove its abuses and revive its energy. He proposed that the Patel or head of the village in the country districts, and the heads of trades in the towns, should have the power to summon a Panchayat. In very large cities native judges were appointed. In all cases appeals were allowed to the collector, with whom all powers of criminal and civil administration remained. One of the main secrets of Mr. Elphinstone's 62 LIFE OF MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. success was the faculty that he had for choosing good men, and the power he confided to them. The tendency of the jDresent day is to make the collector a mere machine for writing and forwarding reports and yards of useless statistics. His time is so occupied in writing reports that he has hut scanty leisure for administration. Mr. Elphinstone thought it indispensable ' that the collector should give audience for at least two hours every day to all ranks, receive revenue complaints viva voce, and grant decisions and orders on Mamlutdars as the cases require. If he confines himself to receiving petitions in writing, it is impossible that he should have time to become acquainted with the state of fthings in his district.' The modern collector is fast becoming a mere instrument for carrying out orders, and all originality and independence is fast perishing. The administration in which the people have the largest share in their own government is the best ; after that comes strong personal rule ; but the worst form of government ever invented is government by secretariat. It was the personal rule of the Munros and Malcolms, of the Elphinstoues and Metcalfes, which created the Indian Empire, and the rule by resolutions and statistics will go far to destroy it. The effect of government by bureau- cratic resolutions is to be read in letters of blood in the history of the Ancien Eegime ; to do everything for the people, and let them do nothing for themselves — this was the ancien regime. The Council of State settled arbi- trarily not only taxes and militia and roads, but any- thing and everything. There is no new thing under the sun. Like the Indian Government, they tried to teach agriculture by schools and pamphlets and prizes ; i\\ey sent out ])l;ins for every pu])lic work. A town could not establish an octroi, levy a rate, or mend the parish steeple without an order from Council. Every- COMMISSIONER OF THE DEC CAN. 6;^ where was meddling. There were reports on statistics — circumstantial, inaccurate, and useless as Indian statistics. Every centralized bureaucracy has been a failure, and is ever likely to be a failure, because it regards and treats men as things, and not as persons. One of the reasons why the English Raj has not won favour of the people is that there is too much of the powerful machine and too little of humanity in us. We try to be just, but we are often unjust and cruel, because we believe our system of government to be adapted to all races and conditions of life. We have forgotten the principles which Elphinstone enforced in his report. ^ ' The plan I have proposed has many obvious and palpable defects, and many more will no doubt appear when its operations are fully observed. It has this advantage, that it leaves unimpaired the institutions, the opinions, and the feelings that have hitherto kept the community together ; and that as its fault is meddling too little, it may be gradually remedied by interfering when urgently required. Any opposite plan, if it fails, fails entirely; it has destroyed everything that could supply its place, and when it sinks, the whole frame of society sinks with it. This plan has another advantage likewise, that if it does not provide complete instruments for the decision of suits, it keeps clear of the causes that produce litigation. It makes no great changes, either real or apparent, in the laws, and it leads to no revolution in the state of pro- perty. The established practice also, though it be worse than another proposed in its room, will be less grievous to the people, who have accommodated them- selves to present defects, and are scarcely aware of their existence ; while every fault in a new system, and perhaps many things that are not faults, would be 64 LIFE OF MOUNT STUART ELPHINSTONE. severely felt for want of this adaptation. I do not, however, mean to say that our interference with the native plan is odious at present. On the contrary, several of the collectors are of opinion that a summary decision by a European judge is more agreeable to the natives than any other mode of trial. This may be the case at first ; but if the decisions of Europeans should ever be so j^opular as to occasion the disuse of the native modes of settlement, there would soon be a run on the Courts, and justice, however pure when obtained, ^vould never be got without j^ears of trouble.' Mr. Elphinstone had not the opportunity, as Com- missioner of the Deccan, of carrying out personally the principles enforced in his great report ; for before the document reached Government, Mr. Elphinstone had become Governor of Bombay. But he devoted the weight of his great office to the execution of the plans and principles sketched out in one of the ablest State papers ever Avritten by an Indian statesman. CHAPTER V. BOMBAY — RETURN TO ENGLAND — DEATH. 1819—1859. Mr. Elphinstone had been only a year Commissioner of the Deccan, when the Governorship of Bombay fell vacant by the resignation of Sir Evan Nepean. The great statesman who was then President of the Board of Control named three distinguished Indian administrators — Munro, Malcolm, and Elphinstone — for the post. The East Indian Directors mianimously elected the last ; and his rule justified their choice. Mountstuart Elphinstone brought to his new office those qualities which make a man a successful adminis- trator. With a masculine understanding, and a soft but resolute heart, he had unlimited powers of applica- tion. His rise, through all the gradations of public service, was due not to birth or favour, but to a thorough knowledge of its constitution, and a perfect practice in all its business. But by being conversant in office his mind had not become narrowed. He was not only a great official — he was a great statesman. Mr. Elphinstone recognised the obligation which lay upon the rulers ' to raise the natives by education and public trust to a level with their present rulers.' His 'Minute on Education,' now published for the first time, combines comprehensive and elevated views with so 5 66 LIFE OF MOUNTSTUART ELPHIN STONE. much circumspection and dignity, that it must ever be shown as a model of what a State paper ought to be. In this document many fallacies regarding Indian edu- cation, which appear from time to time, are ruthlessly destroyed. He felt, in order to successfully start educa- tion, you must first create a desire for education ; and that this desire would naturally be more easily raised in the higher than in the lower orders. ' I will here only remark, that I consider that it is more important to impart a high degree of education to the upper classes, than to diffuse a much lower sort of it among the common peoj^le. The latter object also is highly important, but it is not the point in which there is most deficiency at present. It will, besides, be much easier to make the lower orders desirous of learning to read, after a spirit of inquiry and improvement shall have been introduced among their superiors.' Mr. Elphinstone disposes of the common argument against higher education, that it rears a class whose only object is Government employment. He writes : ' The most important branch of education, in my opinion, is that designed to prepare natives for public employment. It is important, not only from its contributing so directly to the general improvement, but also from the stimulus it affords to education among the better class of natives, by connecting it with their interest.' Regarding the advisability of Indian education being entirely secular, he wrote : ' To the mixture of religion, even in the slightest degree, with our plans of education I most strongly object. I cannot agree to clog with any additional difficulty a plan which already has so many obstructions to surmount. I am convinced that the conversion of the natives must infallibly result from the diffusion of knowledge among them. Evidently they are not aware of the connection, or all attacks on GOVERNORSHIP OF BOMBAY. 67 their ignorance would be as vigorously resisted as if they were on their religion. The only effect of intro- ducing Christianity into our schools would be to sound the alarm, and to warn the Brahmins of the approach- ing danger. Even that warning might perhaps be neglected as long as no converts were made ; but it is a sufficient argument against a plan, that it can only be safe as long as it is ineffectual, and in this instance the danger involves not only failure of our plans of education, but the dissolution of our empire.' These are grave words of warning to any Govern- ment who may be tempted to enter upon the dangerous path of proselytism in India. A charge has often been brought against Government high education that it mainly benefits one class — the Brahmins. On this point, Elphinstone has some sensible remarks : ' It is observed that the missionaries found the lowest castes the best pupils ; but we must be careful how we offer any special encouragement to men of that description ; they are not only the most despised, but among the least numerous of the great divisions of society. It is to be feared that if our system of education took root among them, it would never spread farther ; and, in that case, we might find ourselves at the head of a new class, superior to the rest in useful knowledge, but hated and despised by the castes to whom these new attain- ments would always induce us to prefer them. Such a state of things would be desirable if we were con- tented to rest our favours on our army, or on the at- tachment of a part of the population, but inconsistent with every attempt to found it on a more extended basis.' Mr. Elphinstone attached little value to schemes for improving the education of natives, unless pari passu steps were taken for extending to them a greater share of the honours and emoluments of office. 5—2 68 LIFE OF MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. With regard to their employment, he wrote : ' It seems desirable gradually to introduce them into offices of higher rank and emoluments, and afterwards of higher trust. I should see no objection to a native member of a board, and I should even wish to see one district committed experimentally to a native judge, and another to a native collector.' Mr. Elphinstone, how- ever, was a statesman, and he appreciated the fact, that in statesmanship prudence is the first of virtues. He qualifies his remark regarding the admittance of natives into offices of trust : ' At the same time, I think very strict supervision requisite, and many Europeans necessary for that purpose. If this be not attended to, the natives will introduce their own corrupt practices into the system at the first outset, and we shall never be able to eradicate them.' It was the same spirit of prudence which caused Mr. Elphinstone to be decidedly against the introduction of a free press in India ; but freedom of speech once having been per- mitted, he objected to any retrograde movement. After education, the next great question which en- gaged Mr. Elphinstone 's attention was legislative and judicial reforms. He has left a monument of his labour in the * Code of Eegulations ' which bears his name. He had no mania for passing a multitude of Acts, but he saw the necessity of simplifying the law in India. His rules were framed to lessen the written pleadings, and to bring matters to a speedy issue. He saw that if justice was to be meted out, the language of the Court must be the language of the district ; and that the evidence of the witnesses must be taken in their own vernacular. No man was more impressed than Mr. Elphinstone with the importance of Indian officers knowing the vernacular of the country. His own administrative GOVERNORSHIP OF BOMBAY, 69 success was in a great measure due to his knowledge of the people, gained by a thorough knowledge of their dialects. His thorough knowledge of the native languages added greatly to the value of the two tours which he made through each part of the Presidency. On these journeys he made himself accessible to all classes, and insisted on seeing everything. He was fond of the land in which he laboured, and took an interest in its antiquities, amd would go out of his way to visit an ancient river or celebrated temple. He thoroughly enjoyed Bijapur, and thought it Avell worth the pains of a journey even after Delhi and Agra. He was fond of sport ; and the Under-Secretary, who ac- companied him during his tour, writes : ' We always had in the camp a Shikaree, whose business it was to inquire for hog ; and whenever he brought in intelli- gence of game, Mr. Elphinstone would proclaim a holi- day, and go hunting for one or perhaps two days ; and he was fond of the chase at any time. In the midst of many striking excellences, that which placed him far above all the great men I know of, was his forget- fulness of self, and thoughtfulness for others.' The eight years of Elphinstone's rule passed away without any epoch-marking event, but it was a period of consolidation and improvement. The best testimony of the success of his government is the address presented to him by the native inhabitants of the Presidency on the eve of his departure. The address is headed by the name of the very princes and chiefs whom he helped to conquer a few years previously, and opens as follows : ' We, the native princes, chiefs, gentlemen, and inhabitants of Bombay, its dependencies, and allied territories, cannot contemplate your approaching de- 70 LIFE OF MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. parture from the country without endeavouring to express, however faintly, the most profound and lasting regret which has been occasioned in our minds hy your resignation of the government of this Presidency ; for until you became Commissioner in the Deccan and Governor of Bombay, never had we been able to appreciate correctly the invaluable benefit which the British dominion is calculated to diffuse throughout the whole of India. But, having beheld with admiration for so long a period the affable and encouraging manners, the freedom from prejudice, the consideration at all times evinced for the interest and welfare of the people of this country, the regard shown to their ancieut customs and laws, the constant endeavours to extend amongst them the inestimable advantages of intellectual and moral improvement, the commanding abilities applied to ensure permanent amelioration in the condition of all classes and to promote their prosperity on the soundest principles, by which your private and public conduct has been so pre-eminently distinguished, has led us to consider the influence of the British Government as the most important and desirable blessing which the Supreme Being could have bestowed on our native lands.' Besides presenting him with the above address, the native community subscribed the handsome sum of ^620, 000 for the foundation of professorships for the purpose of teaching the natives the English language and tlie arts, sciences, and literature of Europe ; to be held in the first instance by learned men to be invited from Great Britain, until natives of the country should be found perfectly competent to undertake the office. The European community of Bombay were not less emphatic than their native brethren in expressing their RETURN rO ENGLAND. 71 regard for the departing ruler. In this address they dwelt upon the noble qualities by which he had attached the people to his sway, and they concluded it by asking him to allow a marble statue of himself to be erected in Bombay and to accept a service of plate which w^ould be prepared and presented to him in England. The Bombay Literary Society, founded by Mackintosh and fostered b}^ Elphinstone, voted a memorial bust to be placed in the Society's rooms. On the 14th November, 1827, Mountstuart Elphin- stone quitted Bombay, and no statesman ever left the shores of India more beloved by all classes of the community. Having no near ties at home, he made no haste to reach England, but travelled slowly through Egypt, Syria, Palestine, Greece, and Italy. During all his years of hard official life he had read much of the classic lands ; and the unhappy gift of ' beauty,' which has attracted men of all ages to the Italian peninsula, exerted a strong influence on his cultivated mind. Poetic and historical associations guided his steps, and the two years spent in wandering must have been years of sunshine to the weary statesman. It was not until the spring of 1829 that he reached Eng- land, at the age of fifty, after having spent thirty years in India. His health was shattered, but his abilities were not at all impaired. But a man who returns to England after a thirty years' residence in India will find, be his talents what they may, that he has much to learn. ' When I met them,' said Elphinstone of his intercourse with the literary lions of the day, ' I used to find myself constantly out of my depth.' To remedy the defects caused by a long exile from the world of letters, the great Indian statesman retired to a roadside inn to study the Greek grammar. He also, by close reading, advanced the boundary of his knowledge of European 72 LIFE OF MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. history and historical antiquities. With the same zeal that he had qualified himself to be a great administrator, he laboured to fit himself for the vocation of historian. During his residence in India he had always devoted much attention to the history of the land, and collected much valuable material, and in 1835 he commenced writing his great book. For five years he laboured hard inweaving it into form, and in the spring of 1841 the ' History of India ' was published. The book is one of great merit and value, but it must not be measured by the standard of criticism of the present day. Since it was written German erudition has opened up unexplored wilds of Indian history and mythology. Mr. Elphinstone brought to his task a mind familiar with Oriental modes of thought, but he was unfortunately no Sanscrit scholar, and consequently the Hindu period is the most unsatisfactory portion of his book. Whether the Hindu period could ever be written thoroughly by one scholar is doubtful. The historian of ancient India has to form his narration at one time out of the legends of a mythical age not more historical than that of Theseus, at another out of the bewildering records of co-existing dynasties, more num- erous and as shifting as those of the Saxon heptarchy. In the Mohammedan period Mr. Elphinstone was tread- ing on firmer historical ground, and one more familiar to him. No part of the history is more worthy of atten- tion than his estimate of Akber, or of the virtues and faults of Baber. The book has been called dull, and it may be to those who regard history as mere canvas for word-painting ; but the scholar will always admire the calm and equitable style, free from all inaccuracy of language or statement. Mr. Elpliiustone spoke diffi- dently of his history as a contribution to the great subject he had taken in hand that might aid the work HIS CLOSING DAYS. 73 of some future men of genius. The volume published, it must be borne in mind, formed only a part of a greater undertaking, embracing the rise of the British power in India, which failing health compelled him to abandon. The last fifteen years of Mr. Elphinstone's life were passed in the delicious retirement of Hookwood, in Kent, in alternate communing with books and old friends. He had always loved books, and they were now necessary to him. At times he would throw aside his books, and then to his friends he was delightful company through a flood of subjects and an unaffected cheerfulness and civility. Though he had retired from the world he was not forgotten by the world, and his opinion regarding matters of Indian policy was often sought by the leading statesmen of the day. The letters written by him to his friends from his retirement are charged with wisdom and foresight. To Lord Mayo and the Marquis of Ripon is due the credit of having introduced local self-government into India; but upwards of thirty years ago Elphinstone wrote, ' Leave the inferior presidencies independent on all matters that do not affect the general politics or im- perial legislature of India.' Mr. Elphinstone viewed with regret and alarm Lord Dalhousie's policy of stealing other men's lands under the specious pretence that it was for the good of the people. His alarms were justified by the events of 1857, when the taking of Oude and the confiscation of Jhansi was avenged by blood. When the East India Company, which had reared the stately fabric of our Indian Empire, fell by the mutiny of its soldiers, Mr. Elphinstone took a keen interest in the reconstruction of the Home Government. He did not look kindly on the innovations, and time 74 LIFE OF MOUNT STUART ELPHINSTONE. has proved liow shrewd and just his criticisms were. Writing about the Indian Bill he said : ' The great point of course is the Council, and I think that proposal will furnish a body of excellent advisers for an honest, able, and moderate secretary (such as Lord Stanley appears to be), and that it will supply the deficiencies of a lazy or indifferent one much better than the ordinary clerk of a Board of Control would do ; but that it will afford very little protection against a rash, fanci- ful, and self-willed chief, and none at all against one who shall combine with a ministry in a deliberate plan to appropriate the patronage of India, or to make use of that country in any other way favourable to then* own power or stability.' Events have proved that Elphinstone's fears were not purely imaginary. He desired that the Council of the Secretary of State for India should retain the special knowledge and exclusive devotion to Indian interests which characterized the old Directors. Above all things, he desired that Indian questions should be removed from the platform of party politics, and that the welfare of our Indian subjects should never be sacrificed to the exigencies of political strife. * It is more astonishing,' he wrote, ' considering how much our safety depends on the contentment of our Indian dependents, that in all the late discussions there has not been a single speaker of note, except Gladstone, that has laid the least stress on this part of the subject. They probably rely on the Indian Govern- ment for looking to public opinion among the natives ; but what could the strongest Indian Government do against a clamour for levying a new tax (say an income tax) on India to make up for the deficit occasioned by its oivn expenses, including the Persian and Chinese Wars, and many other charges in which the people of India take quite as little concern.' DEA TH. 75 Mountstuart Elpliiustone did not live long enough to see the working of the new system. On the 20th of November, 1859, in the eightieth year of his age, death came to him suddenly. Before men heard he was ill, news reached them that the great Indian statesman was dead. To the quiet parish church of Limpsfield was borne the coffin of a great man. In war he had shown the abilities and courage of a great commander, and in peace the virtues of a successful ruler of men. He possessed the two great elements of all social virtues — respect for the rights of others, and sympathy for the trials and sufferings of all men. These qualities have caused the descendants of the brave Mahrattas whom he conquered to cherish the memory of Mountstuart Elphinstone. MINUTE, HON. MOUNTSTFABT ELPHINSTONE, BATED MABGH, 1824, ON EDUCATION. MINUTE, BY THE HON. MOUNTSTUAKT ELPHINSTONE, DATED MARCH, 1S24. 1. I HAVE the honour to lay before the Board a letter from the Secretary to the Education Society, enclosing a report from a Special Committee of that Association. 2. As it is principally at my recommendation that the Society has come to solicit the aid of Govern- ment, I am bound to afford every support I can to their application. I have, however, some suggestions to offer in addition to those of the Committee ; and the late order of the Court of Directors against the founda- tion of a Native College at Bombay, obliges me to advert to topics which I did not mean to have con- nected with the Society, and to give a wider range to the discussion than is required by the letter now before us. 3. I have attended, as far as was in my power since I have been in Bombay, to the means of promoting education among the natives, and from all that I have observed and learned by correspondence, I am perfectly convinced that without great assistance from Govern- ment, no progress can be made in that important undertaking. A great deal appears to have been performed by the Education Society in Bengal, and 8o MOUNT STUART ELPHINSTONE, it may be expected that the same effects should be produced by the same means at this Presidency. But the number of Europeans here is so small and our connection with the natives so recent, that much greater exertions are requisite on this side of India than on the other. 4. The circumstance of our having lately succeeded to a Brahmin Government likewise, by making it dan- gerous to encourage the labours of the missionaries, deprives the cause of education of the services of a hodj of men who have more zeal and more time to devote to the object than any other class of Europeans can be expected to possess. 5. If it be admitted that the assistance of Govern- ment is necessary, the next question is, How it can best be afforded ? and there are two ways which present themselves for consideration. The Government maj'- take the education of the natives entirely on itself, or it may increase the means and stimulate the exertions of the Society already formed for that purpose. The best result will probably be produced by a combination of these two modes of proceeding. Many of the measures necessary for the diffusion of education must depend on the spontaneous zeal of individuals, and could not be effected b}" any resolutions of the Government. The promotion of those measures, therefore, should be committed to the Society ; but there are others which require an organized system, and a greater degree of regularity and permanence than can be expected from any plan the success of which is to depend upon personal character. This last branch, therefore, must be undertaken by the Government. 6. It would, however, be requisite, w^hen so much was entrusted by Government to the Society, that all the material proceedings of that body should be made MINUTE ON EDUCATION. 8i known to Government, and that it should be clearly understood that neither religion nor any topic likely to excite discontent among the natives should ever be touched on in its schools or publications. 7. The following are the principal measures required for the diffusion of knowledge among the natives : 1st, to improve the mode of teaching at the native schools, and to increase the number of schools ; 2nd, to supply them with school-books ; 3rd, to hold out some en- couragement to the lower orders of natives to avail themselves of the means of instruction thus afforded them ; 4th, to establish schools for teaching the European sciences and improvements in the higher branches of education ; 5th, to provide for the prepara- tion and publication of books of moral and physical science in native languages ; 6th, to establish schools for the purpose of teaching English to those disposed to pursue it as a classical language, and as a means of acquiring a knowledge of the European discoveries ; 7th, to hold forth encouragement to the natives in the pursuit of these last branches of knowledge. 8. First, the improvement of schools must be almost entirely left to the Education Society, with such pecuniary assistance as Government may think it expedient to afford. The constant and minute superin- tendence which will be requisite over the schools in all parts of the country, is such as can only be expected from a very general spirit of anxiety to promote the object. Any attempt to produce it on the part of Government would require a large and expensive estab- lishment, and, after all, would have very little chance of success. 9. The establishment now recommended by the Committee for teaching schoolmasters may be sanc- tioned. It will be some time, perhaps, before properly 6 82 MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. qualified persons are found, but no slackness should appear on the part of Government in providing the means of securing their employment. It ought at the same time to be communicated to the Committee that Government would be gratified by receiving occasionally accounts of the progress made, and of the number of schoolmasters to whom instruction had been afi'orded. In the meantime it appears probable that a very bene- .ficial effect would be produced if an attempt were made to disseminate the improved method of teaching by means of the press. For this purpose a very concise treatise* might be prepared in each of the native languages, containing a few rules for the management of schools in the modern W' ay, along with a short exposi- tion of the advantages which would accrue both to masters and scholars from the adoption of these im- provements. The same tract might contain a noti- fication of the persons from whom school-books might be procured, and likewise of the manner in which prizes might be obtained by persons property qualified in this stage of education. The circulation of these tracts, and a few corresponding ones in English, to- gether wdth the superintendence and assistance which might be voluntarily bestowed by gentlemen throughout the country, and the aid from the vaccinators which will presently be explained, would probably effect much towards the improvement of common schools, and would pave the way for the employment of those schoolmasters who are to be trained under the institu- tion proposed by the Committee. 10. The means by which the direct exertions of Government can be best applied to promote schools is by endeavouring to increase their number, and on this I am of opinion that no pains should be spared. * Or rather two treatises, as proposed by Mr. Farish. MINUTE ON EDUCATION. Z^ The country is at present exactly in the state in which an attempt of the sort is likely to be most efifectnal. The great body of the people are quite illiterate ; yet there is a certain class in which men capable of read- ing, writing, and instructing exist in much greater numbers than are required, or can find employment. This is a state of things which cannot long continue. The present abundance of people of education is owing to the demand there was for such persons under the Mahratha Government. That cause has now ceased, the effect will soon follow, and unless some exertion is made by the Government, the country will certainly be in a worse state under our rule than it was under the Peshwa's. I do not confine this observation to what is called learning, which, in its present form, must unavoidably fall off under us, but to the humbler acts of reading and wTiting, which, if left to themselves, will decline among the Brahmins without increasing among the other castes. 1 1 . The advantage of the present time is not con- fined to the facility of finding masters. The funds are more easily obtained at present than they will be here- after. The Gram Kharch (village expenses), except in the old districts, have not yet undergone regulation, and many Warshasans,* Nemnuks,f allowances to fakirs, etc., might now be turned to this useful purpose, that will soon be lost altogether. 12. Mr. Chaplin formerly suggested an allowance of from three to ten rupees from the Gram Kharch should be oflered to any properly educated master who would undertake to teach a village; and if the smallest of * An annual allowance or stipend given for charitable purposes to priests, pandits, etc. t Allowance or appointed provision given to Government servants; a salary or pension. G— 2 84 MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. these sums should seem too little for the poorest village, it may be increased by consolidating the funds in all cases where villages are sufficiently near each other. It would not, however, be politic (as Mr. Chaplin has since remarked) that this expense should fall directly on the village ; such a measure would too closely con- nect the ideas of education and taxation, and the Kayats might endeavour to bring about the failure of the school in hopes that they might thus get rid of the impost. The school -money, therefore, should be taken from the gross income of the village before the Govern- ment share is separated, and the amount should be made good by reductions in the Gram Kharch. If the saving does not cover the expense, the loss will still be very small either to Government or the Eayats when compared with the advantage gained. 13. The schoolmasters should be allowed to take the usual fees from their boys besides this allowance, and should receive a certain degree of assistance in printed tables and books of the cheapest description. 14. An important addition to the resources appli- cable to the maintenance of schools might be obtained by diverting towards that purpose other funds derived from the Government Treasury, and not from villages, which are at present employed on objects of no utility, and which are equally lost to the State and to the people. Occasions continually occur in which Haks, Warshasans, Inams, and other lands and allowances are granted unconditionally, from humanity or policy, to persons claiming them on doubtful titles ; in all such cases the grantee might be obliged to submit to a small annual payment towards a fund for maintaining schools. There are also many religious allowances which it would be impolitic to resume, but which might by proper management be diverted to this purpose. Lands MINUTE ON EDUCATION. 85 and allowances are also often held on condition of performing religious or other services ; it would be unpopular to exact a payment in commutation for those services if the benefit went to Government, but it might easily be levied for an object so advantageous to the people themselves. In most cases, however, the purpose for which any deduction is made from an allowance should be kept entirely out of sight, to avoid raising odium against our plans of education. It at first seemed to me to be practicable by giving a small addition in money to the allowances enjoyed by village priests, astrologers, etc., on condition of their teaching a certain number of boys, to induce them to undertake a more useful profession, which might gradually super- sede their original one ; but many objections presented themselves to the arrangement, of which the most important was that it necessarily rendered the situation of schoolmaster hereditary in all instances where it was adopted. 15. Even if funds were provided for the support of schools, we should still feel the difficulty of securing the useful employment of them. If we could at all depend either on a judicious selection of schoolmasters in the first instance, or on a moderately careful super- vision afterwards, there could be no doubt of the entire success of the proposed measure ; but the over-employ- ment of the Europeans and the indolence and indif- ference of the natives make both of most difficult attainment. The object, however, is too important to be given up without an effort. The collector might have the general charge of all schools which derived any aid from Government, and a power to resume the allowance in all cases of gross neglect. At stations where many Europeans reside, some might probably be found to undertake the care of the schools in the 86 MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. neighbourhood. The Education Society might perhaps induce some to charge themselves with this task, and all officers, of whatever description, who had any share in the management of schools, should he encouraged to correspond with the Society and to promote its improvements. 16. In all subordinate villages a great deal may be probably expected from the vaccinators. If these gentlemen should enter with zeal into the promotion of education, there are none hy whom so much assistance could be afforded. They belong to a learned and liberal profession, and are selected for their activitj^ and humanity. Their duties lead them on tours precisely of the nature of those required for the superintendence of schools, and bring them into contact with all classes of the people. Their duties also at each place must soon be transacted, and a good deal of time left appli- cable to such employments as are now recommended. Some remuneration ought to be given for this additional trouble; perhaps 150 rupees, with the actual expenses of carrying books, might be sufficient. The line of each person's charge should be well marked, to prevent all mistakes which would be likely to damp zeal. The vaccinator should be quite independent in all places of which he took charge, and the collector should be requested to attend to his suggestions on all points connected with his schools. Any person who voluntarily took charge of a school should receive similar support, and should be encouraged to procure a successor to take up his charge when he should be removed from the station. On this subject, however, the Education Society will be best qualified to suggest the most desirable mode of proceeding. 17. Inquiries relating to the possibility of providing salaries for teachers out of the Gram Kharch, or even MINUTE ON EDUCATION. 87 by a small addition to that fund, and likewise regarding the possibility of diverting any of the religious or other Mahratha grants, in the manner before alluded to, should immediately be addressed to the collectors (those in the Deccan through the Commissioner), who may also be requested to send a statement, showing the villages in their district, and the number of schools in each, accompanied by such a general report on the state of schools as they may have the means of afford- ing. They might, for instance, give a guess at the number of boys taught at each, the learning they acquire at each, and the particular classes who attend them, whether only those whose trade requires a know- ledge of reading and writing, or others also. Their opinion should likewise be solicited as to the persons who could, with most advantage, be employed as schoolmasters, and as to any other expedients that may seem practicable for promoting the object at a small expense. I am aware that a reference of this sort is usually fatal to a proposal for improvement. The time of public officers is so fully occupied by current busi- ness, that they have little leisure for general inquiries, and must commonly lay aside the letter in despair of being able to answer it ; while we, equally suffering under the pressure of current business, often allow a long period to elapse before we revive a subject which has been disposed of by such a reference. One im- portant question, however, in the present instance — that of the number of schools and scholars — can be as- certained through the Commavisdars and Shekdars with the utmost facility, and on the others a few re- ports from intelligent collectors is all we can expect. The Secretary will also be able, by making the questions distinct and simple in the first instance, and by oc- casionall}^ repeating the call in cases of delay, to prevent 88 MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. the usual fatality from attending this highly important and interesting inquiry. It is a very great satisfaction to me that, since the draft of this minute was finished, a plan nearly of the same nature has been proposed by Major Eobertson, who has also pointed out funds for supporting it. I consider this voluntar}^ opinion from so experienced a collector to be of the greatest value, and recommend that his proposal should be sanctioned without delay ; at the same time, a copy of this minute, if agreed to, may be sent to him. 18. The expense of printing school-books may, for the present, be undertaken by the Government ; the "nd School- superintendence of the printing and the dis- Books. tribution, except in certain cases, must be managed by the Society. 19. The encouragement to be afforded to native schools is a point of greater difficulty, but is one of the utmost 3rd Encoura e- ii^poi'tance, aud ouc which, if properly made ment to Schools. ^^^ ^f^ would bc sufficieut to secure very general improvement in the education of the lower order. The first step would be to institute examina- tions in the principal town or village of each Pargannah, and to distribute prizes to those who showed the most proficiency in each class. A book, such as will be published under the superintendence of Government or of the Society, would be a sufficient prize for ordinary proficiency, while those of the highest order might re- ceive a medal ; and those who are well qualified to act as writers, or Kulkarnis, might be given a certificate to that effect. The value of that certificate, however, would depend upon its being cautiously given, so that j)ublic officers in want of a person of that description might prefer taking one wdtli a certificate as the surest means of obtaining the requisite qualifications. Prizes should likewise be given to those schoolmasters who produce MINUTE ON EDUCATION. 89 the greatest number of well qualified scholars. It will be no easy matter to provide for the due adjudgment of prizes, for few English gentlemen are qualified to prou ounce on the acquirements of Indians ; the em- ployment of natives would lead to corruption ; and many wrong judgments, from whatever motive, would weaken or destroy the effect of the examinations. In the earliest part of education, however, this will be least felt ; and if the plan of taking places were ever introduced, there would be little difficulty in allotting the prizes, as the contest for the first class might then be confined to the upper boys at different schools — say the three or four upper boys of each. With regard to the prizes for the higher acquirements to be mentioned in a subsequent part of this despatch, the gentlemen who preside might select a certain number of natives to assist them, guarding against corruption or partiality by making a new choice each day, and giving no warn- ing of the persons on whom it was likely to fall. The judge or a committee, consisting of the collector and the judge, might be able to spare time and attention for an annual examination at the head station, while in the smaller towns the duty might be best conducted b}^ the vaccinators. The vaccinator himself might dis- tribute the prizes to boys ; the prizes to schoolmasters he should recommend officially to the collector, who should be instructed to pay immediate attention to his application. These prizes should consist of an honorary dress, or some other present, which w^ould be of a nature acceptable to natives. It might be accompanied either on the part of the collector or the vaccinator with a present of such printed books or tables as are most useful in teaching a school. The vaccinators should be furnished with a considerable number of books of all descriptions to be distributed at their discretion. The 9° MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. present vaccinators should be requested to undertake this charge, and none should be appointed to it without his previous acquiescence. Henceforward the appoint- ment should be inseparable. 20. The following might form a tolerable scale of prizes for each Pargannah ; but it can be altered to meet any object of convenience : CLASS. NUMBER or VALUE OF NUMBER OF VALUE OF MEDALS. EACH MEDAL. BOOKS. EACH BOOK. 1st. 1 5 Rs. 1 10 Rs. 2nd. 3 -^ 55 3 6 „ 3rd. 3 -* 55 6 6 „ 4th. 3 ■^ 55 10 3 „ Prizes to schoolmasters (one in every two Pargannahs), a ' shela ' and ' turban,' or other presents worth thirty rupees. 21. In the establishment of schools for teaching the European sciences, we can do no more than lay the 4th. Schools foundation, if, indeed, we can do more than scicuc^a'"'' sketch an outline of the plan. We may at present establish certain stipends to be granted to any person who can pass a prescribed examination, and to be increased when he shall obtain a certain number of scholars. These stipends should at first be very liberal; without such encouragement we would scarcely expect to procure teachers, when we remember the lucrative em- ployments open in other departments to persons qualified for such offices. A man with such a knowledge of l^higlish as we require would easily get 150 or 200 rupees as a clerk to a merchant. The pupils of whom MINUTE ON EDUCATION. 91 Mr. Cumin has had the goodness to take charge, and some who might be simihirly educated by the naturalist expected from Enghmd, would probably be among the first candidates for these offices. Some of the young men educated at the English school at Bombay, which will afterwards be mentioned, might also qualify them- selves to aspire to this employment, and the prospect of a handsome stipend would be a powerful incentive to all who had any prospect of success. No preference ought, however, to be given either in the choice of pro- fessors, the distribution of prizes, or any other mode of encouragement to persons educated in particular schools. Proficiency alone, however obtained, should constitute a claim. It is obvious that these sciences could not be taught without active European superintendence. As soon, therefore, as a sufficient number of native pro- fessors could be procured, it would be necessary to place a European gentleman at the head of them. He might be chosen from any line of the service where the requisite requirements could be found ; although the necessity of economy in his allowances would probably confine the choice to thejunior ranks of the military and medical lines. 22. When things should have reached to this stage (which must be considered as remote), the college at Puna might be put under the same officer, and the European and native establishments might be united. By this arrangement the means of improvement would be held out to those already in pursuit of knowledge, and as the European branch might in time be expected to swallow up the Hindu one, the whole funds of the Puna College would become applicable to the diffusion of useful science. At present such a union w^ould be fatal to both branches. The jealousy of the Brahmins would repel the approach of foreign doctrines, and the disadvantageous comparison between their own salaries 92 MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. and those of the new-comers would increase then* hostiHty, and would soon occasion the desertion of the college. 23. There is one science in which great progress may immediately be made. The Commissioner was not at first able to procure a medical professor for the college at Puna, private practice being more lucrative than the salary he had to offer. This deficiency might be easilj^ supplied, as there are few sciences in which the natives have so little to preserve, or in which we have so much to teach, and so much facility in teaching. If the attention of our medical establishment could only be called to this object, we might almost without an effort communicate to the natives a vast store of sound and useful knowledge. A small prize (of the value of 200 or 250 rupees) might be offered to any native who could acquire a certain knowledge of anatomy, medicine, or chemistry, and the warm approbation of Government might be held out to any surgeon who would impart that degree of knowledge. The situation of civil surgeon is generally reckoned desirable, and it requires no peculiar qualifications. It might with great ad- vantage be intimated to the Medical Board, that the first vacancy in these appointments would always be conferred on any assistant-surgeon who should either produce an elementary treatise on one of the sciences connected with the profession in a native language, or bring a native instructed by him to a certain pitch in some one of those sciences. A medical man already a civil surgeon might be promised promotion to the superior situations of Puna, Satara, or Cutch, on the same terms ; for the same temper and knowledge of the natives which would enable him to accomplish the condition, would secure his possessing the qualities peculiarly required at those stations. Each surgeon should also be indemnified for all the expense incurred MINUTE ON EDUCATION. 93 on account of the native whom he instructed, provided he proved to possess the requisite knowledge. The Medical Board must, however, be required to iix with some precision the nature of the treatise to be produced and the exact amount of proficiency to be required from each native student. When so educated, these native students might be employed as a superior class of native medical assistants, and might furnish one or two professors for the college. 24. It should be an incitement to attempt some- thing in this branch to know that in Bengal there is an institution with a medical gentleman at the head of it who has an allowance of 1,600 rupees a month ; and a number of students who receive an exhibition for their maintenance during their studies. 25. It is of comparatively little use that people are taught to read if their studies are to be confined to lef2:ends of Hindu cfods ; and it seems at first , „ , o o ' 5. Books. sight to be extremely easy at a trifling expense to supplant the few inaccurate and expensive manu- scripts which are in the hands of the natives, by an abundance of simple and rational publications through the means of the press. The difficulty, however, has been found to be much greater than was thought. In four years we have only accomplished the publication of two native books, and they also are translations from the Sanscrit, undertaken more with a view to bring printed books into use than on account of any instruc- tion they were themselves calculated to afford. The principal cause of this delay has no doubt been the extreme slowness of printing in India, at least at Bom- bay ; but had the printing not retarded us, w^e should soon have been brought to a stand for want of transla- tions to publish. The best remedy appears to be that suggested by the Society — to advertise for the best 94 MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. translations of particular books, or for the best ele- mentary treatises on particular subjects in specified languages. The books recommended by the Committee in No. 1 are most of them well judged ; but next to a system of arithmetic, which is already in hand, I should think a treatise on the elements of geometry, with the application of them to practice in mensuration, etc., would be desirable. A system of ethics, as suggested, would certainly be valuable, but it would be of difficult execution. In the meantime, a few tracts, or one tract containing those prudential maxims which are most important to the poor, and which are least known in India, would be of the greatest utility. Those most repugnant to their prejudices, as those which discoun- tenance the marriage of infants, expensive feasts to the caste, etc., might be introduced in the mode most likely to elude or disarm opposition ; but the success of such books must depend almost entirely on their execution, and they need only be undertaken by persons who feel a strong desire to inculcate the truths to which they refer. 26. When the labour required for these translations is considered, and likewise the previous knowledge necessary to render them useful, it is obvious both that the reward must be very liberal and that we need be under no apprehension from the number of successful claimants. Each book should, when recommended by the Education Society, be submitted to a committee or one individual appointed by Government, who should pronounce on its fitness for publication. It might be cx[)edient to have at least two rates of reward, one for books absolutely fit for publication, and another for books which could, with moderate attention, be adapted to the press. I should propose that the remuneration should vary from 100 to 300 or 400 rupees for school- books, to 4,000 or 5,000 rupees for superior produc- MINUTE ON EDUCATION. 95 tions, the amount being left to the Committee, provided it does not exceed the largest of these sums. In ex- traordinary cases, where a higher reward seemed due, the Committee might submit the claim to Government. 27. If English could be at all diffused among persons who have the least time for reflections, the progress of knowledge by means of it would be acce- . ^ ,. , , "^ . . C. English lerated in a tenfold ratio, since every man who ^chook. made himself acquainted with a science through the English would be able to communicate it in his own language to his countrymen. At present, however, there is but little desire to learn English with any such view. The first step towards creating such a desire would be to establish a school at Bombay, where English might be taught classically, and where instructions might also be given in that language on history, geo- graphy, and the popular branches of science. This school might be managed under the Education Society. A master, I understand, could be found at a salary of 50 rupees, to be doubled when he should pass an ex- amination in Mahrathi, and again increased by the amount of his original salary when he should pass in Gujaratti. He might also be allowed to take fees from the scholars that attended him, the amount of which might be fixed by the Committee. To prevent such a mixture of ranks as might prevent the higher order of natives from using the school, no boy should be admitted until he was approved by the Committee, and a preference should be given to the sons of wealthy natives and to boys that should show particular promise of talent. When the school became more extended a separate class should be instituted for the lower castes. There might be two examinations a j^ear by the Com- mittee, with the assistance of one or more gentlemen whom they might themselves select ; and on those occasions prizes of books or medals should be distributed. 96 MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. 28. Should we ever be able to extend English schools to the ontstations, admittance to them might be made a reward of merit in other studies which might tend to render it an object of ambition, or at least to remove all suspicion of our wishing to force our own opinions on the natives. 29. If it is difficult to j^rovide the means of instruc- tion in the higher branches of science, it is still more so to hold out a sufficient incitement to the acquisi- I. Encourage- J- ™'=''*' tion of them. The natives being shut out from all the higher employments in their own country, neither feel the want of knowledge in their ordinary transactions nor see any prospect of advancement from any perfection of it to which they can attain ; nor can this obstacle be removed until, by the very improve- ments which we are now planning, they shall be rendered at once more capable of undertaking public duties and more trustworthy in the execution of them. In the meantime their progress must be in a certain degree forced and unnatural, and for this reason must require more assistance on the part of the Government than w^ould be necessary in a better state of society. 30. The first step in this stage also would be to give prizes. These must be of more value, and distributed with more care than the prizes formerly recommended. Part of the prizes of the Dakshina have by long custom become fixed annuities to certain persons, who are sup- posed for a succession of years to have best merited them ; but the remainder ought henceforth to be given with a very strict attention to proficiency : and as the annuities fall in, the amount of them should be employed in the same manner. It would certainly give much disgust if any part of this fund were immediately to be applied to the encouragement of European science. A preference has, however, already been given to the MINUTE ON EDUCATION. 97 more useful branches of Hindu learning, and this might be gradually increased as well by assigning all new prizes arising from lapsed annuities to that species of attainment as by taking advantage of other oppor- tunities that might arise. In the meantime a certain number of prizes distinct from the Dakshina should be instituted for persons who might stand an examination in particular branches of European knowledge. The exact species of knowledge ought not at first to be too nicely insisted on, but geometry, algebra, the higher branches of arithmetic, geography, and the knowledge of our system of astronomy might be among the number. The principal prizes should be of considerable value ; and as they would probably not be claimed for several years, they ought to be allowed to accumulate till the amount became sufficiently dazzling to be of itself an inducement to study the elements of a science. Smaller prizes might in the meantime be granted, that even attempts at improvement might meet with some reward. 31. An obvious means of giving effect to public instruction would be to render a certain examination a necessary preliminary to admission to all offices ; but as it is essential that the selection of public functionaries should depend as much as possible on their fitness for their particular duties, it is inexpedient to embarrass the choice of them by any extraneous conditions. There are, however, instances in which stipends are enjoyed without the exaction of any corresponding service, and in these cases it would be by no means un- reasonable to oblige the possessor to confer a benefit both on himself and the public by devoting some portion of his life to study. It might, therefore, at some future period be announced that no Warshashan, Nemnuk, or other religious grant or pension would be continued to 7 98 MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. the heirs of the actual incumbents, unless they should first pass a prescribed examination. The notification might be so expressed as to avoid giving perpetuity to such allowances as it might be intended to resume, and a power might be reserved to dispense wdth the examination in cases where there might be peculiar claims. It may be a question whether a condition like the present might not be annexed to the enjoyment even of Inams when they have avowedly been granted for religious purposes, and it certainly might be attached to the succession to such pensions or jahgirs as it may be thought expedient to make hereditar}^, with the exception of such as are given for the maintenance of the representatives of great families. As many of the claimants to the allowances in question reside at a dis- tance from European stations and even from the prin- cipal native towns, it would be necessary that a moderate knowledge of any useful Indian science should be sufficient to entitle a person to the benefits of the grant. Where opportunities of instruction were afforded, some knowledge of European science might be required, or at least a smaller portion of European learning might be made equivalent to much more extensive qualifications in the sciences of the country. All this, however, is for future consideration ; at present everything that is likely to render large classes hostile to our views on education should be carefully avoided. 32. We are now to see what steps are to be taken immediately. I have already recommended a Measures to bo /. in iij tii i immediately rciereuce to the collectors rcfi^ardmg the number adopted. . ^ ^ of schools now m existence, and the possi- bility of increasing it by means of the Gram Kharcli and other funds distinct from those of the Government. It will be expedient to wait their report before any decision is passed on those points. MINUTE ON EDUCATION. ()<) 33. The vaccinators (should they accept tlie office) may, however, be authorized to commence on the granting of allowances to schoolmasters experimentally in villages where their instructions seemed likely to bo well received, and where they might be able to see that their duties were not neglected. 34. The attention of the School Society might be called to the preparation of a tract on the best mode of teaching. The whole of this minute, if concurred in, might indeed be communicated to them. 35. The allowance proposed for the native secretary might be sanctioned as well as that for the native instructors of schoolmasters to be entertained as an experiment ; and to help to cover the expense, the 2)ersons now employed in conducting translations from the Sa.nscrit might be discharged. A place might perhaps be found in some of the public offices (as the old sadar adalat) where the books of the Society might be safely deposited, and the native secretary might be entrusted with the care and issue of them. 36. The necessary communication should be made to the Medical Board regarding the employment of the vaccinators and the means suggested for diffusing medical science. The vaccinators also should be consulted as to their disposition to undertake the task proposed for them. 37. The printing of the school-books suggested by the Society should immediately be sanctioned, and the Society should be authorized to issue advertisements inviting translations and promising remuneration at the rate already mentioned. 38. The Society might be requested to give directions for the preparation of medals, and the Persian secretary might direct some of the books already printed under his superintendence to be bound — some handsomely 7—2 loo MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. and some plainlj^ — as prizes. The expense of each, however, should not exceed in all the sum laid down in a former paragraph, including the prime cost of the book. Those prizes might then be distributed to the collectors and to the vaccinators if they should enter into the design ; and they might be requested to com- mence the distribution either generally or gradually and experimentally, as they thought most expedient. 39. The Society should likewise have some of the cheaper publications which are printed under its superintendence properly bound at the expense of Government for distribution as prizes, and the expense of prizes to schoolmasters should be authorized. 40. The expense of the English school at Bombay may be immediately authorized, and the School Society requested to take the management of it ; the expense being limited to 2,500 rupees a year. 41. The professorships for English sciences cannot be promised without the sanction of the Honourable the Court of Directors, to whom the question should be referred ; unless some part of the money allotted to religious purposes should become disposable, when stipends and prizes may be held out as far as the sum recovered will go. The Commissioner at Puna should be requested to avail himself of any such oppor- tunities. 42. There are many details to be filled up on these plans for which I must depend on the kind assistance of the secretary, and as the correspondence is chiefly with the collectors, the execution may be as well com- mitted to the Picvenue as any other department. I am led to wish it should be so on this occasion from the attention Mr. Earish has already given to the subject, and still more from the belief that Mr. Hender- son is likely to be intercepted before he can make any great progress in organizing the proposed plans. MINUTE ON EDUCATION. loi 43. I can conceive no objection that can be urged to these proposals except tlie greatness of the expense — to which I wonkl oppose the magnitude of the object. It is difficult to imagine an undertaking in which our duty, our interest, and our honour are more immediately con- cerned. It is now well understood that in all countries the happiness of the poor depends in a great measure on their education. It is by means of it alone that they can acquire those habits of prudence and self- respect from which all other good qualities spring ; and if ever there was a country where such habits are required, it is this. We have all often heard of the ills of early marriages and overflowing population ; of the savings of a life squandered on some one occasion of festivity; of the helplessness of the Kayats which renders them a prey to money-lenders ; of their indifference to good clothes or houses, which has been urged on some occasions as an argument against lowering the public demands on them ; and, finally, of the vanity of all laws to protect them when no individual can be found who has spirit enough to take advantage of those enacted in their favour. There is but one remedy for all this, which is education. 44. If there be a wish to contribute to the abolition of the horrors of self-immolation, and of infanticide, and ultimately to the destruction of superstition in India, it is scarcely necessary now to prove that the only means of success lie in the diffusion of know- ledge. 45. In the meantime, the dangers to which we are exposed from the sensitive character of the religion of the natives, and the slippery foundation of our Govern- ment, owing to the total separation between us and our subjects, require the adoption of some measure to counteract them, and the only one is, to remove their I02 MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. prejudices and to commuuicate our own principles and opinions by the diflfusion of a rational education. 4G. It has been urged against our Indian Govern- ment that we have subverted the States of the East and shut up all the sources from which the magnificence of the country was derived, and that we have not our- selves constructed a single work either of utility or splendour. It may be alleged with more justice that we have dried up the fountains of native talent, and that from the nature of our conquest not only all en- couragement to the advancement of knowledge is with- drawn, but even the actual learning of the nation is likely to be lost, and the productions of former genius to be forgotten. Something should surely be done to remove this reproach. 47. It is probably some considerations like these that have induced the Legislature to render it imperative on the Indian Government to spend a portion of its Eevenue in the promotion of education ; but whatever were the motives that led to it, the enactment itself forms a fresh argument for our attention to the subject. It may be urged that this expense, however well applied, ought not to fall on the Government ; that those who are to benefit by education ought to pay for it themselves ; and that an attempt to introduce it on any other terms will fail, from the indifierence of the teachers and from the want of preparation among those for whose benefit it is intended. This would be true of the higher branches of education among a people with whom sound learning was already in request ; but in India our first and greatest difficulty is to create that demand for knowledge, on the supposed existence of which the objection I have mentioned is founded. 48. AVitli regard to the education of the poor, that must, in all stages of society, be in a great measure the MINUTE ON EDUCATION. 103 charge of the Government. Even Adam Smith (the political writer, of all others, who has put the strictest limits to the interference of the Executive Government, especially in education) admits the instruction of the poor to be among the necessary expenses of the sovereign ; though he scarcely allows any other expense, except for the defence of the nation and the adminis- tration of justice. 49. I trust, therefore, that the expense would be cheerfully incurred, even if it were considerable and permanent ; but that of the schools is to be borne by the villages ; the prizes and professors by funds already alienated ; the press, as the demand for books increases, may be left to pay itself ; and when the plans I have proposed shall once have been fully organized, I hope that the whole of the arrangement, so beneficial to the public, will be accomplished without any material expense to the Company. 50. The immediate expense may be considered accord- ing to the different branches which I have suggested. 51. The expense of the native secretary and the head schoolmaster is to be met in part by a reduction to the same amount in the allowances to persons now employed in superintending native publications, enough having been done in that way. There will remain about 350 rupees a month to be paid. 52. The allowances to the four vaccinators, if accepted, Avill be 7,200 rupees a year. The prizes are for the most part books, the charge for which will be accounted for under that head ; that for medals will not be considerable, and that of the prizes to school- masters may be guessed at 2,000 rupees a year. 53. I do not think w^e shall be required to incur a greater expense in printing, even for the first ye:u*, than we now incur for that purpose ; and although the 104 MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. rewards for translations are considerable, I think the chance of their being often demanded extremely small — jDerhaps three a year of different value, in all about 4,000 or 5,000 rupees, is the most we can expect — but we have the satisfaction to know^ that any increase in this branch of expenditure will bear an exact proportion to the extent of the success and utility of that part of the present plan. This expense might also at any time be stopped by advertising that no more rewards would be given after a certain time. Six months' warning should, however, be given to allow people to complete any translations they had begun on. 54. I have already drawn one example from the liberality of the supreme Government. I may now add, as applicable to the whole question, that, in addition to large subscriptions to education societies, the Governor-General in Council has lately allotted the whole of the town duties, amounting to about six lacs of rupees, to local improvements, of which the schools form a most important branch. 55. Annexed is a memorandum which Mr. Farish was so good as to draw up at my request, and which „ contains much information and many valuable Remarks on Mr. '^ Parish's Memo, guggestlous. I havc already availed myself of many of the ideas thrown out in it. The following points, however, still remain to be noticed and recom- mended : The importation of types and sale of them at a cheap rate, with a view to encourage printing ; The allotment of prizes for essays in the vernacular languages of India, and for improve- ments in science ; The annual report by each collector on the state of tlio schools ; The obligation on villages to pay for school- MINUTE ON EDUCATION. 105 books after the first supply, or (as that might prevent their applying for them) the obligation to pay for such as were lost or destroyed. 56. Some of the other plans suggested seem to me more doubtful. The payment of schoolmasters in proportion to the number of bo^^s taught is in itself highly advisable ; but in the present state of our superintendence it would lead to deceptions, while the pajanent of a very small fixed stipend will keep a schoolmaster to his trade, and his dependence on the contributions of his scholars for the rest of his main- tenance will secure his industry. 57. It is observed that the missionaries find the lowest castes the best pupils. But we must be careful how we offer any special encouragement to men of that description. They are not only the most despised, but among the least numerous of the great divisions of society ; and it is to be feared that if our system of education first took root among them, it w^ould never spread further, and that we might find ourselves at the head of a new class superior to the rest in useful know- ledge, but hated and despised by the castes to whom these new attainments would always induce us to prefer them. Such a state of things would be desirable, if we were contented to rest our power on our army or on the attachment of a part of the population, but is inconsistent with every attempt to found it on a more extended basis. 58. To the mixture of religion even in the slightest degree with our plans of education I must strongly object. I cannot agree to clog with any additional difficulty a plan which has already so many obstruc- tions to surmount. I am convinced that the conversion of the natives must infallibly result from the diftusion of knowledge among them. Fortunately, they are not io6 MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. aware of the connections, or all attacks on their ignor- ance would be as vigorously resisted as if they were on their religion. The only effect of introducing Chris- tianity into our schools would be to sound the alarm, and to warn the Brahmins of the approaching danger. Even that warning might perhaps be neglected as long- as no converts were made ; but it is a sufficient argument against a plan that it can only be safe as long as it is ineffectual, and in this instance the danger involves not only the failure of our plans of education but the dissolution of our empire. 59. I take this opportunity of adverting to the remarks offered by the Honourable the Court of ,, ,. ^ „ Directors on the institution of the Native Native College at Puna. Collcgc at Puua. Before I enter on the general merits of the question, I beg to notice three particular objections which have occurred to the Honour- able Court, and which I trust I may be able to remove. 60. The Honourable Court is pleased to observe in Paragraphs 20 and 21, that we have taken it for granted, without inquiry, that a favourable impression would be made on the minds of the natives by the institution of a college ; but that experience has shown in other places that no such effect is produced. It may, however, admit of a doubt, supposing the institu- tions alluded to — the colleges of Benares and Calcutta, for instance — to excite no visible feeling at the present moment, when they are no longer novelties, and when the spirit of our Government is thoroughly understood, whether they may not yet have produced a most beneficial impression at the time of their first estab- lishment. In the case of the college at Puna, the fact can scarcely be contested. One of the principal objects of the Peshwa's Government was the maintenance of the Brahmins. It is known to the Honourable Court that he annually distributed five lacs of rupees among MINUTE ON EDUCATION. 107 that order under the name of the Dakshina ; but it must be observed that the Dakshina formed but a small portion of his largesses to Brahmins, and the number of jDersons devoted to Hindu learning and religion, who were supported by him, exceeded what would readily be supposed. With all the favour that we have shown this class of his dependents, great numbers of them are reduced to distress, and are subsisting on the sale of shawls and other articles, which they received in better times, while others have already reached the extremity of want which follows the consumption of all their former accumulation. Considering the numbers and the influence of this description of people, it surely cannot be reckoned unimportant towards influencing public opinion that such a sum as could be spared should be set aside for their maintenance ; and as it is the object of our enemies to inculcate the opinion that we wish to change the religion and manners of the Hindus^ it seems equally popular and reasonable to apply part of that sum to the encouragement of their learning. 61. The Honourable Court has on these grounds been pleased to approve of the partial continuance of the Dakshina ; but by the approbation expressed of Mr. Prendergast's objections to the college on the score of expense (Paragraph 32), the Honourable Court appears to understand that a new and considerable addition to our charges is to be occasioned by that institution. The fact, however, is that the whole expense of the college has been saved out of the Dakshina, and not one rupee has been expended for the encouragement of learning that was not already required to prevent popular discontent.* * The accompan3ing statement s}io\v.s tliat when tlic college is complete, nineteen professors are maintained and stipends allowed to one hundred of the students at an annual expense of 1-5,320 rupees. io8 MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. 62. I may here observe that I must have expressed myself indistinctly in my report, as the Honourable Court has understood my sentiments to be adverse to an insti- tution like the present. It was my intention in the passage quoted in Paragraph 33 to say that instead of expending two lacs of rupees on religious charges, in- cluding two colleges, I intended to allot 50,000 rupees to the Dakshina, giving the prizes as much as possible to proficients in law, mathematics, etc., to support a certain number of professors who might teach those sciences, and to circulate a few well-chosen books. The only deviations from this plan that have taken place are that the professors have been paid out of the funds allotted to the Dakshina, and that some of those appointed are meant to teach Hindu divinity and my- thology. It cannot be denied that this is an unprofitable part of the establishment, and it is to these branches of learning that Mr. Chaplin alludes when he saj^s that some are worse than useless ; but we must not forget that we are founding (or rather keeping up with modifi- cations) a seminary among a most bigoted people, where knowledge has always been in the hands of the priest- hood, and where science itself is considered as a branch of religion. In such circumstances, and supporting the expense from a fund devoted to religious purposes, I do not think we could possibly have excluded the usual theological professorships without showing a hos- tility to the Hindu faith which it was our object to avoid, and irritating those prejudices of the people which it was the professed design of the institution to soothe or to remove. I trust these arguments may be satisfactory to the Honourable Court ; but at all events I may venture to assure it that the measure was not under- taken without very full investigation of its probable effect, and that I am rather afraid that my inquiries while MINUTE ON EDUCATION. 109 Commissioner in the Deccan, may have led the Mahrattas to expect some more important measures in favour of the learned of their nation than it has been found expedient to carry into execution. G3. I come now to the question whether, considering the establishment of the college, without reference to the conciliation of the people, it was desirable for its own sake to encourage the learning of the country. It must be clearly understood that the question is not whether we are to encourage Brahmin learning or European learning, but whether we are to encourage Brahmin learning or none at all. The early part of this minute has shown that we do not possess the means of teaching in the native languages the very rudiments of European sciences ; and that if we did possess them, we should find few or none among the natives who are disposed or fitted to receive our in- structions. The only point to discuss therefore is, whether or not the knowledge now in existence is to be allowed to be extinguished. It may be supposed that as Hindu learning formerly subsisted independent of our aid, it might continue to do so without our in- curring the expense of a college ; but this conclusion would be entirely erroneous. The Dakshina, which has already been mentioned, was expressly designed to en- courage learning : it formerly amounted to eight or ten lacs of rupees, and though Bajee Row reduced the expenses, he still gave a small sum to each of 50,000 Brahmins, besides large prizes to all who distinguished themselves by their learning. Both he and all his sirdars and ministers employed many learned Brahmins in various offices connected with the Hindu ritual ; and all, on a religious principle, allow^ed stipends and grants of land to many others for whose services they had no call. Add to this that learnins: was a certain title to no MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. the countenance of the great and to the respect of the people, and we may estimate the incentives to the ac- quisition of it which were destroyed by our conquest. It is true that this encouragement may not have been judiciously directed, but the effects of it on the whole were beneficial, and such as I cannot but think that it is still desirable to preserve. A class of men was maintained whose time was devoted to the cultivation of their understanding ; their learning may have been obscure and degenerate, but still it bore some affinity to real science, into which it might in time have been im- proved. They were not, perhaps, much inferior to those monks among whom the seeds of European learn- ing were long kept alive ; and their extinction, if it did not occasion the loss of much present wisdom, would have cut off all hope for the future. 64. These arguments are founded on the supposition that the Puna College was always to remain unaltered, but this was by no means a necessary consequence of the institution ; when once the college had become an established place of resort for Brahmins, it would be easy to introduce by degrees improvements into the system of education, and thus render the institution a powerful instrument for the diffusion of civilization. Some such alterations are suggested in the course of this minute, and others must be the fruit of time, and cannot be adopted until we have instruments better fitted to impart instruction as well as auditors better prepared to receive it. 05. At no time, however, could I wish that the purely Hindu part of the course should be totally abandoned. It would surely be a preposterous way of adding to the intellectual treasures of a nation to begin by the destruction of its indigenous literature ; and 1 cannot but think that the future attainments of the MINUTE ON EDUCATION. m natives will be increased in extent as well as in variety by being, as it were, engrafted on tlieir own previous knowledge, and imbued with their own original and peculiar character. - QiQ. The attention of the Honourable Court has been attracted to the appointment among others of a professor of poetry. That class was admitted without much reflection as one that exists in all Hindu colleges. At first sight it seems of little practical utility, but on a closer examination it will probably appear worthy of being looked on with more favour. The Honourable Court are aware how large a portion of the Hindu literature is formed by Sanscrit poetry. It is this part which seems to have the most intrinsic merit, and which has called forth the enthusiastic admiration of nc mean judges among ourselves. It is this part also which it is both most practicable and most desirable to preserve. Even without the example and assistance of a more civilized nation, the science possessed by every people is gradually superseded by their own discoveries as they advance in knowledge, and their early works fall into disuse and into oblivion. But it is otherwise with their poetry ; the standard works maintain their reputation undiminished in every age, they form the models of composition and the fountains of classical language ; and the writers of the rudest ages are those who contribute the most to the delight and refinement of the most improved of their posterity. 67. The Honourable Court draws anticipations unfavourable to the college at Puna from the ill success of those at Calcutta and Benares ; but I am not sure that such a fact, even admitted in its utmost extent, would form an argument against the phm adopted. Every institution is liable to fall in time into neglect and inefficiency ; and of all others the 112 MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. most liable are those which have the maintenance of learning for their object. Other establishments derive strength from their connection with the transactions of common life, but those for the cultivation of letters have no such support, and it is for this reason that the aid of Government is required to enable them to subsist. It would perhaps be giving way too readily to despondency to suppose that because the colleges in Bengal have admitted of some abuses, that they neither have been nor w^ill be of great utility. In the want of leisure for careful superintendence among the Europeans such establishments must be exposed to fluctuations. They will be neglected under one Government. They will be reformed under another ; and on the whole they will go on and flourish, a monument of the genius of the great man who planned them in the midst of pressing difliculties and dangers, and of the liberality of the Honourable Court which has supported them, notwithstanding occasional discouragement and tem- porary ill success. 68. Having been led so far into the consideration of the despatch of the Honourable the Court of Direc- tors, I shall proceed to that part which re- ymmg^^cwii lates to the college which it was intended to establish at the Residency for the education of young civil servants ; and I shall propose such a sub- stitute as occurs to me for the plan which has been forbidden by the Court. G9. The great advantages of a college are, that it aff'ords the best opportunities of instruction both from European professors and native munsliis, that it sup- plies books, that it affords some superintendence over the conduct of the young men, so that in the event of idleness or dissipation it can be checked before it has had time to reach any very injurious pitch. The exam- MINUTE ON EDUCATION. 113 inations, rewards, and degrees of honour complete the advantages of the college system. 70. Its disadvantages are that it brings young men too much together, that it detains them at the Presi- dency, and, above all, that by regulating and watching over a young man's studies it takes from him the stimulus which he would derive from the consciousness that his good or ill success was in his own hands. 71. These advantages are so great that they in some measure reconcile me to the loss of the proposed college, as far, at least, as the young civil servants are concerned. 72. We must now endeavour, as well as our means permit, to unite the benefits and avoid the disadvant- ages of both plans of instruction. 73. With the aid of European professors it is neces- sary we should dispense, but something might be done to increase the number of native munshies, provided it could be effected without so great an addition as would render their business insufficient to support pro- perly qualified men. If they could not be found here, men with every requisite qualification might easily be procured. from Calcutta. On this subject we could not perhaps do better than consult the gentlemen who have hitherto had the goodness to examine the students. The same gentlemen might be requested to state what they conceived to be the best books for young students, and means might be taken to procure sufficient numbers from Calcutta, or to print them here. Superintendence will not be required if we can succeed in preserving the impression that young men themselves at present enter- tain of the importance of their acquiring a sufficient knowledge to enable them to pass the examination. If a young man knows that such a trial must be submitted to before he can enter on the advantages of his pro- 8 114 MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. fession, and that he has nothmg to trust to for carrying him through it but his own industry and attention, it is not too much to expect that those qualities will be excited. 74. The examinations, I understand, are at present much easier than those in Calcutta. Something might be added to the difficulty, but it ought not to be so great as either to discourage the student or to detain him too long among the temptations of a Presidency, and at a distance from the active employments of the service. 75. The grammatical part of the languages should be particularly attended to. If that be once completely mastered, the rest must follow from practice. 76. The accompanying note by Captain Ruddell, one of the Examiners to the College of Fort William, will show the plan pursued there. 77. The whole of this plan depending on the exam- ination, it becomes necessary to take care that it shall be effectual. We* have hitherto been able to accom- plish the object by the voluntary assistance of such gentlemen as have happened to possess the requisite qualifications at the Presidency ; but such a casual aid can scarcely be relied on in a matter of so much import- ance, especially after the regulation Committee shall have been dissolved. 78. The best plan will jn-obably bo to appoint a junior member to be also secretary, with such a salary as may secure the occasional services of an eminent linguist. This gentleman, with the Persian secretary, will always make us sure of two efficient members, and we may trust to accident for a third. 79. The Examining Committee may continue to meet as at present, once in three months, and every student should bo required, at tlic first meeting after MINUTE ON EDUCATION. 115 liis arrival, to declare whether it is his intention to stand the examination at the next meeting. If sucli should not be his intention, he should immediately l)e appointed to a station up the country, as has been ordered by the Court of Directors. I think this better than sending every young man up the country at once, according to the letter of the Court's order, because much time is lost and expense incurred in the journey ; and if a young man has a disposition to study, it is better that he should at once have done with the Presidency, and enter on the duties of his profession. 80. It has occurred to me to make it obligatory on every student to pass an examination in Marathi, or in Gujarathi, as well as in Hindustani ; and experience has shown that, without such a rule, those languages will not be studied. My unwillingness to keep young men at the Presidency, however, induces me to abandon that proposal, and to recommend in its stead the publi- cation of a rule that no young man shall henceforward be promoted to the second step in his line (whether from Assistant-Registrar to Registrar, or from third Assistant-Collector to second) until he has been examined in the language of the district where he has been stationed. This second examination, however, might be conducted by a committee on the spot. 81. All these expedients are designed to secure a bare sufficiency of knowledge to provide for the dis- charge of ordinary duties. To obtain higher proficiency, other measures must be devised ; and, for that purpose, I know no means more likely to be effectual than the system of prizes already in use in Calcutta. I subjoin a copy of the statute on that subject, and I would have it understood that a separate prize will be given for each language ; so that if any one obtains the required 8—2 ii6 MOUNTSTUART ELPHIN STONE. proficiency in tln*ee languages, he will receive 2,400 rupees instead of 800. 82. It is my anxious wish that the higher degrees of those prizes should be thrown open to military men. It is the encouragement of Oriental learning rather than the transaction of business that they are designed to promote, and it cannot be the object of Government to exclude any labourers from a field the extent of which is so much beyond our power of cultiva- tion. 83. The orders of the Court of Directors to the Supreme Government are, however, so positive against the admission of military men, that I can only propose the address of an earnest representation to the Honourable Court to induce them to permit its adoption. NARRATIVE PROCEEDINGS RELAimG TO THE MURDER OF GANGADHAR SHASTRI, GAIKWAR'S MINISTER DEPUTED TO PUNA. NARRATIVE OF PROCEEDINGS RELATING TO THE MURDER OF GANGADHAR SHASTRI, THE GAIKWAR'S MINISTER DEPUTED TO PUNA. Trimbakji Dengle, in whose conduct the late dis- cussions with the Court of Puna have originated, was first appointed to carry on the communica- Narrative tions between the Peshwa and the Resident, mmder "f the after the notification of the recall of Gan- Minister. gadliar Shastri to Baroda, and the suspen- Hostilities with , ,1 -r-% • • T /-i p •! tiie Teshwa. sion by the iiritisli Government oi its arbitration of the disputes between the Peshwa and the Gaikwar. Trimbakji, who had been a menial servant of the Peshwa, and had found some opportunities of rendering his Highness essential service, had always enjoyed a large portion of his master's confidence, and became by this appointment the real and efficient Minister of the State of Puna, although Sadashiv Maenkshwar still retained the rank and designation of First Minister. The effects of the elevation of his Higlmess's favourite to a situation of such power and importance were soon discovered in an entire change of the internal policy of the Court of Puna, and in I20 NARRATIVE RESPECTING THE repeated infractions of the Treaty of Bassein ; all of which were, from time to time, reported to the Governor-General, and on one occasion brought to the notice of the Peshwa's Government in a detailed and forcible remonstrance, addressed by Mr. Elphinstone to his Higlmess's Ministers. The Resident had, from the unfavom-able opinion which he entertained of Trim- bakji's character, and the knowledge which he pos- sessed of the motives which led to his appointment to be Minister (as fully explained in the Resident's letter, dated the 27tli May, 1815), anticipated the probability of the British Government being soon involved in dis- cussions with the State of Puna. These changes in the internal policy of that Court, together with the appre- hensions which Mr. Elphinstone had of the consequences to which they might lead, were submitted to the notice of the Governor-General soon after the nomination of Trimbakji to conduct the communications between the Peshwa's Government and the Residency.* These expectations were soon realized, although in consequence of events entirely unexpected. It is known that mutual claims have long depended between the Government of the Peshwa and that of the Gaikwar, arising out of the former connection between those States. By the provisions of the treaties con- cluded between the British Government and the Peshwa and Gaikwar respectively, the British Government is bound to arbitrate these claims. A further subject of discussion arose respecting the farm of Ahmedabad, comprehending the principal portion of the Peshwa's lands in Gujarat, which had been granted to the Gaik- war on a lease of ten years ; the term of the lease being nearly expired, and the renewal of it being an object of considerable importance both to the British and the * 'imx March, 1815. MURDER OF THE G A IK WAR'S MINISTER. 121 Gaikwar's interests in Gujarat, a negotiation was opened for the purpose of endeavouring to obtain it. With this question were connected others referring to the Peshwa's interest in Katiawar, the whole forming a subject of considerable delicacy and moment, in which the honour and interests of the British Govern- ment were directly concerned. It was very desirable that the Government of Puna and Baroda should endeavour to come to an understand- ing on all these points by direct negotiation ; and that the arbitration of the British Government should not be resorted to, except in the event of a failure of those endeavours. This course was accordingly recom- mended ; and after an effectual attempt to accomplish a satisfactory arrangement through the agency of the Gaikwar's Vakil at Puna, wdiose measures were counteracted by every species of intrigue, both there and at Baroda, instigated unquestionably by Trimbakji, who had a personal interest in the resumption of the Peshwa's direct authority in Gujarat, it was determined that Gangadhar Shastri, the Gaikwar's principal Minister, should be deputed to Puna to bring matters to a close. He accordingly proceeded to Puna in the character of a public Minister, and under the declared protection and guarantee of the British Government, the renewal of the lease of Ahmedabad was positively rejected by the Peshwa, and the lands delivered over to his Highness's officers. Every possible delay, pro- crastination, and evasion were thrown in the way of the negotiation of the other depending points ; at length, with the concurrence of the Piesident, he determined to retire from Puna, leaving the unadjusted questions to be arbitrated by the British Government. A remarkable change in the conduct of the Peshwa and his Minister Trimbakji, and in their demeanour towards the 122 NARRATIVE RESPECTING THE Shastri, induced him to sus^^end this intention. His Highness and the Minister now began to show extra- ordinary marks of favour and kindness to Gangadhar Shastri, and to endeavour by every means in their power to concihate his regard and confidence ; his Highness even went so far as to propose that one of his daughters should be married to the Shastri's son, and the preparations for the marriage were in some pro- gress. Hopes of an early adjustment of all the depend- ing questions, on terms which the Shastri thought it would be for his master's interest to accept, were also held out ; deceived by these appearances, the Shastri, with the consent of the Resident, deferred his departure from the Peshwa's Darbar. He accompanied his Highness and the Minister on a pilgrimage to Nasik, whither the Resident accompanied the Court, and he returned with the Pesliwa to Puna ; and thence pro- ceeded on a visit of devotion to Pandharpur, at the earnest entreaty of the Pesliwa and Trimbakji, leaving most of his attendants at Puna, at their desire. On the night of the 14th July, the Shastri received a message from Trimbakji, entreating him to come to the temple and perform his devotions. Being indisposed, the Shastri declined the invitation, which was three times renewed with increased earnestness. Yielding at length to these entreaties, he repaired to the temple, attended by only four or five persons altogether. Having performed his devotions, and conversed for a few minutes with Trimbakji, he left the temple to return home ; and had only got a short distance from it, when he was attacked and killed by five armed men who came from the temple, and immediately ran away towards tlie same p]ac(i after perpetrating the murder. The particulars of this affair are detailed in a despatch from the Resident at Puna, dated 5th September ; and MURDER OF THE GAIKWAWS MINISTER. 123 being supported by evidence, left no room to doubt that Trimbakji was implicated in the guilt of the Shastri's assassination. The anxiety shown by Trimbakji for the Shastri's attendance in the temple on the night of his assassination ; his desire that he should be accom- panied but by few people ; the total absence of all in- vestigation on the part of the Peshwa's Government, after the murder had been perpetrated, notwithstanding the atrocity with which it was marked ; and above all, the fact of no measures having been taken for the arrest of Bhagwant Raw and Bandoji, who were at Pandhar- pur, and on whom suspicion immediately lighted as being the known personal and political enemies of the deceased — seemed, in the general opinion, to be cir- cumstances which irresistibly fixed the guilt on Trim- bakji. The Peshwa himself did not escape the im- putation of having instigated or approved the murder. Mr. Elphinstone, who was at Ellora when he learned the murder of the Shastri, immediately addressed the Peshwa,* acquainting him with his intention of return- ing to Puna without delay, and calling on his Highness to institute an early and serious investigation of the case, with a view to discover and punish the assassins of the Minister of an ally of the British Government, who had come to his Highness's Court under the express guarantee of the former. Mr. Elphinstone at the same time directed Captain Pottinger, his assistant, whom he had left in charge of the Residency at Puna, to take immediate measures for the security of the persons of the rest of the Baroda Mission ; and autho- rized him, should such a step appear to be necessary for their protection, to invite them to encamp in the neighbourhood of the British Residency. Mr. Elphin- stone 's representations were enforced in a letter addressed * 25th July. 124 NARRATIVE RESPECTING THE by the Governor-Greneral to the Peshwa,* soon after his Lordship became acquainted with the tragical event at Pandharpiir. Mr. Elphinstone also received his Lord- ship's instructions in detail with respect to the course which he was to pursue, in the event of his demand to the Peshwa for the discovery and punishment of the murderers being complied with, resisted, or evaded by his Highness. The refusal or the evasion of our demands would unquestionably place the Court of Puna in a state of enmity with the British Government. Under a supposition that either of these courses might be pursued by the Peshwa, from a belief of Trimbakji being the author of the guilt, Mr. Elphinstone, though he was enjoined not to precipitate hostilities with his Highness, was directed not to relax in the prosecution of our demands, which could not be retracted with dignitj^ or security. His attention was also particularly drawn to the importance of preventing the escape of Trimbakji from Puna, either with or without the knowledge of the Peshwa ; and as it was possible that his Highness himself might endeavour to withdraw from his capital, it was also recommended that every opposition should be made to this step should his Highness pur- pose to adopt it. Li order to enable Mr. Elphinstone to follow this line of conduct witli effect, he was authorized, in addition to the control which he already possessed over the Puna subsidiary force, to make requisition for military aid to the Governments of Fort St. George and Bombay, and to Colonel Doveton, should the progress of events appear to him to require this procedure. Notwithstanding the urgent demand made by Mr. Elphinstone for an inquiry into the circumstances of the murder, and tlie punishment of the criminals when they sliould be discovered, no steps towards an in- * 15th August. MURDER OF THE GAIKWAR'S MINISTER. 125 vestigation were taken either by the Peshwa or his Minister, during their continuance at Pandharpur. As the general voice pointed at Trimbakji as being the instigator of the crime, and from the tone of Mr. Elphin- stone's remonstrance to the Peshwa, it was expected that he would not long delay a declaration of the senti- ments which he entertained on the subject, extra- ordinary precautions were taken by his Highness and Trimbakji for the security of their persons. Before the death of the Shastri, the Peshwa had already adopted strong measures for his own protection, which, after the murder, were redoubled. Now troops were entertained and assembled from a distance, on purpose to guard his Highness ; and when he travelled, his person was attended, contrary to his usual practice, by a large bodj^ of armed men. The entry of the Peshwa into his capital was marked by every symptom of dis- trust and anxiety. He arrived in a close palankin without giving notice of his approach, and without being met by any of his chiefs. At night strong guards were posted both at his palace and at the house of Trimbakji. It happened also that his arrival at Puna Avas on the da}^ of a great festival, on which thousands of Brahmins were accustomed to attend in order to receive charity from his Highness, who had hitherto never failed to be present. On this occasion, however, of its recurrence, he was not present. These extra- ordinary precautious were adopted, as Mr. Elphinstone subsequently learned, in consequence of the fear which the Peshwa and Trimbakji entertained of being assassinated by some of the soldiers of Gangadhar Shastri, who had remained at Puna with Bapu Mairal. After his Higlmess's arrival at the city, the levies of new troops, and the assemblage of those alread}^ in his service, in the vicinity of Puna, continued as before. These 126 NARRATIVE RESPECTING THE measures, which had been before carried on with secrecy, w^re more openly adopted after Mr. Elphin- stone had pnbHcly demanded the sm'render of Trim- bakji to the British Government. On learning that no attention had been paid to his first remonstrance from Ellora, and having become possessed of information which left in his mind no doubt of Trimbakji's guilt. Mr. Elphinstone re- solved not to delay publicly charging the Minister with the crime of having instigated the murder of the Shastri, and calling on the Peshwa for his immediate imprisonment. Mr. Elphinstone judged that this demand, the advance of which he regarded to be sooner or later inevitable, could then be made with the greatest effect, and the best prospect of success. The mind of the public, as has been above observed, was fully impressed with the conviction of the Minister's guilt ; Trimbakji had not had time to work on the feelings of the Peshwa to subdue the popular clamour which was loud against him, and to silence or remove the most formidable of his enemies ; and Mr. Elphin- stone, foreseeing that the instructions of the Governor- General, when they arrived, would be to call on the Peshwa for justice, deemed that no period could be more advantageous for making such a demand, as the subsidiary force could at that moment be spared from the frontier, and might return to its cantonments at Sirur without creating suspicion.* The considera- tions by which Mr. Elphinstone was guided in the line of proceedings which he adopted were submitted in detail to the Governor- General and received the most unqualified approbation of his Lordship, whose views on the whole subject he had correctly anticipated.! * Mr. Elpliinstone's dcspatcli, dated 16th August, t Mr. Adiiius's despatch, dated 10th September. MURDER OF THE GAIKWAR'S MINISTER. 127 Mr. Elpliinstone at first detormiiiud to take no otlier precaution against any attack which Triinbakji might make when his case became desperate, than to place the brigade at Puna and the troops at the Kcsidoncy upon the alert, and to order one of the battalions at Puna to be relieved, by which means he might com- mand a reinforcement by the detention of the relieved battalion; but after communication with Colonel Smith, he resolved to recall the subsidiary force to Sirur, a measure which, in his judgment, appeared to be indis- pensably necessary, on account of the very small number of troops then at Puna, and of that detachment being wholly dependent on the city of Puna for its necessary supplies of all descriptions. Mr. Elpliinstone communicated the return of the subsidiary force to its usual cantonments to the Peshwa, in the manner which appeared to him to be the least calculated to excite alarm or anxiety on the part of his Highness. Tn order more securely to enable them to send off the family of the late Shastri to Baroda, Bapu Mairal, and the rest of the Mission, were invited to encamp in the neighbourhood of the British Kesidency, which they at length effected, though not altogether without diffi- culty, in consequence of a mutiny, supposed to have been excited by the intrigues of Trimbakji and Ban- doji, having broken out among some of their troops, who, making a want of pay the pretext for their dis- affection, were readily joined by the other. Mr. Elpliin- stone happily succeeded in suppressing this mutiny without being compelled to resort to force for the protection of the Baroda Mission, a measure which might, in the state of irritation which then prevailed, have led to immediate hostilities between the British troops and those of the Peshwa. Soon after the Peshwa's return to Puna, Mr. Elpliin- I30 NARRATIVE RESPECTING THE no direct allusion was made to the possibility of his Highness having imbibed such apprehensions. The agent whom the Bliau wished to see being disqualified by his age and infirmities from undertaking a negotia- tion, Mr. Elphinstone sent another person, to whom the Bhau delivered a long message on the part of the Peshwa, professing his attachment to the British Govern- ment, but denying the guilt of Trimbakji, offering, however, at the same time, to arrest him immediately if his guilt should be proved, and promising even to punish him as convicted of the crime if Mr. Elphin- stone could prove the fact of Trimbakji's three invitations to the Shastri to come to the temple with few attendants. Mr. Elphinstone replied to this message only by repeating that he was prepared to make good his charges, and had already furnished his Highness with sufficient proofs. He therefore again called on him to arrest Trimbakji, and warned him against the danger which menaced the alliance from the violence and intrigues of Trimbakji, as long as he should continue in power. Discussions of this nature continued for some days, during which Mr. Elphinstone had occasion to address his Highness on the subject of the assemblage of troops at Puna ; but the Piesident's remonstrance produced no other result than that of the rendezvous of the troops being fixed at twenty or twenty-five miles from Puna instead of the city, the recruiting still going on as before. During the whole of these discussions, the Peshwa chiefly based his resistance to the demands of the British Government, on the ground of the injustice of arresting a person before he was convicted of the crime which was laid to him. He persevered in maintaining the innocence of Trimbakji, still promising at the same time to arrest him, if Mr. Elphinstone could sub- MURDER OF THE GA IK WAR'S MINISTER. 131 stantiate his charges against him. His Highness chiefly dwelt on the circumstance asserted by the Resident, of Trimbakji's having three times invited Gangadhar Shastri to come to the temple with few attendants. His Highness repeatedly declared, that if these sum- monses could be proved to have been made, he was ready to consider Trimbakji guilty, and to punish him as such. The Peshwa's arguments were forcibly combated by Mr. Elphinstone, by an appeal to the facts which were within his knowledge, and of which he was prepared to come forward with the proof whenever the removal of Trimbakji from the Peshwa's Councils should do away with the dread which must otherwise prevent witnesses from coming forward to depose what they know against a minister, to the violent consequences of whose power and intrigues they were exposed. During the course of these discussions it appeared evident that the Peshwa had become so infatuated as to resolve to make common cause with his favourite, and to stand or fall with him. Preparations were at one time made to facilitate the flight of Trimbakji, who was to excite a feigned rebellion, in which he was to receive the concealed support of the Peshwa. At another time, several modes of compromise were offered to Mr. Elphinstone, which being inconsistent with the dignity and security of the British interests at the Court of Puna, were, of course, rejected. AVlien intelligence was received of the commotions at Hyderabad, the Darbar assumed a higher tone ; and it was then determined that Trim- bakji should remain at Court, and in ofiice, and that the demands should be resisted ; the Peshwa even went so far as to cause a message to be conveyed to Mr. Elphinstone, which was couched in terms approaching to menace. This procedure, together with an attempt y— 2 132 NARRATIVE RESPECTING THE which was at the same time made to obtain false depo- sitions relative to the circumstances of the Shastri's mm'der, clearly evinced, on the part of the Court of Puna, a disposition to break the alliance. Mr. Elpliin- stone opposed to this conduct his usual firmness and caution ; the intrigues and attempts at deception prac- tised by the Darbar w^ere resisted firmly. Fearing that the exaggerated accounts which the Peshwa had re- ceived of the disturbances at Hyderabad might encourage the Peshwa in his scheme of resistance to the demands of the British Government, and impel him to quit Puna, and at once to throw himself into the situation of an enemy of the Company, Mr. Elphinstone seriously warned his Highness against the course which he might be advised to pursue from the violence and intrigues of his favourite, whose interests would alone be forwarded, while the rupture of the alliance would be rendered inevitable, and with it the ruin of his Highness's repu- tation and Government. Mr. Elphinstone also ordered the subsidiary force to advance to the vicinity of Puna, communicating this circumstance to the Peshwa, and observing that as the tone of the Darbar appeared to be altered, and troops were assembled from all quarters, it became necessary on his part to adopt corresponding measures of precaution. On the 4th September, Mr. Elphinstone having received instructions of the Governor- General, •' communicated to the Peshwa the decision which his Lordship had passed, in the event, which had now occurred, of no inquiry having been made into the circumstances of the Shastri's murder ; again warned his Highness of the danger whicli he was incurring by his blind support of his unprincipled favourite, and assured him tliat the British Government would not desist from its demands for the surrender of Trimbakji. * Mr. Adams's dcspatcli, dated 15th August. MURDER OF THE GAIKWAR'S MINISTER. 133 After a long consultation with some of liis principal followers, the Pesliwa sent a message to Mr. Elpliin- stone, informing him that he had determined to imprison Trimbakji, on condition that the British Government should not demand his capital punishment, or his surrender to its own officers, and that no further inquiry should be made into the circumstances of the transaction ; these conditions were, of course, rejected by the Resident, who persisted in his demand for the unqualified surrender of Trimbakji to the British Government ; but in order to allay any fears which the Peshwa might entertain for himself, Mr. Elphinstone made an unofficial intimation to the Bhau,''" that when once Trimbakji should be in our custody, no further inquiry would be judged necessary. In the meantime Trimbakji, after having had an interview with the Peshwa, and received from his Highness assurance of a nature to soothe his feelings, and promises of protection to his family, was sent off to Wassantghar, a hill-fort near Satara ; the judicious and persevering firmness of Mr. Elphinstone, aided by the Peshwa's own reflections on the risk which he was incurring of a rupture with the British Government, prevailed on his Highness to comply with the Eesident's demands. After a con- ference with Major Ford, the officer commanding his brigade of regular troops, with whom he had frequently communicated during the course of these discussions, and some of his principal advisers, the Peshwa at length declared his assent to the surrender of Trim- bakji Deugie to the officers of the British Govern- ment, Mr. Elphinstone assuring his Highness that no further inquiry would be considered necessary ; that Trimbakji's life would be spared, and that he would * 5th September. 134 NARRATIVE RESPECTING THE. unci ergo no severities which were not implied in a strict confinement. Accordingly a party of Major Ford's brigade received charge of Trimbakji * and escorted him from Was- santghar to Puna, where he was delivered over to a detachment of British troops,! and conducted to Bombay together with Bhagwant Eaw and Bandoji, who were to be given up to the officers of the Gaikwar Govern- ment. Trimbakji was immediately placed in strict confinement in the Fort of Tanna. During the pro- gress of these discussions there appeared, from the reports of the several Residents, to have been frequent communications between the Darbars of Puna, Scindia, Holkar, and the Piajah of Nagpur. The perverse ob- stinacy of the Peshwa was considerably encouraged by the intrigues of these chieftains, and by the com- motions at the time at Hyderabad. Extract from a Letter from the Honourable MOUNTSTUART ElPHINSTONE, PvESIDENT AT THE CoURT of the PeSHWA, TO THE GoVERNOR-GeNERAL ; DATED 16th August, 1815 ; referred to in the preceding Narrative. I intended to have made your Lordship acquainted with the circumstances of the Shastri's murder, by Letter from submittlug the detailed account drawn up by ■^'V(KStr' ^1^6 Gaikwar's Vakil, and some other papers ; but as those documents were confined to the mere circumstances of the assassination, I find myself obliged to trespass on your Lordship's time with a narrative of the event, and the transactions that led to it. Your Excellency is already well acquainted with the hostility evinced towards the Shastri by a party in * lOtli September. t 26th September. Ml MURDER OF THE GAIKWAR'S MINISTER. 135 the Peshwa's Darbar, which was headed by Trimbakji, aud encouraged by the Peshwa. Their blood intrigues at Baroda, their demand for a change in the Gaikwar's Government, their negotiation with Bandoji, and the reception of Bhagwant Raw, have all been submitted to your Lordship. At that period the Shastri received frequent intelligence of plans to murder him, which I always encouraged him to treat with disregard, and which for a time were attended with no visible result. This state of things terminated in the rupture of the Gaikwar's negotiation, and the demand for the Slias- tri's dismission ; and it was succeeded by secret over- tures from Trimbakji to the Shastri, and by a negotiation between those Ministers, without my par- ticipation, for the settlement of the Peshwa's claims. This led to a degree of intimacy and cordiality between Trimbakji and the Shastri, such as I have never known between natives in their situation in life. It was during this period of confidence that Trimbakji avowed to the Shastri that he had, before their recon- ciliation, been engaged in plans for cutting up his part}^ and for making awaj^ with him by assassination. It seems impossible that such an avowal should have been made, unless the reconciliation had been sincere ; and I am inclined to believe it was to a certain extent. I imagine that all intentions of acting against the Shastri by direct force were laid aside, and that it was now designed to gain as advantageous terms as possible from the Gaikwar, by w^orking on the ambition and vanity of his Minister, and at the same time to ruin the Shastri with the Gaikwar and the English, by leading him into a line of conduct inconsistent with his duty, or even to get him entirely into the Peshwa's power, by engaging him in his Highness's service. To effect this object, W'hich the Peshwa certainly thought essential to the 136 NARRATIVE RESPECTING THE accomplishment of his views on Gujarat, every means were taken to gain over the Shastri. His Highness offered his sister-in-law in marriage to the Shastri's son, and Trimbakji persuaded the Shastri that it was the Peshwa's wish to invest him with the principal conduct of his affairs, an offer with which the Shastri, being a native of this place, was dazzled, though I do not imagine that he had made up his mind to accept it. At this time it was agreed by the Shas- tri and Trimbakji that the Peshwa should forego his claims on the Gaikwar for a territorial cession worth seven lacs of rupees, and that as soon as the Gaikwar should consent to this arrangement, the marriage already alluded to should take place. I imagine the Peshwa's Government was sincere in wishing for this arrange- ment, which would have afforded a present profit and a prospect of further advantages consequent to the ruin of the Shastri. If these plans were really entertained, I imagine they were overturned by an accident that took place at Nasik. At that time the Gaikwar's consent to the proposed cession was hourly expected, and as the marriage was to take place as soon as the news arrived, both parties took their families to Nasik, and much expense was incurred for the purpose of celebrating the ceremony with splendour ; but when it appeared that the Gaikwar's consent was not likely to arrive while the Court was at Nasik, the Shastri became anxious to avoid a connection which would have had an appear- ance of neglecting his master's interests to provide for his own ; and accordingly he desired that the marriage might be put off for the present. About the same time the Shastri declined engaging in the Peshwa's negotia- tions with me in consequence of my rejecting his inter- ference, and pointing out in the strongest light the imprudence of his making himself a minister of the MURDER OF THE GAIKWAR'S MINISTER. 137 Pesliwa. This failure of liis designs must have irritated Trimbakji ; but, above all, the rejection of the marriage which had been negotiated by Trimbakji, and which could not be broken off or suspended, after the bride had been brought and the preparations had been made, without great disgrace to the Peshwa. Unfortunately the Shastri heightened this feeling by starting other objections to the connection. These affronts, as I understood at the time, made a deep impression on Trimbakji, while his conduct on the occasion was in- consistent and unaccountable. He mentioned the Shas- tri's conduct to me as an instance of gross breach of faith, and as involving him in the utmost disgrace ; but at the same time he professed his entire forgiveness of it, and, in fact, he said little on the subject to the Shastri, but continued to treat him with more apparent kindness and affection than ever. During this journey to Nasik, reports were widely circulated at Puna that the Shastri had been seized by Trimbakji ; and as I treated them with entire disregard, I could not but be surprised at the earnestness wdth which Trimbakji and his agent, Harri Aba, endeavoured to convince me that they were mere popular rumours, and were not founded on any measures or designs of theirs. The journey to Pandharpur soon followed that to Nasik. On this occasion the Shastri peremptorily refused to allow his colleague, Bapu Mairal, to accompany him to Pandharpur, although the latter expressed great fears of his safety. This was naturally attributed to Trimbakji's influence, as that person had all along shown a dread of the wary and circumspect character of Bapu Mairal, and had insisted on his exclusion from the conferences with his colleague. His interposition was more open in prevailing on the Shastri to leave behind the best part of his escort, and in dissuading me from accom- 138 NARRATIVE RESPECTING THE panying- him in his pilgrimage, and that his Highness wished me not to go on this occasion. On the journey to Paudharpur, Trimbakji was followed by Govind Kaw Bandoji, who had been neglected during the time when the plan w^as to conciliate the Shastri, but who was still connected with Trimbakji, and who had a person, on his part, stationed with him for his protection. This man came to Paudharpur with great secrecy, but his arrival was discovered by the Shastri immediately before his death. Two days preceding that event, guards w'ere posted and great precautions taken about the temple and the Peshwa's house, and the alarm of the Punnee assassins was once more set on foot. The existence of this conspiracy, of the name of which so much use has been made, has lately been fully disproved by Mr. Piussell's inquiries at Hyderabad, and it may therefore be fairly assumed that the Peshwa's alarms on the subject of it are either feigned, or inspired by those about his Highness, to cover any measures the motive of which it is inconvenient to avow. In this case the alarm afforded a pretext for increasing the guards, and a way of accounting for the Shastri's murder. Strict orders were also issued against bringing armed men to the temple. The following account of the occurrences on the day of the Shastri's death is extracted from a narrative which was drawn up by Bapu Mairal, and translated by Captain Pottinger, immediately after the return of the party who had accompanied the Shastri to Paudharpur, and was transmitted to me on my journey from Ellora. ' On the 14tli the Shastri went to an entertainment given by Pamchauda Gosai Patankar to the Pesliwa, and on his return home complained of fever, and desired that if any person came to request him to go to the temple, they might be told that he was in- MURDER OF THE GAIKWAWS MINISTER. 139 (lisposeil. In the course of half au hour one Laxuman Pant came, on Trimbakji's behalf, to invite him to join him in his devotions ; and he said, " I am unwell, and will not go out to day." Shortly after Trimbakji sent a second messenger to acquaint the Shastri that the Peshwa was to go to the temple next morning, and that he, the Shastri, ought to take advantage of this circumstance and attend prayers, but not to bring many attendants. He returned the former answer. Bapu Chiplonkar, a friend of the Shastri's, and Pu'iwji Mahratta, a relation, then left the Shastri and walked to the great temple, where they met Trimbakji Dengle, w^io observed, " I have sent twice to the Shastri to come to prayers ; he declines doing so, but I wish you would try him again." Kawji Mahratta came back to the house occupied by the Shastri, and told him what Dengle had said. He at first observed: " I am unwell ;" but on reflection, he became apprehensive of offending Dengle by not complying with his different messages, and therefore he agreed to go. He accord- ingly set off wdth two Mashaljis,* two personal ser- vants, three Harkar;'is,t ^'lud a KArkun]. of Trimbakji. As he passed among the shops, one of his attendants over- heard a man in the crowd ask, " Which is the Shastri ?" and another repty, " He who wears the necklace ;" but he did not think of observing these people. The Shastri entered the temple, performed his devotions, chatted a few minutes with Trimbakji Dengle, and then pro- ceeded towards his house. He desired three of his people to stay behind with one Cheytun Dass Bava, a kind of preceptor of the Shastri, and a very old man ; and he advanced himself, accompanied by Trimbakji * A link-boy. f A messenger. X Officers under the Zemindars, -who keep accounts of the collections!. T40 NARRATIVE RESPECTING THE Dengle's Sepoys, who were in front ten or twelve paces ; next came two of the Shastri's own Harkaras, then two Mashaljis with hghted torches, and about four paces behind them was the Shastri ; one Kam- chander Barwe, an inhabitant of Pandharpur and a priest of the temple, had hold of the Shastri's left hand, and Bapn Chiplonkar, the Shastri's friend, was on the opposite side, but a step or two in the rear ; these three were followed by the Shastri's two personal servants ; and when the party had walked some little way from the temple, three men came running up behind them, as if they were clearing the road for some person by calling out " Pais ! Pais !" (Make way ! make way !) : their left hands were folded up in a cloth, probably intended as a shield, and in each of their right hands there seemed to be a twisted cloth, which is usual for striking people in a crowd, to made them stand aside. One of the assassins struck the Shastri a very violent blow, apparently with the cloth, when it was discovered that he had a sword also in his hand ; another seized him by the lock of hair on the crown of his head, to throw him down, and when he was falling the third assassin cut him over the head. Two more men at this juncture rushed from the front of the party, and three of the attendants who attempted to stay by the Shastri were wounded ; on which his friends, Mashaljis, and followers ran away and left him in the hands of the murderers, who mangled him in the most shocking manner, and one of them exclaimed, " We have now finished him !" This was overheard by one of the wounded men. The assassins then threw down two sword-scabbards and made their escape ; and the Shastri's people, who v^ere following with the old man already alluded to, saw five men with naked swords running towards the temple ; they also observed the Hi MURDER OF THE GAIK WAR'S MINISTER. 141 flambeau lying extinguished and smoking on the ground, and became much ahirmed ; but not knowing what had taken phice, two or three of them ran home to tlie Shastri's house, and learning he was not there, they returned to search for him, and found his corpse in the road almost cut to bits. They took the pieces and carried them home ; this was about half-past eight at night. The intelligence was immediately carried to the Peshwa, who ordered additional precautions " about his own person," and shortly one of Trimbakji's people came to inquire what had happened. The police officer also attended to see the corpse, and re- turned to report to the Peshwa, observing that one of the assassins had been seen near the river, and had thrown down his sword, and had escaped in the crowd ; but that the sword had been carried to Trimbakji. The news shortly reached the Gaikwar camp ; and some of the principal Sardars came to the town to take measures for burning the Shastri's remains, and ob- tained permission from Trimbakji to that effect, and likewise an order from his Highness the Peshwa for the Shastri's people to have free ingress and egress to and from the city. The following day some of the Shastri's Karkuns went to Trimbakji, and told him it behoved him, as the friend of the deceased, and also the Minister of the Peshwa, to make inquiries towards ascertaining the cause of the Shastri's murder ; to which Trimbakji answered, "I am doing so; but on whom can I breathe suspicion ? I have no clue to guide me." The Karkuns again observed : " It is due to the Shastri, and also to the honour of your Govern- ment, to discover the origin of what has happened." Trimbakji replied in terms of civility, and declared that the Peshwa was greatly grieved by the event that had happened ; but that the Shastri was wrong to 142 NARRATIVE RESPECTING THE venture abroad without a number of attendants, fifty or a hundred. The Kilrkims replied : " He considered himself in the house of his friend, and besides, it was not usual to bring many people on such an occasion. You know," added they, "who are the Shastri's enemies; the assassins appeared to be Karnatik men," He re- plied : " What you say is true; but how could I avert what fate had decreed ? There is the Purool Sitaram, and you have placed one of the Gaikwar's Kannoji in the Karnatik, though I cannot take the name of any enemy. You must now look to yourselves, but depend on my friendship. He who protected you all is now no more, and I will do so to the utmost of my power." The Shastri's Karkuns then left the place, and the following day they obtained, through Trimbakji, the Peshwa's private permission for the Baroda people to return to Puna. It was at the same time intimated to them that they need not attend again at either Trim- bakji's quarters or the Peshwa's house. ' The murderers appeared to be dressed in short breeches, such as are worn in the Karnatik, but spoke in the Mahratta language when they exclaimed, as already stated, " We have now finished him !" ' In this narrative it is impossible not to be struck with Trimbakji's solicitude, so disproportionate on the occasion, about the Shastri's coming to the temple, and with the proof that he was expected by the murderers, which, in all the circumstances of the case, was almost impossible to have happened, had they not been acquainted with what was passing between him and Trimbakji. By the question asked in the streets, the murderers appeared to have been posted before he left Jiis house, or they must have been so soon after, for his whole absence up to his death did not exceed three- quarters of an hour. The want of inquiry is also very MURDER OF THE GA IK WAR'S MINISTER. 143 remarkable ; it might have been expected that Trim- bakji would have hastened to the spot where the murder was committed, or at all events that he would have sent people to make inquiries from the passengers, to trace out which way the assassins had taken ; that he would have summoned the neighbouring shopkeepers and the Shastri's attendants to ascertain the dress and appearance of the murderers ; that he would have offered a reward to discover the murderers, and that their detection would have been the principal object of his attention for a considerable time : instead of which he neglected every sort of inquiry, and contented him- self with stopping all letters and all news for the first day, after which he arrested several persons for reflect- ing on him. He allowed the men on whom suspicion would most naturally fall to go unquestioned, and exer- cised his ingenuity in finding out other persons likely to have committed the murder, and reasons why it should have happened as a matter of course. He then employed himself in writing despatches to his turbulent deputy at Ahmedabad, of which we have yet to hear the effect, and afterwards forbade the Shastri's name to be any longer mentioned. This conduct is the more remarkable from the extraordinary exertions which are made by the police of native Governments, in all cases where the chief has an interest, and the success with which acts of violence are generally kept under in the Peshwa's cities. Bandoji, respecting whom the Peshwa's Minister long affected entire ignorance, is now returned to Puna, wdiere both he and Bhagwant Raw reside at large ; one of the two was, I under- stand, secretly received on the night before last by Trimbakji, on his way to the temple, from which he this day returned. 144 NARRATIVE RESPECTING THE ' To his Excellenc}^ the Earl of Moh'a, K.G., etc., etc. 'My Lokd, ' 1. In my last despatch I had the honour to report to your Excellency that Trimbakji Dengle Letter from ^^^^ asscmbled a bod}^ of plunderers about '''uthMaS'' fifty miles from Puna ; that a detachment of ^^^^" Gokhles had been sent against them by the Peshwa, and that I expected soon to hear of their dis- persion. His Higlmess's detachment, however, instead of dispersing the rebels has quietly sat down in the midst of the tract throughout which they are dispersed, and the commander has reported that there are no rebels in that part of the country. This language is re-echoed by the Peshwa, who says that he can obtain no intelligence of any assemblage of troops within his territories ; and that, anxious as he is to act against them, he must depend on me for finding them out. ' 2. The insurrection thereof has now changed its character, and appears as an attempt of Trimbakji's to recover his power, by carrying on war against the British Government under the protection of his High- ness the Peshwa. As these facts can scarcely fail to lead to important consequences, it becomes necessary to show the grounds from which I derive my conviction of them. '3. It is proper, in the first place, to show my reasons for ascertaining tliat there are assemblages of troops in the neighbourhood of Mahadeo, which is denied by his Highness. I shall at the same time show that they are headed by Trimbakji. The simple fact of such assemblages, in a veiy frequented part of the Peshwa's countiy, and within fifty miles of his own residence, will of itself establish that his Highness is acquainted with the proceeding, and his long connivance and sub- MURDER OF THE GA IK WAR'S MINISTER. 145 sequent denial of the existence of it, together with his refusal to act against the troops assembled, will pro- bably be thought a sufficient proof that the design for which they have collected is approved by his Highness. ' 4. Early in last January I received intelligence that Trimbakji was at Phultan, in which neighbourhood he appeared to have already passed some time during the months of January and February. I heard from numerous sources that he was in that part of the country, con- stantly changing his residence between Phultan on the west and Pandharpur on the east, extending his range as far as the forts of Saltore and Mymungar on the south. On the 15th January, the news-writer at Narsingpur announces a rumour that some insurgents are collecting; he confirms this report on the 18th, and specifies that 25 horsemen and 100 foot had as- sembled between Sirsatwarre and Mahadeo, under a Maratta Sardar, and that another body w^as at Puran- dhar, about twenty miles to the east of the last village. On the 20tli tlie same writer mentions another party at Mymungar, and adds a rumour that all are to unite under Trimbakji Dengle. On the 24th he writes that the party at Sirsatwarre has moved to Natepota and Burrud, north of Mahadeo, and that those at Purandhar have encamped between Mahadeo and Mymungar. On the 2Gth he announces that more troops are collecting, and on the 29tli he gives the following account of the disposition of the whole : ' Near Nate Potta and Burnul - - - 500 Near Mahadeo - - - - - 300 Near Mymungar - - - - 600 Near Phultan - - - - - 400 Total, 1,800 Almost the whole of these were foot, and the bulk cf them Miinug and Piamoshis (low and lawless castes like 10 146 NARRATIVE RESPECTING THE Bhils). x\t this time I doubted whether the troops assembled were under Trimbakji ; or, if they were, for Avhat purpose such a gang coukl be designed. ' 5. From this time till the 18th February, the news-writer continues to report the accession of fresh bodies of infantry to the insurgents, and likewise the commencement of measures for collecting cavalry. He also represents that one of his Harkaras, who was sent for intelligence, had been cut off by the insurgents, and that he himself was in such danger that he had been obliged to take refuge in a fortified house belonging to Sadashiv Mankeshvar. On the 18th February he writes, that bodies of horse, in parties of from ten to twenty, are moving from all points to join the insurgents at Mahadeo ; that the whole country is full of Trimbakji's spies, and that dreadful examples are made of all persons who talk of the preparations of the insurgents. On the 19th he reports the same intelligence, and gives a copy of a paper inviting the services of a particular chief and his troops, and promising a specific rate of pay. Similar papers, he says, are circulated in great numbers. On the 22nd he says, nobody now hesitates to speak of the insurrection, or to say that Trimbakji is at the head of it. He also mentions that the 18th of March is the day fixed for the breaking out of the conspiracy. ' G. Early in February the news-writers and intelli- gencers at Puna began to communicate intelligence similar to that received from Narsingpur, and by the middle of the month a full confirmation of it was received from two Brahmins, who were sent separately to Mahadeo to collect information. The post-office writer at Jewoor (forty miles from Mahadeo, and about the same distance from Narsingpur) also wrote about the 17th that Trimbakji was at Burrud assembling MURDER OF THE GAIKWAR'S MINISTER. i^-j horse, aud that he had got 1,500 into the neighbour- liood of Maliadeo. All accounts concurred m repre- senting Trimbakji's vigilance to be very great, and the difficulty of passing through his haunts aud those of his adherents to be extreme. * 7. On the 24th a person of some consequence, long connected with the British Government, brought to me a Mahratta chief of a village who had actually enlisted in Trimbakji's service with twenty horse. He said that Trimbakji lived in the jungle apart from his horse, and that he had about 500 Ramoshis at some distance round his person; that he had got from '2,000 to 3,000 horse in different villages near his retreat, under the command of his father-in-law, Rewie Raw Sindia ; that he had many others engaged in his service who were still at their villages, and he parti- cularly mentioned different chiefs of horse in his own neighbourhood, which is on the Nizam's border beyond the River Bhima. He said Trimbakji had given him a small advance of pay, and desired him to remain quiet until after the Holi * (the last day of which was the 7th instant), after which he promised him two months' pay at 40 or 50 rupees a month, according to the goodness of the horse. ' 8. On the 25th a private horseman was introduced to me through another channel, who, though in the Peshwa's service, was engaged with Trimbakji. His account agreed in most particulars w^itli that last noticed ; but he was a particularly intelligent man, and gave good accounts of the present state and future plans of Trimbakji, which derived credit from his knowledge of Trimbakji's past proceedings. The only part of his information that is at present applicable was that Trimbakji had been near two months in the ueigh- * A Hindu festival, 10—2 148 NARRATIVE RESPECTING THE bourliood of Pliultan and Maliadeo ; that he had 3,000 horse and 300 foot about him ; that he had constant communication with Puna and excellent intelligence ; that he had a Vakil from the Pindaris with him, and was in close connection with the Peshwa, who had very extensive intrigues on foot against us in different parts of India ; and that Trimbakji wixs to set up his standard about the 18th March. '9. On the 1st March, the Narsingpur writer sends accounts of more horse-enlisting for Trimbakji. He specifies as usual the villages where they are quartered, and in many cases the names of the commanders. On the 2nd, he writes that 213,000 rupees have been sent from Pandharpur in the night to Trimbakji. He mentions the names of the persons concerned in send- ing it, and the spot where a j^arty of horse is stationed for the purpose of furnishing an escort. On the 3rd, one of the Brahmins sent to Mahadeo confirms the accounts of Trimbakji's collecting troops, and adds that a confidential agent of Appa Desai's had had an interview with him ; he likewise states that the detach- ment sent by the Peshwa against the rebels had settled quietly at Natepota, and appeared to be on a friendlj" footing with the insurgents ; the people of the country believed they were sent out at Trimbakji's request. On the same day the post-office writer at Jewoor men- tions different places where troops of Trimbakji are posted, and states that much activity prevails in recruit- ing for him, even about Jewoor ; and that considerable quantities of treasure have been sent to him from Pandharpur. '10. On the 5th I received an overture from a person formerly of some consequence, but whose Jahagir has been sequestrated of late, to say that he had been invited by Trimbakji to raise a large body of horse for MURDER OF THE GAIKWAR'S MINISTER. 149 him, and offering to give me intelligence, and even to concur in apprehending Trimbakji. '11. About the beginning of this month a villager came to Colonel Leighton and acquainted him that a body of troops was quartered in his village, on the Nira, and that Trimbakji had many parties in the villages around. I sent out Harkaras with this man, whom he carried in the night to this village, and showed them the horse. He also showed them a smaller party picketed in the wood at some distance from the village ; while they were looking out for these a party of horse passed them, travelling with secrecy and by night. They heard everywhere of the intended insurrection, and of parties going by night to join it, and understood everywhere that it was to break out on the 18th March. '12. On the 6th the post-office writer at Meriteh writes that troops are raising at different places in his neighbourhood, which he specifies are for Trimbakji, and that others are collecting for him to the south of the Krishna. The post-office writers at Sangli on the Krishna, and Puse Savali, near Satara, also reports the assembly of troops under Dengle, in the hills of Mahadeo. '13. On the 7tli a person came to a broker employed by me to collect intelligence, and wished him to ex- change some gold money. By well-managed inquiries the broker discovered that the gold had been issued by Trimbakji to a Pathan chief who had enlisted with him, and whose servant the person who offered the money was. He gave much the same account of the state of Trimbakji's preparations with those already noticed. It is to be observed that numerous accounts represent all Trimbakji's money to be in gold, and constant efforts to be made in all the country from Phultan to I50 NARRATIVE RESPECTING THE the Bliima, to procure silver in exchange for it. I have out many accounts brought by Harkarris, all tending to prove the existence of the preparations I have described, and the notice they have attracted throughout the country; I shall only add that for the last fortnight at least Trimbakji's preparations for an insurrection have been the common topic of conversation in Puna, and that every Karkun (clerk) who comes to the Eesidency, if spoken to on the subject, treats it as one of pubhc noiorieij. '14. It is under these circumstances that his High- ness the Peshwa asserts that his local officers have allowed preparations, such as I have described, to go on for two months without noticing them ; that his ministers have shut their ears to the common talk of the country and of the capital ; that even when his Highness's attention was drawn to the subject, his messengers could learn nothing of these notorious facts ; and finally, that a detachment of his troops, under an officer selected for the occasion, could sit down in the centre of Trimbakji's army, and know nothing of its existence. After all this, it is scarcely necessary to bring any further proof of his Highness's knowledge of the insurrection, the existence of which he so strongly denies ; but his confidential adviser and intelligencer, Pral)hakar Pandit, mentioned it to me long ago, and could scarcely have concealed it from the Peshwa had it really been unknown to his Highness till then ; and his Minister, Sadashiva Milnkeshvar, who is not in the secret of the Peshwa's intentions, casually mentioned to Kirshan Pu'iw early in February that ho had heard the insurgents in the Mahadeo Hills intended to attack his fortified house at Temburni ; that he had therefore increased the garrison, and had applied to his Highness the Peshwa, avIio promised him assistance, and who MURDER OF THE GAIKWAR'S MINISTER. 151 afterwards made a merit with him of sending out Gokhale's detachment, as if it had been done in atten- tion to his wishes. * 15. From all these circumstances I think there remains no doul)t that the Pesliwa is privy to Trim- bakji's conspiracy, and has favoured the progress of it ; I say nothing of the constant intelligence I have received of his Highness having continual communica- tion with Trimbakji, of his having sent him consider- able sums of money in gold, and of his having had more than one secret interview with Trimbakji him- self. These statements, although strongly asserted by many different persons, and though highly probable in themselves, are not sufficiently well established to build upon ; but it is certain that troops have been raised for Trimbakji in Puna, that treasure has been sent to him from this ; in one very recent instance, an Arab Jamadar, who was reported to have joined the rebels, returned to Puna and told a Mohammedan friend that he had been employed to carry a casket of jewels to Phultan to an adherent of Trimbakji's ; that Trimbakji's family and dependents are still in his Highness 's favour ; that most of them make excursions into the country which, if made without design, are unaccountably indiscreet, and which are constantly reported to be for the purpose of consulting with Trim- bakji ; that Bhasker Pant, one of Trimbakji's prin- cipal officers, who commanded one of the divisions of his force attached to Colonel Smith in 1815, has made repeated journeys of this kind from his Highness's Court at Phulsheher; that he finally left that place shortly before his Highness's return to Puna, and is stated on very good authority to be now with the rebels : his Highness has been unable to answer my repeated demands to be informed what has become of 152 NARRATIVE RESPECTING THE him. His Highiiess's employment in maturing his plan also accounts for several deviations from his fixed habits, which before excited a good deal of surprise. The first is his journey to Junar, when Trimbakji was supposed to be in that part of the country, soon after Colonel Kingscote's attempt to seize him at Nad- gaum ; his excuse was, a vow of an annual pilgrimage made when he was in prison, which he had forgotten for the last twenty years to perform ; another is, his long residence at Phulsheher, out of the way of observa- tion, and the plans he took to explain his motives to me, frequently complaining that he was detained against his will by his arm, though the distance is only six- teen miles, and his arm was but little bruised. The last is his giving up his annual journeys to Goagur and Kopargaum for the first time, I believe, ever since his restoration, although the excuse of his arm has for some time been removed. '16, It remains to examine the extent and design of the conspiracy. Long before Trimbakji's release, it was the common opinion in the Mahratta country that the Pesliwa would endeavour to revenge the disgrace which he conceived himself to have suffered, by raising up wars and insurrections against the British in which he should not appear himself. It was stated on better authority, and in a less vague form, that his Highness would try all means for Trimbakji's release and restoration ; that if he did not succeed by entreaties and temptation, he would try intimidation ; and if that failed he would secretly foment insurrections, in the hope of wearying us into a comj)liance with his wishes. All the plans presented, as precursors to the insurrec- tions, have already been tried, and it is remarkable that the language held Ijy his Highness's avowed agents should closely resemble that made use of by Trim- MURDER OF THE GAIKWAR'S MINISTER. 153 bakji's emissaries — the same entreaties and promises at first, followed by the same absurd attempts at intimidation, and the same anxiety to obtain a cate- gorical answer immediatelj^ before the time when the insurrection began to be talked of. * 17. It will be in your Excellency's recollection that on the 3rd of last November the Peshwa sent me a secret message, saying that as he was going to quit Puna for a time, he was desirous to leave his country secure ; that Trimbakji would probably create dis- turbances if not conciliated, and he therefore wished to offer him terms on the part of the British Government, and offered to answer for his faithful observance of them. Considering this message as a threat, or at least an attempt to discover the effect which would be produced on the British Government hj Trimbakji 's raising an insurrection, I returned such an answer, and sent such messages, public and private, as I con- ceived most likely to impress on his Highness the im- possibility of any insurrection on Trimbakji's part for which his Highness would not have to answer, and the total ruin it would bring on his State if such a proof were to appear of his hostility to the British Govern- ment, and infidelity to the alliance. As his Highness entered on the present conspirac}^ in the face of this remonstrance, and it should seem immediately on re- ceiving it, it must be inferred that he will not easily be deterred from the prosecution of a plan so deliberately formed. The same conclusion may be drawn from the apparent extent of his intrigues. It appears from the intelligence already noticed, that troops are assembling for Trimbakji in the centre and southern parts of his High- ness's dominions. Mr. Jenkins' information in November and December last showed that similar levies were made at that time in Berar, under the immediate direction of 154 NARRATIVE RESPECTING THE his Highness's oj0&cers at Malghaut, and there are re- ports strongly corroborated by circumstances that troops are also rising in Khandesh. It is now manj^ months since I heard that his Highness had made some com- munications to Yashavant Raw Jivaji, who was once a great freebooter in the Mahratta countrj^ I paid no attention to the report at the time, believing that Yashavant Raw had been long dead ; but not very long after I was surprised to hear that Y^ashavant Raw was at the head of a body of freebooters in Khandesh. Contrary to the practice of such gangs, this body has remained quiet ever since, and has not been heard of till this time, but it is now reported in Puna that his Highness has a body of men in Khandesh readj to join Trim- bakji, and the last kliabar from Khandesh revives the mention of Yashavant Raw Jivaji, and says he is get- ting ready to move ; all which circumstances agree so well as to make it very probable that the whole pro- ceedings of Yashavant Raw Jivaji have been directed by his Highness. His Highness's repair of his forts have never entirely been discontinued, and they are now carried on with unusual activity. His Highness's over- tures to the Gaikwar, and his intrigues at the Courts of Scindia and Holkar, have been often brought to j^our Excellency's notice. The orders lately issued to the Vakils afford no proof at all that these intrigues are discontinued, but are quite as likely to have been agreed to on purpose to blind the British Government at a moment when his Highness was contemplating a secret operation against it. It is to this motive I attribute the usual profusion of attentions and compliances which his Highness has displayed since the time when he now appears to have entered vigorously into his plots with Trimbakji ; his orders to the Yakils are easily rendered negatory by his intrigues through unavowcd MURDER OF THE G A IK WAR'S MINISTER. 155 channels. Of this character is BaLoji Knujar, whose a<4'cnt, BaUaji Dhondev, manages most of his High- ness's commmiications with the other Mahratta powers, and who himself, as well as his son, arc pointed out by several reports as engaged in constant communication with Trimbakji. There is a circumstance which appears to be connected with his Higlmess's intrigues in Hindustan, though it may possibly only relate to the levies of troops in Khandesh. It is that large sums of money have been remitted from this place to Choli Maheshwar, or Ujjain, which are said to be remitted on his Higlmess's part, and which really appear to be sent by his directions. Though I have long heard rumours of this nature, I was first led to inquire into them by the seizure of a large sum of money (about 30,000 rupees) by one of our detachments in the Ghauts, This money was passing off to Malwa in a secret manner ; care was taken to elude our parties, and various subterfuges were resorted to to account for appearances after it had been seized. No application w^as made to me to release it, although the banker to whom it avowedly belonged is a frequent attendant at the Residency ; and when he was at length called on for an explanation, he gave no satisfiictory reason for his long silence. While this subject was under inquiry, I received intimation that the money was his Highness the Peshwa's. I afterwards received information on which I think I can rely, that his Highness has re- mitted several lacs of rupees to Hindustan in the name of five difierent Marwari bankers, the principal of whom is Amar Chand. It appears from the state of the market that these remittances are not made for mere commercial purposes ; and several convoys which have been seized by the Peshwa's officers in conse- quence of a standing prohibition against exporting the 156 NARRATIVE RESPECTING THE current coin have always been released by his High- ness's own orders. It is to be observed that the greater part of the treasure intercepted by our detachment con- sists of the prohibited coin (Halli sicca). ' 18. I now proceed to report the communications I have had to his Highness, and the answers I have received since the date of my last despatch. Up to the 24tli February I treated the insurrection as equally offensive to the Peshwa and to the British Government, and expressed my confidence in his exertions to put it down ; at the same time pointing out the bad conse- quences of any remissness on his part. On the 24th, the Peshwa's Ministers sent me a letter from the com- mandant of Gokhle's detachment, that had gone against the insurgents, dated from Phultan, denj'ing that there was any insurrection, and enclosing a letter from the revenue of&cer at Natepota to the same effect. The Ministers triumphantly referred me to those papers for a complete refutation of all that I had said about Trim- bakji and his proceedings ; they also pointed out in polite language the propriety of deliberation and inquiry previous to bringing forward charges of so much im- portance. I replied by stating the disagreeable im- pression made on me hj their denying all knowledge of a rebellion that everybody else knew of, and saying that I had done my part, and that the rcsponsibilty now rested with them. This only producing fresh denials, I sent a message on the 2nd March, requesting an ex- planation of his Highness's conduct and intentions, and saying that I should consider his mere denial of a fact so generally known, as a proof that he w^as determined to avoid all open and friendly discussions with the British Government. His Highness merely replying by general professions, it was apparent that if the insurrection continued, it would require to be put down MURDER OF THE GAIKWAR'S MINISTER. 157 by British . troops, and that the presence of Gokhle's party wonhl only lead to mistakes favourable to the rebels. I therefore took measures to form a detachment, and sent to beg that his Highness would recall his troops, as their remaining inactive so near the in- surgents only led the people of the country to suppose that there was a concert between Trimbakji's and his Highness's Government. I also desired to be informed whether any troops which his Highness said were not rebels were his, or whether he had any troops in the tract round Mahadco ; I also begged to know what precautions had been taken to check the intrigues of Trimbakji's family and adherents, and what was become of Bhaskar Pandit ? His Highness now said that there must be an insurrection, as I had such a positive account of it ; but asked what he could do ? He did not know where Trimbakji was, and he could not obtain intelligence about his followers ; and that however anxious he was to show his sincere friendship for the British Government, it was totally out of his power to do anything which might convince it of his cordiality. I replied on the 4th, that his Highness might give them over as hostages to the British Govern- ment ; that he might also give such orders to his troops and officers as w^ould soon change the face of affairs. Signs of his cordiality would then appear of themselves, intelligence would pour in, both on him and us ; he would offer his troops to act with our officers, and those who acted by themselves would attack and disperse the rebels wherever they were assembled. On the other hand, if appearances continued as formerly, I begged his Highness to consider the suspicions they would lead to. His Highness continuing his present professions, offering more troops, and ordering out Major Ford's brigade, but without taking anj'- of the steps that were 1 58 NARRATIVE RESPECTING THE in liis power, or even ceasing to deny the existence of an insurrection, I addressed, on the 7th, a long and serious message to him, pointing out the impossihihty of his continuing his present course without heing in- volved with the British Government ; the impossibility, in that event, of his ever being trusted more, and the fatal character which the dispute would therefore assume. I endeavoured to show the uselessness of assisting Trimbakji, who surely was not expected to conquer us, and with whom he could never make terms; the im- possibility of any arrangements that should even secure the life of that fugitive, until he was lodged in a British prison ; the difficulty his Highness would have in satisfying your Lordship of his good intentions, even if this insurrection were to die away, and the wisdom of adopting such a course as should show that his High- ness w^as sincere in his professions, the result of which I said could not fail to be the speedy capture of Trim- bakji. To this his Highness sent the usual answer, that his troops were at my disposal, that they should move wherever I should point out the rebels, and that he would seize any person whom I should declare to be adherents of Trimbakji. I replied, on the 9th, that my object was less to crush the insurgents, which could not be done by a very small body of British troops, than to obtain proofs of his Highness's good disposition which might be counted on in future times and in all circum- stances ; that if his Highness were disposed he would find no difficulty in discovering the rebels, and in ascer- taining who were Trimbakji's adherents. If, then, he were cordial and sincere, he would act on my former suggestions ; if not, he would come back and desire me to point out individuals. His Highness now promised to seize Trimbakji's adherents, requesting me to point out any that he might omit. He also ordered Major MURDER OF THE GAIKWAR'S MINISTER. 159 Ford to march against the rebels, and promised him a part of the best horse in his service ; but this movement of troops I decHned as quite unnecessary, the insurrec- tion being formidable from the appearance of secret encouragement alone, and not from its own strength. I had also received intelligence which I thouu'ht miijfht be relied on, that the troops at Mahadeo and the neighbourhood had broken up and dispersed ; I have not yet heard what has been done about Trimbakji's adherents. '19. The above communications were mostly made through Major Ford and Moro Dixit ; I sent similar messages by Prabhakar Pandit, but in general still received more unsatisfactory answers. Yesterday, how- ever, Prabhakar Pandit brought me a long message from his Highness, the purport of which was to vindicate himself from the accusations I had brought against him, to persuade me that he was not so mad as to meditate w^ar against the British, or to prefer Trimbakji's friendship to ours ; but a considerable part of the message was taken up by very sharp remonstrances against the tone of the messages which I had sent to his Highness by Major Ford, and which his Highness declared were full of unbecoming imputations against him, and expressed with unwarrantable freedom of language. His Highness showed particular resentment at one passage, which he was convinced meant to threaten him with the fate of Tippu Sultan; but as there was not the most distant allu- sions of the kind in any of my messages, this was easily explained away. His Highness assigned as a reason for not agreeing to some applications that I had made for a personal interview, that in the present state of things such a meeting would be liable to lead to alter- cation, and to expressions which his Highness might afterwards wish to recall. His Highness also gave i6o NARRATIVE RESPECTING THE some reason for not sending any man of rank and con- sequence to discuss the subjects now in hand on his Highness's part ; I understood him to mean Grokhle, who perhaps has impressed his Highness with high notions of the manner in which he would support his Highness's dignity if he were to conduct a conference on his part. My answer to his Highness's professions was in the same spirit as those which I sent through Major Ford, that his Highness's denial of the insurrec- tion obliged me to give way to very unfavourable sur- mises ; that his Highness's conduct on this occasion, at the time when your Excellency was impressed with a particular conviction of his Highness's friendship and good intentions, was calculated to shake your confidence in him for ever ; that it could not be expected that aggressions could be passed over as if they did not exist merely because they were not avowed ; that his Highness was therefore in a situation of danger, and that the only wise course for him to pursue was to deliver up Trimbakji, which I said would be the best course even for Trimbakji himself. I took pains to efface the bad impression made hj my messages, ob- serving that it is my duty to be explicit with his Highness, and that even if I were his own minister I should still think I served him better by laying open the true state of his affairs to him, however it might offend him, than bj^ encouraging him in pernicious courses by dissembling or assentation ; that with respect to the terms in which my sentiments were conveyed, his High- ness would recollect that neither I nor Major Ford could be expected to avoid improprieties in an Indian language ; but that he might be assured I had every wish to render my communications as acceptable as was consistent with the i)ri]K'iplo I had just avowed. I then begged Prabhakar Pandit to remind his Highness of MURDER OF THE GAIKWAR'S MINISTER. 16 1 the timely caution I had given him on Trimbakji's escape, of the pains I took to warn him in November last of the dangers of harbouring Trimbakji, and of the very cordial and friendly terms in which I at first addressed him on this very occasion, until his Highness by shutting his eyes to the proceedings of the insur- gents, compelled me to call his attention by louder complaints. I said that I had now so many interviews with his Highness that he was unable to judge whether anything I should offer, if he admitted me to an audience, were likely to give him offence ; and that with respect to sending Gokhle, his Highness would act entirely accord- ing to his own pleasure. ' 20. During the above discussions I received two different messages from Gokhle, couched in his usual strain of respect and attachment for the British Govern- ment, but complaining of my having applied for the recall of his troops, reminding me of his former services, protesting that there was no insurrection, and assuring me that if the insurgents could only be found out, I should soon have cause to applaud his exertions. I replied that I had imputed no blame to Gokhle, who no doubt acted up to the orders he had received ; that it was my knowledge of his vigour on former occasions that led me to inquire into the causes of his present in- action ; that with respect to the existence of the insur- rection, it was with the Government I had to deal, and that unless Gokhle insisted on coming forward for him- self, I had no dispute with him on that head. As far as I can learn, Gokhle has been his Highness's great adviser through the whole of the present business, assisted perhaps by Waman Raw Apte, and some others of his Highness's dependents. The plan I con- ceive to originate with his Highness and Trimbakji. It suits Gokhle 's views to fall into any opinions that his 11 i62 NARRATIVE RESPECTING THE Highness maj^ entertain ; and as there is no way to win his Highness's favour like standing between him and danger, I should not be surprised if Gokhle should not have talked of his own military powers, and offered to take all consequences on himself. Considering the craft and treachery of his confederate, it is not unlikely that this may cost Gokhle dearer than he intends ; but I can- not suppose that he had any deliberate intention of incurring the resentment of the British Government, or of embarking in a cause the success of which depends on the constancy of his Highness the Peshwa. '21. Moro Dixit and his party appear really to be, as they profess, mere instruments of the Peshwa's, without any great share in his confidence, or any in- fluence over his conduct. It is even impossible that they may not be admitted into the secret of his High- ness's interior policy ; all his intelligence and some of his Vakils of foreign courts are under the manasjement of Waman Eilw Apte ; Moro Dixit has no share what- ever in those departments. A Karkun of Gokhle's, named Govind Keshav Joshi, is stated from several quarters to have been lately despatched to Scindia's camp ; I shall apprize Captain Close of his mission to enable him to find out the object of it. '22. I have omitted to mention in a former part of this letter that the Peshwa has occasional private meet- ings with the Vakils of Appa Desai, which gives some colour to the alleged connection between that chief and Trimbakji. His late severity to Appa Desai is no argument against the fact, for it is quite in the spirit of his Highness's policy to turn against us the enmity which has been provoked by our exertions in support of his own authority. '23. I shall now wait a few days to see what course the Peshwa determines on, and if he does not take MURDER OF THE GAIKWAR'S MINISTER. 163 effectual measures against the iusur^-ents, I shall imme- diately act against them with a British detachment. For this purpose I have requested Colonel Smith to order the 4th and 8th Kegiments of light cavaliy to move into the neighhourhood of Parenda, and the light battalion into that of Ahmednagar ; I have also sug- gested to the Resident at Hyderabad to direct Major McDowall to move his detachment to the neighbour- hood of Tuljapur ; thus I shall be able to assemble a considerable light force in the neighbourhood of the in- surgents within three or four days, and at the same time I hope the scattered positions and apparently un- connected movements of the detachments will prevent the insurgents from quitting the part of the country throughout which they are now quartered. ' I have, etc., ' (Signed) M. Elphinstone, ' Eesident at Puna.' Notes of Mr. Ephinstone's Messages to the Peshwa. Febniavij 12tJi. His Highness must long have been aware of the assem- blage of Ramoshis near the Mahadeo Pagoda. Hostilities. I have heard of it for a long time, and I ^j^. ^^^^^^^^ have also heard reports that Trimbakji is at sto"e's xoto«. the head of the band. This agrees well wdth what I have long heard, of Trimbakji' s being at Phultan, or in that neighbourhood ; but I conclude that if he were there, it would be known to his Highness, without whose knowledge it would be impossible for him to assemble Ramoshis. Trimbakji's family and all his adherents are also in his Highness's hands, which is a security that he cannot have entered on so desperate a 11—2 1 64 NARRATIVE RESPECTING THE course. I therefore conclude they are common in- surgents, and recommend to his Highness to disperse them immediately. The report that they are headed by Trimbakji will render great promptitude requisite ; and I therefore hope his Highness will show as much as in the affair of the last insurgents to the southward. If Trimbakji is really among these rebels, it is evident that, notwithstanding all his Highness's exertions in his favour, he is determined to disturb his countr}^, and, as far as depends on him, to embroil him with us. The only natural conduct for his Highness, in such circumstances, and what everyone will expect of him, will be to act vigorously against him, to seize his family and adherents, and to set a price on his head. This is what will be expected of his Highness. Fehruary lAtli. Inquire the news of the insurgents near Mahadeo. Repeat the inquiry regarding the Killedar and My- manghar. Inquire what the Ministers have heard of the affair within the last two months, especially the last fortnight, since it has become the talk of the bazar, and since bodies of horse have been openly flocking to join the insurgents. Inquire who is the Mamlatdar of Natepota, and what he and the Killedar of Mymanghar have said to such an assemblage of troops within their districts. Say that I have heard strong and repeated accounts of Trimbakji 's being at the head of the rebels. I am unwilling to believe it, because it cannot be without his Highness's know- ledge ; and I cannot believe his Highness is coun- tenancing anj'one in taking up arms against his allies. I must, however, in candour mention the bad appear- ance of the thing, that his Highness may take measures to counteract it. It is but friendly to tell him before- MURDER OF THE G A IK WAR'S MINISTER. 165 liaud, that if Trimbakji excites a rebellion, his Highness must be held responsible for it ; that he had the means of preventing it, and ought to have exerted them ; and that it is, therefore, of the last importance to his own prosperity to quash the rebellion even now, if Trim- bakji really is there. From the friendly terms we are now on, his Highness wall believe that this is meant as real friendly advice ; it would be far from friendship to conceal such important truths. Fehruarij 25th. I am very sorry to learn that the Peshwa's Ministers have not heard of an insurrection that everyone else has heard of. The circumstances cannot but give rise to disagreeable impressions in my mind. Having ap- prised them of the existence and character of the insur- rection, I have done my part ; they must now be answerable for the rest. If hereafter there is an insurrection, wiiat am I to think of their present denial of the fact ? Gokhle's paper goes for nothing; I never said there w^ere insurgents at Phultan. The Nate- pota man is of no weight ; had he been free of the insurgents, he w^ould have reported their proceedings long ago. March 2n(l. I have no doubt remaining in my mind that Trim- bakji Dengle is, or was lately, in the neighbourhood, of Mahadeo, and that he is raising troops. This indeed, is universally known in Puna and the country ; yet his Highness the Peshwa denies the existence of the fact. It is impossible to draw any conclusion from this but such as is most favourable to his Highness ; I am, therefore, bound to call on his Highness to explain his conduct and intentions. Are the troops 1 66 NARRATIVE RESPECTING THE assembling in the neighbourhood of Mahadeo raised by his Highness's authority, or are they rebels ? If they are rebels, why are they suffered to assemble un- molested, and why are not their agents, who raise men in all parts of the country, including Puna, apprehended ? If they are not rebels, I hope his Highness will explain his motives for authorizing or permitting this as- semblage ? It would be an insult to his Highness's understanding to suppose that he will endeavour to evade an answer by denying a fact so universally knowTi as the existence of an insurrection within twenty-five kosses of his capital, unless he is deter- mined to avoid all open and friendly discussion with the British Government. March Srd. Request explicit answers to the important questions I put 5'esterday. What are his Highness's intentions ? Are the troops in the neighbourhood of Mahadeo his Highness's ? or rather, as he denies that there are any troops there, has his Highness no troops in that neigh- bourhood except the detachment of Gokhle's lately sent out there ? If he says he has not, then whose are those assembled ? If he admit there are rebels there, why are thej^ not extirpated ? His Highness has made himself answerable for the conduct of Trimbakji's family and adherents ; what means has he taken to prevent their assisting him in insurrection ? "Where is Bhaskar Pandit, who formerly commanded the troops with Colonel Smith ? I beg his Highness to recall the detachment of Gokhle's that was lately sent out ; it is of no use, as it does not act against the rebels. It rather does harm, MURDER OF THE GA IK WAR'S MINISTER. 167 as it shows to the people of the country that the Peshwa's troops do not act agaiDst the rebels, aud thus leads them to infer a concert between those rebels and the Pesliwa. March ith. Where is Bhaskar Pandit, who formerly commanded the body of Trimbakji's Horse with Colonel Smith, and who left Phulsheher shortly before his Highness came in ? He is in his Highness's service, and his motions must be known to his Highness. Has Gokhle's detachment been withdrawn ? Its remaining there will only afford to Trimbakji the appearance of concert with his Highness. If they offer to send more troops, say, no troops sent in such a spirit are of the least use. If the Ministers say at Puna that there is no rebellion, the commandant of the detachment will only repeat the assertion when sent out to the spot. The same argument applies to send- ing Major Ford's brigade. Unless the Peshwa is on our side, Major Ford will never be able to find Trim- bakji, who will move from Mahadeo when he moves from Dapori. If his Highness wishes to show that he is on our side, he ought to place guards over Trim- bakji's adherents, and especially over his family. If Trimbakji proceeds after that, let his Highness make over those persons as hostages to the British Govern- ment. Let him then proceed with cordiality and vigour in the dispersion of Trimbakji's gang and in tlie apprehension of his person. We shall believe that his Highness is really averse to the rebellion. If his Highness adopts the course I recommend, the effects will soon be apparent. Instead of his Highness's subjects flocking to Trimbakji, they will flock to tell where he is concealed. Instead of his Highness den}'- ing that there is an insurrection two months after it is i68 NARRATIVE RESPECTING THE notorious, his Highness will send me the earliest intelli- gence of the motions of the insurgents. Instead of his Highness's troops halting in the neighbourhood of the rebels, and declaring that they cannot find any rebels, we shall hear of their dashing at the insurgents — killing some, taking others, and dispersing the rest. If his Highness's troops fail to do this, he will place large bodies of them under British officers, and thus command our confidence. When these sort of signs appear, we may conclude that his Highness is disposed to put down the insurrection, and to support his character as a good ally, and a prince who regards his word. If the other course should con- tinue, I need not say what we must infer. 7th March, 1817. The notoriety of the insurrection is now a great deal too well established to admit of the knowledge of it being dissembled ; I can therefore only interpret his Hisfhness's assertion, that he has not heard of it. Having really a sincere desire that his Highness's Government should prosper, I cannot but lament this line of conduct. I do entreat his Highness to consider where it will end. To screen Trimbakji and his gang, is to attack us ; and can his Highness suppose that he will pass over an attack without resenting it ? His Highness must therefore either embark on the side of the insurgents or on ours ; and independent of his friendship and his good faith, his interest strongly recommends his siding with the British Government. What is it to be gained on the other side ? Is Trimbakji to conquer the British — what Scindia, Holkar, Tippu, the French and all the world united, could never do ? or are we expected to 8ul)mit without being conquered, and to con- sent to Trimbakji's restoration when he appears as an MURDER OF THE GAIKWAR'S MINISTER. 169 enemy, after refusing it to him when a prisoner ? When (lid the British Government ever make sueh a sub- mission ? All wars might be avoided by giving up the point in dispute, but we uniformly prefer a war to an improper concession, and to this we owe our prosperity. If Trimbakji does not conquer us, and we do not sub- mit, what is to secure his Highness ? The con- fidence between him and us was interrupted for some time, and has at length been fully restored. Perhaps at no time were the Governments more cordial than be- fore the breaking out of this insurrection. If in such circumstances his Highness connives at a blow aimed at our welfare, how can we possibly trust him again ? This dispute therefore, if it is again renewed, must be fatal to the independence of one of the parties. Why then provoke it ? I do assure his Highness that I do not, after reviewing the whole politics of India, see the smallest prospect of any injury to the British Govern- ment ; yet I do most earnestly deprecate a disturbance, the effects of which w^ould be so fatal. His Highness may perhaps suppose that he will keep clear of the affair by merely denying it, or by affecting to act against the rebels without really doing so ; but it is easy for any person to tell when another is in earnest, from his actions, and it is to them that the British Government will attend. His Highness may say that Trimbakji is out of his control ; but if that were the case, we should see his Highness acting vigorously against everything that was within his reach. Trimbakji 's adherents would immediately be sent to the Hill Forts ; a guard would be placed over his family and those of all who had joined him, such as Bhaskar Pant ; his Highness's Mamlatdars would strip and dismount every horseman who was going to join him; his Highness's own troops would cut off' some of the rebels, and his I70 NARRATIVE RESPECTING THE Highness, who possesses the whole intelHgence of the country, would give information that would enable our troo^DS to cut up others ; his Highness 's officers would also concur in pursuing Trimbakji, who would soon be taken prisoner if the Government of the country were against him. How is the matter at present ? Trim- bakji's adherents live at large at Puna, and every soldier in the countr}^ in consequence, thinks he is pleasing the Peshwa by going to join the rebels ; all intelligence that reaches the Government is suppressed ; and his Highness himself sa^^s he knows of no rebellion. The result will be that Trimbakji will break out, and his fate will be sealed. I have alwaj^s refused to listen to any proposal about him that did not tend to replace him in a British prison. My language may be rendered still more discouraging by disturbances, but never can be softened ; if, therefore, his Highness has any regard to Trimbakji' s safety, he will manage to have him placed once more in our hands, as the only hope he has. Do not let his Highness suppose that I shall receive the stopping of the rebellion at present as a proof of his Highness's good intention ; if it be stopped without his Highness's giving proofs of his determination to crush it, the British Government must conceive that it is only suspended till another opportunity^ and must act accord- inglj^ There is therefore only one way for his High- ness to get well out of the present affair, and that is by acting sincerely against the rebels. If this be his High- ness's wish, it will require no argument to convince me of it ; I shall perceive at once the altered spirit of his Government, and shall have the greatest pleasure in re- porting it to your Excellency the Governor-General, as I have now great pain in relating his present proceedings. The only way to remove all troubles, jealousies, and heart-burnings is to make over Trimbakji. MURDER OF THE GAIKWAR'S MINISTER. 171 9^/4 March. I hear that his Highness still denies there is an in- surrection, and calls on me to point it out. I. reply that if his Highness were sincerely anxious to put it down, he would soon discover it — that it would be of no use my pointing it out. If the only object was to put down the rebellion, I could do it with- out troubling his Highness ; but the object is to get him to show that he is a faithful ally, and that we can depend on his not exciting troubles hereafter. As to the putting down of the insurrection, I would strongly advise his Highness against such a measure ; it would be better for him to let it break out, as its stopping in consequence of my remonstrance to his Highness would show that his Highness had it in his hands. His only true way of proceeding, therefore, is to act cordially and sincerely against the rebels ; when he does that, it will be no longer necessary for him to ask all these questions. I do not name Trimbakji's adherents, nor point out where the rebels are, because I am making one more appeal to his Highness's candour ; but I. call on him to act sincerely on the suggestions I have already offered. If he does not, I cannot misunderstand him. ExTKACT Secret Letter to Bengal, dated 5th January, 1818. ' 2. B}^ your political despatch of the 12th December, 1816, we were informed of the escape of Trimbakji Dengle from the fortress in which he had ^ n -I -I f I^ t • i • ni Secret Letter been conlined, and 01 the ambitious conduct toBem^ai, ^ n -n 1 1 T 1 • Stli J;i"-. ISIS- 01 the reshwa, who appeared at least to retain a strong attachment to his late Minister, if indeed his Highness were not secret^ concerned in his escape. ' 3. The reports, however, from Mr. Elphiiistone to the Governor-General (copies of which were from time 172 NARRATIVE RESPECTING THE to time transmitted to us by the Government of Bombay), and particularly that which described the Peshwa's manner of receiving the communications of your Lordship's intentions concerning the Pindarics, gave us reason to hope that notwithstanding the sus- picious earnestness manifested by the Peshwa in solicit- ing the pardon of Trimbakji, and the intrigues in which his Highness appeared to have been engaged at the other Mahratta Courts, for purposes inconsistent with his alliance with the British Government, his Highness was duly sensible of the advantages which he derived from that connection, and consequently desirous to preserve it. The language held by Mr. Elphinstone, in obedience to the Governor-General's instructions of the 17th January, 1817, was judiciously calculated to assure the Peshwa of your Lordship's disposition to act cordially with his Highness, notwithstanding the just grounds of complaint which had been furnished by his recent conduct. * 4. But your secret letter of the 12tli April last, reporting the flagrant acts of insurrection committed by Trimbakji within the territories of the Puna State, and the repeated refusal of the Peshwa to interfere effectually for the suppression of them, satisfied us that to ensure the adherence of the Court of Puna to the principles of the alliance, and to dispel the dangers incident to the increasing strength and boldness of the insurgents, it might be necessary to evince to the Peshwa a decided resolution to resort even to the extremity of war, if other measures should be found in- sufficient for the maintenance of that security which under his evasive promises, and in effect hostile con- duct, was daily menaced and endangered. ' 5. We have learnt, tln-ough the Government of Bombay, the series of discussions at Puna which led to MURDER OF THE CAIKWAR'S MINISTER. 173 the treaty concluded with the Peshwa on the IBtli June, 1817 ; and we have recently received, through the same channel, a copy of the treaty.* * 6. It would have been most satisfactory to us if the Peshwa had, by a frank and friendly conduct before any demonstration of force was employed towards him, rendered it possible to bury all that had passed in oblivion, and to leave things on the footing on which they had stood previously to those discussions. ' 7. We feel all the objections which lie against measures tending to reduce or humiliate those Native States, which from the extent of their dominions and from their military habits were formerly ranked as sub- stantive and protecting powers. It is not now necessary to review the circumstances under which the Puna State was first brought down from this character. We sincerely and anxiously wish that the Peshwa had not furnished occasion for a further change in his political situation. ' 8. But after all that has passed on former occasions, when our interference has been solicited by the Peshwa himself for the purpose of recalling his own feudatories to their allegiance, and after his passiveness on the occasion of the recent insurrection, whether proceeding from inability or from tinwdllingness to act effectual^ against it, we cannot but acknowledge, however re- luctantly, the existence of a necessity for giving new efficiency and solidity to our connection with the Puna State, by assuming a more direct control both over the Peshwa's military force and over his political conduct. '14. The course of these transactions sufficiently proves the almost irrepressible tendency of our Indian power to enlarge its bounds and to augment its pre- ponderance, in spite of the most peremptory injunctions of forbearance from home, and of the most scrupulous * See the Collection of Treaties. 174 NARRATIVE RESPECTING THE obedience to them in the Government abroad. But although it may not be in our power permanently to assure the peace of India by any moderation of our own, so long as, w^hether from motives of natural feeling or from habits of restless and perfidious policy, the States of India are continually finding or seeking opportunities of intriguing or combining against us, the difficulty of maintaining a system of peace and moderation does not absolve us from the obligation of pursuing it with the most sincerity and perseverance. A pacific and un- ambitious policy is that which the interests of the Company, as well as its duty, and the general sentiments of the nation as well as the positive enactments of Parliament, prescribe to the Government of India. '15. While we are expressing our approbation, there- fore, of those measures, political and military, to which you have been compelled to have recourse by the cir- cumstances of the case referred to in this despatch, we think it particularly important to declare that we con- sider any such case as forming an unwelcome though justifiable exception of the general rule of our policy. The occurrence of such exceptions has been unfor- tunately much too frequent ; but however numerous the instances in which we may be driven from an adherence to our rule, nothing in our opinion could warrant a systematic departure from it.' Secret Letter from Bengal, dated 9th June, 1817. ' The despatch of the ship Boijiw affords a favourable opportunity, of which we are desirous of availing our- selves, for submitting to your Honourable secrot'irtter, Committec a continuation of the summary of iitli Juno, 1817. , . T . . r. -r» i • i prococdnigs and transactions ol runa, winch was conniiunicatcd to you in our address of the 12th April, forwarded by his Majesty's ship Lyra. MURDER OF THE GAIKWAR'S MINISTER. 175 ' That lulclress was accompanied by copies of our in- structions to the Kesident, under date the 7th April. Previously to his receipt of those instructions, however, the perseverance of the Peshwa in the infatuated course of proceedings he had adopted has led to a situation of affairs which compelled the Resident to act on a private communication, conveying to him, in general terms, the outlines of the resolutions we had adopted and trans- mitted in that form, with a view to save the time necessarily occupied in the preparation of detailed in- structions, involving so many points for deliberation and reflection. ' It was fortunate that this precaution was adopted, since, in consequence of the disturbances in Cuttack, which will form the subject of a future communication, the posts by the ordinary route were interrupted for several days, occasioning a further delay in the receipt by the Piesident of his official instructions, which did not reach him till the 10th May ; although every en- deavour was made to secure his early receipt of them as soon as the interruption of the post was known, by despatching copies by various routes, and by establishing a communication by sea with the coast of the Northern Circars. 'The receipt of a general intimation of our views, and the judgment and resolution of Mr. Elphinstone, have prevented the public interests from sustaining any injurj^ in consequence of the untoward circumstances just mentioned ; his proceedings having, both in the outline and the detail, been in entire conformity with the spirit of our instructions. ' It is not necessary on the present occasion to submit to your Honourable Committee a detailed review of the proceedings of the Peshwa, and of the incessant en- deavours of Mr, Elphinstone to recall him to a just 176 NARRATIVE RESPECTIXG THE sense of his duty and interests. The Pesh^Ya continued to deny the existence of the insurrection, and to call on Mr. Elphinstone, if he believed it did exist, to take his own measures for putting it down, while he proceeded with the greatest vigour to raise troops, and to place his forts in a state of preparation. At last he went so far as to send his treasure, and even his wardrobe, to different places of security — in a word, to manifest a determination of resisting the earnestly repeated advice and remonstrances of the Eesident, so as to rest the decision of the question on the issue of the w^ord. It was Mr. Elphinstone's object, until he should receive our instructions, to keep the question open for any decision we might make, omitting, in the meanwhile, no efifort to induce the Peslnva to adopt a better course of proceeding, and to await the result of Mr. Elphin- stone's communications to the Governor-General in Council. Your honourable Committee will accordingly find that all his communications to the Darbar, written or verbal, tended to this purpose, and that he met the evasions, equivocations, and delusive promises of the Peshwa by a steady and unalterable adherence to the principle of action. As the preparations of the Peshwa and of the avowed partizans of Trimbakji advanced, Mr. Elphinstone continued to urge on the Peshwa 's attention the danger of his measures, and the certainty that a perseverance in them must involve them in ruin. He now thought it expedient to autliorize Colonel Smith to adopt active measures against the insurgents, with a view to break their strength and disperse them before they should have time to make head and become formidal)]c, in the event of a rupture with the Govern- ment itself; the public professions of the Peshwa still affording the colour that our troops were employed to suppress risings against liis Highness's authority. MURDER OF THE GAIKWAR'S MINISTER. 177 Among the Pesliwa's proposals, that of seuding troops to co-operate with onr detachments was constantly brought forward, hut declined by Mr. Elphinstone, on the ground that their services in that manner would not merely be useless, but would embarrass the opera- tions of our troops ; and he invariably declared that it was not the aid of his Highness's troops, but a distinct expression of his sentiments against the proceedings of Trimbakji that was required of his Highness. We shall advert generally to the operations of the troops in the sequel of this despatch. We now beg to draw the attention of your honourable Committee to the demands which Mr. Elphinstone deemed indispensable to be made on the Peshwa, and the measures he judged it necessary to adopt in consequence of his Highness's con- tinued evasions of his promises. Finding that every assur- ance given by his Highness was either secretly evaded or openly violated, and that the Peshwa evidently either hoped Mr. Elphinstone would recede in his demands, or that his Highness actually entertained the design of proceeding to a rupture, Mr. Elphinstone determined to bring the matter to an issue ; he therefore, on the 1st of April, sent a written message to his Highness, in which, after recapitulating what iiad passed, and notic- ing the breach of his Highness's promises to discontinue his preparations, disband his new levies, and replace his forts in the situation in which they were before the late measures were taken regarding them, ^Mr. Elphin- stone signified his intention of placing the British troops at Puna in a state of preparation. He further com- municated the obligation under which he should hold himself, of taking still more active measures if his Highness continued his array; adding, that if his High- ness suspended his preparations, Mr. Elphinstone would forbear from any ulterior steps until he received the 12 178 MURDER OF THE GAIKWAR'S MINISTER. orders of his own Government ; declariug-, at the same time, that he should consider his Highness's quitting Puna to be a clear indication of a design to go to war. Mr. Elphinstone, after transmitting this message, gave the necessary instructions to the officer commanding the troops of Puna, according to the intimation conveyed to his Highness. This procedure seemed at first to have made a suitable impression on the Peshwa, who de- liberated with his Ministers, and communicated through them with Mr. Elphinstone on the mode of complying with. REPORT FROM LIEUTENANT-COLONEL BURR OF THE BOMBAY ESTABLISHMENT, AND DESPATCHES FROM THE HONOURABLE M. ELPHINSTONE TO THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL. 1-2— 2 REPOET FROM LIEUTENANT-COLONEL BURR OF THE BOMBAY ESTABLISHMENT, AND DESPATCHES FROM THE HONOURABLE M. ELPHINSTONE TO THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL. ' To the Deputy Acljutant-geueral of the Fourth Division of the Army of the Deccan. 'Sir, ' My letter of yesterday's date will have informed you of my having removed the whole of the stores, treasure, and provisions from our late canton- , . ^ ,., , ' ■•■ Lieut.-Col. ments to the village of Kirkee, and of their ^""'" ^<=p°''*- being lodged in security therein ; and of the brigade being in a state of preparation to move as circumstances may require. ' I have now the honour to report, for the information of the general officer commanding this force, that soon after I had despatched it I received an intimation from the Resident of the probability of an immediate rupture with the Peshwa, followed by a requisition to move out and attack the Mahratta force, which was then visible and advancing to the attack of our camp. * I in consequence formed the brigade, and leaving the headquarters of the second battalion of the 6th Eegiment, who were previously weakened by several i82 LIEUTENANT-COLONEL BURR'S REPORT. strong detachments, in charge of the post of Kirkee, together with the drill, sick, unfits, and two iron twelve- pounders, under the command of Major Eoome, advanced to meet the enemy, a party of whose horse hovered near the column and preceded our march. ' Having chosen a situation in advance of our position, at the distance of about one mile, we formed line, wait- ing the junction of the Dapori* battalion, under the command of Major Ford, with three field-pieces. At this period I was joined by the Eesideut, who most gallantly exerted himself throughout the day, in setting a distinguished example of zeal and animation to the troops, encouraging the men wherever it became neces- sary, and, by his suggestions and information, aiding by judgment in the execution of the measures it became necessary to adopt. 'On the approach of Major Ford's division, and being reinforced by the Resident's escort and troops which had been stationed at the Sangam,t under the command of Major Cleiland, who had handsomely offered his services to me. I order the line to advance, which we con- tinued doing for half a mile. ' The Mahratta army, which was drawn up with its left resting on the height of the front of Ganesh-Khind, where a large bodj^ of the Vinchur Eajah's horse were posted, extended its right to the Mutah river, in which direction the principal masses of their cavalry were formed, the total amount of which is supposed to have been 15,000 ; the intermediate undulating plain being occupied by a long line of infantry and guns, sup- ported by successive lines of horse, as far as the eye could see, who, seeing us advance, moved forward from * I'urt of a Ijiigadc raiscil by the Peshvva, but otHccrcfl and disci) )lined by Eurojjcans. t The Itcsidcncy. LIEUTENANT-COLONEL BURR'S REPORT. 183 their position, and at the very moment we were un- limbering for action, commenced a brisk cannonade from their centre, while the masses of cavah-y on both their flanks endeavom-ed to turn ours, and succeeded in fretting in our rear. ' The action now became verj^ interesting. A body of Gokhle's regular infantry made an attack, in solid column, on the first battalion of the 7tli Eegiment of Native Infantry, which was on the left of the line, and who had scarcely succeeded in repelling it and a number of horse, when a select body of the enemy's cavahy seeing their infantry repulsed and pressed by the battalion, Avho could with difficulty be restrained from pursuing them, made a determined charge on the corps, some of the men wheeling round the flanks, re- peating their attacks in their rear. The bravery of the men, however, compensated for the disorder into which they had been thrown by the previous attacks, and enabled them under circumstances of great difficulty, and with the powerful co-operation they derived from tlie left brigade of guns, and a part of the Bombay Regi- ment, to beat oft' the assailants, who left many men and horses on the ground, withdrawing to a distance, and never after hazarding a repetition of their attack. ' By tliis time. Major Ford, with his battalion and his field-pieces from Dapori, joined us, and formed line on our right, Avlien we again immediately advanced near half a mile, the left of the line being thrown back to check any attack of the enemy's horse, who were in great force between them and the river ; while the light companies of the first battalion of the 7tli Regiment, which had at first preceded the line, were sent to the rear, to keep in check a large body of horse who had been watching Major Ford's movement, to our support, and who now came down in rear of our right flank. iS4 LIEUTENANT-COLONEL BURR'S REPORT. ' Soon after the enemy withdrew the greater part of his force to a distance, retiring and drawing off his guns towards the city ; and as we advanced, the greater part of his infantry also, computed at 8,000 (part of whom had been posted in advance of his guns and centre in the bed of a nullah,* and in walled gardens, extending along the front of our position), now sent out their skirmishers, which, with others on the right of the line, and rockets from both front and rear, continued to occasion us a few casualties. The light infantry of the line, however, under the command of Captain Preston, easily drove them off and occupied their ground ; and it being nearly dark, I submitted to the Eesident, as the enemy were evidently in full retreat, the expediency of withdrawing the troops to camp as soon as it was dark, having fortunately succeeded in our principal object, meeting and driving the enemy from the position they had originally taken up. This was accordingly done, and the whole returned to camp soon after eight o'clock. ' I am happy to say, the casualties during the action have been less than could have been expected. The greater part have fallen on the first battalion of the 7th Regiment ; only one European officer, however, Lieutenant Falconer, of the second battalion of the 1st Regiment, is amongst the wounded. Accompany- ing, I have the honour to forward a return of the number. ' I have not yet heard a correct statement of the loss the enemy suffered ; I should imagine that it could not be less than 300 or 400 killed and wounded. Native reports make it treble that number. Amongst the latter are said to be the Minister and some officers of distinction. * A livulot. LIEUTENANT-COLONEL BURR'S REPORT. 185 * A more pleasing duty now arrests my attention, the rendering that tribute of grateful acknowledgment due to the exertions of the gallant force I had the honour to command, and of those individuals to whose official rank and situation I feel so much indebted, for their cheerful support and devotion to promote the success of the action. ' The Bombay and Dapori Artillery, under the com- mand of Captain Tliew and Lieutenant Lawrie, rendered the most important services ; and the spirited manner in which the guns were served greatly contributed to the rapid success of the day. ' The detachment of his Majesty's 05tli Regiment and Bombay European Begiment, commanded by Major Wilson and Lieutenant Coleman, honourabljMnaintained by their cool and steady conduct the long-established reputation of these valuable corps and the zealous officer who commanded ; while Captains Mitford Don- nelly and Whitehill, at the head of their respective battalions, were anxious to afford to their deserving corps an honourable example, which was nobly emulated by the Resident's escort, commanded by Major Cleiland. ' To my Brigade Major Captain Halifax, to my Quartermaster of Brigade Lieutenant Inverarity, and Lieutenant Ellis (the Bazaar Master), and the other Staff officers attached to the brigade, I felt extremely obliged for their exertions during the whole of the action. Lieutenant Grant, of the Grenadier Battalion attached to the Residency, most handsomely volunteered ]iis services to communicate my orders, and particularly distinguished himself throughout the action. Captain Gordon and Lieutenant Dunsterville were also cheerful assistants on the occasion ; the latter does not belong to this division of the force. ' To Major Ford, and the officers and men of his fine i86 LIEUTENANT-COLONEL BURR'S REPORT. brigade, I feel the greatest obligations for the cheerful- ness and anxiety they evinced to contribute to the general success of the day ; while it afforded me much pleasure to witness the anxious and humane attention of Dr. Meek and the medical gentlemen to the important duties devolving on them at this interesting moment. ' On my return to camp, finding Lieutenant-Colonel Osborne had arrived, I delivered over charge of the brigade under my command to him, having solicited his permission to express my acknowledgments, in orders, to the gallant force which I had had the distinguished honour of commanding on an occasion of such particular interest. ' I have, etc., ' (Signed) C. B. Burr, ' Lieutenant-Colonel. ' Camp at Kirkee, ' 6fh Novanher, 1817.' 'Beturn of the killed and wounded of the Puna Brigade, under the command of Lieutenant- Colonel C. B. Burr, in the action near Puna, 5th November, 1817 : ' Artillery : Two Lascars wounded. ' Honourable Company's Bombaj^ European Begi- ment : One private killed ; one private wounded. ' Second Battalion 1st European Begiment : One private killed ; one lieutenant, one Havildar.. one Naik, one Bhisti, five privates, wounded. ' Second Battalion 0th Native Begiment : Four privates killed ; ten privates wounded. 'First ])attalion 7th Begiment: One PTavildar, one Naik, one drummer, nine privates, killed ; (me Havildar, three Naiks, thirty-four privates, wounded. DESPATCHES OE HON. M. ELPHIN STONE. 187 ' Major Ford's Battalion : One private killed ; one Jamadar, one Ilavildar, five privates, wounded. * Total : One Havildar, one Naick, one drummer, six- teen privates, killed ; one lieutenant, one Jamadar, three Havildars, four Naiks, two Lascars, one Bliisti, fifty-five privates, wounded. ' Name of the officer wounded : Lieutenant Falconer, severely in the shoulder. ' (Signed) C. B. Burr, ' Lieutenant-Colonel. ' P.S. — I am sorry to say there is very little hopes of Lieutenant Falconer's surviving, and several of the wounded will either die or require amputation.' Extract Letter from the Honourable Mr. Elphin- STONE to the Governor-General, dated Cami*, Rajwarra, 23rd November, 1817. ' On our obtaining possession of Puna, correct accounts were obtained of some particulars wdiich were before imperfectly known. It appeared that the j^^^.^.^^ ^^.^^ ^^^ attack on our troops on the 5tli was chiefly K'phi"st°«e- brought about by the persuasion of Gokhle ; that the Peshwa took the alarm after he had given the order, and even sent to Gokhle, when on the eve of the action, to desire that he might not fire the first gun ; but that the message was too late, or rather that Gokhle, hearing his approach, anticipated it by beginning to cannonade. Moro Dixit had been entrusted with the Jari Patka (the standard of the Mahratta Empire), and had 0,000 horse attached to him besides his own 2,000 ; he is, however, represented as having been ver}' averse to the war, and as being accused by Gokhle of intrigues with us. Raste was one of those attached to Moro Dixit's party ; being strongly suspected of 1 88 DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. disaffection, he was compelled to charge first, but acquitted himself with courage and fidelity. Goklile avowed to x\paji Laxuman, iVppa Desai Vakil, imme- diately before the action, that his confidence of success and impatience to engage were founded on the certainty that our Sepoys would come over by companies or battalions on the field. ' After the affair of the 5th, the Peshwa's army was dismayed. His Highness sent for Hareshwar, the banker, lamented the breaking out of hostilities, and with his usual insincerit}^ professed his wish to have re- mained at peace, and threw the whole blame of the war, both plan and execution, on his Sirdars. On this occasion he disavowed the burning of the Eesideucy, and said he would be very glad to build a new one ; but his whole discourse appears to me to be merely a specimen of his accustomed double-dealing, and of his wish, even in the worst of times, to keep open some separate channel of intrigue for his own use. ' Some days after the action, the Peshwa's officers picked up some spirit, and set about circulating the most absurd reports of their successes and of the defec- tion of our allies. They were joined by Dharmaji Pratab Piaw (the freebooter), and it is said by the son of Piaw Piaml:)lia ; Chintaman Piav also joined before their flight from Puna. Gokhle set up a white flag as an asylum for all who should desert us before a certain time ; after that no pardon was to be given to any man who had served us. All the servants of English gentle- men who happened to live at Puna were hunted out by Gokhle, and many treated with great severity ; the houses of most of them were given up to plunder, but none of them were put to death. ' Some time before the breaking out of the war the Peshwa had concerted witli all the Bhils and DESPATCHES OE HON. M. EEl'HINSTONE. 189 Eamoshis, and other predatory tribes in his country, to shut up the roads and phuidcr effects belonging to us. They have readily obeyed an order so much suited to their inclination, and have not confined their depre- dations to British property. They have, however, shut up the roads ; that to Bombay is further obstructed by the garrison of Logus, and by a detachment which has taken possession of and stockaded the Bore Ghat ; no dawks have been received from Bombay since the 5th, General Smith, however, has sent a strong detachment to open the road, and one of less strength to keep open the communication with Ahmednagar. No more con- voys have been cut off since the first few days after the war ; but I am greatly concerned to state that Lieu- tenant Ennis, of the Bombay Engineers, has been cut off near Sakur Mandava, where he was employed on survey. He had been recalled, but from an over-con- fidence in the strength of his guard he did not fall back on any station. He was attacked in the night by the inhabitants of Sakur Mandava, and next morning was surrounded by the Bliils and other adherents of Trim- bakji, who is still in that neighbourhood. Lieutenant Ennis was shot while engaged with the enemy, and his detachment of a Jamadar and twenty-five men fought their way to a more friendly part of the country. Some koss on this side of Anna Bootch they were received and fed, and sent off in disguise by the Patel of a village, whom I shall not fail to discover and reward. Cornets Hunter and Morrison were in Gokhle's custody ; they were at first in charge of Major Pinto, who is said to have treated them well, and resisted Gokhle's orders to use them with severity ; but before the Peshwa's flight they were put in chains, and sent to Gokhle's fort of Kongori, in the Koukan. ' In consequence of the execution of Captain and 190 DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. Mr. Vaugiian, I have addressed letters of remonstrance both to the Peshwa and to Gokhle. To the former I only threatened retaliation, in general terms, for any repetition of such atrocities ; but to Gokhle I declared explicitly that any individual, however exalted in his rank, who should order the death of a British prisoner, should answer for the crime in his own person. 'I omitted to state that on the 18th General Smith sent out a detachment to take some guns, which, with a body of infantry, had got off to the neighbourhood of the fort of Sinhaghur. Fifteen guns w^re taken without any loss ; besides these, forty-six were taken in Puna, and one in the Peshwa's camp ; large quantities of ammunition have likewise been taken. ' The army is now in full march after the Peshwa, who, it is rumoured, intends to return to Puna, or holds that language to encourage his troops. Trimbakji has not yet joined him, whether from distrust on his own part, or policy on the Peshwa's, is not known.' Substance op a Private Letter from Mr. Elphin- STONE, dated 22nd December, 1817. The Peshwa having passed the range of Ghats, north of Juner, which is not practicable for guns at any point west of Ahmcdnagar, we are moving to "from Mr." tlic Narbada Ghat ; in the meantime, it is not altogether impossible that the Peshwa may descend into the northern Konkan, or may send a detachment to disturb that part of the country. This is the more probable, as all the horse who generally annoy us have disappeared to-day. It is also probable l)ecausc th(! approach of General Pritzler from the south, and the probable appearance of a light division to the west of Ahmcdnagar, will render liis escape DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. 191 uncertain while he continues above the Ghats ; on the other hand, he may be afraid to risk himself or his troops below the Ghats, from whence retreat must always be difficult. It might, however, be prudent to advert to this chance in considering any plan that would with- draw troops from the northern Konkan, or scatter them in it ; and likewise it may be very important in con- sidering whether or not to keep that force at Baroda, or recall it if it should have marched — but of this I cannot judge. Should the Peshwa or his troops descend into the Konkan, Colonel Burr, the moment he hears of it, will detach at least a complete battalion down to the Bore Ghat ; and I will follow, either by more probably by none of the intermediate ones being practicable for guns. If the jPeshwa should descend immediately, General Smith could not well be in the Konkan by either Ghat in less than ten days, as we should probably be at Ahmednagar before we had certain accounts of his descents, and that would be at least two marches by either route. I have no accounts to lead me to apprehend this movement ; but I think it right to mention it, as much mischief might be prevented by a proper distribution of the troops, and above all, by detaining the Brodera force, if there is the least doul)t there. Extract from a Despatch from the Honourable MOUNTSTUART ElPHINSTONE, RESIDENT AT THE CoURT OF THE Peshwa, to the Governor-General, dated Camp at Koregaum, January 4th, 1818. ' About the time of General Smith's arrival at Sirur, on the 17th December, the Peshwa reached "wuhuS Wattur, near Junar ; from this place he Maimim"! moved up to the Lag Ghat to Bamanwarra, about 192 DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. ten miles, and from tlience to Lingdes, about nine miles ; between these three places he spent from^Mr. thc time from the 17th to the 27th. The more eastern Ghats being difficult for guns, General Smith moved up the Nimba Dewra Ghat. He left Sirur on the 22nd, and on the 25th reached Hanwantgav, nearly on the direct road from Alimed- nagar to Kopergaum. From Hanwantgav he made a long march to Sangamner, and on the 27th he marched farther west to Tugav. ' The PeshAva appears to have calculated on the General's proceeding towards Kopergaum, for he sent his tents to AYasseer, a pass, on the 27tli, as if he intended to cross the valley of the Paira, near Akolali, and proceeded by the great road to Nasik ; but on hearing of General Smith's approach to Sangamner, he changed his route, and moved to Kotul on the more western side through Piajori. On General Smith's reaching Tugav, he seems to have thought he could not pass to the northward without the risk of being entangled in the hills, and overtaken by our troops, in consequence of which he retraced his steps on the 28tli, and arrived on the same day at Wattur, a distance of near twenty miles, through Ghats, from whence he proceeded to Chankan, about forty miles, in two marches. ' At Chankan there is a strong little fort, from which he drove out a party of Peons belonging to Captain Robertson, Superintendent of Police at Puna, and leaving 100 Arabs for a garrison, proceeded to Phul- sheher, two miles from this place. Next day he was suri)riscd by the appearance of the small detachment under Captain Staunton, and he spent the first in repeated attacks on it with liis whole force, his High- ness himself looking on from a distant hill. The DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHIN STONE. 193 detaclimeiit, thongli distressed both in provisions and water, maintained its post against such unequal numbers till the 2nd, when the Pesliwa heard of General Smith's approach, and continued his flight to the southward ; he ascended the little Bore Ghat on the same day, and was followed by his whole army in the course of the night. ' The details of the gallant defence of Captain Staunton's detachment shall be forwarded as soon as received. ' On the Peshwa's return to the south. General Smith set out in pursuit of him, and ascended the Wassira Ghat, after which he left three battalions with bis heavy guns and stores under the command of Lieutenant- Colonel Boles, and proceeded over the Malsiras and Lag Ghats to this place, where he arrived yester- day, and halted to-da}', the first time for a fortnight, during which he had marched upwards of 200 miles.' ' To the Most Noble the Marquis of Hastings, K.G., etc., etc., etc. ' My Lord, ' General Smith's reports will have informed your Excellency with the operations of this force since its march from Puna. The Peshwa kept at a con- siderable distance, and made moderate marches, from Mr. merely suincient to prevent our gammg on him. The troops with him amount to about 10,000 horse, of which the greater part belong to southern Jahagir- dars, who refuse to quit his person, and the rest are the remains of his own horse, after the best have been selected by Gokhle. He has likewise 2,000 or 3,000 infantry. He was lately joined by 3,000 horse under Naro Pant Apte, who had been detached to bring the Pajali 13 194 DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. of Satara to Wassota, when General Smith was in that neighbourhood, and who arrived with him in the Peshwa's camp five days ago. The Peshwa has his tents as usual, and is accompanied by his wife. Gokhle remains in the rear with a light force of about 7,000 horse, who have neither tents nor baggage of any description, but sleep by their horses, which are always saddled, and generally shift their ground once or twice in the course of every night. This force consists of parts of Gokhle's own troops, and those of the Vin- churkar and Purandhar. Their object is to hang on the rear of this army, to plunder the baggage, to cut off supplies, to intercept communications, and generally to cramp General Smith's operations. In the first mode of annoyance they have been totally unsuccessful ; and though they prevent supplies coming in, unless under strong escorts, yet as they have the grain in the villages, no great inconvenience is occasioned by the prevention. They are more successful in stopping com- munications ; but the effect of them is chiefly felt in their obliging the light and heavy parts of the army to move in one body, and in the delay occasioned by the necessity of guarding against their possible enterprises. Notwithstanding those obstructions. General Smith has marched, on an average, fifteen miles a day ever since he left Puna ; and as he is about to leave his battering train at this place, he will henceforth be able to press the Peshwa much closer, and with much less exertion to his army. The Peshwa's course was first direct to the south ; but from Puso Savli he turned east, and marched in that direction to Paudharpur, from whence he moved first north and then north-west, towards Puna. He passed within twenty miles of that capital, and is now near Junar, fifty miles north -west of this canton- ment. He is said to have lately been joined by Trim- DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. 195 bakji, with a body of Bhils and Ramoshis, and some Arabs, and it is believed that he intends to retire into the hills north of Junar, which are impassable for guns, and there to endeavour to defend himself. Both the Peshwa's force and Gokhle's are represented to be harassed and disheartened, of which the best proof is afforded by the reduction of their numbers. ' Brigadier-General Pritzler was at Bijapur on the 12th instant, on his march towards Pandharpur, from whence I have recommended his advancing towards Pedgaum, on the Bhima. ' I had formerly the honour to report my having addressed letters to the Peshwa and to Gokhle, threaten- ing retaliation if any other British prisoners should be put to death. After some time I received answers, both of which disavowed the murder of Captain Vauglian and Mr. Vauglian. Gokhle promised an inquiry re- garding the murderers, and the Peshwa professed a strong desire to be at peace with the Company, under whose protection he had lived so happily. ' Two days after two Harkaras of Gokhle's brought letters from Messrs. Morrison and Hunter, stating that though rather roughly treated at first, they had since their arrival at Puna been well treated, and were in charge of Major Pinto. The letter, however, though not de- livered till the 3rd of December, was dated the 9th of November, only two days after their capture, and before they were sent to Kungoree. Their treatment there is represented to be harsh. These letters w^ere delivered without any message from Gokhle ; but the delivery of them after so long a period had of itself the appearance of a wish to conciliate ; and agrees with popular reports at the time, that the Peshwa wished to treat. This intention, if it was ever entertained, was probably altered by the intelligence of the war with the n—'l 196 DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. Eajah of Nagpur. Yesterday a Brahmin, calling him- self Balkrishna Shastri, and professing to be an agent of the Peshwa's, arrived at camp in disguise. He re- presented himself to have been sent to Puna by the Peshwa from Parali, where his Highness was about the last week in November, but ordered to remain quiet till further orders. These orders arrived about a fort- niofht ao;o, when Balkrishna waited on Lieutenant Robertson, who has remained in charge of Puna. He opened his mission to that officer, and the object of it appeared to be to persuade us that the Peshwa was him- self our friend, but was not a free agent, being borne away by the violence of Gokhle and Ballaba ; to prevail on me to apply for an armistice, and, finally, to ascer- tain whether we were likely to direct our attention to the person of the Peshwa, or to that of the Piajah of Satara. Captain Piobertson very judiciously^ ridiculed the idea of our asking an armistice, recommended the Peshwa to come forward openly and throw himself on our mercy as the only means of keeping his musnud, and pointed out the ease with which we might set up a new Peshwa. Balkrishna held nearly the same language to me that he had to Captain Robertson, except that he did not mention the armistice, and spoke of the Peshwa's coming alone into the camp if he received encouragement. He did not specify what encouragement was expected ; but as he spoke of our behaving as formerly, and not as for the last year, I conceive that he has no thouglits of unconditional sub- mission. My answer was that I did not know that he was sent by the Peshwa, but that what I had to say was no secret, and I would therefore communicate it. It was that I had received no orders, and did not know whether your Excellency would treat with the Peshwa even now ; that I was sure you would not if he pushed DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. 197 things to extremities ; that he must be sensible how much we lost by not setting up a new government, to which the Sardars who disapproved of his Highnesses measures might repair, and that he had better endeavour to obtain terms before it was too late. Balkrishna Shastri was desirous of remaining a day, first to allow me time for consideration, and afterwards for his own convenience ; but I thought it best to send him imme- diately out of camp. If these overtures come from the Pesliwa they are probabty insincere. It seems his plan to throw the odium of the war on his Sardars, and to endeavour to maintain a sort of neutrality for himself; but his reception of Trimbakji, if true, is a proof that he has no immediate thoughts of peace, or he would not throw so great an obstacle in the way of an accommodation. ' Some time ago I received a letter from Madliav Rao Dadaji, the son of Parsharam Bhihv, explaining that he had been obliged to send his nephew, Piao Sahib, to join the Peshwa, but that he was still ours at heart. As nothing better can be expected from the Jahagirdars, while we can neither secure them by setting up a new government, nor alarm them by overrunning their Jahagirs, I thought it best to say that I was sensible that Pao Sahib's joining was the effect of necessity, and that I should wait for any demonstration of his attachment until your Excellency should determine on some plan for settling the government. I used this language in the belief that it would have an equally good effect on the Peshwa and the Jahagirdars to be reminded of the possibility of our effecting a revolution. The chiefs of Miraj, Kurandwar, and Sirwal sent verbal answers; no reply has been received from the other Jahagirdars. ' While General Smith was marching to the south- ward, I received a Yakil from the Pajah of Kolhapur, 1 98 DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. professing his attachment, reminding me of his claims to Chikori and Manowba, and offering his services in collecting grain and providing depots if they should be required. He said any of his forts, including Kolhapur, was at our service. ' General Smith marches to-morrow in pursuit of the Peshwa, whom he will probably now be able to press with more effect than ever. The presence of the Eajali of Satara in the Peshwa's camp is a proof of his want of confidence in his forts, and it will be an ad- ditional encumbrance to his flight in the plain. * I have, etc., * (Signed) M. Elphinstone, 'Eesident at Puna. ' Camp near Sirur, ' 2bth December, 1817.' ' To the Most Noble the Marquis of Hastings, K.G., etc., etc., etc. ' My Lord, ' When I had last the honour to address your Excellency, on the 4th instant, the Peshwa had ascended the Bore Ghat, twenty miles east of Puna, on his way to the southward, ' When General Smith set out in pursuit of the Peshwa to the northward, on the 22nd of December, General Letter from I^i"itzler was advancing to join this division, .Mr. Eii.iiinstonc. y^{\]^ j^}j^ intcution of forming the new distri- bution so often alluded to in my letters. He was requested to take up a position calculated for intercepting the Peshwa, should he return towards the south to throw his stores and heavy baggage into Sirur, and to take up the pursuit of the Peshwa as soon as he should come into his neighbourhood. To enable him to do so with effect, General Smith sent the second battalion DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. 199 of the 15th Madras Native Infantry to join him at Pedganm. General Pritzler was, however, compelled to return several marches from Pandharpur, to favour the junction of a convoy from the south, and liad scarcely set out again from Pandharpur towards Ped- gaum, when he received information of the Peshwa's having returned towards the south. On this he judiciously struck off to the westward, although he was still encumbered by his supplies, amounting to sixteen thousand bullock loads, and had not received the in- tended reinforcement. He fell into the Peshwa's track on the sixth, and immediately turned south, ascended the Salpe Ghat, and on the 8th came up with a body of horse about ten miles from Satara, whom he charged with his cavalry and dispersed, killing- thirty, and taking six prisoners and thirt}^ horses. The Peshwa, who was at no great distance during this affair, renewed his flight, and was pursued by General Pritzler past Miraj and across the Krishna, by the ford of Erroor. He seems at this time to have entertained thoughts of standing an action, as he sent for the guns he had left near Satara on his former flight ; but it ended in his sending them, with most of his infantry, to Nipani, while he pursued his flight to Gokak, on the Ghatprabha. He left that neighbourhood on the 13th instant, when, finding himself pressed by General Pritzler, and probably aware of the force under General Munro, he turned to the eastward, and re-crossed the Krishna at Galgalla, from whence he moved in a westerly direction along the left bank of the river towards Athni (or Hathni). He had adopted the same plan with General Pritzler that he formerly adopted with General Smith, of keeping a light division in his rear to impede the General's pursuit ; but this body, probably in- timidated by the cavalry, gave him but little disturb- 200 DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. ance. Ou the 17tli, however, they appeared in force, and General Pritzler sent out his cavahy against them ; Major Doveton, who commanded, charged three suc- cessive bodies, amounting in all to 10,000, with three squadrons onlj", and put them all to flight, killing and taking about forty men. From this time General Pritzler pursued the Peshwa's track to Galgalla, without seeing any more of his horse. General Smith marched from Sirur on the 8th instant with his light division, and proceeded in a southerly direction by Pedgaum on the Bhima, and a pass east of the temple of Mahadeo, towards Atlmi (or Hatlmi). His intention was to intercept the Peshwa should he return towards the north, or to support General Pritzler if necessar3\ When within a march of Athni on the 21st instant, he received intelligence of the arrival of the Peshwa at that pluce, moving west, on which he marched in the direction of Miraj, to prevent the Peshwa's escaping to the west of him, and then moved down, thirty miles in all, to Ugara, a place on the Krishna where the Peshwa had been encamped the night before. The Peshwa now crossed the Krishna and made a feint of moving on his guns and infantry at Nipani ; but suddenly turning north, he marched along the right bank of the Krishna towards Satara, where he arrived on the 27tli. General Smith, on receiving intimation of this movement, renewed his march to the northward, but kept the left bank of the Krishna, to prevent the Peshwa's escaping to the westward, as has since proved to be his real design. Near Tasgav, on the 23rd, General Smith was overtaken by the whole of the Peshwa's light army, which liad been reinforced since we last saw it, and amounted to not less than 15,000 men at the lowest computation. This body was commanded by Gokhlc, Appa Desai, Trim- DESPATCHES OE HON. M. EL PH IN STONE. 201 bakji, the Vinclinrkar, and several of the Patwar- (Ihaiis. After leaving General Pritzler they had heard that the Pesliwa with his lieavj^ division was pressed by General Smith, and had come Ijy forced marches to his assistance. This ap2:)earance was so sudden that they were enabled to cut off a few Sepoys and upwards of 200 men of General Smith's Bazar, in a village where they had gone to procure grain. These men were afterwards released by orders from the Pesliwa, and given half a rupee each to pay their expenses to camp. The horse pressed on the rear all the march, rocketing and sniping, and wounded an officer, two Europeans, and seven Sepoys. The}' con- tinued this sort of attack, but with less boldness, until the 29th, when we approached the Salpe Ghat. On that day the Pesliwa, finding General Smith near him on the east with his light division, and his reserve under Colonel Boles approaching from the northward, began to fear being enclosed among the branches of the western Ghats ; he therefore left Satara, and by a forced march crossed in front of General Smith, descended the Salpe Ghat, and moved off to the eastward. His light division, after an unsuccessful attempt to pass General Smith and join the Pesliwa, made another push at a place where the valley leading to the Ghat is about six miles wide. General Smith moved out with the cavaliy and horse artillery, supported by infantry to intercept them, and forced them to separate and fly in great con- fusion along the face of the hills. Some of their Bazar fell into our hands, but the greater part of the horse got through, and the rest returned towards Satara. All have now joined the Pesliwa, who was last heard of at Natepota. On the 30tli General Smith descended the Ghat and joined his reserve, having marched for forty days with only three halts, in which 202 DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. time he has gone through 570 miles. The whole pursuit of the Peshwa amounts already to 850 miles. We are now waiting for General Pritzler, who followed the Peshwa to Galgalla, and is now on his return by the route pursued by this division. His cattle are much exhausted during his pursuit of the Peshwa : he moved twenty-three days without a halt, and marched a distance of 300 miles in eighteen days, not- withstanding his heavy convoy and his numerous sick. ' I shall do myself the honour to submit to your Excellency my correspondence with General Pritzler up to this time. General Smith's report of his opera- tions shall be forwarded to your Excellency as soon as it is received. The interruptions of our communica- tions prevent my hearing often from General Munro ; my last letter is dated the 21st. General Munro had taken the field (though I am not informed with what force), had reached and taken Dumwal and Gadag, and had reduced all the Peshwa's and Gokhle's country south of the Ghatprabha. The people of the country had cordially assisted him in expelling the Mahrattas. General Munro had also, in a great measure, succeeded in drawing off the Desai of Kittur, and some other local chiefs, from the Peshwa's cause. He had dis- persed a body of Pindarics returning from Chittledurg, probably part of the body that passed Malkapur on the 8th of December, and the report of the country states that he liad likewise cut up a part of Gokhle's troops under Ivaslii Piav Ivokrah, I shall transmit copies of my correspondence with General Munro to Mr. Adam, from which your* Excellency will be informed of my proceedings regarding the southern Jahagirdars. ' Your Excellency will liave heard from Bombay that the troops belonging to the northern Konkan, under DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. 203 Lienteuant-Colonel Prothcr, have taken the strong fort of Karnalla, and that the fort of Maclclan<:^ar, in the southern Konkan, has also been reduced. These suc- cesses will have considerable effect even above the Ghats, and they will give confidence to our Sepoys, whose families in the southern Konkan are still perse- cuted by the Peshwa. ' The city of Puna continues quiet and abundantty supplied, but the surrounding country is disturbed by the Peshwa's troops from Sinhaghar, Chakan, and Lohagar. A variety of reports have been circulated of an intended attack on the capital by Arabs and other troops, from those garrisons and from different parts of the country. These accounts induced Colonel Burr to request Colonel Boles to remain for some time at Puna with the reserve ; but it is uncertain whether they have their origin in fact, or are purposely circulated by the enemy. A conspiracy had been discovered in Puna to corrupt our troops ; one of the criminals had been executed, and several others are in custody. There seems no reason to suspect the bulk of the inhabitants of any designs, or even wishes, against us. ' The country round Ahmednagar has suffered dis- turbance similar to that experienced about Puna. Small parties of horse move about the country, inter- rupting our collections of the revenue and collecting for themselves. A party of 2,000 or 3,000 horse, under Dharmaji Pratab Piav, lately appeared near Ahmed- nagar, on their way to join the Peshwa, probably from the Nizam's frontier. Intelligence of their arrival having reached Captain Gibbon, who is in charge of that district, he set out at midnight with one company of Sepoys and seventy of his own Peons, and succeeded in beating up the party and putting it to flight. It has, however, continued its course, and probably joined 204 DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. the Pesliwa. Another party, consisting of 3,000 horse and Arabs, who had fled from Nagpur under Ganpat Eav, latelj^ passed to the south of Jalana on their way to join the Peshwa by the route of Mungi Paithan. Colonel Deacon was in pursuit of them on the 23rd ; but I have not heard with what success. Godaji Dengle is said also to be coming to the south- ward with a party of Arabs raised in Khandesh. These reinforcements must be very welcome to the Peshwa, who seems disposed before long to try the fortune of another battle. His moving out guns at Nipani and other places appears to me to be indicative of such a resolution. Some effort of the kind may be required to prevent the Jahagirdars deserting him, and the state of his cavalry probably renders him averse to place all his hopes in flight. Many of the horse with his army are said to be greatly exhausted, and General Pritzler found many abandoned in the villages through which he had passed. The best horse are with the Peshwa, whose wdiole personal division does not in all proba- bility exceed from 5,000 to 7,000 ; the rest are in the light force, which must be 15,000 strong. All the chiefs except Chintaman Eav are with it. ' I continue to receive indirect overtures from the Peshwa, to which I paj^ no attention. ' I have, etc., * (Signed) M. Elphinstone, ' Eesident at Puna. *Camp, Lonad, ' 3\st Jamtanj, 1818.' ' To Francis Warden, Esq., etc., etc., etc. ' Sir, ' I have the honour to enclose, for the informa- tion of the Eight Honourable the Governor, a copy of DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. 205 a letter wliicli I have this day addressed to Mr. Adam, reportinjT: the fall of the fort of Satara, utter and the communications which were made to Kipiunstoue. his Highness's connections and titular officers upon hoisting the flag of the Eajali of Satara. ' I have, etc., ' (Signed) M. Elphinstone. 'Camp, Satara, ' 12th Fehruarij, 1818.' ' To John Adam, Esq., etc., etc., etc. ' Sir, ' I have the honour to acquaint you with the surrender of the fort of Satara to the force under the command of Brigadier-General Smith. ' The Eajah's flag was hoisted yesterday under a royal salute. I this day assembled such of his High- ness's connections and titular officers as are to from Mr. Elphinstone. be found about this place, together with some of the principal inhabitants of the Petta, and acquainted them with the intention of the British Government to deliver the Piajali from confinement, and to place him at the head of a sovereignty sufficient for his comfort and dignity, and that of the other members of his house. I prefaced this declaration by an exposition of the causes of the deposition of Baji Piav, the abject state from which he was raised by the Treaty of Bassein, his subsequent prosperity and professions of gratitude, his protection of the murderer of the Shastri, the mag- nanimity of the British Government on that occasion, the Peshwa's subsequent intrigues and the insurrection he set on foot, the moderation of the British Government in still maintaining him on his throne, his professions of gratitude and of zeal in co-operation against the Pindarics, his exertions at the same moment for the 2o6 DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. subversion of our power, his treacherous attack on our lines, his violations of the law of nations and usages of civilized states, and his final avowal of his participation in the murder of the Shastri, by his public recall of the perpetrator of that atrocity. ' The promises of the British Government in favour of the Kajah were received with every appearance of gratitude and satisfaction, and I have no doubt will be attended with the most important consequences. ' I have, etc., ' (Signed) M. Elphinstone, ' Eesident. ' Camp, Satara, I2th Fehruary, 1818.' ' To F. Warden, Esq., Chief Secretar}^ to the Govern- ment of Bombay. ' Sir, ' I have sincere satisfaction in forwarding a I etter from Mr ^^Vl ^^ ^^^^ accompanyiug despatch from 'Elphinstone.'- Brigadier-Gcncral Smith, for the informa- tion of the Eight Honourable the Governor in Council. ' I have, etc., ' (Signed) M. Elphinstone, ' Resident. ' Camp, l)efoi'e Sinliai;]iur, ' ■mh Fehruanj, 1818.' * To F. Warden, Esq., Chief Secretary to the Govern- ment of Bombay. ' Sir, ' I have the honour to enclose, for the informa- Lcttcr from Mr. ^^^^ ^^ ^^^^ Plight Hoiiourabh? the Governor, ''•'"•''''"'""''-•' a copy of a letter, dated the 12th instant, which I have received from Brigadier-General Smith, DESPATCHES OE HON. M. ELPHIN STONE. 207 relating- his - operations against the Pesliwa, since the 11th ultimo. ' I have, etc., ' (Signed) M. Elphinstone. * Camp, Nira Bridge, ' 16^/i Fchrmnj, 1818.' ' To Francis Warden, etc., etc., etc. ' Sir, ' I have the honour to enclose, for the informa- tion of the Eight Honourable the Governor, j^ctter hom Mr. a copy of a letter which I addressed to the ' i^u^i^^'^tone. ' Chief Secretary to the Government of Fort St. George, under date the 16th instant. ' I have, etc., ' (Signed) M. Elphinstone. ' Camp, Sirola, n^th February, 1818.' ' To George Strachey, Esq., etc., etc., etc. ' SlE, ' When I had last the honour to address you, suggesting the addition of a battalion to Brigadier- General Munro's force, I wrote under the Letter from impression that the Brigadier-General was ''" ^'p^^^^*°"°- already at the head of a considerable detachment, placed at his disposal by the Right Honourable the Governor. I am now informed that this is not the case, and I therefore trust I may be excused in pointing out the great necessity there is for the presence of a force to the south of the Krishna. Should it appear in the same light to the Eight Honourable the Governor, his own auxiet}' to promote every branch of the public service will probably induce him to employ such a detachment 2o8 DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. as he can spare in that part of the country. The presence of General Munro, the disHke of the inhabi- tants to the Mahrattas, and their knowledge of the benefits of our Government from their vicinity to the provinces, would enable a small force to gain greater advantages to the south of the Krishna, than a much stronger one in any other part of the Peshwa's domi- nions. If there were only troops enough to reduce a few strong forts that overawe the country, there can be little doubt that the whole of the inhabitants w^ould come forward to assist us. If it be desirable to under- take this settlement from the facility with which it may be accomplished, it is still more so from the importance of the consequences to which it would tend. The lands of almost all the great Jahagirdars are situated in that direction, and their being occupied or threatened would soon draw off those chiefs from the Peshwa. The direct effect of such a secession on the Peshwa's power would be great, and the effect on public opinion would be much greater. The seizure of this country would also cut off much of Baji Kav's own resources ; it would narrow the ground of his operations and it would facilitate ours, by enabling us to form depots where they are now much wanted, and to derive all the advantages of carrying on war on the borders of a friendly country. ' It would enable General Munro to advance in this direction, so as to meet the progress of this division, and thus to reduce the whole of the country south of Puna before the monsoon. It would likewise shut up the only direct entrance for the Peshwa and his banditti into the Company's territories, and would compel them, if tliey ventured on such an invasion, to penetrate in the first instance through tlio dominions of the Nizam, and to traverse a great extent of country before they DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHIN STONE. 209 approached our frontier. But the great argument in favour of the proposed arrangement is its tendency to bring the present war to a conchision. I therefore submit it to the Right Honourable the Governor, in the confidence that it will meet with his approbation, unless its execution should materially interfere with the general policy of his Government. ' I have, etc., ' (Signed) M. Elphinstone. ' Camp, Nira Bridge, ' Uth February, 1818.' * To Francis Warden, Esq., etc., etc., etc. ' Sir, ' I have the honour to forward, for the informa- tion of the Right Honourable the Governor, a Letter from Mr. copy of a letter dated IGth instant, which Elphinstone. I have addressed to Brigadier-General Smith for his future guidance in pursuit of the Peshwa. ' I have, etc., ' (Signed) M. Elphinstone. ' Camp at Sinhaghur, '2mh February, 1818.' ' To his Excellency the Marquis of Hastings, K.G., etc., etc., etc. ' My Lord, ' 1 . I had the honour to receive your Excellency's letter, dated April Gth, on the morning of the 25th ; the light division was then within a march of Puna, and it occurred to me, as promising from Mr. great advantages, to request Colonel Smith to arrange so as completely to surround the city on his arrival at his ground, and then to demand that the Peshwa should give hostages for the surrender of 14 2IO DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. Trimbakji within a fixed time, to give his Highness a certain time to consider of this proposal, and in the event of his not complying, to endeavour to force his palace and seize his person. This proceeding would have been justified by my declarations to his Highness, which bound neither party longer than till the receipt of 3'our Excellency's orders, and which had besides been daily violated by his Highness. It would have been very important if successful^ by preventing the Peshwa's escaping to his numerous forts, and thus finishing the war at a blow ; but some considerations induced me to give up the plan, and finally to determine not to attack the Peshwa in Puna at all, if it were possible to avoid doing so. ' 2. The first of these considerations was that notwith- standing my declarations, the mere circumstance of our keeping up our intercourse with him would lead the Peshwa to expect some formal notice before we proceed to hostilities ; and that from the manner in which we obtained our footing in the heart of his country, his Highness was entitled to more delicacy than a prince going to war in other circumstances. '3. Another equally powerful consideration was the probable fate of tlie city of Puna. The inhabitants have been so much accustomed to look upon us as friends, that the approach of our troops and all other prepar- ations had excited no alarm ; I believe, indeed, the people in the city have more confidence in us than in the Peshwa. His Highness has not less than 7,000 Arabs and other infantry in Puna, besides the cavalry, and he possesses a fortified palace in the centre of the city. It is not, therefore, to be supposed that he could be seized without a struggle ; and in the event of resistance, it would scarcely be expected of any troops that they should distinguish between the part of the DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPH IN STONE. 211 inhabitants that wore hostile and that whicli was neutral. The city, therefore, would be exposed to the usual calamities of a place taken by assault, and they would be the more felt as none of the people have removed their families or property. In addition to other more powerful motives for avoiding those evils, was the unpopularity it would bring on any government we might have to set up, and on our own measures, whicli at pre- sent, I imagine, are rather looked on with approbation. ' 4. For all these reasons it appeared best to allow the light division to occupy its old ground at Kirkee, about four miles to the north of the city, to wait for full instructions from your Excellency, to proceed gradually with the Pesliwa, giving him full time to correct his mistakes, if so disposed ; and when it became necessary to attack the town, to begin by giving notice to the defenceless inhabitants to quit it, taking proper pre- cautions to prevent the departure of the Peshwa and of his troops, if they should have continued in the cit}^ till that period. This plan was settled in communi- cations with Colonel Smith, who came in a day before the light division, for the purpose of concerting the arrangements to be adopted. * 5. After the arrival of the li^'ht division thing's went on as usual the first two or three days. I received infor- mation during this time of the increase of the insurrection in Khandesh, and the junction of a body of troops from Hindustan to one division of the insurgents at Bareindir ; another division appeared to be forming to the north of Nasik. These two divisions were repre- sented, in the native khabars that came to me, and to Captain Sydenham, as amounting in all to 10,000 men; but this must be greatly exaggerated. The party from Hindustan is under Gangaji Piokelah, and is said to be on the part of Scindia; but it appears to be a 14—2 212 DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. part of the Barra Bliai, a famous body of free troops, who were formerly attached to that prince, but I beUeve have now quitted him ; the insurgents to the south were said to have disappeared from the country about Jut and Manu (where, indeed, the presence of Major Macdowell's detachment rendered it impossible for them to remain), and were represented to be in smaller numbers than before in the south of the Konkan, and in the neighbouring parts of the Western Ghauts. ' 6. On the 1st of May I received information of the capture of the Peshwa's fort of Prasit Gar by the insurgents, which was also confirmed by the Durbar. On the 2nd Ragho Pant came to me and said that the progress of the rebels had now reached an alarming height, and that it became absolutely necessary for the Peshwa to take vigorous measures against them. The first object was to recover the fort they had taken, for which purpose a force composed of that under Naro Pant Apte, and detachments belonging to Gokhle and Waman Eav Apte should assemble near Pianaur, and some guns should be sent to them from Puna ; that as the Mahrattas might be inclined to the rebels, Gokhle had been ordered to entertain as many natives of other countries as he could ; that to prevent the capture of any more forts his Highness intended to send military stores and other necessaries to all those belonging to his government, and to increase the garrisons ; and that as the fort of Wassota was of particular importance and had no guns mounted on it, his Highness intended to send some to it. Considering all that had passed on the subject of the Peshwa's forts and preparations, I could not but look upon this as a ver}^ undisguised attempt to obtain my acquiescence in his open prose- cution of tlic measures on which I had so often remonstrated. I had long supposed that the rebels DESPATCHES OE HON. AL ELPHINSTONE. 213 would be allowed to take possession of some of the Pesliwa's forts, and the improbable account given by llagho Pant of the capture strengthened my belief in the collusion of the Pesliwa's officers in the occupation of Prasit Gar ; the rebels were represented to have introduced themselves into the fort as countrymen carrying bundles of grass, in which they had concealed arms. This sort of stratagem is often practised in towns where many country people are allowed to carry their goods unsuspected to the market, but it does not at all seem suited to a hill-fort, where there is probably only a small garrison, where there can be no market, and in all likelihood no great consumption of grass, as they are in general difficult of access to animals. Even if Prasit Gar had been taken by some indepen- dent insurgents, and not made over to Trimbakji, the same measures that were successful on a similar occasion a year ago, were the most likely to have been adopted on this, without general exertions and new levies on foreign troops, and without sending guns to Wassota, which, as it has been many months preparing for a siege, can scarcely be liable to be surprised by a rabble. I pointed out these suspicions and the grounds of them to Ragho Pant, and said that the Pesliwa's proceedings could not be misunderstood ; that this was indeed no more than an open communication of the preparations which had been so long carried on unavowed ; that his High- ness was at liberty to adopt any measures he thought proper ; that the British Government was equally at liberty ; and that whatever might happen after this, his Highness could not complain of being taken un- prepared. ' 7. On the 3rd I received intimation of the stopping of the post by the insurgents in Cuttack, which rendered it entirely uncertain when I might receive the instruc- 2 14 DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. tions for which I had so long been looking, and obliged me to come to the resolution of acting without waiting for them. I understood by a private letter from Mr. Adams, dated the 7th, that the surrender of Trimbakji was likely to be made the preliminarj^ to all negotiations ; and it was the universal opinion here, justified by all appearances, that the Peshwa would stand a contest rather than give him up. In the event of war, there was little doubt that his Highness would fly to Eayagar, in the Konkan, where it would be impossible to carry on operations after the commencement of the monsoon. That season seldom commences in this part of India after the first week in June, so that there was only one month left for this important operation ; and considering the difficulty of transporting a battering-train down the Western Ghats, few of which are practicable for guns, and the still greater difficulty of bringing it up after the rains began, there appeared to be considerable hazard in undertaking the siege, however earlj^ and a certainty of ill success if it were any longer deferred. On the other hand, if the Peshwa were secure in Piayagar, and had carried his brother with him, as he certainly would do, we should be unable to act at all in the Konkan during the rains, and equally unable to adopt any settled plan for establishing a new government in the Deccan. From this last circumstance, and from the peculiar situation of the Peshwa as nominal head of the Mahratta Empire, it was probable that a lengthened contest would draw in the greater part of the Mahratta powers, if not of the majority of the Mahratta nation. After fully discussing these subjects with Colonel Smith, it appeared to me highly imprudent to delay longer than the Gth, which would give time for my instructions to arrive, supposing a duplicate to have been sent by Nagpur, or supposing the post- DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHIN STONE. 215 master at Calcutta to have taken measures for forwarding them by sea to the undisturbed ports of tJie northern Circars. I therefore took the first opportunity of a visit from Eagho Pant, to point out the critical situation at which tilings had arrived, supposing the Peshwa had determined not to apprehend Trimbakji ; and on the 5th I sent a message to the Bhau, to say that I had a proposal of the utmost importance to make to him, that I should give it to him in writing at daybreak on the 6th, and that if he chose to send a person in his confidence, I would accompany it Avith full verbal explanations. My proposal, I said, was of such a nature as must determine the question of peace or war in one day. In the evening Piaglio Pant returned with a request from the Peshwa that I would attend him next evening; I agreed to this request, and afterwards determined to delay the delivery of my proposals, and to ascertain the Peshwa's sentiments on the simple question of surrendering Trimbakji, by discussing it accompanied with the limitation as to time, with the demand for securities, and the prospect for further demands. I enclose the original notes of my conversation with the Peshwa, the result of which was that his Highness, even when warned that his refusal ^vould lead to open war in one day, refused to enter into any engagement to deliver up Trimbakji. ' 8. The whole of the Peshwa's behaviour at this meeting displayed a degree of firmness very unusual to him ; and his language, at the same time that it was perfectly conciliatory, evinced considerable ability and perfect self-possession. His Highness's coolness during the whole of the present discussions has formed a con- trast to his consternation during those after the death of the Shastri ; at that time he shut himself up from the sight of everyone ; his measures were irresolute 2i6 DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHIN STONE. aud bewildered, and his appearance betrayed the height of confusion and terror ; but of late he has held regular Darbars, has entered into partaking of entertainments at the houses of his chiefs, and discussing his preparations along with them, and conciliating them by compli- ments and professions of his reliance on their courage and fidelity. He showed a temporary alarm for a day or two, after the measures taken to increase the efficiency of the Puna Brigade ; and likewise a few days ago, when he sent for Mr. JefFerj^s, the surgeon of the Residency, on pretence of consulting him about his arm, he showed evident signs of alarm, and told Mr. Jefi'erj's that he saw the dangers of his situation, and was willing to purchase a renewal of our friendship by any sacrifice except that of Trimbakji. His Higli- ness's confidence appears to have been partly founded on the prospect held out to him of success in the old Mahratta warfare of hostilities and flying armies of plundering horse, and partly on a rooted conviction that we would not proceed to extremities. These hopes will perhaps account for his conduct, especially when combined with the favourite Mahratta maxim of holding- out in every negotiation till the very last moment, with- out caring for the disgrace of ultimate submission. ' 9. Earl}' in the morning of the 7tli I sent in the enclosed paper to the Minister, demanding that the Peshwa should engage, before the expiration of twenty- four hours, to surrender Trimbakji within a month from that day ; and should give up the forts of Singhur, Purandhar, and Piayagar, as pledges for fulfilling his engagement. It was necessary, for the reasons already stated, to give a short period for consideration, and a long one could not be required at the end of a discussion of three months' duration. I thought it advisable to allow a liberal time for the apprehension of Trimbakji, DESPATCHES OE HON. M. ELPHINSTONE, 217 unci it was absolutely necessary to take some security to prevent a repetition of the same illusory proceedings which I had already so often experienced. I accom- panied the first memorandum with a note to the Bhau, in which I adverted to the nature of your Lordship's probable demands, but assured him that if the Pesliwa acceded to the preliminaries now proposed, those de- mands should not go to deprive him of his musnud. '10. The Minister received this paper with so mucli diffidence, and put off delivering it to the Peshwa until after dinner for reasons so very frivolous, that his message would have appeared contemptuous but for the Mahratta practice above alluded to, of putting on a bold face to the last. The whole day passed without a message from the Peshwa, and with an appearance of security which seemed to be intended to conceal a design of his Higlmess's leaving the city during the night. This suspicion was confirmed by the prepara- tions which were made immediatelj^ after sunset. All the horse in the city got under arms, and repaired to the neighbourhood of the Peshwa's palace ; powder and ball were delivered out to them, and they were desired to be prepared to move at a moment's warning. One party of 1,000 horse belonging to Gokhle was led out by the chief in person to a place on the southern side of the city, where it remained during the night. The general impression in the city was that the Peshwa in- tended to retreat ; and so strong was my conviction of this intention, that I was on the point of ^\Titing to Colonel Smith, to beg that he would put the cavalry in motion for the purpose of frustrating it. I, however, thought it best to run the risk of his Highness effecting his escape, rather than that of driving him to extremities while professing to off'er him terms. '11. At this time I received a visit from Prabhakar 2i8 DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. Ballal and Bapu Kourikar, who came applying for a delay of four days, which I decidedly refused. I enclose a detailed account of this conference, because an attempt has been made to misrepresent it. About one a.m. on the 6th, Krishna Eav came to request a delay of five days, and to beg that I would give up my demand for Eayagar, and be contented with Sinhagar and Purandhar. This of course w^as refused, and Krishna Eav was desired to acquaint the Bhau that though our other measures should proceed, the city should not be attacked until the unresisting inhabitants had been allowed time to withdraw. About daybreak Prabhakar Pandit returned with a similar request, to which I gave a similar answ^er. Part of this short conversation was important in one point of view, but need not be detailed in this place. By this time the troops had passed the Eesidency, and I was on the point of setting out to join them, when Jaya- want Eav (the principal person under the Bhau) arrived with Krishna Eav. The same attempts to obtain an alteration in the terms, or delay in the execution, were now made once more ; and on these failing, Jayawant Eav consented to give up the forts ; after which a discussion took place about the time at which they were to sur- render, and the means of removing the property. The time was at length made to depend on the arrival of our detachments alone, and no property was to be removed after possession was taken except the private property of the garrisons. Jayawant Eav then requested that the troops marching to the towns might be stopped, or removed if they had arrived ; but this was declined until the terms should have been carried into execution. It was indeed impossible to have stopped them, for although I lost no time after Jayawant Eav's departure, I did not reach the head of the line until Colonel Smith's operations were completed. DESPATCHES OE HON. M. ELPIIIN STONE. 219 ' 12. Colonel Smith had taken opportunities of making himself fully acquainted with all the outlets of the city, and had likewise been furnished with a very detailed plan of the place, drawn up for the occasion by Mr. Coats, vaccinating surgeon, as well as with an excellent map of its environs. He had made his arrangements on the preceding evening, and marched at daybreak from his camp, four miles north of the city. The brigade under Lieutenant-Colonel Leighton moved at the same time, and the city, which is at least five miles in cir- cumference, was completely surrounded within three hours after daybreak. The troops were so disposed that it was impossible for any person to quit the city without a contest ; and the whole operation was con- ducted by Colonel Smith with so much order, arrange- ment, and temper, that there was not a shot fired, notwithstanding several embarrassing and irritating circumstances. '13. About ten in the forenoon, the Karkuns who were to deliver over Sinhagar and Purandhar made their appearance, and soon after the detachments moved off. I then voluntarily offered to withdraw the troops posted round the city, which I had before said should not be done till the places were given up ; this was done within three hours after they took up their posi- tions. The reserve, which had reached Wuroli, within eighteen miles of Puna, and w^as advancing, was counter- manded at the earnest request of the Peshwa's Ministers. The fort Sinhagar w^as surrounded last night, and Pu- randhar this morning ; no treasure was found in the former, and I have received no details regarding the latter ; more delay was made about Kay agar, the great depository of the Peshwa's treasures. The Karkun did not arrive till three in the afternoon. When he did come he misled the detachment, and he was so mounted 2 20 DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHIN STONE. as greatly to clelaj^ its progress. After furnishing him with a palankin and guides of our own, the detachment set off again, and ought to reach Eayagar by to-morrow evening. About five in the afternoon Colonel Smith moved off with the light division to a position about four miles south of the city, where he still remains. ' 14. The people of the city observed the first opera- tions of the troops with the greatest appearance of security ; but when they saw the preparations kept up on both sides, they began to apprehend a contest in the streets, and showed considerable agitation and alarm. This ceased when the troops were removed, and, except where their own safety was endangered, the whole of the people appeared to view the contest with the most perfect indiff'erence. Goldile and Chintaman Eav are said to have been indignant at the Peshwa's submission, and to have stayed away from his palace, though he sent them messages of explanation and apology. ' I have, etc., ' (Signed) M. Elphinstone, ' Eesident at Puna. ' Poona, '9th May, 1817.' Notes of a Conference with His Highness the Peshwa, May Gth, 1817. The Bhaii began a long speech on the advantages of the alliance, the Peshwa's desire to preserve it, and the Mr. Eiphin. pi'^'pHcty of rcmoviug any obstruction that fcm^e wuh liad arisen in it. The Peshwa then took up the discourse, and enlarged on the dependence of his family for two gene- rations on the English, the opposition he had met with in all stages of his reign from all the members of the Mahratta Empire, and the report he had received from DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. 221 the British Government. He pointed out in great detail that his ruin was certain if this support was withdrawn, and protested his determination to adhere to the aUiance as long as he lived ; he said he had many enemies who might misrepresent his conduct, but that these were the real sentiments of his heart. This was replied to by Mr. Elphinstone's saying that his Highness, it appeared, was anxious to maintain the alliance; that the British Government was at last equally so, but that differences had arisen which were now to be removed ; that the British had never listened to his enemies, but that he had given his ear to those who were enemies both to the British Government and to his Highness, and that this had brought things to the present pass. The Peshwa protested that he had always considered the enemies of the one state as the enemies of the other. Mr. Elphinstone stated the conduct of the British Government about Trimbakji, and the warnings he had given his Highness till after the march to Natepota, and that it was very gradually, and by great neglect of Mr. Elphinstone's representations, that things had been allowed to gain the length they had. The Peshwa endeavoured to exculpate himself from a connivance at the insurrection, and said that he had sent out Gokhle's horse at a very early stage of it ; and if they had failed to obtain information of it, it was not his fault. Mr. Elphinstone enlarged on the notoriety of the insurrection, and expressed surprise that the Peshwa had never heard of it, when Mr. Elphinstone under so many disadvantages had been able to apprize his Highness of the various stages of its progress. Mr. Elphinstone adverted to the general belief that the Peshwa protected the insurgents, and the great advan- tage the insurgents derived from that opinion. The Peshwa expressed his wonder that people should enter- 2 22 DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. taiu such an opinion, and said that his state was full of his enemies. Mr. Elphinstone explained the reasons why the people entertained that opinion — that his Highness denied the existence of the insurrection when everybody else knew of it ; that he always treated the insurgents as the enemies of the English exclusively, while his officers offered them no opposition ; and to conclude, that he prepared his forts and armies as if he was determined to support the insurgents, or to resist any demand of the British Government to act against them. His Highness entered into the usual explanations of his conduct in these respects, and added that he was ready to punish any of the people who had known of the insurrection, and who had not told him of it. Mr. Elphinstone asked why none of them had been punished hitherto, when his Highness was satisfied that there was a rebellion which had not been reported to him. He answered that Gokhle was powerful, but that now Mr. Elphinstone and the Bliau should have an inquiry, and that the delinquent should be punished. Mr. Elphin- stone said that it was not Gokhle 's officer, but all the officers in the country who ought to have reported ; and their not having done so could only be attributed to a secret influence in favour of the rebels. Mr. Elphin- stone added that Trimbakji was still at large, and still exciting an insurrection, and that nothing was done against him. His Highness said that Trimbakji had a number of friends and relations, and much money ; but that if Mr. Elphinstone would show anj'- body who had assisted him, ho should bo punished. Mr. Elphinstone replied that it belonged to the Govern- ment of tlio country to make those discoveries ; that Trimbakji had left Tanna without any money, that all his houses were in the Peshwa's country, and all DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. 223 his friends and adherents at Puna, and that he could not have collected his money from all parts of the country, and have assembled troops, without the place of his residence becoming known to the Government. Mr. Elphinstone now came to the point of the demands he had to make on the part of the Governor-General ; he had explained that he had received a letter from Calcutta ; that it merely contained part of the Governor- General's instructions, which ho would communicate on the following day in an official form ; that it was his wish to have waited, so as to be enabled to communi- cate the whole substance of his Excellency's demands at once ; that he had now heard that an insurrection in Cuttack had cut ofi' the communication by dawk, and that he was therefore compelled to come forward with- out an accurate knowledge of anj^ of his Excellency's terms, except a preliminary demand for the uncon- ditional surrender of Trimbakji ; that by the time that was done, he would be able to state what further demands would be made. The Pesliwa replied to this by saying that he was ready to meet the wishes of the Governor-General in every particular ; that he would do all in his power to seize Trimbakji ; but that if he failed, he hoped it would not be concluded that he was insincere ; that he would do all that human exertions could effect ; that he would pledge himself in the most sacred manner, by placing his hand on Mr. Elphinstone's to make those exertions ; and that he would leave no means untried to effect his purpose. Mr. Elphinstone said that he was not disposed personally to doubt his Highness's professions, but that among states some more solid proof of sincerity was usual ; and he begged his High- ness would consider of some pledge by which the Governor-General might be led to expect more to be 224 DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. done than had been effected during the hist eight months by his Highness, in endeavouring to seize the person of Trimbakji. His Highness repHed that his exertions now should be unremitting ; that he would issue orders, with his own seal affixed to them, and deliver them to Mr. Elphinstone, directing all his officers to aid in securing Trimbakji's person ; that, for himself, he had never seen Trimbakji from the moment he had left Puna to go to Wassandar ; that to this fact he was ready to swear by the water of the Ganges ; and that the reason of his having made no effort to ascertain where Trimbakji was hitherto, was the knowledge his High- ness had of his numerous enemies, who, if he made those exertions, and Trimbakji had escaped out of his dominions, would have represented his flight as connived at by his Highness. Mr. Elphinstone reminded his Highness of his having made a similar declaration about not searching for Trimbakji seven mouths ago, and of his having afterwards promised, on Mr. Elphinstone's remonstrating, to make the most diligent search for that fugitive ; that it appeared his Highness had made no such search ; that the same assurances which would have been quite sufficient in the commencement of the discussions were by no means so now ; and that his Highness must promise to seize Trimbakji within a certain time, and give some security for performance, otherwise his Highness might put off a settlement for a whole month, and then say that he had endeavoured to find out Trimbakji, but had failed in obtaining the object of his search. The Pcshwa rejoined by saying that he was ready to give; this promise under his own hand for the satis- faction of the Governor-General. Mr. Elphinstone then reminded the Peshwa of the DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. 225 principles on which an adjustment was brought about when Trimbakji was formcrl}^ demanded ; that things had by no moans come to such a pitch as at present, and yet amity had only been restored by his Highness delivering up Trimbakji and agreeing to abide by any further demands which the Governor-General might dictate, provided they were not of such a nature as to overturn the alliance ; that on the present occasion matters had become far more serious, and that the two States were now on the eve of a rupture ; that Mr. Elphinstone could not answer for the present state of things lasting an hour, or a day (certainly not two days) ; and the Pesliwa could not expect that the only repar- ation he was to make was to be a mere promise to exert himself to discover and to seize Trimbakji. The Pesliwa replied to this by mere professions of sincerity. Mr. Elphinstone observed that in a case like the j)resent no proof of sincerity could be admitted except performance ; that unless Trimbakji were seized and given up there could be no security against future disturbances of the same or a more dangerous nature, tlie moment our army was employed at a distance. The Peshwa said that his army should, in a case of that nature, be placed in the van to bear the brunt of the battle ; that we should see how they exerted themselves ; and that, if they were destroyed in the attack, it would be then time for the English troops to act, and not till then. Mr. Elphinstone said that what was wanted was a proof that his Higlmess's own designs were friendly, and that his declaring his inability to act effectually against an enemy of the British Government within his own territories gave ver}^ little reason to rely on his goodwill. Mr. Elphinstone then turned to the Bhau, and asked him if he had received 15 226 DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPH IN STONE. the message sent to him throiigii Krishna Eav regarding a paper which it was his intention to send to his High- ness ; to which the Bhaii assented. Mr. Elphinstone then recapitulated the state to which things had been brought, said that he begged his Highness to reflect that the demand he now made for Trimbakji was not on his own part, that he was announcing the resolutions of the Governor-General, from which he could not recede if he were inclined ; that he would send the paper alluded to to-morrow morning, which specified the security required from his Highness for the fulfil- ment of this preliminaiy; and he entreated that his Highness would seriously weigh the matter, for that he had only a day for consideration ; and he trusted that he would, \)y acceding to the proposal, preserve the alliance. During the latter part of the conversation the Peshwa constantly asked Mr. Elphinstone to point out in what way he should act to seize Trimbakji. Mr. Elphinstone said that it was impossible for him to point out in detail the measures that were to be adopted by his Highness's Government, but that if his Highness would show a serious wish to apprehend Trimbakji, Mr. Elphinstone would answer for his success ; that the very question (so unusual with his Highness) how he was to manage an interior affair of his own govern- ment, evinced a disinclination to act cordially on the part of his Highness ; that Mr. Elphinstone would, however, mention a few of the steps which his High- ness miglit take, though he would not say that there might not be more and better ways that would occur to a person familiar with the countr}^, and with the means possessed l)y tlie Government ; his Highness might seize all Trimljakji's adherents, some of whom were in Puna, and many in the countries in wliich Trim- l)akji had raised his men ; such as Mahad.'iji Pant, the DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. 227 Mamhitdar * of Natepota, and Bapn Gaikwar, the Patelf of Shetfal ; that Mr. Elphinstoiie could mention a hundred others, and did not moan to sa}^ that he required the seizure of those particular persons, nor would he consider it the slightest satisfaction, but he merely pointed out one among many modes of effecting the object in view ; that he might also interrogate the Mamlutdars of the countries in which Trimbakji was known to have resided, and might thus trace him from place to place until he was found ; that the people who sent treasure to him and those who had returned from his camp might be interrogated, and that many other plans might be suggested, even if his Highness had no information of his own. His Highness declared that the persons in question should not only be seized, but their lands and property confiscated ; he begged that Mr. Elphinstone would allow one of his assistants to concert measures with the Bliau for the operation of his intention, and requested that that gentleman should be allowed to act as an assessor to the Bhafi in his inquiries, and to point out any method of investigation conformable to the practice of Europe, and not that of the Mahratta country. He denied, however, that it could be proved that Trimbakji had ever been with the insurgents, or in his Highness's country at all ; that he might be alive or he might be dead, he might be here or he might be in Mount Himalaya, but nobody had either seen him or could say that he had any share in raising this insurrection, the existence of which, his Highness said, could no longer be denied. Mr. Elphin- stone said that many persons had seen Trimbakji, and reminded his Highness that his two nephews, Godaji Dengle and Mahipa EAv Dengle, were now at the head of insurrections in Khandesh. * Farmer of revenue. t Head-man of a village. 15—2 22S DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. The Pesliwa replied by sajang that there were many persons of the Dengle family. Mr. Elphinstone said these were Trimbakji's near relations ; to this the Peshwa replied by saying he had, of course, many relations. His Highness then said that the supposed Trimbakji might be an impostor assuming his name, as had happened in the case of the famous Bhaii who fell at Paniput. Mr, Elphinstone said there could be no object in the insurgent's taking Trimbakji's name, that he was a person of low origin, and that he only acquired consequence by his Higlmess's countenance ; that generally speaking he was detested throughout his Highness's dominions, and that it was idle to talk of anyone assuming so popular a name as the means of raising an insurrection. Mr. Elphinstone, in conclusion, conjured his High- ness, as he valued the friendship of the British Govern- ment and the welfare of his own state, to think seriously of what had been said, and to be prepared with such a resolution as might avert a rupture. The Peshwa replied by the most cordial professions of his devotion to the British Government, and said that so seriously did he reflect on the present state of affairs, that he loathed his meals, and could not sleep from extreme anxiety. The Bhaii asked how the answer to Mr. Elphinstone's demands was to be trans- mitted. Mr. Elphinstone replied that it did not signify. If it was in acquiescence a common jasuds might bring it ; and if not, no messenger could effect a change. While the preparations for the ceremony of taking leave were making, his Highness paid numerous personal compliments in his manner to Mr. Elphinstone, making tlic warmest prof(>ssions towards him, and declaring that lie knew him to be liisbcst and most valuable friend, and looked to him alone for advice in these times of difficulty. (Signed) M. ELrniNSTONE. DESPATCHES OF HON. M. EL PH IN STONE. 229 Notes addressed to his Highness the Peshwa, DATED 7 Til May. ' I need not repeat what has so often been said on the subject of the pretended insurrection so long connived at by his Highness, or of the preparations made by his Highness, apparently to support st.me-s'xoteto that rebellion. The proceedings amounted to a commencement of war on the part of the Peshwa, but I proposed a truce on certain terms, all of which had been broken by his Highness ; I proposed to his Highness upwards of a mouth ago to discontinue his hostile proceedings and wait the answer of the Governor- General to my report of his Highness's transactions. At that time his Highness agreed to forbear from any further preparations, and even promised of his own accord to reduce those which had ])een already made. His Highness, however, not only failed in the last promise, but systematically departed from other articles of my demand. He continued to recruit his troops, and to prepare his forts, until it became necessary to fulfil the declaration contained in my first note, by similar proceedings on the part of the British Govern- ment ; since which his Highness has continued his secret preparations, the insurgents have taken the fort of Prasit Gar, and his Highness has formall}^ announced to me his intention of strengthening the garrisons of all his forts, and in particular of sending ordnance to the fort of Wassota, which it is well known has been diligently provided for a siege for many months. Thus it appears that his Highness, instead of waiting the answer of the Governor-General, has carried on all his operations without the least restraint, so that every day improves his situation, while it renders worse that of the British Government, by bringing nearer the setting-iu 230 DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. of the rainy season. These considerations render it impossible for me, consistently with prudence, to wait anj longer ; and in order to prevent the necessity of a rupture, I must insist on the immediate surrender of Trimbakji Dengle within the period of one month. A month is allowed to give time to send orders for seizing Trimbakji and bring him to Puna, but it is impossible for me to allow the season to pass away without some solid proof of the Peshwa's sincerity. I must therefore insist on being put in possession of three of his Highness's principal forts as security for his fulfilling the agreement. These forts are Sinhagar, Purandhar, and Piayagar ; of which I expect Sinhagar to be delivered up in the course of to-morrow, Purandhar in the course of the next daj^ and the other fort imme- diately on the arrival of the troops before it. If any delay whatever takes place in making over these forts, hostilities shall commence without delay. In the event of his Highness making over the forts in question, he shall be at liberty to put his seal on any treasure or valuables that may be deposited in them, and the whole shall be restored to him in the same state in which it is given over, without hesitation or demur, immediately on the fulfilment of the preliminary article above mentioned. This done, we shall proceed to negotiate respecting the satisfaction to be afforded to the Governor-Cicneral for the Peshwa's recent breach of treaty, as well as the security to be given for his future good conduct. It was my wish to have waited for the Governor-denerars instructions, and to have made his Highness acquainted with the full extent of his Excellency's demands at first; but as his Highness would not suspend his pro- ceedings, it was impossible for me to suspend mine. 'I must request that his Highness will give me a definite answer to tlic demand made in this paper before DESPATCHES OE HON. M. ELPH IN STONE. 231 diiyliglit to-morrow morning, until wliicli time no measures of hostility will be adopted by me, unless, indeed, any hostile intentions are displayed by his High- ness, or his Highness should attempt to quih the city. '(Signed) M. Elphinstone, ' Eesident.' Note sent to the Minister on the Morning of May 8th, enclosing the Note of May 7th. ' I have now the honour to forward the paper I yesterday alluded to. It was drawn up on the day before yesterday, but nothing has happened to require any alteration in it. I again beg the stone -.sNotrto Pesliwa to consider and to prevent the necessity of a rupture, which, if it once takes place, will be difficult to accommodate ; the present demands are, with the exception of the security now required, the same as those agreed to by the Peshwa on the last discussions to surrender Trimbakji, and to acquiesce in the Governor-General's further demands. I cannot promise that those demands shall now be as lenient as before, but I will undertake that they shall not affect his Higlmess's continuance to enjoy theMusnud. '(Signed) M. Elphinstone, ' Piesident at Puna.' Note op a Conversation between Mr. Elphinstone, Prabhakar Pandit, and Bapu Konrikar, on the Night of the 7th May, 1817. ' Prabhakar Pandit came at night and said that Bapu Konrikar was with him; but on Mr. Elpliin- stone's proposing to call that person in, he Mr. Eiphm- said he wished first to discuss the subject ^^convekition. he was sent on himself. He then begged four 232 DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHIN STONE. clays' delay on the Peshwa's part, saying that he would give up the forts at the end of that time, but that he required the interval to consult his own people. Mr. Elphinstone said there was no need of consideration on a subject that had so often been discussed ; that he could not accuse himself of omitting to warn the Peshwa, step by step, of the consequences of his conduct; that he only asked the Peshwa to give security for performing Avhat he had often promised ; and that if his Highness meant to comply he could do it then as well as four daj^s hence, whereas if he meant not to do so, the gain of time was an object. Prabhakar Pandit continued to urge his request, and saying that four days were nothing in addition to so many days that were past, Mr. Elphinstone said that he had made up his mind after full deliberation, and that no reason had been brought forward why he should alter it ; he added that he was unwilling to speak ill of the Peshwa at all times, and especially on an occasion that might be the last on which he would communicate with his Highness, but he could not but remind Prabhakar Ballal of the repeated promises made by the Peshwa, through him, and of the uniform breach of every one of them by his Highness. After so manj^ disappointments Mr. Elphin- stone said he could not trust to his Highness's promises again. There were several pauses in the conversation, after one of them Mr. Elphinstone said that he heard the Peshwa was on the point of flying ; that his doing so would bring on hostility, even before the appointed hour ; that Mr. Elphinstone could not but be reluctant to destroy an alliance of so many years' standing, but still it was his dutj^ to refuse the delay solicited. ' Towards the end of the conversation Prabhakar Pandit altered his language, which had from the first been ambiguous. He formerly let it be understood that the DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. 233 forts would be given up at the end of four days, and now said that an answer should be returned after that period. Bapu Konrikar was afterwards called, and the same observations were repeated to him that had been made to Prabhakar Ballal ; in addition to what passed before, one of the Brahmins said that the Peshwa requested this delay of Mr. Elphinstone as a mark of his private friendship. Mr. Elphinstone said he was at a loss what to answer to such a request, as the thing- was impossible. When the party had risen to break up Bapu Konrikar repeated several of the arguments for delay, and Mr. Elphinstone repeated his answer, and took a solemn leave of them, saying the time for negotiation was now fast expiring, and that he trusted his Highness would yet consider and preserve the alliance. ' (Signed) M. Elphinstone, ' Kesident.' ' To the Most Noble the Marquis of Hastings, K.G., etc., etc., etc. ' My Lord, ' I have not addressed your Excellency since the 9tli instant, because I had no change to report in the Peshwa's conduct or measures. I am happy to have it in my power at length to fiomjir. state that he appears to be smcerely desn-ous to apprehend Trimbakji, and to recover the favour of the British Government. Up to the middle of the month his Highness continued to use everj^ exertion to put things in train for a flight from Puna. He issued three months' pay to the troops in his service, and con- tinued to add to their numbers. His forces out of Puna continued to assemble near Satara, in conse- 234 DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. queuce of the orders they had formerly received. His principal adherents sent their families away from Puna, and their example was followed by most people in the town whose circumstances admitted of it. His High- ness also brouo-ht about an entire reconciliation with his brother, vvitli whom he is said to have interchanged the most solemn oaths. His Highness's plan at that time was thought to be to retire with his brother to Satara, and after arranging for the security of the Eajah, to proceed with the force under Naro Pant Apte (10,000 horse and foot) either to Wassota or Dharwar. On the night of the 13th it was the universal belief that his Highness was on the point of quitting Poona, in company with Gokhle : all his horse was ready, and by every account I have received he was nearer setting out than at any other period, excepting, perhaps, the night of the 8th. He was, however, prevailed on to stay, and although he has shown several signs of adhering to his former sj^stem, since then I think he has been becoming gradually less inclined to any desperate course. One proof of the continuance of his indiscreet conduct was his issuing four or six lacs of rupees to his principal Sardars for their troops, so late as the 17th instant. ' During all this time the Peshwa sent frequent messages to me through Sadashiv Mankeshwar, re- quiring a prolongation of the period assigned for the apprehension of Trimbakji, and requesting my consent to his going away from Puna, on account of an eclipse ; he first mentioned Nasik as the place he was going to, and afterwards Phulsheher. His Highness also attemi)ted, through the same channel, to draw from me a disclosure of tlie terms which were to be imposed on him if Triml)akji were seized. I declined com- plying with any of these applications, observing that DESPATCHES OF J ION. M. ELTIl IN STONE. 235 his Higlmess's beginning- by soliciting a prolonga- tion of the truce before he had made any exertions to fulfil your Excellency's demands, looked as if he anticipated and intended a failure ; that his (putting Puna at such a time was altogether un advisable, and that my orders were on no account to negotiate until Trimbakji was given up. At these interviews with the Peshwa's Ministers I took constant occasion to impress on his Highness the value of the time he was allowing to elapse, and the impossibility of his persuad- ing the British Government to accept of his exertions as satisfactory if they happened to be successful, when his own procrastination had so obviously contributed to their ill success. I likewise took pains during this period to guard against mistakes and misrepresentations by reminding the Ministers of the serious demands that were jet to come, even if Trimbakji were surrendered, and by making as public as I could the real footing on which things stood between the British Government and the Pesliwa. 'I had the honour on the lOtli instant to receive your Lordship's instructions, conveyed in Mr. Adams's despatch of the 7th April, but considering the state of agitation in which the Pesliwa then was, I thought the immediate communication of your Excellency's sentiments might have too violent an effect on him. On the 4th, when Colonel Smith had returned to his old ground north of the town, and when the Peshwa's mind had become more tranquil, I presented a note, of which the enclosed is a translation, and accompanied it by repeated and earnest recommendations to his Highness to delay no longer the adoption of measures which were necessary for the preservation of his Government. After this the Peshwa's personal alarm appears to have been removed ; but he began to 236 DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. see more distinctly than ever the dangers with which his state was surrounded. He began to express great anxiety about the conduct of the British Govern- ment at the expiration of the month and respect- ing the terms to be imposed if Trimbakji were surrendered. He wavered for some days between the different courses that were before him, sometimes con- sulting Sadashiv Mankeshwar, and sometimes his rival Moro Dixit, on the best means of obtaining good terms from the British Government, but oftener concert- ing with his old advisers the measures to be adopted in case of hostilities. ' At length, about the 20tli instant, he appears to have determined on yielding to the counsels of Moro Dixit. He then issued proclamations offering a reward of two lacs of rupees and a village worth 1,000 rupees a year to anyone who would bring in Trimbakji, dead or alive, promising rewards for ever}^ information regarding him, and for the apprehension of his ad- herents, and granting a pardon to all his followers who should desert him, except twelve ringleaders, against whom, as well as those who should refuse to come in on this proclamation, the severest penalties were announced. Many hundred copies of this proclamation have been issued bj^ his Highness, one hundred were sent to me, and have been distributed through our numerous detachments, and sent to all our news-writers and other agents, as well as to the Government of Bombay and Madras, and to all the Bcsidencies. 'Besides issuing this proclamation, his Highness threw all Trimbakji's adherents who were confined in Puna into chains, and sent them to different hill-forts. He also sent orders to seize the families and destroy the houses of tlie twelve excepted from tlio amnesty, and apprehended some others, of whose offences I am not DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. 237 informed, and gave the most public indications of a desire to proceed with vigour against Trimbakji. His Highness had before gone through the ceremony of issuing orders to his officers to seize Trimbakji, and had desired Sadashiv Mankeshwar to employ a number of Harkiiras in searching for him ; but those steps made no impression upon anyone, especially as the undertaking was committed to the Bhau, whom his Highness is known to regard with distrust and dislike. His present activit}^ is a contrast to his former in- difference. He personally takes a great share in all the proceedings of his Ministers ; and although he suffers the punishment of his habitual insincerity, in the distrust with which all his professions are received, yet most people are now convinced that he is sincerely desirous of recovering the ground he has lost, and of purchasing the security of his own person and Government by the sacrifice of the favourite for whom he has exposed himself to so many risks. ' It is not certainly known where Trimbakji is at present, but it is thought he is in the hills to the south of the river Perana. He was reported to be expected at Alandi on the 12th, with strong circumstance of pro- bability. I sent a detachment of cavalry and infantry to apprehend him, which failed from various causes. On the next night Colonel Fitzsimon, who commands the reserve at Koregaum, received similar intelligence, and sent a strong detachment to Alandi ; this also failed, and though there are some strong circumstances in favour of Trimbakji's having narrowly escaped both times, it is still doubtful whether he ever was at Alandi. 'The insurgents in Khandcsh are reported to have assembled near Durab, to the estimated number of 8,000. Colonel Dovetou has detached Colonel Walker with a light force against this body. Colonel Doveton 2 38 DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. himself remains at Borenair "with the main body of the Hyderabad subsidiary force. 'Colonel Thompson's detachment is nownear Pandhar- pm* ; its presence has effectually checked all attempts at insurrection in that part of the country, which Colonel Smith justlj' considered as the most disposed to rise. Colonel Milne's detachment is at Ahmednagar. The Vinchur Jahagirdar has again had an action with a party of insurgents near Sangamner, and has killed several. The Patwardhans, except Chintaman Rav, remain at Lassore, where they were posted by Colonel Smith. Chintaman Rav is at Puna; 1,000 of his horse have joined Naro Pant Apte. Appa Desai has taken no part in these disturbances. ' The Piani of Sawant Wari has succeeded in recon- ciling her chiefs, and has shown every intention of carrying into effect the plan alluded to in the letter intercepted by Mr. Hall ; but it is to be hoped the change in his Highness the Peshwa's conduct will have {I great effect on hers. ' Ballaji Koonjar died at Pandharpur on the 17th instant. ' I have, etc., ' (Signed) M. Elphinstone, ' Ilesident at Puna.' Translation of a Memorandum sent to his Highness THE Peshwa, on the 14th May, 1817. ' I formerly explained to your Highness that the dawk from Calcutta was stopped, and that therefore a delay had arisen in the receipt of tlio Governor- General s answer to my letters ; but i was already aware that no discussions would take place with your Highness's Government until the surrender DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. 239 of Trimbakji Dengle. I have since received liis Excellency's instructions, and shall communicate all that I am authorized to do to your Highness. His Lordship observes : "I have been made fully acquainted with the late proceedings of his Highness the Pesliwa, and I am satisfied that his Highness has entered into a plot to injure the interests of the British Government, and that he is still engaged in it. * " It became necessary for the British Government to insist on the punishment of Trimbakji for the crime he had committed. But, in consideration of the sur- render of that person, it is hardly necessary to remind his Highness of the great moderation and forbearance evinced by me, both towards that person, and also in my communications wdth his Highness's Government. ' " At the very moment when his Highness was in the full enjoyment of the confidence and protection of the British Government, and was in the habit of expressing his cordial reliance on and friendship for that Govern- ment ; at a time, too, wdien no unpleasant discussions had arisen on my part at his Court, and his Highness had not the slightest cause for apprehension or alarm — at such a time his Highness entered into a plot to injure the interests of the British Government, which has lost him the confidence of that state, and it there- fore becomes necessary to adopt measures for the securit}' of the British interests and those of their allies." No negotiation, however, can be opened on this subject till the delivery of Trimbakji. Therefore, if Trimbakji is not surrendered within the date of one month from the time he was demanded, war will be declared with his Highness's Government, and the British troops will be directed to attack his Highness's forces in all quarters, and to reduce his territories. Such are the commands of his Lordship. After the 240 DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. delivery of Trimhakji to au English detachment, I shall be prepared to communicate his Lordship's demands, which if not complied with, will prevent the continuation of peace. In the meantime, if his Highness should quit Puna during the present discussion, or if his Highness 's troops should move from their present position, it will be considered as a declaration of war, and the British troops will immediately act. I have been directed by his Lordship to communicate this for your Highness's consideration, and I have therefore written the above memorandum.' ' To Sir Evan Nepean, etc., etc., etc. ' Camp at Kirkee, ' 6fh November, 1817.' ' Sir, ' The increase of the Peshwa's preparations having led me to call in the light battalion, and the reports from Puna having induced General from Mr. Suiitli to conccntrato his force at Pultamba, Kllihinstoiic. the Peshwa resolved to take the opportunity of attacking us before our reinforcements arrived. Accordingly, he sent me a message, requiring me to send away the European regiment and to make various other arrangements, as the price of his friendship. On my refusing, he withdrew to a hill on the south of the town, and sent out his troops against our force. The party from the Piesidency was Avithdrawn into camp, and the lino moved out to meet the enemy at four yesterday afternoon. Their very numerous cavalry did little or no mischief; they had not many guns, and their infantry were not engaged. After a fcc;ble stand they drew off their guns, and, it being now dark, our line returned to camp. The Peshwa is still at the hill of Parbatti, and the Gokhle, with his Highness's troops. DESPATCHES OF HON, M. ELPHINSTONE. 241 is ill the rear of their yesterday's ground, where they will perhaps stand an action. Their loss is consider- able in the affair of yesterday ; ours I thought yesterday not above 30 killed and wounded, but I am afraid it will prove 100. The light battalion, and 1,000 auxihary horse, joined us this morning. I beg you will excuse this scrawl, but all my writing implements, with every- thing I have, except the clothes on my back, form part of the blaze of the Residency, which is now smoking in sight. ' I am, etc., ' (Signed) M. Elphinstone.' ' To his Excellency the Marquis of Hastings, etc., etc. ' My Lord, ' The pressure of business for these several days, and the uncertainty of the result, have prevented my hitherto reporting to your Excellency ; 11 ' L L e Letter but as we are now m a state 01 open war from Mr. with the Peshwa, it is necessary to acquaint you with the manner in which the rupture was brought on, leaving all details for a subsequent despatch. ' The great military preparations of his Highness the Peshwa, his distinct refusal to send any part of the force he had collected away from Puna, the threatening position he had occupied in the neighbourhood of our camp, and above all, his unremitting endeavours to corrupt the fidelity of our native troops, rendered it absolutely necessary, in my judgment, to remove the brigade from the very bad position it occupied at the town, to that selected for it by General Smith. ' This circumstance, and that of our cantonment being on the alert on the 29tli ultimo, the night before the arrival of the European regiment, removed the appear- IG 242 DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. ance of confidence which had been hi some measure kept np bet^Yeen us and the Peshwa. This appearance had afforded no advantage, except that of protracting an open rupture, for his Highness proceeded in all respects as if he were at open war ; and all his subjects spoke of his declaring against us as an event in which nothing was uncertain but the time. ' The effect of our withdrawing was to encourage the Peshwa's people, who plundered our cantonments without any obstruction from their own Government, and also talked openly of the impending destruction of our detachment. An officer on his road to Bombay was also attacked, wounded, and plundered in open day, about two miles from Puna, and as far from the Eesidency; and the language of the Peshwa's Minister was that of perfect estrangement and disregard. His Highness also continued to push his troops up towards ours, as if in defiance ; it was announced that he intended to form a camp between our old cantonment and our new position, and 1,000 or 1,500 horse moved down for the purpose. On this I sent a message, begging that the motives of our movements might not be misconstrued, but that the Peshwa might forbid these aggressions ; at the same time announcing that if any troops attempted to press on us, as in our old position, we should be obliged to treat them as enemies. The Peshwa replied by a promise to restrain his troops. ' On hearing the first intelligence of the preparations on our cantonments, and of our intended removal to Kirkee, General Smith, who had been prepared for a rupture on the Peshwa's part, concentrated his force on Pultamba, recalling his detachments from the Ghats; he likewise ordered the light battalion, which was on its route to join him, to return to Sirur. These proceed- ings having attracted the Peshwa's notice, and being DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPIIIN STONE. 243 likely to bring on a crisis, which indeed was rapidlj^ approaching of itself, I wrote on the day before yester- day to order the light battalion and 1,000 of the auxiliary horse that were at Siriir to march to Puna. They had made one ordinary march of fifteen miles, when the intelligence of their approach reached the Pesliwa ; his troops immediately got under arms, and all preparations were made in the city. This sort of agitation was by no means uncommon for the last ten days, and I therefore merely sent a message to inquire the cause, without making any corresponding pre- parations. The answer brought by the Peshwa's Vakil at the Residency was that our line at Kirkee had been under arms from daybreak till sunrise (which I found had been the case), and that his Highness was making corresponding preparations. I sent to say that from the distance of Kirkee I was not acquainted with the circumstance ; that the Vakil saw that there wore no preparations even for defence at the Residency ; and that he might assure his Highness there should be none in camp. The Vakil then assured me that the Peshwa would immediately discontinue all his prepara- tions. He went into the city to deliver my message, and we remained quiet, although a battalion of Gokhla's took up ground between the Residency and the canton- ment, at the distance of half a mile from eacli place. ' At length the Vakil returned with Vittoji Naik Gaikwar, an immediate servant of the Peshwa's, who said that his Highness had heard of the approach of General Smith, and the near arrival of the battalion from Sirur ; that this was the third time that we had assembled troops at Puna, and the last time we had surrounded the city. His Highness was therefore de- termined to bring things to an early settlement. His Highness desired that the European regiment should 16—2 244 DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. be sent away, and the native brigade reduced to its usual strength ; that our cantonments should be removed to a place to be pointed out by his Highness ; that the Kesidency might remain ; and on these terms his High- ness would maintain his friendship with the British Government. Otherwise, that his Highness was actually mounted, and would repair to some distance from Puna, to which place he would never return until his terms were complied with. I replied that I believed General Smith was still at Pultamba, that the battalion was certainly coming in, and that the great assembly of troops by his Highness, and the positions they occupied, were sufficient reasons for my wishing to strengthen the brigade ; but that I could assure his Highness that it was brought on by no design of attacking him, and he must do me the justice to own that none of the former proceedings against his Highness, of which he had com- plained, were undertaken without full notice to his Highness ; that it was out of my power to withdraw the troops ; and that his Highness was not entitled by any engagement to demand it ; that, on the contrary, he had promised to send his troops to the frontier, and that he ought to fulfil his promise, which would remove every ground of disagreement. Yittoji Naik then began to talk in a style of complaint and menace, adverted to the former disputes, in which he said the Peshwa had given way merely from friendship for the Company ; and asked me if I imagined that his High- ness was not a match for us on the day when Puna was surrounded. He then repeated his message, and desired a categorical answer. I replied as before, and asked him if I was to understand that when his Highness quitted Puna I was to consider him at war. Vittoji Naik said he had no message on that head, but that his Highness would square his actions by ours. He was DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. 245 afterwards a great deal more distinct, for he repeated his demand, declaring if I did not comply with it, the friendship would not last ; and warning me of the bad effects of a rupture. I then renewed my assurances of our wish for peace, and said that if his Highness moved to his army, I should withdraw to camp ; that if he remained quiet, or receded, we should still consider him as a friend, and should be careful not to cross the river that separates our camp from tlie town ; but that if his troops advanced towards ours, we should be obliged to attack them. Immediately after Vittoji Naik quitted me the Pesliwa left the town, and withdrew to Par- batti ; and within less than an hour large bodies of troops began to move in the direction of our camp, and in such a manner as to cut off the Residency. On the receipt of Vittoji Naik's message, I had withdrawn a company that had been left in the old cantonments ; and as soon as it reached the Piesidency, the detachment there marched off to camp, keeping a river between them and the Peshwa's troops, who were moving in the same direction. The Residency was immediately plun- dered and burned. As the Peshwa's troops advanced, Lieutenant-Colonel Burr fell in, and very judiciously moved out to meet them. He was joined by the bat- talion formerly in the Peshwa's service, from Dapori. As he advanced a cannonade was opened from the Peshwa's guns, which did little execution, and soon after the line was surrounded by vast bodies of cavalry coming on at speed. The 1st, 7th Native Infantry, which was drawn off from the left of the line, by the eagerness of the men to attack a battalion of Gokhles, was charged while separated, but completely beat oft' the attack, and the derangement was promptly repaired by Colonel Burr, who immediately joined the corps, and by his coolness and promptitude speedily extricated 246 DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. it from its perilous situation. The horse continued to move round in large masses until the end of the affair, but were deterred by Colonel Burr's skilful arrange- ments from any more attempts to charge. After firing some rounds from the field-pieces, the line moved for- ward, the Peshwa's guns were drawn off, and soon after the whole field was cleared of his troops, on which Colonel Burr returned to this camp, it being now dark. The loss of our brigade in this affair amounts to about 90 men ; that of the Peshwa's troops is said to be about 500. I am sorry to learn that Moro Dixit is among the killed. The Peshwa is now on the hill of Parbatti, immediately to the south of Puna ; and his troops are on the side of the town opposite to this place, much disheartened. There are so many objections to attacking the town, and so little could now be done by pursuing the Peshwa's troops without attacking it, that Lieu- tenant-Colonel Osborne, who arrived yesterday evening and took the command of the brigade, has determined to remain in his present position until the arrival of General Smith, who may be expected in a week or ten days. Unfortunate as a quarrel with the Peshwa may be at this moment, I have no doubt your Lordship will think it was inevitable. It was evidently meditated at the time of the Peshwa's promises of cordial aid, and had lately been advanced too far to leave his Highness any hope of averting it by professions or explanations. It is, therefore, a happy circumstance that his Highness should liave thrown off the mask before he had made any progress in his intrigues with our native army. Nothing could exceed the zeal of the Sepoys in the affair of yesterday. I shall have the honour of trans- mitting Lieutenant-Colonel Burr's report as soon as I receive it. I beg leave to point out to your Excellency the great. zeal and exertions of that officer, in removing DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHIN STONE. 247 the ammnnitioii, stores, and provisions to the new ground, and in all the preparations requisite for opposing the Pesliwa's army. Your Excellency will judge from his own report of his conduct in the action that followed, and will, I have no douht, be of opinion that it was owing to his great coolness and judgment that he was enabled to give so serious a check to the Peshwa, and so great a change to public opinion in this part of India, with so little loss to our own troops. ' I have, etc., ' (Signed) M. Elphinstone, ' Resident at Puna. ' Camp at Kirkee, mh October, 1817.' Extract Letter from the Honourable Mr. Elphin- stone TO THE Governor-General, dated Camp, Kirkee, 11th November, 1817. ' Since the brigade has been in this position we have experienced the good effects of the forward movement made by Colonel Burr on the 5tli, and of the impression he then struck, in the timidity and from Mr. , , -, , . , , . Elphinstone. inertness ol the enemy, and the tranquillity which we have in consequence enjoyed. 'The Pesliwa's army appears to have been in great confusion. On the Gtli Moro Dixit* was certainly killed, as was Sardar Khan, a Patlian chief, who had been discharged from the Nizam's reformed horse, and whom the Peshwa ordered to raise 2,000 men for his service; Balwant Eav Paste Nana Kukarc, a relation of Gokhle'sf and Narayan Dixit, the brother of Moro * One of the Peshwas Ministers who generally transacted business with the British Residents. f One of tlie Peshwa's officers Avho has obtained an ascendency in his councils. 248 DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHIN STONE. Dixit, were wounded, and Abba Pnrandhare had a horse killed under him. The Vinchurkar was sus- pected of treachery. The Peshwa himself set off for Purandhar, and was with great difficulty persuaded to remain in camp by Gokhle, who declared that his flight would be followed by the dispersion of his army. In the course of the succeeding days the Mahratta army was concentrated on the side of Puna most removed from our camp, and his Highness encouraged the Sardars,* paid for the horses that had been killed in action, and bestowed presents and distinctions on such men as had been wounded. Yesterdaj^ evening the whole army moved out from behind the town and en- camped to the east of our old cantonment, in open view of this camp, at the distance of about four miles. ' The only signs of activity which the enemj^ has dis- played have appeared in his attempts to cut off supplies and to shut the roads ; in this he has in some manner succeeded, as some officers and some convoys were advancing, on the faith of our alliance, with little or no escorts. Cornets Hunter and Morrison, escorted by a Havildarf and twelve Sepoys, had arrived at Wuroli, within twenty miles of Puna, when they were sur- rounded by some Inuidred horse and some Arabs, and, after a fruitless resistance, were compelled to lay down their arms. The Sepoys were not detained, and one of them has arrived in camp ; but the officers were made prisoners, and arc stated by one report to have been murdered in cold blood ; but more authentic accounts represent them to have been carried into Puna. Captain Vaughan and his brother wer(^ seized at Talle- g;'im, on their way to Bombay, and although they ofi'ercd no resistance, they are stated by a negro servant, who brought an account of their capture, to have been '■' Militiiiy chiefs. t A native sergeant. DESPATCHES OE HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. 249 put to death in the most ignominious manner. The negTO is so distinct in his relation of their execution that there is no reason to doubt the fact, except what arises from the atrocity of the action. ' The Peshwa's conduct has in some instances borne more of the character of civiHzed war. A conductor and a Naik's* party belonging to the Peshwa's battalion, that were in charge of some stores in a suburb near the Piesidency, were induced by assurances of safety to quit a defensible house which they occupied, and the promises made to them were faithfully observed. Mahomed Hariff, the Munshi of the Piesidency, had also defended his house with Arabs, was invited to quit it, and sent out of the city unmolested. He had an interview with Gokhle before he came, which was inter- esting in many respects, especially from Gokhle's producing a paper under the Peshwa's seal, investing him with all the powers of the Government, and from the avowal of Vittoji Naik that the Residency and cantonments were burned by the Peshwa's own orders. I had before supposed this wanton outrage to be the work of some of the rabble that compose his Highuess's army. On the other hand, Gokhle had shown the utmost activity in seizing and plundering all persons who are themselves or who have relations in our service.' * A corporal. REPORT TERRITOEIES CONQUERED FROM THE PESHWA, SUBMITTED TO THE SUPREME GOVERNMENT OF BRITISH INDIA, HON. MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE, C0MMISSI02iER. e^^' REPORT TERRITORIES CONQUERED FROM THE PESHWA, DESCRIPTION OF THE COUNTRY. The whole extent of the country under the Commis- sioner may be very roughly estimated at 50,000 square miles, and the population may be guessed at 4,000,000; but this does not include any of the detached territories beyond the Nizam's frontier. The grand geographical feature of this tract is the chain of Ghats, which run along the western boundary for its whole length. Between this range and the sea lies the Konkan, now under Bombay. It extends from 40 to 50 miles in breadth, includes many fertile places producing abundance of rice, but, in general, is very rough, and much crossed by steep and rocky hills. Towards the Ghats, the country is in most places extremely strong, divided by hills intersected by ravines, and covered with thick forest. The range itself is from 2,000 to 4,000 feet high, extremely abrupt, and inaccessible on the west. The passes are numerous, but steep, and very seldom passable for carriages. The table-land on the east is nearly as high as many parts of the ridge of the Ghats, but in 254 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES general the liills rise above it to the height of from 1,000 to 1,500 feet. The table-laud is for a consider- able distance rendered very strong, by numerous spurs issuing from the range, among which are deep winding rugged valleys often filled with thick jungle. Farther east the branches from the Ghats become less frequent, and the country becomes more level, till the neighbour- hood of the Nizam's frontier, where it is an open plain. The northern part of the chain of Ghats, and the country and its base, especially to the west, is in- habited by Bhils. The kolies, who somewhat resemble the Bhils, but are less predatory and more civilized, inhabit the part of the range to the south of Baughhaud and the country at its base on the west as far south as Bassein. They are also numerous in Gujarat. The Bhils possess the eastern part of the range, and all the branches that run out from it towards the west, as far south as Puna ; they even spread over the plains to the east, especialty on the north of the Godavari, and are found as far off as the neighbourhood of the Warda. On the north, they extend beyond the Tapty and Narbada, and are numerous in the jungles that divide Gujarat from Malwa, as w^ell as in all the eastern parts of Gujarat. They are a wild and predatory tribe ; and though they live quietly in the open country, they resume their character whenever they are settled in a part that is strong, either from hills or jungles. The Bhils differ from the other inhabitants in language, manners, and appearance ; they are small and black, wear little clothes, and always carry bows and arrows. In appearance, they much resemble tlie mountaineers of Baughalpur. The Bhils and kolies, when in the hills or strong places, live under Naiks or Chiefs of their own, who have some influence over those in the neigh- CONQUERED FROM THE PESIIWA. 255 bonring plains. These Chiefs have in general been little interfered with by the Mahratta Government more than was necessary to prevent the depredations of their followers. South of Puna, the Bliils arc succeeded by the Ramoshis, a more civilized and subdued tribe. They do not inhabit the main range of Ghats, but the branches stretching out to the east- ward. They have the same thievish habits as the Bliils, but have no language of their own ; are more mixed with the people, and in dress and manners are more like Mahrattas. They are of more conse- quence than elsewhere, in the hills joining the Ghats southward of Satara, where they lately acted so pro- minent a part in taking forts, and plundering the country, under the Mse Chittur Sing. They do not extend farther south than Kolapur, or farther east than the line of Bijapur. Hill-tribes like those mentioned have generally proved quiet when the Government was vigorous, and while they were managed through their Native Chiefs. We perhaps lose some hold on them by the destruction of so many of the hill-forts, which were situated in the midst of their mountains, and served to watch and curb their disposition to plunder. The districts belonging to the Pesliwa in Nemar, being under charge of Sir J. Malcolm, I have no opportunity of inquiring regarding them. Their importance is small, yielding only 25,000 rupees ; and, if it is not found necessary for securing the peace of Nemar that we should have some territory there, they might be Avell disposed of in exchanges. Our most northern district would then be Khandesh. This province is bounded on the north by the Khaadesh. Satpura or Viudyadri range of mountains ; and on 256 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES tlie south by the range in which are the fort of Chanclore and the Ghat of Ajanta : on the south-west it is hounded by the range of Sahyadri, commonly called the Ghats, at the termination of which south of the Tapti is the hilly tract of Bagalan. The plain of Khandesh descends towards the Tapti from the hills on the north and south (especially from the south) : on the east it is bounded by Scindia's and the Nizam's territories on the plain of Berar ; on the west, the plain along the Tapti extends, without interruption, from the hills to the sea ; but it is divided from the rich country about Surat by a thick and extensive jungle. Though interspersed w'itli low ranges of unproductive hills, the bulk of the province is exceedingly fertile, and it is watered by innumerable streams, on many of which expensive embankments have formerly been erected for purposes of irrigation. Some parts of the j^rovince are still in a high state of cultivation, and others, more recently abandoned, convey a high notion of their former richness and prosperity; but the greater part of Khandesh is covered with thick jungle, full of tigers and other wild beasts, but scattered with the ruins of former villages. The districts north of the Tapti in particular, which were formerly very populous, and yielded a large revenue, are now almost an uninhabited forest. The decline of this province, from the flourishing condition which it had long since attained under its Mohammedan masters, is to be dated from the year 1802, when it was ravaged by Holkar's army. This blow was followed by the famine in 1803, and its ruin was consummated by the misgovcrnment of the Peshwa's officers. The Bhils, wlio had before lived mixed with the other inhabitants, and had, as village watchmen, been the great instru- ments of police throughout Khandesh, withdrew to the surrounding mountains, whence they made incursions, CONQUERED FROM THE PESHWA. 257 and carried off cattle and prisoners from the heart of the province. The Pindaries annually ravaged the open country : various insurgents plundered at the head of bodies of horse ; and parties of Arabs established them- selves in some of the numerous fortresses and ghuries with which Khandesh abounds, and laid all the neigh- bourhood under contribution. The expulsion of the Arabs was a natural consequence of the war, and no parties of plundering horse were able to keep the field ; but the settlement of the Bhils was a work of more time and difficulty. Those in the Sat- pura mountains were the most formidable, as that range, though not perhaps above 1,500 feet high, is deep and strong, and so unhealthy that no stranger can long remain in it. The plan adopted by Captain Briggs, and zealously executed by Lieutenant-Colonel Jardine, was to stop the supplies of the Bhils, which are all drawn from the plain ; to cut off any parties that attempted to issue to plunder, and to make vigorous attacks on the points in the hills to which the principal Bliil Chiefs had retired. These measures soon reduced the Bhils to accept the very favourable terms held out to them ; which were to forbear their depredations, the Chiefs receiving pensions, and allowances for a certain number of men, and binding themselves to restrain the excesses of their people. The same plan was carried through, with less exer- tion, Avith the Bhils of the Chandore range, and with the Bhils and Kolies in Bao^alan. The terms have occasionally been broken by some Chiefs, but on the whole, they have succeeded beyond my most sanguine expectations, and have effectuallj^ delivered the province from this species of invasion. The only attacks of the Bhils are now made in parties of three or four, who rob passengers. These outrages have been resisted by the 17 2 58 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES police, and are stated by Captain Briggs to be greatly on the decline. I have little doubt that a continuance of this vigilance, together with the liberal provision authorized by Government for the Bhil watchmen, will soon completely extinguish the remains of these dis- orders. The effectual protection of the people is the first and most important step towards restoring the prosperity of Khandesh ; but, from the havoc that has been made among the population, a long period must elapse before it can show any great signs of improvement. A very light assessment, and the favourable terms on which waste land is granted to speculators, will, it is hoped, accelerate this crisis, and not only draw back the natives of Khandesh who have retired to Guzarat and other countries, but even attract new settlers from places where the population is over-abundant. Captain Briggs has applied himself with great zeal to the improvement of the district, and has adopted and suggested various plans for that purpose : among these, a principal one is the repair of the embankments, and the fear of their falling into irretrievable ruin is a strong motive for commencing on this undertaking early. But at present the great want of Khandesh is in population ; and where waste land is abundant, people are more likely to be attracted by the easy terms on which that is granted, than l)y the richness of lands irrigated by means of dams ; where, from the necessity of repaying Government for the expenses of erecting and maintain- ing them, the condition of the cultivator has generally been observed to be worse than on land which has not the advantage of these costly improvements. Captain Briggs describes the people of Khandesh as peaceable and inoffensive, but timid, helpless, unenter- prising, and sunk under the oppression and the multi- CONQUERED FROM THE FE SHIVA. 259 plied calamities to which they have so long been exposed ; but this of course only applies to the trading and agricultural classes : the soldiery (of whom part were till lately the predatory body called Barra Bye, in Holkar's service, and the rest must have often joined insurgents, and even Pindarics,) are, doubtless, bold and restless enough. Khandesh is low and hot. Gangatari, which joins it on the south, is from 1,500 to 2,000 feet above the level of the Tapti, and the rest of the con- ■•- Alanratta coun- quered territory (except the Konkan) is on the the'.ustS'lff same table -land. From this to the Kristna, or '^Pa,m'I"md'' rather the Warna and Kristna, is comprehended '"''"'''"''• in the districts of Ahmednagar and Puna, and the Eajah of Satara's territory. The western half of all this tract is hilly; the valleys rich and highly culti- vated, and the country diversified and beautiful. Farther east are plains, but not all in the same con- dition. The east of Gangatari, though open and fertile, is almost entirely uninhabited since the famine in 1803 ; the country between that and iVhmednagar is better, and the plains south of Ahmednagar are for many marches in all directions one sheet of the richest cultivation. I do not know the state of the south-east of that district towards Sholapur, but I imagine it is equally prosperous. The country beyond the Nira is in a very different state, thinly peopled and badly cultivated. It is in this tract that most of the horses in the Mahratta country are bred, and that most of the Silledars, or military adventurers, reside. The principal towns in the Peshwa's late dominions are between Khandesh and the Kristna, but none of them are con- siderable. Puna may be reckoned to contain about 110,000 inhabitants, having lost from a tenth to a fifth since the removal of Baji Puiv with his Court 17—2 2 6o REPORT OX THE TERRITORIES and army. Nasik does not contain more than a fourth of this number. Pandharpur is still smaller than Nasik, and the rest all much smaller than Pandhar- pur. Ahmednagar, however, must be excepted, which is reckoned to contain 20,000 souls, and is increasing rapidly. This tract is the oldest possession of the Mahratta Government, and is by far the most decidedly Mahratta in the composition of the inhabitants. The character of that people is fully depicted in the answers to the queries wdiich I sent to the collectors, especially in Captain Grant's. The Brahmins, who have long conducted all the business of the country, are correctly described by Mr. Chaplin as an ' intriguing, lying, corrupt, licentious, and unprincipled race of people !' to which Captain Grant adds with equal truth, ' that when in power they are coolly unfeeling, and systematically oppressive,' and now ' generally discontented, and only restrained by fear from being treasonable and treacherous.' They are superstitious, and narrow in their attachment to their caste, to a degree that has no example elsewhere ; but they are mild, patient, intelligent on many subjects, even liberal and enlightened ; and, though regardless of sufferings which they may indirectty produce, they are naturally very averse to cruelty and bloodshed : there are among them many instances of decent and respect- able lives, and although they are generally subtle and insincere, I have met with some on whom I could depend for sound and candid opinions. The Mahratta Chiefs, while in power, and especially while with armies, arc generally coarse, ignorant, rapacious and oppressive. Those settled in their own country, and unconnected with courts and armies, bear a much better character, CONQUERED FROM THE PESHWA. 261 being sober, industrious, and encouragers of agriculture. It must indeed be remembered, both of this class and the Brahmins, that we see the very worst of the whole, and that it is among those at a distance from the seat of Government that we are to look for any virtue that may exist in the nation. The soldiery so much resemble the Chiefs, that individuals of the two classes might change places without any striking impropriety. The Chiefs of course are more vicious, and probably more intelligent. The Mahratta soldiery love war, as affording opportunities for rapine in an enemy's country, and marauding in a friend's. In battle, they seem always to have been the same dastardly race ; but they are active, hardy, vigilant, patient of fatigue and privations ; and, though timid in action, they show great boldness and enterprise in their incursions into distant countries ; and on all occasions they appear to have the greatest confidence in their horses, though little or none in their swords. Their plan in a campaign is to avoid general engage- ments, to ravage their enemy's country, and to cut up convoys and detachments ; in an action it is to disperse when attacked, and to return to the charge, when the enemy has broken, to plunder : by these means they are enabled to prevail against better troops than them- selves. The Mahratta peasantry have some pride in the triumphs of their nation, and some ambition to partake in its military exploits ; but, although circumstances might turn them into soldiers or robbers, at present their habits are decidedly peaceful. They are sober, frugal, industrious ; mild and inoffensive to everybody ; and among themselves neither dishonest nor insincere. The faults of their Government have, however, created the corresponding vices in them; its oppression and 262 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES extortion have taught them dissimulation, mendacity, and fraud ; and the insecurity of property has rendered them so careless of the future, as to lavish on a marriage or other ceremony the savings of years of parsimony. The first class of these vices, though prevalent throughout the whole in their dealings with Government, is more conspicuous among the Patels, and others who are most brought into contact with their rulers ; and the effects of the second are felt in the debts and embarrassments in which the whole of the agricultural population is plunged. It may be observed, in conclusion, that the military Brahmins combine part of the character of Mahratta soldiers with that of their own caste ; and that the character of the Mahratta soldiery, in like manner, rims into that of the cultivators. Taking the whole as a nation, they will be found to be inferior to their Mohammedan neighbours in knowledge and civiliza- tion, in spirit, in generosity, and perhaps in courage ; but less tainted with pride, insolence, tyranny, effemi- nacy, and debauchery ; less violent, less bigoted, and (except while in armies on foreign service) more peace- able, mild, and humane. Maheatta Karnatik. — The country south of the Krishna, or, as the Mahrattas call it, the Karnatik, has few hills and few places incapable of cultivation. Except in the immediate neighbourhood of the Ghats, it consists of extensive plains of black or cotton ground ; a large portion of it is, however, uncultivated, especially of the parts which have been under the Government of Gokhle and Appa Desai. The high cultivation of the Patwavdhans' lands has often been mentioned. It is no doubt owing in a great measure to tlicir good manage- ment ; but in a great measure likewise to the oppression of their neighbours, which drove every man who could CONQUERED FROM THE PESHWA. 263 easily move into their lands. There are no large towns in this jjart of the country. Huhli is, I believe, the largest, and I have heard it estimated at 15,000 souls. The towns of Belgaum and Shahpur, which, though nearly contiguous, belong, one to Cxovernment, and one to Chintaman Eav, may amount together to 18,000 or 14,000 inhabitants. I have not heard of any other town in this district that contains more than 5,000 inhabitants. Both this division and Bijapur are inhabited by Kanarese, who retahi their own language and manners. The Mahrattas are reckoned by Mr. Chaplin to con- stitute no more than an eighth or a tenth of the in- habitants : what there is of them seems to consist of soldiers and Brahmins, with a full share of the vice of those classes. The Kanarese Mr. Chaplin describes as resembling their countrymen in the ceded districts ; but as being more honest, manly and courageous, though less mild, hospitable and humane : both are equally industrious and frugal. The Karnatik was at no distant period overrun with independent Desiiis or Polligars, but these have all been gradually swallowed up by the Mahrattas, and the Desai of Kittur is the only one who still retains his possessions. The people have always been considered by the Mahrattas to be turbulent and disaffected, which they showed in several rebellions, and particularly in readily joining General Munro to expel their rulers. They seem now to be perfectly quiet, and well affected. The general use of Shet Sanadis, or landed Militia, which is so common in Mysore, is only found in this part of the conquered territory. >64 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES SKIETCH OF THE MAHEATTA HISTOEY. The whole of the territory above described does not belong to the British Goyernmeut ; and what does belong to it is not all under our immediate administra- tion. The other possessors of independent territory are the Eajah of Satara, the Eajah of Kolapur ; and, on a smaller scale, the Nizam, Scindia, Holkar, the Eajah of Berar and the Gaikwar. The lands held by dependent Chiefs belong to Angria, the Pant Sacliiv, the Pritti Nidhi, the Patwardhans, and other Jahagir- dars. To give an idea of the situation of all these Chiefs, and indeed of the general state of the country, it is necessary to take a hasty view of the history of the Mahrattas. The Mahratta language and nation extended from the Vindyadri or Satpura mountains, nearly to the Krishna ; and from the sea on the west to a waving frontier on the east, which maj^ be tolerably indicated by a line drawn from Goa to the Warda near Chanda ; and thence along that river to the Satpura mountains. The whole of the territory was probably under a Mah- ratta King, w^ho resided at Beoghari, now Dowlatabad ; but this empire was subverted in the beginning of the fourth century, by the Mohammedans, and remained under various dynasties of that religion until the end of the seventeenth century, when the greater part was delivered by Sivaji and his successors. The eastern part still remains under the Moguls. The grandfather of Sivaji was of very humble origin ; but his father had attained a considerable rank under the kingdom of Bijapur ; had been entrusted with a Government ; and profiting by the weakness of the King's power, had rendered himself nearly in- CONQUERED FROM THE FES HIV A. 265 dependent in the southern part of the Bijapur dominions. The same weakness encouraged Sivaji to rebel, and pkmder the country ; and he was enabled, by the increasing confusions in the Deccan, to found a sort of Government, which the desultory operations of Aurungzebe, distracted by his numerous and simultaneous foreign wars, allowed him time to consolidate. His rebellion began about 1646; he declared himself independent in 1674: ^ 16S2. and at his death, about 1682, he was pos- sessed of great part of the Konkan ; the rest being in the hands of the Moguls of Surat, and in those of the Portuguese, or held for the Bijapur Government by the Siddies or Abyssinians of Janjira. He seems also to have possessed the greater part of the line of Ghats, and to have shared with the Mohammedans the tract immediately to the east of those mountains, as far north as Puna, and as far south as Kolapur. Most of these possessions were wrested from his son, who was reduced to the hills, and part of the Konkan, when Auruno'zebe was drawn off to the sub- " . 16S5-S7. version of the monarchies of Golkouda and Bijapur. The convulsions occasioned by the ex- tinction of those states completely unsettled the country, and threw a large portion of the armies, which had hitherto maintained tranquillity, into the scale of the Mahrattas, to whom the Jamidars throughout the Dec- can also appear to have been inclined. The conse- quence was, that although on the execution of Sam- baji, the son of Sivaji, in 1689, his son and heir Shahuji fell into the hands of the Moguls, and his younger brother Eajah Piam, who succeeded him, was shut up in the Fort ^m^-^j of Gingee, south of Arcot so that for several years the Mahrattas had . no efficient head, yet they 266 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES were able, under different leaders, to withstand, and at length to deride the efforts of the Moguls, which were enfeebled by the faction of the Generals, and the de- clining age of the Emperor, till the j^ear 1707, when the death of Aurungzebe, and the con- tests among his successors, set them free from all danger on the part of the Moguls. The Chiefs left in charge of the Deccau first faintly opposed, and then conciliated the Mahrattas : a truce was concluded about 1710, by which they yielded the Chouth ; and this, on the confirmation of the agreement, together with a formal grant of their territorial possessions by the Emperor in 1719, maybe considered as the final establishment of the Mahratta Govern- ment, after a struggle of at least sixty years. During the period between the death of Aurungzebe and the confirmation of the Chouth, etc., a great revolu- tion had taken place among the Mahrattas. Shahii Eajah, the son of Sambaji, was released in 1708; but on his return to the Deccan he found himself opposed by his cousin Sivaji, son of Eajah Eam. This Prince had succeeded on the death of his father in 1700 ; but being either very weak, or entirely deranged in his intellect, his affairs were conducted by his mother, Tara Bai. Shuhii Eajah was enabled, chiefly by the good conduct of his Minister Ballaji Vishwanath, to gain over Kanoji Angre, the chief support of his rival's cause, and to seat himself on the Mahratta Musnud. He immediately appointed Ballaji to the ofiice of Peshwa, which had before belonged to the family of Pinglc, but was forfeited by its possessor's adherence to the cause of Tara Bai. Shahi'i Eajah being incapacitated by his mental imbecility from exercising the authority with which he was invested, the entire administration devolved on Ballaji Vishwanath. CONQUERED FROM J HE PESHWA. 267 At the time of the confirmation of tiic Clioutli, although the Mahrattas had numerous cLaims over several of the provinces possessed bj' the Moguls, their actual territory does not appear to have extended beyond the narrow limits to which it had reached under Sivaji. The Mogul's grant confirming their possessions enumerates the districts, by which it appears that they extended in the Konkan from the Goa territory to a point considerably to the south of Daman ; while above the Ghats they only reached from the Ghatprabha to the river Kukri, 40 miles north of Puna. The greatest length (on the sea coast) is 280 miles, the greatest breadth (from Harni and Pandhar- pur to the sea) 140 ; but this breadth is only found to the south of Puna ; north of that city the breadth does not exceed 70 miles. It was long before the Mahrattas obtained possession of the country in the immediate neighbourhood of their first conquest : the Forts of Junar and Ahmednagar, the first within 40, and the other within 80 miles of Puna, were not reduced until within the last sixty years ; long after the Mahrattas had made themselves masters of Malwa and Gujarat, and had plundered up to the gates of Agra. Khandesh was not subdued until within these sixty years, nor the Karnatik until a still later period. The cause of this inconsistency was the close connection between the Mahrattas and Nizam Ul Mulk, who was glad to encourage them as the means of weakening the power of the Court of Delhi ; while they, with their usual policy, were pleased to disunite their enemies, and attack them one by one. To this connection also it is to be ascribed that a third of the Mahratta nation should have been left to this day under the dominion of the Moguls. Ballaji Vishwanath dying in 1720, was succeeded 2 68 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES by his son Baji Rav Balall. This Chief, who appears to have been a man of activity and abiHties, took full advantage of the weakness, the distractions, and the mutual jealous}^ and treachery of the Moguls. He overran all Malwa, and had entirely reduced it some time about the year 1735; while the troops of the Sena- patti, another great General of Shahii Eajah, had made similar progress in Gujarat. The rivalry of these Generals renewed the domestic distractions of the Mahrattas ; but Baji Piav finally overcame the Sena- patti ; as Nana Sahib subsequently did his powerful servant, the Gaikwar, in 1750, when he compelled the latter to submit implicitly to his authority, and to make over half of Gujarat to his officers. Baji Rav died in 1741, and was succeeded by his son Ballaji Baji Rav, commonly called Nana Sahib. This Prince was the first of the Peshwas who openly exercised the sovereign authority on the Rajah's behalf. His two predecessors had always affected to act under the orders of that Prince ; but Rajah Shahu dying in 1749, it w^as alleo-ed by the Peshwa that he 1740. . had formerly invested him with the sove- reignty^ of his dominions, on condition of his keeping up the name of the Rajah's descendants. I may here remark, that it appears more than doubtful whether the Rajahs of Satara ever pretended to possess absolute sovereignty, or to hold their territories otherwise than as vassals, either of Bijapur or of Delhi. Nana Sahib was an inactive Prince, and entrusted his internal government to his cousin Sadashiv R;iv Bhuu, and the command of his armies to his brother Raghunath Rav, the father of the late Peshwa. A temporary exchange of these functions occasioned the defeat and fall of the Bhuu at Pauiput, and the death of Balaji, who never recovered the shock. CONQUERED FROM THE PESHWA. 269 The Government then fell into the hands of Rac^hu- nath Rav, who detained Madhav Rav, the son of Nana Sahib, in a state of tutelage and dependence ; hut who was not long able to resist the talents apd energy which that Prince early displayed. Madhav Rav then took the reins into his own hands, imprisoned Raghunath, and reigned for eleven years. Though at least equal -to his predecessors as a General, Madhav Rav's chief praise arises from his Civil Government. He was the first who introduced order into the internal administration, and who showed a sincere desire to protect his subjects from military violence, and to establish something like a regular dispensation of justice. His death, which happened in 1772, was soon followed by the murder of his brother Narayan Rav ; the usurpation of Raghunath Rav ; and a long struggle, in which the English were unsuccessful supporters of the claims of that usurper. During this disturbed period, and the thirteen years of comparative tran- quillity which followed. Nana Fadnavis acted as Regent in the name of the infant son of the murdered Narayan Rav. The territories in the Deccan were quiet, and were governed in a spirit of peace and moderation, which aided the former measures of Madhav Rav in softening the predatory habits of the Mahrattas ; but at the same time, the great Chiefs of Hindustan began to appear rather as allies than as servants ; and, although the connection of the Mah- rattas as a confederacy was probably at its greatest height at this period, yet the seeds of dissolution, which were inherent in the nature of it, began evidently io display themselves. A short view of the members of this confederacy will show the loose ties by which the whole was held. 2 70 REPORT av THE TERRITORIES The state of Taujore was scarcely ever even in alliance with Satara ; that founded by Malliar Kav Ghorapare, in the north of Mysore, was in nearly the same situation ; and that of Kolapur never joined it in any war. The confederates must therefore be the Eajah of Berar, the Gaikwar, Scindia, Holkar, the Powars, and the Chiefs of Jhansi and Sagar. The first of these powers was closely united in interest with Puna, and had no points of disagreement ; yet it was frequently at war with the Puna State, and seemed to have been almost as much connected with the Nizam as with it. The Gaikwar was oppressed and subdued, a vassal rather than a confederate. He joined the first power that appeared against the Mahrattas in this part of India, and has adhered to his alliance to the last. The other Chiefs were subjects and servants of the Peshwa, and were themselves born and bred in the heart of the Mahratta country, as were the whole of their national troops ; not one of whom to this day, perhaps, was born in their foreign conquests. Besides the ties of kindred, language and country, which in most nations keep up a connection for ages, the Mahrattas had a strong interest in opposing their common enemies ; yet there is perhaps no instance in which they were all engaged on one side in a war ; and it is surprising that states so circumstanced should be unable to keep up a closer alliance for a period little exceeding the natural life of man. These facts do not, however, show tliat there is not at this moment a confederacy cemented by common country, common interests, and common enmity to their conquerors, but that there is nothing particularly durable in the con- nection to prevent its dissolving at no distant period. noii. At the death of Madhoo Piav Narayen in 179G, the whole of the great Mahratta Chiefs, CONQUERED FROM THE PE SHIVA. 271 the Kajah of Berar, Scindia, Holkar, and the Jahagir- dars of the Deccan, appeared at Puna, for the hist time, as vassals of the empire. The power and weight of the Minister was insufficient to control this tumultuous assemhly, and a scene of factions, violence and intrigue ensued, at the conclusion of which Baji Eav, the rightful heir, hut the representative of the unpopular and proscribed house of Raghunath Rav, was elevated to the Musnud by the military power of 8cindia. He, however, was for some time little more than a pageant in the hands of that Prince ; and it seemed probable that Scindia would soon imitate the example of the Peshwa's ancestors, and reduce his nominal master to the condition of the Rajah of Satara. It was perhaps the dread or the interference of the British which prevented this chauo-e of 1601. dynasty ; and at the end of a few years the increasing disorders in Scindia's own possessions obliged him to quit his hold on the Peshwa, and to withdraw to Hindustan. Baji Rav, now left alone, had neither ability nor inclination to put himself at the head of his turbulent Chiefs and mutinous army. He remained quiet in Puna, while every Jahagirdar assumed indepen- dence ; and the country was overrun by banditti, formed from the soldiery that were no longer employed in the armies, to within a few miles of the capital. At length his Highness was expelled by Holkar. He returned, supported by a British force ; and from that time began a new order of things, which existed at the time of our conquest. Instead of the extensive but loose confederacy of which the Peshwa was head, which was in a constant state of foreign war and internal disorder, and which could only be held together by constant vigilance and activity, as well as concession and management, the 2 72 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES Pesliwa was now to possess in peace a small compact territory; and as this had formerly partaken of the loose government of the general mass, it became the Peshwa's object to consolidate his power, and establish it on such a footing as would allow of his governing with as much ease as other Eastern Princes. Some progress had been made towards this state of things during the government of Madhav Kav and Nana Fadnavis ; and Baji K;'iv himself, from temper as much as from policy, had already adopted the course most suited to his situation. The head of an unpopular party, and educated in a prison, he had little sympathj^ with the bulk of his nation, and little desire for any enterprise in which he might require their assistance. His only wish was to gratify his love of power and of revenge, without endangering his safety or disturbing his ease. He had therefore begun his administration by plundering all the Ministers connected with his enemj^ Nana Fadnavis had seized on the Jahagirs of his principal opponents. When the treaty of Bassein relieved him from all apprehension of resistance, he gave a loose to his desire for depress- ing the great and degrading his enemies. Almost all those who had been connected with the government of his predecessors were discarded ; the great Sardars who held lands were either dispossessed or kept at a distance, and obliged to yield implicit obedience to his will. No attempt was made to restore the old army ; the Chiefs who had commanded it were left in want. The Court was almost entirely composed of new men ; and the few troops tliat were retained were commanded by upstarts, and paid from the treasury. A severe fiimine that followed Baji Rav's restora- tion, prevented the natural effect of his reduction of the military force : many men perished, and more horses, CONQUERED EROM THE PESHWA. 273 and the vacancies occasioned by the deaths of the owners of land, afforded a provision for many who had till then maintained themselves by the profession of arms. Many more went to the camp of Scindia, who was then exchanging his Mussulman retainers for Mahrattas : others found employment with Holkar and the Kajah of Berar.: and many probably joined the hordes of Pindarics, which begun about this time to be conspicuous. The discontents of the Chiefs were kept under by the presence of a British force, and great progress had thus been made in reducing the country to the state desired by Baji Rav, when other events occurred to induce him to change his system. The progress that has been made has, however, been favourable to us. The number of Jahagirdars, though still very great, has been lessened ; the pride of the nation has been humbled, and its military strength reduced. The war and previous years of intrigue and opposition, however, unsettled men's minds; the reduction of the armies of Scindia, the Bhosale and the Pindarics have increased the numbers of the soldiery ; the destruction of the smaller Jahagir- dars in Hindustan has thrown them and their retainers back on their old country, and our having raised our irregular horse and formed our civil establishments before Baji Piav's adherents were sufficiently depressed to come over to us, has left most of them out of cm- ploj^ So that there are now two irregular armies — the Mahratta one and our own ; and three civil establish- ments — Nana Fadnavi's, Baji Pu'iv's, and ours — within this one territory. 18 274 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES EEA^NUE. The principle I adopted for the civil administration being to preserve unimpaired the practice which I found established, this part of my report ought to con- sist entirely of an account of the Mahratta system ; and although more changes have been introduced than were intended, that will in fact occupy a very considerable portion of the statement which is to follow. My information is derived, in a great measure, from the Jamabandi reports of the local officers, on revenue subjects ; and on judicial ones, from the answers of the same gentlemen to a series of queries which I cir- culated about the end of last j^ear. These answers are forwarded, and I beg to recommend them to attention. That of Mr. Chaplin is of particular value. Captain Grant's contains much information, both on the points immediately in question, and on the general character of the people ; and those of Mr. Thackeray, Sub- Collector of Rane Benore, have likewise considerable merit. Besides this view of the former practice, I shall point out the changes that have occurred ; and as local opinions are always of use, I shall add such suggestions as occur to me on the course to be pursued hereafter ; though the want of general knowledge, as well as of experience in the departments to which they refer, may often make them crude or erroneous. In whatever point of view we examine the native government in the Deccan, the first and most important Village feature is, the division into villages or town- govcrnment. gj^^jpg^ Thcsc commuuitics coutaiu in minia- ture all the materials of a state within themselves, and are almost sufficient to protect their members, if all other governments were withdrawn. Though probably not compatible with a very good form of go^'erument, CONQUERED FROM THE PES 1 1 W A. 275 they are an excellent remedy for the imperfections of a bad one ; they prevent the bad effects of its negligence and weakness ; and even present some barrier against its tyranny and rapacity. Each village has a portion of ground attached to it, which is committed to the management of the in- habitants. The boundaries are carefully marked, and jealously guarded. They are divided into fields, the limits of which are exactly known ; each field has a name and is kept distinct, even when the cultivation of it has long been abandoned. The villagers are almost entirely cultivators of the ground, with the addition of the few traders and artisans that are required to supply their wants. The head of each village is the Patil, who has under him an assistant, called a Ohaugulla, and a clerk called a Kulkarni. There are, besides, twelve village officers, well known by the name of the Bara Baloti. These are the astrologer, the priest, the carpenter, barber, etc., but the only ones who are concerned in the administration of the government are the Sonar, or Potadar, who is silver-smith and assayer of money, and the Mliar, who, in addition to various other important duties, acts as watchman to the villaf^e. Each of these classes consists of one or more indi- viduals, according as their original families have branched out. The Mhars are seldom fewer Forafuuuc- tlian four or five, and there are besides, constuution^of where those tribes are numerous, very fre- cap;aiu1?iberT- quently several Bhils or Eamoshis, employed ^'"•cii'-'thfisn'.. also as watchmen, but performing none of the other duties of the Mhar. The Patils are the most important functionaries in the villages, and perhaps the most important Patu. class in the country. They hold their office by a grant 18—2 276 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES from the Government (generally from that of the Moguls), are entitled by virtue of it to lands and fees, and have various little privileges and distinctions, The functions of wliicli they are as tenacious as of their land. of"^a Pam^lre Tliclr ojOfico aud emoluments are hereditary, the Enclosed and salcablc with the consent of the Govern- translation of a deed of sale, j32ent, but aro seldom sold, except in cases of traiisfening a ' * i offiTe, whi^ch extreme necessity, though a partner is some- bT cTIpt'^i'n times admitted, with a careful reservation of his "letter of tlic supcriority of the old possessor. The March9th,lSlS, -^^ ., . , i „ ,, t , /. ,1 ^'o-6. Patil IS head oi the ponce, and oi the administration of justice in his village, but he need only be mentioned here as an officer of revenue. In that capacity he performs on a small scale what a Mamlatdar or a collector does on a large ; he allots the lands to such cultivators as have no landed property of their own, and fixes the rent which each has to pay: he collects the revenue for Government from all the rayats ; conducts all its arrangements with them, and exerts himself to promote the cultivation and the prosperity of the village. Though originally the agent of the Government, he is now regarded as equally the representative of the rayats, and is not less useful in executing the orders of the Government than in asserting the rights, or at least in making known the wrongs, of the people. The Kulkarni keeps the numerous records and accounts of the village. The most important are: 1st, Kuikaruis. the gcucral measurement and description of Vide Captain all the vlllage lands : 2nd, the list of fields, (Jrant's rcjjort, *-' Aug. 17. ^ii;!;^ the name, size, and quality of each, the terms by which it is held, the name of the tenant, the rent for which he has agreed, and the highest rent ever produced by the field; 3rd, the hst of all the in- CONQUERED FROM THE PESHWA. 277 liabitants, wlictlier cultivators or otherwise, with a statement of the dues from each to Government, and the receipt and balance in the account of each ; 4th, the general statement of the instalments of revenue which have been realized ; and, 5th, the detailed account where each branch of revenue is shown under a different head, with the receipts and balance on each. Besides the public records, he generally keeps the accounts of all the cultivators with each other, and with their creditors ; acts as a notary public in drawing up all their agreements ; and even conducts any private correspondence they may have to carry on. He has lands, but oftener fees allotted to him by Government, from which he hold his appointment. The Chaugulla acts under the orders of the Patil, and assists him in his duties ; he also has the care of the Kulkarnis records. The most important revenue duty of the Mliar is to watch over the boundaries, both of the village lands and of each individuars field ; to see that they . 'Watchman. are not encroached on, to give evidence m cases where they are disputed ; he watches over crops, whethei cut or growing, as long as they are in the fields. He is also the public messenger and guide, and will be mentioned again as a most important actor in the police. The Potadar, besides being the village silver-smith, assays all money paid, either to Government or to individuals. With the few exceptions already mentioned, all the villagers are cultivators ; and these, as there are few labourers, are distinguished by their tenures into two classes, that of Mirasis or landed proprietors, and that of Upris, or farmers. As I was particularly directed to attend to the 2 78 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES tenures of land, I have called on the collectors to Mirasis, or fumisli tlie rcqiusite information ; only two landed proprie- ■, ^ • t i i i t it tors. xo. 7 A. answers have been received, but the enclosed Captain Robert- -_,, -\t rr c i son, dated Mar. Jiixtracts, iNo. 7, Iroui Icttcrs written on other . Maiiratta man- unauthorized profits, often with the connivance "^^l "thr^Kc- of Government. He was reckoned reasonable '"'""°' if his whole profits did not exceed five per cent, on the net revenue. Every Mamlatdar on his appointment, or at the com- mencement of the year, received from Government an estimate of the revenue of his district, with a ,, , ' Jsote — Cap- list of all the authorized charges, including J;;f^4^_^^;j,^^°'^> Sibandis, pensions, religious expenses, sala- };tter"''oT"''*Au^ ries, etc., etc. It was his duty to send in the ^'"^'^ ^'"'' balance to Government, and a proportion of it, generally half, was paid immediately ; the rest was paid by instal- ments, but always in advance. The Mamlatdar then proceeded to his district, and moved about to superintend his offices, and to redress grievances ; he kept a Vakil at Puna to receive all orders, and answer all complaints. Complaints are said to have been readily heard ; but as all was done by the Prince or his Prime Minister, that must have depended on their leisure and patience. At the end of the year the Mamlatdar presented his accounts of the collections, confirmed by the accounts signed by the Zamindars, and the receipts and ex- 2 88 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES penditure in his own office, drawn up by the Fadnavis, and signed by the other Darakdars. These were care- fully revised, and, as from the mode of payment in advance there was generally a balance in favour of the Mamlatdar, all unauthorized charges were struck out of it, and often reductions were made on account of sup- posed embezzlements, without much proof or investiga- tion. The admitted balance was carried on in account from year to year, was sometimes compromised by partial payments, by grants of annuities, etc., but was seldom fully paid. On the other hand, all balances due to the Government were exacted, though the Mamlatdar was not bound to pay the sum inserted in his estimate, if the receipts fell short of it. If the defalcation was owing to corruption on his part, he was obliged to refund ; and if to his negligence, he was removed from his office. Though, in this adjustment of accounts, all advantages appear to be on the side of the Government, yet the Mamlatdars do not appear to have complained, or to have suffered much in reality. They had probably many w^ays of making money, which eluded the utmost researches of the Government, especially as they could generally find means to engage the Zamindars and Darakdars on their side. The sources of their profit were concealment of receipts (especially fees, fines, and other undefined collections), false charges for remis- sions, false musters, non-payment of pensions, and other frauds in expenditure. The grand source of their profit was an extra assess- ment above the revenue, which was called Saudir Warrid Patti. It was levied to pay expenses of the district not provided for by Government, and naturally afforded a great field for peculation ; one of the ^chief of these expenses was calhul ]3arbar Kharcli, or Antasth. This was originally applied secretly to bribe the CONQUERED EROM THE EESIIWA. 289 Ministers and auditors. By degrees their bribes became established fees, and the account was audited like the rest ; but as bribes were still required, another increase of collection took place for this purpose, and as the auditors and accountants did not search minutely into these delicate transactions, the Mamlatdar generally collected much more for himself than he did for his patrons. It was said that it was chiefly the Govern- ment that suffered by these frauds, and that the imposts did not fall heavy on the Rayats. If this were so, it was probably owing to the interest the Mamlatdars had in the prosperity of their districts, from the long periods for which they were allowed to hold them. Many men held the same district for as long as fifty years. The following was the manner in which the Mamlatdar raised the revenue from his district. At the beginning of the rains he sent for the Patil, and gave him ^ , '^ Land revenue. a general assurance that he should take no more than w^as usual ; the Patil giving a written engagement, specifying the quantity of cultivated land, the quantity of waste, and that granted at a just rent to new settlers, and promising to realize the revenue. He then went to his village, encouraged the Rayats to culti- vate, procured them loans, or forbearance from former creditors, promised to get them Takavi (or advances from the Mamlatdar), and prevailed on them to under- take the ploughing of new lands. Takavi was given by the Mamlatdar, not by the Government ; it was payable in two or three years with interest, and security was given by the Patil, or several of the Rayats. About the end of one year, when the principal harvest was nearly ready to be cut, the Mamlatdar moved out into his district, and was attended by the Patils of villages, wdtli their Kulkarnis, who laid before him the papers already enumerated. The whole 19 2 90 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES country lias been surveyed, and each field classed and assessed according to its circumstances and quality. The northern districts were surveyed by Mallik Umbar, and the southern by the Adil Shahi Kings, besides partial and imperfect attempts at surveys by the Mali- rattas. The assessment fixed by those monarchs is called the Tankha. The whole amount thus assessed was never actually realized in some villages, while in others a greater revenue may have been collected. This gave rise to another rate, being the highest ever paid, which is called the Kamil or Hemaul, and which is considered more applicable to practical purposes than the Tankha ; that of the last year, or of any recent year, is called the Wasul or Akar. All these rates are con- tained in the Kulkarni's papers, with the other par- ticulars mentioned before, which ought to give a full view of the state of the inhabitants and cultivation. The Mamlatdar was enabled, by the intimate knowledge of the village possessed by his Shekdars, to judge of the accuracy of these sta.tements, and he proceeded to settle the revenue of the ensuing season, on a consideration of the amount paid in former years, combined with a regard to the actual state of things. The Patil repre- sented any ground there was for relaxation, in the terms in which he expected the support of the Deshmukhi and Despandc ; all hereditary officers being considered as connected with the Eayats. The Patil was likewise accompanied by some of the principal Eayats, especially of the Mirasdars, who were witnesses to his proceed- ings, and who also assisted him with their opinions. These discussions generally ended in a second more particular agreement, on which the Patil interchanged with the Mamlatdar an engagement fixing the revenue; ; tliiit of tlie Mamlatdar was called the Jamabandi Pati, and that of the Patil, Kabul Katba. ^Jlic CONQUERED FROM THE PESHWA. 291 Patils had generally settled with the Rayats the share which each was to bear before he came to make tlie settlements, and if anything unexpected was proposed, so as to derange the distribution agreed on, he returned to his village to consult the llayats anew. When the Patil continued obstinately to reject the terms ofiiered by the Mamlatdar, a special officer was sent to the spot to examine the fields, and if no other means succeeded in effecting an adjustment, the Mamlatdar would offer what seems to have been the original principle in all settlements, namely, for Government to take half, and leave half to the cultivator. This plan was termed Bhattye. It is generally adopted in the Konkan, but seldom resorted to above the Ghats, until the final settlement was made ; the crops in many parts of the country were kept in charge of Havildars on behalf of Government, who allowed them to be carried off as soon as the settlement was completed. In the country im- mediately round Puna, however, and in that now under Satara, this custom was not observed. When the time for paying arrived, a Sibandi was sent by the Shekdar to assist the Patil. The Miiar summoned the Rayats, who paid their rent to the Patil in the presence of the Potadar, who assayed and stamped the money, and of the Kulkarni, who granted a receipt. When all was collected the Patil sent it by the Mliar, with a letter to the Deshmukhi, and anotlier to the Kamavisdar, under charge of the Chaugulla, and received a receipt from the Mamlatdar. If a Puiyat refused, or was unable to pay his revenue, the Sibandi pressed him for it, confined him in the village chouki, exposed him to the sun, put a heavy stone on his head, and prevented his eating and drinking until he paid. If this did not succeed, he was carried to the Mamlatdar, his cattle were sold, and himself thrown into prison, l\)—'2 292 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES or into irons. This i*i2:orous treatment was seldom necessary for the regular revenue; it was more employed in exacting extraordinary taxes, and under the farming system the practice of it was frequent and severe. If a whole village resisted, these severities fell on the Patil ; but previous to that extremity a horse- man was billeted on the village, or a fine levied to induce it to submit. The payments were by three instalments, corresponding with the seasons of the Eabi, Tusar. and Kharif crops ; there was frequently another at the end of the year, to recover all out- standing balances. The above relates to the reo-ular rent or tax on the land, for it msiy be considered as rent with regard to the Upris, and as a tax with regard to the Mirasdars (it is called by the natives, Ayin Jama, or proper collections). Another regular source of revenue, levied partly on the Eayats and partly on the other inhabitants, is that termed by the Mahrattas, Savai Jama (or extra collections) ; these taxes vary considerably in different districts, and even in different villages. The following list, though not complete, gives an idea of their nature. The first fall chiefly or entirely on the cultivators, Dakab Pati : a tax of one year's revenue in ten, on the lands of the Dcshmukhi and Despande ; Hak Cliouthai, a fourth of tlie fees, levied every year ; Mliar Mharki, a particular tax, on the Inams of the Mhars ; Miras Pati, an additional tax, once in three years, on Mirasdars : Inam Fijavi, a payment of Inamdars, of a third of the Government share of their lands yearly ; Inam Pati, an occasional tax, imposed in times of exigency on Inamdars; Pandi Gunna, an additional levy,'equal to twelve per cent, on the Tankha, once in twelve years ; Vir Hunda, an extra tax on Extra rcvcmie. tal CONQUERED FROM THE PES IT W A. 293 lands watered from wells. Other taxes were on traders alone. These were Moliterfa, a tax on shop-keepers, varying with their means : in fact, an income-tax ; Baloti, a tax on the twelve village servants. These, too, are sometimes included in the Ayin Jama, and in some places the Moliterfa forms a distinct head by itself ; Bazar Baithak, a tax on stalls at fairs ; Kumbhar Kam, on the earth dug up by the potters. The follow- ing might fall indiscriminately on both classes ; Gliar Pati, or Amber Sari, a house-tax levied from all but Brahmins and village officers. Batcliappani, a fee on the annual examination of weights and measures; Tag, a similar fee on examining the scales used for bulky articles ; Dekka, or the right to beat a drum on particular religious and other occasions ; Kheridi Jins (or purveyance), the right to purchase articles at a certain rate ; this was generally commuted for a money payment : Lagna Tikka, a tax on marriages : Paut Dauma, a particular tax on the marriage of widows : Mahis Pati, a tax on buffaloes : Bakre Pati, a tax on sheep. There were also occasional contributions in kind, called Fur Furmanesh, such as bullocks' hides, charcoal, hemp, rope, ghee, etc., which were often commuted for fixed money payments ; many other sums were paid in commutation for service. All these collec- tions were made by the Patil in small villages, though in towns there was a separate officer to levy those most connected with the land. Government had other sources of revenue included in the Savai Jama in each village, besides those enumerated. The principal were as follows : Khamawis, Gunehgari, or Kund Furshi, as fines and forfeitures ; Baitul Mai (Escheats) amount (profit from deposits and temporary sequestra- tions) ; Wancharai, paid by cattle grazing on Govern- ment lands ; Glias Kattani, or grass cut on Government 294 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES lands ; Devastlian Dnblii, derived from offerings to idols ; Kharbuzwarri, on melon-gardens on the beds of rivers. Besides all this, and besides the Gaum Kharch, or village expenses, there were taxes to defray the Mehel Sandir Warrid, district expenses not already provided for by Government, in which were included many personal expenses of the Mamlatdars, and a large fund for embezzlement and corruption for himself and the courtiers who befriended him. In addition to all these exactions, there were occasional impositions on extraordinary emergencies, Extraordinary whlch wBrc Called Jastl Pati, and Yeksali impositions. Pati. If tlicsc happened to be continued for several years they ceased to be considered as occasional impositions, and fell into the regular Savai Jama ; but until the introduction of the farming sj^stem, they are said to have been as rare as the occasions which furnished the pretext for them. The changes introduced by that system may be described without much difficulty. They were in fact ™ , . rather aggravations of the evils of the ancient The farming c5 system, gygtem, tliau auy complete innovations. The office of Mamlatdar, instead of being c(mferred as a favour on a person of experience and probity, who could be punished by removal if his conduct did not give satisfaction, was put up to auction among the Peshwa's attendants, who were encouraged to bid high, and sometimes disgraced if they showed a reluctance to enter on this sort of speculation. Next year the same oi)eration was renewed, and the district was generally transferred to a higher bidder. The Mamlatdar, thus constituted, had no time for inquiry, and no motive for forbearance ; he let his district out at an enhanced rate to under-farmers, who repeated the operation until it reached the Patils. If one of these officers farmed his CONQUERED ERUM THE PESHWA. 295 own village, he became absolute master of everyone in it. No complaints were listened to, and the Mamlatdar, who was formerly a check on the Patil, as the Govern- ment was on the Mamlatdar, now afforded him an excuse for tyranny of bearing the blame of his exac- tions. If the Patil refused to farm the village at the rate proposed, the case was perhaps worse, as the Mamlatdar's own officers undertook to levy the sum determined on, with less knowledge and less mercy than the Patil ; in either case, the actual state of the cultivation was in essentials entirely disregarded. A man's means of payment, not the land he occupied, were the scale on which he was assessed. No modera- tion was shown in levying the sum fixed, and everj^ pretext for fine and forfeiture, every means of rigour and confiscation, were employed to squeeze the utmost out of the people before the arrival of the day when the Mamlatdar was to give up his charge : amidst all this violence a regular account was prepared, as if the settlement had been made in the most deliberate manner. This account was of course fictitious, and the collections were always underrated, as it enabled the Patil to impose on the next Mamlatdar, and the Mamlatdar to deceive the Government and his fellows. The next Mamlatdar pretended to be deceived ; he agreed to the most moderate terms, and gave everj^ encouragement except Takkavi (advances) to increase the cultivation ; but when the crops were on the ground, or when the end of his period drew near, he threw oft* the mask, and plundered like his predecessor. In consequence of this plan, the assessment of the land, being proposed early in the season, would be made with some reference to former practice, and Saudir AVarrid and other Patis would accumulate, until the time when the Mamlatdar came to make up his 296 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES accounts. It was then that his exactions were most severely felt ; for he had a fixed sum to complete, and if the collections fell short of it, he portioned out the balance among the exhausted villages, imposed a Jasti (Zedati) Pati, or extra assessment, to pay it, and left the Patils to extort it on whatever pretence and by whatever means they thought proper. We are now suffering from this system, for as we have no true accounts, and are afraid to over-assess, we are obliged to be content with whatever the people agree to. Captain Briggs's collections in Khandesh, though will- ingly acceded to by the Eayats, are yet much heavier than any that appear in the accounts during the ten years of oppression that have depopulated Khandesh. Some places, no doubt, escaped the oppressions of the farming system. Where a village belonged to a man of influence, or a favourite of such a man, the assess- ment fell light on him, and he gained by the emigration of Eayats, occasioned by the misfortunes of his neighbours. The above sources of revenue were collected by the village establishment ; the following were in the hands of distinct officers directly under the Government : Zakat, or Customs. — This was a transit duty levied by the b,ullock load ; but the rate varied in proportion to the value of the article ; the highest was Customs. . . . eight rupees. It was levied separately in every district, so that property was frequently liable to be stopped and searched. To remedy this inconvenience, there was a class called Hundekaris in towns, who undertook for a single payment to pass articles through the wliole country. These men arranged with the farmers of the customs, and were answerable to them for the sums due. In addition to the transit duty, there was a tax of 12 per cent, on the sale of animals included in the Zakat. CONQUERED EROM THE PESHWA. 297 2. The Governmoiit lands wore another source of revenue not inducled hi the vilhwes : "^ ' Oovcninicnt they were divided into Shairi (cultivated ^*"^^- fields) ; Kurans (grass lands) ; Bag (gardens) ; and Ambrai (orchards). 3. The Sheci^-pastures. — This was a tax paid by the Khillarries, or wandering shepherds, for the sheep-pastures. right to feed their flocks on all waste lands, from the Tapti to the Tungbhadra. 4. Kanwa. — A fee paid for leave to cut Forests. wood in the forests belonging to Government. 5. Kotvali. — This may be called town duties ; it comprised, besides tlie taxes included in Savai Jama, a variety of other imposts, among Town duties. which the most considerable was a tax of 17 per cent, on the sale of houses. G. Tanksal. — The mint. Mint. 7. Watan Zabti. — Produce of lands be- sequestration. longing to Zamindars, sequestrated by Government. Nazar. — Fines, or fees paid on succession to property. If a son succeeded his father he was not liable to this payment, unless he were a 1 r~i Fines and fees. Jahagirdar, or other servant of Government. But in cases of adoption (that is, in almost all cases except where a son succeeded) it was exacted from all persons. The first six articles were always, or almost always, farmed ; the rest were not. The Zakat, before the cession of Puna, produced about five lacs of rupees, the sheep-pastures about 25,000 rupees, the mint at Puna yielded 10,000 rupees; the others were con- founded with the general receipts of the districts where they were situated. The Watan Zabti yielded 50,000 rupees. The amount of the Nazars was too fluctuating to be guessed at. The Kotwalset in Nana Fadnavi's time yielded 298 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES 50,000 rupees, of which a great part was produced by money extorted from persons guilty or suspected of adultery. Baji Eav, much to his honour, abolished this pretext for extortion, but his lenity was far from being approved hj the better part of his subjects. The other articles were trifling. Abkarri, which is so important with us, did not yield above 10,000 rupees. The use of spirituous liquors was forbidden at Puna, and discouraged everywhere else ; the effect of this system on the sobriety of the people is very conspicuous. The outline of the revenue system adopted since our acquisition of the country is contained in my letter Present Re datcd July lOtli, convcylug iustructious to the venue System. (.Q^lgg|.Qj.g^ aud iu that datcd July 14th, enclosing instructions for Mamlatdars. The leading- principles are to abolish farming, but otherwise to maintain the native system ; to levy the revenue according to the actual cultivation ; to make the assess- ments light ; to impose no new taxes, and to do none away unless obvious and unjust ; and, above all, to make no innovations. Many innovations were, however, the result of the introduction of foreign rulers and foreign maxims of government ; but in the revenue department most of them were beneficial. The countrj^, which had been under many Mamlatdars, with very unequal extent of territory and power, was placed under five principal officers (I include Satara), with much superior weight and respectability. The chief authority now resided in the district, and devoted his whole time to its affairs, and all subordinate agents were obliged to follow his example. The straggling revenue divisions of the Mahrattas were formed into compact districts, each yielding from 50 to 70,000 rup(!es a year, and placed under a Mamlatdar. The numerous partitions of revenue (Cliouth, Babti, etc.), bein^' thrown into the hands of one agent, were CONQUERED EROM THE PESHWA. 299 virtualty abolisliecl. The assessments were much lighter than formerly, and much more uniform and clearly defined. The powers of the Mamlatdars were limited, and the system of fixed pay and no perquisites was decidedly introduced in principle, though of course it may be still secretly departed from in practice. The improvements in the administration of the revenue department are greater than in the rulers. Faith is kept with the Eaj^at, more liberal assistance is given him in advance, he is not harassed by false accusations as pretexts to extort money, and his complaints find a readier hearing and redress. Some of our alterations are less agreeable to all, or to particular classes. We have more forms and more strictness than our pre- decessors ; the power of the Patil is weakened by the greater interference of our Mamlatdars. His emolu- ments are injured by our reductions of the Saudir Warrid ; and even the Eayats, who were taxed for his profit, are made to feel the want of some of their charities and amusements, while they confound the consequent reductions of their payments with the general diminution in the assessment. The character of our Mamlatdars is not entirely what we could wish; as the country was occupied before the Peshwa's cause was desperate, few of his adherents would venture to join us, and we were obliged to employ such persons as we could procure, without much regard to their merit. In Puna and Satara the Mamlatdars are, nevertheless, respectable servants of the old Government ; I have more doubts regarding those in Khandesh, being chiefly either from the Nizam's country (which is notorious for bad government) or from Hindustan. I have strongly recommended to all the collectors to take ever}' oppor- tunity to introduce servants of the former Government, but much time m,ust elapse before this can be entirely accomplished. An important change is made by the 300 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES iiitrocliiction of some men from the Madras provinces ; though ver}^ anxious to employ the revenue officers of the Mahratta Government in general, I thought it de- sirable to have a very few of our oldest subjects, as well from general policy in a new conquest, as to introduce some models of system and regularity. As each collector was to have two principal officers to check each other, I thought it would contribute to that object and answer other ends to have one of them from the Madras provinces. General Munro was also obliged to bring a very great proportion of persons of this description into the country under his charge. They are more active, more obedient to orders, more exact and methodical than the Mahrattas, but they introduce forms of respect for their immediate superiors quite unknown here, while they show much less consideration for the great men of the country, and are more rough, harsh, and insolent in their general demeanour. It might be worth while to consider how much of these characteristics they owe to us, and how much to the Mussulmans. The duties of the Mamlatdars are to superintend the A detailed ex- collcctiou of tlic revcnuc, to manage the police, plaiiatioii of the . • •^ -t • • i ^ • l operations of to rcccivc civil aud crnnmal complamts, re- 'im?un'! f^i'i^ii^g the former to Panchayats, and send- ing up the latter to the collector. They have in'''iiis^"ieE a Sirashtedar, who keeps their records, an letter! dated accouutant, and some other assistants. The ii!tt'c?'^d'{'ted P^y ^^ ^ Mamlatdar is from 70 to 150 rupees capiain"'' ^H 0-' ^ mouth, audtluitof a Sirashtedar from 35 !r'i" •5'8ti;^ to 50. The systems adopted by all the ^ottinger•8^'u- collcctors wcic fouudcd on the Mahratta >ir. wiikins in practicc, tliou^li varynig Irom it and irom lii.s letter of ^ ' ^ J & A.iguHt .iotii. each other in some particulars, ilie founda- tion for the assessment in all this was the amount paid the collectors will be in Mr. CI instructions to his salj-collec- CONQUERED FROM THE PESHWA. 301 by each village in times wlieu the people consideretl themselves to have been well goveriicd. Deductions were made from this in proportion to the diminution of the cultivation, and afterwards further allowances were made on any specific grounds alleged by the Rayats. The amount to be paid was partitioned among the Rayats by the village officers, and if all were satisfied, Patas were given, and the settlement was ended. All the collectors abolished Jasti Patis (or arbi- trarj^ taxes having no reference to the land or trade), and all regulated the Saudir Warrid, doing away all exactions on that account, more than were necessary for the village expenses. Captain Briggs even abolished the Saudir Warrid Pati altogether, and defrayed the village expenses from the Government revenue, limiting the amount to 4 per cent, on the gross Jama. The expediencj^ of this arrangement is, however, doubtful, both as to the close restriction of the expense and the laying it on Government ; all paid great attention to the circumstances of the Piayats, and made their assess- ment studiously light. There were, however, some points of difference in their proceedings. Mr. Chaplin and Captain Grant contented themselves with ascertain- ing the extent of the land under cultivation, b}' the information of neighbours, and of rival village officers, aided by the observation of their own servants. Captain Pottinger and Captain Piobertson had the lands of some villages measured, but only in cases where they sus- pected frauds ; and Captain Briggs began by a measure- ment of the whole cultivation either of Gangtari alone, or of both that and Khandesh. All the collectors kept up the principle of the Eayatwari settlement, and some carried it to a greater extent than had been usual with the Mahrattas. Mr. Chaplin and Captain Pottinger, after settling with the Patil for the whole village, 302 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES settled with each Raj'at, and gave him a Pata for his field. Captain Grant and Captain Robertson settled with the Patil and gave him a Pata, but first ascer- tained the amount assessed on each Piayat, and inquired if he was satisfied with it ; and Captain Briggs, though he settled for each field, did it all with the Patil, taking an engagement from him to explain at the end of the 5'ear how much he had levied on each Rayat. This refers to the settlement with the villages. The customs have been farmed on account of the difficulty of preparing a tariff, and of superintending the intro- duction of a new system, wdiile the collectors were so fully occupied in other matters. No complaints are made, from which it may be inferred that the present system, if not profitable to Government, is not op- pressive to the people. The exemptions of our camp dealers have been done away, the original motive of them (to prevent disputes between our people and the Peshwa's) being no longer in force. The exemption made no difference in the price of articles to the troops, though it afi'orded a pretence for great frauds in the customs. The only good effect it had was to attach dealers to the camp bazaars ; but the exemption from taxes while in cantonments, and from the customs also when on service, may be expected to be sufficient to retain them. The sheep-pastures are still a distinct farm, but the arrangement is so inconvenient, from the want of authority in the hands of collectors over shepherds entering their districts, that I propose to alter it. None of the taxes called Kotwali are now levied, they having either been done away or suspended by Baji Pu'iv. If they should prove only to be sus- pended, the unexceptionable ones ought, if possible, to be restored. CONQUERED FROM THE PESHWA. 303 The Abkari I would recoiiiineiul keeping iu its present low state, by prohibitions or by very heavy taxes. The mint is still farmed, but this should be changed as soon as a system regarding the coinage has been resolved on. The other taxes require no particular remark. The tax on adoptions ought to be kept up as one that is little felt, and is attended with advanta^fes in recording: successions. POLICE AND CRIMINAL JUSTICE. The Mahratta system of police is that common in the Deccan, which has already been too fully ^^^,^^^^4^^^ ^ j,. described to require a minute account. **-'"' ''^ i'°^'^'=- The Patil is responsible for the police of his village. He is aided by his Kulkarni and Chaugulla, and when the occasion requires it, by all the in- habitants. His great and responsible assistant in matters of police is the village watchman, who is called the Talarri in the Karnatik, the Mhar in the Mahratta country, and the Jagla in Khandesh ; in the first-named district he is by caste a Beder, in the second a Dher, and in the third a Bliil. Though there is only an allowance for one watchman in a village, the family has generally branched out into several numbers, wdio relieve and aid each other in their duties. The duties are to keep watch at night, to find out all arrivals and departures, observe all strangers, and report all suspicious persons to the Patil. The watchman is likewise bound to know the character of each man in the village, and in the event of a theft committed within the village bounds, it is his business to detect the thief. He is enabled to do this by his ^ 304 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES early habits of inqiusitiveuess and observation, as well as by the nature of his allowance, which being partly a 'S^ small share of the grain and similar property belonging to each house, he is kept always on the watch to **^ ascertain his fees, and always in motion to collect ^^tliem. When a theft or robbery happens, the watch- .•^man commences his inquiries and researches : it is very common for him to track a thief by his footsteps ; and if he does this to another village, so as to satisfy the watchman there, or if he otherwise traces the property to an adjoining village, his responsibility ends, and it is the duty of the watchman of the new village to take up the pursuit. The last village to which the thief has been clearly traced becomes answerable for the pro- perty stolen, which would otherwise fall on the village where the robbery was committed. The watchman is obliged to make up this amount as far as his means go, and the remainder is levied on the whole village. The exaction of this indemnity is evidently unjust, since the village might neither be able to prevent the theft nor to make up the loss ; and it was only in particular cases that it was insisted on to its full extent, but some fine was generally levied ; and neglect or con- nivance was punished by transferring the Inam of the Patil, or watchman, to his nearest relation, by fine, by imprisonment in irons, or by severe corporeal punish- ment. This responsibility was necessary ; as, besides the usual temptation to neglect^ the watchman is often himself a thief, and the Patil disposed to harbour thieves with a view to share their profits. This peculiar temptation in case of theft has made that ofi'cnce to be most noticed. In other crimes, the village has less interest in connivance, and probably is suffi- ciently active ; but gross negligence in these cases also would have been punished by the Government. I CONQUERED EROM THE PESIIWA. 305 have mentioned that besides the regular village watch- men others were often entertained from the plundering tribes in the neighbourhood. Their business was to assist in repelling open force, and to aid in the appre- hension of all offenders, but chiefly to prevent depreda- tions by their own tribes, and to hud out the perpetrators when any did occur. The Patil was under the same authority as a police officer that he was as a revenue one — the Mamlatdar, who employed the same agents in this department m HT 1 T 1 District Police. as in the other. The Mamlatdar saw that all villagers acted in concert, and with proper activity ; and when there w^as a Sarsubhedar, he kept the same superhitendence over the Mamlatdars. These officers had also considerable establishments to maintain the tranquillity of their districts. These were the Seban- dis or irregular infantry, and the small parties of horse which were kept in every district ; they were, however, employed to oppose violence, and to support the village police, not to discover offenders. With the Mamlatdar also rested all general arrangements with the chiefs of Bhils or other predatory tribes, either for forbearing from plunder themselves, or for assisting to check it in others. The Mamlatdar had great discretionary powers, and even a Patil would not hesitate to secure a sus- pected person, or to take any measure that seemed necessary to maintain the police of his village, for which he was answerable. This was the plan of the police up to the time of Baji Pu'iv, during the reign of Madhav Pu'iv I., and likewise during the administration of Nana Fadnavis ; it is said to have succeeded in preserving great security and order. The confusions in the commencement of Baji Kiiv's 20 3o6 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES reign, the weakness of liis own government, the want Alterations of employment for adventurers of all kinds, Ra'^- and the effects of the famine, greatly deranged the system of police ; and to remedy the disorders into which it fell, an office was instituted, under the name of Tapasnavis, the special duty of which was to discover and seize offenders. The Tapasnavises had districts of different extent, not corresponding with the usual revenue divisions, and only comprehending those portions of the country where the services of such officers were thought to be most required. They had a jurisdiction entirel}' independent of the Mamlatdars, and had a body of horse and foot which was the principal instrument of their administration. They had also Eamoshis and spies, whom they employed to give information ; and on receiving it, they went with a body of horse to the village where the theft happened, and proceeded to seize the Patil and the watchmen, and to demand the thief, or the amount of the property stolen, or the fine which they thought proper to impose, if the offence were any other than theft. The detection of the offender they seem to have left in general to the ordinary village police. It may be supposed that such a violent proceeding, and one so foreign to the ordinary system, could not fail to clash with the former institu- tions ; and accordingly there were constant and loud complaints by the Mamlatdars and villagers, that the Tapasnavises were only active in extorting money under false accusations, and that robbers rather flour- ished under their protection. The Tapasnavises, on the other hand, complained of indifference, con- nivance, and counteraction on the part of the villagers and revenue officers. Great abuses, it must be mentioned, are stated to CONQUERED FROM THE PESHWA. 307 Abuses. have at all times existed, even under the rejjiilar system. Criminals found refuge in one dis- trict when chased out of another ; some Jahagirdars and Zamindars made a trade of harhouring robbers ; and any offender, it is said, could purchase his release, if he had money enough to pay for it. False accusations were likewise made a cloak to exaction from the innocent ; and villagers were obliged to pay the amount of plundered property, in the loss of which they had no share, and for which the losers received no compensation. There cannot be a stronger proof of the enormous abuses to which the former police was liable than is furnished by an occurrence in the city of Puna, under the eye of Government, in the days of Nana Fadnavis. There was at that time a Kotwall, called Ghasi Kam, a native of Hindustan, who was much trusted, and rose to great eminence. This man was convicted of having for many years emploj^ed the powers of the police in murders and oppressions, which the natives illustrate by stories far beyond belief; his guilt was at length detected, and excited such indignation, that though a Brahmin, it was decided to punish him capitally ; he was therefore led through the city on a camel, and then abandoned to the fury of the populace whom this exposure had assembled, and by them stoned to death. In Baji Eav's time 9,000 rupees a month was allowed to the officer who had charge of the police at Puna : from this he had to maintain a very p^^.^^ ^^ large establishment of peons, some horse ^"°'*- patrols, and a considerable number of Bamoshis ; besides being answerable for the amount of property plundered, whenever the Peshwa thought proper to call on him. Still his appointment was reckoned lucrative, as the pay of his establishment was very 20—2 3o8 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES low, and both lie and they derived much profit from iniavowed exactions. The police, however, was good ; on the whole, mm-ders or robberies, attended with violence and alarm, were very rare ; and I have never heard any complaints of the insecurity of pro- perty. Next to the prevention of crimes and the apprehen- sion of criminals, comes the manner in which offences, Criminal jus- etc., are tried and punished: in this are ziiahrattas. luvolvcd tlic autlioritics competent to try, the forms of trial, and the law by which guilt is defined, and punishment awarded. The power of administering criminal justice, under the Mahratta Government, was vested in the revenue „ ^ ^ officers, and varied with their rank, from the By whom ad- ' ' ministered, p^til, wlio could Only put a man for a few days in the village choki. to the Sarsubhedar, who in latter days had the power of life and death. Formerly this power was confined to persons invested with the full powers of Government by being entrusted with the Mutalliki seal, and to great military chiefs in their own armies, or their own Jahagirs. The right of inflicting punishment was, however, extremely undefined, and was exercised bj^ each man, more according to his power and influence than to his office. One Patil would flog and fine, and put in the stocks for many weeks ; and another would not even venture to imprison. Most Mamlutdars would hang a liamosi, Bhil, or Mang robber, without a reference ; and those at a distance would exercise their j^ower without scruple, while the highest civil officers, if at Puna, would pay the Pesliwa the attention of applying for his sanction in a capital case. A Chief was thought to have authority over his own troops and servants, wherever he was. Scindia, while he affected to act CONQUERED EROM THE PESIIWA. 309 under the Pcsliwa, put many of his Cliiefs and Ministers (even Brahmins), who had been accused of plots, to death. At Puna, Appa Desai, in 1813, while com- pletely in the Peshwa's power, blew away one of his Sardars from a gun, for conspiracy against him, and was never questioned, though the execution took place within a mile of Puna. There was no prescribed form of trial. A principal rebel, or a head of banditti, would be executed at once, on the ground of notoriety ; any Bhil, caught in a part of the country where the Bhils were plundering the road, would be hanged immediately. In doubtful cases the chief authority would order some of the people about him to inquire into the affair. The prisoner was examined, and if suspicions were strong he was flogged to make him confess. Witnesses were examined, and a summary of their evidence and of the statement of the accused were always taken down in writing. They were sometimes confronted with the accused, in the hope of shaming or perplexing the party whose statement was false ; but this was by no means necessary to the regularity of the proceedings. The chief authority would generally consult his officers, and perhaps employ a committee of them to conduct an inquiry ; but I should doubt whether Panchayats were ever generally employed in criminal trials, though mentioned by Captain Grant to have been so in the Satara country. In crimes against the State, the Prince made such inquiries, or directed his Ministers to make such, as seemed requisite for his own safety, and gave such orders regarding the accused as their case seemed to require. Torture was emploj^ed to compel confession and disclosure of accomplices. Trials of this sort were naturally considered in a Punishments. 310 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES despotic Government as above all law ; but even in common criminal trials, no law seems ever to Criminal 1'^^- , ^ t . t • n be referred to, except m cases connected with religion, where Shastris were sometimes consulted. The only rule seems to have been the custom of the country, and the magistrate's notice of expediency. The Hindu law was quite disused, probably owing to its absurdity ; and although every man is tolerably acquainted with its rules in civil cases, I do not believe anyone but the very learned has the least notion of its criminal enactments. The following were the customary punishments. Murder, unless attended with peculiar atrocity, appears never to have been capital, and was usually punished by fine. Highway robbery was generally punished with death, because it was generally committed by low people, for a greater distinction ■was made in the punishment on account of the caste of the criminal than the nature of the crime. A man of tolerable caste was seldom put to death, except for offences against the State. In such cases lurtli seems to have been no protection. Vitoji, the full brother to Yeshwant Eav Holkar, was trampled to death by an elephant for rebellion, or rather for heading a gang of predatory horse. Sayaji Atolc, a dispossessed Jahagir- dar, was blown away from a gun for the same offence, yet it is well observed by Mr. Chaplin that treason and rebellion were thought less of than with us. This originated in a want of steadiness, not of severity, in the Government. When it suited a temporary con- venience an accommodation was made with a rebel, Avho was immediately restored, not only to safety, but to favour. Balkrishn Gangadhar received a Jahagir for the same insurrection for which Yitoji Holkar was put to death. Viswas E.iv Gliatge, who headed a CONQUERED FROM THE PES II W A. 311 large body of plundering horse and was cut up by the Duke of Wellington at Mankaisur, was treated with much favour by the Peshwa ; but Aljdulla Khan, a relative of the Nabob of Savanore, who committed the same offence at a subsequent period, was blown away from a gun. The other punishments were hanging, beheading, cutting to pieces with swords, and crushing the head with a mallet. Punishments, though public, were always executed with little ceremony or form. Brahmin prisoners, who could not be executed, were poisoned, or made away with by deleterious food ; bread made of equal parts of flour and salt was one of these. Women were never put to death ; long confinement, and the cutting off the nose, ears, and breast, were the severest punishments inflicted on them. Mutilation was very common, and the person who had his hand, foot, ears or nose cut oft", was turned loose as soon as the sentence was executed and left to his fate. Imprisonment in hill forts and in dungeons was common ; and the prisoners, unless they were people of considera- tion, were always neglected, and sometimes allowed to starve. Prisoners for theft were often whipped at intervals to make them discover where the stolen property was hidden. Hard labour, in building fortifications especially, was not unknown ; but, like most ignominious punish- ments, was confined to the lower orders. Branding with a hot iron was directed by the Hindu law, but I do not know that it was practised. Flogging with a martingale was very common in trifling oflences, such as petty thefts, etc. But the commonest of all punish- ments was fine and confiscation of goods, to which the Mamlutdar was so much prompted by his avarice, that it is often difficult to say whether it was inflicted as the regular punishment, or merely made use of as a pretence for gaining wealth. On the one hand, it seems to have 312 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES been the Maliratta practice to punish murder, especially if committed by a man of good caste, by fine ; but on the other, the Mamlutdars would frequently release Bhil robbers contrary to the established custom, and even allow them to renew their depredations, on the payment of a sum of money. No other punishment, it may be averred, was ever inflicted on a man who could afford to pay a fine ; and on the whole, the criminal system of the Mahrattas was in the last state of disorder and corruption. Judging from the impunity with which crimes might be committed under a system of criminal justice and prevauin poHce sucli as lias been described, we should crimes. |^g ledto faucy the Maliratta country a complete scene of anarchy and violence. No picture, however, could be further from the truth. The reports of the collectors do not represent crimes as particularly numerous. Mr. Chaplin, who has the best opportunity of drawing a comparison with our old provinces, thinks them rather rarer here and there. Murder for revenge, generally arising either from jealousy or disputes about landed property, and as frequently about village rank, is mentioned as the commonest crime among the Mahrattas. Arson and cattle-stealing, as a means of revenging wrongs, or extorting justice, is common in the Karnatik. Gang robberies and highway robbery are common, but are almost always committed by Bliils and other predatory triljcs, who scarcely form part of the society ; and they have never, since I have been in the countiy, reached to such a j)itcli as to bear a moment's comparison with the state of Bengal described in tlie papers laid before Parliament. It is of ^ast importance to ascertain the causes that counteracted the corruption and relaxation of the police, CONQUERED FROM THE RES II IV A. 313 and which kept this country in a state superior to our oldest possessions, amidst all the abuses and oppressions of a Native Government. The account for ■■■ '■ 1 • 1 llicir rarity. principal causes to which the disorders in Bengal have been attributed are : the over-popnlation, and the consequent degradation and pusillanimity of the people ; the general revolutions of property, in conse- quence of our revenue arrangements, which drove the upper classes to disaffection, and the lower to despera- tion ; the want of employment to the numerous classes, whether military or otherwise, who were maintained by the Native Government ; the abolition of the ancient system of police, in which, besides the usual bad effects of a general change, were included the removal of responsibility from the Zamindars ; the loss of their natural influence as an instrument of police ; the loss of the services of the village watchmen ; the loss of a hold over that class which is naturally disposed to plunder, and, in some cases, the necessity to which individuals of it were driven to turn robbers, from the resumption of their allowances ; the separation of the revenue, magis- terial, judicial, and military powers, by which all were weakened ; the further weakness of each from the checks imposed on it ; the delays of trials, the difficulties of con- viction, the inadequacy of punishment, the trouble and expense of prosecuting and giving evidence ; the re- straints imposed by our maxims on the assumption of power by individuals, which, combined by the dread of the Adalat, discouraged all from exertion in support of the police ; the want of an upper class among the natives, which could take the lead on such occasions ; and, to conclude, the small number of European magis- trates (who supply the place of the class last men- tioned), their want of connection and communication 314 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES with tlie natives, and of knowledge of their language and character. The Mahratta country presents, in many respects, a complete contrast to the above picture. The people are few compared to the quantity of arable land. They are hardy, warlike, and always armed till of late years. The situation of the lower orders was verj^ comfortable, and that of the upper prosperous. There was abund- ance of employment in the domestic establishments and foreign conquests of the nation. The ancient system of police was maintained. All the powers of the State were united in the same hands, and their rigour was not checked by any suspicions on the part of the Government, or any scruples of their own. In cases that threatened the peace of society, apprehension was sudden and arbitrary, trial summary, and punish- ment prompt and severe. The innocent might some- times suffer, but the guilty could scarcely ever escape. As the magistrates were natives, they readily understood the real state of a case submitted to them, and w'ere little retarded by scruples of conscience, so that prose- cutors and witnesses had not long to wait. In their lax system, men knew that if they were right in substance, they would not be questioned about the form ; and perhaps they likewise knew that if they did not protect themselves, they could not always expect protection from the magistrate, whose business was rather to keep down great disorder than to afford assistance in cases that might be settled without his aid. The Mamlutdars were themselves considerable persons, and there were men of property and consideration in every neighbour- hood ; Inamdars, Jahagirdars, or old /amindars. These men associated with the ranks above and below them, and kept up the chain of society to the Prince. By tins means the higher orders were kept informed of the situation CONQUERED EROM THE PESHWA. 315 of the lower ; and as there was scarcely any man without a patron, men might be exposed to oppression, but could scarcely suffer from neglect. Many of the evils from which this country has hitherto been exempt are inseparable from the intro- duction of a foreign Government ; but perhaps the e:reater may be avoided by proper pre- preserving an P "^ ^ i i i efficient Police. cautions. Many of the upper classes must sink into comparative poverty, and many of those who were employed in the court and army must absolutely lose their bread. Both of these misfortunes happened to a certain extent in the commencement of Baji Euv's reign ; but as the frame of Government was entire, the bad effect of these partial evils was surmounted. Whether we can equally maintain the frame of Govern- ment is a question that is j^et to be examined. The present sj'^stem of police, as far as relates to the villages, may be easilj^ kept up ; but I doubt whether it is enough that the village establishment be maintained, and the whole put under a Mamlatdar. The Patil's respectability and influence in his village must be kept up, by allowing him some latitude, both in the expendi- ture of the village expenses, and in restraining petty disorders in his village. So far from wishing that it were possible for the European officers to hear all com- plaints on such subjects, I think it fortunate that they have not time to investigate them, and think it desirable that the Mamlutdars also should leave them to the Patils, and thus preserve a power on the aid of which we must, in all branches of the Government, greatly depend. Zealous co-operation of the Patils is as essential to the collector of the revenue, and to the administration of civil justice, as to the police ; and it ought, therefore, b}^ all means to be secured. Too much care cannot be taken to prevent their duty 3t6 report on the TERRITORIES becoming irksome, and their influence impaired by bringing their conduct too often under the correction of their superiors. I -would lend a ready ear to all com- plaints against them for oppression, but I would not disturb them for inattention to forms ; and I would leave them at liberty to settle petty complaints their own way, provided no serious punishment were inflicted on either party. We may weaken the Patils afterwards if we find it necessary, and retrench their emoluments ; but our steps should be cautious, for if we once destroyed our influence over the Patils, or theirs over the people, we can never recover either. Care ought also to be taken of the condition of the village watchmen, whose allowance, if not sufficient to support him, and to keep him out of temptation to thieve, ought to be increased ; but it ought not to be so high as to make him inde- pendent of the community, and it ought always to be in part derived from contributions which may compel him to go his rounds among the villagers, as at present. If the village police be preserved, the next step is to preserve the efficiency of the Mamlatdar ; at present all powers are invested in that officer, and as long as the auxiliary horse and Sebandis are kept up he has ample means of preserving order. The only thing requisite at present is that the Mamlatdar should have higher pay to render him more respectable and more above temptation, and to induce the better sort of natives to accept the office. Wlien the Sebandis are reduced in numbers and the horse dis- charged, our means of preserving the police will be greatly weakened, at the same time that the number of enemies to the public tranquillity will be increased ; the number of Sel)andis now in our pay, by giving employ- ment to the idle and needy, contributes, I have no doubt, more than anything else to the remarkable good order CONQUERED EROM THE PES 1 1 W A. 317 "which this part of our new conquests has liitherto enjoyed. The Mamlatdar will also fool the want of many of the Jahagirdars and others of the upper class who used to aid his predecessors with their influence, and even with their troops. The want of that class will he still more felt as a channel through which Oovernment could receive the accounts of the state of the districts, and of the conduct of the Mamlutdars themselves. The cessation of all prospects of rise will of itself in a great measure destroy the connection between them and their rulers, and the natural distance which I am afraid must always remain between natives and English gentlemen will tend to complete the separation. Something may be done by keeping up the simplicity and equality of Mahratta manners, and by imitating the facility of access wliich was conspicuous among their Chiefs. On this also the continuance of the spirit of the people and of our ow^n popularity will probably in a great measure depend. Sir Henry Strachey, in his report laid before Parliament, attributes many of the defects in our administration in Bengal to the unmeasurable distance between us and the natives, and afterwards adds that there is scarcely a native in his district who would think of sitting down in the presence of an English gentleman. Here, every man above the rank of a Harkura sits down before us, and did before the Peshwa ; even a common Piayat, if he had to stay any time, would sit down on the ground. This contributes, as far as the mechanical parts of the society can, to keep up the intercourse that ought to subsist between the governors and the governed : there is, however, a great chance that it will be allowed to die away; The greater means of keeping it up, is for gentlemen to receive the natives often, when not on business. It must be owned there is a great difficult}' 3iS REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES iu this. The society of the natives can never be in itself agreeable ; no man can long converse with the generality of them without being provoked with their constant selfishness and design, wearied with their importimities, and disgusted with their flattery. Their own prejudices also exclude them from our society in the hours given up to recreation, and at other times want of leisure is enough to prevent gentlemen receiving them ; but it ought to be remembered that this intercourse with the natives is much a point of duty, and contributes as much towards good govern- ment as the details in which we are generally occupied. Much might likewise be done by raising our Mamlatdars to a rank which might render it creditable for native gentlemen to associate with them. It must be owned our Government labours under natural dis- advantages in this respect both as to the means of rendering our instruments conspicuous, and of attaching them to our cause. All j^laces of trust and honour must be filled by Europeans. We have no irregular army to afford honourable employment to persons incapable of being admitted to a share of the Govern- ment, and no court to make up by honours an empty favour for the absence of the other more solid objects of ambition. As there are no great men in our service, we cannot bestow the higher honours ; and the lower, on which also the natives set a high value — as the privilege of using a j^articular kind of umbrella, or of riding in a palanquin — cease to be honours under us, from tlicir being thrown open to the world. What honours we do confer are lost from our own want of respect for them, and from our want of sufficient discrimination to enable us to suit them exactly to the person and the occasion, on which circumstances the value of these fanciful distinctions entirely depends. CONQUERED FROM THE PESHWA. 319 To supply tlio place of these advantages, we have nothing left but good pay, personal attentions, and occasional commendations and rewards. The first object may be attained without much additional expense by enlarging the districts, diminishing the number of officers, and increasing their pay. The pay might also be augmented for length of service, or in reward of particular activity. It might be from 200 to 250 rupees at first, and increase one-sixth for every five years' service ; Khillats might also be given as occa- sional rewards for service ; and above all, lands for life, or even on rare occasions for two or three lives, or in perpetuity, ought to be given to old or to meritorious servants. Besides the immediate effect of improving the conduct of the Mamlatdars by these liberalities, the political advantage would be considerable by spreading over the country a number of respectable persons attached to the Government, and capable of explaining- its proceedings. If these grants could often be made hereditary w^e should also have a source from which hereafter to draw well-educated and respectable men to fill our public offices, and should found an order of families exactly of the rank in life which would render them useful to a Government circumstanced like ours. The Jahagir lands as they fall in might be applied to this purpose ; and I think it would be good policy to make the rules regarding the resumption at the death of the present incumbents much stricter, if they were to be applied to this purpose, since we should gain more of useful popularity by grants of this kind than we should lose by dispossessing the heirs of many of the present Jahagirdars. It would be a further stimulus to the Mamlatdars, at the same time that it contributed to the efficiency of the system, to put the office of Daftardar with the collector on such a footing as to render it a 320 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES sufficient object of emulation. For this purpose I would allow it 1,000 rupees a month, which, considered as the very highest salary to which a native could attain is surel}^ not too much. I have fixed these allowances below what I at first thought it expedient ; and in judging of their amount, the great difference in expense between this territory and the old provinces must be borne in mind. The pay of the common servants here is more than double what it is in Bengal. But if the proposed allowances should still seem more than the finances can bear, it ought to be recollected that economy, no less than policy, requires liberal pay where there is considerable trust, a maxim long since confirmed in its application to the natives by the experience and sagacity of General Munro. Having thus formed a chain from the Patil to the collector, and having provided them with such rewards as circumstances will admit, it is of at least equal importance to take care that they should bo punished for neglect. The proposed improvement in the situation of a Mamlatdar provides some means of punishing him by affording him allowances which it would be a serious misfortune to lose, and which would admit of his paying fines, by giving him a character that should make reproof a punishment and prospects which he would be unwilling to forfeit. Imprisonment or other punishment may be added if his offence were more than neglect. A still stronger responsibility must be imposed on the Patil, village watchmen ; and in villages where the Kulkarni manages, on him also. The practice of levying the value of the property lost on the village ought not, I tliink, to be entirely abandoned. I am aware that it has been objected to by the highest authorities, and that it is in reality harsh and often unjust ; but I think it better to regulate than CONQUERED EROM THE PESHWA. 321 abandon it. It is a coarse but effectual remedy against the indifference of the nei^^fhbourhood to the sufferings of individuals, and if the great secret of police be to engage many people in the prevention and punishment of crimes, it will not perhaps be easy to find a measure more advisable. It was adopted by our own early law- givers, and is not less suited to the state of society in India than it was in England under Alfred. When it is plain that a village could not prevent a robbery, the exaction of the money could of course be omitted ; but where there is either negligence or connivance, it ought to be levied either whole or in part. A fine would at all events be expedient in such a case, and this is a popular and established method of levying it : it keeps a heavy punishment hanging over every village where a robbery is committed, and throws the burden of j^roving its innocence upon it ; whereas a fine would require proof of actual connivance, and would after all be com- plained of as a hardship ; while a levy of the same sum in lieu of the property lost w^ould, if less than the value of the property, be felt as an indulgence. It appears an objection to this plan, that it affords the Mamlatdar an opportunity of collecting more than he brings to account, but in such a case the villagers will of course complain, as they alwaj's did when the money was taken from them unreasonably; and this abuse, like many others, must depend for a remedy on the vigilance of the collector. On this, indeed, it will have been long since observed, the whole system must depend, its object being to pro- vide sufficient powers, and leave it to the principal officer to guard against the abuse of them. That he will always succeed, is more than I would promise ; but perfection is not to be looked for, and we have only the choice of taking away from our agents the power to 21 322 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES do good, or leaYing them in some degree the power to do harm. Against this even a system of check and limitation will not always guard ; for a man may be careful not openly to commit irregularities, while he is secretly guilty of every sort of oppression. As long as the chief power in the district is in able hands, the good done by the inferiors on this system will far prepon- derate over the evil ; and if the collector be deficient, I am afraid that no distribution of powers would make up for his want of capacity, or do more than palliate or conceal the evils to which such a want would give rise. The highest rank in the chain under Government should be a Court, or an individual vested with a general control of all departments, who should be frequently in motion, and whose business should rather be to super- intend the whole system than to administer any part of it, and to see that essentials were attended to rather than rules were not violated. I would vest the fullest power over the officers under them in the collector, and in like manner it would be proper for Government to pay the utmost attention to the principal officer's recommendations, originating in the good or ill conduct of the collectors. So general a charge, of course, re- quires great industry and abilities : it is to be hoped such may be obtained ; and if they are not, I despair of supplying their place by any machiner}^ that can pos- sibly be invented. I have introduced those remarks under the police where they first occurred to me ; but it is evident they apply equally to any other branch of the Government. I now return to the police. The spirit of the people has been mentioned as of the first importance ; and although that may be ex- pected to flag under a foreign rule, and still more under a strong Government which protects all its subjects, and CONQUERED FROM THE PES 1 1 W A. 323 leaves no call for the exertion of their coura^'C and energy in their own defence, yet there are instances in some parts of our old territories of our subjects retaining their military spirit after they have lost their habits of turbulence, and we may hope to accomplish the same object here. The first step towards its attainment is to remove all obstructions to the use of arms. On our first conquest some restriction was necessary on persons travelling with arms ; but that has since been relaxed, and ought to be done away. Besides the advantage of arming the people for purposes of police, it would be useful even in cases of w^ar and insurrection, as the bulk of the people, even if disaffected, would be led, for the sake of their property, to employ their arms against our predatory enemies rather than against us. On the same principles villages should be encouraged to keep up their walls, and perhaps allowed some remission to enable them to repair them. It is important to the police that sudden discharges of Sibandies should for a long time be avoided, and the greatest encouragement given to the plan wdiich I have mentioned elsewdiere of settling that class on waste or other lands as a sort of local militia. It is to be con- sidered that the Mahrattas, besides losing what service they had under Baji Pu'iv, are now in a great measure shut up from those colonies in Hindustan that afiorded such a vent for the superfluous military population ; Holkar's and the Bhonsle's armies are now nearly anni- hilated, and it is much to be feared that Scindia's will diminish. Some rules are required regarding the receipts and sale of stolen or plundered property, regarding which the native practice was weak and irregular. I insert in this place some remarks on the manage- ment of the hill-tribes, which, though at jn-escnt it 21—2 324 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES belongs to police, might easily be raised by a wrong Management of system to importanco in a political view. The other^pvedafol-y plan whicli has been found most effectual in tnbes. ^^^ ^Y^ province, especially in the Bhaugal- pore hills and in the Jungle Mahals of Midnapore, is to govern this people through their native chiefs, whose assistance is rewarded by the support of Government, and in some cases by pecuniary allowances. This plan has been kept up here, as it had been by the Peshwa, after an unavailing attempt to manage the Bhils by force alone. It is the only one practicable until the gradual effects of civilization shall have under- mined the power of the chiefs, at the same time that it removes the necessity for their control over the people. The principal chiefs are at present allowed pensions, and a certain number of Bhils, of their selection, are also paid bj^ the Government. These measures at once fix them in the interest of Government, and secure their influence in their tribe. It is, however, necessary to guard against the abuses of this system, which are the chiefs harbouring thieves, or conniving at robbers, and their acquiring such an influence, as may tempt them to oppose the measures of Government. The flrst evil will be provided against by exacting strict responsibility from the chief, and fining or otherwise punishing him if frequent offences take place within his jurisdiction ; whether the punishment should be imprisonment or removal of the same family must depend on the notions of the Bhils, which ought to be investigated, not only for this purpose, but to prepare us for questions of disputed succession to chiefships, that we may not destroy the power of this engine of government by running counter to the opinion of the people whom it is to sway. For the other object, it is necessary to grant no increase, cither in extent of land iii CONQUERED FROM THE PESIIWA. 325 or in authority to any chief, without its being clearly necessary for repressing disorder, which necessity is not likely to be felt. The Bhils may also be gradually encouraged to settle in the plains, either as cultivators or as watchmen to villages, a change which would weaken the power of the chiefs by lessening the number of their retainers. In the meantime it will bo requisite to ascertain, with as much precision as the case admits of, the powers which the Bhil chiefs are in the habit of exercising under the old Government. This inquiry is indeed necessary, to prevent an in- experienced magistrate from interfering unintentionally with the privileges of those chiefs. The only innovations yet introduced by us into the form of the Mahratta police are our closer superin- tendence, and the prohibition of the indefinite present system confinement of suspected persons by the Patils and Mamlatdars ; but there must be a great difference in the spirit of our administration, and perhaps bad effects may be felt from it when the great awe with which we are now regarded is worn off, and when our principles come to be better understood. Though the natives put up with petty disorders, they checked great ones with a rough hand, and gave themselves no con- cern about the attendant evils. If robberies were com- mitted, they seized all the suspicious characters in the neighbourhood ; and if they succeeded in restoring quiet, they did not care though a hundred Ramoshis suffered imprisonment and torture without a fault. Such a course would not be thought of under our Government ; but we must consider how much our abstaining from such tyranny must weaken us, and must provide a remedy in some more tolerable shape. I am afraid that remedy is not to be found in our administration of Criminal Justice, which is next to be 32 6 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES examined. This differs greatly from the Mahratta Present system practice ; the power of punishing is taken " Jus™ from the Patail, and that which is left to the Mamlatdar is limited to a fine of two rupees and con- finement lor twenty-four hours. The powers of the collector are not less than those of a Sarsuhhedar, except in the article of inflicting capital j^unishment ; but his manner of exercising his power is altogether different. According to our practice, a prisoner is formally and publicly brought to trial. He is asked whether he is guily. If he admits it, pains are taken to ascertain that his confession is voluntary ; if he denies it, witnesses are called on without further inquiry. They are examined in the presence of the prisoner, who is allowed to cross-examine them, and to call witnesses in his own defence. If there is any doubt when the trial is concluded, he is acquitted ; if he is clearly guilty, the Shastri is called on to declare the Hindu law. It often happens that this law is unreasonable ; and when the error is on the side of severit5% it is modified ; when on the side of lenity, it is acquiesced in. The law officers are always present at those trials. In Khandesh a regular jury is generally assembled, who question the witnesses, and pronounce on the guilt of the accused. In Satara the political agent calls in several respectable persons, besides the law officers, and benefits by their opinion, both in the conduct of the trial and in determining the verdict. When the trial is concluded and the sentence passed, in cases of magnitude, it is reported for confirmation by the com- missioner, where the same leaning to the side of lenity is shown as in the Court itself. The punishments awarded by the Sliastris are as ollows : Death, which is executed in cases of murder, CONQUERED FROM THE PES HIV A. 327 and sometimes robbery accompanied with attempts to murder ; mutilation, which is commuted into imprison- ment with hard hibour ; and simple imprisonment, which is carried into effect. Women are never put to death, nor Brahmins, except in cases of treason, where, from the nature of our conquest, it was thought ne- cessary to hold out the severest punishment, even to Brahmins. When the guilt of the accused is not proved, very great caution has been enjoined in imprisoning him on suspicion ; it has, indeed, been recommended that no person should be so imprisoned unless notorious leaders of banditti ; and when any person does happen to be imprisoned for want of security, the period at which he is to be released is directed to be fixed. These rules are suggested by the injustice of subjecting a man to a greater punishment when his guilt is not proved than would be inflicted if it were, and by the apprehension that the magistrate would be apt to order perpetual imprisonment in this form without much reflection, because it appears to be only temporary and conditional restraint. The whole of this system is evidently better cal- culated for protecting the innocent from punishment, and the guilty from undue severity, than for Its defects securing the community by deterring from crimes. In the certainty and efficacy of punishment it has the same inferiority to the native system that the police has in detecting and seizing offenders. The natives seized men on slight suspicions, gave way to presumptions of guilt, forced confessions by torture, and inflicted punishments which, although they were in- human (or rather, because they were inhuman), wore effectual in striking terror. Our Government demurs about proofs, discourages and almost rejects confessions, 328 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES and never punishes while there is a possibility of the innocence of the accused. When it does punish, in its anxiety to prevent its inflictions fi'om being revolting to humanitj^ it prevents their being terrible to offenders. Even death is divested as much as possible of its horrors. No torments, no lengthened exposure, no effusion of blood, or laceration of members, even after life is extinguished. Some of these are properly re- jected as detestable in themselves ; others that would strike the imagination of the people are set aside, because they also strike the imagination of the legis- lator. Imprisonment with hard labour is our great resource next to death, and this is by no means one calculated to over-awe offenders. Our imprisonment is so carefully divested of all circumstances of terror, that there is nothing except the fetters that is likely to make the least impression on a native. To a European confinement is irksome, solitary confinement intolerable. Bread and water, or bad fare, bad lodging, public ex- posure, all are real evils to him ; but a native neither loses in point of food nor lodging ; and shame, I should think, had less efi'ect on him. In fact, by several of the reports from the districts (specially by Mr. Chaplin's answers to my queries), it appears that the imprisonment ordered by our officers is far from being looked on with dread, and that they think that, with the regular subsistence and comfortable blanket they get in gaol, they arc better off than they would be in their own villages. There are even instances — one at Sattara, and one in Puna — of people committing petty offences to procure the maintenance allowed to prisoners. Imprisonment, especiall}' when accompanied with labour, must, however, be a state of suffering to any man ; separation from family and friends must also be an aggravation ; and, on the whole, it would be absurd to CONQUERED FROM THE PES 1 1 \V A. 329 contend that imprisonment is no real liardsliip to a native. The worst of it is, that it is a hardship to the sufferer without seeming one to the spectators ; and if, as I fancy is the case, on the present footing it is at least as ineffectual for reformation ; as, for example, it unites all the bad qualities that can be combined in a punishment. If to make up for our defects in con- victing offenders, and in punishing them when convicted, we have recourse to imprisonment also, explaining that in this case it is not meant as a punishment, we complete the destruction of its use for example. In short, it may be questioned whether our system does not occasion as much suffering as the native one ; but it is spread over a greater surface, and therefore makes less show, and neither shocks the legislator nor alarms the criminal. These evils have often been remarked before ; it is easier to point them out than to suggest a remedy, and greater experience might perhaps only show in^provemcnts more clearly the difficulties to be overcome. «"8^«'^'''^<=^'- It is possible that every civilized Government may not be suited to a society on a less advanced stage, and that coarse expedients, at which our minds revolt, may be the only ones likely to check those evils which origi- nate in the barbarism of the people. I shall, however, notice a few points, from the consideration of which some profit may be gained. Too much care cannot be taken to prevent forced confessions — that is, confessions extorted by fear or tor- ture ; but there ought to be no scruple in getting at the truth by cross-examinations of the accused. An inno- cent man cannot criminate himself, and it is well that a guilty man should do so. The magistrate ought to have the assistance of some intelligent natives of his own chosing at the trial. Their 330 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES knowledge of the people would often lead to discoveries of the truth that might escape a European ; but it is better that the conduct of the trial and the decision should rest with the magistrate. The Panchayats in Khandesh have answered better than might have been expected ; but Captain Briggs has pointed out many in- conveniences in that mode of trial, and it is obvious that where a Brahmin on one hand, or a Bhil on the other, w^as to be tried, it would be too much to expect unprejudiced decision. The Shastri ought still to attend, and to be consulted ; but we ought not to be guided by the Hindu law, which is a new introduction of our own. The customary punishments for the most usual offences might easily be ascertained and modified ; thus highway robbery and gang robbery (which the* natives always punished wdth death) might be changed into perpetual imprisonment, unless attended with wounding or attempt to murder. The Hindu punish- ments might also be exchanged for such as we can exe- cute, and thus when we did succeed in convicting an offender, there would be no longer a chance of his escaping by the absurdity of the sentence. Some of the Hindu punishments are too dreadful to be inflicted, others are too trifling to be of any use in deterring. The Hindu law officer at Ahmednagar sentenced one man to be thrown from a height upon a spike, and another to be fined six fanams for the same offence, because in one case the stolen property had been acci- dentally recovered, and in the other it had not. Caste also had great weight in determining the punishment ; and this ought, to a certain extent, to be attended to still, because an opposite conduct shocks the prejudices of the people, which, unless we conciliate, all our justcst sentences will be looked on as tyranny. Our punishments, I should think, might be made more in- CONQUERED EROM THE PESHWA. 331 tense, but shorter ; severe flogging, solitary confinement in dungeons for short periods, bad fare, severe labour, and similar punishments, always so guarded as to pre- vent their endangering life or health. Transportation seems a good punishment, provided it be for life ; but the return of a convict destroys the mysterious horror which would otherwise be excited by the sentence. Hanging in chains will probably make a great impres- sion, if not too shocking to the prejudices of the natives, which I apprehend it is not. As much form as possible should be thrown into all punishments, especially capital ones ; and great care should be taken to suit the forms to the native ideas. They have themselves an excellent practice of exposing persons about to suffer death on a camel, stripped of some of their clothes, with their hair loose and covered with red powder, and with flowers, as is usual with a corpse when carried to the funeral pyre. Some of the most terrible modes of capital punishment might be retained when they do not add to the sufferings of the criminal ; beheading and blowing away from a gun are of this nature, but they ought to be reserved for great crimes. The opinions of natives ought, however, to be taken, and may be reckoned conclusive on subjects depending on feeling and on associations. In cases where the judge, though not satisfied of the guilt of the prisoner, is still less satisfied of his innocence, it seems imprudent to turn liim loose to prey on society, and yet it is difficult to say on what grounds to detain him. Are we to award a less severe and more remediable punishment ? or are we to declare the prisoner innocent, but im- prison him if he cannot give security ? The former seems to strike at the foundations of justice, and the latter destroj^s the force of example. Means might per- haps be found to manage the imprisonment of suspected 332 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES persons in such a manner as to preserve the distinction between their treatment and that of convicts. Their place of confinement might be more like a workhouse than a prison. They might be taught trades, and allowed the fruit of their own industry, either in clothes and food at the time, or in a sum of money to be given at their release. Mr. Bruce, the judge of Bellary, has long since introduced the manufacture of blankets and some other articles into his gaol, and all the paper used in the neighbouring Katcheries is the work of his con- victs. A place might be constructed for their residence which might combine the plan so much recommended by Mr. Bentham, with the economical arrangement suggested in Bengal. A circular or octagon wall, with an open arcade or tiled veranda to run all round inside, deep enough to afford shelter, and deep enough for con- cealment ; this veranda to be partitioned off into cells with walls, and to be shut in with an iron grating or a deep ditch in front to prevent the prisoners meeting in the open space in the middle. Each cell might con- tain from two to eight prisoners, who would thus be cut off from the corruption that is always found in crowded prisons ; and a wall across the middle of the court might make a still more complete division, so as to admit the convicts, if necessary, into the same en- closure. In the centre should be a circular building for the gaoler, from which he might see into every cell in both courts, while he himself was concealed by blinds. Frequent visits from the European authorities would be sufficient to complete the supervision. Per- sons less suspected might be consigned to the care and responsibility of the Batils of their villages, on the plan practised by Mr. J3aylcy at ]jurdwan ; and there arc cases where wandering and thievish tribes might be seized and compelled, on pain of imprisonment, to CONQUERED FROM THE PES 1 1 W A. 333 reside in pcarticular villap^es, accortling to the plan rc- <;ommeu(led b}^ General Munro in his letter on the police of the ceded districts. It is to be observed, in respect to the confinement of suspected persons, that the practice is much less objectionable towards particular castes than others. Some avow that they were born and bred robbers, and that it was the intention of Providence that they should remain so. Surely society is entitled to take measures against men who set out with so open a declaration. These are all the suggestions that occur to mo, except that the powers of the Mamlatdar should be augmented to allow his punishing petty affrays, which ought never to go beyond the Paragna, and that the Patil should be permitted to exercise a similar autho- rity to the very limited extent that is requisite to keep up his influence in his village. I may here say something of the moral character of the people. Falsehood in all shapes pervades all ranks ; and adultery and prostitution are com- Mo^ai character mon in the upper classes, but in them alone. °f"^ep^op'°- Drunkenness, the peculiar vice of the lower orders, is almost unknown in the Mahratta country, which has thence a decided superiority in morals over the old provinces. It arises from the discouragement to the sale of spirituous liquors, and as the revenue from that source is insignificant, we should probably do well to prohibit it altogether. Public opinion, and above all the opinion of the caste, and the dread of expulsion, are the restraint on vices. These powers arc, in the Mahratta country, in the hands of the whole caste. In the Karnatik there are regular censors to each caste, called Ganacharies, besides religious Gurus invested with great power. But these institutions are converted into the means of gain, and the morals of the people oo4 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES are there decidedly worse than in the Mahratta country. The other vices are not more rare, and drunkenness is common in addition. I do not perceive anything that we can do to improve the morals of the people except by improving their education. There are already schools in all recomme™ded towus, aud iu mauy villages ; but reading is confined to Brahmins, Banyans, and such of the agricultural classes as have to do with accounts. I am not sure that our establishing free schools would alter this state of things, and it might create a sus- picion of some concealed design on our part. It would be more practicable and more useful to give a direction to the reading of those who do learn, of which the press affords so easily the means. Books are scarce, and the common ones probably ill chosen ; but there exist in the Hindu languages many tales and fables that would be generally read, and that would circulate sound morals. There must be religious books tending more directly to the same end. If many of these w'ere printed and distributed cheaply or gratui- tously, the effect w^ould, without doubt, be great and beneficial. It would, however, be indispensable that they should be purely Hindu. We might silently omit all precepts of questionable morality, but the slightest infusion of religious controversy would secure the failure of the design. It would be better to call the prejudices of the Hindus to our aid in reforming them, and to control their vices by the ties of religion, which are stronger than those of law. By maintaining and purifying their present tenets at the same time that we enlighten their understandings, W'c shall bring them nearer to that standard of perfection at which all concur in desiring that they should arrive ; while any attack on their faith, if successful, might be CONQUERED FROM THE PESIIWA. 335 expected in theory, as is found in practice, to shake their reverence for all religion, and to set them free from those useful restraints which even a superstitious doc- trine imposes on the passions. In my letter No. 78, I proposed that 200,000 rupees should be set aside for religious expenses, in- cluding two colleges. The large religious expenses that fall on the net revenue in the districts induces me to alter this suggestion, and to propose modifying an expenditure which is already directed to an object of this nature in such a manner as to render it more use- ful. There was in the Peshwa's time an annual distri- bution of charity, called the Dakshna, which used to cost five lacs of rupees. The plan was originally to give prizes to learned Brahmins ; but as a handsome sum was given to every claimant, however ignorant, to pay his expenses, the institution degenerated into a mere giving of alms. The abolition of this practice was extremely unpopular, but the sum was too enormous to waste ; I therefore did it away all but the original distribution of prizes, which cost last year 50,000 rupees. This expenditure must still be kept up, but most of the prizes, instead of being conferred on pro- ficients in Hindu divinity, might be allotted to those most skilled in more useful branches of learning — law, mathematics, etc. ; and a certain number of professors might be appointed to teach those sciences. These means, with the circulation of a few well-chosen books, such as I believe are now printed at Calcutta, would have a better and more extensive effect than a regular college, and would cost much less to the Government. I shall therefore avail myself of the permission formerly given to me, and put such an establishment in train. 336 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES CIVIL JUSTICE. It is necessary to examine the native system of Civil Justice with attention, and ascertain its success in affording protection to men's rights. If this Mahratta i i t t j • i • n i system of should provc even moderate, it will scarcely be thought advisable to attempt any altera- tions ; but if the plan be found inadequate to the end required, it will be necessary to see whether any altera- tions can be introduced to render it more efficient W'ithout changing its fundamental principles, or whether it is necessary to set it aside altogether, and to intro- duce a new system in its room. The authorities by whom Civil Justice was adminis- tered were the following : in the country the Patail, By whom ^^'^1' ^^^^^^ ^^^^ Mauilatdar and Sarsubhedars ; administered. ^^^ ^-^^^^^ ^^jj ^j^^ Peshwa, or hls Ministcr. Jahagirdars administered justice in their own lands ; the great ones with little or no interference on the part of the Government. In some towns there was a judicial officer, called the Nyaj'udhish, who tried causes under the Peshwa's authority, and any person whom the Peshwa pleased to authorize might conduct an investi- gation subject to his Highness's confirmation. If a complaint was made to a Patil, he would send for the person complained of; and if he admitted the debt, would interfere partly as a friend to settle the mode and time of payment. If the debt were disputed, and he and his Kulkarni could not by their own influence or sagacity effect a settlement to the satisfac- tion of both parties, the Patil assembled a Panchayat of inhabitants of the village, wdio inquired into the matter with very little form, and decided as they thought best ; but this decision could not take place Avithout the previous consent of the parties. CONQUERED FROM THE PESIIWA. 337 If the complainant were refused a Pancliayat or dis- approved of the decision, or if he thought proper not to apply to the Patil, he went to the Mamlatdar, who proceeded nearly in the same manner as the Patil ; with this addition, that he could compel the party com- j)lained of to submit to a Pancliayat, or else make satisfaction to the complainant. When there was a Sarsubhedar, the same process might he repeated with him or at Court. But in all this there was no regular appeal : the superior authority would not revise the decision of the inferior unless there had been some gross injustice or reason to suspect corruption. In cases of less purit}' — that is, in almost all cases — the superior was influenced in receiving the appeal by the considera- tion of the profit promised as a compensation for the trouble. Though the Government officer endeavoured himself to settle the dispute, and though it rested with him to decide whether or not the case required a Pancliayat, yet it was reckoned gross injustice to refuse one on a question at all doubtful, and it was always reckoned a sufficient ground for ordering a new investigation when there had been no Pancliayat. The Pancliayat may therefore be considered as the great instrument in the administration of justice, and it is of consequence to determine how the as- sembl}^ was constituted, what were its powers, and what its method of proceeding and enforcing or procuring the enforcement of its decrees. The members of a Pancliayat were generally selected by the officers of Government, by whom it was granted with the approbation of the parties, and often at their suggestion ; sometimes the parties chose an equal number each, and the officer named an umpire. A person on the part of Government not unfrequently 22 338 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES presided at Pancliaj^ats, especially at Puna, and directed their operations ; this officer must, however, be ob- jectionable to the parties. In affairs where Govern- ment was concerned, it ordered some of its own officers to investigate the matter ; but they were expected to be people not objected to by the other party. The mem- bers were people of the same situation in life as the parties, or people likely to understand the subject in discussion ; as bankers in a matter of account : Desh- mukhs and Deshpandes when the suit was about land. Their number was never less than five, but it has been known to be as great as fifty. The number was re- quired to be odd. It generally met at the house of the officer who summoned it. In villages the Patil got some of the most intelligent and impartial Kayats to sit under a tree, or in the Temple, or Choultri. Nobody attended on the part of the Government ; and as the submission of the parties was voluntary, their wishes were of course more attended to than elsewhere. The consent of the mem- bers, however, was everywhere reckoned essential to a Panchayat ; and the first act of the meeting was to take a Eajinama, or acknowledgment, of such a consent. Securit}^ was also not unfrequeutly taken for the parties complying with the award of the Panchaj^at. In petty disputes in villages, the parties gave two straws in token of submission, instead of a written Eajinama. It might be expected that so burdensome a duty would not be willingly undertaken, especially as there was no authorized fee to be gained by it ; but besides the compliment of being selected by the parties, there was the hope of presents from one or both, which it w^as not disgraceful to take, unless to promote injustice. The parties likewise entreated the persons they wished to accept the office, and the officer to Government CONQUERED FROM THE PES II W A. 339 added liis authority. It was, moreover, reckoned dis- gracefully selfish to refuse to serve on a Panchayat ; and as the man who was asked to be a member to-day might be a suitor to-morrow, he was obliged to afford the assistance which he was likely to require. It was rare, therefore, for people to refuse to serve, unless they had a good excuse. It was more difficult to procure their regular attend- ance when appointed, and this was generally effected by the entreaties of the party interested. The magis- trate also sent peons and injunctions to compel the presence of a person who had once agreed to become a member; and although he would receive a reasonable excuse, yet if he were really anxious for the speedy decision of the cause, he seldom failed in procuring attendance. Besides, there was no precision about the number of members required to attend ; so long as the parties were satisfied, all was thought to be regular enough. When an absent member returned, the past proceedings could be explained to him, and any further inquiry he desired carried on. When the Panchayat was assembled, if the defendant failed to attend, the Panchayat applied to the officer under whose authority it sat to summon him, unless a Karkun or a Peon had already been attached to it, to perform such duties on the part of the Government ; or the plaintiff, by constant demands and other modes of importunity, wearied him into submission. When the officer of Government had to compel his attendance, he sent a summons ; or, if that failed, placed a Peon over him, whom he was obliged to maintain, and imposed a fine of a certain sum a day till he appeared. The plaintiff's complaint was then read, and the defendant's answer received ; a replication and a rejoinder were sometimes added, and the parties were cross-questioned 22 2 340 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES by the Panchayat as long as they thought it necessary. At that time the parties were kept at a distance from their friends, but afterwards they might assist them as much as they chose. A man might, if it were incon- venient for him to attend, send Karkun in his service, or a rehition ; but the trade of a Vakil is not known : accounts and other written evidence were called for after the examination of the parties, and likewise oral evidence when written failed ; but a great preference was given to the evidence of written documents. The witnesses seemed to have been examined and cross- examined with great care, but the substance only of their evidence w\as taken down briefly without the questions, and generally in their own hand if they could write. The natives have not the same deference for testimony that we have ; they allow a witness no more credit than his situation and character and connection with the case entitle him to ; they also lay great stress on his manner and appearance while giving his testi- mony. Oaths were seldom imposed, unless there were reason to suspect the veracity of the witness, and then great pains were taken to make them solemn. When this examination was concluded, the Pan- chayat, after debating on the case, drew up an award (which was termed Saraunsh or summary) in wdiich they gave the substance of the complaint, and answer ; an abstract of each of the documents presented on either side ; a summary of the oral evidence on either side, with their own decision on the whole. A copy of the award was given to the successful party ; and to the loser, if he required it ; another copy was deposited with the officer of Government. In villages where was much less form, the Panchayat was often conducted in the way of conversation, and nothing was written but the decision, and sometimes not even that. In important CONQUERED FROM THE PESIIWA. 341 cases, however, all the usual writing was performed by the Kulkarni. Throughout the whole proceedings, the Panchayats appear to have been guided by their own notions of justice, founded no doubt on the Hindu law, and modi- fied by the custom of the country. They consulted no books, and it was only on particular points immediately connected with the Hindu law, such as marriage, or succession, that they referred to a Shastri for his opinion. On the report of the Panchayat, the officer of Government proceeded to confirm and enforce its decree : the Panchayat having no executive powers of its own. From this cause frequent references to the magistrate were required, and he was given a consider- able influence on the progress of the trial. If either party objected at this stage, and showed good reasons why the award should be set aside, the officer under whose authority it sat might require it to revise its sentence, or even grant a new Panchayat ; but this was not reckoned proper, unless corruption were strongly suspected. No other notice was taken of corruption, unless in such cases the decision of a Panchayat was always respected, as the proverbial expression of Pancli Par- meshwar ('A Panchayat is God Almighty') fully testifies. Even after an award was confirmed, an appeal lay to a higher authority, and a new Panchayat might be granted ; even a new Mamlatdiu' might revise the pro- ceedings under his predecessor. This was probably a stretch of power ; but everything under the Mahrattas was so irregular and arbitrary, that the limits of just authority can with difficulty be traced. In enforcing the decision, much of course depended on the power of the magistrate. If a Patil found the 342 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES party who gained the cause could not recover his due by the modes of private compulsion, hereafter described, he applied to the Mamlatdar to interpose his authority, and in cases where that was insufficient the Mamlatdar applied to the Government. It was in this manner that ordinary disputes were settled. Those about boundaries, which are extremely frequent (except in Khandesh), were settled by a Pan- chayat, composed of Deshmukhs, Deshpandes, Patils, and Kulkarnis, assisted by the Mahars of the disputing villages, who are the established guardians of land- marks and boundaries. They are also very frequently adjusted by ordeal, one mode of which is for the Patil to walk along the disputed boundary, bearing on his head a clod composed of the soil of both villages, kneaded up with various strange ingredients, and conse- crated by many superstitious ceremonies : if it hold together, the justice of his claims is established ; and if it break, he loses his cause. Many other sorts of ordeal are also performed with boiling oil, or by taking an oath and imprecating certain curses if it should be false. If no evil occur within a fixed time, the gods are conceived to have decided in the swearer's favour. These ordeals were not uncommon in all cases, as well as in boundary disputes, but chieflj^ when other means of ascertaining the truth had failed. Disputes about caste were settled by the caste, unless when a complaint of unjust expulsion took place, when the Government ordered a Panchayat of respectable persons of the caste from an unprejudiced part of the country. As it has been shown that Panchayats had no powers panc)iayatH, of tliclr owu, aud wcrc moreover somewhat how iUiHCtllblcd ; • L • L • 1 •!! !• and their mcrt, it IS ucccssary to examme the machmory enforced, by wliicli tlicy were kept in motion, and their CONQUERED FROM THE PESHWA. 343 resolutions carried into effect. It lias been observed, that in the country the Mamlatdurs, and the Patils under their authority, performed that duty. In some few towns there also were officers of Justice, called Nyayadhish. The proceedings of all these officers were of course very irregular, but the model may be learned by observing the proceedings of the Nyaj^adhish at Puna, during the long period when Ram Shas- tri was at the head of that Court, and when th^eTyVvudwsii Nana Fadnavis was Minister and Eegent. This was confessedly the period when the Mahratta Government was in the highest perfection, and Ram Shastri is to this day celebrated for his talents and integrity. A full account of that Court is given by Mr. Lumsden in his report of January 24th, from which much of what follows is extracted. Ram Shas- tri had several deputies, two of whom were almost as famous as himself, and it was by their assistance chiefly that his business was conducted. On receiving a complaint, a Peon or a Karkun, from Ram Shastri or from Nana Fadnavis, according to the consequence of the person, was sent to summon or to invite him to attend at Ram Shastri's. If this were refused, positive orders were repeated by Nana Fadna- vis ; and in the event of obstinate non-attendance, the house or lands of the defendant would be sequestrated till he appeared. In case of non-appearance from absence, trial, after many indulgent delays, went on, and the absence of the party was recorded, that he might have a new- trial on his return if he accounted for his absence ; in cases of land, no decision was final in a man's absence. Evidence was summoned in the same form as the de- fendant ; and if the witness were poor, the person who summoned him paid his expenses. If the witness lived 344 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES at a distance, or if attendance were inconvenient, a deputation from the Court, with some person from the parties, was sent to take his evidence, and the Mam- latdar gave his aid to the process ; or if the witness Hved very far off, a letter was written, requesting him to state the facts required. When the witness was a man of rank, a deputation would be sent to him from the Government, accompanied by parties who went as supplicants for his aid rather than as checks on his mis-statement, and he was solicited to relate what he knew, which was repeated in the Court. Even if the witness were not of such rank as to prevent his coming to the Court, still if he were a man of any consequence, he was received as a visitor, and the questions were put to him in the way of conversation, and with all the usual forms of civility. When persons of this character were the defendants, instead of summoning them to the Nyay.'idhish, a letter was written by Nana Fadnavis, desiring them to settle the complaint. If this did not succeed, the Vakil was spoken to ; and ultimately they experienced the dis- pleasure of Government, or part of their land was made over to the creditor. Generally, however, great favour was shown to men of rank. If the plaintiff was also a man of rank, a Panchayat of men of the same con- dition would be appointed if all other means failed. One of the enclosed translations (No. 19) is an award in a case where the ancestors of Juan Rav Nimbalkar, a Jahagirdar of the highest rank, were the parties. The proceedings were much the same as those I have already mentioned to have been practised in the dis- tricts, but more was done in writing than elsewhere. To give a clear idea of the manner in which Panchayats proceeded, I have the honour to enclose the award of one conducted under the superintendence of Earn Shastri CONQUERED FROM THE PESIIWA. 345 (No. 20) ; and decision in a simple case of the i)resent da.y (No. 21). The Pancliayats were more frequently named by the parties than the judge ; but Ram Shnstri and liis deputies seem frequently to have presided at the trial, the Panchayat performing nearly the same functions as a jury in England. A good deal of the investigation seems to have been entrusted to Ram Shastri's Kar- kuns, who reported to him and the Panchayat ; and in the decree the names of the members of the Panchayat are not mentioned, even when it is merely a repetition of their award. The decision was always in the Peshwa's name, and in all cases of magnitude required his signature ; all cases relating to land were of this description, and the same holds all over the country, where claims to land are considered more immediately under the superintendence of Government. It was not unusual, in the country as well as in Puna, for a Government officer to receive the complaint and answer with the documents, and the written evidence of wit- nesses, and lay the whole in this shape before the Panchayat, who could call for more evidence if they required it. Much time must have been saved by this arrangement, but it gave the officer of Government considerable opportunities of imposing on the Pan- chayat. The members of the Panchayat received no fee, but when they had much trouble the winner of the suit made them openty a present for their pains. A sum of money was likowiso levied for the Govern- ment from the winner, under the name of Harki, which I believe means congratulatory offering ; and from the loser, under the name of Gunhegari, or fine. These Gunhegaries varied with the means of litigants, but in revenue accounts I observe that one-fourth of the property is always put down as the price paid for justice by the plaintiff when he wins his cause. 346 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES The plaintiff losing his cause was obliged to pay the expenses of the defendant, if the latter were poor. No regular monthly or other returns of causes de- cided were made out. When a cause was decided against the defendant, the Court settled the mode of payment with reference to his circumstances, either ordering immediate payment, or directing payment by instalments, or granting the debtor, if entirely destitute of the means of payment, an exemption from the demands of his creditor for a certain number of years. When a matter had once come to a trial, it was always expected that Government should enforce the decision ; but with the irregularity so characteristic of the Mahrattas, the plaintiff was often permitted to enforce them himself; and this was effected by means of the system called Takkaza, which, though it strictly means only dunning, is here employed for everything, from simple importunity up to placing a guard over a man, preventing his eating, tying him neck and heels, or making him stand on one leg, with a heavy stone on his head, under a vertical sun. It is remarkable that in all claims (except for land) when the plaintiff has the power, this Tukkaza is the first step in the suit ; and it is not until the person who suffers by it complains of excessive or unjust Tukkaza, that the Government takes any concern in the cause. Tliis in some measure accounts for the ready acquies- cence to defendants in the nomination of Panchayats, etc., and it is indeed employed intentionally as a means of accomplishing that end. When Government enforced the debt, it used nearly the same severities as indivi- duals ; it also seized and sold the property of the debtor, luit generally spared his house, and took care not to reduce liini entirely to ruin. It likewise often CONQUERED FROM THE PESIIWA. 347 fixed instalments, by which his debt was gradiiallj^ to be liquidated. Peoj)le were never put in any public prison for private debt, though sometimes confined or tormented by the creditor at his house or in that of his patron, and in rare cases when agreed on in the bond made to serve him till the amount of their nominal wages equalled that of the debt. Fair bankrupts seem to have been let off pretty nearly as with us. Fraudulent ones were made to pay when discovered, notwithstanding previous release. The great objects of litigation are stated in the replies of the local officers to my queries to be : Boundary disputes ; division of property on the separation of fixmilies ; inheritance to land, which is perhaps the greatest source of litigation throughout the whole country, even in Khandesh, where waste land is so abundant. Debts to bankers are also frequently subjects for suits. The judicial system, which has just been described, is evidentl}' liable to great objections, and accordingly in the best of times its success seems to have been /. , rm IT Defects and very imperfect. Ihere was no regular ad- abuses of ..... n • .- I • r. the system. mmistration 01 justice : no certain means 01 filing a suit, and no fixed rules of proceeding after it had been filed. It rested with the officer of Govern- ment applied to, to receive a complaint or to neglect it altogether. The reception of an appeal from his in- justice equally depended on the arbitrary will of his superior. The other occupations of these officers ren- dered it difficult for them to attend to judicial affairs even if well disposed, and these occupations increasing with the rank of the officer, the Peshwa (or the IMinister) who was the mainspring of the whole machine, must have been nearly inaccessible to all men, and entirely 348 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES SO to the poor. The power of the local officer must also have had a tendency to check appeals, and even to restrain the demand for Panchayats in cases where he was desirous of deciding in person ; and this desire ^vould chiefly be felt in cases where he had an inclina- tion to be the friend of one party, or where he hoped to make something by selling his favour to both. In short, there can be little doubt of the difficulty of get- ting justice, unless by means of bribery or of powerful friends. The Panchayats themselves were open to corruption and to partiality, and when free from those stains they w^ere still slow and feeble in their motions and uncer- tain in their resolutions. When the Panchayat was assembled, which from its interference with the pursuits and interests of the members must have been a matter of difficult and rare occurrence, it had not sufficient powers to seize the defendant, to summon the witnesses, or to compel the production of documents ; in the event of any opposition it must apply to the officer of Govern- ment, and thus, besides unavoidable delay, it was exposed to constant obstruction from his indolence and want of leisure, and even from his corruption. If a deputy of the Government officer sat with it to execute those duties, it was still liable to be obstructed from corruption, and was besides exposed to the influence of the Kiirkun, who presided. When it had got possession of the evidence, the members were not calculated to decide on nice or intricate causes ; and if they were perplexed they met without coming to a decision, or allowed the matter to lie over until some circumstance prevented the necessity of meeting any more. Very great delay took place from these causes, and trials were often left entirely unlinished. When members were chosen by the parties and interested in their cause, CONQUERED FROM THE PES 1 1 IV A. 349 they were rather advocates than jiulf^es, and their dis- putes produced as much delay as the neglect of the others. When they were impartial they were in- different and irresolute, unless some member, and very likely one who was stimulated into activity by a bribe, took the trouble of deciding off the hands of his col- leagues, and procured their consent to a decision of his own. When their award was signed the Panchayat dissolved, and their decree remained with the local officer to enforce or neglect, as he chose. Where so much was left arbitrar}^ there was of course much corruption ; and it is very frequent now to have a complaint from a man who has a decision of old standing (even from the Nyayudhish at Puna) which he has not been able to get enforced. Even when the decree of a Panchayat was passed and executed, one would think it must, from the way in which the assembly was constituted, have had little good effect beyond the case it had tried ; for as there was no written law, and as Panchayats were composed of men of different habits and conditions, their awards must be supposed to have varied, so as to afford no great certainty beforehand as to the decision to which any Panchayat would come, and this uncertainty must have led unceasingly to new litigation. All accounts, it must be owned, agree in representing the knowledge of the common people in the customary law of their country, and consequently the uniformitj^ of their decisions when formed into Panchayats, is far beyond what could be expected ; but the inconvenience alluded to must still, to a certain extent, have existed. The want of principle in the rulers was another cause of uncertainty and litigation. No decision was final; a new Mamlatdar or a new Minister might take up a cause his predecessor had decided ; the same man 350 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES might revise his o\w\ decisions from corrupt motives ; and there was as much difficulty in being exempt from an unjust revision, as it has ah'eady been shown there was in obtaining a just one. If this were the state of things under Nana Fadna- vis, it was doubtless worse under Baji Eav. The farming system made over each district to the highest bidder, who was generally the most unprincipled man about the Court ; and as full support was requisite to enable him to pay his revenue, it consigned the people to his oppression without a remedy. The farmer's whole time and thoughts were occupied in realizing his revenue. Justice was openly sold, and except as a marketable commodity, it was never thought of. The party in the wrong could always, by a bribe, prevent his cause going to a Panchayat, or overturn the decision of one. An appeal lay from the under-farmer to the upper, whose income depended on the exactions of the authorities below him ; and from him to the Minister, who never received a complaint without a present ; or to the Peshwa, who never received one at all. In consequence the Government afforded little justice to the rich, and none to the poor. But with all these defects, the Mahratta country flourished, and the people seem to have been exempt from some of the evils which exist under our thelfcMects more perfect Government. There must, there- uiid abuses. /. i i -, . ■, lore, have been some advantages m the system to counterbalance its obvious defects, and most of them appear to me to have originated in one fact, that the Government, although it did little to obtain justice for the people, left them the means of procuring it for themselves. The advantage of this was particularly felt among the lower orders, who are most out of reach of their rulers, and most apt to be neglected under all CONQUERED FROM THE PES II IV A. 351 Governments. By means of the Pancliayat, they were enabled to effect a tolerable dispensation of justice among themselves ; and it happens, that most of the objections above stated to that institution do not apply in their case. A Patil was restrained from exercising oppression both by the fear of the Mamlatddr and by the incon- venience of offending the society in which he lived ; and wdien both parties were disposed to a Pancliayat, he had no interest in refusing his assistance to assemble one. A Pancliayat can scarcely be perplexed in the simple causes that arise under its own eyes, nor can it easily give a corrupt decision when all the neighbours know the merits of the case. Defendants, witnesses, and members are all within the narrow compass of a village ; and where all are kept from earning their daily bread during the discussion, there is not likely to be much needless complaint or affected delay. This branch of the native system, therefore, is excel- lent for the settlement of the disputes of the Eayats among themselves ; but it is of no use in protecting them from the oppression of their superiors, and it is evident that the plan of leaving the people to them- selves could never have been sufficient for that purpose. But here another principle comes into operation. The" whole of the Government revenue being derived from the Piayat, it was the obvious interest of Government and its agents to protect him, and prevent his being exposed to any exactions but their own. The exactions of Government were limited in good times by the con- viction that the best way to enrich itself was to spare the Kayats ; and those of its agents, by the common interest of Government, and the Puiyats in restraining their depredations. By these principles, while the native Government was good, its Eayats were tolerably 352 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES protected both from the mjustice of their neighbours and tyranny of their superiors, and that class is the most numerous, most important, and most deserving portion of the community. It was in the class above this that the defects of the judicial system were most felt, and even there they had some advantages. As the great fault of Government was its inertness, people were at least secure from its over-activity. A Government officer might be induced by a bribe to harass an individual, under colour of justice ; but he could not be compelled, by the mere filing a petition, to involve those under his jurisdiction in all the vexations of a lawsuit. Even when bribed, he could not do much more than harass the individual ; for the right to demand a Panchayat was a bar to arbitrary decrees, and although he might reject or evade the demand, yet the frequent occurrence of a course so contrary to public opinion could not escape his superiors, if at all inclined to do justice. The inertness of Government was counteracted by various expedients which, though objectionable in them- selves, supplied the place of better principles. These were private redress, patronage, and presents. The first occupies the same place in civil justice that private revenge does in criminal among still ruder nations. It is this which is called Tukkaza by the Mahrattas, and which has already been mentioned as so important in l)ringing on a trial. If a man have a demand from his inferior, or his equal, he places him under restraint, prevents his leaving his house, or eating, and even compels him to sit in the sun until he comes to some accommodation. If the debtor were a superior, the creditors had first recourse to supplications and appeals to the honour and sense of shame of the otlier party : he laid himself on his threshold, threw himself on his CONQUERED FROM THE PESHWA. 353 road, clamoured before his door, or lie employed others to do all this for him : he would even sit down and fast before the debtor's door, during which time the other was compelled to fast also, or he would appeal to the gods and invoke their curses upon the person l)y whom he was injured. It was a point of honour with the natives not to disturb the authors of these impor- tunities, so long as they were just, and some satisfac- tion was generally procured by means of them. If they were unjust, the party thus harassed naturally concurred with the plaintiff in the wish for a Pan- chayat, and thus an object vv^as obtained which might not have been gained from the indolence of the magis- trate. Similar means were employed to extort justice from the ruling power. Standing before the residence of the great man, assailing him with clamour, holding up a torch before him by daylight, pouring water, without ceasing, on the statues of the gods. These extreme measures, when resorted to, seldom failed to obtain a hearing, even under Baji Eav, and there was the still more powerful expedient, both for recovering a debt or for obtaining justice, to get the whole caste, village, or trade, to join in performing the above cere- monies until the demand of one of its members were satisfied. The next means of obtaining justice was by patronage. If a poor man had a master, a landlord, a great neighbour, or any great connection, or if he had a relation who had a similar claim on a groat man, he could interest him in his favour and procure his friendly intercession with the debtor ; his application to the friends of the latter, or finally his interest with the public authority, to obtain justice for his client. This principle was not so oppressive as it seems at first sight, or as it must have been if it had been 354 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES partial, for it was so extended that scarcely any man •was without some guardian of his interests. Both sides in a cause were thus brought nearly equal, and the effect of the interference of their patrons was to stimulate the system, which might otherwise have stood still. If this resource failed, a present or the promise of a present to the public authority or those who had weight with him would be efficacious. The fee of one- fourth of all property gained in lawsuits was, in fact, a standing bribe to invite the assistance of the magis- trate. The number of persons who could grant Panchayats also expedited business. Besides the Nytiyadhish and the numerous Mamlatdars and Jahagirdars, many people of consequence could hold Panchayats under the express or implied authority of the Peshwa, and every chief settled the disputes of his own retainers, whether among themselves or with others of the lower and middle classes. A great number of disputes w^ere also settled by private arbitration, and their proceed- ings, in the event of an appeal, were treated by the Government with the same considerations as those of Panchayat held under its own authority. Thus some sort of justice was obtained, and it was less impure than might be expected, from the sources by which it was supplied, because public opinion and the authority of the magistrate set bounds to Tukkaza, and the institution of Panchayats was a restraint on patronage and bribery. The Panchayat itself, although in all but village causes it had the defects before ascribed to it, possessed many advantages. Though each might be slow, the number tliat could sit at a time, even under the superin- te2idcnce of one person, nmst liave enabled them to CONQUERED FROM THE RESIIWA. 355 decide many causes. The intimate acquaintance of the members with the subject in dispute, and in many cases with the characters of the parties, must have made their decisions frequently correct ; and it was an advantage of incalcuhible vahie in that mode of trial that the judges, being drawn from the body of the people, could act on no principles that were not generally understood, a circumstance which, by prevent- ing uncertainty and obscurity in the law, struck at the very root of litigation. The liabilitj^ of Panchayats to corruption was checked by the circumstance that it did not so frequently happen to one man to be a member as to make venality very profitable, while the parties and the members being of his own class he was much exposed to detection and loss of character. Accord- ingly, the Panchayat appear, even after the corrupt reign of Baji Rav, to have retained in a great degree the confidence of the people, and they do not appear to have been unworthy of their good opinion. All the answers to my queries (except those of the collector of Ahmednagar) give them a very fovourable character ; and Mr. Chaplin, in particular, is of opinion that in most instances their statement of the evidence is suc- cinct and clear, their reasoning on it solid and perspi- cuous, and their decision, in a plurality of cases, just and impartial. Their grand defect was procrastination, and to counteract it the suitors had recourse to the same remedies as with people in power — importunity, inter- cession of patrons, and sometimes, no doubt, to pro- mises, fees, and bribes. It is impossible to form very clear notions on the general result of this administration, cither as . . General result. to its despatch of causes, the degree of justice actualty administered by it, or its efifect on the cha- 356 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES racter of the people ; but I should conjecture that simple causes were speedily decided, and complicated ones very slowly. The Nyayadhish principally tried the latter description, and in twenty years it filed less than 1,400 causes, of which it is believed that one-half were never decided. Panchayats appear generally to have given just decisions, but men in power could obstruct a refer- ence to those assemblies, and could prevent the execu- tion of their decrees. That justice w^as often denied, or injustice committed, appears from the frequency of Thullee, which is a term for robbery, arson, and even murder, committed to oblige a village or Government officer to satisf}^ the claims of the perpetrator. This crime is commonest to the southward of the Krishna, but murders on account of disputes about landed property are everywhere frequent. With regard to its effect on the character of the people, the Eayats seem in most respects simple and honest, but there is no regard for truth or respect for an oath throughout the whole com- munity ; and forgery, intrigue, and deceit are carried to the highest pitch among the Patils, Kulkarnis, and all who have much opportunity of practising those iniquities. There is no punishment for perjury or forger}^ In the annexed award of a Panchayat (No. 2), it appears that thirty-three persons entered into an engagement to swear to anything that one of the parties might dictate, and for this complicated offence they were mildly reprimanded by the Nyayadhish. Litigious- ness does not seem to have been at all prevalent, unless the obstinacy with which people adhered to any claims to landed property can be brought under that head. Comparison of Sucli arc thc advautagos and disadvantages of'' the ''"S of the native administration of justice which of'ti.rA.iai-.T are to be weighed against those of the plan adopted in our provinces. If we were obliged to take CONQUERED EROM THE PESIIWA. 357 them as they stood under the Native Government, the scale would probably soon be turned ; but as it is pos- sible to invigorate the system and to remove its worst abuses, the question is not so easily decided. The most striking advantages in our plan appear to be — that the laws are fixed, and that as means are taken to promul- gate them they may be known to everyone ; that the decisions of the Adalat, being always on fixed prin- ciples, may always be foreseen ; that there is a regular and certain mode of obtaining redress ; that the decision on each separate case is more speedy than in any native court, and that it is more certain of being enforced ; that justice may be obtained by means of the Adalat, even from officers of Government, or from Government itself; that the judges are pure, and their purity and correctness are guarded by appeals ; and that the whole system is steady and uniform, and is not liable to be biassed in its notions by fear or affection, policy or respect. On the other hand, it appears that although the regu- lations are promulgated, yet, as they are entirely new to the people of India, a long time must pass before they can be generally known, and as both they and the de- cisions of the Court are founded on European notions, a still longer period must elapse before their principles can be at all understood ; that this obscurity of itself throws all questions relating to property into doubt, and produces litigation, which is further promoted by the existence of a class of men rendered necessary by the numerous technical difficulties of our law, whose sub- sistence depends on the abundance of lawsuits ; that by these means an accumulation of suits takes place, which renders the speedy decision of the x\dalat of no avail ; that the facility given to appeals takes away from the advantage of its vigour in enforcing decrees, and renders 358 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES it on the whole, in many cases, more feeble and dilatory than even the Panchayat, while in others it acts with a sternness and indifference to rank and circumstances very grating to the feelings of the natives ; that its control over the public officers lessens their power without removing the principle of despotism in the Government, or the habits engendered by that principle in the people, and that by weakening one part of the machine without altering the rest, it produced derange- ment and confusion throughout the whole ; that the remoteness of the Adalat prevents the access of the common people, and that if Munsiffs with fees. Vakils, etc., be adopted to remedy this evil, they are not exempt from the corruption of the native system, while they occasion in a remarkable degree the litigious spirit peculiar to ours. This view of the Adalat is taken from the reports drawn up in Bengal, and it is possible that many of the defects described may originate in the revenue system, in the voluminousness of the regulations, or in other extrinsic circumstances ; a supposition which appears to be supported by the state of the Courts under Bombay, where most of the evils alluded to are said to be still unfelt. But enough will remain to satisfy us that the chance of attaining cr approaching to perfection is as small under our own plan as under that of the natives ; that on cither plan we must submit to many incon- veniences and many abuses ; and that no very sudden improvement is to be looked for in the actual state of things. If this be the case, it becomes of the first con- sequence to cherish whatever there is good in the exist- ing system, and to attempt no innovation that can injure the principles now in force, since it is so uncertain whether we can introduce better in their room. I i)ro2^ose, therefore, that the native system should CONQUERED FROM THE PESIIWA. 359 still be preserved, and means taken to remove its abuses and revive its energy. Such a course will be more welcome to the natives than any entire change, and, if it should fail entirely, it is never too late to introduce the Adalat. It is now, however, practicable for us to keep up the native plan entirely unchanged. In removing abuses we destroy the moving powers of Takkaza, j^ rovement patronage and presents, and we must look thlffi^tratta out for others to supply their place. For this ^^^^'''^■ purpose we may hope to have more purity, more steadiness, and more energy, than the Native Govern- ment; and I think we can scarcely fail to place the people in a better situation, with respect to justice, than that in which we found them. Such a change in the mere administration of the law will probably in time improve the character of our subjects, and admit of a gradual improvement in their radical principles ; but it seems desirable that such improvement should be so slow as to allow the amelioration of the society to keep pace with that of the laws, and thus escape the evil of having a code unsuitable to the circumstances of the people, and beyond the reach of their understanding. Our principal instrument must continue to be the Panchaj^at, and that must continue to be exempt from all new forms, interference, and regulation, on our part. Such forms would throw over this wxll-kuown institu- tion, that mystery which enables litigious people to employ courts of justice as engines of intimidation against their neighbours, and which renders necessar}- a class of lawyers who among the natives are the great fomenters of disputes. Another objection to forms is, that they would deter the most respectable people from serving on Panehayats. The indolence of the natives, the aversion to form and 36o REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES restraint, their hatred of novelties, and their dread of getting into difficulties in an unknown course of pro- ceeding, and thus exposing themselves to our supposed strictness, would be sufficient to prevent any honest Patil from calling a Pancha^'at, or any disinterested inhabitant from serving as a member ; but it is only the honest who would be thus deterred : those who looked to profit through fraud would run a little risk in pursuit of their selfish designs, and would study our new laws so as to qualify themselves to evade them. The Patil should be encouraged, as at present, to settle disputes amicably, if he can, and otherwise to refer them to Panchayats, on the old model. No papers should be required from those bodies but a Eajianamci (or consent) by the parties to the arbi- tration of the members, and a Saraunsh (or decision) as concise as they choose to make it. When these two papers can be produced, the decision should be final, unless in case of corruption or gross injustice. When those papers are wanting, the cause must be considered as still liable to investigation, but no censure is to be passed on the Panchayat for failing to produce them. When a Patil refuses to grant a Panchayat, the Mam- latdar may, on complaint, direct him to afford one ; and if either party object to a Panchaj^at in his own village, the Mamlatd;ir shall be at liberty to order one at his own residence, or at any other village, as I believe was practised by the Mahratta Government. But unless both parties give their free consent to the arrangement proposed by the Mamlatdiir, that officer must report the case to the collector, and await his orders. Ai)peals from village Panchayats should be made to the collector, who, if he thinks the Panchayat has not been freely chosen, or that it has not fully decided ; or CONQUERED EROM THE PES II W A. 361 if on a summary inquiry he discovers any gross error or injustice, or sees p,'ood ground to suspect corruption, may order a new Pancluiyat, either at the original village, or elsewhere. In this inquiry the collector can of course direct the Mamlatdur to make any local investigation that may he necessary, and he can employ his assistant, or an Amin, either in conducting the summary inquiry, or in superintending the second Pan- cliayat : hut he ought on no account to go into an inquiry in any ordinary case merely because the Panchayat appear to him to have decided erroueousty ; the object of this appeal being rather to watch over the purity of the courts, than to amend their decisions. The appeal ought to be to the collector, rather than to the MamlatdAr, to prevent that officer either quashing complaints, or needlessly drawing up causes from the village tribunals to his own. These rules wdll provide for the adjustment of dis- putes among villagers, but there are many mercantile and other persons vvho reside in towns, and are not subject to the authority of any Patil, For these persons another plan must be adopted. AVheu they belong to trades, the Slieti, or head of the trade, may perform the functions performed by the Patel, in summoning a Panchayat, with the consent of the parties, and when these means are insufficient a com- plaint may be made to the Mamlatdar, who, if he cannot accommodate the matter, cither by his own interposition or a Panchayat agreed to by both parties, must report it to the controller, who will authorize a Panchayat of persons of the same order. When the parties leave the nomination of these Panchayats to the Mamlatdar, or other officer of Government, he cannot be too careful to select the members, so as to make attendance as little onerous as possible. Persons 362 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES unemployecl ought to be preferred to men in business, and the whole to be managed as much on the principle of rotation as the disposition of the parties may admit. The objection of the parties to any member ought, how- ever, to be alwaj^s attended to, and if they show a disinclination to the persons proposed by the Govern- ment agent, they ought to be allowed to name four respectable people themselves, who ought to chose a fifth as an umpire. If the members cannot agree, the umpire must be named by the Government officer. In very large towns the superintendence of these Panchayats may be too much for the Mamlatdilrs to undertake, and it will therefore be found necessary to nominate officers (to be called Amins, or whatever name has hitherto been in use among the Mahrattas) expressly for the administration of justice. There might be one to every Mamlatdar's district, or one to every two ; but it ought first to be tried whether the Mamlatdars are sufficient to keep down the business, as the institution of so many dispensers of justice, besides the revenue officers, will certainly be new, and its effects on the Panchayats and on the people cannot be clearly foreseen ; some means, must, however be found out to make up, in Puna especially, for the numerous chiefs and ministers who formerly used to assemble Panchayats. For this purpose, I think, there ought to be three native judges at Puna with salaries amounting to 200 rupees each, and three of inferior rank with inferior salaries, who should receive complaints referred to them by the collector, and submit them to Panchayats, or decide them themselves, when both parties consented to that mode of adjustment. In such cases as the collector should expressly pre- scribe, causes to be tried by Panchayats might be shaped by the Amin in such a manner that the CONQUERED FROM THE PES II W A. 363 pleadings, documents, and evidence might all be brought at once before the Pancliayat, and the cause decided at one sitting, unless the Panchayat should call for more .information. In causes decided by the Amin alone, an appeal should lie to the collector, who might always, or on all reasonable grounds, order a Panchayat to try the case anew. The higher class of Amins might try causes to any amount, but the second class should be limited to 200 rupees. The collector might in all cases call up such causes as he thought of great importance to be tried before him or his assistants. The Shastri to each collector might be an Amin, and might receive an addition to his salary on that account. In each of the large towns, perhaps two in each district, besides Puna, there might bo an Amin, with powers onlj^ to grant Panchayats when agreed to by both parties, and to settle such causes as the parties might agree in writing to refer to his decision ; but wherever there was a dispute about the mode of trial, he ought to take the orders of the collector. The Amins in the towns might have 150 rupees a month, and all the Amins might have a certain addition to their salary for every twenty causes decided by them, or by Panchayats under their direction. The expenses might be defrayed from fines, hereafter to be mentioned; but the connection between their allowances and the fund from which they are drawn ought not to be made apparent to the Amin. To complete the administration of justice references might be made on all doubtful questions of Hindu law to the principal Shastris, who receive pensions, or Warshashans. The selection in each reference might be left to the commissioner, as was the practice with 364 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES the natives, or a small addition might be made to the salary of a certain number, who might be constituted regular authorities, to decide on points of law. Appeals ought to be received from the Amins on the principle above mentioned, and in the same manner the commissioner should receive special appeals from the collectors, not with a view to revise their decisions on each case, but to give him an opportunity of ascertain- ing that his instructions are acted up to, and that the custom of the country is not departed from. It is chiefly by this superintendence that we can hope to purify and invigorate the native system, so as to convert it from a mere engine of oppression into an instrument for a more extensive dispensation of justice than exists even in our own old provinces. It is indispensable on this principle that the collector should give audience, for at least two hours every da}', to all ranks, receive complaints viva voce, and grant decisions and orders on Mamlatdars, as the cases require. If he confine himself to receiving petitions in writing, it is impossible that he should have time to become acquainted with the state of things in his district. This practice, combined with the collector's tours round his district, ought to be a great check on the Mamlatdars, and those officers ought likewise to be obliged to answer speedily and fully every complaint made against them or reference sent to them. The great indulgence and forbearance recommended towards Panchayats and Patils should have no place towards Mamlatdars, on whose puritj^ and efficiency so much depends, and with whom those qualities can only be preserved by strict discipline. The amount to be decided on l)}^ a Panchayat, under a Patil, might be limited to 150 rupees, and by a Mam- latdar or Amin, without reference, ' to 1,000 rupees; CONQUERED FROM THE PESHWA. 365 when the amount exceeds tliis, the MamlatiLlr ought not to call a Panchayat, even with the consent of the parties, until he has taken the Collector's orders. Any sum might be referred by the collector, but great causes, where delay and distance are of least consequence, would be best done under his own superintendence. Causes, in which great Sardars are parties, should be reported to the commissioner, who should take measures himself, or send special instructions in each case. No claim for a debt incurred during the Mahratta Govern- ment ought to be enforced against this class with more strictness than that Government would have evinced, and all intercourse relating to causes of those persons should be conducted according to the practice of the former Government, as above described. Kules ought to be made limiting the period at which a suit can be entertained. Twelve years from the com- mencement of the dispute would be sufficient in cases of personal property, but a very long period must be allowed in disputes about laud, provided always that no prior decision by a competent authority has taken j)lace. These rules must be observed by the Mamlatdars and Amins, but they must not extend to Patils, who must be guided by custom alone. A period ought also to be fixed, after which appeals on complaints of gross error, briber}^ etc., will not be received : these ought to be short when the cause was tried by a Panchayat, and long when by a single judge. Mamlatdars and Amins should send registrars of the causes they try to the collectors, and the collectors to the commissioner, but nothing of the sort should be required from the Patil. So far, indeed, am I from wishing to clog the pro- 366 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES ceedings of the lower orders with forms, that I think a decision ought to be received and enforced b}^ the pubhc authorities, by whomsoever it has been passed, in every case where there is a written consent to the arbitration on the behalf of the parties, and a w'ritten award on that of the arbitrators. Too much pains cannot be taken to encourage private arbitrations, and this is the more necessary from an opinion, which appears to be industriously propagated, that our Government resents and punishes any inter- ference of individuals in affairs which are within its jurisdiction. The employment of professional Vakils ought to be strictly forbidden, both in the Mamlatdars, Amins, and collectors' Kacheries ; with the Patils, they are not likely to exist. Similar pains must be taken to guard against pro- fessional arbitrators, a description of persons who were not unknown under the Mahratta Government, and who appear, from Mr, Lumsden's report, to be becoming common under ours. This class, to all the bad qualities of hired Vakils, adds that of corruption in the decision of the cause. Perhaps some rule should be fixed to compel the Mamlatdars and Amins to attend to this caution, but this is the only regulation I would venture to propose regarding Panchayats. The difficulty of assembling the members, and of getting them to come to a decision, suggests, mt first view, some rules to promote those ends ; but none can, I think, be v(>ntured on without the risk of making attendance first entirely compulsory, and then very odious. The magistrate may exercise his influence, and ('\vn an indefinite authority as hitherto, to procure attendance and decision ; but he ought to use no absolute force, and, above all, to impose no fines nor other CONQUERED FROM THE PESIIIVA. 367 punishments. The utmost woukl be, to call the Pan- chayat to his court, and seat them with an Amin from morning to night, until they should decide. The collector might be empowered to bestow on members of Panchayats, on whom attendance should appear to fall particularly hard, a sum of money at his discretion, to defray their expenses, and he ought to withhold all assistance of the kind where the attendance of the members has been particularly remiss. Panchayats ought to be furnished with a Peon, to summon witnesses and parties ; and in the event of the non-attendance of one of the parties, after due notice, the cause might be decided against him, though liable to revision, on good ground being shown for his absence. Some check is required to prevent frivolous and litigious complaints, especially in appeals from the decision of Panchayats. Fees have been suggested for this purpose, but it is very doubtful whether they are a check on litigation any further than they are a check upon justice. It appears a better remedy to allow the Panchayats, or the person who tries the cause, to fine a party whose complaint or whose defence is palpabl}^ frivolous ; and if this is thought to be too great a latitude to entrust to a Panchayat, the fine might be limited to the extent of the fourth, formerly taken by the Mahratta Govern- ment, or even to the amount which would on our own system be levied (even where there w\as no fault) in the shape of cost and fees, stamped paper, etc. A portion of the money so levied might be given to the injured party when poor, and the rest would go to pa}'' the commission allotted to the Amins and the expense of members of Panchayats. If the fund proved in- adequate to this purpose, a further sum might be raised 368 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES by the sale of stamped paper for all deeds and con- tracts, which would be a security against forgery, as well as the means of raising a revenue. In cases of appeals, I would oblige the appellant to enter into a bond to pay a particular fine if the com- plaint proved vexatious ; and this, as well as the fine imposed on the loser, would only be a mitigation of the Mahratta practice in both cases. Decrees should be enforced in the mildest forms in use with the Mahrattas : a Harkaru, or, in a case of a respectable man, a Kar- kun, should be sent to insist on the payment of the sum decreed, and to prevent the debtor eating from sunrise to sunset, unless it were paid. The property of the debtor ought also to be sold, but not his house, nor the implements of his profession. If all this should be insufficient, he should be imprisoned for a period, to be fixed, on the report of the Panchayat, according to the amount of his debt, and the fraudulent or litigious spirit he had displayed. A question arises regarding the native practice of Takkaza. If left as it was among the natives, it leads to every sort of oppression, and the more as the sufferer is often prevented coming to complain. If done away entirely, the great principle which drives men to Panchayats, private arbitrations, and voluntary compositions, is put an end to, and every creditor is compelled to come to court. It is absolutely necessary to proliibit the use of force, but perhaps all restraints and inconveniences that depend on the point of honour ought to be allowed to remain. The plan I have proposed has many obvious and Advantages and P^lp^^^® dcfccts, aud many morc will no doubt ofthe pr'Scd appear when its operations are fully observed. '''""■ It has this advantage, that it leaves unim- paired the institutions, the opinions, and the feelings. CONQUERED FROM THE PESHWA. 369 that have hitherto kept the community together ; and that, as its fault is meddling too little, it may be gradually remedied by interfering when urgently required. An opposite plan, if it fail, fails entirely ; it has destroyed everything that could supply its place ; and when it sinks, the whole frame of the society sinks with it. This plan has another advantage likewise, that if it does not provide complete instruments for the decision of suits, it keeps clear of the causes that produce litigation. It makes no great changes, either real or apparent, in the laws ; and it leads to no revolution in the state of property. The established l^ractice also, though it be worse than another proposed in its room, will be less grievous to the people, who have accommodated themselves to the present defects, and are scarcely aware of their existence ; while every fault in a new system, and perhaps many things that are not faults, would be severely felt for want of this adaptation. I do not, however, mean to say that our interference with the native plan is odious at present. On the contrary, several of the collectors are of opinion that a summary decision by a European judge is more agreeable to the natives than any other mode of trial. This may be the case at first ; but if the decisions of Europeans should ever be so popular as to occasion the disuse of the native modes of settlement, there would soon be a run on the courts, and justice, however pure when obtained, would never be got without years of delay. There must, however, in the system now proposed, be a considerable sacrilice of form, and even some sacrifice of essential justice ; and it is to be expected that the abuses which will be observed under it will give particular disgust to most of our officers, l)ccause they are repugnant to our ways of thinking, and we are 24 370 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES apt to forget that there are equal blemishes in every other system, and that those which are the least offensive in our eyes are often most disgusting to the natives. This unsuitableness of the native system to European ideas is, however, a very serious objection to its adoption, and renders it doubtful if we shall be able to maintain it after the officers to whom it is to be entrusted shall have ceased to be selected merely for their fitness. If our own system be unintelligible to the natives, it is at least intelligible to us, and as its characteristic is strict rules and checks to departure from them, it is not easy to go wrong. Moreover, as it possesses no very nice adaptation to the native way of thinking, a little derangement is of no great consequence. But the native plan can seldom be thoroughly understood by any of us : we may act against its plainest rules from mere ignorance, and we must all be liable to strike at its vital principles when we think we are only removing its defects. Nor is it necessary that the legislator should fall into this error to produce the most fatal effects. The error of an inferior executive officer is sufficient to overthrow the system. The commissioner perceives the numerous irregularities, abuses, and corruptions in village Panchayats, which may be avoided by a few simple rules, and the complete insight and effectual superintendence that would be gained by a mere report of the Patil's proceedings ; he makes his regulations, directs a register to be drawn up, punishes the neglect of his orders regarding it, and from that moment there is an end of village Panchayats, until Patils shall be found who will undertake those troul)lcsomc and unknown forms from mere public spirit, with the chance of punishment and censure for unintentional failure. Not less effectual would be the CONQUERED EROM THE PESHWA. 371 decisions of an inexperienced assistant acting with that confidence which inexperience alone confers : he fines some Panchayats for exceeding their power, and im- prisons some Patils for confounding their judicial with their fiscal functions, and the effect of his decision is as complete within his district as if a law had been enacted prohibiting all interference in settling disputes, except by the officers of the Government. To avert these dangers, the best plan is to keep this territory for a considerable time under a separate com- missioner, on whose vigilance we must depend for correcting mistakes such as have been described. Wishing to give a complete picture of the shape in which I recommended the native system to be pre- served, I have not distinguished between the Alterations arrangements already adopted and those only introduced. proposed. In general the Mahratta system has been kept unchanged. There are, however, some slight differences in the modes of proceeding of the different collectors. Mr. Chaplin receives all complaints that cannot be settled with the consent of the parties, and directs the Mamlatdar to inquire into them, and when necessary to grant Panchayats. Captain Grant adopts the same course, but also has many causes decided by himself and his assistants at Satara. Captain Pot- tinger's proceedings are similar to Captain Grant's, and in the present state of Khaudesh there appears to be scarcely any judicial business. At Puna it has long- since been found necessary to appoint three native Amins to assist in the administration of justice. These persons regulate Panchayats and try causes which both parties agree to submit to them, and latterly causes also where the parties neglect to name the members of the Panchayat. There have been 24—2 372 ■ REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES 3,428 causes filed at Puna, of which there have been settled without a trial 1,323. By Panchayats ... ... ... ... 376 By injunction from the collector ... ... 539 Dismissed on the non-attendance of the plaintiff 408 And there have been decided ... ... 1,015 By the collector and his assistants ... ... 234 By Panchayats, chosen hy the parties ... 44 ByAmins ... ... ... ... 248 In the end of March 1,052 causes were undecided; on the whole, I should think that the means we Ultimate im- liavo liitlicrto posscsscd have not been suffi- provements if.,, jut t*t~» t those now cient to meet the demand m runa, and suggested should fail, perhaps, owing to the constant occupation of Mamlatdars in revenue business, the same may be true in the country. I hope the plan now pro- posed will be more effectual. Should it fail, it will be necessary to have numerous Amins for holding Panchayats, and to adopt by degrees stricter rules to compel the attendance and hasten the decisions of those bodies. If that should be insufficient, Mansifs must be empowered to try causes b}" themselves, in which case there must be a European judge to hear appeals from them all ; but these improvements must not be intro- duced until they are wanted, and we must be careful not to induce the natives to give up their present modes of settling disputes, by holding out a prospect of pure and abundant justice which we may not ultimately be able to realize. To sum up the effects of our revenue, police, and judicial systems, we have, in revenue, lighter, more Summary of cqual Riid morc certain assessment, less pecu- arrangcmcnts. latlon, aud conscqucntly less profit to the agents of Government. In police, more attentiou and more vigour, but less violence, and so far less efficienc3^ In civil justice, the great change is that Government CONQUERED EROM THE PESHWA. 373 has taken on itself the whole responsibility of protecting people's rights, but there is more form, more purity, more delay in some cases and less in others. In criminal justice, more system, more scruples, more trials, more acquittals, more certain punishment for all crimes except robbery, and for that both less certain and less severe. APPENDIX. TRANSLATIONS of a deed of purchase executed in the year Shah 1726 BaJitakshi, on Paush Vadija Prati Pada, heticeen Jdnoji Bin Datoji, Patil, Kaddam of the village of Gaivi, in the Pargana of Phaltan, and Bhimaji Bin Assaji, Patil Yadoaij, the Mukadam (or Chief Patil) of the village of Jiregaum, in the Patas Taraf of the Prant of Puna, sur 1214 Hejri. The reason of this deed of purchase being executed is, that the Mukadam (or chiefship) of the above- mentioned village, Jiregaum, being exclusively mine, and that as there has been a severe famine in the land the whole of this year, and many have died for want of food, and as I also find myself reduced to the last extremity, from an absolute want of every kind of sustenance, or means of procuring it, excepting by dis- posing of my Wattan (hereditary office, and lands perhaps) and Service ; if I were not to dispose of some of it I should die, and the whole world would be lost to me, I have resolved to save my life by dividing my Wattan Yriti, and admitting partner to its engage- ment. With this fixed design I have come to you, and fallen 374 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES on your neck, begging that you will preserve my life during the continuance of the famine, and that, in con- sideration of your doing so, you will accept a half of the rights of my Mukadami, while I retain the other half. Thus petitioning and speaking to jou, in the strongest manner you have consented, and I now execute this agreement, to testify my voluntary relinquishment in your favour of half my rights or sole Mukadami of the above-mentioned village, and that in consideration thereof, I have before witnesses accepted and received seven hundred and one rupees. You have thus pre- served the lives of my familj^ and we shall henceforward jointly eujoy all rights (Thag), dignity (Manpan), etc., according to the undermentioned detail. First. HAKDAPJ, OR RIGHTS AND PER- QUISITES. 1st. Ghugari. Two Maunds, at the rate of sixteen Pailis per Maund on each cultivated Cliahur of land. Half this grain or half its value shall be yours, and half mine. 2nd. Bhai. Jama on the annual present from the Sarkar, on settling the Jama, amounting to 25 rupees, shall be one half yours and one half mine. 3rd. Falbhara. For every Chahur of cultivated land I am entitled (at the reaping season) to an hundred bundles of the grain produced ; half of this shall be yours, and half mine. 4th. HuRDA NiMBOR. The half of what I receive from each field on these accounts shall be yours, and half mine. Bemarl-. Hurda is unripe Jarvi, which it is con- sidered pleasant to eat roasted : the quantity received CONQUERED FROM THE PES 1 1 W A. 375 b)^ the Patil from each field is from one to two Piiilis. Nimbor is unripe Bajari, taken for the same j)m"pose. 5th. Malitun. For products of the earth from irriga- tion, you shall receive half of these products, and of all new similar products which come to my share. Beinark. This Thag is very uncertain : it relates chiefly to vegetables and garden products. 6tli. Eahadaricha Vasul. Half shall be yours and half mine. riemarh. This is a small exaction of from one to two annas, taken from travellers who stop at the village. It is distinct from Jaglya, or what is paid to the Eamoshis of the village for keeping watch at night over travellers' property. 7th. Sandiiar Telachi (rights from the oilman) ; half shall be yours, and half mine. Bemarli. There is a considerable quantity of oil produced in the Deccan from plants sown annually, and cultivated in fields, either singly or mixed with grain ; the most common plants of this kind are the Til, the Javas, the Kaharale, Ambiidya, Kardai, and Bhuimug. The Patils, in some places, send round every evening for oil, when each oilman puts alike in the dish. Others receive their quota monthly, and others annually. 8th. Koshtijache Mag (weavers' looms). "We shall each have half. Iicmarlc. Each loom pays, at the end of the year, one cloth of the description of cloths woven on it. A Kosliti is a weaver of Bands of a cloth which answers the purpose of a Sadis, of Pasodes, and sometimes of Sadis. Besides Koshtis, there are other kinds of village weavers, Jains, Salis, Dhangars (who are also shepherds), and Momins. The last are Mohammedans. 376 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES 9tli. Dhangarache Mag (woollen weavers' looms). Half shall be yonrs, and half mine. 10th. MoH Takafa. What is received on market- days, or fairs, from shopkeepers, Banians, etc.; such as tobacco, Supari, Nagvel Pan, Giil, etc. lltli. Bapkoti Jamin (Minis land). Nineteen Piukas of this land, yon shall have half; that is, eight Piukas in one place, and a Piuka and a half in another place which contains a well, the whole of which I give np to yon. I retain the other half of the land. 12. I have a well in one Piuka of ground appro- priated for the growth of vegetables ; half shall be yours, and half shall remain mine. 13th. You shall have half my tenement to reside in. 14th. Attached to the Mukadami, or Patilship, there are Inam lands to the extent or half a Cliahur, or six Kukjis. You shall enjo}^ half of this, while I retain the other half. 15th. The village Mahfirs who perform service for me, shall also do yours. 1 Gth. Close to the village I have three Rukas of land ; one and a half Euka shall be yours, and the rest con- tinue to be mine. But besides this, there is a quantity of land without tenants or labourers, and which belongs to the village. You shall take half of this land, while I retain the other half. RentarJi. The meaning of the latter sentence is, perhaps, that they should enjoy an equal title to the disposal, o]', if it may be termed, to the patronage of the land, because there is always a small fee received by the Patils who let out or sell the occupied fields of the village. This passage, however, argues strongly the right of the Patils to the disposal of all lands not possessed by the Government, as ' Sheri and Kurau' lands. CONQUERED FROM THE PESIIWA. 377 Second. MANPAN, DIGINTY AND PIIECEDENCE. 1st. Taski. (The amiual Government present on the full payment of the revenues.) We shall receive Tasri year and year ahout. 2ncl. On the festival of the Holi, it will be customary for both to bake bread. The musical instrument players shall come to my house first, and go playing before me till I arrive at your house, when we shall both set out ; my bread being carried on the right of your bread, and on arriving at the place of worship (a tree) I shall tie up yours under it. We shall then together equally go through the worship and the rest of tlie ceremony con- jointly and at the same time. 3rd. On the occasion of Shiralshet (a ceremony which occurs on the Shasti, or Gth, the day after Nagpanchami), we shall both make an image of Shirjilshet (a Eajah who reigned two Ghatkas), and together carry the images, after our women have danced round each, to the well or tank, and throw them into it at the same instant. Your Shiralshet shall go in procession on the left of mine. 4tli. On the Pole Amavashya, the bullocks of both shall set out at the same time — yours on the left, and mine on the right — and in this way, the one equal with the other, they shall be walked in procession round Hanunicin; but the music shall precede my bullocks home, while yours remain until it returns, when you shall bring your bullocks home with music also. 5th. On marriages and Pats I shall first receive Vida, Tilak (Pan Supari, and a mark on the forehead), and then you ; on like occasion the Khandwa (a large, round sweet cake) shall be equally shared by us. 378 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES 6tli. We shall worship not all the old gods, but all the new ones that may be set up together, and not before or after each other. 7th, The heads of all goats sacrificed to any of the gods which before were wholly mine, shall now be half of each head yours. Bemarl:. Hauuman is never offered the sacrifice of au animal; to Bhawani, Khandoba, and Bahairoba, such sacrifices are acceptable ; the carcase of the goat is eaten by the owner of the goat and his friends. 8th. On the full moon (of Magh) I shall receive a goat, and then you shall receive one. 9th. We shall be entitled to a pair of shoes from the Chambhar once a year. 10th. The village Dherds, on festivals and great occasions, shall give us both a piece of firewood, but mine shall be given first. 11th. On Kaul Patras my name shall be written uppermost, then j^ours, and below only one Plough (plough is the signature of a cultivator). 12th. We shall each have a goat on the Dasara, and their value will be put in the village expenses. 13th. On the Divali, etc., the pipers shall play at my door first, and then at yours. 14th. We shall make the Dasara Puja together. 15tli. Invitations to marriages, etc., shall be first given to me. IGth. The Slieh'i given on P^its (marriages of widows, or rather contracts answering the chief end of marriages) is to be shared between us. 17th. The present of the Dhangars from their flocks shall Ije equally shared by us. IStli. Half the Giil and Til given on the San- knmt shall be yours, and half mine. In this manner CONQUERED FROM THE PESHWA. 379 yon and I, etc. (confirming the rights transferred to all futurity). Then the witnesses' names. Remark. A confirmation of this deed was granted by former Governments, and the copy of the deed, above translated, was found among the records. (Signed) H. D. Kobertson. Extract of a Letter, dated the dth March 1818, from Captain llohertson, Provisional Collector at Puna, to the Honourable M. Elphinstone. On the nature of the tenures by which the land is held by the Deccan Kunbis, my inquiries have been more successful. The general divisions of husbandmen are two — Thalkaris, or men who cultivate their own fields ; and Kulwaris or Upris, men who labour on lands not their own. The Thalkaris tenure is uniform ; the occupancy of the Kulwari is of different kinds. The Thalkari is also called a Mirasdar. Thai signifies a field, and perhaps the literal meaning of Thalkari is a man belonging to, or who labours in, a field. The term Mirasdar is more expressive of the actual condition of the Thalkari ; Miras signifying patrimony, heritage, succession. But whatever argu- ments could be adduced against the word Thalkari or Mirasdar, as definitive of the condition of the person known by these appellations, there can be no doubt entertained of what that condition really is, for he is considered, and acknowledged by the Government, to have the propertj' of the lands he cultivates. I am j-et uninformed, and perhaps it may never be clearly established, at what period the Deccan landords acquired 3So REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES their rights to the property of the soil, by purchasing' it from the Government, or the viUage, or whether it has ahvaj's been inherent to them, and that the Govern- ment has either usurped their rights in some instances, or broken through a custom of allowing lands lying waste from a deficiency of population afterwards to become the inheritance of the multiplying descendants of the original number of land proprietors. The Deccan landlord is proud of his situation, and is envied among his brethren, who are the cultivators of lands not their own : their feeling of attachment to their fields is remarkably keen, and no consideration but the utmost pecuniary distress will induce them to abandon their rights of proprietorship. These rights are either inherited or purchased, and it is a remarkable circum- stance, that in the body of the deed of sale it is invariably usual to record that he who sells his lands has begged of him who buys them to become the purchaser. It would seem that this information is deemed requisite as a safeguard to the buyer, in conse- quence of the known reluctance of all landlords to part with their lands, to .show that no subterfuge was used to force or trick them from the original proprietor. I have the honour to enclose the translation of two deeds of sale of land. The first has been executed and acted on without any reference to the Government. The second has been secured to a confirmation, first on the part of the ruler during whose reign it was executed, and afterwards by his successor. When a Thulkurree dies without heirs, or leaves his native country to reside in another, his lands become the property of the village, unless the proprietor returns before thirty years. The lands of the ])eccan villages arc all measured, or supposed to be so. The village accounts are made CONQUERED FROM THE PESIIWA. 381 up by accounting for the disposition of its lands. Every field lias a name. The lands are appraised according to their quality of Utam, first rate, Madhyam, middling, and Kanist, or poor land. The Thalkari pays laud- rent to Government according to the extent and quality of his lands. This land-rent is supposed to admit of no increase. The Kulwari ought probably to be pronounced Kaulwari, which would signify a person holding a Kaul or permission. The Kulwari, whatever be the origin of his name, is, in fact, a farmer. He cultivated lands not his own under different names, according to the nature of his airreement. Translation of a KJiaredi Patra, or Deed oj Purchase, dated 1739 Shah Ishicar Nam Samivatchar Chaitra Shuddya Tritid. To Pandurang Eav Kamchandar Binge, of the village of Underi Taraf Haveli Kriyat Mawal, Pargana Puna, from Bheyji, the son of Mahadaji, and Madoji, the son of Jagoji Kassid, of the same village. Sur San Saba Ashar Maj^a Tain va Alaf, 122G FasaH. A deed of purchase is executed to this effect for this reason, that inasmuch as we formerly received from you 917 rupees on account of six Rukas of the Thai field, called Gana, transferred to you along with the well in mortgage for 27 years, and that at the end of the above- mentioned period j^ou, having received from the enjoy- ment of the land the value of your money, were to restore it to us; and that as at this time Q>1 j-ears of 382 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES tlie period of the mortgage having expired, 20^ years still remain, and we are reduced to distress and to the chance of dying from want of food, we have now come to yon, to fall on your neck and to petition jou, that as you have a right to our land for 20 h years, and we are reduced to want, you will in consequence of our joint desire accept for ever of half — namely, three Rukas of the land mortgaged to you, with half the well — on condition that you will immediately yield your title to the other half to us, making the price of the half we give you up, on a calculation of what we should have to pay, to redeem the whole six Rukas mortgaged for 20 2^ years, 675 rupees. We, therefore, herehy give to you the land above- mentioned for 675 rupees, the sum we may be said to owe you for the whole land mortgaged, and with its half the well attached to it, and the western half of the tenement we possess, Thalkaris in the village, with whatever walls there may be thereon, namely, by — Hatlis in length from north to south, and twelve Haths in breadth from west to cast. You are bound to pre- serve all the customs of the village, and to conform to particular customs heretofore established in respect to the land and rights now made yours ; such as the payment of the Sarki'ir's revenue, Purclapan, etc., the rights of the Kulkarni, and the Balut of the Ba- lutics ; and you will enjoy, you and your sons, and your sons' sons, to future generations, the land above- mentioned ; and on the ground in the village given to 3^ou, you will build a place, what you please, and be undisturbed ; and we engage to be answerable for any molestation given you by any of our friends or relations so that you will sustain no injury. This deed of pur- chase which we have written is valid (Sahi), dated the loth of the month Jamadihikhar. CONQUERED FROM THE PESHWA. 383 Written out in tlic handwriting of Gop;il Sicllieshwar of the above-mentioned viUaii'e. Witnesses. The Mukadams of the said village Kusoji Bin Sakoji Patil Kanwa, and Khandoji Bin Villoji Golay. Bheyie Bin Krishnoji Pankur, of the same vil- lage, etc., etc., etc. Ploughs. (That is, signature shaped so) Trimbakji Bin Es- saji, the Carpenter. Ja- noji Bin Piamjuellorary, the Barber. Willoji Bin Bherjuthi, Gurav Rama- ji Bin Punja, the Currier, etc., etc., etc. (Signed) H. D. Robertson, Collector. Translation of a Government Confirmation of the Deed of Purchase of Land. To the Deshmukh and Deshpande of the Prant of Puna. Be it known that to you, Mahadaji Bin Na- jojee and Namaji Bin Ansojee Shejeoul, Rayats of the village of Wadki Taraf Haveli, there is an Inam- patra and Minis-patra given as follows. (Here is mentioned the year and date.) You having come to Puna have represented that both your grandfathers Raiji, alias Raghoji, and his younger brother Chahuji, lived together in the year 1639, and that the Patils of the above-mentioned village having been reduced to distress, accepted from your said relations a sum of money, and voluntarily gave them a portion of their lujim land, measuring Ih Rukas and 7^ Ruk.is of Minis land, and that having thus sold their lands a deed of purchase was 384 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES executed in the name of Raiji, alias Eaghoji, to the following purport : (Here follows a deed of purchase similar to Enclosure No. 1.) A deed of purchase of the above tenour having been executed was confirmed in the j^ear Sursan Maya Wa Alaf by the deceased, Baji Eav Pandit Pradhan to your grandfathers, at which time Santaji's son Makaji and Tukaji Patil having been brought to the presence and asked what lands they had voluntarily transferred to your grandfathers, stated as follows : 1st. — Part of our In;im lands, to equal to 1 1 Rukas, viz., belonging to Makaji Patil - - Ruka ^ Ditto to Tukaji ditto - - - - - ,, 1 Rukas 1 ^ 2nd.— Part of Miras land— 1. Of the field called Soandur, containing 24 - Rukas 6 2. Of the do. do. Kole Thai, containing 12 - „ 1-| Ruk;is 7h And 3rd. — A part of our premises in the village, 45 Haths long and 40 broad. Now you having brought a deed of purchase corre- sponding with the above statement, and having all produced a document executed by the deceased Baji Piav, confirming its validity, and as you arc desirous that the present Government should also testify the same, it is hereby decreed that you and your sons and descendants shall enjoy in Inam and in Miras the lands, etc., according to the tenor of the confirmatory act of the late Baji Piav Pandit Pradhan, and that you shall continue to conform to the practices of the village, in regard to the lands you have acquired. (Signed) H. D. Robertson. CONQUERED FROM THE PESHWA. 385 Extract of a Letter, dated the ^'iiid December, 1818, from Captain Bri(j too5C~ ot^ or^-^c-OrHCi >0 CI CI • .-(cocoa) t— 05-^ >nm-^ 00 .-nmO'-ioxo CO 'O S-. ■.0 I ^ X O) u^ T»t -^ CO t- l-_ X_ C5 rj< C5 C. -H 1-1 W 0-; t~" s5" en >n >-~" CO .-<" -j5 S t-T co 1?" c^j rn . CO 10 rH ''^ CO CI en in t~ iH c-^ !M_ ci; cc GO r? 71 CI '1 irj" (N rH r-T l-T CJ -H .-1 CI p^oo II ojOO o>n U 111 1 1 1 U. 1 1 1 1 1 1 i 1 1 I rH v> c~* " X us" c^ p^O 05 CO CD 2 ci;!;^ ^ ;:::; ;:!; "^ CI CO rd ^ '-' "g'Sj O'HlCi II— 1 III o| c^llllll CV 1 1 10 V t- 1- 11^ 111 -0 1 —1 1 1 1 1 1 1 l~ 1 1 X j5 CO IM — ( rH ^©■m" co" •ri' X rf" X co" cT c^ uO — 1 — 1 CO c-i i-O ^- 3-- -0 -.o to c: --s CO CO ~. ^' j^>OC~ t~ owes O-^ CO^ LO -^ a iMcilo -^inco i-Hco c-i-js |X)||||| c; I I I- ^ m c~ -^ -^ -s< in CO uo "-i x_ co CO CO »n 5D CO CO t-T r-T CJ 1 1 C3 CV CO OJ -;' -H ■^C^C^iH-^lM COO) CO CO (m" Vh r-T t-^ p; CO 000 00 C-. C5 Oco CO "S ■§ 1 1 1 1 1 I I [ 1 C3 1 1 CI s CC -^ rH t- .0 10 CC CO 00 III •-0 1 1 CO ci ^ -SH ■T'l C5 I- C> ri Oi -< t~ ^ 1-0 3^--< X rH C-1 u- CO X U! '"' 0" CO c-f th CO t-T CO — r -Tl rH — 1 Cs .-;o— . oco OU2 o> COC5 0000 CO CO ^•iC'io t- ".o — < 1 10 Lo CI 1 X -H 1 c; -H 1 r: CO ci 1 10. ^C0"uO-^"or 00 r4 CO"co" rn" X -^ r? to X C/2 CO rH >r5_CO tH O) CI t- r-T CO j£^co O5;so 00 CVOO 00 ;-^ j^uOTji^O CIO CI -NX rJrH CO 1.0 to — ' a thcjxc~ |c~x -itcico cox I'^IIMI 10 1 1 X -a -•^•iSS '?.f2 gg2 gJo 'S ' ' ' ' ' l~ 1 1 2 ■^ c '"' TjT cr: t-T c:' m rH t- cr 1.0" ^" lO~ CO r^ lO ^ rH CI rH CI rH CI "•^ ^ ■s x" ^■0000 0--D 00 00 000 jj rH rH X -^ OO OX OO O C5 O iD X X C5 s ^ 1 2 rH 1 C5 p. >.0 rH CO "^ c-r T? 0" cf cf cf cT CO X l^ CO Cl" ••■■:i-i-----ii 4 3 .J . . *« •,.-.:i'j-K ii'-^is" ■■ '¥ ■fi '.2 '^ .^Ji-SSK-I-^S^S .1 — xo^'Sj ._ .is ^ ^ _ S "o lIliiiiiiilsiiiHiiiilli 3 "5 ' 5 - CJ O^^^j ►^ -S 5 C 2 H o 13 4o8 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES An Inam is a free grant in perpetuity, without any implied condition, except that in some instances one- third of the rent called Inam Tizai is paid to Govern- ment, when it is not otherwise expressed in the Sannad : an Inam is, in fact, private freehold, or not, according to the above condition, but by far most commonly entirely freehold. Assignments in Saranjam are held on the conditions of military service, and are either as personal pay, Zat Saranjam, or for the support of troops, and the main- tenance of forts called Saranjam, Dewasthan are revenues dedicated to the support of Pagodas ; they are granted on all kinds of property, in various ways, and are considered permanent. Sawasthan is a place where a God is supposed to be actually present, or incarnate ; as Ganpati is supposed to animate the Living God at Chinchur. Eevenues dedicated to the support of such persons or temples are called Sawasthan, and are grants in perpetuity. The word Sawasthan is believed to be different from Sarasthcin (own place), which is applied to the territories of petty Princes or Kiijas, whose districts arc considered entirely their own, and governed independently by them- sehes, without any interference on the part of the Government. Warshasans are originally religious or charitable pensions, paid either from the Huzur treasury, in which case a Sannad was not required, or by grants on the revenues of the Mahals, or any particular parts of them, which were generally confirmed by Sannad, and were considered as descending from father to son, being usually continued by the Mamlatd;irs to the son or immediate heir of the late incumbent, on application to that effect. It would ai)pear, however, that on the death of the present incumbents they may be resumed CONQUERED FROM THE PESHWA. 409 or disposed of at the pleasure of Government, and accordingly, on the Mamhitdar's reporting such circum- stances, should there be no immediate heir, or should he be in any way considered unworthy, the Warshasan is sometimes cither reduced, or taken away altogether. In cases, however, wdiere Sannads have been granted, such exercise of power does not seem to have been usual. Rozinadars are persons receiving a certain charita.ble donation, daily or yearly ; these, together with allow- ance to Pirs and Khairats, were for the most part originally granted b}^ the Mogals, and continued by the Mahrattas. They seem to be considered nearly on the same footing with Warshasans, and to be permitted to go on without much interference. The same may also be said of Dharmadaws, which are charitable allowances to religious persons, or for religious purposes. And Balpurwarishis, which are generally pensions to the families of persons killed in the service. Dharmadaws and Balpurwarishis are usually granted on Sannad, as are sometimes also Dengis. Miscellaneous pensions or allowances, not coming exactly under any of the above heads, are called Killa ; they are in some cases confirmed by Sannad, and con- sidered permanent. A Nemnuk is a fixed annual payment from anj^ particular specified source, whether in money or kind. An Ithikh is a payment either in money or kind from a public treasury or store. And a fixed annual payment (Nemnuk), from any public treasury, is peculiarly called an Itlakli Nemnuk. A Nemnuk, therefore, is a grant conferred on any person as a fixed annuity, either from the Huzur treasurj^ for which Sannads were not issued, or from those of the Mahals, or out of any specified source of 41 o REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES revenue, for wliicli regular Sannads were usually granted. Nemuuks were usually granted, either on account of past or present services, or were fixed in lieu, or in part, of some other allowances formerly enjoyed. Their terms and duration seem to have depended very much on circumstances : such as were confirmed by Sannad were usually held to be perma- nent, though it would appear that during the late Peshwa's Government they were frequently reduced. A detached village, which has by any circumstances been separated from the Mahal to which it originally belonged, is called Phulgam, and such villages in one district, or belonging to one person, are generally classed together as a Mahal, under the name of the Dhutgam of such a district, or person. The allowances to Pagodas (Dewastan), or generally ItLikhs in money or kind, from the treasury of the districts, and the quantities of grain and other articles supplied, are expressed in the regular accounts ; they are, however, not accurately fixed, but vary a little from year to year, as the expenses of the Pagoda may require, or other circumstances occasion ; they seem, however, to be pretty constant, and very rarely to have been resumed, or even reduced. The articles supplied in kind are many and various : they are usually con- verted into money, at the average prices of the different years, from whence the particular accounts are taken ; and the differences from year to year arc so small as not to be worth anything. (True extract), (Signed) J. Macleod. The Iluzur Daftar is the records of Government, as registered by the Government officers. In it were kept CONQUERED FROM THE PESHWA. 411 all accounts of the receipt and expenditure of the revenues of the State, whether the realizations from the provinces or from whatever source, the expenses of troops, estahlishments, Injims, and every species of grant, gift and money transaction whatever, excepting only the private affairs of the Prince, or such accounts as it suited not the interest of individuals in power to leave on record. The Daftar was kept very complete till the time of Baji Eav, whose arbitrary and capricious Government found little advantage in keeping a correct record of its proceedings ; and besides, in the farming system which he adopted the advantage of registering the acts of the revenue servants of Government was in a great measure lost as it existed under former Peshwas ; it was a very extensive establishment, consisting of about 200 Karkuns, and divided into several departments for ■ the various branches of business ; the whole was under the Huzur Faduavis, and was generally distinguished into Chatle Daftar and Ek Berij Daftar, besides the Potnavi's Daftar, treasury, and other departments, not immediately connected with revenue accounts. The establishment of the Chatle Daftars was always the Fadnavis, for the transaction of current business ; that of the Ek Berij Daftar was alwaj^s at Puna, it being more particularly for the arrangement, registry, and deposit of accounts. The business of the Chatle Daftar was distributed amongst the different branches, as the Fad, Belieni, Saranjiim, etc. The Fad was the immediate office of the Fadnavis, from whence were issued all grants, Sannads, and orders, and to which were rendered all accounts re- quired for the information of the Fadnavis from the other departments. Here all accounts were examined 412 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES and passed by the Fadnavis, and daj^-books or journals (Rozkirds) were kept of all transactions that occurred, of all sums paid or received, and of all grants or appointments made or resumed. The Behera department received the accounts from the districts, which were made up into official forms for the inspection of the Fadnavis, as Tallebands, Azmasli, Behera, etc. The Talleband was a complete abstract of the actual receipt and expenditure of the revenues for the past year ; from it was framed the Azmash, or estimate for the next or current year. This was a rough estimate compared with the Behera, which was a corrected statement of all known receipts and of all fixed authorized expenditure, and formed the basis of collection for the current year. The Saranjam department was charged with the accounts of all Saranjams, Inams, etc. ; in short, all Dumalhi whatever. Besides these were the department of accounts generally (Aisal), of military expenses and contri- butions (Wari), and such like. These arrangements, however, varied with the pleasure of the Fadnavis or the business that might occur. In the Ek Berij Daftar at Puna were received, arranged and deposited, all accounts from the other departments, and from them were framed abstracts of the total re- ceipts, expenditures, and balances of Government on all accounts, for the year (called Tarjuma) also Khatavnis; which are abstracts of all kinds of expenditure arranged alphabetically under their proper heads, in the manner of a ledger ; and, in short, the whole of the revenue and financial transactions of the State were registered and arranged, and their accounts deposited in this office. The general contents of the Daftar under the CONQUERED FROM THE PESIIWA. 413 Pesliwas may be described as follows, viz., all acconnts rendered to the Government of the revenue and ex- penditure of the districts, with the settlements of them by Government ; the accounts of districts rendered by the hereditary district officers, and those of villages by village officers, of farms, of customs, etc, ; accounts of all alien- ations of the public revenue, whether Saranjam, Inam, or otherwise, of the pay, rights, and privileges of the Government and village officers ; accounts of the strength and pay of troops, and the expenses of all civil, military, and religious establishments. In the Kozkirds were registers of all revenue transactions generally, together with all grants and payments, and more particularly the accounts of all contributions and exactions levied on foreign states, the whole of which were considered and exhibited in one comprehensive view in the Tarjumas. The records, however, were probably not complete to the extent described. It is said that Nana Faduavis introduced the greatest im- provements into the Daftar, as he did into the tran- saction of accounts in general, and during his adminis- tration, viz., from about 1765^ with the exception of a few years up to 1796, it was kept with much regularity. From the accession of Baji Puiv the regular receipts and deposit of accounts in the Daftar was not only much neglected, but its establishment was almost entirely done away, and people were even permitted to carry away the records or do with them what they pleased. The Daftar was in consequence much mutilated, and thrown into great confusion. After the occupation of Puna, in November, 181 7, the records were found in different places, in a state of the ut- most disorder ; but considering all circumstances, tolerably complete for a period of 88 years — that is, from 1180 (ai) A.D. 1729 inclusive, up to the breaking out of the 414 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES war, with the exception of a blank of about seven years, viz., from 1157 (1757) a.d. to 1163 (1762) a.d. in- ckisive, of which most of the records were burnt when Puna was taken by the Mogals ; for the 27 years pre- ceding this bhmk, the Daftar is moderately perfect, and for the 32 succeeding years up to 1179 (1796) a.d. the accession of Baji Eav, the records are nearly com- plete, particularly from 1774, when Nana Fadnavis came into full power ; but during the reign of Baji Eav, the last 21 years, they are by no means full. It is doubtful how far the accounts in the Daftar may be depended upon as true and candid statements ; it is probable that they were often manufactured to answer the purpose of individuals ; a very remarkable degree, however, of consistency and relative accuracj^ is to be found in the accounts for many years, such as must have required no small industry to effect, and the more ability if the statements are actually false. Since the foundation of the Daftar establishments, under the Commission, the Daftar has been completely examined and arranged into separate districts, and mostly also into Pargani'is, and its arrangement by years also is in considerable progress. Full and com- plete statements of all allowances, as Saranjam (Fauz and Zc'it) Tainat and such like, have been made out, and also lists of all Inams, Dewasthans, and Sawanstiin, Dharmadaws, Kitta, Warshasan, Nemnuks, Nozi- nadars, Khairats, allowances to Pirs and Fakirs and Mosques, Balpunwarshi, Maf, Bakshis, Dengi, Mezwj'ini, Garden and Sanadi lands, Wattan lauds of Jamindars, and for the Deccan, Karnatik, and Khandesh, and the Pcshwa's Provinces in the Nizjim's country, which have also been translated, and forwarded in Mahr;itt;i and English to the collectors. Similar lists of the Konkan and Gujarcit arc in progress; the Daftars CONQUERED FROM THE PESHWA. 415 of the Konkaii for the Last ten years have been sent to Bombay. Abstracts of the produce, reductions, and net revenue of the whole country during the last year of Baji Kav have been framed by districts, Parganas, and Mahals, and in more than half the country by separate villages. For the purpose of authenticating the above lists, each item has been compared with the accounts of the two different periods, viz., the latest in Daftar, from whence it was taken, and another of from fifteen to twenty years preceding, and verj'- often three or four different periods of accounts have been com- pared ; the accurate correspondence which has been observed among them is very remarkable. In many cases the particular dates and circumstances of the original grants have been examined, and with a view to the final and ready adjustment of any disputed title, and to ensure immediate reference, an extract has been made from the Daftar, particularly the Rozkirds, of the date and authority of all grants whatever, and of all forfeitures or restorations of grants from the beginning of the Daftar to the year 17 70, and is now in progress towards the present time. It is arranged alphabetically by the names of grantees, like native Khatawni, con- taining under each the date, circumstances, and par- ticulars of all Sannads, grants or allow^ances, that were made, resumed, or restored by Government. This has been a work of much labour, but when finished will form a table of authentic reference, by which any question or doubt, which may at a future time arise, can at once be settled. Besides the records immediately connected with revenue, from which much matter still remains to be extracted, the Daftar contains many materials of curious general information. Thus the series of accounts of the districts and villaires afford a view of the com- 41 6 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES parative state of cultivation and improvement, and assessment of the country at different times. Those of the armies and establishment, and particularly the Eozldrds, show the progress of the Mahratta conquests and dominion, and the most important acts and events of their Government ; and the Tarjummas furnish complete statements of their general wealth and resources. (Signed) J. Macleod. (True Copy.) (Signed) J. Macleod. Puna, 15th September, 1819. Translation of a Ydd of a Niimdepatra (Award). Draught of a Niwadepatra to Mudoji Naik Nim- balkar, Deshmukh of Prant Phaltan. You came to the presence at Purandhar, and stated as follows : ' My great-grandfather, Bijjiji Naik, had four sons : the eldest Mahadaji Naik, the second Gokaji Niiik, the third Wungaji Naik, and the fourth jModhaji Naik ; three of these died without issue. Modhaji Naik had two wives, the elder Siwaw, the younger Jiwaw. First Jiwaw had a child, Janoji Niiik, and afterwards Siwaw had a son, named Bi- jaji Niiik. Madaji Naik, the eldest son of the first, Bijaji Naik, possessed the Jahagir of the Parganna of Khattaw, and other Mahals, and resided at the Thana of Khattaw, which belonged to him. Madaji Naik took (the young) Bijaji Naik for his adopted son, and died at Gwalior. The Wattan and Jahagir were continued to J->ij;iji Naik, and afterwards the deceased Jhalioo Maharaj gave Rajis Bai in marriage to Modhoji Niiik, son of Janoji Naik, and the CONQUERED FROM THE PESHWA. 417 Maharaj desired Jiinoji Naik's father to give liim a village for his subsistence. His father, however, would not comply, but was offended, and went into the Mogal's country after him ; Janoji Naik and his son Mud- hoji Naik enjoyed the Jahagir. At that time the "VVattan was held by my Gumasta. I returned to my Wattan about twenty or twenty-two years after the death of the father of Bijaji Naik, in the Mogal's country, and during the lifetime of Mudhoji Naik, who then gave me in the Pagoda his sword and shield and place, as his elder, and was about to give up the Wattan to me when he died ; on this the deceased Madho Rav Pandit Pradhan confirmed to me my Wattan and Jahagir, which I accordingly enjoyed for six or seven years. But during the troubles which occurred on the death of Narc4yan Rav Pandit Pradhan, Saguntdbai, wdfe of Mudhoji Naik, got the Wattan and Jahagir for herself, and now enjoys possession of them. But I am the elder in the Deshmukhi. I have never to this day shared my Wattan with any of my younger relations ; I make the main allowance for their support, but do not allow them to interfere. I now pray that orders may be given for my rights, which have existed for many years, being restored, and con- tinued in the same way for the future.' Mudhoji Niiik bin Bijaji, with their seals, etc., addressed to Bijaji Naik bin Mahadaji Naik. Upon this an order was given to Sagunabai to send an agent on this affixir to the presence, and Narshinw Rav Konlier was sent by her for this purpose. Narshinw Rav Konher asserted that Madaji Naik had never adopted Bijaji Naik, that Mudfiji Naik is the sou, Bijaji Naik the j'ounger brother of Janoji Naik, who was the father-in-law of the Bai, and the eldest sou of the first Mudoji Naik, and Mudoji Naik has therefore 27 4i8 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES no claim to seniority. Having stated tins, he produced a Muliuzar, with its seals, etc., naming Bijaji Naik bin Mudhoji Naik, upon which the papers of both parties were examined in the Huzur. Mijalos Mud- hoji IS[c4ik produced his papers, and in his Eajpatra and Muhuzur appeared the name of Bijaji Naik bin Madaji Naik ; and Narshinw Kav Konher produced his Muhuzur, in which was written Bijaji Naik bin Mudoji Naik. As no decision could be formed from the papers of the two parties, therefore you (Mudoji Naik) were asked what is to be done now. On which you replied: ' Since no decision can be given on this Eajpatra and Muhuzurs, let the Deshpandes, Patils, and Kulkarnis of the district be sent for and examined, and whatever decision is made on their evidence, that I agree to obey.' Narshinw Eav Konher, having con- sulted with the Bai, answered : ' Since Modoji Naik says that Madaji Naik adopted Bijaji at Khattaw, and that he will prove this by the evidence of the inhabit- ants of Khattaw, this evidence I agree to ;' on which an order was sent from Government with some messengers to Khattaw, who brought back some witnesses with them, and some others who happened to be here on their own affairs, were pointed out by you. At length twenty- six witnesses were examined, in the presence of both parties, in the temple of Sopandew. These witnesses deposed that Sagunc4 Bai had given a letter to Bhikaji Mankeshwar, and sent him to them (the witnesses) desiring them to make inquiry and inform her whether Mahadaji had adopted Bijaji Niiik or not ; and that Bhikaji Mankeshwar had told them many matters besides, from which they understood the business. In reply to this, they wrote that they would not interfere in the business ; that she would be in- formed of the whole by Bhikaji Mankeshwar himself. I CONQUERED FROM THE PESHWA. 419 After this they (the tleponents) came to Sjiswad, when they took an Abhaya Patra (writing of security or in- demnity) from E.'ijshri Mudoji Naik, who engaged, that as the}' had been brought to the presence to give evidence respecting his Wattan, shoukl any trouble ever arise to them regarding the matter, he slioukl be answerable for it ; that the deponents had made out a writing amongst themselves (Sunepatra) that what- ever Sultanji bin Manaji and Sultanji bin Baihiroji, Pai-ture Deshmukhs, should say, they would all swear to ; to this they all agreed. These papers they brought and produced to the Sarkar, upon which they were all closely cross-examined by the Sarkar in the following manner : ' What was the reason that you wrote these letters to Saguna Bai and the Naik, and made such an agreement amongst yourselves ? what reliance can we now place on your testimony, without an oath ? You must discard this paper of yours, and speak the truth.' They were then taken to the Mandap of three Sopandev at Saswad, and interrogated in the follow- ing order : Roule Kasi Deshpande, Kussu Durga Deshpande, Jiwaji Kumbhar, Bahirji Kumbhar, Gan- gaji Kumbhar, Subhanji Lobar, Shaitu Mahar, Dawya Mahar, Satwa Malnir, Mulga Mahar, Sukhoji Sutar, Sidhoji Sutar, Bhikaji Gurav, Tukoji Gunia, Chanda Nawri, Janoji Nawri, Anaji Chambluir, Hiroji Clnimbhar; these above eighteen persons gave a writing that they knew not whether Bijaji Naik adopted a son or not. Sultanji bin Bahirji Deshmukh, Tukoji vallad Eiinoji Pj'irit, Yyinkaji Ginnaji Palhi, Hussen Shaik Hazrat Kazi, Dongraji Naikwarri, Tazkhan Naikwarri, Bhik Joshi, in all eight persons, gave a writing, that their ancestors had told them that Mahadjiji Naik had adopted Bijaji Naik. They were then asked what reason 27—2 420 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES their ancestors had for telHrig them ? On which the Deshmukhs wrote in answer, that a quarrel ahout their Wattan had formerly been referred to Phlatan, and that they had gone with their fathers to Bijaji Naik, when their fatheri^ had told them. This evidence they sub- scribed ; they were not influenced by the Samapatra which they had before signed. That the son had been adopted was true ; upon this Narshinw Eav Konher named seven witnesses of Khattaw, viz., Surerupji bin Fakirji Bhartare Deshmukh, Khando Jiwaji Desh- pande, Gupur Sha wallad Maniksha Kazi, Lingo] i wallad Eowloji Naykora, Ba.boo bin Bhikaji Parit, Sulan wallad Manekhan Moolana, Bhujanga bin Gan- gaji Shimpi, in all seven. These persons were ex- amined in presence of the parties, in the Pagoda of Nanayndew, near Purandhar, in the following manner : Surerupji bin Fakirji Bhartare Deshmukh deposed that a paper on this subject from Saguna Bai had been received in his village. That he had inquired of the Ballotis, etc., who replied in writing, that they knew not whether Mahadaji Naik had adopted Bijaji Naik or not. This very paper the witness pro- duced ; on which the witnesses were cross-examined, and again desired to speak the truth. The witnesses again gave a written declaration that they knew not, nor had their fathers ever told them, whether a son had been adopted or not. The substance of this evidence and of the Samapatra was mentioned to Narshinw Buv Konher, and it was remarked that eight persons had given testimony against him, and not one for him ; to which he replied : ' Of tlu^ twenty- six persons who had agreed to swear anything, eighteen have deposed to nothing, and eight have given evidence for the opposite party ; but I will not admit their testimony unless the CONQUERED FROM THE PES II W A. 421 witnesses are brought to Jejuri, and sworn on the tortoise of the God ; if he shall confirm their truth, then will I admit it, and I shall not desire to call any other witnesses from Pluiltan.' A Razinama was re- quired by Government to this effect. To this Konher also agreed, but said he was the elder party ; that whatever the Sirkar ordered, he would readily obey ; but that the Bai had not given any Takrar or Zamin, and therefore he could not now give a Razinama. The Razinama was not further insisted on, but as Narshinw Rav had desired that the witnesses should be sworn on the tortoise at Jejuri, and promised to admit their evidence, and had requested the Sirkar's consent. Accordingly the twenty-five witnesses, out of the whole thirty-three, who could depose to nothing, were, with the consent of both parties, dismissed. The remaining eight were sent by Government, with Moro Harri, and also the Wattandars of some other Mahals, and one Mahriitta for each of the parties, to Jejuri. On their arrival there, in the presence of Bapuji Mahadew Namzada, and the Karkuns and Patil and Kulkarni, and Pujaris, and Laugis, etc, of Jejuri ; and Magoji Taura on the part of the Bai, and on yours Ramsing, on the 15th Kartik, saw the witnesses bathed, and all the marks on their bodies were carefully noted, and the circumstances and marks, the occurrence or appearance of which on their bodies within ten nights was to prove the falsehood of their oath, according to custom, were also written down. Boly water was then placed on their heads, and sandal- wood on their fore- head, and a necklace of flowers about their necks, and the witnesses were then separatelj^ cross-examined on the tortoise of the God, whether Mahadaji Naik had adopted Bijaji Naik or not, and adjured to speak the truth ; on which they declared in writing on the tortoise 42 2 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES that Mabadaji Naik had adopted Bijaji Naik ; that this their forefathers had told them, and this was true. This writing was coufirmed by the eight witnesses, then laid before the shrine of God, and brought back and given to Moro Harri. It was then brought down along with the witnesses to the village, in presence of the Mahrattas, and placed in the Kacheri and watched day and night for ten days ; once a day the witnesses were brought before the God, and then carried to the Kacheri, and there in presence of the two Mahrattas examined whether any of the marks should be found on their bodies ; on being found pure a certificate was written every day, and the witnesses were dismissed to their houses. In this manner the ten days passed. The witnesses underwent this trial according to their oath^ and were proved true ; and Moro Harri returned to the presence with the witnesses, and a certificate to the above effect from Bapuji Mahadew Namzada, and the Karkuns and Patils and Kulkarnis of Jejuri Negoji ; the Mahratta on the part of Sagguna Bai had gone away privatel}" on the seventh night of the trial. The whole circumstances of the oath were investi- gated and duly considered in the Huzur Kacheri, in presence of Narshinw Piav Konher, and it appeared clear that the witnesses from Kliattaw had proved the truth of their oath on the tortoise of the God. The right of seniority of Mudhoji Naik to the Deshmukhi was clearly proved, and the claims of the Bc4i, asserted by Narshinw Rav Konher, were proved to be false ; on which this letter has been written to you that you may obtain possession. You are the chief Deshmukh of Phaltan ; the whole of the Wattan of the Deshmukhi, with its riglits, benefits, and privileges and Inam lands, and usufruct, etc., as they belonged to your ancestors, ..rd CONQUERED FROM THE PESHWA. 423 and have descended to you, are hereby confirmed to you and your heirs and descendants for ever ; may you enjoy them, and Hve in peace and comfort. Sagguna Bai and your other cousins in the Deshmukhi must remain in subjection to your authority according to custom ; they have no claim to superiority. For this purpose this letter is written to the Naik. In this manner also are written three other letters containing a brief extract of the above, viz., one to the Deshadhikari and Likhek Wartaman Bliawi, one to the Deshpande, and one to the Mokaddams of the village : of these, copies only to be left with the above persons ; the original to be delivered to Mudhoji Nciik for his security. The above four letters to be written dated 24th Julkliad Margshirsh Shud San 1178, a.d. 1777-78. Puna, 10th September, 1819. True translation. (Signed) J. Macleod. (True copy.) (Signed) J. Macleod. Translation of a Saraunsh. Jiwaji Bhandari versus Tatoji and Salwaji and Appaji Bhandari, in the matter of the right to the Chougulki and certain lands' of the villages of Wadhu and Apte, in the Sarkiir Junar. This dispute having been referred to the presence, and the Takrdr, Zamin and Pwsish of both parties security, and . ^■'- . examination. havmg been taken in writing, and each having produced his papers in support of his case, the following is the Saraunsh Sur San 1169, a. d. 1768-G9. The substance of the Takrar, Pursish, of Tatoji, etc., Bhandtiries : 424 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES Our original ancestor was Tanoji, whose son was Tatoji, whose son was Mawji, whose son was Tu- koji, who had seven sons, four of whom left no issue ; of the three others, the eldest was Mawji, the second Santoji, and the third Makaji. The de- scendants of Mawji are still in the country, and their history shall be inquired into and communicated. Of the second son, Santoji, are descended one son, Tatoji, whose son, Gomaji, had two sons, the elder of whom, Bhikaji, had three sons, Tatoji, Sambaji, and Mahadaji ; of these Sambaji left no issue, the other two are still alive. Gomaji's second son, Makaji, had two sons, Firangoji and Gonji, who are still alive. Of Makaji, the third son of Tukoji, are descended a son, Dassoji, whose son, Eukoji, had two sons, the elder of whom, Makaji, had two sons, Satwaji and Subhanji, who are now alive. This is our genealogy; we know of no common ancestor of Jiwaji's and ours. Our ancestor is Tanoji, and he had enjoyed from early times the Chougulki of Wadhu. The mother of Tanoji left her village and went to Nergursar. At this time Tanoji and his brother Mayaji were children ; on their growing up, they began to inquire of their mother where their Wattan was. She replied, ' Our Wattan is the Chougulki and three Sajgannis of land of Wadhu.' On hearing this information, Tanoji went, to Wadhu ; but the villagers would not admit him ; and Tiinoji began to vent his revenge in acts of injury towards them. At this time Maske, Patil of Apte, and Kale and Sewle, Piitils of Wadhu, joined together and rescued and brought back from Tanoji a herd of cattle which he was driving away; upon which Tanoji began to commit violence upon the people of Apte. After this Maske, Patil of Apte, CONQUERED FROM THE PESHWA. 425 gave Tanoji 6 Sajgannis of Thall land, and having taken him over, made him his brother ; and Kalle and Sewle, Patils of Wadhii, gave Tanoji 4 Sajgannis of their own Thall land and a house, and talked him over, and restored to him also 3 Sajgannis of land, which had originally belonged to him. Tanoji and his brother Tatoji enjoyed the whole of these lands, until Tatoji was killed by Bhullaji Gumasta of Maske, Patil of Apte ; upon this Mawji, the son of Tatoji, fled to the country and died there, leaving a son Tukoji, who returned to Apte and obtained his Wattan and land and house from Dhuggeg Patil. Kanoji Bhandari then complained that he was the descendant of Tanoji ; but the whole village and the Kunbis of twelve other villages testified that Tukoji was the true descendant of Tanoji, and that Kanoji was not. A judgment was given, and a Mahajar (testimonial of right) of the Chougulki was given to Tukoji, and 1 Sajganni of land to Kanoji. From thenceforth, the Chougulki of Apte and 5 Sajgannis of land and a house have been enjoyed by the family ; before Tukoji, the Chougulki of Apte did not belong to us. Jewoji Bhandari is no blood-relation of ours. His ancestor, Kahoji, and ours, Mahoji, had a dispute ; since which time Rahoji has possessed the Chou- gulki of Wadhu. Whether it belonged to them before Rahoji, we do not know; nor whether Mahoji, son of Tukoji, enjoyed the Chougulki of Wadhu. But he certainly possessed and lived in the house, between the houses of two Sewles in Wadhu, and had 4 Sajgannis of land, but of which his an- cestor had before given 9 Rukhas to Vetal; there remained 15 Rukhas of land, which Mahoji enjoyed. Rahoji then began to quarrel with Mahoji about 42 6 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES the land, sayiug that he was his brother, and ought to have half the land ; both of them were much distressed by this quarrel. At length, Herji, Patil of Wadhn, reconciled them to each other, and gave 8 Rukhas out of the 15 to Ealioji, and the remaining 7 Ruklnis were enjoyed by Mahoji. The certificate of this par- tition was lost, and Rahoji began to complain again, on which Mahoji left the village, and is still in the country. One Sajganni of land of Apte had been given to Kanoji, besides which he had enjoyed for many years, from our grandfather, another Sajganni of Tliall land. During the reign of the Pt4dshas, the ancestor of Jiwji, his grandfather or great-grandfather, by name Kamloji, was a man of power, and had cultivated the whole of the lands of Wadhu and Apte. At that time Tashnif had been sent by the Padsha to him for the Chougulki ; of which half was given to Sewle Chou- gulki, and half kept by Kamloji, for this reason, that the daughter-in-law of Dhuggeg, who had been seized and carried off to the Mogal's Tanna of Sikapur, had been recovered and brought back by Kamloji, on which account he (Dhuggeg) had bestowed his Chou- gulki of Apte by writing on Kamloji, who therefore kept half the Tashnif; besides this, he had other claim of possession. A quarrel between his family and ours has existed in the village, but we have enjoyed pos- session. The village of Apte was given by the Sarkar to Gopal Rav Barve. At that time Jiwji and Makaji cultivated our lands, and from that time our quarrel has continued. Being questioned on the Takrar of Jiwji, Tatoji, etc., reply 'that on the quarrel between Jiwji's an- cestors, Rahoji and Mahoji, Rahoji went through an ordeal in support of his being the true heir of Tanoji, CONQUERED FROM THE PESHWA. 427 and not Malioji.' The circumstances of tliese are as follows : Ralioji and Malioji, having (|uaiTolled, went to Moheri, when the ordeal was undergone by Rahoji's having rubbed over his hand the leaves of a Wana- spatti (plant). On this Malioji went to Jijan at Satcira, and brought an order from her to the village that the ordeal should be performed again ; but Sewle Mokaddam having taken them both over, divided tlie 15 Eukhas of land of Wadhu equally between Puihoji (and Mahoji) ; and of the 3 Sajgannis of land he gave T-J Eukhas, in 15 Rukhas, to Mahoji, and also a house situated between the Sewles. The sons of these two lived in amity. Ralioji was told that the papers respecting the Thall of Moheri and the other from Satani, and the papers respecting the 15 Eukhas of land, had been thrown into the Bima ; but whether they had been got from Dj'idji or not was unknown. We know not of any Mahajar respecting a dispute between Jiwji Bhandarri and Gunaji Bhandarri. From the time of ordeal the property of Wadhu only has been enjoyed by Jiwji, but none of Apte. Jiwji has no claims on Apte. The substance of the Takrtir and examination of Jiwji Bhandarri : My ancestors were Sonaji and Kamloji, who w^ere brothers. Sonaji had two sons, the elder Chahoji, and the second Mahoji. Chahoji had a son, Vittoji, wdiose son was Kintoji, whose son was Siwji, whose son was Somaji. Somaji had two sons, Eahoji and Khiwji, who left no issue ; but Edhoji had five sons, Jiwji, Gogaji, Kamloji, Somaji, and Jiwaji. The eldest, Jiwji, had four sons, the eldest Paddoji, the second Yamaji, the third Kanoji, the fourth Bhanji ; of them, three had 428 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES no issue, but Yamaji had four *ons, the eldest Udaji, the second Eanoji, the third Jiwji, the fourth Mavji, who had no issue. Gogaji, second son of Eahoji, had four sons, Hawji, . . . ., Santaji, and Bawaji ; Hawji had two sons, Ta- Uciji and Yessaji ; . . . . had two sons, Walloji and Gunaji, who are both still alive ; the third son, Santaji, had also two sons, Mankaji and Eaghoji, who are also living ; the fourth son, Bawaji, is still living. Kamloji, third son of Eahoji, had four sons, one of whom died without issue ; there remained three, Eamji, Mahadji, and Sambhaji ; Eamji had a son named Tcwji, now living; Mahadji had three sons, one of whom is dead : the remaining two, Janoji and Nawji, are still living ; Sambhaji had one son, Khandoji, who is also alive. Somaji, fourth son of Eahoji, had four sons: 1st, Satwaji ; 2nd, Subhauji ; 3rd, Kussaji ; 4th, Tiinaji, all of whom are now alive. Jiwaji, fifth son of Eahoji, had also four sons, Malji, Dliauji, Shetyaji, and Kauji, who are still living. Mahoji, second son of the original Somaji, had a son named Tatoji, who had a son named Mahoji, whose son was Kanoji, who died without issue. The original Kamloji, the second brother, had a son named Eamji, who had a son, Mayaji, who had two sons, Kamloji and Bawaji, the former of whom died without issue ; and Bawaji had two sons, Eamji and IMahadji, who both left the country. This is my genealogy. My original ancestors, Somaji and Kamloji, had obtained 2^ Eukhas of land — altogether, 9 Chahur of the village of AVadhu. Abbaji Patil had given them this land, and the Chougulki of the village. Bhulle Patil, of Apte, had given Sajgaunis of land in CONQUERED FROM THE PESHWA. 429 Wattan to them, in which Tanjiji obtained the Chou- disregard of Major Ballantyne's engagements ; and the second, the long interval that has been allowed to elapse since the transfer of the Gaikwar's authority to the Company, without any assumption on the part of the British Government of the superintendence of the district. I have called on the Resident at Baroda to explain the cause of those omissions, and I have now only to state their effects. Almost all the chiefs I have met with have com- plained of the exactions of the Bacha Jamadar, which HON. MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. 549 sometimes amounted to double the amount settled by Major Ballantyne. The addition was levied under some other name, but it was not the less an increase to the tributes. These chiefs, indeed, were few in number, but I have every reason to think the grievance general. Complaints were also made on all hands of the Gaikwar Government abetting encroachments by one chief on another, or at least of its failing to restrain such encroachments, and neglecting to repress the depreda- tions of the Kolis and other Melivasis residing both within its immediate districts and in the tributary country. This last evil has greatly increased during the inter- regnum that has been allowed to take place since the Gaikwar withdrew from the management of the Mahi Kantha, during which time the chiefs have been left to their own management without any common head to refer to. In consequence, their quarrels have run from verbal discussions to petty wars, and the predatory villages, invited by the unsettled state of the neigh- bourhood, have commenced depredations on all around. The disputes between the Patavat of Titui and the Raja of Idar is the chief of the quarrels above alluded to. Both parties levied troops, and both were guilty of exactions in the country through which they passed. But on an accommodation between the parties, the Raja withdrew his troops without difficulty, while those of the Titui chief remained in a state of real or pretended insubordination, making incursions into the Dungarpur country, that of the Raja of Ahmednagar, and of various petty chiefs, and threatening the nearest even of the Company's districts. His mercenaries amount to 700, of whom 200 or 300 are Arabs. The Mehvasi villages now active in plundering are scattered over nearly the whole of the Mahi Kantha. 550 MINUTES BY THE Gaujun, Bakroli, and some others plunder the north- east of the Modasa sub-division Pargana, as does Amodra in the Bayad Pargana. While Antroli in Harsole and Kuparel in Parantij are both in a state of rebellion against the Company as well as the Gaikwar, Anoria, a village of the Gaikwar's in the Bijapur Pargana, plunders the Company's territory, as those of Kuberpur and Chaublea in Vadnagar do that of the Eajas of Idar and Ahmednagar. Balla Miya, also of Bhujpura, in the south-east, is openly plundering the country ; and those disorders, which have increased rapidly within these few months, would soon become universal if prompt measures were not taken to repress them. With this view I have directed Captain Miles to repair to Modasa and endeavour to put a stop to these irregularities, as far as can be done by remon- strance. I have left a party of fifty men from my escort at Modasa, to afford some little protection to tliat part of the Company's territory, and I have directed a detachment of 700 Native Infantry, with 1 gun, and 200 Gaikwar Horse to assemble at the same place to support Captain Miles. I do not think this detachment sufficient to settle the whole country ; and if I had the means, I would send such a detachment as that now in Kathiawar to obtain securities from the chiefs, and to hunt down any who might obstinately persevere in their depredations. But the present detachment, if it can be formed at all, will be formed with great difficulty, and I hope it will check the pressing evils. Captain Miles will be able to judge whether it will enable him to obtain the securities ; and if a further force is found necessary, it can be sent after the rains, when the crops are on the ground, which is always the best time for settling with Mehvasis. The principle of the settlement ought to be to take HON. MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. 551 security for ten years for the payment of the trihute settled by Major Ballautyne, and for the ob- pi,^„ ^^^ ^^^^ servance of our engagements. The principal ^"''"■''' articles of which should bo as follows : 1. To abstain from plundering. 2. To give up plunderers and others guilty of offences in the territory of the Government or of any other chief. 3. The chiefs to employ their whole means to resist and destroy plunderers, to give no succour to any person in opposition to the authority of the British Government or the Gaikwar, and to use every exertion to cut off his supplies, and to apprehend him. 4. To abstain from private war and from maintaining foreign mercenaries. 5. To refer all disputes to the arbitration of the British Government. 6. To protect the passage of merchants, and (if the chief can be persuaded to accede to it) to accept of a compensation for the privilege of levying transit duties. 7. To prevent illicit trade in opium. Besides these general arrangements, there are many particular ones applicable to each chief. The relation between the Eaja of Idar and his rela- tions and Patavats, the Patavats of the former Raos and the Koli chiefs with his territory, should be fixed with precision. Where it is consistent with established practice, the Raja's authority should be restored to such an extent as to enable him to call out the contingents of his Patavats, and maintain order without the direct interference of the British Government ; on the other hand, where the practice does not admit of his exer- cising such a degree of authority, the British Govern- ment must make effectual arrangements on its own part for preventing disorders being committed by the chiefs. 552 MINUTES BY THE Many of the Malii Kantha chiefs are entitled to pecuniary collections, Giras, in the Company's and Gaikwar's districts. The amount of these should be fixed, and means taken to provide for the payment in such a manner as to prevent the clashing of authorities without injuring the chief by converting his territorial right into pecuniary pension from a Government. A mode consistent with the practice of the country would be to allow the collection to be made by the Bhat who is security for the chief, assisted, if necessary, by the collector's officers. Some of those chiefs (especially the Eaja of Idar) have similar claims on each other which should be settled with equal precision, and a mode of payment fixed on that may prevent disagreement. In many cases it might be practicable for the British Govern- ment to make the collection, and admit the money received in part payment of the Ghasdana. The amount might perhaps, in most cases, be fixed on an average of the last ten or fifteen years' payments. Including those of the Eaja of Idar's dependents, which used to settle with the Gaikwar separately from him, there are 121 chiefs in the Mahi Kantha with whom Major Ballantine made settlement. Of these, 63 pay Jamabandi to the Company, and are included in the eye of our regulations in the districts of Kaira and Ahmedabad, and 24 pay Jamabandi to different Kama- visdars of the Gaikwar. It would simplify our transactions if the chiefs within our districts were to pay their Ghasdana through the collector. The question also arises regarding the persons, whether it is consistent with justice and sound policy to subject them to the direct interference of our Courts and to the ordinary regulations of our Govern- ment, or whether it would be expedient to 2)lace them HON. MOUNTSTUART ELPHIN STONE. 553 on some other footing, if such can be found, that should secure the quiet of our own districts without diminishing the independence of the tributaries. I shall endeavour to examine this question on my progress through the Company's districts. With respect to the 24 that pay Jamabandi to the Gaikwar, it is indispensable that the amount of that tribute should be fixed, or our guarantee of the fixed rate of Ghasdana will be nugatory. The Gaikwar may perhaps be persuaded to acquiesce in this, on our engaging to assist his officers in recovering their Jamabandi ; but the negotiation would not be without difficulty, as it is the constant practice of the Gaikwar Government to increase the Jamabandi whenever an opportunity offers. Should the Gaikwar refuse to accede, I see no course but to make over the whole management of those villages to his Highness, without our participation or guarantee. There are at present a vast number of unsettled dis- putes between the chiefs, which might be adjusted by the political agent, through the names of Panchayats. I do not think it would be found convenient to make the present state of possession permanent, as was done in Kathiawar. The political agent might, however, endeavour, in all cases where the right of the claimant was at all doubtful, to persuade him to acquiesce in the actual state of possession or to come to some compromise with the occupant. The particular relation of Lunavada to Sindia will render it necessary for Major Ballantyne to abstain for the present from all interference with that petty state, for the tribute of which he should apply to Captain MacDonald, but should be called on for a full account of Lunavada and the progress of its connection with the Gaikwar state. These are all the points which at 554 MINUTES BY THE present occur to me as requiring notice, but the full accounts we may hereafter expect will doubtless sug- gest many more. Until all pending questions are finally settled, it will be necessary for the political agent to move about the country, and it may be necessary for the troops to remain there also ; but when ajBfairs are once put into a regular train, the political agent may take up a fixed station, and it should, I conceive, be towards the south, at an equal distance from the eastern and western ex- tremities of the district. It is desirable that the Kaja of Idar should be left to the exercise of his own authority ; and, on the other hand, the Kolis bordering on our districts require constant vigilance to repress their de- predations. Very great attention and judgment will always be necessary to unite that vigilance with an abstinence from the opposite fault of our interference, which often serves only to destroy the established authority, without setting up anything equally efficacious in its place. The utmost personal attention will also be necessary among so many chiefs, who have all disputes with their neighbours, to prevent native agents from fostering a litigious spirit, and producing irritation by corruption and partiality. For this and other reasons I think it impossible for the same officer to undertake the man- agement of the Main Kantha and of Kathiawar. I propose, therefore, that the whole duty of the latter province should be made over to Captain Barnewell, whose allowances may be increased to those of a col- lector, which, indeed, they ought to be, on the principle on which they were first fixed. Major Ballantyne may then give up his whole attention to Malii Kantha, and it may be practicable at some future period to unite his office with that of the political agent at Palanpur, HON. MOUNT STUART ELPHINSTONE. 555 unless the duties of the hitter shouhl be increased by the management of the Jodhpur tributaries. The troops ought not, I conceive, to remain in the country after it is once settled ; but prompt measures should be adopted from time to time to send detach- ments from Deesa, Kaira, and Baroda, to make ex- amples like that of Lohaur, which never fail to make a strong and lasting impression, and which are the more effectual because the tributaries never know when they are safe from them. Whereas if a battalion were stationed in the country, any circumstance that called it off to foreign service would be the signal for general depredation and disorder. It is not necessary or ex- pedient to employ regular troops against small parties of banditti on the roads. These would be put down by the irregulars under the revenue officers, and by the people of the country, which will always succeed, if great attention be paid to prevent any relaxation in their exertions. These means will, I think, be very effectual in establishing the tranquillity of the Mahi Kantha, which, from its contiguity to our own districts, is of much greater consequence than that of Kathiawar or any other tributary state. In the course of events, it may, I think, be expected that the southern parts of the Mahi Kantha will at no distant period be turned into a quiet and submissive country. The long continuance of tranquillity will turn the attention of the Kolis to agriculture, and their pre- datory habits and their jungles will disappear together. If the progress of civilization be less rapid in the strong country on the frontier, it is a satisfaction to reflect that the nature of those fastnesses and the character of their defenders are a protection to the peaceful inhabitants of the plains, and that they have hitherto afforded an effectual barrier against the hordes of freebooters, who 556 MINUTES BY THE have so long ravaged the neighbouring provinces of Hindustan. The principahty of Palanpur is included in the Main Kantha settlement, and pays Ghasdana to the Gaikwar ; but it could not be comprised in a general description with the other communities, from which it differs so much in all respects. It has owed its independence more to distance than to natural strength, the country being in most parts open and easy of access. It is naturalty not unfertile, and though it has felt the effects of the famine which was so severe in Cutch, Kathiawar, and on the north-western frontier, it has suffered less than its w^estern neighbours. It seems tolerably well governed, and appears to be prosperous. The town of Palanpur is reckoned to contain about 20,000 inhabit- ants. The Diwan's revenue is somewhat less than three lakhs of rupees, but this is charged with a tribute of 50,000 rupees (^5,000), etc., a subsidy of 81,600 rupees (^8,160) to the Gaikwar. His military force amounts to 300 horse and 500 foot, in which are included 150 horse and 100 foot subsidized from the Gaikwar. His debts amount to 40,000 rupees (X'4,000). The family of the Diwan have had possession of Palanpur for many generations. About twenty-seven years ago, the state fell into the hands of a rebellious soldiery, who expelled the lawful Diwan, set up first his relation, Shamshir Khan, the chief of Deesa, and next Firuz Khan. They afterwards murdered Firuz Khan, and recalled Shamshir Khan from Deesa, to which place he had retired. Shamshir Khan was emancipated from the control of the soldiery, and established as guardian to Fateli Khan, the son of Firuz Khan, by a British force acting on the part of the Gaikwar (in 1809) ; but having afterwards failed to pay his tribute. HON. MOUNT STUART ELPHINSTONE. 557 he was removed by another in 1817, and tlie exercise of the Government was entrusted to Fateh Khan mider the superintendence of Captain Miles, the British pohtical agent. At this time the Gaikwar's subsidy was imposed. It serves to pay the salary of the political agent, which is G,000 rupees (<£600) a year, and the horse and foot already specified. This arrange- ment answers well at present. The subsidized troops are entirely at the disposal of the political agent, whose supervision of the Diwan's expenses is certainly bene- ficial. But without the control of the political agent, the present plan would probably end either in the rebellion of the Diwau, or in his being swallowed up by the Gaikwar. Should his debts not disappear under the expected improvement of his country, it may be questioned whether he will not be relieved from part of his subsidiary arrangements with the Gaikwar, which ought to be proportioned to the means of his principality. The Diwan has no foreign connections. He corre- sponds with the neighbouring pettj^ states with whom he formerly kept up mutual incursions. His territory has occasionally and even very lately suffered by the depredations of the Jodhpur armies levying tribute in his neighbourhood ; but he has never paid anything to that Government. The appointment of a separate political, agent at Palanpur prevents its being included in the Main Kantha settlement, and renders inapplicable to it almost all the plans that have been proposed for the rest of that division. Steps have already been taken to ascertain the Gaikwar's right to Ghasdanas within the Gaiuwars Peshwa's districts adjoining the Malii Kantha. '^d-umint'he 1 shall make no observations on them here, t»cts- except that, as the disputed items are all included 558 MINUTES BY THE HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. in the list of tributaries settled with by Major Ballan- tine, it will be necessary that that officer be expressly directed to forbear making any demand on them until the questions now under discussion shall have been determined. MINUTE BY THE HON. MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE, DATED JANUARY 26, 1821. CUTCH. I HAVE the honour to communicate such considerations on the subject of Cutch as have been suggested by my visit to that country. It is a territory of small extent * and of little J^i'-- Eiphm- ^ stone's Minute. fertility. Water is scarce, and often salt ; the ^^-i- soil is generally either rocky or sandy, and the propor- tion that is cultivated, though very superior to that in Kathiawar, is insufficient to support its own scanty population. The capital, Bhuj, contains only 20,000 souls. Lakh- pat Bandar, Anjar, and perhaps Mundra, may have 10,000 inhabitants each. The other towns are generally much smaller. The seaport of Mandvi akme bears the marks of industry and prosperity. It carries on a considerable trade, especially with Arabia and the coast of Africa, and contains from 30,000 to 40,000 inhabitants. The whole revenue of this territory is under 50 lakhs of koris (about 16 lakhs of rupees); and of this less than * About 180 miles lon, I do not see a single advantage in keeping the listrict. As long as our influence at Bhuj continues, t is of no use whatever ; and if that influence were to ixpire, it would require a strong force to defend it : 5ven then, the jealousy it would occasion between us md the Rao would probably soon involve us, as it did )efore, in hostilities with that Prince. The only ques- ions therefore are, whether we can obtain adequate security for the revenue we give up, and whether it vould be satisfactory to the Rayats if Anjar be restored 37 57S MINUTES BY THE HON. M. ELPHIXSTONE. to the Eao. The failure of the Cutch GovernmeDt in paying the subsidy makes the answer to the first of these questions very doubtful. I have referred both to the Resident for his report. It would be popular to restore the fort of Bhujia to the Eao, and it would be popularity easily purchased, for the fort is, I believe, incapable of being defended, especially in its present state ; but as it commands our cantonments, it would be necessary to move the brigade to some other ground. If a good position could be found near Bhuj (for it ought not, I think, to be at any distance from the Eao's person), it would be de- sirable to remove the brigade thither, and to construct a redoubt within which a residence might be erected for the late Eao, and where the stores, etc., might be de- posited if the force were obliged to move. The expense of such a work would, however, be considerable, and it will be necessary to call for an estimate before it can be determined on. At any rate the cantonment can be moved, and some sort of field-work thrown up for the stores. The present force in Cutch appears to me no more than sufficient. It would be insufficient if we had any reason to distrust the goodwill of the in- habitants. The detachments at Patau and Eajkot could, however, reinforce it within a fortnight. The wish of the people of Bhuj is strongly in favour of repairing their walls, which I think ought to be done as soon as the finances of the state will admit of it. The same observations apply to Lakhpat Bandar, but I do not think it necessary to incur the expense of re- pairing Anjar, which we could never spare an adequate force to defend. THE END. BILLING AND SONS, PRINTERS, GUILDFORD AND LONDON. 0. C. d Co. ^V UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY Los Angeles This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. OlSCHARGEURt OCT 2 3 1981. 315 ^^iM UC SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACIL AA 001 130 168 "Jill mi 3 -.11^ nil II I '^0394 704*0 .'5' •-.'' V.