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Fabnlae Faciles. a First Latin Reader. Containing Detached Sentences and Consecutive Stories. By F. Ritchie. 2^. dd. Waterloo Place, Pall Mall, London. SELECTED LETTERS OF CICERO LETTERS OF CICERO SELECTED AND EDITED WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES BY J. H. MUIRHEAD, B.A. OxoN. EXAMINER FOR DEGREES IN THE UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW. Qjiae qui legat non jiuiltum desideret historiain coniexlatit eorum tempornvt. nep. att. xvi. RIVINGTONS WATERLOO PLACE, LONDON MDCCCLXXXV • 1* » « • * . • \v" . • • TA A^3 \-f ZD -< S PREFACE My object in publishing this selection is twofold : — ■"^ I. To illustrate from the Letters of Cicero an articulate « view of the character of the Orator as it influenced and j^was influenced by contemporary events; and 2. To produce an edition of the Epistles adapted to the requirements of the higher forms in schools, and jespecially of the students of the Humanity Classes in ^ Glasgow University. « I intended at first that the book should be a mere ■ translation of SUpfle's excellent selection, so well known in Germany, but soon abandoned that intention for a treatment of the subject better fitted to serve the objects I had in view. The text however is mainly Supfle's {i.e. Baiter and Hofmann's) ; and his invaluable notes, so far as they appeared to me to be useful, have been freely VI PREFACE. incorporated without further acknowledgment. Biller- beck's edition of the whole of Cicero's Letters has also been constantly before me, as well as the valu- able magazine of facts published by Mr. Watson in his edition of Select Letters. J. H. MUIRHEAD. Glasgow, 1885. CONTENTS. GENERAL INTRODUCTION INDEX TO LETTERS TEXT . . . . NOTES . . . . APPENDIX I. . APPENDIX IL . INDEX OF PROPER NAMES PAGE ix xlvii 205 283 285 286 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. IN reading the history of the last days of the Roman RepubHc the first essential is to remember that it is Caesar who is the central figure, it is Caesar who is the real power in directing and moulding the current of events. The story of Cicero's life is the story of one who has rashly committed himself to that current, without power to resist it, or knowledge whither it is carrying him. It is the story of the tricks which an ' outrageous fortune ' played a great and good, but weak and wavering man. To tell that story in a comprehensible form it will be well to divide it into four periods, each of which may be said to date from a crisis in the great orator's career. Part I. — Period previous to his Consulship. I06 B.C. — 64 B.C. M. TuUius Cicero was born at Arpinum, January 3, 106 B.C. He was thus some months older than his great contem- porary, Cn. Pompeius, who was born in September of the same year, and more than six years older than Julius Caesar, whose birthday fell on July 12, 100 b.c. Of his father we know nothing except that he spared no pains or expense on his son's education. Of his mother we only hear by tradition that she was so frugal a housewife that she used carefully to stopper and seal all her wine bottles, even the empty ones, so as to cheat a pilfering set of slaves. He had one brother, Quintus, who was some four years his junior. A member of the Ordo Equester, which, since the time of the Gracchi, might be said to have led the democratic opposi- tion to the senatorial or oligarchical party, possessing no out- ward recommendation for high honours and offices of state, the young Marcus had but one path open to political distinc- tion, namely, through the law courts. Both by his father's wish and his own choice, he early de\-oted himself to the b X GENERAL INTRODUCTION. practice of oratory and the study of law. He had the best teachers the Capital could supply, both Roman and Greek, and with other youths in his own profession was in daily attendance in the Forum to listen to the pleading of those world-renowned orators, of whom P. Sulpicius and M. Anto- nius were the chiefs From early youth Cicero had read widely in his Greek authors. Already at fourteen he is said to have written verses of his own, and some years later he published a translation in Latin verse of the Phaenoniena of Aratus, of which the most honourable thing that can be said is that it can be proved to have been imitated by the greatest of Latin poets — Lucretius. But literature, law, and oratory were not all that was re- quired for the education of a gentleman, and the young student had, with the rest of the world, to be introduced to the hard experiences of a Roman camp. At the age of eighteen he served in the Social War under Pompeius Strabo, father of Pompey the Great (89 B.C.). During the stormy period of Marius's domination, and the three years of peace that succeeded his death, Cicero pur- sued his literary studies, first under Phaedrus, who introduced him to the Epicurean philosophy, and then under Philo the Academic, who had taken refuge in Rome at the time of the IMithridatic conquests. ^ To his philo'oOphic studies he added that of dialectic, first under the accomplished Stoic and rhetori- cian, Diodotus, who lived and died at Cicero's house, and after- wards under Molo of Rhodes, who came as ambassador to Rome in 81 B.C. Thus equipped Cicero made his debut as an orator. He was in his twenty-sixth year, too young as yet to have taken any active part in politics, but not too young to have observed the position of parties, and to have perceived in what direction his own best hopes of advancement lay. Throughout this, our first period of the orator's life, one fixed idea dominates and directs his public actions, — that of winning by conduct at once patriotic and popular those political prizes upon which his heart was fixed. To this aim were directed all his efforts in defence of the weak and the oppressed,^ all his public services when in office, and all his public utterances, 1 For full information as to Cicero's early studies, cf. his own account, B7~i4t. 306 seq. 2 L. 48. ^ For his own opinion of this means of obtaining popularity cf. Off. ii. 51. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. xi In 8 1 B.C. he took up the gauntlet with the most celebrated orator of the time, Q. Hortensius, in behalf of one P. Quinctius, and in the next year defended Sex. Roscius of Ameria. The latter is the most righteous case which Cicero ever undertook before a law court, and the youthful orator must get all credit for the candour with which he came forward against Chryso- gonus, the favourite of the all-powerful Sulla, and cautiously but sharply chastised the corruption of that Reign of Terror. The next two years Cicero spent in travelling. His health required re-establishing, and his oratorical style he still regarded as far from perfect. He spent six months in Athens, where he formed that friendship with T. Pomponius Atticus which was never afterwards broken. He then proceeded to Asia, where he visited the most distinguished masters of oratory, among whom his former master ]\Iolo held the first rank. Cicero now sought him out at Rhodes, and so far benefited from his further instructions in restraining his some- what exuberant and exaggerated oratory that he returned to Rome, as he himself tells us, with his style not only improved but almost completely altered. Sulla died in 78 B.C. The next year Cicero was again in Rome. Soon after his return he formed with Terentia a'union which was cemented the next year by the birth of TuUia, the beloved daughter upon whom, all through her life, Cicero lavished all the affection of a warm nature. Their only son, Marcus, was not born till 65 b.c.^ He now devoted himself with zeal to his profession, with the view of catching the eye and ear of the people, by whose suffrages he hoped at the earliest opportunity to obtain a seat in the senate by filling the office of Quaestor.- The only speech delivered during this period of which any fragment survives is the pro Roscio comoedo. He was elected Quaestor for 75 b.c, and in the allotment of the quaestorial duties for the year obtained the station of Lilybaeum in Sicily. Two things witness to the conscientious- ness and success which attended the discharge of the duties of his office ; first, the amusing story so naively told by him- self {Plane. 64 seq.) ; and, secondly, the trustful admiration with which the Sicilians ever after regarded their benefactor. He returned to Rome in 74 B.C., expecting, he tells us, to hear the name of Cicero, the model Quaestor, in the mouth of every one, but in reality to find that absence from Rome ^ L. 2. I. • - Leg. iii. 12. xii GENERAL INTRODUCTION. only meant obscurity. His chagrin only roused him to greater activity, and he made a resolution, from which he never after- guards willingly departed, to remain in Rome, and live and work under the eyes of the people. He took up his former role as counsel for the defence, appeared daily in the Forum, and gave free audience at all hours of the day to all who sought his aid. Of the speeches delivered during this period the only one of which anything remains is the pro M. Tullio, in behalf perhaps of a distant connection of his own family. We now come to an important era. In the great case against Verres we find Cicero for the first time, on the one hand opposing himself to the established ohgarchy, and on the other uniting with Pompey in a common crusade against judicial corruption. The only judgment we can pass on the Roman oligarchy of the time is, in the words of Mommsen, one of ' inexorable and remorseless condemnation.' An oligarchy can only succeed when the general average of ability and honesty is high. At this time the Roman world was a prey to the most absolute inability and dishonesty in its rulers. Abroad there was nothing but incapacity in the discharge of the military duties of the provincial governorships and lawless corruption in the discharge of the civil. At home there Avas the direct counter- part of these in the law courts before which those governors might be arraigned. These courts were chosen from the senatorial oligarchy itself, and were hopelessly corrupt. Such was the outcome of the Sullan legislation. How long this state of matters might have continued it is impossible to say. Had the oligarchs possessed wit equal to their moral worthlessness, they might at any rate have staved off the day of reckoning. But' the moral rottenness of the Roman oligarchy was unvisited by one ray of true insight or generous feeUng, and so it failed, just at the moment at which we have arrived in our story, to take the only means of preserving its class prerogatives by attaching to itself the one man who was able as well as willing to aid it, the young and brilliant Pompey. ' Pompey had become a general among soldiers before Cicero had ceased to be a pupil among advocates.' He returned victorious from Spain in 71 B.C., quarrelled with his party in the senate, Avas chosen Consul by the people along with P. Crassus for 70 B.C., and set about the overthrow of the Sullan constitution. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. xiii Cicero now saw with a true glance that the opportunity had arrived for coming forward in a trial of principles against the intolerable injustice of an arrogant aristocracy. As Pro- praetor of Sicily, C. Verres during three years of plunder and oppression had made the vilest misuse of his ofhce. The Sicilians accused him of extortion, lodged a claim for 40,000,000 sesterces, and chose Cicero as their advocate. The orator spared no pains in getting up the case. He con- vinced himself by a personal visit to Sicily of the truth of their statements and of the deep misery of the province. Provided with all the requisite evidence, he entered on the indictment. For once the arbitrary action of provincial governors was to be exposed and the senatorial juries called upon to act with impartial justice. The condemnation of Verres was closely connected with Pompey's intentions against the senate. Through Cicero's speeches at this time there breathes a threat against the senatorial courts. Neither the position nor the intrigues of those who took part with Verres could influence him ; an encounter with Hortensius, the most distinguished speaker of the time, who had undertaken the defence, did not dismay him. Cicero gained a signal victory over his great adversary, and now stood alone as the first orator in Rome.^ In 69 B.C. Cicero was Aedile, and now the Sicilians had an opportunity of testifying their gratitude to their benefactor by sending rich supplies to Rome, and in this way supporting Cicero in his efforts to reduce the price of corn. While so ministering to the necessities of the mob he was able all the more easily, without sacrifice of position or offence to the people, to observe in the shows, which, as Aedile, he was bound to exhibit, that economy which was justified by the state of his means. Nor did office interfere with the practice of his profession as a pleader. Of the speeches delivered this year the pro M. Fonteio and the pro A. Caecina are probably only a small part. From the next year (68 B.C.) date the first of Cicero's letters which have come down to us. They are in no wise remarkable but as introducing us to the family circumstances of the most successful barrister of the day. ^ The speeches delivered on this occasion were the Div. in Caecil. and Act. I. As is well known, the speeches of Act. II. were not delivered, just as that which has come down to us under the name oi pro Milone and \\it. Second Philippic were not delivered, but were published as political pamphlets. xiv GENERAL INTRODUCTION. After the legal interval he became a candidate for the Praetorship in his fortieth year. The elections were several times disturbed, but on three successive occasions Cicero was chosen first among all the candidates by the unanimous vote of all the centuries. His Praetorship fell on 66 B.C., the year in which the Tribune Manilius brought in his famous law bestowing upon Pompey, who was fresh from his brilliant achievements against the pirates, the command against Mithridates in the East. Here was another opportunity for the aspiring orator. True, he was now a member of the senatorial oligarchy himself; but he had already pinned his faith to Pompey, and how would it tell at the next popular election if he remained cold amid the universal enthusiasm ? The senate was furious, but the Tribune had no intention of consulting the senate in the matter, and brought the question directly before the people. Cicero delivered in the popular assembly his famous speech de imperio Cn. Pojiipeii^ otherwise known ^s pro lege Man ilia, in which he supported the measure in terms which outdid the most fervid utterances of demo- cratic eloquence.^ One other speech delivered this year deserves mention, the pro A. Cliientio. Cicero was now entitled to a Propraetor's province, but continued steadfast in his resolution to refuse all spheres of employment which separated him from the scene of all his triumphs in the Roman Eorum. An opportunity for further forensic distinction already offered in the case of C. Cornelius, who had been Tribune in 67 B.C., and had roused the fiercest opposition in the senate by an attempt to check the growing bribery at elections by the most stringent enactments. He was accused de vi, and the case came on for trial in the year 65 B.C. Cicero seized the occasion, and again came forward as the champion of the popular cause in opposition to the whole force of oligarchical sentiment. The Consulship was now in view. In July, 64 B.C., he would become a candidate for the highest prize which the Roman people had to bestow. Among the intending candi- dates was L. Catilina, who, however, at that time was under accusation for misgovernment. Catiline was not without ■^&^ 1 If the student would understand the meaning of the division of Cicero's life into the periods spoken of above, he may compare this speech (espe- cially sect. 41) with the tone of the speeches delivered subsequent to Cicero's election to the Consulship, beginning with the/r^ Rabirio. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. xv popularity, and as he seemed to Cicero not unlikely to be one of the successful candidates, the orator was all the more willing to coalesce with him in order to secure his own return. The best way of effecting this was himself to come forward in defence of the culprit. The orator did not hesitate to offer his services,^ and was only saved from soiling his hands in so doubtful an undertaking by the fortune of events. It soon became manifest that of the existing candidates one C. Antonius was certain of his election. He had been one of Sulla's officers, had been accused of malversation in Macedonia by Caesar, and in general worthlessness was excelled only by Catiline. But these considerations were no obstacle to politi- cal success in Rome. He had won the favour of the people by the splendour of the shows he had exhibited as Aedile, and now came forward as the popular candidate for the most responsible office of state. Catiline made an eager bid for his support. He promised him a revolution and an equal share in the profits. The senatorial party became alarmed ; they would willingly have kept Cicero out of the honour he coveted. - But politically they were too weak to run a candidate of their own, and what might not happen to civil order, to property, and to life if so scandalous a pair as L. Catilina and C. Antonius were to be returned ? There was no choice left, and the oligarchy joined the Equites and the people in placing the upstart orator at the head of the Republic. Part II. — Period between his Entrance upon the Con- sulship AND HIS Political Submission to Caesar. 63 B.C.— 56 B.C. Cicero had now reached the summit of his ambition. He not only sat side by side with the proudest of the aristocracy in the senate, but by his own ability and merit had won a position equal to that of any of those ancestors in whose greatness they boasted. It was the turning-point in his life. Hitherto he had not indeed identified himself with the popular party (he was far too timid ever to have come for- ward as a successful popular leader or a true reformer), yet he had ' coquetted ' with the people, and it was to the people's votes that he owed all that he had won. He could now afford to dispense with these votes and show his true colours. After becoming Consul he allowed himself to have M,. 2. I. - Sail. Ca/. 2^ xvi GENERAL INTRODUCTION. a policy. Henceforth all his efforts were directed at carrying out his brother's injunctions in the famous pamphlet de Peti- tiojie Consulatus (sect. 4), and proving to the senate that it had always been his pride ' cum optimatibus de republica sensisse minime popularis fuisse.' It may be true, as Froude says,^ that ' conscience and patriotism should have alike held him to the reforming party,' but in these matters a man follows his natural instincts, and Cicero's instincts were conservative and aristocratic. From this time forward one idea possesses him and is the source of all his enthusiasm, the object of all his devotion, the cause of all his humiliation, the idea of the re- inforcement and perpetuation of the Roman oligarchy. One dream of his youth still remains with him — his belief in Pompey. His ideal of political security from this time forth is a strong united aristocracy, in which birth and wealth should have an equal share, with Pompey at its head. So long as Pompey was alive Cicero never aspired himself to lead the party. ' He desired personal praise rather than personal power.' - He struck the key-note of his new departure on the very first day of his Consulship by his opposition to the lex agraria of the popular Tribune Rullus. Every case which he took up henceforth, every speech which he delivered, riveted more closely the chains which bound him to his new policy. Otho's law^ proposed to set apart seats in the theatre for the Ordo Equester. The senate already enjoyed this privilege, and Cicero saw in the enactment the sign and symbol of that union between the two orders which he was so anxious to establish. He warmly supported the bill in the speech de Othone, fragments of which still remain. Next came the pro Rabirio, in which he first came into active opposition with the great democrat Caesar. The pro Murena and the pro Pisone are speeches in support of leading oligarchs. The details of the history of the year 63 B.C. are familiar to the reader of Cicero's Catilinarian speeches and Sallust's Catiline. The object which the orator had set before him, namely, the union of the senate with the Equites, was realised for once on that glorious 5th of December when the youthful Knights thronged the Capitol to protect the senate which 1 Caesar, c. xi. p. 122. ^ Cf. L. 5, where, as elsewhere, he compares his relation to Pompey with that of Laelius to Scipio the younger. ^ The kx Koscia. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. xvii had assembled to deliberate upon the fate of the conspirators. A decree had already been passed : ' darent operam consules ne quid respublica detrimenti caperet,' and the Consul, who now seemed to have his hands further strengthened by a vote condemning five of the ringleaders to death, summoned up heart of courage, and had them strangled like common criminals in the Tullianum. Up to this point all had gone well with the orator. He had risen step by step to the highest position in the senate, and now at the end of his year of office he had seen what he took to be the consummation of his political aims in the union of wealth with power, and had himself been saluted saviour of the state and father of his country. But already this, his greatest success — the salvation of the Republic by the execution of the conspirators — contained in it a drop which was by and by to turn to bitterness the cup of his triumph. He had entered on a slippery path, and was trying to balance himself on a position where there was no firm holding-ground. He had visions of a united oligarchy, with his hero Pompey as president, while he himself sat upon his right in a halo of popularity and forensic glory. But he had gauged neither the strength of the aristocratic opposition nor the weakness of Pompey's support. Already there was a stormy faction in the oligarchy who declared in no ambiguous terms that they would not have this man to rule over them, and already Pompey, away in the East, had been stung to jealousy by the arrogant assumption of this upstart Knight. Even before the end of his Consulship Cicero received a premonition of the gratitude which the ' father of his country ' might expect. When, on the last day of the year, he laid down his ofiice in presence of the assembled people, as the custom was, and had already ascended the rostra to give a detailed account of his conduct, he was forbidden by the Tribune Q. Metellus Nepos, who declared that the man who had put Roman citizens to death unheard should not himself be heard. ^ Whereupon Cicero swore with a loud voice that he had saved his country, and the people shouted assent.- Metellus had been sent to Rome in autumn by Pompey, and had put himself at the head of an oligarchical plot, the object of which was to bring back Pompey to Rome as the true leader of the party. He now came boldly forward and denounced the execution of the conspirators as an arbitrary ^ See Appendix on the Execution. " Cf. F/s. 6 sa/. xviii GENERAL INTRODUCTION. and illegal act, reproaching the senate in no measured ^terms because it continued to prosecute the supporters of CatiUne. Finally he brought forward a bill that Pompey should be called upon with his army to protect the Republic, which was endangered by the violent measures adopted against the Catilinarians. In this crusade he was joined by Caesar, who was then Praetor, and between whom and Pompey there was already an understanding. The rising democrat saw in the proposal an opportunity to weaken the power of the senate, and was willing enough that Cicero should thus be warned of the perilous path he was treading. Owing to the violence of the opposition of the great mass of the senate, headed by Cato, the proposal came to nothing ; but it is interesting as indicating the forces that were already marshalling themselves for the ruin of the innocent orator. Meantime the danger blew over. All that flattery could do in retaining Pompey, all that political bribery could do in winning Metellus, Cicero did. He wrote a letter to the former which is almost abject in its flattery (L. 5), while for the brother of Metellus Nepos, Metellus Celer, who had been Praetor in 63 e.g., he obtained the province of Cisalpine Gaul.^ Thus Cicero was left to sun himself in a false security for some time longer. Whoever was a friend of the senate and of the constitution at this time was also a friend of Cicero. But clouds were gathering from another quarter. At the end of the year 62 e.g. an event occurred which roused anew the strife of parties, and had a disastrous influence on Cicero's future. P. Clodius Pulcher, a bold and dissolute member of one of the proudest families of the aristocracy, had made his way in female attire into the ceremonies held in honour of Bona Dea. These were being celebrated in the house of the Praetor Caesar, who was also Pontifex Maximus. Clodius escaped apprehension for the moment indeed,- but the priests declared that the sacredness of the ceremony had been violated, and that the rites must be repeated. Here- upon a legal investigation was decreed by the senate, in which the jury was to be chosen, not, as was usually the case, by lot, but by the Praetor himself For this purpose the assent of ^ Cicero himself was entitled to a provincial government as Proconsul, but resigned the rich province of ^Iacedonia in favour of Antonius, his colleague of 63 B.C., so that Gallia Cisalpina, which had previously been assigned to Antonius, was now vacant. ^ In Att. i. 12 Cicero sends Atticus the news. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. xix the people had to be obtained, and thus things dragged on into the next year 6i b.c. Finally the jury was chosen by lot as usual, and a more scandalous crew was never brought together on a jury bench. The case was without political importance. Cicero had from the beginning supported the senate's proposal, but without exhibiting any personal enmity to Clodius. He seemed at first, indeed, to regard the whole thing as an excellent joke — such was his good humour with everybody. But now when the case came on — ^the grounds of his sudden enmity are not perfectly clear — he came forward in court as witness for the prosecution, and deponed that Clodius's plea of alibi was false, and that on the very day on which the accused asserted that he had been at Interamna he had met him in Rome. Clodius was acquitted by 31 votes against 25, but Cicero had incurred his implacable enmity. After the trial prudence would have suggested that the matter should be allowed to drop, but Cicero could not be silent. He poured out the phials of his wrath in bitter invective against the jury for their disregard of his evidence. Clodius himself was made the object of the fiercest attack, and even his acquittal was set in the light of a new transgression. Clodius, however, was now Quaestor and shortly afterwards departed for Sicily, where retribution slumbered for a year. The case itself, it has been said, was without political importance, but from the decision and from the judicial investigation into the conduct of the jurymen which the senate decreed, and which the Equites strongly resented,^ grew that jealousy between the recently united orders which first suggested to Cicero a sense of failure. Parties were disturbed ; a vague sense of danger filled him. The pride and jealousy of the aristocracy made him feel himself an unwelcome ally of a party whose gratitude ceased with its alarm. But Pompey had just returned victorious from the East, and in Pompey he hoped to find that comfort and protection which his past services to the great soldier had merited. Pompey however received the orator's advances with characteristic coldness. He wavered as usual between the different parties. Fancying himself indispensable to the state, he left both senate and people in doubt as to his sympathies, and by his indecision lost that opportunity of uniting himself with Cicero and the senate and becoming the leader of the constitutional party 1 Cf. LL. 7. 8, and 9. XX GENERAL INTRODUCTION. which only returned when it was too late.^ Moreover he dis- banded his army, and thus resigned his one remaining chance of extorting from a jealous senate those personal demands " on which his character as an administrator and a man of honour was staked. In tlie year 60 B.C. Caesar returned from his Propraetorship in Spain. His quick eye saw at a glance how matters stood. He became a candidate for the Consulship, and formed at once a triple alliance with Pompey and Crassus for mutual support and the humiliation of the aristocracy. To the former he pledged himself to obtain as Consul the ratification of his Asiatic dispositions, while the latter hoped by means of Caesar and Pompey to rise to that position in the state for which he found money alone an insufficient recommendation. This alliance was the so-called First Triumvirate.^ At first it was kept secret, but in the following year, 59 B.C., its effects made its existence only too manifest. By these events Cicero was placed in a still more equivocal position. His advances to Pompey had given further offence to the aristocracy, so that he had little to hope for from that quarter, while an alliance with Pompey could only now be obtained at the price of uniting himself also with Caesar and the democrats. Pompey was willing enough to accept him on these terms, and Caesar, as always, was anxious to spare the great orator, for whom he had a real liking. On condition that he would consent to retire temporarily from the Capital he was offered first a lieutenancy, then an honorary embassy, and finally a place upon the board of twenty commissioners appointed by the senate to apportion the lands in Campania to Pompey's troops. The time, however, had not yet come for the awakening of the orator out of his dream. He still trusted to himself that he was popular, and rejected all such overtures. Security, popularity, peace, he saw that he might thus have obtained, but he preferred still to hold on in the path he had chosen for himself,* and, so far from accepting ^ For a description of his first speech before the people, which pleased no party, cf. Atl. i. 14. i. - (i) That the senate should ratify the arrangements he had made in Asia Minor ; (2) that his veterans should be rewarded with gifts of land. 3 No Latin author uses the term of this informal understanding be- tween Caesar, Pompey and Crassus, though Suetonius (Aug. 96) and Florus (iv. 6) use the term triumviri of the later coalition between Antony, Lepidus, and Octavianus, which schoolboys know as the Second Triumvirate. Alt. ii. 3. 3, and 5. i. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. xxl Caesar's proffered aid, he did his best by incessant attacks upon the existing state of things to ahenate from himself the friendship of the only man who was now willing and able to befriend him.^ Clodius had now returned to Rome. At first he con- cealed his intentions towards Cicero, lest by ill-timed threats he should alarm his victim, and by forcing him into the arms of the triumvirs rob himself of the sweetness of revenge. With the concurrence of Caesar and Pompey he caused him- self to be adopted into a plebeian family in order that he might become eligible for the Tribuneship.- He was elected, and on December lo, 59 B.C., entered upon his office. He at once brought forward several laws by means of which he hoped to win over the people. Even now Cicero showed no alarm and took no steps to oppose him. The next year, 58 B.C., the Tribune came boldly forward with a bill to the effect ' that any one who had put Roman citizens to death without trial should be forbidden fire and water.' Cicero was not named in the bill, but it was easy to see who was aimed at. He descended into the Forum with all the marks of mourning {sordidatus), as if he were already accused. The senate, the Equites, and many thousands of the citizens, appeared in mourning in order to express their sympathy. But the- Consuls for the year, L. Piso and A. Gabinius, were unfavourable to him ; the other Tribunes, with whose know- ledge the scheme had been laid, desired his humiliation, and even Pompey, on whose aid he surely counted, basely deserted him. It soon became clear that Clodius would yield only to the force of arms. Many of Cicero's friends, and especially the dauntless Lucullus, advised that they should fight to the death. Others considered a temporary submission and retirement more prudent — advice which harmonised better with Cicero's own mode of thinking, and had the assent of his family. He determined rather to go into a voluntary exile than await the issue of a vote upon the law, and the indictment that would inevitably ' He lived much in the country at this time and wrote history. In his letters his unconcealed admiration for Bibulus's political action finds frequent expression. Only here and there does he indicate a just appre- ciation of its imbecihty (e.g. L. 9. 2). 2 This adoption was a mere farce. The man wlio ^ adopted hun was hardly twenty years old (' imberbem adulescentulum,' /)<;///. 37), much younger than Clodius. Immediately after the adoption Clodius was emancipated, and never even took the name of his adopted father. xxii GENERAL INTRODUCTION. follow.^ Accompanied by friends and admirers he left Rome at the beginning of April, 58 B.C., without having been either summoned or indicted. Immediately after his departure Clodius brought in a bill, which was now directed against Cicero by name : ' ut M. Tullio aqua et igni interdictum sit.' ^ The sentence of banishment was carried, mitigated, however, probably through the influence of Caesar, by a clause which fixed its limits at a radius of 400 miles from the boundaries of the city. His house upon the Palatine was razed to the ground, his property confiscated, and any one within the limits fixed who should receive him threatened with the most condign punishment. The prosecu- tion extended even to his wife, who fled with her children to her half-sister Fabia, one of the Vestal Virgins, and was led from the temple of Vesta to the Valerian Bank, where she was forced to deposit securities for the payment of the money claimed by the state. The news of this treatment reached Cicero while still on his journey through Italy, and deeply affected him. Already he was seized with remorse that he had refused to follow the manly advice of Lucullus, and those other friends who had counselled armed resistance.^ After some hesitation as to where he should take up his abode, he sailed for Dyrrhachium. He intended to go first to the pro- perty which Atticus held in Epirus and then to proceed to Cyzicus in Asia Minor, but finally determined on fixing his residence in Macedonia, where he found a true friend in the Quaestor Cn. Plancius. Plancius had hastened to meet him at Dyrrhachium in the dress of a private citizen, and now received him at his villa not far from Thessalonica, where he provided him with all that could alleviate his situation.'* Not- withstanding Cicero suffered from the deepest dejection. Making every allowance for the sanguineness of Cicero's temperament, and for his natural chagrin at being separated from the activity of the Forum, which to him was breath and life, we yet cannot wholly excuse the utter mental and moral prostration to which his letters of this period bear witness. The year was utterly barren of literary eflfort ; he had no ^ He delighted afterwards to attribute his conduct to poHtical and patriotic motives. Cf. Sesf. 49, and L. 38. 13. - nof/i. 493. 3 Cf. LL. 16. 3, and 17. ■* This Plancius Cicero defended four years later, and in the speech delivered on that occasion pays a grateful tribute to the love and self- sacrifice of his friend, a. Plane. loi. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. xxiii resource but in a fretful and despondent correspondence with Atticus, in which we scarcely know whether to wonder more at his pusillanimity or his injustice.^ He often thought of death," and perhaps was only deterred from this last resource by that timidity of character which was the cause of so many of his misfortunes. In the meantime powerful voices had been raised for him in Rome. The Optimates felt themselves bound to recall the man whose banishment presented itself in the light of a defeat to their own party. So early as June i, 58 B.C., the Tribune L. Ninnius had brought forward a proposal in his favour, by which this much at least was gained, that the senate from this time forward gave the matter their whole attention. On October 29 a similar proposal was made, supported by eight out of the ten Tribunes. The two dis- sentient voices were Clodius and Aelius Ligus, and it now became manifest that so long as the former was in office nothing could be done. Caesar, moreover, who from his province of Gaul already exercised a preponderating in- fluence upon public affairs, had not yet declared himself in favour of Cicero, and Pompey, to whom Cicero had already written^ without effect, likewise refused his aid. But on January i, 57 B.C., the new Consul P. Lentulus Spinther, energetically espoused the exile's cause. He was warmly supported among others by Pompey, who, in the meantime, had quarrelled with Clodius, and now induced the other Consul, Metellus Nepos, to forget his former enmity against Cicero and join in the agitation for his recall. Pompey's proposal that Cicero's recall should be embodied in a decree of the people met with universal approval. Clodius had one resource left. He occupied the Forum early in the morning of January 25 with gladiators, drove his opponents back, and stormed through the streets with fire and sword. Violence was met with violence, and the Tribunes Sextius and Milo, surrounding themselves in like manner with gladiators, turned the struggle into a blockade, until the senate determined to bring the matter to an end by an appeal to the centuries. With this object the people were summoned from all parts of Italy. Pompey travelled through the Municipia and Coloniae in person, and spoke in the assembly in the highest terms of Cicero. The bill passed on 1 Cf. especially Att. iii. 15. - Cf. Att. iii. 7. 2, and L. 16. 3 In May. Cf. Att. iii. 8. 4. xxiv GENERAL INTRODUCTION. the 4th of August, before a congress so crowded that the Campus Martius was scarcely large enough to contain it. There was not a dissentient voice, and the news of the result filled the city with exuberant joy.^ Cicero, who had left Thessalonica, and was eagerly watching the course of events from Dyrrhachium, embarked for Brundisium on the very day on which the vote was carried, and stepped again upon the soil of his native country, almost exactly sixteen months from the date of his banishment. Cicero had had a warning, and if he had rightly understood its meaning he might have saved himself much heartburning for the future. But another year was needed to impress upon him the lessons his exile was fitted to teach, and he continued meantime to dream on of the constitution, of Pompey, and of himself. For the moment he was jubilant — all voice of warning drowned in the shouts of applause and triumph which greeted his return. His party caught his enthusiasm, and when, in the gratitude of his heart, Cicero proposed that a five years' corn commission should be bestowed upon Pompey, it gave him its glad support. Caesar, too, came in for a share of the orator's gratitude. When a thanksgiving of fifteen days was proposed for the victories over the Nervii and other tribes, Cicero was foremost in its support. So far all went well. Success gave Cicero confidence. The oligarchy was still a great party willing to support him, and he might yet be able to throw off the incubus of the '■graves Principuin aniicitias,' and break the fetters that the triumvirs seemed to be forging for him. He began to assume a position more and more independent. P. Sestius, who, as Tribune, in 57 B.C. had been an active supporter of Cicero's recall, was accused of riot in March, 56 B.C. Cicero warmly espoused his cause, and used the occasion to deliver a speech in which, without attacking the triumvirs, he professed unlimited respect for the senate. He took the opportunity at the same time of assailing P. Vatinius, one of the witnesses for the prosecution, with the bitterest invective. This Vatinius had been Tribune in 59 B.C., the year of Caesar's Consulship, and had been the instrument which Caesar used to procure his wishes from the people. Although the orator professed to consider * The speech {Sest. sects. 15-79) presents the events of the years 58 and 57 li.c. in the light in which Cicero desired to look at them somewhat later. Compare his representation there with LL. 22. and 23. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. xxv Vatinius alone responsible for the measures then passed, it was easy to see that this attack upon his tool could not fail to displease Caesar. Sestius was acquitted, and the orator triumphant. But matters were now coming to a crisis. At the date of Cicero's return the senatorial party had seemed strong and united, and by the vote upon the corn commission had seemed to draw Pompey to their side. But this state of matters had not lasted long. Certain of the oligarchy, and especially Cato, had an interest in maintaining the disposi- tions of Clodius. Politics makes strange bed-fellows, and Cicero thus saw the most dissolute libertine in Rome, and his own bitterest enemy, received by some of the most respect- able of the aristocracy into the bosom of his party.^ Pompey, moreover, as already mentioned (p. xxiii), had quarrelled with Clodius, so that once again Cicero's ideal was shattered, and his position, had he only seen it, more critical than ever. But it was ever the orator's fatality to be fiddling when Rome was burning, to be boasting and haranguing in the senate when the real destinies of the Republic were being settled elsewhere. If we would know how matters really stood at this or any other time during this whole epoch, we must ask, not what Cicero was saying in the senate, but what Caesar was thinking in his tent. Cicero was now to have his eyes rudely opened for the first time to the true state of matters. His attack upon Vatinius at the trial of Sestius in March had not improved his relation with Caesar, but when, on April 5, he came forward in the senate and proposed, in the pleni- tude of his confidence, that on May 7 that body should dis- cuss the legality of the allotment of the Campanian land under the agrarian law of 59 B.C., he had gone a step too far. The triumvirate was pledged from the first to the mainten- ance of this law. Caesar had left his Transalpine province, and from Ravenna was narrowly watching events at Rome. Pompey had left Rome, but was still in Italy. The two triumvirs met at Luca. What was done there is a matter for the historian of Rome. Caesar was to have his government in Gaul extended for other five years ; Pompey and Crassus were to be Consuls for the next year, 55 B.C., and after expiry of their year of office were likewise to obtain pro- vinces for five years — Pompey that of Spain and Africa, and Crassus that of Syria. These were all stunning blows 1 L. 38. 10. xxvi GENERAL INTRODUCTION. to the aristocracy, and to Cicero they meant political anni- hilation. Cicero first heard of what had been done at Luca from his brother Quintus, who n"iet Pompey immediately afterwards in Sardinia. The choice lay before him either to accept the proffered friendship of the triumvirs, or stand alone and deserted as he had done two years before, exposed to all the nameless horrors of a second banishment. He chose sub- mission. The colours he had so bravely flaunted at the trial of Rabirius (p. xvi), were struck, and Cicero's dream of con- stitutional triumphs was at an end. Part III. — Period from Cicero's Recantation to the Death of Caesar. 56 B.C. — 44 B.C. There is nothing in Cicero's life better attested than his ' Recantation,' there is nothing more uncertain than the form it took. The first speech that Cicero delivered in the senate after this date was not directed against Caesar's law of 59 B.C., but was in favour of a grant of money to Caesar's troops, and an additional number of lieutenants to Caesar himself. This may be what Cicero means by his TraXivioBia (L. 21), or, perhaps, his still more pronounced deliverance in the speech ^/e Provinciis Constdarihus, in which, after loading Caesar with the most extravagant praise, he opposed the pro- posal to bestow part of his province upon one of the Consuls of the year, or it may have been a letter or a pamphlet. Later on in the year he found an opportunity, in the case of L. Cornelius Balbus, to pay a like tribute of devotion to Pompey. These were his public utterances, but his private correspondence at this time betrays the true state of his feel- ings. He was sunk in the deepest despondency, and gives expression to the gloomiest pessimism.^ He lived much in the country, and found his only solace in authorship.- But the bitterest drop was yet to come. In the year 54 B.C. he was forced to defend in open court that very Vatinius whom he had so bitterly attacked in 56 B.C. Nor was this all. In his speech de Prov. Cons., he had relentlessly exposed the corrup- 1 Cf. Att. iv. iS. - In 56 B.C. he wrote the de Oratore ; in 54 B.C. the de Reptiblica ; in 52 B.C. the de I.egibus. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. xxvii tion and unscrupulous extortion of Gabinius, governor of Syria, but it now suited Pompey that Cicero should act as counsel for the accused when the case of this very Gabinius came on for trial, and the orator had to come forward in defence of a man whom he hated and detested. Finally, a coolness had long existed between Cicero and Crassus, but this enmity, too, had to be renounced at the bidding of the other triumvirs ; a reconciliation was effected, and, when Crassus was attacked in the senate some time after his depar- ture for his province in the East, Cicero found himself obliged to defend him. The history of the next few years is the history of the break-up of the triumvirate. The first shock was the death of lulia, daughter of Caesar and wife of Pompey. This was in 54 B.C. The year 53 b.c. was the year of Crassus's defeat and death. In this way the two chief bonds of union be- tween Caesar and Pompey were severed ; jealousy did the rest. Pompey began to be alarmed at the increasing power and popularity of the great conqueror of Gaul. He was un- willing to depart for his province of Spain, conceiving that he served his own interest best, and could watch his rival more closely, if he remained with his legions in the neighbourhood of Rome. He was even suspected of fostering the disturbance which agitated Rome during the latter part of 53 and the beginning of 52 b.c, with the view of convincing the senate of the necessity of concentrating all power in his hands. The year 52 b.c. opened without Consuls. The murder of Clodius on January 17 by the followers of Milo delivered Cicero from a constant source of terror, but left the city a prey to still more reckless riot and bloodshed. Pompey was the only resource. He was invested by the people, at the suggestion of the senate, with the Consulship 'absens et solus.' He seized the opportunity of bringing forward a series of laws, one of which deserves notice here, as having an important bearing on Cicero's future. It was to the effect that Consuls and Praetors should not be eligible for pro- vincial governments till after an interval of five years from expiry of their magistracy. As a corollary to this it seemed to follow that the senate should meanwhile have the right of appointing governors to the several consular and praetorian provinces, as they fell vacant, until present magistrates should become eligible under the new law. The principle adopted in the exercise of this prerogative was that the older men of xxviii GENERAL INTRODUCTION. consular and praetorian rank who had not yet administered a province should first be called upon. Of these Cicero was one, and he now saw himself reluctantly compelled to leave Rome and assume the government of Cilicia. Meantime the trial of Milo for the murder of Clodius came on. Cicero spoke in his defence, but was overawed by the presence of Pompey's soldiers, and failed to obtain an acquittal. The powerful speech which he intended to deliver he afterwards published. (Cf. p. xiii n.) The orator had no taste for the business or life of a pro- vince.^ His field of ambition lay in the Forum and the Curia. The time, moreover, was one of the greatest import for the future of the Republic. lulia was dead. Crassus had fallen in Asia. Pompey and the Optimates had, since 52 B.C., made mutual approaches to one another. The jealousy towards Caesar, which Pompey had with difficulty suppressed while lulia was alive, now obtained free scope, and found an ally in the hatred which the Optimates bore to the great democrat. The immediate future bore important events in its womb, and Cicero found himself withdrawn and widely separated from the scene of action. And yet, in spite of all this, in spite of his often expressed desire to hasten back to Rome at the very earliest opportunity, and in spite of his uneasiness at the thought of the possible continuation of his year of govern- ment, we cannot but suspect, with Froude, that he was not altogether displeased ' to be out of the way at the moment when he expected the storm would break.' The times were out of joint, and destitute as he now was of compass or chart to guide him, he would have consulted better for his own peace of mind and fair fame if he had remained a few months longer in the hiding-place from the storm provided by his province. 2 On May 10, 51 B.C., he set out from Rome, and after a journey of nearly three months, reached his province at the end of July. Here only vexation awaited him, owing to the arrogance and assumption of his predecessor, Appius Clodius, on the one side, and the distressed state in which he found his province on the other. He did his best to soothe the caste prejudices of the great aristocrat, and at once set about doing all he could to ameliorate the condition of the oppressed provincials. He diminished the taxes, checked the ruinous ^ Cf. Aft. V. 15 and LL. 50. 2, and 46. " Cf. his own opinion, subsequently expressed, L. 60. 5. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. xxix usury exacted by Roman money-lenders, held regular assizes, passed his decisions with a conscientious regard to the local laws, left to individual states their own jurisdiction,^ gave free audience to all from an early hour in the morning, doing nothing through agents, but taking a personal and independent superintendence of everything. In this, however, consisted the chief distinction between his administration and that of other governors, that for himself, his lieutenants, and the rest of his suite he claimed from the down-trodden provincials no supplies that were not strictly within the letter of the law, and generally exhibited a disinterestedness that was as unusual as it was welcome.'' Of his military achievements, in which he was greatly aided by his four lieutenants, especially C. Pomptinus ^ and his own brother, Quintus, who had been trained to war in Caesar's school, we have detailed accounts in his letters from Cilicia.'* Good fortune saved him from a collision with the Parthians, who, nevertheless, his vanity persuaded him, had only been checked by his own successes against the highland border tribes of Mount Amanus. These successes were in no respect significant, yet on the taking of Pindenissus, the chief city of the Free Cilicians who still resisted the Roman yoke, he had been saluted Imperator by his soldiers, and was now eager to obtain from the senate the honour of a public thanksgiving in the hope that a triumph would follow. The senate voted only the thanksgiving, but Cicero continued to cling to the hope of a triumph even amidst the storm of the first outburst of the Civil War, when the thoughts of all were riveted on far other and graver issues. Much sport has been made at the expense of the simple orator moving about Italy at the beginning of the war with his fasces and their withered laurels, waiting for the moment when he might be summoned to enter Rome as the great conqueror of Cilicia. But Cicero had other and still more characteristic reasons for not entering Rome at a moment when his natural hesitation rendered him quite incapable of giving in his adhesion to one or other of the two great parties which were dividing the world. ^ 1 Cf. Att. vi. 2. 4. " Notwithstanding, from the legitimate profits of his provincial gover- norship, he was able to save a sum of 2,200,000 sesterces (nearIy^20,ooo), a proof how profitable such offices were in themselves. ^ The same who, as Praetor, had arrested the ambassadors of the Allo- broges ; cf. Cat. iii. 5 seq. ^'Esp. L. 53. 5 Cf. T.. 60. 5. XXX GENERAL INTRODUCTION. No prolongation of his government took place, as he feared it would, and Cicero left Cilicia in July, 50 B.C., landing on the coast of Italy on Nov. 24. While still in Cilicia, and again during his return journey to Rome, which, owing to contrary winds, was greatly pro- longed, he had received news that a break between Caesar and Pompey was imminent.^ For many months past, jealousy and a sense of justice had been struggling for the upper hand in the mind of Pompey. The first led him to give every encouragement to the senatorial party in its efforts to cripple Caesar's power, while the latter betrayed him into promises to his rival which had the effect of rendering those efforts nugatory. The senate was anxious to bring the tedious discussion as to Caesar's successor to a close, but the Tribune Curio, whom Caesar had bought over to his cause, baffled its efforts at every point, and had almost succeeded, towards the end of 50 b.c, in getting a decree passed that both Caesar and Pompey should lay down their arms. He failed,- and instead the Consuls-elect were called upon to defend the Republic. Curio, who had laid down his office on Dec. 10, left Rome for Caesar's camp, to return on January i of the new year, with Caesar's last offer of peaceful terms. It was read in the senate, but all discussion of it was refused. Instead, a resolution was passed that Caesar should give up his command before a fixed date. Two Tribunes, M. Antonius and Q. Cassius, had recourse to their veto, which the senate answered by a vote investing the Consuls, Praetors, Tribunes, and consulars with extraordinary powers. Caesar was ready for the emergency. He had only one legion with him, and yet before his enemies were aware of it he had crossed from Ravenna over to the southern bank of the Rubicon, which formed the boundary of his province, and was already on his march for Rome. AriminTun, Pisaurum, Fanum, Ancona, Corfinium fell one after the other into his hands. The military garrisons opened their gates to him. Terror and consternation took possession of his opponents. Pompey fled with the senatorial party to the south of Italy and collected an army at Luceria in Apulia. Italy, so far as it was not already in the hands of the victorious Caesar, was 1 Cf. L. 59. 5, and Alt. vi. 8. 2. - Owing to the opposition of the consul MaiceHus, who after the decree had been passed by a large majority, suddenly declared the sitting at an end before it could be formally registered. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. xxxi mapped off into districts, for each of which a commander was chosen from the leading Optimates. Cicero had arrived before Rome with his Hctors on January 4. The decree of the senate (January 6) calhng on the magistrates and such consulars as had the right to command troops to protect the Repubhc, seemed to force him at once into the contest. He accepted the district of the coast-Une of Campania, in which he possessed lands, but was unable or unwilling to raise the levies which his duty required of him. He still wished and hoped for an amicable settlement, especially as every day tended to dissipate the terror with which Caesar's approach as that of a second Sulla had been regarded. He had insight enough, moreover, to perceive that Caesar acted on a fixed plan, while the Pompeians had from the first been thrown into hopeless confusion, and were now without re- sources, without unity, and without mutual confidence. Finally he had lost all confidence even in Pompey, who, in full re- treat before the enemy, was already preparing to embark for Greece. Pompey evacuated Brundisium on the night of March 17, and Caesar immediately took possession of the town, but was unable to pursue the enemy across the sea owing to want of ships. His first step was to return to Rome, where many of the Optimates met him and tendered their submission. Cicero still wavered. Already, while on the march from Brundisium to Rome, Caesar wrote to him pressing him to return to the Capital, and even visited him at his villa at Formiae. The visit was not a pleasant one. Cicero re- fused, and Caesar left entreating him to reconsider his reso- lution. After obtaining the necessary supplies Caesar set out for Spain to carry on the war against Pompey's lieutenants, Afranius and Petreius, leaving Cicero to wander aimlessly from villa to villa a prey to the most harassing uncertainty. Inclination seemed to lean to the side of Caesar, duty and republican instinct drew him to Pompey. In the end he adopted a course which pleased neither. He took ship for Greece in June, nearly three months after Pompey. His tardy appearance in the camp pleased the Pompeians just as little as their reception of him pleased the orator. Cicero might have surmised that their arrogance and rapacity in times of prosperity would give place only to sullen hauteur and savage passion in adversity. But, blind from the first to the xxxii GENERAL INTRODUCTION. inherent moral corruption of the oligarchy as a class, he con- tinued to the end to be alive only to the intellectual obtuse- ness and social vulgarity of individuals. He met their cold- ness with the bitterest sarcasm, and even Ponipey, who had received him with more than his customary indifference, he did not spare the smart of his caustic wit.^ We do not wonder that he took the earliest opportunity of separating himself from a party whose overweening confidence of success was only equalled by their selfishness and greed in pursuing it.- Meantime Caesar had annihilated the united forces of the lieutenants of Pompey in Spain. ^ Thence he hastened to Rome, where he had in his absence been named Dictator. In order to keep up the appearance of the republican con- stitution, he retained this dignity only so long as was necessary to secure his election to the Consulship along with P. Servilius Isauricus. He then left the Capital, which was now com- pletely under the power of his supporters, and took ship with his army for Epirus. Thence he marched upon Dyrrhachium. Here Pompey met him with a skilfully led attack, and Caesar saw himself compelled to give up his position and withdraw to Thessaly. In possession of 500 ships, Pompey had now an opportunity of recrossing to Italy and marching on the Capital. He chose rather to follow Caesar. His army was nearly double the size of that of his opponent, but in the open field was by no means a match for the veteran legions of the conqueror of Gaul. He was defeated at Pharsalus (August 9, 48 B.C.), and fled to Egypt, where, ere he had yet landed, he fell a victim to the dagger of the assassin.* Cicero did not witness the disaster of Pharsalus. On the ground of ill-health, he had remained behind at Dyrrhachium along with Cato and some others. Immediately upon receipt of the news from Pharsalus, the leaders of that portion of the ' Cf. Macrob. Sat. ii. 3. 7 seq. ; Plut. Ck. 38. ^ Cicero's judgment (v. L. 75. 2) upon the Pompeians at this time agrees with Caesar's well-known picture of them in B. C. iii. 83. 4, ' omnes aut de honoribus suis aut de praemiis pecuniae aut de persequendis inimicitiis agebant nee quibus rationibus superare possent sed quern acl modum uti victoria deberent cogitabant.' ^ He had gone, he said (Suet. Caes. 34), to meet an army without a commander, he would return to a commander without an army. ■* ' Non possum eius casum non dolere ; hominem enim integrum et castum et gravem cognovi ' [Att. xi. 6. 5), is Cicero's somewhat cool judg- ment on hearing of the death of his hero. Cicero was unfortunate in his ideals. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. xxxiii sea and land force which still remained held a council of war at Corcyra, where the fleet lay. As Pompey's legitimate suc- cessor to the leadership of the conservative party, Cicero was now called upon to take command of the whole. There was a time in Cicero's life when such a recognition of his claims by his party would have filled him with pride and enthusiasm. But that political timidity, which at first with Cicero had seemed an accident of circumstances, had now settled into a permanent habit of mind. He refused, and the young Pompey with his friends, was only restrained by Cato from avenging with the sword what they interpreted as treason to the cause. No agreement could be come to, and the leaders dispersed, some to renew the war in union with King Tuba of Numidia, to purchase whose assistance the patriotic Cato was content to surrender the imperial province of Africa to barbarian rule ; others to go into voluntary exile ; some few, amongst whom was Cicero, to sue for the conqueror's pardon. Cicero had escaped with his life from the foundering cause of republicanism, and now found himself cast on the shores of Italy once more, cut off from all share in the great events that were happening around him. The year he now spent at Brundisium was the unhappiest portion of his whole life, not excepting even the period of his exile. He had ventured back to Italy without the express permission of Caesar, and spent his time between anxiety lest the conqueror's grace should be withheld and terror lest victory should turn, and he should be exposed to the just vengeance of the party he had betrayed. Family troubles too crowded upon him. His brother, Quintus, had separated himself from him at Corcyra and gone with other Pompeians to Achaia. Cicero now heard that he had unworthily sought pardon for himself from Caesar, by throwing upon his brother the blame of having drawn him to the side of Pompey. His daughter, Tullia, too, had made an unfortunate second^ marriage with P. Dolabella. Extravagant and deeply involved in financial embarrassments,- Dolabella had spent the greater part of her property, and now as Tribune was causing the greatest disturb- ance and bloodshed in Rome by introducing a law for the abolition of debts. 1 Third, if she was indeed married to Furius Crassipes, to whom we know she was betrothed. Her first husband was C. Piso. - Fam. ii. i6. 5. xxxiv GENERAL INTRODUCTION. From all these troubles Caesar's arrival in Italy in Septem- ber, 47 B.C., delivered him. Observing the orator among the crowd of those who came out to greet him, Caesar descended from his palanquin, and, hastening towards him, engaged him in conversation. At parting he cordially invited him to return to Rome. Reconciled to the great conqueror by this magnanimity, Cicero dismissed his lictors, and before the end of the year was again in the Capital. Caesar advanced to the goal of individual rule with swift strides. First, on April 6, 46 e.g., at Thapsus in Africa, he won a decisive victory over Scipio, father-in-law of Pompey, and luba, king of Numidia. Next, at Munda, in Spain, on March 17, 45 B.C., in a hard-fought battle with Gnaeus and Sextus, the two sons of Pompey, he extinguished the last dying embers of republicanism. That slavery is the most hopeless which is the least painful. Cicero's sense of political annihilation was deadened by the consideration and respect which he everywhere received. He was the courted companion of Caesar's favourites, Balbus, Oppius, Hirtius, and Pansa. He received the greatest atten- tion from Caesar himself, who read his pamphlets, and even considered his eulogy upon Cato worthy of a reply. With renewed zeal he resumed his literary activity,^ enjoyed daily intercourse with Atticus, the friend of his youth, and engaged in a widely-appreciated correspondence. Not so happy were his family relations. His wife, Terentia, was distinguished among the noble Roman matrons of that time for the purity and blamelessness of her life, but she was passionate and extravagant, and family dissensions had for some time been bringing matters to a crisis. Cicero now divorced her, and, at the age of sixty-two, contracted a second marriage with the young and wealthy Publilia. It was impos- sible that such a union should bring happiness, and it was shortly afterwards dissolved. Next came difficulties with his son, a headstrong youth, who could only be prevented from attaching himself to the staff of the victorious Caesar by pro- mises of an unlimited allowance while he pursued his university studies at Athens. But the heaviest blow of all was the death of his beloved daughter TuUia. In former days domestic trial would have driven him to try to drown his sorrow in increased devotion to the senate-house and the law courts. Now, it ' In 46 B.C. we have his Paradoxa, his Brutus, and his Orator ; in 45 IJ.C, his Acadetiiica, and de finibiis Bonoriiin et Malorum. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. xxxv had the effect of driving him to seek a seclusion^ wliich only gave him leisure to brood with fresh sorrow over the change of times. Neither the greatness of Caesar as a politician, nor his kind- ness and attention as a friend,^ although affording consolation for the moment, could ever Avholly reconcile the republican orator to the new order of things. That order was not destined long to endure. On March 15, 44 B.C., Caesar fell beneath the daggers of the conspirators. Part IV. — From Caesar's Assassination to the Death of Cicero. March 15, 44 b.c. — Dec 7, 43 b.c. We cannot but admit that Cicero's action during this last short period, if the most ill-judged, is also the noblest of his life. He leaped for a moment to his true place at the head of the constitutional party, and died because he had spoken not wisely, but too boldly and too well on its behalf Cicero had no part in the purposeless and planless assassi- nation of Caesar,^ yet his loud expressions of joy and approval indicate that all the lessons of the past had been wasted on him not less than on others. So much, however, he saw with true insight, that if the Republic was to be delivered from tyranny, the cauterising knife must go deeper than the surface, and that the liberator's work was still but half done.'* Antony especially, he declares, who was known as a determined Caesarian, and who, as Consul for the year, was doubly for- midable, ought to have fallen. Immediately after the murder, most of the senators hastened from the Curia ; Antony fled to his own house and locked himself in. The conspirators, seeing that the people showed no sympathy with the deed, retired to the Capitol, which they occupied with the gladiators of D. Brutus. Thither, on the evening of the same day, went Cicero along with others with the object of congratulating the ^ He withdrew to the island of Astura, a quiet spot on the river of the same name between Antium and Circeii, where he lived in perfect seclusion for two months mourning his loss. Cf. L. 83. " He wrote him a letter of condolence from Spain upon the death of his daughter Tullia, and paid him a personal visit at his place at Puteoli. L. 84. •* Goethe calls it 'the most tasteless deed that was ever perpetrated.' ■* LL. 89 and 97 ; Att. xxi. 3 and 4, xiv. 21. 3, and xiv. 4. xxxvi GENERAL INTRODUCTION. ' liberators.' On the following day Dolabella also appeared. He had been nominated to take Caesar's place as Consul when the latter should depart for the Parthian war, and now hoped to have the appointment ratified by the senate. Cicero's advice to call a meeting that same day upon the Capitol, and take instant measures, failed owing to the scruples of M. Brutus, who desired to see everything done in a constitutional way by Antony as Consul. Accordingly, negotiations for the restoration of the Republic were entered into with Antony, who, trusting to the present humour of the people and to Caesar's veterans, but at the same time fearing the strength of his opponents, with skilful dissimulation referred the matter to the senate. In the meantime, he himself had transferred to his own house, from the Temple of Ops, the public treasures tothe extent of 700,000,000 sesterces, as well as Caesar's private treasures of 4000 talents, and all the papers which he had left behind. At the important meeting of the senate held on March 17 in the Temple of Tellus, Antony cunningly proposed that the laws and dispositions of Caesar {acta Caesaris) should be declared valid in all their details, while at the same time a complete amnesty should be granted to the murderers. This proposal was carried and immediately sanctioned in an assembly of the people. Everything seemed to be passing ofif peacefully. But at the funeral of Caesar all was changed. Antony pronounced the funeral oration, and alike by his words and by reading aloud the terms of the Dictator's will, in which each of the poorer citizens was left the sum of 300 sesterces, he roused the people to such a pitch of indignation against the murderers that their personal safety was endangered. Antony himself took the reins of government with all the bolder hand that he held in his possession all Caesar's papers. These, with the aid of Caesar's secretary Fabirius, he partly changed and partly extended by means of forged documents of his own, and in this way, under the name of Caesar, made the most unconstitutional dispositions. In exchange for large sums of money he granted favours and privileges, not only to individuals, but to whole states and provinces, and any one who possessed sufficient interest with the Consul could pro- cure at a moment's notice a decree of Caesar to satisfy his utmost desire.^ Under such a state of things the conspirators left the city. ' L. 89. I n. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. xxxvii L. Tillius Cimber, C. Trebonius, D. Brutus went to their respective provinces of Bithynia, Asia, and Gallia Cisalpina; M. Brutus and Cassius, who, according to Caesar's arrangement of the provinces, were to receive respectively Macedonia and Syria for the year 43 B.C., after expiry of their Praetorship, left Rome at the beginning of April to await in Italy a more favourable turn of events. Cicero had already betaken him- self to his villas in the country, and purposed leaving Italy alto- gether for a time. With him political nonentity meant literary activity. He used the opportunity to finish the Tusculan dispu- tations, to write his treatises de Natura Deorum, de Divinatione, de Fato, de Amicitia, de Senechite, de Gloria, and to commence the de Officiis. This outburst of literary genius was to be succeeded by a last brilliant oratorical effort in the cause of his old, yet to him undimraed, ideal of republican liberty, and then the end. C. Octavius was the son of Atia, the daughter of lulia, sister of Caesar. His father was C. Octavius, who served as Pro- praetor of Macedonia in 60 B.C. He was born on September 23, 63 B.C., and from his earliest years had been the object of the tenderest solicitude to his grand-uncle Caesar, who had no male issue. At the time of the assassination he was at Apollonia in Illyricum, whence, on receipt of the news, he immediately set out for Rome. On landing at Brundisium, at the beginning of April, he heard that he had been adopted by his grand-uncle in his will, and made the heir to all his effects. He immediately assumed the name of his adopted father, and was henceforth known as C. lulius Caesar Octavianus. With the arrival of this youth in Italy Cicero's hopes re- vived. He thought he saw in him at length one who, with the affections of the soldiers on his side, might be used as an effective instrument in checking the growing power of Antony. With that faculty for self-deception which was perhaps the most marked feature in his character, Cicero believed himself able to mould and influence this ' boy ' on the side of liberty. At first, indeed, Octavianus paid the orator the greatest respect, and seemed wholly devoted to him.^ His appearance in Rome was marked with the modesty of a youth, but with all the resolution and prudence of a man. A great part of Caesar's veterans were already attached to him as the heir of that great name ; many he now won over by his liberality. He 1 Atl. xiv. II. 2 (April 21), 'mihi totus deditus.' xxxviii GENERAL INTRODUCTION. sold his private property, that, by paying the legacies of his adopted father, he might secure the support of the people. He quarrelled with Antony, who refused to deliver up Caesar's private treasures. At first violent and overbearing towards the young man, Antony soon saw it his interest to come to an understanding with him, demanding on his side the province of Cisalpine Gaul which belonged by right to D. Brutus. Cicero felt this coalition to be a blow to his hopes, and now reverted to his plan of leaving Italy for Greece, where his son was then studying. With this object he got himself named legatus by his son-in-law Dolabella, with the consent of Antony, and was allowed with this office the peculiar privilege of travelling and stopping where he liked. ^ The journey, which he began upon July 17, was never completed.- He got as far as Rhegium, but there heard that a universal reconciliation was about to take place. He turned back, and on August 31 was again in Rome, His friends and the supporters of the old constitution came to meet him with a great crowd of the people, who saw in him a pledge of peace. Antony, however, had no intention of giving up his despotic line of policy. With shut doors, and surrounded by soldiers, he proposed at the meeting of the senate, which was held on September i in the Temple of Concord, that on the occasion of every thanks- giving festival {supplicatio) in the future a day should be added in honour of Julius Caesar, to whom, as to a god, offerings should be brought. Cicero absented himself from the sitting, and excused himself to Antony on the ground of fatigue and sickness, whereupon Antony threatened to have his house pulled down upon him.' Cicero appeared in the senate on the following day (September 2), and delivered the first of the Philippic Orations.'* This Antony answered in the senate on September 19, with a scathing description of Cicero's political career. Cicero, who was not present on the occasion, now felt himself no longer safe in Rome, and retired to the country, where he set about preparing his answer, the famous Second Philippic. He sent it first on October 25 to Atticus.^ The publication followed later. Cicero's correspondence at this ^ L. 92. - For a nearer view of. L. 93. •* The punishment which the law sanctioned for a senator who wilfully absented himself from a sitting was a money fine. ■* Tills name was given to them because they bore a parallel to the orations which Demosthenes delivered against Philip of Macedon. * Att. XV. n. I. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. xxxix* time shows how unsparingly he laboured for the restoration of the Republic. Meantime peace between Octavianus and Antony proved impossible. The former had at the first won over a portion of Caesar's veterans, and now, when the four Macedonian legions, for which Antony had waited so eagerly, landed in Italy, his liberality brought a great part of these also over to his side.^ He wrote to Cicero, repeatedly entreating him to come to Rome and be once again the saviour of the Republic. Cicero was long irresolute. He could not place complete confidence in the sincerity of the youthful Octavi- anus. He seemed to forebode that 'Caesar's Heir and Avenger,' as he announced himself to his legions, would em- ploy any success which he might obtain, in his own interest, rather than in that of the Republic. "When, however, Antony, with the legions which had remained faithful to him, marched at the end of November upon Hither Gaul in order to seize by force of arms the province which D. Brutus already held by decree of Caesar, but which Antony had, by means of a law of the people, caused to be assigned to himself, Cicero be- lieved that the time had come to strike again for the good cause. He returned to Rome on November 8 with the aim of making one last attempt to unite all loyal citizens under the banner of the constitution. For this end Antony was to be declared a public enemy ; D. Brutus was not only to be ex- horted to persevere in his patriotic resolution to hold Gaul against him, but was to be actively supported with troops ; the governors of the respective provinces were to be confirmed in possession, and summoned to unconditional obedience to the senate. Finally, all were to be called upon to unite with Octavianus and the Consuls for the following year in har- monious and decisive action against Antony. At the meeting of the senate on December 20th, which was called together by the tribunes of the people,- Cicero delivered his third Philippic oration. For his declaration that he would defend his province against Antony with force of arms, D. Brutus received the thanks of the senate, and a decree was passed to the effect that no change should be made in the ' L. 97- 3- ^ As the state was without higher magistrates (Dolabella the Consul had received Syria from the people and already set out for his province, the Praetors Brutus and Cassius had for many months been absent from Rome), the Tribunes had the right of summoning the senate. Cicero writes himself to D. Brutus [Fani. xi. 6) of this sitting. Fhil. iv. contains his account of it to the people. xl GENERAL INTRODUCTION. government of the provinces.^ At the sitting of January i, 43 B.C., Octavianus was empowered under the title of Pro- praetor to lead out the army which he had levied. For his troops rewards were decreed. Further measures followed in the senate. An embassy to Antony to demand of him a cessation from all hostilities against D. Brutus and his sub- mission to the will of the senate and people was without effect.- Cicero's wish was that Antony should be declared an enemy of his country, and assailed with open war. But the senate unanimously adopted the milder proposal, that not a war but a tumultus ^ should be decreed, in order that the possibility of a peaceful settlement might still remain open. Antony was besieging D. Brutus in Mutina. At the end of the winter Octavianus and the Consul Hirtius advanced against him, but refrained from taking any decided steps until they should be joined by the other Consul, Pansa, who followed with his army probably on March 21. Meanwhile Cicero was engaged in fiercely opposing all proposals to make peace with Antony, in protecting the interests of Brutus * and Cassius, who were both still in the East, and in carrying on a wide correspondence with only one object, the safety of the Republic.^ Success seemed about to crown his efforts. The consular armies, at first repulsed by Antony in an engagement in which Pansa was severely wounded, gained a victory in the middle of April at Forum Gallorum,'^ and towards the end of the month in conjunction with Octavianus won so signal a success that Antony saw himself compelled to raise the siege of Mutina and retreat with a remnant of his troops to the Alps. The news of this double victory was received with indescribable joy in Rome, and Cicero seemed to himself to be now within sight of the goal of his ambition. But the joy was short-lived. It was soon known that both Consuls had fallen in the battle. The question arose who should be their successor in command, and Cicero had the ' ' Hodierno die primum longo intervallo in possessionem libertatis pedem ponimus.' — Phil. ill. 28. - L. 96. i. 3 ' Maiores nostri tumultum Italicum, quod erat domesticus, tumultum Gallicum, quod erat Italiae finitimus, praeterea nullum nominabant.' — Phil. viii. 30. ■* Especially in Phil. x. ^ Fam. xii. 25. 6. ^ The news reached Rome on April 27 (?), and on the following day Cicero delivered his fourteenth and last Philippic, in which he proposed a thanksgiving of fifty days and a monument to commemorate the soldiers who had fallen. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. xli opportunity offered him of making his last fatal blunder. The senate, led by the intoxicated orator, proposed to confer the distinction upon D. Brutus. Octavianus, seeing his claims neglected, instantly turned from pursuit of Antony's flying legions, and marched straight on Rome, where at the age of nineteen he caused himself to be named Consul, with his relative Q. Pedius as his colleague (Aug. 19). Cicero's public activity was at an end. The bubble of constitutionalism had burst, and Cicero and his eloquence, like the rainbow on its surface, were swept away along with it. The murderers of Caesar were banished by the lex Pedia, and the sentence of exile that hung over Antony and Lepidus was cancelled. Asinius Pollio passed over to Antony at the beginning of September, Plancus shortly afterwards. D. Brutus was deserted by his troops, and slain in his flight by some of Antony's followers. The latter, with seventeen legions, met Octavianus at Bononia in Upper Italy. The reconciliation effected by Lepidus led to the Second Trium- virate, and the ' triumviri rei publicae constituendae,' with the sanction of the people, entered on their administration on November 27. What had been won by the sword without the sword was not to be retained. Proscriptions made a bloody raid upon the ranks of the proud republican nobility, and of the supporters of the old constitution. Even Cicero could not be saved. The wishes of Octavianus were of no avail. We can only imagine the veteran orator and patriot, over- whelmed in his last days with all the bitterness of defeat and flight.i From the end of July all letters fail us. More than once driven back to shore by bad weather, he resolved to return to his villa at Formiae ; ' Let me die,' he said, ' in the country I have often saved.' Next day a party sent in search of him approached. His slaves persuaded him to take to flight for the shore. He was overtaken in a wood. His slaves prepared to defend him with their lives, but Cicero forbade them, and as his pursuers came up stretched out his neck to the sword of the Tribune Popilius, who was with the party, and who had once been a client of his own in an action at court. He fell on December 7, 43 b.c, not quite sixty- four years old. His own words, spoken not quite a year before, found their fulfilment : ' Liberati regio dominatu vide- bamur : multo postea gravius urguebamur armis domesticis. 1 He desired to sail for Macedonia, to join M. Brutus, in whose army his son was serving. xHi GENERAL INTRODUCTION. Ea ipsa depulimus nos quidem : extorquenda sunt. Quod si non possumus facere — dicam quod dignum est et senatore et Romano homine — moriamur.'^ In estimating the character of Cicero, our admiration for his humane and Hterary quaUties, and our contempt for his political blindness and weakness, contend for the mastery. It is idle to reflect what Cicero might have been had he lived in other and better times. The times in which he lived were the cause alike of the greatness and of the weakness of the man. More than that, in his very weakness, it may be said, we find the source of his greatness and strength. It was just because a man of high culture and aspiration lived in a time of utter social vulgarity and moral depravity, that his feelings were shocked, and his soul stirred to an indignation which poured itself out in words that will burn for all time. And it was just because a man of high intellectual and literary faculty was too blind to see how the current of events was running, and too weak to guide himself through its rapids, that we have those eloquent patriotic denunciations and exhortations in his public speeches, and those pathetic appeals to our humanity in his private letters, which are his claim to immortality. He is greatest as an orator when he has moral corruption to denounce and a falling cause to support. He is greatest as a man when the misfortunes of a life spent in a vain crusade against spectres of tyranny wrung from a finely-strung nature sentiments which we feel to be far in advance of his age. He is weak as a thinker, because philosophy was to him, as to the business-loving Roman in general, a pastime, not a passion. He is weakest of all as a poHtician, because at a time which demanded the truest insight and the firmest courage in the political leader, Cicero showed himself destitute of both. ^ The accounts of Cicero's death do not quite agree with one another. The fullest is that preserved to us by the rhetorician Seneca from Livy. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. xliii Letter-writing among the Romans. In earlier times letters were written exclusively upon a wax surface with an ivory or metal pen {s/i7us, graphium). The wax was spread upon tablets of wood or ivory {iabellae, ptigillares, codtcillt), two or three or more of which might be bound together, forming a diptychon, triptychon, etc. The sides, which were placed against one another, had raised rims, so that the wax inside might not suffer from contact. The tablets were perforated in the centre with one or more small holes, and the letter was put up by laying the tablets together {complicare), drawing a thread through, and binding them together with it {obliga7'e). The knot was then covered with wax {pbsignare)^ and sealed with the signet-ring of the writer. The letter was opened by cutting the thread (Jinuvi inctdere), so that the seal, which was often the only mark to guarantee the genuineness of the letter, remained intact.^ Although the ancient tabella was already superseded in Cicero's time by papyrus {charta), it still continued to be largely employed on account of its convenience for shorter communications, to which an answer could be returned on the same tablet. Writing paper {chartae epistolares) was cut in various sizes, and seems to have offered a rough surface to the calamus or reed. The ink {atramentum) was a preparation of gum and soot. Calamo et atramoito temperate {i.e. carefully mixed) charta etiani dentata (i.e. ivory laid ^) res ageturj scribis enim te meas litter as superiores vix legere 'potuisse, Cicero writes to his brother (ii. 15, extr. i). A sheet might be washed and used a second time, in which case it was called palimpsestiis (cf. L. 40. 2). The letter was rolled up, bound together with a string in the middle, sealed, and addressed, usually lengthwise.^ A Roman generally availed himself, except in the case of letters ^ Cf. Plant. Ciirc. iii. 50 seq, (-420 scq.), and, on the whole process, Bacch. iv. 4. 63 seq. ( = 714 seq.). * Scabritia char-tae levigaiitr dente. — Plin. H. N'. xiii. 12. * Sometimes we have on the outside only the name of the sender, more usually only that of the receiver. In a picture from Pompeii, two letters lie across one another, the one inscribed ' Vitalio,' the other 'Albinus.' Cf. Att. viii, 5. 2: fasciadum, qui est ' Des M\ Curio' inscriptus. xliv GENERAL INTRODUCTION. of importance or to a dear friend, of the services of a slave or freedman, who wrote to his dictation. The general name for servants employed in literary work was librarii, but they were often more particularly designated servi ab epis/oHs, a jnanu, or amanuenses. The letter was usually headed with the name of the writer in the nominative, and the recipient in the dative governed by the greeting ' S. D.' {salutcm dat). The fulness of both the names and the greeting was in inverse proportion to the intimacy of the correspondents. ' Cicero Attico Sal.' is invariable in the letters ad Ait.; sometimes the greeting is altogether omitted, e.g. ' Plancus Ciceroni;' sometimes it has the addition 'P.' or ' Plur.' {pluri- mam). More formal letters required the praenomen of both sender and receiver, sometimes that of the father of one or the other ('Cicero S. D. M. Licinio P. F. Crasso'), and often the title of either or both (' M. Cicero Procos. S. D. C. Curioni Trib. Pl.').i So with the formula which, either fully or shortly expressed, frequently followed the heading, ' S. V. B. E. E. O. V.' \si vales bene est ego qiiidem valeo). Cicero never uses it in his letters to Atticus, and indeed it is seldom used by him at all, except in official or formal communications. At the end of the letter there might be no formula at all, or a longer or shorter form of farewell, — Vale, ama nos et vale, etc. When date and place were added, the former usually came first, with the name of the place in the ablative as answer to the question ' whence?' Cf. L. 62. 6 : ciira tit valeas. IV. Kalendas Fcbrtiar. Capua. Letters were intrusted either to private messengers {tabellarii), or, when of an official nature, to the public couriers {statores), or to any one who was known to be bound that way and was willing to convey them. In this last case, if there was any reason to distrust either the honesty or the memory of the bearer, it was not uncom- mon to make a second copy of the letter {litterae uno or eodem exemplo), and intrust it to another messenger. If the communica- tion was of a strictly confidential kind, or might compromise the writer in times of trouble, it might be written in character under- stood only by the correspondents, hm arjfieiwv scripseram Cicero writes to Atticus (xiii. 32. 3). Otherwise feigned names were assumed (L. 10. 5). The speed of postal communication of course varied with the season, but in ordinary circumstances the official messenger by land could cover with ease 50 Roman miles a day. A letter from Rome to Pompeii, a distance of about 140 Roman miles, took only three days ; from Mutina to Rome, a distance of about 300 miles, six days ; from Rome to Athens, including the sea voyage, twenty-one days. ^ ' Antonius Hirtio et CaesarV Cicero quotes [Phil. xiii. 22) as an instance of Antony's boorishness. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. xlv Origin of the Collection known as Cicero's Letters. The first mention of any collection or edition of the letters of Cicero is by himself {Att. xvi. 5. 5) : meanan epistolarum nulla est avvayoiyr], scd habet Tiro instar septuagifita et qiddetn suiil a ie quaedatn sumendae ; eas ego opoitei pcrspiciam, corrigaJii j turn denique edentur. This was in July 44 is.c, and it is not probable that he was able to publish an edition between this date and his death in the next year. The collection which has come down to us consists of over 860 letters, of which nearly 100 are written by others to Cicero. The first letter we have is of the year 68 B.C. ; we have no letters bearing the date of his consulship ; and from the last five months of his life no word of his correspondence survives. The whole consists of four parts : — 1. Ad M. Brutian—n. Books. 2. Ad Qinntum Frai}'cvi — iii. Books. 3. Ad Famil tares — xvi. Books. 4. Ad Atticum — xvi. Books. Of these, the letters to Brutus, especially the second book, referring to the last year of Cicero's life, lie open to grave sus- picion. Of the letters to his brother Ouintus the ancients themselves do not seem to have possessed more than three books. The title Ad Faviiliares is unfortunate. Many of these letters are addressed to persons who cannot be said in any sense' to be familiares of Cicero, and some of them are not to the friends of Cicero, but from them. The title Ad Diversos is not Latin. As to the origin of either the collection itself or the title we have no reliable information. The ancients knew of far more letters of the kind than have come down to us. We hear of Cicero's letters to Pompey in at least four books, to Caesar in at least three, to Octavianus in three, to M. Brutus in nine, as well as of a similar collection of letters to Hirtius. It is impossible to say whether these single and fuller collections were the earlier and ours only a selection from them, or whether the greater first appeared after the publication of the smaller. The latter appears^ the more likely alternative. It seems probable that Tiro shortly after Cicero's death published all that he could get, perhaps books I. to xil. to begin with, and afterwards xiii. to xvi. as he was able to collect them. These letters profess to be arranged according to the persons to whom they are addressed, but this order is not strictly maintained. The sixteen books of letters Ad Atticum (arranged in chrono- logical order not without inaccuracies), are a legacy from Atticus himself Yet they did not appear till many years after his death in 32 B.C., possibly not till the beginning of the reign of Nero. Nor can we suppose that their publication would have been xlvi GENERAL INTRODUCTION. approved by Atticus himself, whose modesty or prudence is also to blame that of his own letters, carefully preserved by Cicero {Att. ix. ID. 4), not one line remains to us. As the direct utterances of contemporaries the letters of Cicero possess inestimable worth to the student of the history of the period. They furnish us with historical evidence of the first order, in which v;e can at times trace from hour to hour the progress of events which have moulded the destinies of the world. In them, as in a glass, we seem to see the living forms of Cato and Pompey, Caesar and Antony, while for the study of Cicero's own character we have a lens of almost microscopic power. It may be that the world has no right to invade the sacred precincts of private intercourse, and Cicero would have been the first to protest against the publication of much that has come to light in his correspondence (cf. L. 6. 8, Fain. xv. 21, and Phil. ii. 4. 7). But when we contrast the storm of backbiting and scandal which rages round the hero of modern epistolary biography with the harmless foibles which Cicero's private letters reveal, we shall feel only gratitude to the unknown hand that has presented us with so accurate a photograph of his character and times. The style of Cicero's letters is as varied as the circumstances in which they were written. There are some which, composed in the leisure of retirement, and intended for a wider circle of readers,^ reflect the language of the highest literary culture. There are others again, and those for the most part written to his more familiar friends, or in the hurry of business, which speak to us in the language of the everyday life of the people.^ Yet there are others which cannot be said to belong to either class. In these, as in many even of the letters to Atticus, the simple style of common talk often changes unconsciously as the writer warms to his subject into sentences that reflect the art which had become a second nature to him. 1 Cf. esp. Att. viii. 9. i : Epistolam fiieavi (to Caesar) qiiod pervulga- tam scribas esse, non fero Dtoleste ; qiiin etiam ipse vitiltis dedi describeiidam. ^ Cf. L. 56. I, and esp. Fa»i. ix. 21. I. Hence the numberless paral- lels between the language of the letters and that of the Roman comedians. On the whole subject of the style of Cicero's letters, v. Introduction to Professor Tyrrell's edition. INDEX TO LETTERS. LET I. Ad Att. I. I, 2. I. 2, 3- Ad Fam. v. i, 4- V. 2, 5- V. 7, 6. Ad Att. I. 16, 7- I. 17, 8. II. 17, 9- II. 18, lO. II. 19, II. 11. 21, 12. II. 22, 13. n. 23, 14. ,, II. 24, IS- III. I, 16. in. 3. 17- Ad Fam. xiv. 4, 18. Ad Att. III. 13, 19. ,, III. 19, 20. Ad Fam. xiv. 2, 21. XIV. 3, 22. Ad Att. IV. I, 23- IV. 2, 24. AdQ. Fr. II. 3, 25- Ad Att. IV. 5, 26. Ad Fam. v. 12, 27. Ad Att. IV. 6, 28. Ad Fam. i. 7, 29. VII. I, 30. V. 8, 31- VII. 5, 32. Ad Q. Fr. II. 12 33. Ad Fam. vii. 6, 34. vii. 7, 35- Ad Q. Fr. II. 13, PAGE I 3 4 4 8 9 15 18 19 21 23 25 26 27 30 30 30 32 33 34 35 37 40 42 45 46 51 52 56 59 61 62 03 64 64 LET PAGE 36. Ad Fam .VII. 17, . 66 37- VII. 16, . 67 38- I. 9, 68 39- VII. 10, 81 40. VII. 18, . 82 41. VII. 15, . 83 42. VII. 14, . 84 43- II. I, 84 44. II. 5. • 85 45- II. 6, 86 46. III. 2, 88 47- III. 3, . . 89 48. XIII. I, . . 90 49- II. 8, . • 92 50- Ad Att. V. 16, 93 51. Ad Fam . III. 6, . 94 52. J) II. 7, • . 96 53- > ) XV. 4, . 97 54- 5 1 III. 7, . 104 55- J » III. 9. • . 106 56. )) II. II, . . 108 57. » > XV. 5, . 109 58. ) J XV. 6, . . no 59. 1» XIV. 5, . III 60. Ad Att. VII. I, 112 61. Ad Fam . XVI. II, . • "5 62. >> XVI. 12, . 1x6 63. Ad Att. VIII. 3, . . 1x8 64. ) ) VIII. 7, . . X2I 65. j» IX. 6 a, 122 66. )> IX. II A, . X22 67. Ad Fam . IX. 9, . 124 68. Ad Att. XI. 8, . 125 69. Ad Fam . IX. 6, X26 70. 19 IX. 16, . 127 xlviii INDEX TO LETTERS. 71- A'l Fam. IX. 18, 72. IX. 20, 73- IX. 17, 74- IV. 14, 75. VII. 3, 76. IV. 8, 77- IV. 4, 78. VI. 6, 79- VI. 14, 80. XII. 17, 81. VI. 3, 82. IV. 5, 83. IV. 6, 84. Ad Att. XIII. 52, 85. Ad Fam . VII. 30, 86. ) , VI. 15, 87. Ad Att. XIV. I, PAGE 130 132 133 134 135 138 138 141 144 145 146 147 152 153 154 154 LET. PAGR 88. Ad Fam . XI. I, . 155 89. Ad Att. XIV. 12, . 156 90, 1, XIV. 13 B, 157 91. Ad Fam . IX. 14, ad Att XIV. I 7 A, 158 92. Ad Att. XV. II, . 159 93- ») xvr. 7, . 161 94. Ad Fam . XII. 3, . . 162 95- ) ) XVI. 21, . 163 96. J » XII. 4, . 165 97- ) ' X. 28, . 166 98. > J XII. 25, 167 99. ) » XI. 9, ■ 168 100. J » X. 15, • . 169 lOI. ) > XI. 12, . . 170 102. )» XII. 10, • 171 List of Abbreviations in the Notes. Cf. L. L. and S. ]. S. Sc. T. V. = confer. = Letter in this Edition. = Lewis and Short's Latin Dictionary. = lectio. = Siipfle. = Scilicet. = Professor Tyrrell. = vide. = Mr. Watson. PERIOD I. I. (ad Att. I. I.) CICERO ATTICO SAL. Petitionis nostrae, quam tibi summae curae esse scio, huius i modi ratio est, quod adhuc coniectura provided possit. Prensat unus P. Galba : sine fuco ac fallaciis, more maiorum, negatur. Ut opinio est hominum, non aliena rationi nostrae fuit illius haec praepropera prensatio. Nam illi ita negant volgo, ut mihi se debere dicant. Ita quiddam spero nobis profici, cum hoc percrebrescit, plurimos nostros amicos in- veniri, Nos autem initium prensandi facere cogitaramus eo ipso tempore, quo tuum puerum cum his Htteris proficisci Cincius dicebat, in campo, comitiis tribuniciis, a. d. xvi. Kalend. Sextilis. Competitores, qui certi esse videantur, Galba et Antonius et Q. Cornificius : puto te in hoc aut risisse aut ingemuisse. Ut frontem ferias, sunt quietiamCaesonium putent. AquiUum non arbitramur, qui denegavit et iuravit morbum et iUud suum regnum iudiciale opposuit. CatiHna, si iudicatum erit meridie non lucere, certus erit competitor. De AuU fiUo et PaUcano non puto te exspectare dum scribam. 2 De iis, qui nunc petunt, Caesar certus putatur. Thermus cum Silano contendere existimatur, qui sic inopes et ab amicis et existimatione sunt, ut mihi videatur non esse a^vvarov Curium obducere. Sed hoc praeter me nemini videtur. A 2 M. TULLII CICERONIS [i. Nostris rationibus maxime conducere videtur Thermum fieri cum Caesare ; nemo est enim ex iis, qui nunc petunt, qui, si in nostrum annum reciderit, firmior candidatus fore videatur, propterea quod curator est viae Flaminiae, quae cum erit ab- soluta sane facile eum libenter nunc ceterif consuli acciderim. Petitorum haec est adhuc informata cogitatio. Nos in omni munere candidatorio fungendo summam adhibebimus dili- gentiam et fortasse, quoniam videtur in suffragiis multum posse Gallia, cum Romae a iudiciis forum refrixerit, excurre- mus mense Septembri legati ad Pisonem, ut lanuario reverta- mur : cum perspexero voluntates nobilium, scribam ad te. Cetera spero prolixa esse, his dumtaxat urbanis competitoribus. lUam raanum tu mihi cura ut praestes, quoniam propius abes, Pompeii, nostri amici : nega me ei iratum fore, si ad mea 3 comitia non venerit. Atque haec huius modi sunt. Sed est quod abs te mihi ignosci pervelim : Caecilius, avunculus tuus, a P. Vario cum magna pecunia fraudaretur, agere coepit cum eius fratre A. Caninio Satyro de iis rebus, quas eum dolo malo manciple accepisse de Vario diceret : una agebant ceteri creditores^ in quibus erat Z. Lucullus et P. Scipio et is, quem putabant magistrum fore, si bona venirent, L. Pontius. Verum hoc ridiculum est de magistro. Nunc cognosce rem. Rogavit me Caecilius, ut adessem contra Satyruni : dies fere nuUus est quin hie Satyrus domum meam ventitet ; observat L. Doniitium maxime, me habet proximum ; fuit et mihi et 4 Q. fratri magno usui in nostris petitionibus. Sane sum per- turbatus cum ipsius Satyri familiaritate, turn Domitii, in quo uno maxime ambitio nostra nititur. Demonstravi haec Caecilio ; simul et illud ostendi, si ipse unus cum illo uno contenderet, me ei satis facturum fuisse ; nunc in causa universorum creditorum, hominum praesertim amplissimorum, qui sine eo, quem Caecilius suo nomine perhiberet, facile causam com- munem sustinerent, aequum esse eum et officio meo consulere II.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATT. I. 2. 3 et tempori. Durius accipere hoc mihi visas est quam vellem et quam homines belli solent, et postea prorsus ab^instituta nostra paucorum dierum consuetudine longe refugit : abs te peto, ut mihi hoc ignoscas et me existimes humanitate esse prohibitum, ne contra amici summam existimationem miserrimo eius tempore venirem, cum is omnia sua studia et ofificia in me contulisset. Quod si voles in me esse durior, ambitionem putabis mihi obstitisse ; ego autem arbitror, etiam si id sit, mihi ignoscendum esse : eTret ov\ Up-qiov, ovSe f3oeiip'. Vides enim, in quo cursu simus et quam omnes gratias non modo retinendas, verum etiam acquirendas putemus. Spero tibi me causam probasse, cupio quidem certe. Hermathena tua 5 valde me delectat et posita ita belle est, ut totum gymnasium eius dvdOyixa esse videatur. Multum te amamus. II. (ad Att. I. 2.) CICERO ATTICO SAL. L. lulio Caesare C. Marcio Figulo consulibus filiolo me i auctum scito salva Terentia. Abs te tam diu nihil litterarum ? Ego de meis ad te rationibus scripsi antea diligenter. Hoc tempore Catilinam, competitorem nostrum, defendere cogita- mus ; iudices habemus, quos voluimus, summa accusatoris voluntate. Spero, si absolutus erit, coniunctiorem ilium nobis fore in ratione petitionis ; sin aliter accident, humaniter fere- mus. Tuo adventu nobis opus est maturo ; nam prorsus 2 summa hominum est opinio tuos familiares, nobiles homines, adversarios honori nostro fore : ad eorum voluntatem mihi conciliandam maximo te mihi usui fore video. Qua re lanuario mense, ut constituisti, cura ut Romae sis. 4 M. TULLII CICERONIS [iii.-iv. PERIOD 11. in. (ad Fam. V. i.) Q. METELLUS Q. F. CELER PROCOS. S. D. M. TULLIO CICERONI. 1 Si vales, bene est. Existimaram pro mutuo inter nos animo et pro reconciliata gratia nee absentem ludibrio laesuni iri nee Metellum fratrem ob dictum capite ac fortunis per te oppugnatum iri. Quern si parum pudor ipsius defendebat, debebat vel familiae nostrae dignitas vel meum studiuni erga vos remque publicam satis sublevare : nunc video ilium cir- cumventum, me desertum, a quibus minime conveniebat. 2 Itaque in luctu et squalore sum, qui provinciae, qui exercitui praesum, qui bellum gero. Quae quoniam nee ratione nee maiorum nostrorum dementia administrastis, non erit miran- dum, si vos paenitebit. Te tarn mobili in me meosque esse animo non sperabam : me interea nee domesticus dolor nee cuiusquam iniuria ab re publica abducet. IV. (ad Fam. V. 2.) M. TULLIUS M. F. CICERO Q. METELLO Q. F. CELERI PROCOS. S. D. Si tu exercitusque valetis, bene est. Scribis ad me te exi- stimasse pro mutuo inter nos animo et pro reconciliata gratia numquam te a me ludibrio laesum iri. Quod cuiusmodi sit, satis intellegere non possum, sed tamen suspicor ad te esse adlatum, me in senatu cum disputarem permultos esse, qui rem publicam a me conservatam dolerent, dixisse a te pro- pin quos tuos, quibus negare non potuisses, impetrasse, ut ea, quae statuisses tibi in senatu de mea laude esse dicenda, reticeres. Quod cum dicerem, illud adiunxi, mihi tecum ita IV.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAM. V. 2. 5 dispertitum ofificium fuisse in rei publicae salute retinenda, ut ego urbem a domesticis insidiis et ab intestine scelere, tu Italiam et ab armatis hostibus et ab occulta coniuratione defenderes, atque hanc nostram tanti et tarn praeclari muneris societatem a tuis propinquis labefactatam, qui, cum tu a me rebus amplissimis atque honorificentissimis ornatus esses, timuissent, ne quae mihi pars abs te voluntatis mutuae tri- bueretur. Hoc in sermone cum a me exponeretur, quae mea 2 exspectatio fuisset orationis tuae quantoque in errore versatus essem, visa est oratio non iniucunda et mediocris quidam est risus consecutus, non in te, sed magis in errorem meum et quod me abs te cupisse laudari aperte atque ingenue confitebar. lam hoc non potest in te non honorifice esse dictum, me in clarissimis meis atque amplissimis rebus tamen aliquod testimonium tuae vocis habere voluisse. Quod autem ita scribis, ' pro mutuo inter nos animo,' quid 3 tu existimes esse in amicitia mutuum, nescio : equidem hoc arbitror, cum par voluntas accipitur et redditur. Ego si hoc dicam, me tua causa praetermisisse provinciam, tibi ipse levior videar esse ; meae enim rationes ita tulerunt, atque eius mei consilii maiorem in dies singulos fructum voluptatemque capio : illud dico, me, ut primum in contione provinciam deposuerim, statim, quem ad modum earn tibi traderem, cogitare coepisse. Nihil dico de sortitione vestra : tantum te suspicari volo, nihil in ea re per collegam meum me insciente esse factum. Re- cordare cetera : quam cito senatum illo die facta sortitione coegerim, quam multa de te verba fecerim, cum tu ipse mihi dixisti orationem meam non solum in te honorificam, sed etiam in coUegas tuos contumeliosam fuisse. lam illud senatus con- 4 sultum, quod eo die factum est, ea praescriptione est, ut, dum id exstabit, officium meum in te obscurum esse non possit. Postea vero quam profectus es, velim recordere, quae ego de te in senatu egerim, quae in contionibus dixerim, quas ad tc 6 M. TULLII CICERONIS [iv. litteras miserim. Quae cum omnia collegeris, tum ipse velim iudices, satisne videatur his omnibus rebus tuus adventus, cum 5 proxime Romam venisti, mutue respondisse. Quod scribis de reconciliata gratia nostra, non intellego cur reconciliatam esse dicas, quae numquam imminuta est. 6 Quod scribis non oportuisse Metellum fratrem tuum ob dictum a me oppugnari, primum hoc veHm existimes, animum mihi istum tuum vehementer probari et fraternam plenam humanitatis ac pietatis voluntatem ; deinde, si qua ego in re fratri tuo rei pubhcae causa restiterim, ut mihi ignoscas : tam enim sum amicus rei publicae, quam qui maxime ; si vero meam salutem contra illius impetura in me crudelissimum defenderim, satis habeas nihil me etiam tecum de tui fratris iniuria conqueri. Quem ego cum comperissem omnem sui tribunatus conatum in meam perniciem parare atque meditari, egi cum Claudia, uxore tua, et cum vestra sorore Mucia, cuius erga me studium pro Cn. Pompeii necessitudine multis in rebus 7 perspexeram, ut eum ab ilia iniuria deterrerent. Atqui ille, quod te audisse certo scio, pr. Kal. lanuarias, qua iniuria nemo umquam in infimo magistratu improbissimus civis adfectus est, ea me consulem adfecit, cum rem publicam con- servassem, atque abeuntem magistratu contionis habendae potestate privavit ; cuius iniuria mihi tamen honori summo fuit : nam cum ille mihi nihil nisi ut iurarem permitteret, magna voce iuravi verissimum pulcherrimumque ius iurandum, quod 8 populus item magna voce me vere iurasse iuravit. Hac accepta tam insigni iniuria tamen illo ipso die misi ad Metellum communes amicos, qui agerent cum eo, ut de ilia mente desisteret ; quibus ille respondit sibi non esse integrum : etenim pauUo ante in contione dixerat ei, qui in alios animad- vertisset indicta causa, dicendi ipsi potestatem fieri non oportere. Hominem gravem et civem egregium ! qui, qua poena senatus consensu bonorum omnium eos adfecerat, qui TV.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAM. V. 2. 7 urbem incendere et magistratus ac senatum trucidare, bellum maximum conflare voluissent, eadem dignum iudicaret eum, qui curiam caede, urbem incendiis, Italiam bello liberasset. Itaque ego Metello, fratri tuo, praesenti restiti : nam in senatu Kalendis lanuariis sic cum eo de re publica disputavi, ut sentiret sibi cum viro forti et constanti esse pugnandum. A. d. III. Nonas lanuarias cum agere coepisset, tertio quoque verbo orationis suae me appellabat, mihi minabatur; neque illi quicquam deliberatius fuit quam me, quacumque ratione posset, non iudicio neque disceptatione, sed vi atque im- pressione evertere. Huius ego temeritati si virtute atque animo non restitissem, quis esset qui me in consulatu non casu potius existimaret quam consilio fortem fuisse? Haec si tu 9 Metellam cogitare de me nescisti, debes existimaretemaximis de rebus a fratre esse celatum : sin autem aliquid impertivit tibi sui consilii, lenis a te et facilis existimari debeo, qui nihil tecum de his ipsis rebus expostulem. Et si intellegis non me dicto Metelli, ut scribis, sed consilio eius animoque in me inimicissimo esse commotum, cognosce nunc humanitatem meam, si humanitas appellanda est in acerbissima iniuria remissio animi ac dissolutio : nulla est a me umquam sententia dicta in fratrem tuum : quotienscumque aliquid est actum, sedens iis assensi, qui mihi lenissime sentire visi sunt. Addam illud etiam, quod iam ego curare non debui, sed tamen fieri non moleste tuli atque etiam ut ita fieret pro mea parte adiuvi, ut senati consulto meus inimicus, quia tuus frater erat, sub- levaretur. Qua re non ego oppugnavi fratrem tuum, sed fratri tuo re- 10 pugnavi : nee in te, ut scribis, animo fui niobili, sed ita stabili, ut in mea erga te voluntate etiam desertus ab officiis tuis permanerem, Atque hoc ipso tempore tibi paene mini- tanti nobis per litteras hoc rescribo atque rcspondeo : ego dolori tuo non solum ignosco, sed summam etiam laudem 8 M. TULLII CICERONIS [v. tribuo ; meus enim me sensus, quanta vis fraterni sit anioris, admonet. A te peto, ut tu quoque aequum te iudicem dolori meo praebeas : si acerbe, si crudeliter, si sine causa sum a tuis oppugnatus, ut statuas mihi non raodo non cedendum, sed etiam tuo atque exercitus tui auxilio in eius modi causa utendum fuisse. Ego te mihi semper amicum esse volui : me ut tibi amicissimum esse intellegeres, laboravi. Maneo in voluntate et, quoad voles tu, permanebo citiusque amore tui fratrem tuum odisse desinam, quam illius odio quicquam de nostra benevolentia detraham. V. (ad Fam. V. 7.) M. TULLIUS M. F. CICERO S. D. CN. POMPEIO CN. F. MAGNO IMPERATORI. 1 S. T. E. Q. V. B. E. Ex litteris tuis, quas publice misisti, cepi una cum omnibus incredibilem voluptatem : tantam enim spem otii ostendisti, quantam ego semper omnibus te uno fretus pollicebar ; sed hoc scito, tuos veteres hostes, novos amicos, vehementer litteris perculsos atque ex magna spe de- 2 turbatos iacere. Ad me autem litteras quas misisti, quamquam exiguam significationem tuae erga me voluntatis habebant, tamen mihi scito iucundas fuisse ; nulla enim re tarn laetari soleo quam meorum officiorum conscientia, quibus si quando non mutue respondetur, apud me plus officii residere facillime patior : illud non dubito, quin, si te mea summa erga te studia paruni mihi adiunxerint, res publica nos inter nos conciliatura 3 coniuncturaque sit. Ac ne ignores, quid ego in tuis litteris desiderarim, scribam aperte, sicut et mea natura et nostra amicitia postulat : res eas gessi, quarum aliquam in tuis litteris et nostrae necessitudinis et rei publicae causa gratulationem exspectavi ; quam ego abs te praetermissam esse arbitror, quod vererere, ne cuius animum offenderes. Sed scito ea, quae nos pro salute patriae gessimus, orbis terrae iudicio ac testi- VI.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATT. I. i6. 9 monio comprobari ; quae, cum veneris, tanto consilio tantaque animi magnitudine a me gesta esse cognosces, ut tibi multo maiori, quam Africanus fuit, me non multo minorem quam Lae- lium facile et in re publica et in amicitia adiunctum esse patiare. VI. (ad Att. I. 16.) CICERO ATTICO SAL. Quaeris ex me, quid acciderit de iudicio, quod tarn praeter r opinionem omnium factum sit, et simul vis scire, quo modo ego minus, quam soleam, proeliatus sim : respondebo tibi va-Tepov TTporepov, 'Op^ptKw?. Ego enim, quam diu senatus auctoritas mihi defendenda fuit, sic acriter et vehementer proeliatus sum, ut clamor concursusque maxima cum mea laude fierent : quod si tibi urn quam sum visus in re publica fortis, certe me in ilia causa admiratus esses ; cum enim ille ad contiones confugisset in iisque meo nomine ad invidiam uteretur, di immortales ! quas ego pugnas et quantas strages edidi ! quos impetus in Pisonem, in Curionem, in totam illam manum feci ! quo modo sum insectatus levitatem senum, libidinem iuventiitis ! saepe, ita me di iuvent ! te non solum auctorem consiliorum meorum, verum etiam spectatorem pugnarum mirificarum desideravi. Posteavero quam Horten- 2 sius excogitavit, ut legem de religione Fufius tribunus pi. ferret, in qua nihil aliud a consulari rogatione dififerebat nisi iudicum genus — in eo autem erant omnia — pugnavitque, ut ita fieret, quod et sibi et aliis persuaserat nullis ilium iudicibus effugere posse, contraxi vela perspiciens inopiam iudicum, neque dixi quicquam pro testimonio, nisi quod erat ita notum atque testatum, ut non possem praeterire. Itaque, si causam quaeris absolutionis, ut iam Tr-pos to -n-po- TepGv revertar, egestas iudicum fuit et turpitudo ; id autem ut accideret, commissum est Hortensii consilio, qui, dum veritus est, ne Fufius ei legi intercederet, quae ex senatus consulto 10 M. TULLII CICERONIS [vi. ferebatur, non vidit illud, satius esse ilium in infamia relinqui ac sordibus quam infirmo iudicio committi ; sed ductus odio properavit rem deducere in indicium, cum ilium plumbeo 3 gladio iugulatum iri tamen diceret. Sed iudicium si quaeris quale fuerit, incredibili exitu, sic, uti nunc ex eventu ab aliis, a me iam ex ipso initio consilium Hortensii reprehendatur. Nam ut reiectio facta est clamoribus maximis, cum accusator tamquam censor bonus homines nequissimos reiceret, reus tamquam clemens lanista frugalissimum quemque secerneret, ut primum iudices consederunt, valde diffidere boni coeperunt ; non enim umquam turpior in ludo talario consessus fuit : maculosi senatores, nudi equites, tribuni non tam aerati quam, ut appellantur, aerarii ; pauci tamen boni inerant, quos reiectione fugare ille non potuerat, qui maesti inter sui dis- similis et maerentes sedebant et contagione turpitudinis 4 vehementer permovebantur. Hie, ut quaeque res ad consilium primis postulationibus referebatur, incredibilis erat severitas, nulla varietate sententiarum : nihil impetrabat reus ; plus accusatori dabatur, quam postulabat j triumphabat — quid quaeris ? — Hortensius se vidisse tantum ; nemo erat, qui ilium reum ac non milies condemnatum arbitraretur. Me vero teste producto credo te ex acclamatione Clodii advocatorum audisse, quae consurrectio iudicum facta sit, ut me circumsteterint, ut aperte iugula sua pro meo capite P. Clodio ostentarint : quae mihi res multo honorificentior visa est quam aut ilia, cum iurare tui cives Xenocratem testimonium dicentem prohibu- erunt, aut cum tabulas Metelli Numidici, cum eae, ut mos est, circumferrentur, nostri iudices aspicere noluerunt ; multo haec, 5 inquam, nostra res maior. Itaque iudicum vocibus, cum ego sic ab iis, ut salus patriae, defenderer, fractus reus et una patroni omnes conciderunt ; ad me autem eadem frequentia postridie convenit, quacum abiens consulatu sum domum reductus. Clamare praeclari x\riopagitae se non esse ventures vl] EPISTOLARUM ad ATT. I. i6. ii nisi praesidio constitute. Rcfertur ad consilium ; una sola sententia praesidium non desideravit. Defertur res ad sena- tum : gravissime ornatissimeque decernitur ; laudantur iudices; datur negotium magistratibus ; responsurum honiinem nemo arbitrabatur, "EcrTrere vvv /xot, Mowat, — oTTTrcus Sv) TTpdrov -vp €fj,Tre(Te. Nosti Calvum, ex Nanneianis ilium, ilium laudatorem meum, de cuius oratione erga me honorifica ad te scripseram : biduo per unum servum, et eum ex gladiatorio ludo, confecit totum negotium : arcessivit ad se, promisit, intercessit, dedit ; iam vero — o di boni, rem perditam ! — etiam noctes certarum mulierum atque adulescentulorum nobilium introductiones non nuUis iudicibus pro mercedis cumulo fuerunt. Ita summo discessu bonorum, pleno foro servorum xxv. iudices ita fortes tamen fuerunt, ut summo proposito periculo vel perire maluerint quam perdere omnia : xxxi. fuerunt, quos fames magis quam fama commoverit ; quorum Catulus cum vidisset quendam, 'quid vos ' inquit 'praesidium a nobis postulabatis? an ne nummi vobis eriperentur timebatis?' Habes, ut brevissime potui, genus iudicii et causam absolu- 6 tionis. Quaeris deinceps, qui nunc sit status rerum et qui mens : rei publicae statum ilium, quem tu meo consilio, ego divino confirmatum putabam, qui bonorum omnium coniunc- tione et auctoritate consulatus mei fixus et fundatus videbatur, nisi quis nos deus respexerit, elapsum scito esse de manibus uno hoc iudicio, si iudicium est, triginta homines populi Romani levissimos ac nequissimos nummulis acceptis ius ac fas onine delere et, quod omnes non niodo homines, verum etiam pecudes factum esse sciant, id Thalnam et Plautum et Spongiam et ceteras huius modi quisquilias statuere numquam esse factum. Sed tamen, ut te de re publica consoler, non 7 ita, ut sperarunt mali, tanto imposito rei publicae vulnere alacris exsultat improbitas in victoria; nam plane ita puta- verunt, cum religio, cum pudicitia, cum iudiciorum fides, cum 12 M. TULLII CICERONIS [vi. senatus auctoritas concidisset, fore ut aperte victrix nequitia ac libido poenas ab optimo quoque peteret sui doloris, quem im- 8 probissimo cuique inusserat severitas consulatus mei. Idem ego ille — non enim mihi videor insolenter gloriari, cum de me apud te loquor, in ea praesertim epistola, quam nolo aliis legi — idem, inquam, ego recreavi adflictos animos bonorum, unum quemque confirmans, excitans ; insectandis vero ex- agitandisque nummariis iudicibus omnem omnibus studiosis ac fautoribus illius victoriae Trappy^o-Lav eripui, Pisonem consulem nulla in re consistere umquam sum passus, desponsam homini iam Syriam ademi, senatum ad pristinam suam severitatem revocavi atque abiectum excitavi, Clodium praesentem fregi in senatu cum oratione perpetua, plenissima gravitatis, tum altercatione huius modi ; ex qua licet pauca degustes — nam cetera non possunt habere neque vim neque venustatem remoto illo studio contentionis, quem dymu vos appellatis — : 9 nam, ut Idibus Maiis in senatum convenimus, rogatus ego sententiam multa dixi de summa re publica, atque ille locus inductus a me est divinitus, ne una plaga accepta patres conscript! conciderent, ne deficerent ; vulnus esse eius modi, quod mihi nee dissimulandum nee pertimescendum videretur, ne aut ignorando stultissimi a//f metuejido ignavissimi iudicare- mur : bis absolutum esse Lentulum, bis Catilinam ; hunc tertium iam esse a iudicibus in rem publicam immissum. ' Erras, Clodi : non te indices urbi, sed carceri reservarunt, neque te retinere in civitate, sed exsilio privare voluerunt. Quam ob rem, patres conscripti, erigite animos, retinete vestram dignitatem. Manet ilia in re publica bonorum con- sensio ; dolor accessit bonis viris, virtus non est imminuta ; nihil est damni factum novi, sed, quod erat, inventum est : in unius hominis perditi iudicio plures similes reperti sunt.' lo Sed quid ago? paene orationem in epistolam inclusi. Redeo ad altercationem : surgit pulchellus puer, obicit mihi, me ad VI.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATT. I. i6. 13 Baias fuisse ; folsum, sed tamen quid huic ? ' Simile est ' inquam, * quasi dicas in operto fuisse.' ' Quid ' inquit ' homini Arpinati cum aquis calidis ? ' ' Narra ' intjuam ' patrono tuo, qui Arpinatis aquas concupivit ' ; nosti enim marinas. ' Quousque ' inquit ' hunc regem feremus ? ' ' Regem appellas,' inquam * cum Rex tui mentionem nuUam fecerit ? ' — ille autem Regis hereditatem spe devorarat. — ' Domum ' inquit 'emisti.' ' Putes' inquam 'dicere, indices emisti.' 'luranti' inquit ' tibi non crediderunt.' ' Mihi vero' inquam ' xxv. iudices crediderunt, xxxi., quoniam nummos ante acceperunt, tibi nihil crediderunt. Magnis clamoribus adflictus conticuit et concidit. Noster autem status est hie : apud bonos iidem sumus, quos 1 1 reliquisti, apud sordem urbis et faecem multo melius nunc, quam cum reliquisti : nam et illud nobis non obest, videri nostrum testimonium non valuisse : missus est sanguis invidiae sine dolore, atque etiam hoc magis, quod omnes illi fautores illius flagitii rem manifestam illam redemptam esse a iudicibus confitentur ; accedit illud, quod ilia contionalis hirudo aerarii, misera ac ieiuna plebecula, me ab hoc Magno unice diligi putat, et hercule multa et iucunda consuetudine coniuncti inter nos sumus, usque eo, ut nostri isti comissatores coniura- tionis, barbatuli iuvenes, ilium in sermonibus Cn. Ciceronem appellent ; itaque et ludis et gladiatoribus mirandas eVtcrr^/xa- o-tas sine uUa pastoricia fistula auferebamus. Nunc est exspectatio comitiorum, in quae omnibus invitis 12 trudit noster Magnus Auli filium, atque in eo neque auctori- tate neque gratia pugnat, sed quibus Philippus omnia castella expugnari posse dicebat, in quae modo asellus onustus auro posset ascendere ; consul autem ille deterioris histrionis similis suscepisse negotium dicitur et domi divisores habere ; quod ego non credo. Sed senatus consulta duo iam facta sunt odiosa, quod in consulem facta putantur, Catone et Domitio 14 M. TULLII CICERONIS [vi. postulante, unum, ut apud niagistratus inquiri liceret, alterum, cuius domi divisores habitarent, adversus rem publicam. 13 Lurco autem tribunus pL, qui magistratum simul cum lege Aelia iniit, solutus est et Aelia et Fufia, ut legem de ambitu ferret, quam ille bono auspicio claudus homo promulgavit : ita comitia in a. d. vi. Kal. Sext. dilata sunt. Novi est in lege hoc, ut qui nummos in tribus pronuntiarit, si non dederit, impune sit ; sin dederit, ut, quoad vivat, singulis tribubus HS CI3 ciD CI3 debeat. Dixi hanc legem P. Clodium iam ante servasse ; pronuntiare enim solitum esse et non dare. Sed heus tu ! videsne consulatum ilium nostrum, quem Curio antea uTroOeojcriv vocabat, si hie factus erit, fabam mimum futurum ? qua re, ut opinor, 'lyiXocroffiiqTeov, id quod tu facis, et istos consulatus non fiocci facteon. 14 Quod ad me scribis, te in Asiam statuisse non ire, equidem mallem ut ires, ac vereor, ne quid in ista re minus commode fiat ; sed tamen non possum reprehendere consilium tuum, praesertim cum egomet in provinciam non sim profectus. 15 Epigrammatis tuis, quae in Amaltheo posuisti, content! erimus, praesertim cum et Thyillus nos reliquerit et Archias nihil de me scripserit, ac vereor ne, LucuUis quoniam Graecum poema 1 6 condidit, nunc ad Caecilianam fabulam spectet. Antonio tuo nomine gratias egi eamque epistolam Mallio dedi — ad te ideo antea rarius scripsi, quod non habebam idoneum, cui darem, 17 nee satis sciebam, quo darem — ; valde te venditavi. Cincius si quid ad me tui negotii detulerit, suscipiam ; sed nunc magis in suo est occupatus, in quo ego ei non desum. Tu, si uno in loco es futurus, crebras a nobis litteras exspecta 3 ast pluris 1 8 etiam ipse mittito. Velim ad me scribas, cuius modi sit 'AfxaXdelov tuum, quo ornatu, qua rorroOeo-La, et quae poeniata quasque historias de 'A/xaA^et^i habes, ad me mittas : libet mihi facere in Arpinati. Ego tibi aliquid de meis scriptis mittam : nihil erat absoluti. VII.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATT. I. 17. 15 VII. (ad Att. I. 17.) CICERO ATTICO SAL. Magna mihi varietas voluntatis et dissimilitudo opinionis ac i iudicii Quinti fratris mei demonstrata est ex litteris tuis, in quibus ad me epistolarum illius exempla niisisti. Qua ex re et molestia sum tanta adfectus, quantam mihi meus amor summus erga utrumque vestrum adferre debuit, et admiratione, quidnam accidisset, quod adferret Quinto fratri meo aut offensionem tam gravem aut commutationem tantam voluntatis. Atque illud a me iam ante intellegebatur, quod te quoque ipsum discedentem a nobis suspicari videbam, subesse nescio quid opinionis incommodae sauciumque esse eius animum et insedisse quasdam odiosas suspiciones : quibus ego mederi cum cuperem antea saepe et vehementius etiam post sorti- tionem provinciae, nee tantum intellegebam ei esse offensionis, quantum litterae tuae declarant, nee tantum proficiebam, quan- tum volebam. Sed tamen hoc me ipse consolabar, quod non 2 dubitabam, quin te ille aut Dyrrhachii aut in istis locis uspiam visurus esset ; quod cum accidisset, confidebam ac mihi per- suaseram fore, ut omnia placarentur ^inter vos non modo sermone ac disputatione, sed conspectu ipso congressuque vestro ; — nam, quanta sit in Quinto fratre meo comitas, quanta iucunditas, quam mollis animus ad accipiendam et ad depo- nendam offensionem, nihil attinet me ad te, qui ea nosti, scribere — ; sed accidit perincommode, quod eum nusquam vidisti ; valuit enim plus quod erat illi non nullorum artificiis inculcatum quam aut officium aut necessitudo aut amor vester ille pristinus, qui plurimum valere debuit. Atque huius 3 incommodi culpa ubi resideat, facilius possum existimare quam scribere ; vereor enim, ne, dum defendam meos, non parcam tuis : nam sic intellego, ut nihil a domesticis vulneris factum i6 M. TULLII CICERONIS [vii. sit, illud quidem, quod erat, eos certe sanare potuisse. Sed 4 huiusce rei totius vitium, quod aliquanto etiam latius patet quam videtur, praesenti tibi commodius exponam. De iis litteris, quas ad te Thessalonica misit, et de sermonibus, quos ab illo et Romae apud amicos tuos et in itinere habitos putas, ecquid tantum causae sit ignore ; sed omnis in tua posita est humanitate mihi spes huius levandae molestiae : nam, si ita statueris, et irritabilis animos esse optimorum saepe hominum et eosdem placabilis et esse banc agilitatem, ut ita dicam, mollitiamque naturae plerunique bonitatis, et, id quod caput est, nobis inter nos nostra sive incommoda sive vitia sive iniurias esse tolerandas : facile haec, quern ad modum spero, mitigabuntur. Quod ego ut facias te oro : nam ad me, qui te unice diligo, maxime pertinet neminem esse meorum, qui aut te non amet aut abs te non ametur. 5 Ilia pars epistulae tuae niinime fuit necessaria, in qua exponis, quas facultates aut provincialium aut urbanorum commodorum et aliis temporibus et me ipso consule praeter- miseris. Mihi enim perspecta est mgenuitas et magnitude animi tui, nec^ue ego inter me atque te quicquam interesse umquam duxi praeter voluntatem institutae vitae, quod me ambitio quaedam ad honorum stadium, te autem alia minime reprehendenda ratio ad honestum otium duxit. Vera quidem laude probitatis, diligentiae, religionis neque me tibi neque quemquam antepono : amoris vero erga me, cum a fraterno 6 amore domesticoque discessi, tibi primas defero. Vidi enim, vidi penitusque perspexi in meis variis temporibus et sollicitu- dines et laetitias tuas : fuit mihi saepe et laudis nostrae gratulatio tua iucunda et timoris consolatio grata. Quin mihi nunc te absente non solum consilium, quo tu excelHs, sed etiam sermonis communicatio, quae mihi suavissima tecum solet esse, maxime deest — quid dicam ? in publica re, quo in genere mihi neglegenti esse non licet, an in forensi labore, viT.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATT. I. 17. 17 quem antea propter ambitionem sustinebam, nunc, ul digni- tatem tueri gratia possim, an in ipsis domesticis negotiis ? in quibus ego cum antea, turn vero post discessum fratris te sermonesque nostros desidero : postremo non labor nieus non requies, non negotium non otium, non forenses res non domesticae, non publicae non privatae carere diutius tuo suavissimo atque amantissimo consilio ac sermone possunt. Atque harum rerum commemorationem verecundia saepe 7 impedivit utriusque nostrum ; nunc autem ea fuit necessaria propter earn partem epistolae tuae, per quam te ac mores tuos mihi purgatos ac probatos esse voluisti. Atque in ista incom- moditate alienati illius animi et offensi illud inest tamen commodi, quod et mihi et ceteris amicis tuis nota fuit et abs te aliquando testificata tua voluntas omittendae provinciae, ut, quod una non estis, non dissensione ac discidio vestro, sed voluntate ac iudicio tuo factum esse videatur. Qua re et ilia, quae violata, expiabuntur, et haec nostra, quae sunt sanctissime conservata, suam religionem obtinebunt. Nos hie in re publica infirma, misera commutabilique 8 versamur. Credo enim te audisse nostros equites paene a senatu esse disiunctos ; qui primum illud valde graviter tulerunt, promulgatum ex senatus consulto fuisse, ut de iis, qui ob iudicandum pecmiiani accepissent, quaereretur. Qua in re decernenda cum ego casu non adfuissem sensissemque id equestrem ordinem ferre moleste neque aperte dicere, obiurgavi senatum, ut mihi visus sum, summa cum auctoritate, et in causa non verecunda admodum gravis et copiosus fui. Ecce 9 aliae deliciae equitum vix ferendae ! quas ego non solum tuli, sed etiam ornavi : Asiam qui de censoribus conduxerunt, questi sunt in senatu se cupiditate prolapses niniium magno conduxisse ; ut induceretur locatio, postulaverunt. Ego prin- ceps in adiutoribus atque adeo secundus — nam, ut illi auderent hoc postulare, Crassus eos impulit — : invidiosa res, turpis i8 M. TULLII CICERONIS [viii. postulatio et confessio temeritatis ; sumnium erat periculum, ne, si nihil impetrassent, plane alienarentur a senatu. Huic quoque rei subventum est maxima a nobis perfectumque, ut frequentissimo senatu et liberalissimo uterentur; multaque a me de ordinum dignitate et concordia dicta sunt Kal. Decembr. et postridie ; neque adhuc res confecta est, sed voluntas senatus perspecta. Unus enim contra dixerat Metellus consul designatus ; quin erat dicturus — ad quern propter diei brevitatem perventum non est — heros ille noster 10 Cato. Sic ego conservans rationem institutionemque nostram tueor, ut possum, illam a me conglutinatam concordiam, sed tamen, quoniam ista sunt tarn infirma, munitur quaedam nobis ad retinendas opes nostras tuta, ut spero, via, quam tibi litteris satis explicare non possum, significatione parva ostendam tamen : utor Pompeio familiarissime. Video, quid dicas ; cavebo, quae sunt cavenda, ac scribam alias ad te de meis 1 1 consiliis capessendae rei publicae plura, Lucceium scito [consulatum] habere in animo statim petere : duo enim soli dicuntur petituri : Caesar cum eo coire per Arrium cogitat et Bibulus cum hoc se putat per C. Pisonem posse coniungi. Rides? Non sunt haec ridicula, mihi crede. Quid aliud scribam ad te ? quid ? multa sunt ; sed in aliud tempus. ** exspectare velis, cures ut sciam : iam illud modeste rogo, quod maxime cupio, ut quam primum venias. Nonis De- cembribus. VIII. (ad Att. II. 17.) CICERO ATTICO SAL. I Prorsus, ut scribis, ita sentio : turbat Sampsiceramus ; nihil est, quod non timendum sit ; 6fj.oXoyovfji€vu>s TvpawtSa ava-- Kem^erat. Quid enim ista repentina adfinitatis coniunctio, IX.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATT. II. i8. 19 quid ager Campanus, quid effusio pecuniae significant ? quae si assent extrema, tamen esset nimium mali, sed ea natura rei est, ut haec extrema esse non possint. Quid enim eos haec ipsa per se delectare possunt ? numquam hue venissent, nisi ad res alias pestiferas aditus sibi compararent ; di immortales ! Verum, utscribis, haec in Arpinati a. d. vi. circiter Idus Maias non deflebimus, he et opera et oleum philologiae nostrae perierit, sed conferemus tranquillo animo ; neque tam me 2 (.veXwia-TLa consolatur, ut antea, quam dSta^^opt'a, qua nulla in re tam utor quam in hac civili et publica. Quin etiam, quod est subinane in nobis et non a^iXo^o^ov — bellum est enim sua vitia nosse — , id adficitur quadam delectatione ; solebat enim me pungere, ne Sampsicerami merita in patriam ad annos sescentos maiora viderentur quam nostra : hac quidem cura certe iam vacuus sum ; iacet enim ille sic, ut Phocis Curiana stare videatur. Sed haec coram. Tu tamen videris mihi 3 Romae fore ad nostrum adventum, quod sane facile patiar, si tuo commodo fieri possit ; sin, ut scribis, ita venies, velim ex Theophane expiscere, quonam in me animo sit Arabarches. Quaeres scilicet Kara to kt^Sc/xoi'ikov et ad me ab eo quasi v7rod-/jKaXioTTco et nimium tw kuXo) Tvpoo-- Scito nihil umquam fuisse tam infame, tarn turpe, tarn perae- 2 que omnibus generibus, ordinibus, aetatibus ofifensum, quam hunc statum, qui nunc est : magis mehercule, quam vellem, non modo quam putaram. Populares isti iam etiam modestos homines sibilare docuerunt. Bibulus in caelo est, nee qua re scio, sed ita laudatur, quasi unus homo nobis cunctando restituit rem. Pompeius, nostri amores, (juod mihi summo dolori est, ipse se adflixit : neminem tenet voluntate ; ne metu necesse sit iis «ti, vereor. Ego autem neque pugno cum ilia causa propter illam amicitiam, neque approbo, ne omnia improbem, quae antea gessi : utor via. Populi sensus maxime theatro et spectaculis perspectus est : 3 nam gladiatoribus qua dominus qua advocati sibilis conscissi ; 22 M. TULLII CICERONIS [x. ludis ApoUinaiibus Diphilus tragoedus in nostrum Pompeium petulanter invectus est : Nostra miseria tu es magnus — milies coactus est dicere ; Eandem virtutem istam veniet tempus cum graviter gemes totius theatri clamore dixit itemque cetera. Nam eius modi sunt ii versus, uti in tempus ab inimico Pompeii scripti esse videantur. Si neque leges te neque mores cogunt — et cetera magno cum fremitu et clamore sunt dicta. Caesar cum venisset mortuo plausu, Curio filius est insecutus : huic ita plausum est, ut salva re publica Pompeio plaudi solebat. Tulit Caesar graviter : litterae Capuam ad Pompeium volare dicebantur; inimici erant equitibus, qui Curioni stantes plauserant, hostes omnibus ; Rosciae legi, etiam frumentariae minitabantur : sane res erat perturbata, Equidem malueram quod erat susceptum ab illis, silentiu transiri, sed vereor ne non liceat : non ferunt homines, quod videtur esse tamen ferendum. Sed est iam una vox omnium, magis odio firmata quam praesidio. 4 Noster auteni Publius mihi minitatur, inimicus est; im- pendet negotium, ad quod tu scilicet advolabis. Videor mihi nostrum ilium consularem exercitum bonorum omnium, etiam satis bonorum, habere firmissimum. Pompeius significat studium erga me non mediocre ; idem adfirmat verbum de me ilium non esse facturum ; in quo non me ille fallit, sed ipse fallitur. Cosconio mortuo sum in eius locum invitatus : id erat vocari in locum mortui ; nihil me turpius apud homines fuisset, neque vero ad istam ipsam ao-^aAeiav quicquam alienius ; sunt enim illi apud bonos invidiosi, ego apud improbos meam retinuissem invidiam, alienam adsumpsissem. XL] EPISTOLARUM AD ATT. II. 21. 23 Caesar me sibi volt esse legatum. Honestior declinatio haec 5 periculi ; scd ego hoc non repudio. Quid ergo est ? pugnare malo. Nihil tamen certi. Iterum dico : utinam adesses ! sed tamen, si erit necesse, arcessemus. Quid aliud? quid? hoc opinor : certi sumus perisse omnia ; quid enim dKKt(6- ixeda tam diu ? Sed haec scripsi properans et mehercule timide. Posthac ad te aut, si perfidelem habebo, cui dem, scribam plane omnia, aut, si obscure scribam, tu tamen intelleges : in iis epistolis me Laelium, te Furium faciam : cetera erunt ev alvtyixols. Hie Caecilium colimus et observamus diligenter. Edicta Bibuli audio ad te missa : iis ardet dolore et ira noster Pompeius. XI. (ad Att. II. 21.) CICERO ATTICO SAL. De re publica quid ego tibi subtiliter ? tota periit atque hoc i est miserior quam reliquisti, quod tum videbatur eius modi dominatio civitatem oppressisse, quae iucunda esset multi- tudini, bonis autem ita molesta, ut tamen sine pernicie, nunc repente tanto in odio est omnibus, ut, quorsus eruptura sit, horreamus : nam iracundiam atcjue intemperantiam illorum sumus experti, qui Catoni irati omnia perdiderunt, sed ita lenibus uti videbantur venenis, ut posse videremur sine dolore interire ; nunc vero sibilis volgi, sermonibus honestorum, fremitu Italiae vereor ne exarserint. Equidem sperabam, ut 2 saepe etiam loqui tecum solebam, sic orbem rei publicae esse conversum, ut vix sonitum audire, vix impressam orbitam videre possemus, et fuisset ita, si homines transitum tempes- tatis exspectare potuissent, sed cum diu occulte suspirassent, postea iam gemere, ad extremum vero loqui omnes et clamare coeperunt. Itaque ille amicus noster, insolens infamiae, semper in laude 3 versatus, circumfluens gloria, deformatus corpore, fractus 24 M. TULLII CICERONIS [xi. animo, quo se conferat nescit ; progressum praecipitem, in- constantem reditum videt; bonos inimicos habet, improbos ipsos non amicos. Ac vide mollitiem animi : non tenui lacrimas, cum ilium a. d. viii. Kal. Sextilis vidi de edictis Bibuli contionantem ; qui antea solitus esset iactare se magni- ficentissime illo in loco, summo cum amore populi, cunctis faventibus, ut ille turn humilis, ut demissus erat, ut ipse etiam sibi, non iis solum, qui aderant, displicebat ! o spectaculum 4 uni Crasso iucundum, ceteris non item ! nam, quia deciderat ex astris, lapsus quam progressus potius videbatur, et, ut Apelles, si Venerem, aut Protogenes, si lalysum ilium suum caeno oblitum videret, magnum, credo, acciperet dolorem, sic ego hunc omnibus a me pictum et politum artis coloribus subito deformatum non sine magno dolore vidi. Quamquam nemo putabat, propter Clodianum negotium, me illi amicum esse debere, tamen tantus fuit amor, ut exhauriri nulla posset iniuria. Itaque Archilochia in ilium edicta Bibuli populo ita sunt iucunda, ut eum locum, ubi proponuntur, prae multi- tudine eorum, qui legunt, transire neaueamus, ipsi ita acerba, ut tabescat dolore, mihi mehercule molesta, quod et eum, quern semper dilexi, nimis excruciant, et timeo tarn vehemens vir tamque acer in ferro et tam insuetus contumeliae ne omni 5 animi impetu dolori et iracundiae pareat. Bibuli qui sit exitus futurus, nescio ; ut nunc res se habet, admirabili gloria est : qui cum comitia in mensem Octobrem distulisset, quod solet ea res populi voluntatem offendere, putarat Caesar oratione sua posse impelli contionem, ut iret ad Bibulum ; multa cum seditiosissime diceret, vocem exprimere non potuit. Quid quaeris? Sentiunt se nullam ullius partis voluntatem tenere ; 6 eo magis vis nobis est timenda. Clodius inimicus est nobis ; Pompeius confirmat eum nihil esse facturum contra me : mihi periculosum est credere ; ad resistendum me paro. Studia spero me summa habiturum omnium ordinum. Te cum ego XII.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATT. II. 22. 25 desidero, turn vero res ad tempus illud vocat : plurimum con- silii, animi, praesidii denique mihi, si te ad tempus videro, accesserit. Varro mihi sads facit ; Pompeius loquitur divinitus : spero nos aut certaturos cum summa gloria aut etiam sine molestia discessuros. Tu, quid agas, quem ad modum te oblectes, quid cum Sicyoniis egeris, ut sciam cura. XII. (ad Att. II. 22.) CICERO ATTICO SAL. Quam vellem Romae mansisses I luansisses profecto, si haec 1 fore putassemus ; nam Pulchellum nostrum facillime tenere- mus, aut certe, quid esset facturus, scire possemus. Nunc se res sic habet : volitat, furit, nihil habet certi ; multis denuntiat ; quod fors obtulerit, id acturus videtur : cum videt, quo sit in odio status hie rerum, in eos, qui haec egerunt, impetum facturus videtur ; cum autem rursus opes eorum et vim exercitus recordatur, convertit se in nos ; nobis autem ipsis tum vim, turn iudicium minatur. Cum hoc Pompeius egit et, ut ad me ipse referebat — alium enim habeo neminem testem — , vehementer egit, cum diceret in summa se perfidiae et 2 sceleris infamia fore, si mihi periculum crearetur ab eo, (|uem ipse arrnasset, cum plebeium fieri passus esset ; fidem recepisse sibi et ipsum et Appium de me ; banc si ille non servaret, ita laturum, ut omnes intellegerent nihil sibi antiquius amicitia nostra fuisse. Haec et in eam sententiam cum multa dixisset, aiebat ilium primo sane diu multa contra, ad extremum autem manus dedisse et adfirmasse nihil se contra eius voluntatem esse facturum. Sed postea tamen ille non destitit de nobis asperrime loqui ; (pod si non faceret, tamen ei nihil credere- mus, atque omnia, sicut facimus, pararemus. Nunc ita nos gerimus, ut in dies singulos et studia in nos 3 hominum et opes nostrae augeantur : rem publicam nulla ex parte attingimus ; in causis atque in ilia opera nostra forensi 26 M. TULLII CICERONIS [xiii. summa industria versamur, quod egregie iion modo iis, qui utuntur [opera], sed etiam in volgus gratum esse sentimus : domus celebratur, occurritur ; renovatur memoria consulatus, studia significantur ; in earn spem adducimur, ut nobis ea contentio, quae impendet, interdum non fugienda videatur. 4 Nunc mihi et consiliis opus est tuis et amore et fide ; qua re advola. Expedita mihi erunt omnia, si te habebo : multa per Varronem nostrum agi possunt, quae te urgente erunt firmiora, multa ab ipso Publio elici, multa cognosci, quae tibi occulta esse non poterunt, multa etiam— sed absurdum est 5 singula explicare, cum ego requiram te ad omnia. Unum illud tibi persuadeas velim, omnia mihi fore explicata, si te videro : sed totum est in eo, si ante, quam ille ineat magistra- tum. Puto Pompeium Crasso urgente, si tu aderis, qui per (BoMTTiv ex ipso intellegere possis, qua fide ab illis agatur, nos aut sine molestia aut certe sine errore fiituros. Precibus nostris et cohortatione non indiges : quid mea voluntas, quid tempus, quid rei magnitudo postulet, intellegis. 6 De re publica nihil habeo ad te scribere, nisi summum odium omnium hominum in eos, qui tenent omnia : mutation is tamen spes nulla. Sed, quod facile sentias, taedet ipsum Pompeium vehementerque paenitet. Non provideo satis, quern exitum futurum putem, sed certe videntur haec aliquo eruptura. 7 Libros Alexandri, neglegentis hbminis et non boni poetae, sed tamen non inutilis, tibi remisi. Numerium Numestium libenter accepi in amicitiam et hominem gravem et prudentem et dignum tua commendatione cognovi. XIII. (ad Att. 11. 23.) CICERO ATTICO SAL. I Numquam ante arbitror te epistolam meam legisse, nisi mea manu scriptam : ex eo colligere poteris, quanta occupatione XIV.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATT. II. 24. 27 distinear; nam cum vacui temporis nihil haberem et cum recreandae voculae causa necesse esset mihi ambulare, haec dictavi ambulans. Primum igitur illud te scire volo, Sampsi- 2 ceramum, nostrum amicum, vehementer sui status paenitere restituique in eum locum cupere, ex quo decidit, doloremque suum impertire nobis et medicinam interdum aperte quaerere, quam ego possum invenire nuUam ; deinde omnis illius partis auctores ac socios nullo adversario consenescere, consensionem universorum nee voluntatis nee sermonis maiorem umquam fuisse. Nos autem — nam id te scire cupere certo scio — publicis 3 consiliis nullis intersumus totusque nos ad forensem operam laboremque contulimus ; ex quo, quod facile intellegi possit, in multa commemoratione earum rerum, quas gessimus, desiderioque versamur, Sed (SoiottlBos nostrae consanguineus non mediocris terrores iacit atque denuntiat, et Sampsiceramo negat, ceteris prae se fert et ostentat : quam ob rem, si me amas tantum, quantum profecto amas, si dormis, expergiscere, si stas, ingredere, si ingrederis, curre, si curris, advola. Credibile non est, quantum ego in consiliis ei prudentia tua, quod(/«^ maximum est, quantum in amore et fide ponam. Magnitude rei longam orationem fortasse desiderat, coniunctio vero nostroruni animorum brevitate contenta est. Permagni nostra interest te, si comitiis non potueris, at declarato illo esse Romae. Cura, ut valeas. XIV. (ad Att. II. 24.) CICERO ATTICO SAL. Quas Numestio litteras dedi, sic te iis evocabam, ut nihil i acrius neque incitatius fieri posset : ad illam celeritatem adde etiam, si quid potes. Ac ne sis perturbatus — novi enim te et non ignoro, quam sit amor omnis sollicitus atque anxius — sed res est, ut spero, non tam exitu molesta quam auditu. 28 M. TULLII CICERONIS [xiv 2 Vettius ille, ille noster index, Caesari, ut perspicimus, poUi- citus est sese curaturum, ut in aliquam suspitionem facinoris Curio filius adduceretur ; itaque insinuatus in familiaritatem adulescentis et cum eo, ut res indicat, saepe congressus rem in eum locum deduxit, ut diceret sibi certum esse cum suis servis in Pompeium impetum facere eumque occidere. Hoc Curio ad patrem detulit, ille ad Pompeium ; res delata ad senatum est. Introductus Vettius primo negabat se umquam cum Curione constitisse ; neque id sane diu : nam statim fidem publicam postulavit ; reclamatum est. Tum exposuit manum fuisse iuventutis duce Curione, in qua Paulus initio fuisset et Q. Caepio hie Brutus et Lentulus, flaminis filius, conscio patre ; postea C. Septimium, scribam Bibuli, pugionem sibi a Bibulo attulisse : quod totum irrisum est, Vettio pugionem defuisse, nisi ei consul dedisset, eoque magis id eiectum est, quod a. d. III. Idus Mai. Bibulus Pompeium fecerat certiorem, ut caveret 3 insidias, in quo ei Pompeius gratias egerat. Introductus Curio filius dixit ad ea, quae Vettius dixerat, maximeque in eo tum quidem Vettius est reprehensus, quocl dixerat adulescentium consilium, ut in foro [cum] gladiatoribus Gabinii Pompeium adorirentur, in eo principem Paulum fuisse, quem constabat eo tempore in Macedonia fuisse. Fit senatus consultum, ut Vettius, quod confessus esset se cum telo fuisse, in vincula coniceretur, qui emisisset, eum contra rem publicam esse facturum. Res erat in ea opinione, ut putarent id esse actum, ut Vettius in foro cum pugione et item servi eius comprehen- derentur cum telis, deinde ille se diceret indicaturum, idque ita factum esset, nisi Curiones rem ante ad Pompeium de- tulissent. Tum senatus consultum in contione recitatum est. Postero autem die Caesar, is, qui olim, praetor cum esset, Q. Catiilum ex inferiore loco iusserat dicere, Vettium in rostra produxit eumque in eo loco constituit, quo Bibulo consul! adspirare XIV.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATT. II. 24. 29 non liceret. Hie ille omnia, quae voluit, de re publica dixit, ut qui illuc factus institutusque venisset. Primum Caepionem de oratione sua sustulit, quem in senatu acerrime nominarat, ut appareret noctem et nocturnam deprecationem intercessisse ; deinde, quos in senatu ne tenuissima quidem suspitione attigerat, eos nominavit : LucuUum, a quo solitum esse ad se mitti C. Fannium, ilium, qui in P. Clodium subscripserat, L. Domitium, cuius domum constitutam fuisse, unde eruptio fieret; me non nominavit, sed dixit consulareni disertum, vicinum consulis, sibi dixisse Ahalam Servilium aliquem aut Brutum opus esse reperiri; addidit ad extremum, cum iam dimissa contione revocatus a Vatinio fuisset, se audisse a Curione his de rebus conscium esse Pisonem, generum meum, et M. Laterensem. Nunc reus erat apud Crassum Divitem Vettius de vi et, 4 cum esset damnatus, erat indicium postulaturus ; quod si impetrasset, indicia fore videbantur : ea nos, utpote qui nihil contemnere soleamus, non contemnebamus, sed non pertimesce- bamus. Hominum quidem sumnia erga nos studia significa- bantur. Sed prorsus vitae taedet : ita sunt omnia omnium miseriarum plenissima. Modo caedem timueramus, quam oratio fortissimi senis, Q. Considii, discusserat; ea, quam cotidie timere potueramus, subito exorta est. Quid quaeris ? nihil me infortiinatius, nihil fortunatius est Catulo, cum splendore vitae, tunj quod tempore — . Nos tanien in his miseriis erecto animo et minime perturbato sumus, honestis- simeque dignitatem nostram et magna cura tuemur. Pompeius de Clodio iubet nos esse sine cura et summam in 5 nos benevolentiam omni oratione significat. Te habere consiliorum auctorem, sollicitudinum socium, omni in cogita- tione coniunctum cupio ; qua re, ut Numestio mandavi, tecum ut ageret, item atque eo, si potest, acrius, te rogo, ut plane ad nos advoles : respiraro, si te videro. 30 M. TULLII CICERONIS [xv.-xvii. XV. (ad Att. III. I.) CICERO ATTICO SAL. Cum antea maxime nostra interesse arbitrabar te esse nobiscum, turn vero, ut legi rogationem, intellexi ad iter id, quod constitui, nihil mihi optatius cadere posse, quam ut tu me quam primum consequare, ut, cum ex Italia profecti essemus, sive per Epirum iter esset faciendum, tuo tuorumque praesidio uteremur, sive aliud quid agendum esset, certum consilium de tua sententia capere possemus. Quam ob rem te oro, des operam, ut me statim consequare : facilius potes, quoniam de provincia Macedonia perlata lex est. Pluribus verbis tecum agerem, nisi pro me apud te res ipsa loqueretur, XVI. (ad Att. III. 3.) CICERO ATTICO SAL. Utinam ilium diem videam, cum tibi agam gratias, quod me vivere coegisti ! adhuc equidem valde me paenitet. Sed te oro, ut ad me Vibonem statim venias, quo ego multis de causis convert! iter meum. Sed eo si veneris, de toto itinere ac fuga mea consilium capere potero ; si id non feceris, mirabor, sed confido te esse facturum. XVIL (ad Fam. XIV. 4.) TULLIUS S. D. TERENTIAE ET TULLIAE ET CICERONI SUIS. I Ego minus saepe do ad vos litteras, quam possum, propterea quod cum omnia mihi tempora sunt misera, turn vero, cum aut scribo ad vos aut vestras lego, conficior lacrimis sic, ut ferre non possim. Quod utinam minus vitae cupidi fuissemus ! certe nihil aut non multum in vita mali vidissemus. Quod si XVII.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAM. XIV. 4. 31 nos ad aliquam alicuius commodi aliquando recuperandi spem fortuna reservavit, minus est erratum a nobis : si haec mala fixa sunt, ego vero te quam primum, mea vita, cupio videre et in tuo complexu emori, quoniam neque di, quos tu castissime coluisti, neque homines, quibus ego semper servivi, nobis gratiam rettulerunt. Nos Brundisii apud M. Laenium Flaccum 2 dies XIII. fuimus, virum optimum, qui periculum fortunarum et capitis sui prae mea salute neglexit neque legis impro- bissimae poena deductus est, quo minus hospitii et amicitiae ius officiumque praestaret : huic utinam aliquando gratiam referre possimus ! habebimus quidem semper. Erundisio 3 profecti sumus a. d. II. K. Mai. : per Macedoniam Cyzicum petebamus. O me perditum ! o adflictum ! quid nunc rogem te, ut venias, mulierem aegram et corpore et animo confectam ? Non rogem ? Sine te igitur sim ? Opinor, sic agam : si est spes nostri reditus, earn confirmes et rem adiuves ; sin, ut ego metuo, transactum est, quoquo modo potes, ad me fac venias. Unum hoc scito : si te habebo, non mihi videbor plane perisse. Sed quid TuUiola mea fiet? iam id vos videte : mihi deest consilium. Sed certe, quoquo modo se res habebit, illius misellae et matrimonio et famae serviendum est. Quid? Cicero meus quid aget? iste vero sit in sinu semper et com- plexu meo. Non queo plura iam scribere : impedit maeror. Tu quid egeris, nescio : utrum aliquid teneas, an, quod metuo, plane sis spoliata. Pisonem, ut scribis, spero fore semper 4 nostrum. De familia liberata nihil est quod te moveat : primum tuis ita promissum est, te facturam esse, ut quisque esset meritus ; est autem in officio adhuc Orpheus, praeterea magno opere nemo ; ceterorum servorum ea causa est, ut, si res a nobis abisset, liberti nostri essent, si obtinere potuissent ; sin ad nos pertinerent, servirent, praeterquam oppido pauci. Sed haec minora sunt. Tu quod me hortaris, ut animo sim 5 magno et spem habeam recuperandae salutis, id velim sit eius 32 M. TULLII CICERONIS [xviii. modi, ut recte sperare possimus. Nunc miser quando tuas iam litteras accipiam ? quis ad me perferet ? quas ego ex- spectassem Brundisii, si esset licitum per nautas, qui tempesta- tem praetermittere noluerunt. Quod reliquum est, sustenta te, mea Terentia, ut potes honestissime. Viximus, floruimus : non vitium nostrum, sed virtus nostra nos adflixit. Peccatum est nullum, nisi quod non una animam cum ornamentis amisimus. Sed si hoc fuit liberis nostris gratius, nos vivere, cetera, quamquam ferenda non sunt, feramus. Atque ego, qui 6 te confirmo, ipse me non possum. Clodium Philhetaerum, quod valetudine oculorum impediebatur, hominem fidelem, remisi, Sallustius officio vincit omnes, Pescennius est perbenevolus nobis, quem semper spero tui fore observantem. Sicca dixerat se mecum fore, sed Brundisio discessit. Cura, quod potes, ut valeas et sic existimes, me vehementius tua miseria quam mea commoveri. Mea Terentia, fidissima atque optima uxor, et mea carissima filiola, et spes reliqua nostra, Cicero, valete. Pr, K. Mai. Brundisio. XVIII. (ad Att. III. 13.) CICERO ATTICO SAL, I Quod ad te scripseram me in Epiro futurum, postea quam extenuari spem nostram et evanescere vidi, mutavi consilium, nee me Thessalonica commovi, ubi esse statueram, quoad aliquid ad me de eo scriberes, quod proximis litteris scripseras, fore, uti secundum comitia aliquid de nobis in senatu ageretur ; id tibi Pompeium dixisse. Qua de re, quoniam comitia habita sunt tuque nihil ad me scribis, proinde habebo ac si scripsisses nihil esse, neque temporis non longinqui spe ductum vie esse moleste feram ; quem autem motum te videre scripseras, qui nobis utilis fore videretur, eum nuntiant, qui veniunt, nullum fore. In tribunis pi. designatis reliqua spes est; quam si XIX.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATT. III. 19. 33 exspectaro, non crit, quod putes me causae nieae, voluntati meorum defuisse. Quod me sae])e accusas, cur hunc meum 2 casum tarn graviter feram, debes ignoscere, cum ita me adflictum videas, ut neminem umquam nee videris nee audieris. Nam quod scribis te audire me etiam mentis errore ex dolore adfici, mihi vero mens Integra est. Atque utinam tam in periculo fuisset ! cum ego iis, quibus meam salutem carissimam esse arbitrabar, inimicissimis crudelissimisque usus sum, qui, ut me paulum inclinari timore viderunt, sic impulerunt, ut omni suo scelere et perfidia abuterentur ad exitium meum. Nunc, quoniam est Cyzicum nobis eundum, (luo rarius ad me litterae perferentur, hoc velim diligentius omnia, quae putaris me scire opus esse, perscribas. Quintum fratrem meum fac diligas, quem ego miser si incolumem relinquo, non me totum perisse arbitrabor. Data Nonis Sextilibus. XIX. (ad Att. III. 19.) CICERO ATTICO SAL. Quoad eius modi mihi litterae a vobis adferebantur, ut i ahquid ex iis esset exspectandum, spe et cupiditate Thes- salonicae retentus sum : postea quam omnis actio huius anni confecta nobis videbatur, in Asiam ire nolui, quod et cele- britas mihi odio est, et, si fieret aliquid a novis magistratibus, abesse longe nolebam. Itaque in Epirum ad te statui me conferre, non quo mea interesset loci natura, qui luceni omnino fugerem, sed et ad salutem libentissime ex tuo portu proficiscar et, si ea praecisa erit, nustjuam facilius banc miserrimam vitam vel sustentabo vel, ([uod multo est melius, abiecero : ero cum paucis ; muUitudinem dimittam. Me 2 tuae litterae numquam in tantam spem adduxerunt, quantam aliorum ; at tamen mea spes etiam tenuior sem2:)er fuit (|uam tuae litterae. Sed tamen, quoniam coeptum est agi, quoquo C 34 M. TULLII CICERONIS [xx. modo coeptum est et quacumque de causa, non deseram neque optinii atque unici fratris miseras ac luctuosas pieces nee Sestii ceterorumque promissa nee spem aerumnosissimae mulieris Terentiae nee miserrimae [mulieris] TuUiolae obse- crationera et fidelis litteras tuas : mihi Epirus aut iter ad 3 salutem dabit aut quod scrips! supra. Te oro et obsecro, T. Pomponi, si me omnibus amplissimis, carissimis iucundis- simisque rebus perfidia hominum spoliatum, si me a meis consiliariis proditum et proiectum vides, si intellegis me coactum, ut ipse me et meos perderem, ut me tua miseri- cordia iuves et Quintum fratrem, qui potest esse salvus, sustentes, Terentiam liberosque meos tueare, me, si putas te istic visurum, exspectes, si minus, invisas, si potes, mihique ex agro tuo tantum adsignes, quantum meo corpore occupari potest, et pueros ad me cum litteris quam primum et quam saepissime mittas. Data xvi. Kal. Octobris. XX. (ad Fam. XIV. 2.) tullius s. d. terentiae et tulliolae et cicp:roni suis. 1 Noli putare me ad quemquam longiores epistolas scribere, nisi si quis ad me plura scripsit, cui puto rescribi oportere. Nee enim habeo, quod scribam, nee hoc tempore quicquam difficilius facio. Ad te vero et ad nostram Tulliolam non queo sine plurimis lacrirais scribere ; vos enim video esse miserrimas, quas ego beatissimas semper esse volui, idque praestare debui et, nisi tarn timidi fuissemus, praestitissem. 2 Pisonem nostrum merito eius amo plurimum : eum, ut potui, per litteras cohortatus sum gratiasque egi, ut debui. In novis tribunis pi. intellego spem te habere : id erit firmum, si Pompeii voluntas erit ; sed Crassum tamen metuo. A te quidem omnia fieri fortissime et amantissime video, nee XXL] EPISTOLARUM AD FAM. XIV. 3. 35 miror, sed maereo casum eius modi, ut tantis tuis miseriis tneae miseriae subleventur : nam ad me P. Valerius, homo officiosus, scripsit, id quod ego maximo cum fletu legi, quem ad modum a Vestae ad tabulam Valeriam ducta esses. Hem, mea lux, meum desiderium, unde omnes opem petere sole- bant ! te nunc, mea Terentia, sic vexari, sic iacere in lacrimis et sordibus ! idque fieri mea culpa, qui ceteros servavi, ut nos periremus ! Quod de domo scribis, hoc est de area, ego 3 vero turn denique mihi videbor restitutus, si ilia nobis erit restituta ; verum haec non sunt in nostra manu : illud doleo, quae impensa facienda est, in eius partem te miseram et despoliatam venire. Quod si conficitur negotium, omnia con- sequemur ; sin eadem nos fortuna premet, etiamne reliquias tuas misera proicies ? Obsecro te, mea vita, quod ad sump- tum attinet, sine alios qui possunt, si modo volunt, sustinere, et valetudinem istam infirmam, si me amas, noli vexare ; nam mihi ante oculos dies noctisque versaris : omnis labores te excipere video; timeo, ut sustineas. Sed video in te esse omnia : qua re, ut id, quod speras et quod agis, consequamur, servi valetudini. Ego, ad quos scribam, nescio, nisi ad eos, 4 qui ad me scribunt, aut ad eos, de quibus ad me vos aliquid scribitis. Longius, quoniam ita vobis placet, non discedam ; sed velim quam saepissime litteras mittatis, praesertim si quid est firmius, quod speremus. Valete, mea desideria, valete. D. a. d. in. Non. Oct. Thessalonica. XXI. (ad. Fam. XIV. 3.) TULLIUS S. D. TERENTIAE SUAE ET TULLIAE ET CICERONI. Accepi ab Aristocrito tris epistolas, quas ego lacrimis prope i delevi ; conficior enim maerore, mea Terentia, nee vieae me miseriae magis excruciant quam tune vestraeque. Ego autem 36 M. TULLII CICERONIS [xxi. hoc miserior sum quam tu, quae es miserrima, quod ipsa calamitas communis est utriusque nostrum, sed culpa mea propria est. Meum fuit officium vel legatione vitare peri- culum vel diligentia et copiis resistere vel cadere fortiter : 2 hoc miserius, turpius, indignius nobis nihil fuit. Qua re cum dolore conficior, turn etiam pudore : pudet enim me uxori meae optimae, suavissimis liberis virtutem et diligentiam non praestitisse : nam mihi ante oculos dies noctisque versatur squalor vester et maeror et infirmitas valetudinis tuae : spes autem salutis pertenuis ostenditur. Inimici sunt multi, invidi paene omnes ; eicere nos magnum fuit, excludere facile est. Sed tamen quam diu vos eritis in spe, non deficiam, ne omnia 3 mea culpa cecidisse videantur. Ut tuto sim, quod laboras, id mihi nunc facillimum est, quem etiam inimici volunt vivere in his tantis miseriis ; ego tamen faciam, quae praecipis. Amicis, quibus voluisti, egi gratias et eas litteras Dexippo dedi meque de eorum officio scripsi a te certiorem esse factum. Pisonem nostrum mirifico esse studio in nos et officio et ego perspicio et omnes praedicant : di faxint, ut tali genero mihi praesenti tecum simul et cum liberis nostris frui liceat ! Nunc spes reliqua est in novis tribunis pi. et in 4 primis quidem diebus ; nam si inveterarit, actum est. Ea re ad de statim Aristocritum misi, ut ad me continue initia rerum et rationem totius negotii posses scribere, etsi Dexippo quoque ita imperavi, statim ut recurreret, et ad fratrem misi, ut crebro tabellarios mitteret ; nam ego eo nomine sum Dyrrhachii hoc tempore, ut quam celerrime quid agatur audiam ; et sum tuto ; civitas enim haec semper a me defensa est. Cum inimici nostri venire dicentur, tum in Epirum ibo. 5 Quod scribis te, si velim, ad me venturam, ego vero, cum sciam magnam partem istius oneris abs te sustineri, te istic esse volo. Si perficitis quod agitis, me ad vos venire oportet : sin autem — sed nihil opus est reliqua scribere. Ex primis aut xxii] EPISTOLARUM AD ATT. IV. t. 37 summum secundis litteris tuis constituere poterimus, quid nobis faciendum sit : tu modo ad me velim omnia diligentis- sime perscribas, et.si magis iam rem quam litteras debeo exspectare. Cura, lit valeas et ita tibi persuadeas, mihi te carius nihil e.s.se nee umquam fui.sse. Vale, mea Terentia, quam ego videre videnr itaque debilitor lacrimis. Vale. Vr. Kal. Dec. XXII. (ad Att. IV I.) CICERO ATTICO SAL. Cum primum Romam veni fuitque, cui recte ad te litteras 1 darem, nihil prius faciendum mihi putavi, quam ut tibi absenti de reditu nostro gratularer ; cognoram enim — ut vere scribam — te in consiliis mihi dandis nee fortiorem nee pru- dentiorem quam me ipsum, me etiam propter meam in te observantiam nimium in custodia salutis meae diligentem, eundemque te, qui primis temporibus erroris nostri aut potius furoris particeps et falsi timoris socius fuisses, acerbissime discidium nostrum tulisse pluriraumque operae, studii, dili- gentiae, laboris ad conficiendum reditum meum con tulisse : itaque hoc tibi vere adfirmo, in maxima laetitia et exoptatis- 2 sima gratulatione unum ad cumulandum gaudium conspectum aut potius complexum mihi tuum defuisse; quem seniel nactus numquam dimisero : ac nisi etiam praetermissos fruc- tus tuae suavitatis praeteriti temporis omnis exegero, profecto hac restitutione fortunae me ipse non satis dignum iudicabo. Nos adhuc in nostro statu, quod difficillime recuperari 3 posse arbitrati sumus, splendorem nostrum ilium forensem et in senatu auctoritatem et apud viros bonos gratiam magis, quam optamus, consecuti sumus ; in re autem familiari, quae quem ad modum fracta, dissipata, direpta sit, non ignoras, valde laboramus tuarumque non tam facultatum, quas ego nostras esse iudico, quam consilioruni ad colligendas et 38 M. TULLII CICERONIS [xxii. 4 constituendas reliquias nostras indigemus. Nunc, etsi omnia aut scripta esse a tuis arbitror aut etiam nuntiis ac rumore perlata, tamen ea scribam brevi, quae te puto potissimum ex meis litteris velle cognoscere. Pr. Nonas Sextilis Dyrrhachio sum profectus, ipso illo die, (juo lex est lata de nobis. Brundisium veni Nonis Sextilibus : ibi mihi Tulliola mea fuit praesto natali suo ipso die, qui casu idem natalis erat et Brundisinae coloniae et tuae vicinae Salutis ; quae res animadversa a multitudine summa Brun- disinorum gratulatione celebrata est. Ante diem vi. Idus Sextilis cognovi litteris Quinti mirifico studio omnium aetatum atque ordinum, incredibili concursu Italiae legem comitiis centuriatis esse perlatam. Inde a Brundisinis honestissimis ornatus iter ita feci, ut undique ad me cum gnitulatione legati 5 convenerint. Ad urbem ita veni, ut nemo uUius ordinis homo nomenclatori notus fuerit, qui mihi obviam non venerit, praeter eos inimicos, quibus id ipsum, se inimicos esse, non liceret aut dissimulare aut negare. Cum venissem ad portam Capenam, gradus templorum ab infiii^.a plebe completi erant, a qua plausu maximo cum esset mihi gratulatio significata, similis et frequentia et plausus me usque ad Capitolium celebravit, in foroque et in ipso Capitolio miranda multitudo fuit. Postridie in senatu, qui fuit dies Nonarum Septembr., senatui gratias egimus. 6 Eo biduo, cum esset annonae summa caritas et homines ad theatrum primo, deinde ad senatum concurrissent, impulsu Clodii mea opera frumenti inopiam esse clamarent, cum per eos dies senatus de annona haberetur et ad eius procurationem sermone non solum plebis, verum etiam bonorum Pompeius vocaretur idque ipse cuperet, multitudoque a me nominatim, ut id decernerem, postularet, feci et accurate sententiam dixi. Cum abessent consulares, quod tuto se negarent posse senten- tiam dicere, praeter Messalam et Afranium, factum est senatus XXII.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATT. IV. i. 39 consultum in nieam sententiam, ut cum Pompeio ageretur, ut earn rem susciperet lexque ferretur; quo senatus consulto recitato, continuo, cum more hoc insulso et novo plausum meo nomine recitando dedissent, habui contionem ; onines magistratus praesentes praeter unum praetorem et duos tri- bunos pi. dederunt. Postridie senatus frequens, et omnes 7 consulares nihil Pompeio postulanti negarunt ; ille legatos quindecim cum postularet, me principem nominavit et od omnia me alterum se fore dixit. Legem consules conscrip- serunt, qua Pompeio per quinquennium omnis potestas rei frumentariae toto orbe terrarum daretur ; alteram Messius, qui omnis pecuniae dat potestatem et adiungit classem et exercitum et mains imperium in provinciis, quam sit eorum, qui eas obtineant : ilia nostra lex consularis nunc modesta videtur, haec Messii non ferenda. Pompeius illam velle se dicit, familiares hanc. Consulares duce Favonio fremunt; nos tacemus, et eo magis, quod de domo nostra nihil adhuc pontifices responderunt : qui si sustulerint religionem, areani praeclaram habebimus ; superficiem consules ex senatus con- sulto aestimabunt : sin aliter, demolientur, suo nomine loca- bunt, rem totam aestimabunt. Ita sunt res nostrae : ut in secundis, fluxae ; ut in adversis, 8 bonae. In re familiari valde sumus, ut scis, perturbati. Praeterea sunt quaedam domestica, quae litteris non com- mitto. Quintum fratrem insigni pietate, virtute, fide prae- ditum sic amo, ut debeo. Te exspecto et oro, ut matures venire eoque animo venias, ut me tuo consilio egere non sinas. Alterius vitae quoddam initium ordimur. lam quidam, qui nos absentes defenderunt, incipiunt praesentibus occulte irasci, apsrte invidere : vehementer te requirimus. 40 M. TULLII CICERONIS [xxiii. XXIII. (ad Att. IV. 2.) CICERO ATTICO SAL. 1 Si forte rarius tibi a me quam a ceteris litterae redduntur, peto a te, ut id non modo neglegentiae meae, sed ne occupa- tioni quidem tribuas; quae etsi summa est, tamen nulla esse potest tanta, ut interrumpat iter amoris nostri et ofificii mei : nam ut veni Romam, iterum nunc sum certior factus, esse, cui darem litteras : itaque has alteras dedi. Prioribus tibi declaravi, adventus noster qualis fuisset et quis esset status atque omnes res nostrae quern ad modum 2 essent, ut in secundis, fluxae, ut in adversis, bonae. Post illas datas litteras secuta est summa contentio de domo : diximus apud pontifices pr. K. Octobris. Acta res est accurate a nobis, et si umquam in dicendo fuimus aliquid, aut etiam, si numquam alias fuimus, tum profecto dolor et rei magnitude vim quandam nobis dicendi dedit ; itaque oratio iuventuti nostrae deberi non potest, quam tibi, etiam 3 si non desideras, tamen mittam cito. Cum pontifices decres- sent ita, si neque populi iussu neque plebi scitu is qui SE DEDICASSE DICERET, NOMINATIM EI REI PRAEFECTUS ESSET NEQUE POPULI IUSSU AUT PLEBI SCITU ID FACERE lUSSUS ESSET, VIDERI POSSE SINE RELIGIONE EAM PARTEM AREAE M. T. RESTiTUi, mihi facta statim est gratulatio — nemo enim dubitabat, quin domus nobis esset adiudicata — , cum subito ille in contionem escendit, quam Appius ei dedit : nuntiat iam populo, pontifices secundum se decrevisse, me autem vi conari in possessionem venire ; hortatur, ut se et Appium sequantur et suam Libertatem vi defendant. Hie cum etiam illi infirmi partim admirarentur, partim irriderent hominis amentiam, ego statueram illuc non accedere, nisi cum consules ex senatus consult© porticum Catuli restituendam locassent. 4 Kal. Octobr. habetur senatus frequens : adhibentur omnes XXIII.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATT. IV. 2. 41 pontifices, qui erant senatores ; a quibus Marcellinus, qui erat cupidissimus mei, sententiam primus rogatus quaesivit, quid essent in decernendo secuti ; turn M. Lucullus de omnium collegarum sententia respondit religionis iudices pontifices fuisse, legis senatum esse: se et collegas suos de religione statuisse, in senatu de lege statuturos. Suo quisque turn loco sententiam rogatus niulta secundum causam nos- tram disputavit ; cum ad Clodium ventum est, cupiit diem consumere, neque ei finis est factus, sed tamen, cum horas tres fere dixisset, odio et strepitu senatus coactus est ali- quando perorare. Cum fieret senatus consultum in senten- tiam Marcellini, omnibus praeter unum adsentientibus, Serranus intercessit. De intercessione statim ambo consules referre coeperunt; cum sententiae gravissimae dicerentur, senatui placere mihi domum restitui, porticum Catuli locari, auctoritatem ordinis ab omnibus magistratibus defendi, si quae vis esset facta, senatum existimaturum eius opera factum esse, qui senatus consulto intercessisset, Serranus pertimuit et Cornicinus ad suam veterem fabulam rediit : abiecta toga se ad generi pedes abiecit ; ille noctem sibi postulavit : non concedebant ; reminiscebantur enim Kal. lanuar. ; vix tandem illi de mea voluntate concessum est. Postridie senatus consultum factum est id, quod ad te misi. 5 Deinde consules porticum Catuli restituendam locarunt ; illam porticum redemptores statim sunt demoliti libentissimis omni- bus. Nobis superficiem aedium consules de consilii sententia aestimarunt HS. vicies ; cetera valde illiberaliter : Tusculanam villam quingentis milibus ; Formianum HS. ducentis quin- quaginta milibus ; quae aestimatio non modo vehementer ab optimo quoque, sed etiam a plebe reprehenditur. Dices : ' Quid igitur causae fuit ?' Dicunt illi quidem pudorem meum, quod neque negarim neque vehementius postularim ; sed non est id — nam hoc quidem etiam profuisset — , verum iidem, 42 M. TULLII CICERONIS [xxiv. mi T. Pomponi, iidem, inquam, illi, quos ne tu quidem ignoras, qui mihi pennas inciderant, nolunt easdem renasci : sed, ut spero, iam renascuntur. Tu modo ad nos veni ; quod vereor ne tardius interventu Varronis tui nostrique facias. 6 Quoniam, acta quae sint, habes, de reliqua nostra cogita- tione cognosce : ego me a Pompeio legari ita sum passus, ut nulla re impedirer ; quod nisi vellem mihi esset integrum ut, si comitia censorum proximi consules haberent, petere possem, votivam legationem sumpsissem prope omnium fanorum, lucorum — sic enim nostrae rationes [utilitates meae] postula- bant — sed volui meam potestatem esse vel petendi vel ineunte aestate exeundi, et interea me esse in oculis civium de me optime meritorum non alienum putavi. 7 Ac forensium quidem rerum haec nostra consilia sunt, do- mesticarum autem valde impedita. Domus aedificatur ; scis, quo sumptu, qua molestia reficiatur Formianum, quod ego nee relinquere possum nee videre ; Tusculanum proscripsi ] suburban© non facile careo. Amicorum benignitas exhausta est in ea re, quae nihil habuit praeter dedecus, quod sensisti tu absens et praesentes, quorum studiis ego et copiis, si esset per meos defensores licitum, facile essem omnia consecutus ; quo in genere nunc vehementer laboratur. Cetera, quae me sollicitant, /JLva-riKioTepa sunt : amamur a fratre et a filia. Te exspectamus. XXIV. (ad Q. fr. II. 3.) MARCUS QUINTO FR.\TRI SALUTEM. r Scripsi ad te antea superiora ; nunc cognosce, postea quae sint acta : a Kal. Febr. legationes in Idus Febr. reiciebantur ; eo die res confecta non est. A. d. iiii. Non. Febr. Mile adfuit ; ei Pompeius advocatus venit ; dixit Marcellus, a me rogatus ; honeste discessimus ; prodicta dies est in viii. Idus XXIV.] EPISTOLARUM AD Q. FR. II. 3. 43 Febr. Interim reiectis legationibus in Idus referebatur de provinciis quaestorum et de ornandis praetoribus ; sed res multis querelis de re publica interponendis nulla transacta est. C. Cato legem promulgavit de imperio Lentulo abrogando : vestitum filius mutavit. A. d. VIII. Id. Febr. Milo adfuit ; dixit Pompeius, sive 2 voluit : nam, ut surrexit, operae Clodianae clamorem sustul- erunt, idque ei perpetua oratione contigit, non modo ut ad- clamatione, sed ut convicio et maledictis inpediretur. Qui ut peroravit — nam in eo sane fortis fuit : non est deterritus, dixit omnia cum auctoritate atque interdum etiam silentio [peregerat] — , sed ut peroravit, surrexit Clodius : ei tantus clamor a nostris — placuerat enim referre gratiam — , ut neque mente nee lingua neque ore consisteret. Ea res acta est, cum hora sexta vix Pompeius perorasset, usque ad horam viii., cum omnia maledicta, versus denique obscenissimi in Clodium et Clodiam dicerentur. lUe furens et exsanguis interrogabat suos in clamore ipso, quis esset, qui plebem fame necaret : respondebant operae : ' Pompeius ' ; quis Alexandream ire cuperet : respondebant : * Pompeius ' ; quem ire vellent : respondebant : ' Crassum ' — is aderat tum, Miloni animo non arnico — . Hora fere nona quasi signo dato Clodiani nostros consputare coeperunt : exarsit dolor. Urgere illi, ut loco nos moverent ; factus est a nostris impetus ; fuga operarum ; eiectus de rostris Clodius ; ac nos quoque tum fugimus, ne quid in turba. Senatus vocatus in curiam ; Pompeius domum ; neque ego tamen in senatum, ne aut de tantis rebus tacerem aut in Pompeio defendendo — nam is carpebatur a Bibulo, Curione, Favonio, Servilio filio — animos bonorum virorurn offenderem. Res in posterum dilata est ; Clodius in Quiri- nalia prodixit diem. A. d. VII. Id. Febr. senatus ad x\pollinis fuit, ut Pompeius 3 adesset : acta res est graviter a Pompeio ; eo die nihil per- 44 M. TULLII CICERONIS [xxiv. fectum est. A. d. vi. Id. Febr. ad ApoUinis senatus consultum factum est, ea, quae facta essent a. d. viii. Id. Febr., contra rem publicam esse facta. Eo die Cato vehementer est in Pompeium invectus et eum oratione perpetua tamquam reum accusavit ; de me multa me invito cum mea summa laude dixit : cum illius in me perfidiam increparet, auditus est magno silentio malevolorum, Respondit ei vehementer Pompeius Crassumque descripsit dixitque aperte se muni- tiorem ad custodiendam vitam suam fore, quam Africanus 4 fuisset, quern C. Carbo interemisset. Itaque magnae mihi res iam moveri videbantur : nam Pompeius haec intellegit nobiscumque communicat, insidias vitae suae fieri, C. Catonem a Crasso sustentari, Clodio pecuniam suppeditari, utrumque et ab eo et a Curione, Bibulo ceterisque suis obtrectatoribus confirmari, vehementer esse providendum, ne opprimatur con- tionario illo populo a se prope alienato, nobilitate inimica, non aequo senatu, iuventute improba. Itaque se comparat, homines ex agris arcessit ; operas autem suas Clodius con- firmat, manus ad Quirinalia paratur ; in eo multo sumus superiores ipsius copiis ; sed magna manus ex Piceno et Gallia exspectatur, ut etiam Catonis rogationibus de Milone et Lentulo resistamus. 5 A. d. iiii. Idus Febr. Sestius ab indice Cn. Nerio Pupinia ambitus est postulatus et eodem die a quodam M. Tullio de vi : is erat aeger ; domum, ut debuimus, ad eum statim veni- mus eique nos totos tradidimus, idque fecimus praeter hominum opinionem, qui nos ei iure suscensere putabant, ut humanissimi gratissimique et ipsi et omnibus videremur, itaque faciemus. Sed idem Nerius index edidit ad adligatos Cn. Lentulum Vatiam et C. Cornelium : f ista ei. Eodem die senatus consultum factum est, ut sodalitates_ decuriatique discederent, lexque de iis ferretur, ut, qui non discessissent, 6 ea poena, quae est de vi, tenerentur. A. d. iii. Idus Febr. XXV.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATT. IV. 5. 45 dixi pro Bestia de ambitu apud praetoreai Cn. Domitium in foro medio, maximo conventu, incidique in euin locum in dicendo, cum Sestius multis in templo Castoris vulneribus acceptis subsidio Bestiae servatus esset. Hie TTjmwKovoixri- (rd[iijv (^uiddam £UKai/)ws de iis, quae in Sestium adparabantur crimina, et eum ornavi veris laudibus magno adsensu omnium : res homini fuit vehementer grata. Quae tibi eo scribo, quod me de retinenda Sestii gratia litteris saepe monuisti. Pridie Idus Febr. haec scripsi ante lucem ; eo die apud 7 Pomponium in eius nuptiis eram cenaturus. Cetera sunt in rebus nostris huius modi, ut tu mihifere diffidenti praedicabas, plena dignitatis et gratiae ; quae quidem tua, mi frater, patientia, virtute, pietate, suavitate etiam tibi mihique sunt restituta. Domus tibi ad lucum Pisonis Luciniana conducta est ; sed, ut spero, paucis mensibus post K. Quintilis in tuam commigrabis ; tuam in Carinis mundi habitatores Lamiae con- duxerunt. A te post illam Olbiensem epistolam nullas litteras accepi : quid agas et ut te oblectes, scire cupio maximeque te ipsum videre quani primum. Cura, mi frater, ut valeas et, (luamquam est hiems, tamen Sardinian! istam esse cogites. XV. K. Martias. XXV. (ad Att. IV. 5.) CICERO ATTICO SAL. Ain tu ? an me existimas ab ullo malle mea legi probarique 1 quam ate? Cur igitur cuiquam misi prius? Urguebar ab eo, ad quem misi, et non habebam exemplar. Quid ? etiam — dudum enim circumrodo, quod devorandum est — subturpi- cula mihi videbatur esse TraAtrwSta. Sed valeant recta, vera, honesta consilia : non est credibile, quae sit perfidia in istis principibus, ut volunt esse et ut essent, si quidquam haberent fidei. Senseram, noram, inductus, reliclus, proiectus ab iis ; 46 M. TULLII CICERONIS [xxvi. tamen hoc eram animo, ut cum iis in re publica consentirem : idem erant qui fuerant. Vix aliquando te auctore resipui. 2 Dices ea tenus te suasisse, qua facerem, non etiam ut scriberem. Ego mehercule mihi necessitatem volui imponere huius novae coniunctionis, ne qua mihi Hceret labi ad illos, qui etiam tum, cum misereri mei debent, non desinunt invidere. Sed tamen modici fuimus viroOecrei, ut scripsi : erimus uberiores, si et ille libenter accipiet et ii subringentur, qui villam me moleste ferunt habere, quae Catuli fuerat, a Vettio me emisse non cogitant ; qui domum negant oportuisse me aedificare, vendere aiunt oportuisse. Sed quid ad hoc, si, quibus sententiis dixi quod et ipsi probarent, laetati sunt tamen me contra Pompeii voluntatem dixisse ? Finis sit : quoniam, qui nihil possunt, ii me nolunt amare, demus operam ut ab iis, qui possunt, 3 dihgamur. Dices : ' vellem iam pridem.' Scio te voluisse et me asinum germanum fuisse. Sed iam tempus est me ipsum a me amari, quando ab illis nullo modo possum. Domum meam quod crebro invisis, est mihi valde gratum. Viaticum Crassipes praeripit. Tu de via recta in hortos. Videtur commodius ad te : postridie sciHcet ; quid enim tua ? Sed viderimus. BibHothecam mihi tui pinxerunt constrictione et sittybis : eos velim laudes. PERIOD III. XXVI. (ad Fam. V. 12.) ^I. CICERO S. D. L. LUCCEIO Q. F. I Coram me tecum eadem haec agere saepe conantem deter- ruit pudor quidam paene subrusticus, quae nunc expromam absens audacius ; epistola enim non erubescit. Ardeo cupidi- tate incredibili neque, ut ego arbitror, reprehendenda, nomen XXVI.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAM. V. 12. 47 ut nostrum scriptis illustretur et celebretur tuis ; quod etsi mihi saepe ostendis te esse facturum, tamen ignoscas velim huic festinationi meae ; genus enim scriptorum tuorum etsi erat semper a me vehementer exspectatum, tamen vicit opinionem meam meque ita vel cepit vel incendit, ut cuperem quam celerrime res nostras monumentis commendari tuis ; neque enim me solum commemoratio posteritatis ad spem quandam immortalitatis rapit, sed etiam ilia cupiditas, ut vel auctoritate testimonii tui vel indicio benevolentiae vel sua- vitate ingenii vivi perfruamur. Neque tamen, haec cum scribebam, eram nescius, quantis 2 oneribus premerere susceptarum rerum et iam institutarum ; sed, quia videbam Italici belli et civilis historiam iam a te paene esse perfectam, dixeras autem mihi te reliquas res ordiri, deesse mihi nolui, quin te admonerem, ut cogitares, coniunctene malles cum reliquis rebus nostra contexere an, ut multi Graeci fecerunt, Callisthenes Phocicum bellum, Timaeus Pyrrhi, Polybius Numantinum, qui omnes a perpetuis suis historiis ea, quae dixi, bella separaverunt, tu quoque item civilem coniurationem ab hostilibus externisque bellis seiun- geres. Equidem ad nostram laudem non multum video inter- esse, sed ad properationem meam quiddam interest non te exspectare, dum ad locum venias, ac statim causam illam totam et tempus arripere ; et simul, si uno in argumento unaque in persona mens tua tota versabitur, cerno iam animo, quanto omnia uberiora atque ornatiora futura sint. Neque tamen ignoro, quam impudenter faciam, qui primum tibi tantum oneris imponam — potest enim mihi denegare occupatio tua — , deinde etiam, ut ornes me, postulem. Quid, 3 si ilia tibi non tan to opere videntur ornanda ? Sed tamen, qui semel verecundiae fines transient, eum bene et naviter oportet esse impudentem. Itaque te plane etiam atque etiam rogo, ut et ornes ea vehementius etiam, quam fortasse sentis. 48 M. TULLII CICERONIS [xxvi. et in eo leges historiae neglegas gratiamque illam, de qua suavissime quodam in prooemio scripsisti, a qua te flecti non magis potuisse demonstras quam Herculem Xenophontium ilium a voluptate, earn, si me tibi vehementius commendabit, ne aspernere amorique nostio plusculum etiam quam concedet Veritas largiare. Quod si te adducemus, ut hoc suscipias, erit, ut mihi per- 4 suadeo, materies digna facultate et copia tua ; a principio enim coniurationis usque ad reditum nostrum videtur mihi modicum quoddam corpus confici posse, in quo et ilia poteris uti civilium commutationum scientia vel in explicandis causis rerum novarum vel in remediis incommodorum, cum et reprehendes ea, quae vituperanda duces, et, quae placebunt, exponendisrationibus comprobabis, et, si liberius, ut consuesti, agendum putabis , multorum in nos perfidiam, insidias, pro- ditionem notabis. Multam etiam casus nostri varietatem tibi in scribendo suppeditabunt plenam cuiusdam voluptatis, quae vehementer animos hominum in legendo tuo scripto retinere possit ; nihil est enim aptius ad delectationem lecto- ris quam temporum varietates fortunaeque vicissitudines : quae etsi nobis optabiles in experiendo non fuerunt, in legendo tamen erunt iucundae, habet enim praeteriti doloris 5 secura recordatio delectationem ; ceteris vero nulla perfunctis propria molestia, casus autem alienos sine ullo dolore intuentibus etiam ipsa misericordia est iucunda. Quem enim nostrum ille moriens apud Mantineam Epaminondas non cum quadam miseratione delectat? qui tum denique sibi avelli iubet spiculum, postea quam ei percontanti dictum est clipeum esse salvum, ut etiam in vulneris dolore aequo animo cum laude moreretur. Cuius studium in legendo non erectum Themistocli fuga redituque retinetur ? Etenim ordo ipse annalium mediocriter nos retinet quasi enumeratione fastorum : at viri saepe excellentis ancipites variique casus habent XXVI.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAM. V. 12. 49 admirationem exspectationem, laetitiam molestiam, spem timorem ; si vero exitu notabili concluduntur, expletur animus iucundissima lectionis voluptate. Quo niihi accident optatius, 6 si in hac sententia fueris, ut a continentibus tuis scriptis, in quibus perpetuam rerum gestarum historiam complecteris, secernas banc quasi fabulam rerum eventorumque nostrorum ; habet enini varies actus mutationesque et consiliorum et temporum. Ac non vereor, ne assentatiuncula quadam aucupari tuam gratiam videar, cum hoc demonstrem, me a to potissimum ornari celebrarique veile ; neque enim tu is es, qui, quid sis, nescias et qui non eos magis, qui te non admirentur, invidos quam eos, qui laudent, assentatores arbitrere, neque autem ego sum ita demens, ut me sempiternae gloriae per eum com- mendari velim, qui non ipse quoque in me commendando propriam ingenii gloriam consequatur. Neque enim Alex- 7 ander ille gratiae causa ab Apelle potissimum pingi et a Lysippo fingi volebat, sed quod illorum artem cum ipsis turn etiam sibi gloriae fore putabat. Atque illi artifices corporis simulacra ignotis nota faciebant, quae vel si nulla sint, nihilo sint tamen obscuriores clari viri ; nee minus est Spartiates Agesilaus ille perhibendus, qui neque pictam neque fictam imaginem suam passus est esse, quam qui in eo genere laborarunt ; unus enim Xenophontis libellus in eo rege laud- ando facile omnes imagines omnium statuasque superavit. Atque hoc praestantius mihi fuerit et ad laetitiam animi et ad memoriae dignitatem, si in tua scripta pervenero, quam si in ceterorum, quod non ingenium mihi solum suppeditatum fuerit tuum, sicut Timoleonti a Timaeo aut ab Herodoto Themistocli, sed etiam auctoritas clarissimi et spectatissimi viri et in rei publicae maximis gravissimisque causis cogniti atque in primis probati, ut mihi non solum praeconium, quod, cum in Sigeum venisset, Alexander ab Homero Achilli D 50 M. TULLII CICERONIS [xxvi. tributum esse dixit, sed etiam grave testimonium impertitum clari hominis magnique videatur; placet enim Hector ille mihi Naevianus, qui non tantum ' laudari se ' laetatur, sed addit etiam ' a laudato viro.' 8 Quod si a te non impetro, hoc est, si quae te res impedierit — neque enim fas esse arbitror, quicquam me rogantem abs te non impetrare — , cogar fortasse facere, quod non nuUi saepe reprehendunt : scribam ipse de me, multorum tamen exempio et clarorum virorum. Sed, quod te non fugit, haec sunt in hoc genere vitia : et verecundius ipsi de sese scribant necesse est, si quid est laudandum, et praetereant, si quid reprehen- dendum est ; accedit etiam, ut minor sit fides, minor auctor- itas, multi denique reprehendant et dicant verecundiores esse praecones ludorum gymnicorum, qui, cum ceteris coronas imposuerint victoribus eorumque nomina magna voce pro- nuntiarint, cum ipsi ante ludorum missionem corona donentur, alium praeconem adhibeant, ne sua voce se ipsi victores esse y praedicent. Haec nos vitare cupimus et, si recipis causam nostram, vitabimus, idque ut facias, rogamus. Ac ne forte mirere, cur, cum mihi saepe ostenderis te accuratissime nostrorum temporum consilia atque eventus litteris mandaturum, a te id nunc tanto opere et tarn multis verbis petamus : ilia nos cupiditas incendit, de qua initio scripsi, festinationis, quod alacres animo sumus, ut et ceteri viventibus nobis ex libris tuis nos cognoscant et nosmet ipsi lo vivi glorioia nostra perfruamur. His de rebus quid acturus sis, si tibi non est molestum, rescribas mihi velim : si enim suscipis causam, conficiam commentaries rerum omnium ; sin autem differs me in tempus aliud, coram tecum loquar, Tu interea non cessabis et ea, quae habes instituta, perpolies nosque diliges. xxviL] EPISTOLARUM AD ATT. IV. 6. 51; XXVII. (ad Att. IV. 6.) CICERO ATTICO SAL. De Lentulo scilicet sic fero, ut debeo : virum bonum et i magnum hominem et in summa magnitudine animi multa humanitate temperatum perdidimus, nosque malo solacio, sed non nullo tamen, consolamur, quod ipsius vicem minime dolemus, non ut Saufeius et vestri, sed mehercule quia sic amabat patriam, ut mihi aliquo deorum beneficio videatur ex eius incendio esse ereptus : nam quid foedius nostra vita, praecipue mea? nam tu quidem, etsi es natura TroAtrtKo's, tamen nullam habes propriam servitutem, communi servis nomine ; ego vero, qui, si loquor de re publica quod oportet, 2 insanus, si quod opus est, servus existimor, si taceo, oppressus et captus, quo dolore esse debeo ? quo sum scilicet, hoc etiam acriore, quod ne dolere quidem possum, ut non ingratus videar. Quid? si cessare libeat et in otii portum confugere? nequiquam ; immo etiam in bellum et in castra ! Ergo erimus oTraSot, qui rayot esse noluimus ? sic faciendum est : tibi enim ipsi, — cui utinam semper paruissem ! — sic video placere. Reliquum iam est : "ETrdpTav e'Aaxes, ravrav KoV/xet. Non mehercule possum, et Philoxeno ignosco, qui reduci in • carcerem maluit ; veruni tamen id ipsum mecum in his locis coramentor, ut istam probem, idque tu, cum una erimus, con- firmabis. A te litteras crebro ad me scribi video, sed omnis uno tem- pore accepi ; quae res etiam auxit dolorem meum : casu enim trinas ante legeram, quibus meliuscule Lentulo esse scriptum erat : ecce quartae fulmen. Sed ille, ut scripsi, non miser, nos vero ferrei. Quod me admones, ut scribam ilia 3 Hortensiana, in alia incidi, non immemor istius mandati tui ; sed mehercule m incipiendo refugi, ne, qui videor stulte illius amici intemperiem non tulisse, rursus stulte iniuriam illius 52 M. TULLII CICERONIS [xxviii. faciam illustrem, si quid scripsero, et simul, lie PaOvTij? mea, quae in agendo apparuit, in scribendo sit occultior, et aliquid satisfactio levitatis habere videatur ; sed viderimus : tu modo 4 quam saepissime ad me aliquid. Epistolam, Lucceio [nunc] quam misi, qua meas res ut scribat rogo, fac ut ab eo sumas — valde bella est — eumque, ut adproperet, adliorteris et, quod mihi se ita facturum rescripsit, agas gratias, domum nostram, quoad poteris, invisas, Vestorio aliquid significes ; valde enini est in me liberalis. XXVIII. (ad Fam. I. 7.) M. CICERO S. D. P. LENTULO PROCOS. 1 Legi tuas litteras, quibus ad me scribis gratum tibi esse, quod crebro certior per me fias de omnibus rebus et meam erga te benevolentiam facile perspicias : quorum alterum mihi, ut te plurimum diligam, facere necesse est, si volo is esse, quem tu me esse voluisti ; alterum facio libenter, ut, quoniam intervallo locorum et temporum diiuncti sumus, per litteras tecum quam saepissime colloquar. Quod si rarius fiet quam tu exspectabis, id erit causae, quod non eius generis meae litterae sunt, ut eas audeam temere committere ; quotiens mihi certorum hominum potestas erit, quibus recte dem, non praetermittam. 2 Quod scire vis, qua quisque in te fide sit et voluntate, diffi- cile dictu est de singulis : unum illud audeo, quod antea tibi saepe significavi, nunc quoque re perspecta et cognita scribere, vehementer quosdam homines et eos maxime, qui te et max- ime debuerunt et plurimum iuvare potuerunt, invidisse digni- tati tuae, simillimamque in re dissimili tui temporis nunc et nostri quondam fuisse rationem, ut, quos tu rei publicae causa laeseras, palam te oppugnarent, quorum auctoritatem, digni- tatem voluntatemque defenderas, non tam memores essent XXVIII.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAM. I. 7. 53 virtutis tuae q\iam laudis iniinici. Quo quidem tempore, ut perscripsi ad te antea, cognovi Hortensium percupidum tui, studiosum Lucullum, ex magistratibus autem L. Racilium et fide et animo singular]' ; nam nostra propugnatio ac defensio dignitatis tuae propter magnitudinem beneficii tui fortasse plerisque officii maiorem auctoritatem habere videatur quam sententiae. Praeterea quidem de consularibus nemini possum 3 aut studii erga te aut officii aut amici animi esse testis : etenim Pompeium, qui mecum saepissime non solum a me provocatus, sed etiam sua sponte de te communicare solet, scis temporibus illis non saepe in senatu fuisse ; cui quidem litterae tuae, quas proxime miseras, quod facile intellexerim, periucundae fuerunt. Mihi quidem humanitas tua vel summa potius sapientia non iucunda solum, sed etiam admirabilis visa est ; virum enim excellentem et tibi tua praestanti in eum liberali- tate devinctum, non nihil suspicantem propter aliquorum opinionem suae cupiditatis te ab se abalienatum, ilia epistola retinuisti ; qui mihi cum semper tuae laudi favere visus est, etiam ipso suspiciosissimo tempore Caniniano, turn vero lectis tuis litteris perspectus est a me toto animo de te ac de tuis ornamentis et commodis cogitare. Qua re ea, quae scribam, sic habeto, me cum illo re saepe 4 communicata de illius ad te sententia atque auctoritate scrib- ere : quoniam senatus consultum nullum exstat, quo reductio regis Alexandrini tibi adempta sit, eaque, quae de ea scripta est, auctoritas, cui scis intercessum esse, ut ne quis omnino regem reduceret, tantam vim habet, ut magis iratorum hom- inum studium quam constantis senatus consilium esse videatur, te perspicere posse, qui Ciliciam Cyprumque teneas, quid efficere et quid consequi possis, et, si res facultatem habitura videatur, ut Alexandream atque Aegyptum tenere possis, esse et tuae et nostri imperii dignitatis, Ptolemaide aut aliquo pro- pinquo loco rege collocate te cum classe atque exercitu 54 M. TULLII CICERONIS [xxviii. proficisci Alexandream,ut, earn cum pace praesidiisque firmaris, Ptolemaeus redeat in regnum ; ita fore, ut et per te restituatur, quem ad modum senatus initio censuit, et sine multitudine reducatur, quem ad modum homines religiosi Sibyllae placere 5 dixerunt. Sed haec sententia sic et illi et nobis probabatur, ut ex eventu homines de tuo consiHo existimaturos videremus : si cecidisset, ut volumus et optamus, omnes te et sapienter et for- titer, si aliquid esset offensum, eosdem illos et cupide et temere fecisse dicturos. Qua re quid adsequi possis, non tam facile est nobis quam tibi, cuius prope in conspectu Aegyptus est, iudi- care. Nos quidem hoc sentimus, si exploratum tibi sit posse te illius regni potiri, non esse cunctandum ; si dubium sit, non esse conandum. lUud tibi adfirmo, si rem istam ex sententia gesseris, fore ut absens a multis, cum redieris, ab omnibus collaudere. Offensionem esse periculosam propter interposi- tam auctoritatem religionemque video ; sed ego te, ut ad certam laudem adhortor, sic a dimicatione deterreo redeoque ad illud, quod initio scripsi, totius facti tui iudicium non tam 6 ex consilio tuo quam ex eventu homines esse facturos. Quod si haec ratio rei gerendae periculosa tibi esse videbitur, place- bat illud, ut, si rex amicis tuis, qui per provinciam atque imperium tuum pecunias ei credidissent, fidem suam praesti- tisset, et auxiliis eum tuis et copiis adiuvares : eam esse naturam et regionem provinciae tuae, ut illius reditum vel adiuvando confirmares vel neglegendo impedires. In hac ratione quid res, quid causa, quid tempus ferat, tu facillime optimeque perspicies : quid nobis placuisset, ex me potissimum 7 putavi te scire oportere. Quod mihi de nostro statu, de Milonis familiaritate, de levitate et imbecillitate Clodii gratularis, minime miramur te tuis ut egregium artificem praeclaris operi- bus laetari : quamquam est incredibilis hominum perversitas — graviore enim verbo uti non libet — , qui nos, quos favendo in communi causa retinere potuerunt, invidendo abalienarunt : XXVIII.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAM. I. 7. 5$ quorum malevolentissimis obtrectationibus nos scito de vetere ilia nostra diuturnaque sententia prope iam esse depulsos, non nos quidem ut nostrae dignitatis simus obliti, sed ut habeamus rationem aliquando etiam salutis. Poterat utrumque praeclare, si esset fides, si gravitas in hominibus consularibus ; sed tanta est in plerisque levitas, ut eos non tam constantia in re publica nostra delectet, quam splendor offendat. Quod eo liberius ad 8 te scribo, quia non solum temporibus his, quae per te sum adeptus, sed iam olim nascenti prope nostrae laudi dignita- tique favisti, simulque quod video non, ut antehac putabam, novitati esse invisum meae : in te enim, homine omnium nobilissimo, similia invidorum vitia perspexi : quem tamen illi esse in principibus facile sunt passi, evolare altius certe nolu- erunt. Gaudeo tuam dissimilem fuisse fortunam ; multum enim interest, utrum laus imminuatur an salus deseratur. Me meae tamen ne nimis paeniteret, tua virtute perfectum est; curasti enim, ut plus additum ad memoriam nominis nostri quam demptum de fortuna videretur. Te vero emoneo cum q beneficiis tuis tum amore incitatus meo, ut omnem gloriam, ad quam a pueritia inflammatus fuisti, omni cura atque industria consequare magnitudinemque animi tui, quam ego semper sum admiratus semperque amavi, ne umquam inflectas cuiusquam iniuria. Magna est hominum opinio de te, magna commendatio liberalitatis, magna memoria consulatus tui : haec profecto vides quanto expressiora quantoque illustriora futura sint, cum aliquantum ex provincia atque ex imperio laudis accesserit ; quamquam te ita gerere volo, quae per exercitum atque imperium gerenda sunt, ut haec multo ante meditere, hue te pares, haec cogites, ad haec te exerceas sentiasque — id quod, quia semper sperasti, non dubito quin adeptus intellegas — te facillime posse obtinere summum atque altissimum gradum civitatis : quae quidem mea cohortatio ne tibi inanis aut sine causa suscepta videatur, ilia me ratio movit, ut te ex 56 M. TULLII CICERONIS [xxix. nostris eventis communibus adraonendum putarem, ut con- siderares, in omni reliqua vita quibus crederes, quos caveres. lo Quod scribis te velle scire, qui sit rei publicae status, summa dissensio est, sed contentio dispar; nam qui plus opibus, armis, potentia valent, profecisse tantum mihi videntur stultitia et inconstantia adversariorum, ut etiam auctoritate iam plus valerent : itaque perpaucis adversantibus omnia, quae ne per populum quidem sine seditione se adsequi arbitrabantur, per senatum consecuti sunt ; nam et stipendium Caesari decretum est et decem legati et, ne lege Sempronia succederetur, facile perfectum est. Quod eo ad te brevius scribo, quia me status hie rei publicae non delectat ; scribo tamen, ut te admoneam, quod ipse litteris omnibus a pueritia deditus experiendo tamen magis quam discendo cognovi, tu tuis rebus integris discas, neque salutis nostrae rationem habendam nobis esse sine dignitate neque dignitatis sine salute. I £ Quod mihi de filia et de Crassipede gratularis, agnosco humanitatem tuam speroque et opto nobis banc coniunctionem voluptati fore. Lentulum nostrum, eximia spe, summae vir- tutis adulescentem cum ceteris artibus, quibus studuisti semper ipse, tum in primis imitatione tui fac erudias ; nulla enim erit hac praestantior disciplina : quem nos, et quia tuus et quia te dignus est filius et quia nos diligit semperque dilexit, in primis amamus carumque habemus. XXIX. (ad Fam. VII. i.) M. CICERO S. D. M. MARIO. I Si te dolor aliqui corporis aut infirmitas valetudinis tuae tenuit, quo minus ad ludos venires, fortunae magis tribuo quam sapientiae tuae ; sin haec, quae ceteri mirantur, contemnenda duxisti et, cum per valetudinem posses, venire tamen noluisti, utrumque laetor, et sine dolore corporis te fuisse et animo XXIX.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAM. VII. i. 57 valuisse, cum ea, quae sine causa mirantur alii, neglexeris, modo ut tibi constiterit fructus otii tui, quo quidem tibi perfrui mirifice licuit, cum esses in ista amoenitate paene solus relic- tus. Neque tamen dubito, quin tu in illo cubiculo tuo, ex quo tibi Stabianum perforasti et patefecisti Misenum, per eos dies matutina tempora lectiunculis consumpseris, cum illi interea, qui te istic reliquerunt, spectarent communes mimos semisomni. Reliquas vero partes diei tu consumebas iis delectationibus, quas tibi ipse ad arbitrium tuum compararas ; nobis autem erant ea perpetienda, quae Sp. Maecius proba- visset. Omnino, si quaeris, ludi apparatissimi, sed non tui 2 stomachi ; coniecturam enim facio de meo : nam primum honoris causa in scaenam redierant ii, quos ego honoris causa de scaena decesse arbitrabar ; deliciae vero tuae, noster Aesopus, eius modi fuit, ut ei desinere per omnis homines liceret. Is iurare cum coepisset, vox eum defecit in illo loco : 'Si sciens fallo.' Quid tibi ego alia narrem? nosti enim reliquos ludos, qui ne id quidem leporis habuerunt, quod Solent mediocres ludi ; apparatus enim spectatio tollebat omnem hilaritatem, quo quidem apparatu non dubito quin animo aequissimo carueris; quid enim delectationis habent sescenti muli in Clytemnestra ? aut in Equo Troiano craterarum tria milia ? aut armatura varia peditatus et equitatus in aliqua pugna ? quae popularem admirationem habuerunt, delecta- tionem tibi nullam attulissent. Quod si tu per eos dies 3 operam dedisti Protogeni tuo, dum modo is tibi quidvis potius quam orationes meas legerit, ne tu baud paulo plus quam quisquam nostrum delectationis habuisti. Non enim te puto Graecos aut Oscos ludos desiderasse, praesertim cum Oscos ludos vel in senatu vestro spectare possis, Graecos ita non ames, ut ne ad villam quidem tuam via Graeca ire soleas. Nam quid ego te athletas putem desiderare, qui gladiatores contempseris ? in quibus ipse Pompeius confitetur se et operam 58 M. TULLII CICERONIS [xxix. et oleum perdidisse. Reliquae sunt venationes.binae per dies quinque, magnificae — nemo negat — , sed quae potest homini esse polito delectatio, cum aut homo imbecillus a valentissima bestia laniatur aut praeclara bestia venabulo transverberatur ? quae tamen, si videnda sunt, saepe vidisti : neque nos, qui haec spectamus, quicquam novi vidimus. Extremus elephan- torum dies fuit : in quo admiratio magna vulgi atque turbae, delectatio nulla exstitit ; quin etiam misericordia quaedam consecuta est atque opinio eius modi, esse quandam illi beluae cum genere humano societatem. 4 His ego tamen diebus, ludis scaenicis, ne forte videar tibi non modo beatus, sed liber omnino fuisse, dirupi me paene in iudicio Galli Caninii, familiaris tui. Quod si tam facilem populum haberem, quam Aesopus habuit, libenter mehercule artem desinerem tecumque et cum similibus nostri viverem ; nam me cum antea taedebat, cum et aetas et ambitio me hortabatur et licebat denique, quem nolebam, non defendere, tum vero hoc tempore vita nulla est ; neque enim fructum ullum laboris exspecto et cogor non numquam homines non optime de me meritos rogatu eorum, qui bene meriti sunt, 5 defendere. Itaque quaero causas omnis aliquando vivendi arbitratu meo, teque et istam rationem otii tui et laudo vehe- menter et probo, quodque nos minus intervisis, hoc fero animo aequiore, quod, si Romae esses, tamen neque nos lepore tuo, neque te — si qui est in me — meo frui liceret propter molestis- simas occupationes meas ; quibus si me relaxaro — nam, ut plane exsolvam, non postulo — , te ipsum, qui multos annos nihil aliud commentaris, docebo profecto, quid sit humaniter vivere. Tu modo istam imbecillitatem valetudinis tuae sustenta et tuere, ut facis, ut nostras villas obire et mecum 6 simul lecticula concursare possis. Haec ad te pluribus verbis scripsi quam soleo, non otii abundantia, sed amoris erga te, quod me quadam epistola subinvitaras, si memoria tenes, ut XXX.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAM. V. 8. 59 ad te aliquid eius modi scriberem, quo minus te praetermisisse ludos paeniteret ; quod si assecutus sum, gaudeo ; sin minus, hoc me tamen consolor, quod posthac ad ludos venies nosque vises neque in epistolis relinques meis spem aliquam delecta- tionis tuae. XXX. (ad Fam. V. 8.) M. CICERO M. LICINIO P. F. CRASSO. Quantum meum studium exstiterit dignitatis tuae vel i tuendae vel etiam augendae, non dubito quin ad te omnes tui scripserint ; non enim fuit aut mediocre aut obscurum aut eius modi, quod silentio posset praeteriri. Nam et cum consulibus et cum multis consularibus tanta contentione decertavi, quanta numquam antea ulla in causa, suscepique mihi perpetuam propugnationem pro omnibus ornamentis tuis veterique nostrae necessitudini iam diu debitum, sed multa varietate temporum interruptum, officium cumulate reddidi. Neque mehercule umquam mihi tui aut colendi aut ornandi 2 voluntas defuit ; sed quaedam pestes hominum laude aliena dolentium et te non numquam a me alienarunt et me aliquando immutarunt tibi. Sed exstitit tempus optatum mihi magis quam speratum, ut florentissimis tuis rebus mea perspici posset et memoria nostrae voluntatis et amicitiae fides ; sum enim consecutus, non modo ut donius tua tota, sed ut cuncta civitas me tibi amicissimum esse cognosceret. Itaque et praestantissima omnium feminarum, uxor tua, et eximia pietate, virtute, gratia tui Crassi meis consiliis, monitis, studiis actionibusque nituntur, et senatus populusque Romanus intellegit tibi absenti nihil esse tam promptum aut tarn paratum quam in omnibus rebus, quae ad te pertineant, operam, curam, diligentiam, auctoritatem meam. Quae sint 3 acta quaeque agantur, domesticorum tibi litteris declarari 6o M. TULLII CICERONIS [xxx. puto : de me sic existimes ac tibi persuadeas vehementer velim, non me repentina aliqua voluntate aut fortuito ad tuam amplitudinem meis ofificiis amplectendam incidisse, sed, ut primum forum attigerim, spectasse semper, ut tibi possem quam maxime esse coniunctus; quo quidem ex tempore memoria teneo neque meam tibi observantiam neque mihi tuam summam benevolentiam ac liberalitatem defuisse. Si quae interciderunt non tam re quam suspicione violata, ea, cum fuerint et falsa et inania, sint evulsa ex omni memoria vitaque nostra : is enim tu vir es et eum me esse cupio, ut, quoniam in eadem rei publicae tempora incidimus, coniunctionem amicitiamque nostram utrique nostrum laudi sperem fore. 4 Quam ob rem tu, quantum tuo iudicio tribuendum esse nobis putes, statues ipse et, ut spero, statues ex nostra dignitate, ego vero tibi profiteer atque poUiceor eximium et singulare meum studium in omni genere officii, quod ad honestatem et gloriam tuam spectet In quo etiamsi multi mecum con- tendent, tamen cum reliquis omnibus, tum Crassis tuis iudicibus, omnis facile superabo ; quos quidem ego ambo unice diligo ; sed, in Marcum benevolentia pari, hoc magis sum Publio deditus, quod me, quamquam a pueritia sua semper, tamen hoc tempore maxime sicut alterum parentem et 5 observat et diligit. Has litteras velim existimes foederis habituras esse vim, non epistolae, meque ea, quae tibi promitto ac recipio, sanctissime esse observaturum diligentis- simeque esse facturum : quae a me suscepta defensio est te absente dignitatis tuae, in ea iam ego non solum amicitiae nostrae, sed etiam constantiae meae causa permanebo. Quam ob rem satis esse hoc tempore arbitratus sum hoc ad te scribere : me, si quid ipse intellegerem aut ad voluntatem aut ad commodum aut ad amplitudinem tuam pertinere, mea sponte id esse facturum ; sin autem quidpiam aut a te essem admonitus aut a tuis, effecturum, ut intellegeres nihil neque XXXI.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAM. VII. 5. 61 te scripsisse neque quemquam tuorum frustra ad me detulisse. Quam ob rem velim ita et ipse ad me scribas de omnibus minimis, maximis, mediocribus rebus, ut ad hominem amicis- simum, et tuis praecipias, ut opera consilio, auctoritate gratia mea sic utantur in omnibus, publicis privatis, forensibus domes- ticis, tuis, amicorum, hospitum, clientium tuorum negotiis, ut, quod eius fieri possit, praesentiae tuae desiderium meo labore minuatur. Yale. ' XXXI. (ad Fam. VII. 5.) CICERO CAESARI IMP. S. D. Vide, quam mihi persuaserim te me esse alterum non i modo in iis rebus, quae ad me ipsum, sed etiam in iis, quae ad meos pertinent. C. Trebatium cogitaram, quocumque exirem, mecum ducere, ut eum meis omnibus studiis, bene- ficiis quam ornatissimum domum reducerem. Sed postea quam et Pompeii commoratio diuturnior erat, quam putaram, et mea quaedam tibi non ignota dubitatio aut impedire pro- fectionem meam videbatur aut certe tardare, vide, quid mihi sumpserim : coepi velle ea Trebatium exspectare a te, quae sperasset a me, neque mehercule minus ei prolixe de tua voluntate promisi, quam eram solitus de mea poUiceri. Casus 2 vero mirificus quidam intervenit quasi vel testis opinionis meae vel sponsor humanitatis tuae. Nam cum de hoc ipso Trebatio cum Balbo nostro loquerer accuratius domi meae, Utterae mihi dantur a te, quibus in extremis scriptum erat : * M. Titinium, quem mihi commendas, vel regem Galliae faciam, vel huic Leptae delegabo, si vis. Tu ad me alium mitte, quem ornem.' Sustulimus manus et ego et Balbus : tanta fuit opportunitas, ut illud nescio quid non fortuitum, sed divinura videretur. Mitto igitur ad te Trebatium atque it amitto, ut initio mea sponte, post autem invitatu tuo 62 M. TULLII CICERONIS [xxxii. mittendum duxerim, Hunc, mi Caesar, sic velim omni tua comitate complectare, ut omnia, quae per me possis adduci ut in meos conferre velis, in unum hunc conferas ; de quo tibi homine haec spondeo non illo vetere verbo meo, quod, cum ad te de Milone scripsissem, iure lusisti, sed more Romano, quo modo homines non inepti loquuntur, probi- orem hominem, meliorem virum, pudentiorem esse neminem, Accedit etiam, quod familiam ducit, in iure civili singular! memoria, summa scientia. Huic ego neque tribunatum neque praefecturam neque uUius beneficii certum nomen peto : benevolentiam tuam et liberaUtatem peto, neque impedio, quo minus, si tibi ita placuerit, etiam hisce eum ornes gloriolae insignibus ; totum denique hominem tibi ita trado * de manu,' ut 'aiunt, ' in manum ' tuam istam et victoria et fide praestantem ; simus enim putidiusculi, quam per te vix Ucet : verum, ut video, licebit. Cura, ut valeas, et me, ut amas, ama. XXXII. (ad Q. fr. 11. 12.) MARCUS QUINTO FRATRI SALUTEM. 1 Duas adhuc a te accepi epistolas, quarum alteram in ipso discessu nostro, alteram Arimino datam ; plures, quas scribis te dedisse, non acceperam. Ego me in Cumano et Pompeiano, praeterquam quod sine te, ceterum satis com- mode oblectabam, et eram in isdem locis usque ad Kal. lunias futurus. Scribebam ilia, quae dixeram, ttoXitiko., spissum sane opus et operosum ; sed, si ex sententia suc- cesserit, bene erit opera posita, sin minus, in illud ipsum mare deiciemus, quod spectantes scribimus ; aggrediemur alia, 2 quoniam quiescere non possumus. Tua mandata persequar diligenter et adiungendis hominibus et quibusdam non alienandis. Maximae mihi vero curae erit, ut Ciceronem XXXIII.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAM. VI I. 6. 63 tuum nostrumque videam scilicet cotidie, sed inspiciam, quid discat, quam saepissime, et, nisi ille contemnet, etiam magis- trum me ei profitebor, cuius rei non nuUam consuetudinem nactus sum in hoc horum dierum otio Cicerone nostro minore producendo. Tu, quern ad modum scribis, quod, etiam si 3 non scriberes, facere te diligentissime tamen sciebam, facies scilicet, ut mea mandata digeras, persequare, conficias. Ego, cum Romam venero, nullum praetermittam Caesaris tabella- rium, cui litteras ad te non dem : his diebus — ignosces — cui darem fuit nemo ante hunc M. Orfium, equitem Romanum, nostrum et per se pernecessarium et quod est ex municipio Attellano, quod scis esse in fide nostra. Itaque eum tibi commendo in maiorem modum, hominem domi splendidum, gratiosum etiam extra domum ; quem fac ut tua liberalitate tibi obliges — est tribunus militum in exercitu vestro — : gratum hominem observantemque cognosces. Trebatium ut valde ames, vehementer te rogo. XXXIII. (ad Fam. VII. 6.) CICERO S. D. TREBATIO. In omnibus meis epistolis, quas ad Caesarem aut ad i Balbum mitto, legitima quaedam est accessio commendationis tuae, nee ea vulgaris, sed cum aliquo insigni indicio meae erga te benevolentiae. Tu modo ineptias istas et desideria urbis et urbanitatis depone et, quo consilio profectus es, id assiduitate et virtute consequere. Hoc tibi tam ignoscemus nos amici, quam ignoverunt Medeae, Quae Corinthum arcem altam habebant matronae opulentae, optimates, quibus ilia manibus gypsatissimis persuasit, ne sibi vitio illae verterent, quod abesset a patria. Nam 64 M. TULLII CICERONIS. [xxxiv. Multi suani rem bene gessere et publicam patria procul : Multi, qui domi aetatem agerent, propterea sunt improbati. 2 Quo in numero tu certe fuisses, nisi te extrusissemus. Sed plura scribemus alias. Tu, qui ceteris cavere didicisti, in Britannia ne ab essedariis decipiaris caveto et, quoniam Medeam coepi agere, illud semper memento : Qui ipse sibi sapiens prodesse non quit, nequiquam sapit. Cura, ut valeas. XXXIV. (ad Fam. VII. 7.) CICERO TREBATIO. 1 Ego te commendare non desisto; sed, quid proficiam, ex te scire cupio : spem maximam habeo in Balbo, ad quern de te diligentissime et saepissime scribo. Illud soleo mirari, non me totiens accipere tuas litteras, quotiens a Quinto mihi fratre adferantur. In Britannia nihil esse audio neque auri neque argenti : id si ita est, essedum aliquod capias suadeo et ad 2 nos quam primum recurras. Sin autem sine Britannia tamen assequi, quod volumus, possumus, perfice, ut sis in familiaribus Caesaris : multum te in eo frater adiuvabit meus, multum Balbus, sed, mihi crede, tuus pudor et labor plurimuni. Imperatorem liberalissimum, aetatem opportunissimam, com- mendationem certe singularem habes, ut tibi unum timendum sit, ne ipse tibi defuisse videare. XXXV. (ad Q. fr. 11. 13.) MARCUS QUINTO FRATRI SALUTEM. I A. d. mi. Non. lunias, quo die Romam veni, accepi tuas litteras, datas Placentiae, deinde alteras postridie, datas Blandenone cum Caesaris litteris, refertis omni officio, dili- gentia, suavitate. Sunt ista quidem magna vel potius maxima; habent enim vim magnam ad gloriam et ad summam XXXV.] EPISTOLARUM AD Q. FR. IT. 13. 65 dignitatem ; sed, mihi crede, quern nosti, quod in istis rebus ego plurimi aestimo, id iam habeo : te scilicet primum tarn inservientem communi dignitati, deinde Caesaris tantum in me amorem, quern omnibus iis honoribus, quos me a se exspectare vult, antepono ; litterae vero eius una datae cum tuis, quarum initium est, quam suavis ei tuus adventus fuerit et recordatio veteris amoris, deinde, se effecturum, ut ego in medio dolore ac desiderio tui te, cum a me abesses, potissimum secum esse laetarer, incredibiliter delectarunt. Qua re facis 2 tu quidem fraterne, quod me hortaris, sed mehercule currentem nunc quidem, ut omnia mea studia in istum unum conferam. Ego vero ardenti quidem studio, ac fortasse efficiam, quod saepe viatoribus, cum properant, evenit, ut, si serius quam voluerint forte surrexerint, properando etiam citius, quam si de nocte vigilassent, perveniant, quo velint : sic ego, quoniam in isto homine colendo tam indormivi diu,_ te mehercule saepe excitante, cursu corrigam tarditatem cum equis, tum vero — quoniam tu scribis poema ab eo nostrum probari — quadrigis poeticis. Modo mihi date Britanniam, quam pingam coloribus tuis, penicillo meo. Sed quid ago ? quod mihi tempus, Romae praesertim, ut iste me rogat, manenti, vacuum ostenditur ? sed videro. Fortasse enim, ut fit, vincet tuus amor omnes difficultates. Trebatium quod ad 3 se raiserim, persalse et humaniter etiam gratias mihi agit ; negat enim in tanta multitudine eorum, qui una essent, quemquam fuisse, qui vadimonium concipere posset. M. Curtio tribunatum ab eo petivi, — nam Domitius se derideri putasset, si esset a me rogatus : hoc enim est eius cotidianum, se ne tribunum militum quidem facere : etiam in seiiatu lusit Appium collegam propterea isse ad Caesarem, ut aliquem tribunatum auferret — , sed in alterum annum : id et Curtius ita volebat. Tu, quem ad modum me censes oportere esse et 4 in re publica et in nostris inimicitiis, ita et esse et fore auricula E 66 M. TULLII CICERONIS [xxxvi. 5 infima scito molliorem. Res Romanae se sic habebant : erat non nulla spes comitiorum, sed incerta : erat aliqua suspicio dictaturae, ne ea quidem certa : summum otium forense, sed senescentis magis civitatis quam acquiescentis, sententia autem nostra in senatu eius modi, magis ut alii nobis adsen- tiantur quam nosmet ipsi. XXXVI. (adFam. VII. 17.) CICERO TREBATIO SAL. 1 Ex tuis litteris et Quinto fratri gratias egi et te aliquando collaudare possum, quod iam videris certa aliqua in sententia constitisse. Nam primorum mensium litteris tuis vehementer commovebar, quod mihi interdum — pace tua dixerim — levis in urbis urbanitatisque desiderio, interdum piger, interdum timidus in labore militari, saepe autem etiam, quod a te alienissimum est, subimpudens videbare ; tamquam enim syngrapham ad imperatorem, non epistolam attulisses, sic pecunia ablata domum redire properabas, nee tibi in mentem veniebat eos ipsos, qui cum syngraphis venissent Alexan- 2 dream, nummum adhuc nullum auferre potuisse. Ego, si mei commodi rationem ducerem, te mecum esse maxime vellem ; non enim mediocri adficiebar vel voluptate ex con- suetudine nostra vel utilitate ex consilio atque opera tua; sed cum te ex adulescentia tua in amicitiam et fidem meam contulisses, semper te non modo tuendum mihi, sed etiam augendum atque ornandum putavi. Itaque quoad opinatus sum me in provinciam exiturum, quae ad te ultro detulerim, meminisse te credo ; postea quam ea mutata ratio est, cum viderem me a Caesare honorificentissime tractari et unice diligi hominisque liberalitatem incredibilem et singularem fidem nossem, sic ei te commendavi et tradidi, ut gravissime XXXVII.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAM. VII. i6. 67 diligentissimeque potui ; quod ille ita et accepit et niihi saepe litteris significavit et tibi et verbis et re ostendit mea com- mendatione sese valde esse commotum. Hunc tu virum nactus, si me aut sapere aliquid aut velle tua causa putas, ne dimiseris, et si quae te forte res aliquando offenderit, cum ille aut occupatione aut difficultate tardior tibi erit visus, perferto et ultima exspectato, quae ego tibi iucunda et 3 honesta praestabo. Pluribus te hortari non debeo : tantum moneo, neque amicitiae confirmandae clarissimi ac liberalis- simi viri neque uberioris provinciae neque aetatis magis idoneum tempus, si hoc amiseris, te esse ullum umquam reperturum. hoc, quern ad modum vos scribere soletis in vestris libris, idem q. cornelio videbatur. In Britanniam te profectum non esse gaudeo, quod et labore caruisti et ego te de rebus illis non audiam. Ubi sis hibernaturus et qua spe aut condicione, perscribas ad me velim. XXXVII. (ad Fam. VII. 16.) M. CICERO S. D. TREBATIO. In Equo Troiano scis esse in extremo ; 'Sero sapiunt' r Tu tamen, mi vetule, non sero. Primas illas rabiosulas sat fatuas dedisti : deinde quod in Britannia non nimis <^i\oQkisipov te praebuisti, plane reprehendo ; nunc vero in hibernis intac- tus mihi videris ; itaque te commovere non curas. Usquequaque sapere oportet : id erit telum acerrimum. Ego si foris cenitarem, Cn. Octavio, familiari tuo, non defuis- 2 sem ; cui tamen dixi, cum me aliquotiens invitaret : * Oro te, quis tu es?' sed mehercules, extra iocum, homo bellus est; vellem eum tecum abduxisses. Quid agatis et ecquid in 3 Italiam venturi sitis hac hieme, fac plane sciam. Balbus mihi confirmavit te divitem futurum : id utrum Romano more locutus sit, bene nummatum te futurum, an, quo modo Stoici dicunt, omnes esse divites, qui caelo et terra 68 M. TULLII CICERONIS [xxxviii. frui possint, postea videro. Qui istinc veniunt, superbiani tuam accusant, quod negent te percontantibus respondere ; sed tamen est quod gaudeas : constat enim inter omnes neminem te uno Samarobrivae iuris peritiorem esse. XXXVIII. (ad Fam. I. 9.) M. CICERO S. D. P. LENTULO IMP. 1 Periucundae mihi fuerunt litterae tuae, quibus intellexi te perspicere meam in te pietatem — quid enim dicam benevo- lentiam, cum illud ipsum gravissimum et sanctissimum nomen pietatis levius mihi meritis erga me tuis esse videatur ?— quod autem tibi grata mea erga te studia scribis esse, facis tu quidem abundantia quadam amoris, ut etiam grata sint ea, quae praetermitti sine nefario scelere non possunt, tibi autem niulto notior atque illustrior meus in te animus esset, si hoc tempore omni, quo diiuncti fuimus, et una et Romae fuis- 2 semus. Nam in eo ipso, quod te ostendis esse facturum quodque et in primis potes et ego a te vehementer exspecto, in sententiis senatoriis et in omni a^tione atque administra- tione rei pubUcae floruissemus — de qua ostendam equidem paulo post, qui sit meus sensus et status, et rescribam tibi ad ea, quae quaeris — , sed certe et ego te auctore amicissimo ac sapientissimo et tu me consiliario fortasse non imperitissimo, fideli quidem et benevolo certe, usus esses — quamquam tua quidem causa te esse imperatorem provinciamque bene gestis rebus cum exercitu victore obtinere, ut debeo, laetor — , sed certe qui tibi ex me fructus debentur, eos uberiores et prae- sentiores praesens capere potuisses ; in iis vero ulciscendis, quos tibi partim inimicos esse intellegis propter tuam pro- pugnationem salutis meae, partim invidere propter illius actionis ampHtudinem et gloriam, mirificum me tibi comitem praebuissem: quamquam ille perennis inimicus amicorum XXXVIII.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAM. I. 9. 69 suorum, qui tuis maximis beneficiis ornatus in te potissimuni fractam illam et debilitatam vim suam contulit, nostram vicem ultus est ipse sese ; ea est enim conatus, quibus patefactis nullam sibi in posterum non modo dignitatis, sed ne libertatis quidem partem reliquit. Te autem etsi mallem in meis rebus 3 expertum quam etiam in tuis, tamen in molestia gaudeo eam fidem cognosse hominum non ita magna mercede, quam ego maximo dolore cognoram 3 de qua ratione tota iam videtur mihi exponendi tempus dari, ut tibi rescribam ad ea, quae quaeris. Certiorem te per litteras scribis esse factum me cum Caesare 4 et cum Appio esse in gratia, teque id non reprehendere adscribis; Vatinium autem scire te velle ostendis quibus rebus adductus defenderim et laudarim. Quod tibi ut planius exponam, altius paulo rationem consiliorum meorum repetam necesse est. Ego me, Lentule, initio rerum atque actionum tuarum non solum meis, sed etiam rei publicae restitutum putabam, et, quoniam tibi incredibilem quendam amorem et omnia in te ipsum summa ac singularia studia deberem, rei publicae, quae te in me restituendo multum adiuvisset, eum certe me animum merito ipsius debere arbitrabar, quem antea tantum modo communi officio civium, non aliquo erga me singulari beneficio debitum praestitissem. Hac me mente fuisse et senatus ex me te consule audivit et tu in nostris sermonibus collocutioni- busque ipse vidisti. Etsi iam primis temporibus illis multis 5 rebus meus offendebatur animus, cum te agente de reliqua nostra dignitate aut occulta non nuUorum odia aut obscura in me studia cernebam ; nam neque de monumentis meis ab iis adiutus es, a quibus debuisti, neque de vi nefaria, qua cum fratre eram domo expulsus, neque hercule in iis ipsis rebus, quae, quamquam erant mihi propter rei familiaris naufragia necessariae, tamen a me minimi putabantur, in meis damnis 70 M. TULLII CICERONIS [xxxviii. ex auctoritate senatus sarciendis earn voluntatem, quam exspectaram, praestiterunt : quae cum viderem — neque erant obscura — , non tamen tarn acerba mihi haec accidebant, 6 quam erant ilia grata, quae fecerant ; itaque, quamquam et Pompeio plurimum, te quidem ipso praedicatore ac teste, debebam et eum non solum beneficio, sed amore etiam et perpetuo quodam iudicio meo diligebam, tamen non reputans, quid ille vellet, in omnibus meis sententiis de re publica 7 pristinis permanebam. Ego sedente Cn. Pompeio, cum, ut laudaret P. Sestium, introisset in urbem dixissetque testis Vatinius me fortuna et felicitate C. Caesaris commotum illi amicum esse coepisse, dixi me earn Bibuli fortunam, quam ille adflictam putaret, omnium triumphis victoriisque ante- ferre, dixique eodem teste alio loco, eosdem esse, qui Bibulum exire domo prohibuissent, et qui me coegissent : tota vero interrogatio mea nihil habuit nisi reprehensionem illius tribu- natus ; in quo omnia dicta sunt libertate animoque maximo S de vi, de auspiciis, de donatione regnorum, neque vero hac in causa modo, sed constanter saepe in senatu : quin etiam Marcellino et Philippo consulibus Nonis Aprilibus mihi est senatus adsensus, ut de agro Campano frequenti senatu Idibus Mails referretur ; num potui magis in arcem illius causae in- vadere aut magis oblivisci temporum meoruni, meminisse actionum ? Hac a me sententia dicta magnus animorum motus est factus cum eonim, quorum oportuit, tum illorum etiam, 9 quorum numquam putaram. Nam hoc senatus consulto in meam sententiam facto Pompeius, cum mihi nihil ostendisset se esse offensum, in Sardiniam et in Africam profectus est eoque itinere Lucam ad Caesarem venit ; ibi multa de mea sententia questus est Caesar, quippe qui etiam Ravennae Crassum ante vidisset ab eoque in me esset incensus. Sane moleste Pompeium id ferre constabat ; quod ego, cum audis- sem ex aliis, maxime ex meo fratre cognovi ; quem cum in XXXVIII.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAM. I. 9. 71 Sardinia Pompeius paucis post diebus, quam Luca discesserat, convenisset, * te ' inquit ' ipsum cupio ; nihil opportunius potuit accidere : nisi cum Marco fratre diligenter egeris,dcpendendum tibi est, quod mihi pro illo spopondisti ; ' quid multa ? questus est graviter : sua merita commemoravit ; quid egisset saepis- sime de actis Caesaris cum ipso meo fratre quidque sibi is de me recepisset, in memoriam redegit seque, quae de mea salute egisset, voluntate Caesaris egisse ipsum meum fratrem testatus est ; cuius causam dignitatemque mihi ut commendaret, roga- vit, ut earn ne oppugnarem, si nollem aut non possem tueri. Haec cum ad me frater pertulisset et cum tamen Pompeius 10 ad me cum mandatis Vibulium misisset, ut integrum mihi de causa Campana ad suum reditum reservarem, collegi ipse me et cum ipsa quasi re publica collocutus sum, ut mihi tam multa pro se perpesso atque perfuncto concederet, ut officium meum memoremque in bene meritos animum fidemque fratris mei praestarem, eumque, quem bonum civem semper habu- isset, bonum virum esse pateretur. In illis autem meis actionibus sententiisque omnibus, quae Pompeium videbantur offendere, certorum hominum, quos iam debes suspicari, ser- mones referebantur ad me, qui cum ilia sentirent in re publica, quae ego agebam, semperque sensissent, me tamen non satis facere Pompeio Caesaremque inimicissimum mihi futurum gaudere se aiebant ; erat hoc mihi dolendum, sed multo illud magis, quod inimicum meum — meum autem? immo vero legum, iudiciorum, otii, patriae, bonorum omnium — sic am- plexabantur, sic in manibus habebant, sic fovebant, sic me praesente osculabantur, non illi quidem ut mihi stomachum facerent, quem ego funditus perdidi, sed certe ut facere se arbitrarentur. Hie ego, quantum humano consilio efficere potui, circumspectis rebus meis omnibus rationibusque sub- ductis summam feci cogitationum mearum omnium, quam tibi, si potero, breviter exponam. 72 M. TULLII CICERONIS [xxxviii. J r Ego, si ab improbis et perditis civibus rem publicam teneii viderem, sicut et meis temporibus scimus et non nullis aliis accidisse, non modo praemiis, quae apud me minimum valent, sed ne periculis quidem compulsus uUis, quibus tamen moven- tur etiam fortissimi viri, ad eorum causam me adiungerem, ne si summa quidem eorum in me merita constarent ; cum autem in re publica Cn. Pompeius princeps esset vir, is, qui banc potentiam et gloriam maximis in rem publicam meritis praestantissimisque rebus gestis esset consecutus cuiusque ego dignitatis ab adulescentia fautor, in praetura autem et in consulatu adiutor etiam exstitissem, cumque idem auctoritate et sententia per se, consiliis et studiis tecum, me adiuvisset meumque inimicum unum in civitate haberet inimicum, non putavi famam inconstantiae mihi pertimescendam, si qui- busdam in sententiis paulum me immutassem meamque voluntatem ad summi viri de meque optime meriti dignitatem 1 2 aggregassem. In hac sententia complectendus erat mihii Caesar, ut vides, in coniuncta et causa et dignitate : hiq multum valuit cum vetus amicitia, quam tu non ignoras mihi et Quinto fratri cum Caesare fuisse, tum humanitas eius ac liberalitas brevi tempore et litteris et officiis perspecta nobis et cognita ; vehementer etiam res ipsa publica me movit, quae mihi videbatur contentionem, praesertim maximis rebus a Caesare gestis, cum illis viris nolle fieri et, ne fieret, vehe- menter recusare ; gravissime autem me in banc mentem impulit et Pompeii fides, quam de me Caesari dederat, et fratris mei, quam Pompeio ; erant praeterea haec animadvertenda in civitate, quae sunt apud Platonem nostrum scripta divinitus, quales in re publica principes essent, talis reliquos solera esse civis. Tenebam memoria nobis consulibus ea fundamenta iacta iam ex Kalendis lanuariis confirmandi senatus, ut neminem mirari oporteret Nonis Decembr. tantum vel animi fiaisse in illo ordine vel auctoritatis, idemque memineram nobis XXXVIII.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAM. I. 9. n privatis usque ad Caesarem et Bibulum consules, cum sententiae nostrae magnum in senatu pondus haberent, unum fere sensum fuisse bonorum omnium. Postea, cum tu His- 1 3 paniam citeriorem cum imperio obtineres neque res publica consules haberet, sed mercatores provinciarum et seditionum servos ac ministros, iecit quidam casus caput meum quasi certaminis causa in mediam contentionem dissensionemque civilem ; quo in discrimine cum mirifica senatus, incredibilis Italiae totius, singularis omnium bonorum consensio in me tuendo exstitisset, non dicam, quid acciderit — multorum est enim et varia culpa — , tantum dicam brevi, non mihi exer- citum, sed duces defuisse. In quo, ut iam sit in iis culpa, qui me non defenderunt, non minor est in iis, qui reliquerunt, et, si accusandi sunt, si qui pertimuerunt, magis etiam repre- hendendi, si qui se timere simularunt : illud quidem certe nostrum consilium iure laudandum est, qui meos civis et a me conservatos et me servare cupientis, spoliatos ducibus servis armatis obici noluerim declararique maluerim, quanta vis esse potuisset in consensu bonorum, si iis pro me stante pugnare licuisset, cum adflictum excitare potuissent ; quorum quidem animum tu non perspexisti solum, cum de me ageres, sed etiam confirmasti atque tenuisti. Qua in causa — non modo non 14 negabo, sed etiam semper et meminero et praedicabo libenter — usus es quibusdam nobilissimis hominibus fortioribus in me restituendo, quam fuerant idem in tenendo : qua in sententia si constare voluissent, suam auctoritatem simul cum salute mea recuperassent ; recreatis enim bonis viris consulatu tuo et constantissimis atque optimis actionibus tuis excitatis, Cn. Pompeio praesertim ad causam adiuncto, cum etiam Caesar rebus raaximis gestis singularibus ornatus et novis honoribus ac iudiciis senatus ad auctoritatem eius ordinis adiungeretur, nulli improbo civi locus ad rem publicam violandam esse potuisset. Sed attende, quaeso, quae sint consecuta: primum 15 74 M. TULLII CICERONIS [xxxviii. ilia furia muliebrium religlonum, qui non pluris fecerat Bonam deam quam tris sorores, impunitatem est illorum sententiis adsecutus, qui, cum tribunus pi. poenas a seditioso civi per bonos viros iudicio persequi vellet, exemplum praeclarissimum in posterum vindicandae seditionis de re publica sustulerunt ; idemque postea non meum monumentum — non enim illae manubiae meae, sed operis locatio mea fuerat — , monumentum vero senatus hostili nomine et cruentis inustum litteris esse passi sunt. Qui me homines quod salvum esse voluerunt, est mihi gratissimum ; sed vellem non solum salutis meae, quem ad modum medici, sed, ut aliptae, etiam virium et coloris rationem habere voluissent : nunc, ut Apelles Veneris caput et summa pectoris politissima arte perfecit, reliquam partem corporis incohatam reliquit, sic quidam homines in capite meo solum elaborarunt, reliquum corpus inperfectum ac rude i6 reliquerunt; in quo ego spem fefelli non modo invidorum, sed etiam inimicorum meorum, qui de uno acerrimo et for- tissimo viro meoque iudicio omnium magnitudine animi et constantia praestantissimo, Q. Metello L. f. quondam falsam opinionem acceperunt, quem post reditum dictitant fracto animo et demisso fuisse ; — est vero probandum, qui et summa voluntate cesserit et egregia animi alacritate afuerit neque sane redire curarit, eum ob id ipsum fractum fuisse, in quo cum omnis homines, turn M. ilium Scaurum, singularem virum, constantia et gravitate superasset ! — sed, quod de illo ac- ceperant aut etiam suspicabantur, de me idem cogitabant, abiectiore animo me futurum, cum res publica maiorem etiam mihi animum, quam umquam habuissem, daret, cum declaras- set se non potuisse me uno civi carere cumque Metellum unius tribuni pi. rogati.o, me universa res publica, duce senatu, comitante Italia, promulgantibus octo tribunis, referente consule, comitiis centuriatis, cunctis ordinibus, hominibus incumbentibus, omnibus denique suis viribus reciperavisset. XXXVIII.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAM. I. 9. 75 Neque vero ego mihi postea quicquam adsumpsi neque 17 hodie adsumo, quod quemquam malevolentissimum iure possit offendere : tantum enitor, ut neque amicis neque etiam alienioribus opera, consilio, labore desim. Hie meae vitae cursus offendit eos fortasse, qui splendorem et speciem huius vitae intuentur, sollicitudinem autem et laborem perspicere non possunt ; illud vero non obscure queruntur, in nieis sententiis, quibus ornem Caesarem, quasi desciscere me a pristina causa. Ego autem cum ilia sequor, quae paulo ante proposui, turn hoc non in postremis, de quo coeperam ex- ponere. Non offendes eundem bonorum sensum, Lentule, quem reliquisti, qui confirmatus consulatu nostro, non num- quam postea interruptus, adflictus ante te consulem, recreatus abs te, totus est nunc ab iis, a quibus tuendus fuerat, derelictus ; idque non solum fronte atque voltu, quibus simulatio facillime sustinetur, declarant ii, qui turn nostro illo statu optimates nominabantur, sed etiam sententia saepe iam tabellaque docuerunt ; itaque tota iam sapientium civium, qualem me et 18 esse et numerari volo, et sententia et voluntas mutata esse debet ; id enini iubet idem ille Plato, quem ego vehementer auctorem sequor, ' tantum contendere in re publica, quantum probare tuis civibus possis ; vim neque parenti nee patriae adferre oportere,' Atque banc quidem ille causam sibi ait non attingendae rei publicae fuisse, quod, cum offendisset populum Atheniensem prope iam desipientem senectute cum- que eum nee persuadendo nee cogendo regi posse vidisset, cum persuaderi posse diffideret, cogi fas esse non arbitraretur. Mea ratio fuit alia, quod neque desipiente populo nee integra re mihi ad consulendum capesseremne rem publicam impli- catus tenebar : sed laetatus tamen sum, quod mihi liceret in eadem causa et mihi utilia et cuivis bono recta defendere. Hue accessit commemoranda quaedam et divina Caesaris in me fratremque meum liberalitas : qui mihi, quascumque res 7& M. TULLII CICERONIS [xxxviii. gereret, tuendus esset, nunc in tanta felicitate tantisque vic- toriis, etiani si in nos non is esset, qui est, tamen ornandus videretur ; sic enim te existimare velim, cum a vobis, meae salutis auctoribus, discesserim, neminem esse, cuius officiis me tam esse devinctum non solum confitear, sed etiam gaudeam. 1 9 Quod quoniam tibi exposui, facilia sunt ea, quae a me de Vatinio et de Crasso requiris; nam de Appio quod scribis sicuti de Caesare te non reprehendere, gaudeo tibi consilium probari meum. De Vatinio autem, primum reditus inter- cesserat in gratiam per Pompeium, statim ut ille praetor est factus, cum quidem ego eius petitionem gravissimis in senatu sententiis oppugnassem, neque tam illius laedendi causa quam defendendi atque ornandi Catonis ; post autem Caesaris, ut ilium defenderem, mira contentio est consecuta. Cur autem laudarim, peto a te, ut id a me neve in hoc reo neve in aliis requiras, ne tibi ego idem reponam, cum veneris — tametsi possum vel absenti ; recordare enim, quibus laudationem ex ultimis terris miseris ; nee hoc pertimueris, nam a me ipso laudantur et laudabuntur idem — ; sed tamen defendendi Vatinii fuit etiam ille stimulus, de quo in iudicio, cum ilium defenderem, dixi me facere quiddam, quod in Eunucho para- situs suaderet militi : Ubi nominabit Phaedriam, tu Pamphilam Continuo ; si quando ilia dicet : ' Phaedriam Intro mittamus comissatum,' Pamphilam Cantatum provocemus ; si laudabit haec Illius formam, tu huius contra ; denique Par pro pari referto, quod eam mordeat. Sic petivi a iudicibus ut, quoniam quidam nobiles homines et de me optime meriti nimis amarent inimicum meum meque inspectante saepe eum in senatu modo severe seducerent, modo familiariter atque hilare amplexarentur, quoniamque illi XXXVIII.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAM. I. 9. 'jj haberent suum Publium, darent milii ipsi alium Publium, in quo possem illorum animos mediocriter lacessitus leviter repungere ; neque solum dixi, sed etiam saepe facio dis hominibusque approbantibus. Habes de Vatinio : cognosce de Crasso. Ego, cum mihi 20 cum illo magna iam gratia esset, quod eius omnis gravissimas iniurias communis concordiae causa voluntaria quadam oblivione contriveram, repentinam eius defensionem Gabinii, quem proximis [superioribus] diebus acerrime oppugnasset, tamen, si sine uUa mea contumelia suscepisset, tulissem ; sed cum me disputantem, non lacessentem laesisset, exarsi non solum praesenti, credo, iracundia — nam ea tarn vehemens fortasse non fuisset — , sed, cum inclusum illud odium multarum eius in me iniuriarum, quod ego effudisse me omne arbitrabar, residuum tamen insciente me fuisset, omne repente apparuit : quo quidem tempore ipso quidam homines, et idem illi, quos saepe fiutu significationeque appello, cum se maxi- mum fructum cepisse dicerent ex libertate mea meque turn denique sibi esse visum rei publicae, qualis fuissem, restitu- tum, cumque ea contentio mihi magnum etiam foris fructum tulisset, gaudere se dicebant mihi et ilium inimicum et eos, qui in eadem causa essent, numquam amicos futuros ; quorum iniqui sermones cum ad me per homines honestissimos per- ferrentur cumque Pompeius ita contendisset, ut nihil umquam magis, ut cum Crasso redirem in gratiam, Caesarque per litteras maxima se molestia ex ilia contentione adfectum ostenderet, habui non temporum solum rationem meorum, sed etiam naturae, Crassusque, ut quasi testata populo Romano esset nostra gratia, paene a meis Laribus in provinciam est profectus ; nam, cum mihi condixisset, cenavit apud me in mei generi Crassipedis hortis. Quam ob rem eius causam, quod te scribis audisse, magna illius commendatione suscep- tam defendi in senatu, sicut mea fides postulabat. 78 M. TULLII CICERONIS [xxxviii. 2 I Accepisti, quibus rebus adductus quamque rem causamque defenderim, quique meus in re publica sit pro mea parte capessenda status ; de quo sic velim statuas, me haec eadem sensurum fuisse, si mihi integra omnia ac libera fuissent : nam neque pugnandum arbitrarer contra tantas opes neque delen- dum, etiam si id fieri posset, summorum civium principatum nee permanendum in una sententia conversis rebus ac bonorum voluntatibus mutatis, sed temporibus adsentiendum ; numquam enim ifi praestantibus in re publica gubernanda viris laudata est in una sententia perpetua permansio, sed, ut in navigando tempestati obsequi artis est, etiam si portum tenere non queas, cum vero id possis mutata velificatione adsequi, stultum est eum tenere cum periculo cursum, quem ceperis, potius quam eo commutato quo velis tamen pervenire, sic, cum omnibus nobis in administranda re publica proposi- tum esse debeat id, quod a me saepissime dictum est, cum dignitate otium, non idem semper dicere, sed idem semper spectare debemus. Quam ob rem, ut paulo ante posui, si essent omnia mihi solutissima, tamen in re publica non alius essem, atque nunc sum ; cum vero in hunc sensum et alliciar beneficiis hominum et compellar iniuriis, facile patior ea me de re publica sentire ac dicere, quae maxime cum mihi turn etiam rei publicae rationibus putem conducere ; apertius autem haec ago ac saepius, quod et Quintus, frater meus, legatus est Caesaris et nullum meum minimum dictum, non modo factum, pro Caesare intercessit, quod ille non ita illustri gratia excep- erit, ut ego eum mihi devinctum putarem : itaque eius omni et gratia, quae summa est, et opibus, quas intellegis esse maximas, sic fruor, ut meis, nee mihi aliter potuisse videor hominum perditorum de me consilia frangere, nisi cum prae- sidiis iis, quae semper habui, nunc etiam potentium bene- volentiam coniunxissem. 2 2 His ego consiUis, si te praesentem habuissem, ut opinio xxxvilL] EPISTOLARUM AD FAM. I. 9. 79 mea feit, essem usus eisdem — novi enim temperantiam et moderationem naturae tuae, novi animum cum mihi amicissi- mum, turn nulla in ceteros malevolentia suffusum, contraque cum magnum et excelsum, tum etiam apertum et simplicem ; vidi ego quosdam in te talis, qualis tu eosdem in me videre potuisti : quae me moverunt, movissent eadem te profecto— ; sed, quocumque tempore mihi potestas praesentis tui fuerit, tu eris omnium moderator consiliorum meorum, tibi erit eidem, cui salus mea fuit, etiam dignitas curae : me quidem certe tuarum actionum, sententiarum, voluntatum, rerum denique omnium socium comitemque habebis, neque mihi in omni vita res tarn erit uUa proposita, quam ut cotidie vehe- mentius te de me optime meritum esse laetere. Quod rogas, ut mea tibi scripta mittam, quae post discessum 23 tuum scripserim, sunt orationes quaedam, quas Menocrito dabo, neque ita multae, ne pertimescas. Scripsi etiam — nam ab orationibus diiungo me fere referoque ad mansuetiores Musas, quae me maxime sicut iam a prima adulescentia de- lectarunt — scripsi igitur Aristotelio more, quern ad modum quidem volui, tris libros [in disputatione ac dialogo] 'de oratore/ quos arbitror Lentulo tuo fore non inutilis ; abhor- rent enim a communibus praeceptis et omnem antiquorum et Aristoteliam et Isocratiam rationem oratoriam complectuntur. Scripsi etiam versibus tris libros de temporibus meis, quos iam pridem ad te misissem, si esse edendos putassem — sunt enim testes et erunt sempiterni meritorum erga me tuorura meaeque pietatis — , sed [quia] verebar non eos, qui se laesos arbitrarentur — etenim id feci parce et moUiter — , sed eos, quos erat infinitum bene de me meritos omnis nominare ; quos tamen ipsos libros, si quern, cui recte committam, inven- ero, curabo ad te perferendos. Atque istam quidem partem yitae consuetudinisque nostrae totam ad te defero : quantum litteris, quantum studiis, veteribus nostris delectationibus, 8o M. TULLII CICERONIS [xxxviii. consequi poterimus, id omne ad arbitrium tuum, qui haec semper amasti, libentissime conferemus. 24 Quae ad me de tuis rebus domesticis scribis quaeque mihi commendas, ea tantae mihi curae sunt, ut me nolim admoneri, rogari vero sine magno dolore vix possim ; quod de Quinti fratris negotio scribis, te priore aestate, quod morbo impeditus in Ciliciam non transieris, conficere non potuisse, nunc autem omnia facturum, ut conficias, id scito esse eius modi, ut frater mens vere existimet adiuncto isto fundo patrimonium fore suum per te constitutum. Tu me de tuis rebus omnibus et de Lentuli tui nostrique studiis et exercitationibus velim quam familiarissime certiorem et quam saepissime facias existimesque neminem cuiquam neque cariorem neque iucundiorem um- quam fuisse quam te mihi idque me non modo ut tu sentias, sed ut omnes gentes, etiam ut posteritas omnis intellegat, esse facturum. 25 Appius in sermonibus antea dictitabat, postea dixit etiam in senatu palam, sese, si Hcitum esset legem curiatam ferre, sortiturum esse cum collega provincias ; si curiata lex non esset, se paraturum cum collega tibique successurum ; legem curiatam consuli ferri opus esse, necesse non esse ; se, quoniam ex senatus consulto provinciam haberet, lege Cornelia imper- ium habiturum, quoad in urbem introisset. Ego, quid ad te tuorum quisque necessariorum scribat, nescio ; varias esse opiniones intellego : sunt qui putant posse te non decedere, quod sine lege curiata tibi succedatur; sunt etiam, qui, si decedas, a te relinqui posse qui provinciae praesit. Mihi non tarn de iure certum est — quamquam ne id quidem valde dubium est — quam illud, ad tuam summam amplitudinem, dignitatem, libertatem, qua te scio libentissime frui solere, pertinere te sine uUa mora provinciam successori concedere, praesertim cum sine suspicione tuae cupiditatis non possis illius cupiditatem refutare ; ego utrumque meum puto esse, et quid sentiam ostendere et quod feceris defendere. XXXIX.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAM. VII. lo. 8i Scripta iam epistola superiore accepi tuas litteras de publica- 26 nis, in quibus aequitateni tuam non potui non probare ; facilitate quidem vellem consequi potuisses, ne eius ordinis, quern semper ornasti, rem aut voluntatem offenderes. Equi- dem non desinam tua decreta defendere ; sed nosti consue- tudinem hominum : scis, quam graviter inimici ipsi illi Q. Scaevolae fuerint ; tibi tamen sum auctor, ut, si quibus rebus possis, eum tibi ordinem aut reconcilies aut mitiges : id etsi difficile est, tamen mihi videtur esse prudentiae tuae. XXXIX. (ad Fam. VII. 10.) [M.] CICERO S. I). TREBATIO. Legi tuas litteras, ex quibus intellexi te Caesari nostro valde i iure consultum videri : est quod gaudeas te in ista loca venisse, ubi aliquid sapere viderere. Quod si in Britanniam quoque profectus esses, profecto nemo in ilia tanta insula peritior te fuisset. Verum tamen — rideamus licet : sum enim a te invitatus — subinvideo tibi, ultro te etiam arcessitum ab eo, ad quem ceteri non propter superbiam eius, sed propter occupationem adspirare non possunt. Sed tu in ista epistola 2 nihil mihi scripsisti de tuis rebus, quae mehercule mihi non minori curae sunt quam meae. Valde metuo ne frigeas in hibernis : quam ob rem camino luculento utendum censeo — idem Mucio et Manilio placebat — , praesertim qui sagis non abundares : quamquam vos nunc istic satis calere audio : quo quidem nuntio valde mehercule de te timueram. Sed tu in re militari multo es cautior quam in advocationibus, qui neque in Oceano natare volueris, studiosissimus homo natandi, neque spectare essedarios, quem antea ne andabata quidem defraudare poteramus. Sed iam satis iocati sumus. Ego de 3 te ad Caesarem quam diligenter scripserim, tute scis, quam saepe, ego : sed mehercule iam intermiseram, ne viderer F 82 M. TULLII CICERONIS [xL. liberalissimi hominis meique amantissimi voluntati erga me diffidere. Sed tamen iis litteris, quas proxime dedi, putavi ess.e hominem commonendum : id feci ; quid profecerim, facias me velim certiorem et simul de toto statu tuo con- siliisque omnibus ; scire enim cupio, quid agas, quid exspectes, quam longum istum tuum discessum a nobis futurum putes : 4 sic enim tibi persuadeas velim, unum mihi esse solacium, qua re facilius possim pati te esse sine nobis, si tibi esse id emolu- mento sciam : sin autem id non est, nihil duobus nobis est stultius : me, qui te non Romam attraham, te, qui non hue advoles ; una mehercule nostra vel severa vel iocosa con- gressio pluris erit quam non modo hostes, sed etiam fratres nostri Haedui. Qua re omnibus de rebus fac ut quam primum sciam : aut consolando aut consilio aut re iuvero. XL. (ad Fam. VII. i8.) CICERO TREBATIO SAL. 1 Accepi a te aliquot epistolas uno tempore, quas tu diversis temporibus dederas : in quibus me cetera delectarunt ; signi- ficabant enim te istam militiam iam firmo animo ferre et esse fortem virum et constantem ; quae ego paulisper in te ita desideravi, non imbecillitate animi tui, sed magis, ut desiderio nostri te aestuare putarem. Qua re perge, ut coepisti ; forti animo istam tolera militiam ; multa, mihi crede, assequere ; ego enim renovabo commendationem, sed tempore. Sic habeto, non tibi maiori esse curae, ut iste tuus a me discessus quam fructuosissimus tibi sit, quam mihi ; itaque, quoniam vestrae cautiones infirmae sunt, Graeculam tibi misi cautionem chirographi mei. Tu me velim de ratione Gallici belli certiorem facias ; ego enim ignavissimo cuique maximam 2 fidem habeo, Sed, ut ad epistolas tuas redeam, cetera belle ; XLL] EPISTOLARUM AD FAM. VII. 15. S3 illud miror : quis solet eodem exemplo plures dare, qui sua manu scribit? nam quod in palimpsesto^ laudo equidem parsimoniam ; sed miror, quid in ilia chartula fuerit, quod delere malueris quam haec non scribere, nisi forte tuas for- mulas ; non enim puto te meas epistolas delere, ut reponas tuas. An hoc significas, nihil fieri ? frigere te ? ne chartam quidem tibi suppeditare .? iam ista tua culpa est, qui verecun- diam tecum extuleris et non hie nobiscum reliqueris. Ego te 3 Balbo, cum ad vos proficiscetur, more Romano commendabo : tu, si intervallum longius erit mearum litterarum, ne sis admiratus ; eram enim afuturus mense Aprili. Has litteras scripsi in Pomptino, cum ad villam M. Aemilii Philemonis devertissem, ex qua iam audieram fremitum clientium meo- rum, quos quidem tu mihi conciliasti ; nam Ulubris honoris mei causa vim maximam ranunculorum se comm.osse con- stabat. Cura, ut valeas. vi. Id. April, de Pomptino. Epistolam tuam, quam accepi ab L. Arruntio, conscidi 4 innocentem ; nihil enim habebat, quod non vel in contione recte legi posset ; sed et Arruntius ita te mandasse aiebat et tu adscripseras. Verum illud esto : nihil te ad me postea scripsisse demiror, praesertim tam novis rebus. XLI. (ad Fam. VII. 15.) CICERO TREBATIO. Quam sint morosi, qui amant, vel ex hoc intellegi potest : i moleste ferebam antea te invitum istic esse ; pungit me rursus, quod scribis esse te istic libenter ; neque enim mea commenda- tione te non delectari facile patiebar et nunc angor quicquam tibi sine me esse iucundum ; sed hoc tamen malo ferre nos desiderium, quam te non ea, quae spero, consequi. Quod vero in C. Matii, suavissimi doctissimique hominis, familiarita- 84 M. TULLII CICERONIS [xlii.- tem venisti, non dici potest, quam valde gaudeam ; qui fac ut te quam maxime diligat : mihi crede, nihil ex ista provincia potes, quod iucundius sit, deportare. Cura, ut valeas. XLII. (adFam. VII. 14.) CICERO TREBATIO. 1 Clirysippus Vettius, Cyri architecti libertus, fecit, ut te non immemorem putarem mei; salutem enim verbis tuis mihi nuntiarat : valde iam lautus es, qui gravere litteras ad me dare, homini praesertim prope domestico. Quod si scribere oblitus es, minus multi iam te advocate causa cadent ; si nostri oblitus es, dabo operam, ut istuc veniam, ante quam plane ex animo tuo effluo : sin aestivorum timor te debilitat, aliquid excogita, 2 ut fecisti de Britannia. Illud quidem perlibenter audivi ex eodem Chrysippo, te esse Caesari familiarem ; sed mehercule mallem, id quod erat aequius, de tuis rebus ex tuis litteris quam saepissime cognoscerem : quod certe ita fieret, si tu maluisses benevolentiae quam litium iura perdiscere. Sed haec iocati sumus et tuo more et non nihil etiam nostro. Te valde amamus nosque a te amari cum volumus, tum etiam confidimus. XLIII. (ad Fam. II. i.) M. CICERO S. D. C. CURIONI. I Quamquam me nomine neglegentiae suspectum tibi esse doleo, tamen non tam mihi molestum fuit accusari abs te officium meum, quam iucundum requiri, praesertim cum, in quo accusabar, culpa vacarem, in quo autem desiderare te significabas meas litteras, prae te ferres perspectum mihi quidem, sed tamen dulcem et optatum amorem tuum. Equidem neminem praetermisi, quern quidem ad te per- venturum putarem, cui litteras non dederim ; etenim quis est XLIV.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAM. II. 5. 85 tarn vi scribendo impiger quam ego? a te vero bis terve summum et eas perbreves accepi. Qua re, si iniquus es in me index, condemnabo eodem ego te crimine ; sin me id facere noles, te mihi aequum praebere debebis. Sed de litteris hactenus ; non enim vereor, ne non scribendo te expleam, praesertim si in eo genere studium meum non aspernabere. Ego te afuisse tam diu a nobis et dolui, quod carui fructu 2 iucundissimae consuetudinis, et laetor, quod absens omnia cum maxima dignitate es consecutus quodque in omnibus tuis rebus meis optatis fortuna respondit. Breve est, quod me tibi praecipere mens incredibilis in te amor cogit : tanta est exspectatio vel animi vel ingenii tui, ut ego te obsecrare obtestarique non dubitem, sic ad nos confirmatus revertare, ut, quam exspectationem tui concitasti, banc sustinere ac tueri possis ; et quoniam meam tuorum erga me meritorum me- moriam nulla umquam delebit oblivio, te rogo, ut memineris, quantaecumque tibi accessiones fient et fortunae et dignitatis, eas te non potuisse consequi, ni meis puer olim fidelissimis atque amantissimis consiliis paruisses. Qua re hoc animo in nos esse debebis, ut aetas nostra iam ingravescens in amore atque in adulescentia tua conquiescat. XLIV. (ad Fam. II. 5.) M. CICERO S. D. C. CURIONI. Haec negotia quo modo se habeant, ne epistola quidem i narrare audeo. Tibi, etsi, ubicumque es, ut scripsi ad te ante, in eadem es navi, tamen, quod abes, gratulor, vel quia non vides ea, quae nos, vel quod excelso et illustri loco sita est laus tua in plurimorum et sociorum et civiuni conspectu, quae ad nos nee obscuro nee vario sermone, sed et clarissima et una omnium voce perfertur. Unum illud nescio, gratulerne tibi 2 an timeam, quod mirabilis est exspectatio reditus tui : non quo 86 M. TULLII CICERONIS [xlv. verear, ne tua virtus opinion! hominum non respondeat, sed mehercule, ne, cum veneris, non habeas iam, quod cures : ita sunt omnia debilitata et iam prope exstincta. Sed haec ipsa nescio rectene sint litteris commissa ; qua re cetera cognosces ex aliis. Tu tamen, sive habes aliquam spem de re publica sive desperas, ea para, meditare, cogita, quae esse in eo civi ac viro debent, qui sit rem publicam adflictam et oppressam miseris temporibus ac perditis moribus in veterem dignitatem et libertatem vindicaturus. XLV. (ad Fam. 11. 6.) M. CICERO S. D. C. CURIONI. 1 Nondum erat auditum te ad Italiam adventare, cum Sex. Villium, Milonis mei familiarem, cum his ad te litteris misi ; sed tamen, cum appropinquare tuus adventus putaretur et te iam ex Asia Romam versus profectum esse constaret, magnitude rei fecit, ut non vereremur, ne nimis cito mitteremus, cum has quam primum ad te perferri litteras magno opere vellemus. Ego, si mea in te essent officia solum. Curio, — tanta, quanta magis a te ipso praedicari quam a me ponderari solent — , verecundius a te, si quae magna res mihi petenda esset. con- tenderem ; grave est enim homini pudenti petere aliquid magnum ab eo, de quo se bene meritum putet, ne id, quod petat, exigere magis quam rogare et in mercedis potius quam 2 beneficii loco numerare videatur; sed quia tua in me vel nota omnibus vel ipsa novitate meorum temporum clarissima et maxima beneficia exstiterunt estque animi ingenui, cui multum debeas, eidem plurimum velle debere, non dubitavi id a te per litteras petere, quod mihi omnium esset maximum maximeque necessarium ; neque enim sum veritus, ne sustinere tua in me vel innumerabilia non possem, cum praesertim confiderem nullam esse gratiam tantam, quam non vel capere animus meus XLV.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAM. II. 6. Sy in accipiendo vel in remunerando cumulate atque illustrare posset. Ego omnia mea studia, omnem operam, curam, industriam, 3 cogitationem, mentem denique omnem in Milonis consulatu fixi et locavi statuique in eo me non officii solum fructum, sed etiam pietatis laudem debere quaerere ; neque vero cuiquam salutem ac fortunas suas tantae curae fuisse umquam puto, quantae mihi est honos eius, in quo omnia mea posita esse decrevi : huic te unum tanto adiumento esse, si volueris, posse intellego, ut nihil sit praeterea nobis requirendum. Habemus haec omnia : bonorum studium conciliatum ex tiibunatu propter nostram, ut spero te intellegere, causam, vulgi ac multitudinis propter magnificentiam munerum liberalitatemque naturae, iuventutis et gratiosorum in suffragiis studia propter ipsius excellentem in eo genere vel gratiam vel diligentiam, nostram suffragationem, si minus potentem, at probatam tamen et iustam et debitam et propterea fortasse etiam gratiosam ; dux nobis et auctor opus est et eorum ventorum, 4 quos proposui, moderator quidam et quasi gubernator, qui si ex omnibus unus optandus esset, quem tecum conferre posse- mus, non haberemus. Quam ob rem, si me memorem, si gratum, si bonum virum vel ex hoc ipso, quod tam vehementer de Milone laborem, existimare potes, si dignum denique tuis beneficiis iudicas, hoc a te peto, ut subvenias huic meae sollicitudini et huic meae laudi vel, ut verius dicam, prope saluti tuum studium dices. De ipso T. Annio tantum tibi poUiceor, te maioris animi, gravitatis, constantiae benevolen- tiaeque erga te, si complecti hominem volueris, habiturum esse neminem ; mihi vero tantum decoris, tantum dignitatis adiunxeris, ut eundem te facile agnoscam fuisse in laude mea, qui fueris in salute. Ego ni te videre scirem, cum ad te haec 5 scriberem, quantum officii sustinerem, quanto opere mihi esset in hac petitione Milonis omni non modo contentione, sed 88 M. TULLII CICERONIS [XLVI. etiam dimicatione elaborandum, plura scriberem : nunc tibi omnem rem atque causam meque totum commendo atque trado. Unum hoc sic habeto : si a te banc rem impetraro, me paene plus tibi quam ipsi Miloni debiturum ; non enim mihi tam mea salus cara fuit, in qua praecipue sum ab illo adiutus, quam pietas erit in referenda gratia iucunda : earn auteni unius tuo studio me adsequi posse confido. XLVI. (ad Fam. III. 2.) M. CICERO PROCOS. S. D. APPIO PULCHRO IMP. 1 Cum et contra voluntatem meam et praeter opinionem accidisset, ut mihi cum imperio in provinciam proficisci necesse esset, in multis et variis molestiis cogitationibusque meis haec una consolatio occurrebat, quod neque tibi amicior, quam ego sum, quisquam posset succedere neque ego ab ullo provinciam accipere, qui mallet eam quam maxime mihi aptam explicatamque tradere ; quod si tu quoque eandem de mea voluntate erga te spem habes, ea te profecto numquam fallet. A te maximo opere pro nostra summa coniunctione tuaque singulari humanitate etiam atque etiam quaeso et peto, ut, quibuscumque rebus poteris — poteris autem plurimis — , prospicias et consulas rationibus meis. Vides ex senatus 2 consulto provinciam esse habendam : si eam, quod eius facere potueris, quam expeditissimam mihi tradideris, facilior erit mihi quasi decursus mei temporis. Quid in eo genere efficere possis, tui consilii est : ego te, quod tibi veniet in mentem mea interesse, valde rogo. Pluribus verbis ad te scriberem, si aut tua humanitas longiorem orationem exspectaret aut id fieri nostra amicitia pateretur aut res verba desideraret ac non pro se ipsa loqueretur : hoc velim tibi persuadeas, si rationibus meis provisum a te esse intellexero, magnam te ex eo et per- petuam voluptatem esse capturum. XLVIL] EPISTOLARUM AD FAM. III. 3. 89 XLVII. (ad Fam. III. 3.) M. CICERO S. D. AP. PULCHRO. A, d. XI. Kalendas lunias Brundisium cum venissem, Q. i Fabius Vergilianus, legatus tuus, mihi praesto fuit eaque me ex tuis mandatis monuit, quae non mihi, ad quern pertinebant, sed universo senatui venerant in mentem, praesidio firmiore opus esse ad istam provinciam • censebant enim omnes fere, ut in Italia supplementum meis et Bibuli legionibus scribere- tur : id cum Sulpicius consul passurum se negaret, multa nos quideni questi sumus, sed tantus consensus senatus fuit, ut mature proficisceremur, parendum ut fuerit \ itaque fecimus. Nunc, quod a te petii litteris iis, quas Romae tabellariis tuis dedi, velim tibi curae sit, ut, quae successori coniunctissimo et amicissimo commodare potest is, qui provinciam tradit, ut ea pro nostra consociatissima voluntate cura ac diligentia tua com- plectare, ut omnes intellegant nee me benevolentiori cuiquam succedere nee te amiciori potuisse provinciam tradere. Ex iis 2 litteris, quarum ad me exemplum misisti, quas in senatu recitari voluisti, sic intellexeram, permultos a te milites esse dimissos ; sed mihi Fabius idem demonstravit te id cogitasse facere, sed, cum ipse a te discederet, integrum militum numerum fuisse : id si ita est, pergratum mihi feceris, si istas exiguas copias, quas habuisti, quam minime imminueris : qua de re senatus consulta, quae facta sunt, ad te missa esse arbitror. Equidem pro eo, quanti te facio, quicquid feceris, approbabo, sed te quoque confido ea facturum, quae mihi intelleges maxime esse accommodata. Ego C. Pomptinum, legatum meum, Brundisii exspectabam eumque ante Kalendas lunias Brundi- sium venturum arbitrabar ; qui cum venerit, quae primum navigandi nobis facultas data erit, utemur. 90 M. TULLII CICERONIS [xlviii. XLVIII. (ad Fam. XIII. i.) M. CICERO S. D. C. MEMMIO. 1 Etsi non satis mihi constiterat, cum aliquane animi mei molestia an potius libenter te Athenis visurus essem, quod iniuria, quam accepisti, dolore me adficeret, sapientia tua, qua fers iniuriam, laetitia, tamen vidisse te mallem ; nam quod est molestiae, non sane multo levius est, cum te non video ; quod esse potuit voluptatis, certe, si vidissem te, plus fuisset. Itaque non dubitabo dare operam, ut te videam, cum id satis commode facere potero : interea, quod per litteras et agi tecum et, ut arbitror, confici potest, agam nunc. 2 Ac te illud primum rogabo, ne quid invitus mea causa facias, sed id, quod mea intelleges multum, tua nuUam in partem interesse, ita mihi des, si tibi, ut id libenter facias, ante persuaseris. Cum Patrone Epicureo mihi omnia sunt, nisi quod in philosophia vehementer ab eo dissentio; sed et initio Romae, cum te quoque et tuos omnes observabat, me coluit in primis, et nuper, cum ea, quae voluit, de suis com- modis et praemiis consecutus est, me habuit suorum defen- sorum et amicorum fere principem et iam a Phaedro, qui nobis, cum pueri essemus, ante quam Philonem cognovimus, valde ut philosophus, postea tamen ut vir bonus et suavis et ofificiosus probabatur, traditus mihi commendatusque est : is 3 igitur Patro cum ad me Romam litteras misisset, uti te sibi placarem peteremque, ut nescio quid illud Epicuri parieti- narum sibi concederes, nihil scripsi ad te ob eam rem, quod aedificationis tuae consilium commendatione mea nolebam impediri ; idem, ut veni Athenas, cum idem ad te scriberem rogasset, ob eam causam impetravit, quod te abiecisse illam aedificationem constabat inter omnes amicos tuos. 4 Quod si ita est et si iam tua plane nihil interest, velim, si qua offensiuncula facta est animi tui perversitate aliquorum — XLVili]. EPISTOLARUM AD FAM. XIII. i. 91 novi enim gentem illam — , des te ad lenitatem vel propter summam tuam humanitatem vel etiam honoris mei causa. Equidem, si, quid ipse sentiam, quaeris, nee cur ille tanto opere contendat video, nee cur tu repugnes ; nisi tamen multo minus tibi concedi potest quam illi laborare sine causa ; quamquam Patronis et orationem et causam tibi cognitam esse certo scio : lionoreni, officium, testamentorum ius, Epicuri auctoritatem, Phaedri obtestationem, sedem, domi- cilium, vestigia summorum hominum sibi tuenda esse dicit. Totam hominis vitam rationemque, quam sequitur in philo- sophia, derideamus licet, si banc eius contentionem volumus reprehendere ; sed fnehercules, quoniam illi ceterisque, quos ilia delectant, non valde inimici sumus, nescio an ignoscendum sit huic, si tanto opere laborat ; in quo etiamsi peccat, magis ineptiis quam improbitate peccat. Sed, ne plura — dicendum enim aliquando est — , Pompo- 5 nium Atticum sic amo, ut alterum fratrem ; nihil est illo mihi nee carius nee iucundius : is — non quo sit ex istis ; est enim omni liberal! doctrina politissimus : sed valde diligit Patronem, valde Phaedrum amavit — sic a me hoc contendit, homo minima ambitiosus, minime in rogando molestus, ut nihil umquam magis, nee dubitat, quin ego a te nutu hoc con- sequi possem, etiam si aedificaturus esses \ nunc vero, si audierit te aedificationem deposuisse neque tamen me a te impetrasse, non te in me illiberalem, sed me in se neglegentem 6 putabit. Quam ob rem peto a te, ut scribas ad tuos posse tua voluntate decretum illud Areopagitarum, quem vnoixvq- ixaria-ixov illi vocant, tolli. Sed redeo ad prima : prius velim tibi persuadeas, ut hoc mea causa libenter facias, quam ut facias ; sic tamen habeto : si feceris, quod rogo, fore mihi gratissimum. Vale. 92 M. TULLII CICERONIS [xlix. XLIX. (ad Fam. II. 8.) M. CICERO PROCOS. S. D. M. CAELIO. 1 Quid ? tu me hoc tibi mandasse existimas, ut mihi gladiato- rum compositiones, ut vadimonia dilata et Chresti compila- tionem mitteres et ea, quae nobis, cum Romae sumus, narrare nemo audeat ? vide, quantum tibi meo iudicio tribuam — nee mehercule iniuria ; TroAcrj/cwre/oov enim te adhuc neminem cognovi — : ne ilia quidem euro mihi scribas, quae maximis in rebus rei publicae geruntur cotidie, nisi quid ad me ipsuni pertinebit; scribent alii, multi nuntiabunt, perferet multa etiam ipse rumor ; qua re ego nee praeterita nee praesentia abs te, sed, ut ab homine longe in posterum prospiciente, futura exspecto, ut, ex tuis litteris cum formam rei publicae 2 viderim, quale aedificium futurum sit, scire possim. Neque tamen adhuc habeo, quod te accusem ; neque enim fuit, quod tu plus providere posses quam quivis nostrum in primisque ego, qui cum Pompeio compluris dies nullis in aliis nisi de re publica sermonibus versatus sum : quae nee possunt scribi nee scribenda sunt; tantum habeto, civem egregium esse Pompeium et ad omnia, quae providenda sunt in re publica, et animo et consilio paratum. Qua re da te homini : complec- tetur, mihi crede ; iam idem illi et boni et mali cives videntur, 3 qui nobis videri solent. Ego cum Athenis decem ipsos dies fuissem multumque mecum Callus noster Caninius, proficisce- bar inde pridie Nonas Quintilis, cum hoc ad te litterarum dedi. Tibi cum omnia mea commendatissima esse cupio, tum nihil magis quam ne tempus nobis provinciae prorogetur: in eo mihi sunt omnia. Quod quando et quo modo et per quos agendum sit, tu optime constitues. L.] EPISTOLARUM AD ATT. V. i6. 93 L. (ad Att. V. 16.) CICERO ATTICO SAL. Etsi in ipso itinere et via discedebant publicanorum tabel- i larii et eramus in cursu, tamen surripiendum aliquid putavi spatii, ne me immemorem mandati tui putares ; itaque sub- sedi in ipsa via, dum haec, quae longiorem desiderant orationem, summatim tibi perscriberem. Maxima exspecta- 2 tione in perditam et plane eversam in perpetuum provinciam nos venisse scito pridie Kal. Sextilis, moratos triduum Laodiceae, triduum Apameae, totidem dies Synnade. Audi- vimus nihil ahud nisi imperata e7rtK€aAta solvere non posse, wvas omnium venditas, civitatum gemitus, ploratus, monstra quaedam non hominis, sed ferae nescio cuius immanis : quid quaeris ? taedet omnino vitae. Levantur tamen miserae 3 civitates, quod nuUus fit sumptus in nos neque in legatos neque in quaestorem neque in quemquam : scito non modo nos foenum aut quod lege lulia dari solet non accipere, sed ne ligna quidem, nee praeter quattuor lectos et tectum quem- quam accipere quicquam, multis locis ne tectum quidem, et in tabernaculo manere plerumque. Itaque incredibilem in modum concursus fiunt ex agris, ex vicis, ex domibus omnibus ; mehercule etiam adventu nostro reviviscunt : iustitia, abstinentia, dementia tui Ciceronis [itaque] opiniones omnium superavit. Appius, ut audivit nos venire, in ultimam 4 provinciam se coniecit Tarsum usque ; ibi forum agit. De Partho silentium est, sed tamen concisos equites nostros a barbaris nuntiabant ii, qui veniebant. Bibulus ne cogitabat quidem etiam nunc in provinciam suam accedere ; id autem facere ob eam causam dicebant, quod tardius vellet decedere. Nos in castra properabamus, quae aberant bidui. 94 M. TULLII CICERONIS [li. LI. (ad Fam. III. 6.) M. CICERO S. D. AP. PULCHRO. 1 Cum meum factum cum tuo compare, etsi non magis mihi faveo in nostra amicitia tuenda quam tibi, tamen multo magis meo facto delector quam tuo. Ego enim Brundisii quaesivi ex Phania — cuius mihi videbar et fidelitatem erga te per- spexisse et nosse locum, quem apud te is teneret — , quam in partem provinciae maxime putaret te velle ut in succedendo primum venirem ; cum ille mihi respondisset nihil me tibi gratius facere posse, quam si ad Sidam navigassem, etsi minus dignitatis habebat ille adventus et ad multas res mihi minus 2 erat aptus, tamen ita me dixi esse facturum. Idem ego cum L. Clodium Corcyrae convenissem, hominem ita tibi con- iunctum, ut mihi, cum illo cum loquerer, tecum loqui viderer, dixi ei me ita facturum esse, ut in earn partem, quam Phania rogasset, primum venirem ; tunc ille, mihi cum gratias egisset, magno opere a me petivit, ut Laodiceam protinus irem ; te in prima provincia velle esse, ut quam primum decederes ; quin, nisi ego successor essem, quem tu cuperes videre, te antea, quam tibi successum esset, decessurum fuisse — quod quidem erat consentaneum cum iis litteris, quas ego Romae acceperam, ex quibus perspexisse mihi videbar, quam festi- nares decedere — ; respondi Clodio me ita esse facturum ac multo quidem libentius quam si illud esset faciendum, quod pro- miseram Phaniae : itaque et consilium mutavi et ad te statim mea manu scriptas litteras misi, quas quidem ex tuis litteris intellexi satis mature ad te esse perlatas. 3 Hoc ego meo facto valde delector ; nihil enim potuit fieri amantius. Considera nunc vicissim tuum. Non mode ibi non fuisti, ubi me quam primum videre posses, sed eo dis- cessisti, quo ego te ne persequi quidem possem triginta LI.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAM. III. 6. 95 diebus, qui tibi ad decedendum lege, ut opinor, Cornelia con- stituti essent, ut tuum factum //>, qui, quo animo inter nos simus, ignorent, alieni homini.s, ut levissime dicam, et fugientis congressum, meura vero coniunctissirai et amicissimi esse videatur. Ac mihi tamen, ante quam in provinciam 4 veni, redditae sunt a te litterae, quibus etsi te Tarsum pro- ficisci demonstrabas, tamen mihi non dubiam spem mei con- veniendi adferebas, cum interea, credo equidem, malevoli homines — late enim patet hoc vitium et est in multis — , sed tamen probabilem materiem nacti sermonis, ignari raeae con- stantiae, conabantur alienare a te voluntatem meam : qui te forum Tarsi agere, statuere multa, decernere, iudicare dicerent, cum posses iam suspicari tibi esse successum, quae ne ab iis quidem fieri solerent, qui brevi tempore sibi succedi putarent. Horum ego sermone non movebar, quin etiam, credas 5 mihi velim, si quid tu ageres, levari me putabam molestia et ex annua provincia — quae mihi longa videtur — prope iam undecim mensium provinciam factam esse gaudebam, si absenti mihi unius mensis labor detractus esset : illud — vera dicam — me movet, in tanta militum paucitate abesse tris cohortis, quae sint plenissimae, nee me scire ubi sint ; moles- tissime autem fero, quod, te ubi visurus sim, nescio, eoque ad te tardius scripsi, quod cotidie te ipsum exspectabam : cum interea ne litteras quidem ullas accepi, quae me docerent, quid ageres aut ubi te visurus essem. Itaque virum fortem mihique in primis probatum, D. Antonium, praefectum evocatorum, misi ad te, cui, si tibi videretur, cohortes traderes, ut, dum tempus anni esset idoneum, aliquid negotii gerere possem ; in quo, tuo consilio ut me sperarem esse usurum, et amicitia nostra et litterae tuae fecerant, quod ne nunc quidem despero : sed plane, quando aut ubi te visurus sim, nisi ad me scripseris, ne suspicari quidem possum. Ego, 6 96 M. TULLII CICERONIS [lit. ut me tibi amicissimum esse et aequi et iniqui intellegant, curabo : de tuo in me animo iniquis secus existimandi videris non nihil loci dedisse ; id si correxeris, mihi valde gratum erit. Et, ut habere rationem possis, quo loco me salva lege Cornelia convenias, ego in provinciam veni pridie Kal. Sextilis ; iter in Ciliciam facie per Cappadociam ; castra movi ab Iconio pridie Kalendas Septembris. Nunc tu et ex diebus et ex ratione itineris, si putabis me esse con- veniendum, constitues, quo loco id commodissime fieri possit et quo die. LII. (ad Fam. II. 7.) M. CICERO IMP. S. D. C. CURIONI TR. PL. 1 Sera gratulatio reprehendi non solet, praesertim si nulla neglegentia praetermissa est — longe enim absum, audio sero — ; sed tibi et gratulor et, ut sempiternae laudi tibi sit iste tribunatus, exopto teque hortor, ut omnia gubernes et moderere prudentia tua, ne te auferant aliorum consilia : nemo est qui tibi sapientius suadere possit te ipso ; numquam labere, si te audies. Non scribo hoc temere : cui scribam, video ; novi animum, novi consilium tuum ; non vereor, ne quid timide, ne quid stulte facias, si ea defendes, quae ipse 2 recta esse senties. Quod in rei publicae tempus non incideris, sed veneris — iudicio enim tuo, non casu in ipsum discrimen rerum contulisti tribunatum tuum — , profecto vides 3 quanta vis in re publica temporum sit, quanta varietas rerum, quam incerti exitus, quam flexibiles hominum voluntates, quid insidiarum, quid vanitatis in vita, non dubito quin cogites. Sed, amabo te, cura et cogita nihil novi, sed illud idem, quod initio scripsi : tecum loquere, te adhibe in consilium, te audi, tibi obtempera. Alteri qui riielius consilium dare possit quam tu non facile inveniri potest ; tibi vero ipsi certe LIIL] EPISTOLARUM AD FAM. XV. 4. 97 nemo melius dabit. Di immortales ! cur ego no7i adsum vel spectator laudum tuarum vel particeps vel socius vel minister consiliorum ? tametsi hoc minime tlbi deest sed tamen efficeret magnitudo et vis amoris mei, consilio te ut possem iuvare. Scribam ad te plura alias ; paucis enim diebus eram 3 missurus domesticos tabellarios, ut, quoniam sane feliciter et ex mea sententia rem publicam gessimus, unis litteris totius aestatis res gestas ad senatum perscriberem. De sacerdotio tuo quantam curam adhibuerim, quamquam difificili in re atque causa, cognosces ex iis litteris, quas Thrasoni, liberto tuo, dedi. Te, mi Curio, pro tua incredibili in me benevo- 4 lentia meaque item in te singulari rogo atque oro, ne patiare quicquam mihi ad hanc provincialem molestiam temporis prorogari. Praesens tecum egi, cum te tribunum pi. isto anno fore non putarem, itemque petivi saepe per litteras, sed tum quasi a senatore nobilissimo, adulescente etiam gratiosissimo, nunc a tribuno pi, et a Curione tribuno : non ut decernatur aliquid novi — quod solet esse difficilius — , sed ut ne quid novi decernatur, ut et senati consultum et leges defendas eaque mihi condicio maneat, qua profectus sum : hoc te vehementer etiam atque etiam rogo. LI 1 1, (ad Fam. XV. 4.) M. CICERO IMP. S. D. M. CATONI. Summa tua auctoritas fecit meumque perpetuum de tua sin- i gulari virtute iudicium, ut magni mea interesse putarem et res eas, quas gessissem, tibi notas esse et non ignorari a te, qua aequitate et continentia tuerer socios provinciamque administrarem ; iis enim a te cognitis arbitrabar facilius me tibi, quae vellem, probaturum. G 98 M. TULLII CICERONIS [liii. 2 Cum in provinciam pr. K. Sext. venissem et propter anni tempus ad exercitum niihi confestim esse eundum videreni, biduum Laodiceae fui, deinde Apameae quadriduum, triduum Synnadis, totidem dies Philomelii : quibus in oppidis cum magni conventus fuissent, multas civitates acerbissimis tributis et gravissimis usuris et falso acre alieno liberavi. Cumque ante adventum meum seditione quadam exercitus esset dis- sipatus, quinque cohortes sine legato, sine tribuno militum, denique etiam sine centurione ullo apud Philomelium conse- dissent, reliquus exercitus esset in Lycaonia, M. Anneio legato imperavi, ut eas quinque cohortes, ad reliquum exer- citum duceret coactoque in unum locum exercitu castra in 3 Lycaonia apud Iconium faceret. Quod cum ab illo diligenter esset actum, ego in castra a. d. vii. K. Sept. veni, cum interea superioribus diebus ex senatus consulto et evocatorum firmam manum et equitatum sane idoneum et populorum liberorum regumque sociorum auxilia voluntaria comparavissem. Interim, cum exercitu lustrato iter in Ciliciam facere coepis- sem, ///. K. Sept. legati a rege Commageno ad me missi pertumultuose, neque tamen non vere, Parthos in Syriam 4 transisse nuntiaverunt : quo audito vehementer sum com- motus cum de Syria, tum de mea provincia, de reliqua denique Asia. Itaque exercitum mihi ducendum per Cap- padociae regionem eam, quae Ciliciam attingeret, putavi; nam si me in Ciliciam demisissem, Ciliciam quidem ipsam propter montis Amani naturam facile tenuissem — duo sunt enim aditus in Ciliciam ex Syria, quorum uterque parvis praesidiis propter angustias intercludi potest, nee est quicquam Cilicia contra Syriam munitius- — , sed me Cappadocia movebat, quae patet a Syria regesque habet finitimos, qui etiamsi sunt clam amici nobis, tamen aperte Parthis inimici esse non audent. Itaque in Cappadocia extrema non longe a Tauro apud oppidum Cybistra castra feci, ut et Ciliciam LiTi.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAM. XV. 4. 99 tuerer et Cappadociam tenens nova finitiniorum consilia impedirem. Interea in hoc tan to motu tantaque exspecta- 5 tione maximi belli rex Deiotarus, cui non sine causa plurimum semper et meo et tuo et senatus iudicio tributum est, vir cum benevolentia et fide erga populum Romanum singulari, turn praestanti magnitudine et animi et consilii, legates ad me misit se cum omnibus suis copiis in mea castra esse ven- turum; cuius ego studio officioque commotus egi ei per litteras gratias idque ut maturaret hortatus sum. Cum autem 6 ad Cybistra propter rationem belli quinque dies essem moratus, regem Ariobarzanem, cuius salutem a senatu te auctore com- mendatam habebam, pracsentibus insidiis necopinantem liberavi, neque solum ei saluti fui, sed etiam curavi, ut cum auctoritate regnaret : Metram et eum, quem tu mihi diligenter commendaras, Athenaeum, importunitate Athenaidis exsilio multatos, in maxima apud regem auctoritate gratiaque con- stitui, cumque magnum bellum in Cappadocia concitaretur, si sacerdos armis se, quod facturus putabatur, defenderet, adulescens et equitatu et peditatu et pecunia paratus et tot sociis, qui novari aliquid volebant, perfeci, ut e regno ille discederet rexque sine tumultu ac sine armis omni auctoritate aulae communita regnum cum dignitate obtineret. Interea cognovi multorum litteris atque nuntiis magnas 7 Parthorum copias et Arabum ad oppidum Antiochiam accessisse magnumque eorum equitatum, qui in Ciliciam transisset, ab equitum meorum turmis et a cohorte praetoria, quae erat Epiphaniae praesidii causa, occidione occisum. Qua re cum viderem a Cappadocia Parthorum copias aversas nonlonge afinibus esse Ciliciae, quam potui maximis itineribus ad Amanum exercitum duxi. Quo ut veni, hostem ab Antiochia recessisse, Bibulum Antiochiae esse cognovi ; Deiotarum confestim iam ad me venientem cum magno et firmo equitatu et peditatu et cum omnibus suis copiis loo M. TULLII CICERONIS [liii. certiorem feci non videri esse causam, cur abesset a regno, meque ad eum, si quid novi forte accidisset, statim litteras 8 nuntiosque missurum esse ; cumque eo animo venissem, ut utrique provinciae, si ita tempus ferret, subvenirem, turn id, quod iam ante statueram vehementer interesse utriusque pro- vinciae, pacare Amanum et perpetuum hostem ex eo monte tollere, agere perrexi ; cumque me discedere ab eo monte simulassem et alias partes Ciliciae petere abessemque ab Amano iter unius diei et castra apud Epiphaniam fecissem, a. d. IV. Id. Oct., cum advesperasceret, expedite exercitu ita noctu iter feci, ut a. d. in. Id. Oct., cum lucisceret, in Amanum adscenderem, distributisque cohortibus et auxiliis, cum aliis Quintus frater legatus mecum simul, aliis C. Pomp- tinus legatus, reliquis M. Anneius et L. Tullius legati praees- sent, plerosque necopinantes oppressimus, qui occisi captique 9 sunt, interclusi fuga. Eranam autem, quae fuit non vici instar, sed urbis, quod erat Amani caput, itemque Sepyram et Commorim, acriter et diu repugnantibus Pomptino illam partem Amani tenenti, ex antelucano tempore usque ad horam diei x. magna multitudine hostium occisa cepimus castellaque vi capta complura incendimus. His rebus ita gestis castra in radicibus Amani habuimus apud Aras Alex- andri quadriduum et in reliquiis Amani delendis agrisque vastandis, quae pars eius montis meae provinciae est, id tempus omne consumpsimus. lo Confectis his rebus ad oppidum Eleutherocilicum Pindenis- suni exercitum adduxi ; quod cum esset altissimo et munitis- simo loco ab iisque incoleretur, qui ne regibus quidem umquam paruissent, cum et fugitives reciperent et Parthorum adventum acerriine exspectarent, ad existimationem imperii pertinere arbitratus sum comprimere eorum audaciam, quo facilius etiam ceterorum animi, qui alieni essent ab imperio nostro, frangerentur ; vallo et fossa circumdedi ; sex castellis LiiL] EPISTOLARUM AD FAM. XV. 4. 10 1 castrisque maximis saepsi ; aggere, vineis, turribus oppugnavi ususque tormentis multis, multis sagittariis, magno labore meo, sine ulla molestia sumptuve sociorum, septimo et quin- quagesimo die rem confeci, ut omnibus partibus urbis distur- batis aut incensis compulsi in potestatem meam pervenirent. His erant finitimi pari scelere et audacia Tebarani; ab iis Pindenisso capto obsides accepi : exercitum in hiberna dimisi; Quiiitum fratrem negotio praeposui, ut in vicis aut captis aut male pacatis exercitus coUocaretur. Nunc velim sic tibi persuadeas, si de iis rebus ad senatum 1 1 relatum sit, me existimaturum summam mihi laudem tributam, si tu honorem meum sententia tua comprobaris ; idque, etsi talibus de rebus gravissimos homines et rogare solera et rogari scio, tamen admonendum potius te a me quam rogan- dum puto : tu es enim is, qui me tuis sententiis saepissime ornasti, qui oratione, qui praedicatione, qui summis laudibus in senatu, in contionibus ad caelum extulisti, cuius ego semper tanta esse verborum pondera putavi, ut uno verbo tuo cum mea laude coniuncto omnia adsequi me arbitrarer ; te denique memini, cum cuidam clarissimo atque optimo viro supplica- tionem non decerneres, dicere te decreturum, si referretur ob eas res, quas is consul in urbe gessisset ; tu idem mihi sup- plicationem decrevisti togato, non, ut multis, re publica bene gesta, sed, ut nemini, re publica conservata ; mitto, quod 1 2 invidiam, quod pericula, quod omnes meas tempestates et subieris et multo etiam magis, si per me licuisset, subire para- tissimus fueris, quod denique inimicum meum tuum inimicum putaris, cuius etiam interitum, ?// facile intellegerem, mihi quantum tribueres, Milonis causa in senatu defendenda approbaris. A me autem haec sunt /// /e profecta, quae ego in beneficii loco non pono, sed in veri testimonii atque iudicii, ut praestantissimas tuas virtutes non tacitus admirarer — quis enim id non facit ? — sed in omnibus orationibus, sententiis 102 M. TULLII CICERONIS [liii. dicendis causis agendis, omnibus scriptis, Graecis Latinis, omni denique varietate litterarum mearum te non modo iis, quos vidissemus, sed iis, de quibus audissemus, omnibus anteferrem. 13 Quaeres fortasse, quid sit, quod ego hoc nescio quid gratulationis et honoris a senatu tanti aestimem. Agam iam tecum famihariter, ut est et studiis et officiis nostris mutuis et summa amicitia dignum et necessitudine etiani paterna : si quisquam fuit umquam remotus et natura et magis etiam, ut mihi quidem sentire videor, ratione atque doctrina ab inani laude et sermonibus vulgi, ego profecto is sum. Testis est consulatus meus, in quo, sicut in reHqua vita, fateor ea me studiose secutum, ex quibus vera gloria nasci posset, ipsam quidem gloriam per se numquam putavi expetendam : itaque et provinciam ornatam et spem non dubiam triumphi neglexi; sacerdotiurn denique, cum, quem ad modum te existimare arbitror, non difficillime consequi possem, non appetivi ; idem post iniuriam acceptam, quam tu rei publicae calamitatem semper appellas, meam non modo non calamitatem, sed etiam gloriam, studui quam ornatissima senatus populique Romani de me indicia intercedere : itaque et augur postea fieri volui, quod antea neglexeram, et eum honorem, qui a senatu tribui rebus bellicis solet, neglectum a me olim, nunc mihi expeten- dum puto. i-\ Huic meae voluntati, in qua inest aliqua vis desiderii ad sanandum vulnus iniuriae, ut faveas adiutorque sis, quod paulo . ante me negaram rogaturum, vehementer te rogo, sed ita, si non ieiunum hoc nescio quid, quod ego gessi, et contemnen- dum videbitur, sed tale atque tantum, ut multi nequaquam paribus rebus honores summos a senatu consecuti sint. Equi- dem etiam illud mihi animum advertisse videor — scis enim, quam attente te audire soleam — , te non tam res gestas quam mores, instituta atque vitam imperatorum spectare solere in Liii.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAM. XV. 4. 103 habendis aut non habendis honoribus ; quod si in raea causa considerabis, reperies me exercitu imbecillo contra metum maximi belli firmissimum praesidium habuisse aequitatem et continentiam : his ego subsidiis ea sum consecutus, quae nuUis legionibus consequi potuissem, ut ex alienissimis sociis ami- cissimos, ex infidelissimis firmissimos redderem animosque novarum rerum exspectatione suspenses ad veteris imperii benevolentiam traducerem. Sed nimis haec multa de me, praesertim ad te, a quo uno 1 5 omnium sociorum querelae audiuntur : cognosces ex iis, qui meis institutis se recreates putant, cumque omnes uno prope consensu de me apud te ea, quae mihi optatissima sunt, praedicabunt, tum duae maximae clientelae tuae, Cyprus insula et Cappadociae regnum, tecum de me loquentur, puto etiam regem Deiotarum, qui unus tibi est maxime necessarius. Quae si etiam maiora sunt et in omnibus saeculis pauciores viri reperti sunt, qui suas cupiditates, quam qui hostium copias vincerent, est profecto tuum, cum ad res bellicas haec, quae rariora et difficiliora sunt, genera virtutis adiunxeris, ipsas etiam illas res gestas iustiores esse et maiores putare. Extremum illud est, ut quasi diffidens rogationi meae philo- 16 sophiam ad te allegem, qua nee mihi carior ulla umquam res in vita fuit nee hominum generi maius a deis munus ullum est datum : haec igitur, quae mihi tecum communis est, societas studiorum atque artium nostrarum, quibus a pueritia dediti ac devincti soli propemodum nos philosophiam veram illam et antiquam, quae quibusdam otii esse ac desidiae videtur, in forum atque in rem pubhcam atque in ipsam aciem paene deduximus, tecum agit de mea laude, cui negari a Catone fas esse non puto. Quam ob rem tibi sic persuadeas velim : si mihi tua sententia tributus honos ex meis litteris fuerit, me sic existimaturum, cum auctoritate tua, tum benevolentia erga me mihi, quod maxime cupierim, contigisse. 104 M. TULLII CICERONIS [liv. LIV. (ad Fam. III. 7.) M. CICERO S. D. AP. PULCHRO. 1 Pluribus verbis ad te scribam, cum plus otii nactus ero : haec scripsi subito, cum Bruti pueri Laodiceae me convenissent et se Romam properare dixissent ; itaque nuUas iis praeter- quam ad te et ad Brutum dedi litteras. 2 Legati Appiani mihi volumen a te plenum querelae iniquis- simae reddiderunt, quod eorum aedificationem litteris meis impedissem ; eadem autem epistola petebas, ut eos quam primum, ne in hiemem inciderent, ad facultatem aedificandi liberarem, et simul peracute querebare, quod eos tributa exigere vetarem, prius quam ego re cognita permisissem ; genus enim quoddam fuisse impediendi, cum ego cognoscere non possem^ nisi cum ad hiemem me ex Cilicia recepissem. 3 Ad omnia accipe et cognosce aequitatem expostulationis tuae : primum, cum ad me aditum esset ab iis, qui dicerent a se intolerabilia tributa exigi, quid habuit iniquitatis me scribere, ne facerent, ante quam ego rem causamque cognossem ? Non poteram, credo, ante hiemem ; sic enim scribis : quasi vero ad cognoscendum ego ad illos, non illi ad me venire debuerint. 'Tarn longe ?' inquis. Quid? cum dabas iis litteras, per quas mecum agebas, ne eos impedirem, quo minus ante hiemem aedificarent, non eos ad me venturos arbitrabare? tametsi id quidem fecerunt ridicule ; quas enim litteras ad- ferebant, ut opus aestate facere possent, eas mihi post brumam reddiderunt. Sed scito et multo plures esse, qui de tributis recusent, quam qui exigi velint, et me tamen, quod te velle existimem, esse facturum. 4 De Appianis hactenus. A Pausania, Lentuli liberto, accenso meo, audivi, cum diceret te secum esse questum, quod tibi obviam non prodissem. Scilicet contempsi te, nee potest Liv.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAAI. III. 7. 105 fieri me quicquam superbius ! Cum puer tuus ad me secunda fere vigilia venisset isque te ante lucem Iconium mihi ven- tnrum nuntiasset, incertumque, utra via, cum essent duac, altera Varronem, tuum familiarissimum, altera Q. Leptam, praefectum fabrum meum, tibi obviam misi. Mandavi utrique eorum, ut ante ad me excurrerent, ut tibi obviam prodire possem : currens Lepta venit mihique nuntiavit te iam castra praetergressum esse ; confestim Iconium veni ; cetera iam tibi nota sunt. An ego tibi obviam non prodirem ? primum Ap. Claudio ? deinde imperatori? deinde more maiorum ? deinde, quod caput est, amico? qtii in isto genere multo etiam ambitiosius facere soleam, quam honos meus et dignitas postulat. Sed haec hactenus : illud idem Pausania dicebat te 5 dixisse : ' Quid ? Appius Lentulo, Lentulus Ampio processit obviam, Cicero Appio noluit?' Quaeso, etiamne tu has ineptias, homo mea sententia summa prudentia, multa etiam doctrina, plurimo rerum usu, addo urbanitatem, quae est virtus, ut Stoici rectissime putant, ullam Appietatem aut Lentulitatem valere apud me plus quam ornamenta virtutis existimas ? Cum ea consecutus nondum eram, quae sunt hominum opinionibus amplissima, tamen ista vestra nomina numquam sum admiratus ; viros eos, qui ea vobis reliquissent, magnos arbitrabar : postea vero quam ita et cepi et gessi maxima imperia, ut mihi nihil neque ad honorem neque ad gloriam acquirendum putarem, superiorem quidem numquam, sed parem vobis me speravi esse factum. Nee mehercule aliter vidi existimare vel Cn.. Pompeium, quem omnibus, qui umquam fuerunt, vel P. Lentulum, quem mihi ipsi antepono ; tu si aliter existimas, nihil errabis, si paulo diligentius, ut, quid sit evyeveta, quid sit nobilitas, intellegas, Athenodorus, Sandonis filius, quid de his rebus dicat, attenderis. Sed, ut ad rem redeam, me tibi non amicum modo, verum 6 etiam amicissimum existimes velim : profecto omnibus officiis io6 M. TULLII CICERONIS [lv. meis efficiam, ut ita esse vere possis iudicare. Tu autem si id agis, ut minus mea causa, dum ego absim, debere videaris, quani ego tua laborarim, libero te ista cura : Trap' e/xotye kol aXXoi, Ol k€ Hi TiiJ.i](rov(Ti, jxoXurra Se fxt^Tiera Zet's. Si autem natura es <^iA.atTios, illud non perficies, quo minus tua causa velim : hoc adsequere, ut, quam in partem tu accipias, minus laborem. Haec ad te scripsi liberius, fretus conscientia officii mei benevolentiaeque, quam a me certo iudicio susceptam, quoad tu voles, conservabo. LV. (ad Fam. III. 9.) M. CICERO AP. PULCHRO S. I Vix tandem legi litteras dignas Ap. Claudio, plenas huma- nitatis, officii, diligentiae. Adspectus videlicet urbis tibi tuam pristinam urbanitatem reddidit : nam quas ex itinere, ante quam ex Asia egressus es, ad me litteras misisti, unas de legatis a me prohibitis proficisci, alteras de Appianorum aedificatione impedita, legi perinvitus ; itaque conscientia meae constantis erga te voluntatis rescripsi tibi subiratus. lis vero litteris lectis, quas Philotimo, liberto meo, dedisti, cog- novi intellexique in provincia multos fuisse, qui nos, quo animo inter nos sumus, esse nollent, ad urbem vero ut accesseris vel potius ut primum tuos videris, cognosse te ex iis, qua in te absentem fide, qua in omnibus officiis tuendis erga te observantia et constantia fuissem. Itaque quanti illud me aestimare putas, quod est in tuis litteris scriptum, si quid inciderit, quod ad meam dignitatem pertineat, etsi vix fieri possit, tamen te parem mihi gratiam relaturum ! tu vero facile facies ; nihil est enim, quod studio et benevolentia vel amore potius effici non possit. Lv.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAM. III. 9. 107 Ego, etsi et ipse ita iudicabam et fiebam crebro a meis per 2 litteras certior, tamen maximam laetitiam cepi ex tuis litteris de spe minime dubia et plane explorata triumphi tui, neque vero ob earn causam, quo ipse facilius consequerer — nam id quidem 'EiTLKovpeiov est — , sed mehercule, quod tua dignitas atque amplitude mihi est ipsa cara per se : qua re quoniam plures tu habes quam ceteri, quos scias in banc provinciam proficisci, quod teadeunt fere omnes, si quid velis, gratissimum mihi feceris, si ad me, simul atque adeptus eris quod et tu confidis et ego opto, litteras miseris. Longi subsellii, ut noster Pompeius appellat, iudicatio et mora si quem tibi item unum alterumve diem abstulerit — quid enim potest amplius? — , tua tamen dignitas suum locum obtinebit ; sed, si me diligis, si a me diligi vis, ad me litteras, ut quam primum laetitia adficiar, mittito. Et velim, reliquum quod est promissi ac muneris tui, mihi 3 persolvas: cum ipsam cognitionem iuris augurii consequi cupio, tum mehercule tuis incredibiliter studiis erga me muneribus- que delector. Quod autem a me tale quiddam desideras, sane mihi considerandum est, quonam te remunerer potissimum genere ; nam profecto non est meum, qui in scribendo, ut soles admirari, tantum industriae ponam, committere, ut neglegens [scribendo] fuisse videar, praesertim cum id non modo neglegentis, sed etiam ingrati animi crimen futurum sit. Verum haec videbimus : illud, quod poUiceris, velim pro 4 tua fide diligentiaque et pro nostra non instituta, sed iam inveterata amicitia cures, enitare, ut supplicatio nobis quam honorificentissime quam primumque decernatur. Omnino serius misi litteras quam vellem, in quo cum difficultas navi- gandi fuit odiosa, tum m ipsum discessum senatus incidisse credo meas litteras ; sed id feci adductus auctoritate et consilio tuo, idque a me recte factum puto, quod non statim, ut appellatus imperator sim, sed aliis rebus additis aestivisque io8 M. TULLII CICERONIS [lvt. confectis litteras miserim. Haec igitur tibi erunt curae, quern ad modum ostendis, meque totum et mea et meos com- mendatos habebis. LVI. (ad Fam. 11. ii.) M. CICERO IMP. S. D. M. CAELIO AEDILI CUR. 1 Putarasne umquam accidere posse, ut mihi verba deessent, neque solum ista vestra oratoria, sed haec etiam levia nostra- tia? desunt autem propter banc causam, quod mirifice sum sollicitus, quidnam de provinciis decernatur : mirum me desiderium tenet urbis, incredibile meorum atque in primis tui, satietas autem provinciae, vel quia videmur earn famam consecuti, ut non tam accessio quaerenda quam fortuna metuenda sit, vel quia totum negotium non est dignum viribus nostris, qui maiora onera in re publica sustinere et possim et soleam, vel quia belli magni timor impendet, quod videmur effugere, si ad constitutam diem decedemus. 2 De pantheris per eos, qui venari solent, agitur mandatu meo diligenter ; sed mira paucitas est et eas, quae sunt, vakle aiunt queri, quod nihil cuiquam insidiarum in mea provincia nisi sibi fiat ; itaque constituisse dicuntur in Cariam ex nostra provincia decedere. Sed tamen sedulo fit, et in primis a Patisco : quicquid erit, tibi erit, sed, quid esset, plane nesciebamus. Mihi mehercule magnae curae est aedilitas tua : ipse dies me admonebat ; scripsi enim haec ipsis Megalensibus. Tu velim ad me de omni rei publicae statu quam diligentissime perscribas : ea enim certissima putabo, quae ex te cognoro. LVii.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAM. XV. 5. 109 LVII. (ad Fam. XV. 5.) M. CATO S. D. M. CICERONI IMP. Quod et res publica me et nostra amicitia hortatur, libenter ' facio, ut tuam virtutem, innocentiam, diligentiam cognitam in maximis rebus domi togati, armati foris pari industria admini- strare gaudeam : itaque, quod pro meo iudicio facere potui, ut innocentia consilioque tuo defensam provinciam, servatum Ariobarzanis cum ipso rege regnum, sociorum revocatam ad studium imperii nostri voluntatem sententia mea et decreto laudarem, feci. Supplicationem decretam, si tu, qua in re 2 nihil fortuito, sed summa tua ratione et continentia rei publicae provisum est, dis immortalibus gratulari nos quam .tibi referre acceptum mavis, gaudeo : quod si triumphi praerogativam putas supplicationem et idcirco casum potius quam te laudari mavis, neque supplicationem sequitur semper triumphus et triumpho multo clarius est senatum iudicare potius mansuetudine et innocentia imperatoris provinciam quam vi militum aut benignitate deorum retentam atque con- servatam esse, quod ego mea sententia censebam. Atque 3 haec ego idcirco ad te contra consuetudinem meam pluribus scripsi, ut quod maxime volo, existimes me laborare, ut tibi persuadeam me et voluisse de tua maiestate, quod amplissi- mum sim arbitratus, et, quod tu maluisti, factum esse gaudere. Vale et nos dilige et instituto itinere severitatem diligentiam- que sociis et rei publicae praesta. no M. TULLII CICERONIS [lviii. LVIII. (ad Fam. XV. 6.) M. CICERO S. D. M. CATONI. 1 ' Laetus sum laudari me ' inquit Hector, opinor apud Naevium, ' abs te, pater, a laudato viro ; ' ea est enim profecto iucunda laus, quae ab iis proficiscitur, qui ipsi in laude vixerunt. Ego vero vel gratulatione litterarum tuaruin vel testimoniis sententiae dictae nihil est quod me non adsecutum putem, idque mihi cum amplissimum, tum gratissimum est, te libenter amicitiae dedisse, quod liquido veritati dares. Et, si non modo omnes, verum etiam multi Catones essent in civitate nostra, in qua unum exstitisse mirabile est, quern ego currum aut quam lauream cum tua laudatione conferrem ? nam ad meum sensum et ad illud sincerum ac subtile iudicium nihil potest esse laudabilius quam ea tua oratio, quae est ad 2 me perscripta a meis necessariis. Sed causam meae volun- tatis — non enim dicam cupiditatis — exposui tibi superioribus litteris, quae etiam si parum iusta tibi visa est, hanc tamen habet rationem, non ut nimis concupiscendus honos, sed tamen, si deferatur a senatu, minime aspernandus esse videatur ; spero autem ilium ordinem pro meis ob rem publicam susceptis laboribus me non indignum honore, usitato praesertim, existimaturum. Quod si ita erit, tantum ex te peto, quod amicissime scribis, ut, cum tuo iudicio, quod amplissimum esse arbitraris, mihi tribueris, si id, quod maluero, acciderit, gaudeas : sic enim fecisse te et sensisse et scripsisse video, resque ipsa declarat tibi ilium honorem nos- trum supplicationis iucundum fuisse, quod scribendo adfuisti ; haec enim senatus consulta non ignoro ab amicissimis eius, cuius de honore agitur, scribi solere. Ego, ut spero, te propediem videbo, atque utinam re publica meliore, quam timeo ! Lix.] EPISTOLARUM AD. FAM. XIV. 5. in LIX. (ad Fam. XIV. 5.) TULLIUS S. D. TERENTIAE SUAE. Si tu et Tullia, lux nostra, valetis, ego et suavissimus Cicero i valemus. Pr. Idus Oct. Athenas venimus, cum sane adversis ventis usi essemus tardeque et incommode navigassemus. De nave exeuntibus nobis Acastus cum litteris praesto fuit uno et vicesimo die, sane strenue. Accepi tuas litteras, quibus intellexi te vereri, ne superiores mihi redditae non assent : omnes sunt redditae diligentissimeque a te perscripta sunt omnia : idque mihi gratissimum fuit. Neque sum admiratus banc epistolam, quam Acastus attulit, brevem fuisse ; iam enim me ipsum exspectas sive nos ipsos, qui quidem quam primum ad vos venire cupimus, etsi in quam rem publicam veniamus, intellego ; cognovi enim ex multorum amicorum litteris, quas attulit Acastus, ad arma rem spectare, ut mihi, cum venero, dissimulare non liceat, quid sentiam. Sed, quoniam subeunda fortuna est, eo citius dabimus operam, ut veniamus, quo facilius de tota re deliberemus. Tu velim, quod commodo valetudinis tuae fiat, quam longissime poteris obviam nobis prodeas. De hereditate Preciana, quae quidem 2 mihi magno dolori est — valde enim ilium amavi — , sed hoc velim cures : si auctio ante meum adventum fiet, ut Pomponius aut, si is minus poterit, Caraillus nostrum negotium curet : nos cum salvi venerimus, reliqua per nos agemus ; sin tu iam Roma profecta eris, tamen curabis, ut hoc ita fiat. Nos, si di adiuvabunt, circiter Idus Novembris in Italia speramus fore. Vos, mea suavissima et optatissima Terentia, si nos amatis, curate ut valeatis. Vale. Athenis a. d. xvii. Kal. Novemb, 112 M. TULLII CICERONIS [lx. LX. (ad Att. VII. I.) CICERO ATTICO SAL. Dederam equidem L. Saufeio litteras et dederam ad te unum, quod, cum non esset temporis mihi ad scribendum satis, tamen hominem tibi tarn familiarem sine meis litteris ad te venire nolebam, sed, ut philosophi ambulant, has tibi redditum iri putabam prius : sin iam illas accepisti, scis me Athenas venisse pr. Idus Octobris, e navi egressum in Piraeum tuas ab Acasto nostro litteras accepisse, conturbatum, quod cum febre Romam venisses, bono tamen animo esse coepisse, quod Acastus ea, quae velleni, de allevato corpore tuo nun- tiaret, cohorruisse autem me, quod tuae litterae de legionibus Caesaris adferrent, et egisse tecum, ut videres, ne quid (jbtAort- fiia eius, quern nosti, nobis noceret, et, de quo iam pridem ad te scripseram, Turranius autem secus tibi Brundisii dixerat — quod ex iis litteris cognovi, quas a Xenone, optimo viro, accepi — , cur fratrem provinciae non praefecissem, exposui breviter. Haec fere sunt in ilia epistola. Nunc audi reliqua. Per fortunas ! omnem tuum amorem, quo me es amplexus, omnemque tuam prudentiam, quam mehercule in omni genere iudico singularem, confer ad earn curam, ut de omni statu meo cogites ; videre enim mihi videor tantam dimicationem — nisi idem deus, qui nos melius, quam optare auderemus, Parthico bello liberavit, respexerit rem publicam — , sed tantam, quanta numquam fuit. Age, hoc malum mihi com- mune est cum omnibus ; nihil tibi mando, ut de eo cogites : illud meum proprium Trpof^X-qixa, quaeso, suscipe. Videsne, ut te auctore sim utrumque complexus? ac vellem a principio te audissem amicissime monentem : dAA' Ijiov oi'TTore dvjiov kv\ (rTi']6((Tr)[ia mittamus. XCIII. (ad Att. XVI. 7.) CICERO ATTICO SAL. VIII. Idas Sextil. cum a Leucopetra profectus — inde enim i tramittebam — stadia circiter ccc. processissem, reiectus sum austro vehementi ad eandem Leucopetram, Ibi cum ventum exspectarem — erat enim villa Valerii nostri, ut famihariter essem et libenter — , Rhegini quidam, illustres homines, eo venerunt Roma sane recentes, in iis Bruti nostri hospes, qui Brutuni Neapoli reliquisset. Haec adferebant : edictum Bruti et Cassii, et fore frequentem senatum Kalendis, a Bruto et Cassio litteras missas ad consulares et praetorios ut adessent rogare. Summam spem nuntiabant fore, ut Antonius cederet, res conveniret, nostri Romam redirent ; addebant etiam me desiderari, subaccusari. Quae cum audissem, sine uUa dubitatione abieci consilium profectionis, quo mehercule ne antea quidem delectabar ; ita fiebat, ut, dum minus pericuH videretur, abessem, in flammam ipsam venirem. XVI. Kal. Sept. cum venissem Veliam, Brutus audivit ; erat 2 enim cum suis navibus apud Haletem fluvium citra Veliam milia passuum in. ; pedibus ad me statim : dei immortales, L i62 M. TULLII CICERONIS [xciv. quam valde ille reditu vel potius reversione mea laetatus effudit ilia omnia, quae tacuerat ! ut recordarer illud tuum ' nam Brutus noster silet ; ' maxima autem dolebat me Kal. Sext. in senatu non fuisse ; Pisonem ferebat in caelum, se autem laetari, quod effugissem duas maximas vituperationes : unam, quam itinere faciendo me intellegebam suscipere, desperationis ac relictionis rei publicae — flentes mecum vulgo querebantur, quibus de meo celeri reditu non probabam — , alteram, de qua Brutus et qui una erant — multi autem erant — laetabantur, quod eam vituperationem effugissem, me exis- timari ad Olympia ; hoc vero nihil turpius quovis rei publicae tempore, sed hoc dmroAdyiyTov : ego vero austro gratias miras, qui me a tanta infamia averterit. 3 Sed haec hactenus ; reliqua coram. Antonii edictum legi a Bruto et horum contra scriptum praeclare ; sed quid ista edicta valeant aut quo spectent, plane non video. Nee ego nunc, ut Brutus censebat, istuc ad rem publicam capessendam venio ; quid enim fieri potest ? num quis Pisoni est adsensus ? num rediit ipse postridie ? sed abesse hanc aetatem longe a sepulcro negant oportere. 4 Sed obsecro te, quid est, quod audivi de Bruto ? Piliam -eipa^ecr^at TrapaXvcrei. te scripsisse aiebat. Valde sum com- motus ; etsi idem te scribere sperare melius : ita plane velim ; ei dicas plurimam salutem et suavissimae Atticae. Haec scripsi navigans, cum Pompeianum accederem, xiv. Kal. XCIV. (ad Fam. XII. 3.) CICERO CASSIO SAL. I Auget tuus amicus furorem in dies : primum in statua, quam posuit in rostris, inscripsit parenti optime merito, ut non modo sicarii, sed iam etiam parricidae iudicemini, quid dico, iudicemini ? iudicemur potius ; vestri enim pulcherrimi xcv.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAM. XVI. 21. 163 facti ille furiosus me principem dicit fuisse. Utinam quidem fuissem ! molestus nobis non esset. Sed hoc vestrum est ; quod quoniam praeteriit, utinam haberem, quid vobis darem consilii ! sed ne mihi quidem ipsi reperio quid faciendum sit ; quid enim est, quod contra vim sine vi fieri possit ? Consilium 2 omne autem hoc est illorum, ut mortem Caesaris persequantur ; itaque ante diem vi, Non. Oct. productus in contionem a Cannutio turpissime ille quidem discessit, sed tamen ea dixit de conservatoribus patriae, quae dici deberent de proditoribus ; de me quidem non dubitanter, quin omnia de meo consilio et vos fecissetis et Cannutius faceret. Cetera cuius modi sint, ex hoc iudica, quod legato tuo viaticum eripuerunt : quid eos interpretari putas, cum hoc faciunt ? ad hostem scilicet portari. O rem miseram ! dominum ferre non potuimus, conservo servimus. Et tamen, me quidem favente magis quam sperante, etiam nunc residet spes in virtute tua, Sed ubi sunt copiae ? de reliquo malo te ipsum tecum loqui quam nostra dicta cognoscere. Vale. XCV. (adFani. XVI. 21.) CICERO F. TIRONI SUO DULCISSIMO SAL. Cum vehementer tabellarios exspectarem cotidie, aliquando i venerunt post diem quadragesimum et sextum, quam a vobis discesserant ; quorum mihi fuit adventus optatissimus ; nam cum maximam cepissem laetitiam ex humanissimi et carissimi patris epistola, turn vero iucundissimae tuae litterae cumulum mihi gaudii attulerunt. Itaque me iam non paenitebat inter- capedinem scribendi fecisse, sed potius laetabar; fructum enim magnum humanitatis tuae capiebam ex silentio mearum litterarum. Vehementer igitur gaudeo te meam sine dubita- tione accepisse excusationem. i64 M. TULLII CICERONIS [xcv. 2 Gratos tibi optatosque esse, qui de me rumores adferuntur, non dubito, mi dulcissime Tiro, praestaboque et enitar, ut in dies magis magisque haec nascens de me duplicetur opinio : qua re quod polliceris te bucinatorem fore existimationis meae, firmo id constantique aninio facias licet ; tantum enim mihi dolorem cruciatumque attulerunt errata aetatis meae, ut non solum animus a factis, sed aures quoque a commemoratione abhorreant : cuius te sollicitudinis et doloris participem fuisse notum exploratumque est mihi ; nee id mirum ; nam cum omnia mea causa velles mihi successa, turn etiam tua, socium enim te meorum commodorum semper esse volui. 3 Quoniam igitur tum ex me doluisti, nunc, ut duplicetur tuum ex me gaudium, praestabo. Cratippo me scito non ut discipulum, sed ut filium esse coniunctissimum ; nam cum audio ilium libenter, tum etiam propriani eius suavitatem vehementer amplector : sum totos dies cum eo noctisque saepenumero partem ; exoro enim, ut mecum quam saepissime cenet. Hac introducta consuetudine saepe inscientibus nobis et cenantibus obrepit sublataque severitate philosophiae humanissime nobiscum iocatur. Qua re da operam, ut hunc talem, tam iucundum, tarn excellentem virum videas quam 4 primum. Nam quid ego de Bruttio dicam ? quem nullo tempore a me patior discedere, cuius cum frugi severaque est vita, tum etiam iucundissima convictio ; non est enim seiunctus iocus a 4>iXo\oyia et cotidiana (Tv^rjTt'](ret.. Huic ego locum in proximo conduxi et, ut possum, ex meis angustiis 5 illius sustento tenuitatem. Praeterea declamitare Graece apud Cassium institui ; Latine autem apud Bruttium exerceri volo. Utor familiaribus et cotidianis convictoribus, quos secuni Mytilenis Cratippus adduxit, hominibus et doctis et illi probatissimis, Multum etiam mecum est Epicrates, princeps Atheniensium, et Leonides et horum ceteri similes. Ta fxev 6 ovv Kad' rjixas raSe. De Gorgia autem quod mihi scribis, erat XCVL] EPISTOLARUM AD FAM. XII. 4. 165 quidem ille in cotidiana declamatione utilis, sed omnia post- posui, dum modo praeceptis patris parerem ; SiapjjijBijv enim scripserat, ut eum dimitterem statim : tergiversari nolui, ne mea nimia o-ttouSt) suspicionem ei aliquam importaret, deinde illud etiam mihi succurrebat, grave esse me de iudicio patris iudicare ; tuum tamen studium et consilium gratum accep- tumque est mihi. Excusationem angustiarum tui temporis accipio ; scio enim, 7 quam soleas esse occupatus. Emisse te praedium vehementer gaudeo feliciterque tibi rem istam evenire cupio — hoc loco me tibi gratulari noli mirari ! eodem enim fere loco tu quoque emisse te fecisti me certiorem — ; habes : deponendae tibi sunt urbanitates ; rusticus Romanus factus es. Quo modo ego mihi nunc ante oculos tuum iucundissimum conspectum propono? videor enim videre ementem te rusticas res, cum vilico loquentem, in lacinia servantem ex mensa secunda semina. Sed, quod ad rem pertinet, me tum tibi defuisse aeque ac tu doleo ; sed noli dubitare, mi Tiro, quin te sub- levaturus sim, si modo fortuna me, praesertim cum sciam communem nobis emptum esse istum fundum. De mandatis 8 quod tibi curae fuit, est mihi gratum ; sed peto a te, ut quam celerrime mihi librarius mittatur, maxime quidem Graecus ; multum mihi enim eripitur operae in exscribendis hypomne- matis. Tu velim in primis cures, ut valeas, ut una o-i'/^i^tAo- Xoyitv possimus. Antherum tibi commendo. Vale. XCVI. (ad Fam. XII. 4.) CICERO CASSIO SAL. Vellem Idibus Martiis me ad cenam invitasses : reliquiarum i nihil fuisset. Nunc me reliquiae vestrae exercent, et quidem praeter ceteros me : quam quam egregios consules habemus, sed turpissimos consularis, senatum fortem, sed infimo quem- i66 M. TULLII CICERONIS [xcvii. que honore fortissimum ; populo vero nihil fortius, nihil melius, Italiaque universa. Nihil autem foedius Philippo et Pisone legatis, nihil flagitiosius ; qui cum essent missi, ut Antonio ex senatus sententia certas res denuntiarent, cum ille earum rerum nuUi paruisset, ultro ab illo ad nos intolerabilia postulata rettulerunt : itaque ad nos concurritur, factique iam 2 in re salutari populares sumus. Sed tu quid ageres, quid acturus, ubi denique esses, nesciebam : fama nuntiabat te esse in Syria ; auctor erat nemo. De Bruto, quo propius est, eo firmiora videntur esse, quae nuntiantur. Dolabella valde vituperabatur ab hominibus non insulsis, quod tibi tam cito succederet, cum tu vixdum xxx. dies in Syria fuisses ; itaque constabat eum recipi in Syriam non oportere. Summa laus et tua et Bruti est, quod exercitum praeter spem existimamini comparasse. Scriberem plura, si rem causamque nossem ; nunc, quae scribo, scribo ex opinione hominum atque fama. Tuas litteras avide exspecto. Vale. XCVII. (ad Fam X. 28.) CICERO TREBONIO SAL. 1 Quam vellem ad illas puicherrimas epulas me Idibus Mar- tiis invitasses ! reliquiarum nihil haberemus : at nunc cum iis tantum negotii est, ut vestrum illud divinum in rem publicam beneficium non nuUam habeat querelam. Quod vero a te, viro optimo, seductus est tuoque beneficio adhuc vivit haec pestis, interdum, quod mihi vix fas est, tibi subirascor ; mihi enim negotii plus reliquisti uni quam praeter me omnibus ; ut enim primum post Antonii foedissimum discessum senatus haberi libere potuit, ad ilium animum meum reverti pristinum, quem tu cum civr acerrimo, patre tuo^ in ore et amore semper 2 habuisti ; nam cum senatum a. d. xiii. Kalendas lanuarias tribuni pi. vocavissent deque alia re referrent, totam rem pub- xcviii.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAM. XII. 5. 167 licam sum complexus egique acerrime senatumque iam languentem et defessum ad pristinam virtutem consuetudinem- que revocavi magis aninii quam ingenii viribus. Hie dies meaque contentio atque actio spem primum populo Romano attulit libertatis recuperandae ; nee vero ipse postea tenipus ullum intermisi de re publica non cogitandi solum, sed etiam agendi. Quod nisi res urbanas actaque omnia ad te perferri arbitrarer, 3 ipse perscriberem, quamquam eram maximis occupationibus impeditus. Sed ilia cognosces ex aliis ; a me pauca, et ea summatim : habemus fortem senatum, consulares partim timidos, partim male sentientes ; magnum damnum factum est in Servio ; L. Caesar optime sentit, sed, quod avunculus est, non acerrimas dicit sententias; consules egregii, prae- clarus D, Brutus, egregius puer Caesar, de quo spero equidem reliqua, hoc vero certum habeto, nisi ille veteranos celeriter conscripsisset legionesque duae de exercitu Antonii ad eius se auctoritatem contulissent atque is oppositus esset terror Antonio, nihil Antonium sceleris, nihil crudelitatis praeteri- turum fuisse. Haec tibi, etsi audita esse arbitrabar, volui tamen notiora esse. Plura scribam, si plus otii habuero. XCVIII. (ad Fam. XII. 5.) CICERO CASSIO SAL. Hiemem credo adhuc prohibuisse, quo minus de te certum i haberemus, quid ageres maximeque ubi esses ; loquebantur omnes tamen — credo, quod volebant — in Syria te esse, habere copias ; id autem eo facilius credebatur, quia simile veri videbatur. Brutus quidem noster egregiam laudem est con- secutus; res enim tantas gessit tamque inopinatas, ut eae cum per se gratae essent, turn ornatiores propter celeritatem. Quod si tu ea tenes, quae putamus, magnis subsidiis fulta res i68 M. TULLII CICERONIS [xcix. publica est ; a prima enim ora Graeciae usque ad Aegyptum 2 optimorum civium imperiis muniti erimus et copiis : quam- quam, nisi me fallebat, res se sic habebat, ut totius belli omne discrimen in D. Bruto positum videretur, qui si, ut spera- bamus, erupisset Mutina, nihil belli reliquum fore videbatur. Parvis omnino iam copiis obsidebatur, quod magno praesidio Bononiam tenebat Antonius ; erat autem Claternae noster Hirtius, ad Forum Cornelium Caesar, uterque cum firmo exercitu, raagnasque Romae Pansa copias ex dilectu Italiae comparat. Hiems adhuc rem geri prohibuerat ; Hirtius nihil nisi considerate, ut mihi crebris litteris significat, acturus vide- batur; praeter Bononiam, Regium Lepidi, Parmam totam Galliam tenebamus studiosissimam rei publicae ; tuos etiam clientes Transpadanos mirifice coniunctos cum causa habe- bamus ; erat firmissimus senatus exceptis consularibus, ex 3 quibus unus L. Caesar firmus est et rectus ; Ser. Sulpicii morte magnum praesidium amisimus ; reliqui partim inertes, partim improbi ; non nulli invident eorum laudi, quos in re publica probari vident ; populi vero Romani totiusque Italiae niira consensio est. Haec erant fere, quae tibi nota esse vellem ; nunc autem opto, ut ab istis Orientis partibus virtutis tuae lumen eluceat. Vale. XCIX. (ad Fam. XI. 9.) D. BRUTUS S. D. M. CICERONI. I Pansa amisso quantum detrimenti res publica acceperit, non te praeterit : nunc auctoritate et prudentia tua prospicias oportet, ne inimici nostri consulibus sublatis sperent se con- valescere posse. Ego, ne consistere possit in Italia Antonius, dabo operam : sequar eum confestim ; utrumque me praesta- turum sperOj ne aut Ventidius elabatur aut Antonius in Italia moretur. In primis rogo te, ad hominem ventosissimum, c] EPISTOLARUM AD FAM. X. 15. 169 Lepidum, mittas, ne bellum nobis redintegrare possit Antonio sibi coniuncto; nam de PoUione Asinio puto te perspicere, quid facturus sit. Multae et bonae et firmae sunt legiones Lepidi et Asinii. Neque haec idcirco tibi scribo, quod te non eadem 2 animadvertere sciam, sed quod mihi persuasissimum est Lepidum recte facturum numquam, si forte vobis id de hoc dubium est. Plancum quoque confirnietis oro : quern spero pulso Antonio rei publicae non defuturum. Si se Alpis Antonius traiecerit, constitui praesidium in Alpibus coUocare et te de omni re facere certiorem. iii. Kal. j\Iaias, ex castris, Regii. C. (ad Fam. X. 15.) PLANCUS CICERONI. His litteris scriptis, quae postea accidissent, scire te ad rem i publicam putavi pertinere. Sedulitas mea, ut spero, et mihi et rei pubUcae tuUt fructum : namque adsiduis internuntiis cum Lepido egi, ut omissa omni contentione reconciliataque voluntate nostra communi consiho rei pubHcae succurreret, se, liberos urbemque pluris quam unum perditum abiectumque latronem putaret obsequioque meo, si ita faceret, ad omnes res abuteretur. Profeci : itaque per Laterensem internuntium 2 fidem mihi dedit se Antonium, si prohibere provincia sua non potuisset, belle persecuturum, me, ut venirem copiasque coniungerem, rogavit, eoque magis, quod et Antonius ab equitatu firmus esse dicebatur et Lepidus ne mediocrem quidem equitatum habebat ; nam etiam ex paucitate eius non multis ante diebus decem, qui optimi fuerant, ad me trans- 3 ierunt. Quibus rebus ego cognitis cunctatus non sum : in cursu bonorum consiliorum Lepidum adiuvandum putavi. Adventus meus quid profecturus esset, vidi, vel quod equitatu meo persequi Antoninni atcjue opprimere equitatum eius 170 M. TULLII CICERONIS [ci. possem, vel quod exercitus Lepidi earn partem, quae corrupta est et ab re publica alienata, et corrigere et coercere praesentia mei exercitus possem. Itaque in Isara, flumine maximo, quod in finibus et AUobrogum, ponte uno die facto exercitum a. d. VII. Idus Maias traduxi. Cum vero mihi nuntiatum esset L. Antonium praemissum cum equitibus et cohortibus ad Forum lulii venisse, fratrem cum equitum quattuor milibus, ut occur- reret ei, misi a. d. v. Idus Maias ; ipse maximis itineribus cum quattuor legionibus expeditis et reliquo equitatu subsequar. 4 Si nos mediocris modo fortuna rei publicae adiuverit, et auda- ciae perditorum et nostrae soUicitudinis hie finem reperiemus ; quod si latro praecognito nostro adventu rursus in Italiam se recipere coeperit, Bruti erit officium occurrere ei, cui scio nee consilium nee animum defuturum ; ego tamen, si id acciderit, fratrem cum equitatu mittam, qui sequatur, Italiam a vasta- tione defendat. Fac valeas meque mutuo diligas. CI. (adFam. XI. 12.) M. CICERO S. D. D, BRUTO IMR COS. DES. 1 Tris uno die a te accepi epistolas : unam brevem, quam Flacco Volumnio dederas, duas pleniores, quarum alteram tabellarius T. Vibii attulit, alteram ad me misit Lupus. Ex tuis litteris et ex Graeceii oratione non modo non restinctum bellum, sed etiam inflammatum videtur. Non dubito autem pro tua singulari prudentia, quin perspicias, si aliquid firmitatis nactus sit Antonius, omnia tua ilia praeclara in rem publicam merita ad nihilum esse ventura ; ita enim Romam erat nuntia- tum, ita persuasum omnibus, cum paucis inermis, perterritis 2 metu, fracto animo fugisse Antonium. Qui si ita se habet, ut, quem ad modum audiebam de Graeceio, confligi cum eo sine periculo non possit, non ille mihi fugisse a Mutina videtur, sed locum belli gerendi mutasse. Itaque homines alii facti sunt ; Cil.] EPISTOLARUM AD FAM. XII. lo. 171 non nuUi etiam queruntur, quod persecuti non sitis ; opprimi potuisse, si celeritas adhibita esset, existimant. Omnino est hoc populi maximeque nostri, in eo potissimum abuti libertate, per quem earn consecutus sit ; sed tamen providendum est, ne quae iusta querela esse possit. Res se sic habet : is bellum confecerit, qui Antonium oppresserit ; hoc quam vim habeat, te existimare male, quam me apertius scribere. CII. (ad Fam. XII. 10.) CICERO CASSIO SAL. Lepidus, tuus adfiiiis, meus famiHaris, pr. K. Quinctilis i sententiis omnibus hostis a senatu iudicatus est ceterique, qui una cum illo a re publica defecerunt ; quibus tamen ad sani- tatem redeundi ante K. Sept. potestas facta est. Fortis sane senatus, sed maxime spe subsidii tui. Bellum quidem, cum haec scribebam, sane magnum erat scelere et levitate Lepidi. Nos de Dolabella cotidie, quae volumus, audimus, sed adhuc sine capite, sine auctore, rumore nuntio. Quod cum ita esset 2 tamen litteris tuis, quas Nonis Maiis ex castris datas acceper- amus, ita persuasum erat civitati, ut ilium iam oppressum omnes arbitrarentur, te autem in Italiam venire cum exercitu, ut, si haec ex sententia confecta essent, consilio atque auctori- tate tua, sin quid forte titubatum, ut fit in bello, exercitu tuo niteremur : quem quidem ego exercitum quibuscumque potuero rebus ornabo ; cuius rei tum tempus erit, cum, quid opis rei publicae laturus is exercitus sit aut quid iam tulerit, notum esse coeperit ; nam adhuc tantum conatus audiuntur, optimi illi quidem et praeclarissimi, sed gesta res exspectatur, quam quidem aut iam esse aliquam aut appropinquare confido. Tua virtute et magnitudine animi nihil est nobilius ; itaque 3 optamus, ut quam primum te in Italia videamus : rem publicam nos habere arbitrabimur, si vos habebimus. Praeclare vice- 172 EPISTOLARUM AD FAM. XII. lo. [cii. ramus, nisi spoliatum, inermem, fugientem Lepidus recepisset Antonium ; itaque numquam tanto odio civitati Antonius fuit, quanto est Lepidus ; ille enim ex turbulenta re publica, hie ex pace et victoria bellum excitavit. Huic oppositos consules designates habemus, in quibus est magna ilia quidem spes, sed 4 anceps cura propter incertos exitus proeliorum. Persuade tibi igitur, in te et in Bruto tuo esse omnia, vos exspectari, Brutum quidem iam iamque. Quod si, ut spero, victis hostibus nostris veneritis, tamen auctoritate vestra res publica exsurget et in aliquo statu tolerabili consistet ; sunt enim permulta, quibus erit medendum, etiam si res publica satis esse videbitur sceleribus hostium liberata. Vale. NOTES. PART I. General Introduction, pp. ix. -xv. I. (ad ATT. I. I.) Rome, July, 65 B.C. (689 A.u.c.) T, POMPONIUS was a member of an old Equestrian family, and one of Cicero's earliest friends. For the last twenty years, however, he had resided at Athens — a circumstance which, in the absence of any direct statement of history, we may assume to account for the agnomen of Atticus. He did not return to Rome until the year 64 B.C., and then only at the request of his friend (L. 2. 2), who was anxious to have his support in his candidature for the consulship. It seems probable that he remained in Rome until towards the end of 62 B.C., a supposition which would partly account for the fact that no letters of Cicero bearing the date of his consulship have been preserved to us. 1. — Ratio, 'the state;' rationt, below, and rationibiis, sect. 2, mean 'interest.' Quod . . . possit. On the subjunc. in a relative cl. of restriction cf. Roby 1692 and 1694. Prensat, sc. cives nianu ; but referring more generally to all kinds of personal canvassing. P. Galba — whom Cicero speaks oi{Mnr. 8) as modcstissimwn atqne optinnim viriciti^ Sine fuco, etc. ; i.e. people make no bones about giving him an old- fashioned ' no.' Praepropera is explained below by what Cicero says of his own candidature ; Galba was too impatient to wait for the favourable opportunity afforded by the coming elections. Cinclus — an agent of Atticus frequently mentioned. Campo, sc. Martio. Antonius ; cf. Gen. Introd., p. xv. Q. Comificius, mentioned i^Verr. ii. 57) as clerk to Verres. He was the father of Cicero's correspondent in Fam. xii. ; cf. L. 80. In hoc, 'at mention of this last name.' Ingemuisse — for his certain disappointment. Ut frontem ferias. Ut, of purpose, i.e. ' that you may, etc., I have to tell you that,' etc. ; we should say, ' you will tear your hair when you hear that.' Caesonium, sc. cofnpetitorem fore. So after arl'itraniiir. Caesar had been aedile with Cicero. Aquilium — C. Aquilius Galbus, Cicero's colleague in the praetorship, and the author of the law ' de dolo iiialo. ' luravit morbum, etc. , ' swore he was ill ' (fio perpetmun morhtiDi iiirabo, Att. xii. 13. 2), 'and made those law courts in which he reigns supreme an excuse ' for not standing. Catilina, etc., Gen. Introd., p. xiv. He was accused by P. Clodius of malversation as propraetor in Africa. The proof Cicero says was plain as daylight {nieridie lucere). Auli filio (so in L. 6. 12; why does not appear). L. Afranius, cos. 60 B.C.; cf. L. 71. 2 n. Palicano. M, Lollius Pal. had been a candidate in 67 B.C., on which occasion the consul Piso is said to have 173 174 NOTES. [L. I. destroyed his chances by declaring that he would not return him even though he was carried at the voting-booths. 2. — Nunc, 'this year,' i.e. for the consulship of 64 B.C. Caesar (L. Julius), cos. next year; cf. L. 91. 3 n. Thermus. We find that one C. Marcius Figulus was consul in 64 (L. 2. i). It is usually assumed that Q. Minucius Thermus took that name on being adopted into the patrician family of the Marcii. Silano — D. Junius Sil., cos. 62 B.C. Ab amicis, 'm friends;' cf. Roby 1813. OMucere, 'to run against them.' Q, Curius, the informer (cf Sail. Cat. 23) against the Catili- narians, is probably meant. Firmior, ' more likely.' Viae Flam., the great northern road running to Ariminum through Narnia and Ocriculum. Caesari consul! addiderim. The mss. reading is ceteri consuli acciderim, of which nothing can be made. According to the emendation in the text Cicero seems to say that as Thermus's labours as commissioner for the repair of the Via Flam, would easily be finished before the elections for 63 B.C., and would greatly add to his chances of election when these came on, he would like to see him elected with Caesar [Caesari addida-ini) now, and safely out of the way. Informata — of something which is only outlined. Tr. ' the general opinion which I have as yet been able to form.' Gallia Cispadana. The Transpadani had not yet received the franchise. Legati. He means that he would apply for a legatio libera on pretence of a visit to C. Calpurnius Piso, governor of Gallia Narbo- nensis. Piso had been consul in 67 B.C. He was accused by Caesar and defended by Cicero in 63. Cetera, etc. ' I hope everything else goes weir (the metaph. in prolixa is of running freely), 'if these city candi- dates are all we have to deal with' {abl. absoL), i.e. unless Thermus or some one else of extramural claims takes the field. Illam manum seems to refer to the nobiles in Pompey's ' train ; ' Atticus's influence with the oligarchy seems to have been considerable. Cf. L. 2. 2. 3. — Caecilius. Atticus hoped to be his heir, and was therefore anxious to propitiate him by enlisting his friend the orator in his favour. Agere, * to take legal proceedings. ' Fratre, ' cousin, ' unless one or other had been adopted and changed his family name ; he was accused of buying up Varius's bankmpt property on a false valuation {dolo Jiialo juancipio acce- pisse). The goods belonged legally to the creditors, and the case is only interesting in so far as Cicero appears in it as sacrificing justice to ambition. Una agebant, 'put in a joint claim.' Lucullus (Baiter reads L. Lucul- lus). jM. is probal)ly meant. He was the brother of L., the conqueror of Mithridates, who was at present seemingly outside Rome waiting for his triumph. P. Scipio, adopted afterwards by Q. Metellus Pius ; cf. L. 71. 2 n, Magistrum, sc. anctionis, 'the president,' in such cases chosen from the creditors. L. Pontius — Aquila, afterwards one of the murderers of Caesar; he fell before Mutina in 43 i!.c. Observat . , . max., 'he pays his greatest court to.' L. Domitium Ahenobarbum. V. introd. to L. 64. Proximum, 'next in his regard.' Q. fratri. On Quintus's political career, v. introd. to L. 32. 4. — Sine eo quem, etc., * even'without the advocate whom Caecilius was employing in his own interest ;' perhihere in the post-classical sense of adhibere seems strange. Bum et oflScio, etc. ; i.e. that he should have some regard to what I owed both to Satyrus and myself. Summam existim., 'the whole character and reputation;' infamia would follow conviction. Venirem, of coming forward in court ; cf Phil. ii. 2. 3 : contra rc?7i stiam me nescio gnaiido vcnisse qiiestus est. eirel ovx Uprjiov, ov8€ po«Cr|v apviad-qv . . , dWa irepl i/^x^s diov '"EKTopos iTnroddfjLOio, II, AD ATT. I. 2.] NOTES. 175 xxii. 159, 'the stake is no mere offering or ox's hide;' the metnph. is carried on in the next sentence {in quo cursu simus). Omnes gratlas, etc. ; i.e. not only keep all we have, but win all we can. 5. — Hermathena — a two-faced statue; on one side Hermes, on the other Athene. It had been sent home by Atticus for the adornment of the gymnasium or gallery (so called because devoted to literary uses, as the gymnasia were used by the Greek philosophers in Athens) at Tusculum House; cf. Att. i. 4. 3. Eius dvaOi](ia, ' a dedication to it.' II. (ad ATT. I. 2.) Rome, July, 65 B.C. (689 a.u.c.) 1. — Consulibus, sc. reniiiitiatis. 'Caesar and Figulus have been re- turned at the head of the poll, and I have got a son,' seems to be the meaning. We cannot suppose Cicero to be writing in 64 B.C., as Catiline's trial, which was finished in 65, is still going on. Fillolo. Gen. Introd. p. xi, Catilinam . . , defendere cogitamus. Gen. Introd., p. xv., and L. I. I n. Summa accusatoris vol., ' with the full consent of the accuser.' He means that Catiline had known his man, and that P. Clodius was now quite content to allow those to remain on the jury who were known to be most favourable to the accused. On the right of reieclio which he had, cf. L. 6. 3 n. In ratione pet. — i.e, in carrying out the plan of the electioneering campaign. 2. — Tuos familiares, esp. perhaps Hortensius [Alt. ii. 25. l), Lucullus, and Crassus, who along with the oligarchy, as a whole, had been offended by Cicero's speech pro Lege Manilia. Gen. Introd., p. xiv. ; cf. also the important passage. Sail. Cat. 23. 5 and 6. PART II. Getieral Introduction, p. xv. III. (ad FAM. V, I.) Cisalpine Gaul, 62 b.c. (692 a.u.c.) Q. Caecilius Metellus had served with Pompey in Asia in 66 B.C., and was a zealous supporter of the aristocracy. As praetor, in 63 B.C., he had rendered valuable service to Cicero in his efforts to crush the Catili- narian conspiracy, and had taken the field in person against the military forces of its leader. In return for these services Cicero proposed that the consular province of Cisalpine Gaul, which would naturally have fallen to himself, should be intrusted to Metellus instead, who thus became pro- consul in the year 62 B.C., although he did not hold the consulship till two years later. The coolness which had sprung up between him and Cicero at this time was partly due to the action which his brother, Metellus Nepos, had taken in the matter of Cicero's political declaration on De- cember 30, 63 B.C. (Gen. Introd., p. xvii.). The quarrel did not last long (Cicero writes of him in 60 B.C. est consul sane bonus et nos admodiun diligit, Att. i. 19. 4), but it indicates one of those side-winds of party jealousy to which the orator had to bend. He died in 59 B.C., poisoned, it was believed, by his wife Clodia. By 57 B.C. a reconciliation had also been effected with Metellus Nepos, who, as consul in that year, came forward as a warm supporter of Cicero's recall (Gen. Introd., p. xxiii.). 1/6 NOTES. [L. IV. 1. — Si vales bene est. V. Gen. Introd., p. xviii. Absentem, sc. me ; Cicero writes for clearness te a t>ie, L. 4. i . Ob dictvun, ' for merely a word.' Capite ac fortunis, 'rights and property;' the severest penalty of the law to a Roman involved the forfeiture of both. Nepos's action was followed by a decree of the senate in favour of Cicero and his sup- porters (6'rt, /cftf avdis ris evOvval riva avTuv ToXfxrjffri, ^v re exdpov Kal iv Tro\€p.iov fxolpq. ^arai, Dio C. 37. 42. 3). Pudor ipsiuB, i.e. if the moderation my brother has always shown did not afford him the protec- tion it ought to have done. But ipsitis may be objective gen., and the phrase = ' respect due to my brother, ' like pudor patris, Ter. And. i. 5. 27. 2. — Itaque ia luctu, etc., i.e. and so in the midst of my responsibilities as governor I am distracted with grief and its symbols as for one accused of a capital offence ; sqiialore is hardly to be taken literally of weepers. The war was against some restless Alpine tribe, or possibly against the remnants of the Catilinarians. Sperabam. We should have expected the plupf. ; v. Roby 1468 and 1490 on the epistolary use of the impf. and plupf. Abducet, 'make me false to.' IV. (ad FAM. v. 2.) Rome, 62 B.C. (692 A.u.c.) Cicero's carefully-balanced answer to the foregoing falls into four parts — (i) Sects. 1-2, where he places the point in which he is conscious of being weakest in the front, and tries to explain his jests in the senate as best he can. (2) Sects. 3-5, in which he emphasises the favours he had conferred upon Metellus, establishing z. prima facie claim on the gratitude of the family. (3) In sects. 6-8 he paints the conduct of Nepos, which {4) he contrasts with his own clemency, ending up by assuring Metellus himself of his unalterable friendship. 1. — Reticeres. On what occasion Cicero had waited in vain for the passage in Metellus's speech, which he pretended he had been told to expect, is unknown. The relatives of Metellus, to whom he ironically attributed his disappointment, were his brother Nepos and his brother-in- law P. Clodius. Ab occulta coniuratione, esp. the veiled treason of the consul Antonius ; cf. Sail. Cat. 26. Rebus honorificentissimis, i.e. with high commissions in the struggle with the conspirators ; cf. Sail. Cat. 30. 2. — lam. V. L. and S. ii. A, 2. 3. — Quod . . . scribis. V. Roby 1749. Mutuum — for the abstract noun 'reciprocity.' Tibi ipse. It is not easy to fix the force of ipse ; he seems to mean, ' Vou would say at once that that is all gammon on my part.' Rationes — as ration i in L. i. 2. Illud, opp. to hoc, and, like it, referring to the cl. which immediately follows it. Nibil dico, etc. It is unfair, in the absence of precise information as to the way in which the province vacated by Cicero came to fall to the lot of Metellus, to inter- pret these words as an unblushing admission of corrupt practice. Yet sortitione vestra can only refer to lots cast between the praetors for the proconsular governorship. Contumeliosam fuisse, ' to have conveyed a slight.' 4. — lam. V. L. and S. ii. B, I. Ea praescriptione est, i.e. has such distinguished signatures prefixed. The bill was drawn up in presence of its chief supporters (scribendo adfuentnt), whose names stood at the beginning. Cf. the copy of the senatits-consultuvi in Fain. viii. 8. 5, beginning Pridie Kal. Octob. in aede Apollinis scrib, affiterjmt L. Domitius AD FAM. V. 2.] NOTES. 177 Cn. F., etc. Proxlme, 'last.' The occasion is unknown; advoitiis can only mean approach to the capital ; he could not have entered it without losing his imperium. Mutue resp., ' to have been a reciprocal return ; ' miUue, in allusion to Metellus's expression, pro mittuo . . . animo. 6. — Quod scribis. V. Roby 1749. Ob dictum, 'because of a mere word,' quoted from L. 3. i, Ut mihi ignoscas, sc. a te peto ■^?, the co-ordinate of vcliin in the previous clause. Quam qui maxime, sc. amicus est, and cf. Fain, xiii, 3, tavi gratiun mihi id erit qiiavi quod g7-atissimum. Conatum, a favourite word with Cicero for a political agitation, cf. Cat. ii. 26, 27. Claudia, or Clodia, was the second sister of the notorious P. Clodius, as attractive seemingly as she was clever and dissolute. Her brilliant eyes {Jlagrantia ocuhniim, Cic. Cael. 49; Jiosfagrantissororis, sc. cciilos, Har. Rcsp. 38), and the influence she exercised through her brother over the politics of the time, gave occasion to the name (/SotDTrtr, the Homeric epithet of Hera) by wliich she is known in Cicero's letters to Atticus. The accusation brought against her of having poisoned her husband Metellus Celer, is probably just as ground- less as that which was subsequently brought against Caelius (in 56 B.C.) of having attempted to poison her. She is probably the Lesbia of Catullus. For further illustration of the influence which the Roman ladies exercised over politics cf L. 92. Mucia Tertia, the cousin {soror) of the two RIetelli, was the d. of Q. Mucins Scaevola /^«/. max. (cos. 95 B.C.). She married Pompey, from whom she was divorced at the end of 62 B.C. "Q&X^rx&X&xX^ dehor tareniur, as in L. 28. 5. 7. — Ut iurarem, sc. the customary oath that I had administered my office well. 8. — Sibi non esse integrum, 'that he was no longer free to do so,' owing to the declaration he had previously made of his views. Hence Cicero's ironical Homiueiii gravem, etc. Paullo ante, on the occasion of assuming his office, Dec. 10, 63 B.C. Qui urbem . . . voluissent. Of the three infs. after voluissent the first two are connected by et because of the close relation in which they stand to one another. Qui curiam . . . liberasset — almost the very words of the senate's decree passed in his honour; cf. Cic. Cat. iii. 15. Metello fratri tuo, etc., 'Metellus, and brother to you though he was, I lesisted him to his face.' Agere coepisset, sc. cum populo, concerning the bill ; cf. Gen. Introd., p. xviii. The purport of this proposal Cicero here intentionally withholds. Neque 1111, etc., i.e. it was no momentary sense of wrong, but a fixed and deliberate plan upon which he was acting. ludicio . . . dlscepta- tione, 'tact and honourable contest,' opposed respectively to violence and forcible assault ; cf. Off. i. 34 : nam cjun sint duo genera decertandi, ittium per disceptafionem, altcrum per vim ; impressio is a military term. Non casu potius . . . quam, etc., as was probably said by many ; cf. Att. \. 20. 3 : jit non committamus, ut ea, quae gessimus, fortuito gessisse videamiir. 9. — Non me. As in Qua re non ego (sect. 10), the neg. goes closely with the pron. instead of with the verb. Sedens. On being called upon by the presiding magistrate (cf. die M. TiiUi, etc., Att. vii. 3. 5) a member might either simply give his assent to a proposal already before the house (cf. Cn. Pompeio adsentior, Att. vii. 3.5; quibus dc rebus refers, P. .Servilio adsentior, Phil. vii. 27), in which case he remained sitting, or he might rise to his feet either to speak more at length upon it, or to pro- pose an amendment. His reticence on this occasion, Cicero says, was M 178 NOTES. [L. V. prompted by consideration for Metellus Nepos. Addam illud, etc., is continued in the relative clause, qiwd, etc., which gives its colour to the rest of the sentence ; hence the slight aiiacohithon. Senati consulto. In old Latin many of the u stems have a gen. sing, in / as if they belonged to the declension. In inscriptions of the 7th cent. A.U.c. the form ^tv/rt/z is usual, and Cicero has it frequently in such phrases as senaii consul- turn, senati popuhqiie Romani [Div. in Caecil. 19 ; Phil. iii. 38). Sub- levaretur depends on fieri ; the proposal to deprive Metellus Nepos of his office miscarried ; it is the same word as Metellus uses in his letter of what he and his brother had a right to expect from Cicero (L. 3. l). 10. — Qua re, etc. Oppiig7iavi is in antithesis to repugnavi, mobili to stabili, desertiis to permaneretn. Metellus uses both mobilis and desertus in L. 3. For desertus ab officiis ti/is cf. Att. iv. 10. I : a ceteris oblecta- tionibus deseror, Minitanti. V. L. 3. 2 : non erit viirandutn, si vos poenitebit. Cicero ironically suggests below [sed etiam tuo atqite exercitus, etc. ) that he might make a better use of his army than by attacking him. Detraham is fut. like desina»i ; cf. Lig. 16 : suani citiiis abiciet hiimani- tateni quani extorquebit tuam. That the last words of this letter are merely a polite way of expressing his hostility to Metellus Nepos is clear from the speech, no longer extant, which Cicero published at the beginning of 61 B.C. {orationem Metellinam, Att. i. 13. 5). Among other fragments of this speech occurs the following sentence : venit ex Asia: hoc ipsum qiiam novum I tribunus plcbis venit ex Asia: veriivitainen venit I which is significant of the new character in which the tribunus plebis henceforth frequently appears as the agent and cat's-paw of the general in the field ; cf. the part played by Curio in 50 and 49 B.C. V. (ad FAM. v, 7.) Rome, 62 b.c. (692 a.u.c.) Ox receipt of the news of Mithridates's death in 63 B.C. (it was known in Rome by the middle of November at the latest, unless the passage in Mur. 34 is a later addition) Cicero, as consul, had proposed in the senate a thanksgiving of ten days in Pompey's honSur. Immediately after the execution of the Catilinarian conspirators on Dec. 5, he had despatched a detailed account of his own consular achievements to the Asiatic con- queror (epistolam, qiiam ego ad Cn. Pompeium de meis rebus gestis et de suinma 7-epublica misi — Sull. 67). This is the letter alluded to. Plane. 85 : le aiebas de tuis rebus gestis njtllas litteras viisisse, quod t?iihi vieae, quas ad aliquem }?iisissein, obfuissent, i.e. by having deprived him of Pompey's protection against Clodius. The tone in which this letter was written can easily be conceived after perusal of the extravagant passages, Cat. iii. 26 and iv. 21. Cicero's letter was written immediately after the action of Dec. 5, and Pompey replied at once upon receipt in two letters, which thus could not have arrived at Rome before April 62 B.C., as the mail between Rome and Asia took fifty days. The cold, curt style of these letters, as well as the ambiguity of their expressions upon the Catilinarian conspiracy, were characteristic of Pom- pey. Cicero's letter before us is written with great reserve, and is quite AD FAM. V. 7] NOTES. 179 laconic in style. All names are suppressed ; there is no mention of Nepos (it is uncertain whether he was still in Rome) ; no allusion to the previous letter to Pompey ; everything indicates chagrin at the shock his ideal of a union with Pompey and of a copartnership in power had received ; cf. Gen. Introd. p. xvi. , and L. 9. 2, 1. — S. T., etc. — si til exeiri/usi/iit' valctis, bene est ; cf. Gen. Tntrod., p. xviii. Veteres hostes, novos amices = the leaders of the j)opular party, esp. Caesar. Pompey had started in life as a strong supporter of the oligarchy, but had broken with it in 70 B.C. and received the com- mand against Mithridates (66 B.C.) in direct opposition to it. His letter to the senate at this time had hinted at a return to his old allegiance, and thus damped the hopes of the democrats. The expression iaccre, how- ever, is, to say the least of it, exaggerated. For the effect of Pompey's first political deliverance on his return, cf. Gen. Introd., pp. xix. xx. 2. — Exiguam significationem, etc., 'though containing but a cold expression.' Apud me, etc. The meaning is that he is not unwilling that the balance should be on his side. For Cicero's view of his own services to Pompey, cf. L. 38. Ii. Adiunxerint. We should have expected adiunxerunt, but it is dep. upon (////;/, etc. 3. — In tuis litteris must mean in the letter to the senate, as we gather from the context; cf. ijiiain ego, etc. Ne cuius animum = ;/t' queni, where, as so often in Lat., aiii/nus seems pleonastic. Quam Africanus fult . . . quam Laelium. On the difference of constr. v. Roby 1269. VI. (ad ATT, i. 16.) Rome, May, 61 B.C. (693 A.u.c.) From sect. 9 we know that this letter must have been written after May 15. Upon the trial of Clodius, cf. Gen. Introd., p. xix. On Jan. i, 61 B.C., Cicero first communicates the incident to Atticus. On Jan. 27 he tells him of the decision of the pontifices that sacrilege had been done, and of the bill brought in by the direction of the senate decreeing that a special inquiry shoiild be made, and that the judices should be chosen by the praetor instead of taken by lot in the ordinary way from the decuriae judiauit. Meantime Pompey entered Rome, only to express himself in the most general terms upon the subject that was agitating the city. The bill was brought before the people, but was frustrated by the exertions of the friends of Clodius, supported by the tribune Fufius. The senate now took the decided step of decreeing the postponement of all other public business {ut ante quam rogatio lata esset ne quid ageretur), whereupon Hortensius came forward with a compromise to the effect that the investi- gation should take place, but the judges should lie chosen by lot as usual. The bill must have passed before March 15, as Cicero writes to Atticus (i, 15) that the province of Asia had been allotted to his brother on that day, so that the ' block ' in public business must by that time have been removed. 1. — Quo vci06iO = quo inodo fachim sit ut=quare ; cf. Rose. Am. 96. Proeliatus slm. Atticus had prob. used the word. Cicero playfully keeps up the metaph. in fiignas, strages, and in sect. 4. All through the letter we have the exaggeration of familiar conversation (cf. sect, ^milies, sect. 9 i8o NOTES. [L. VI. divinitus). vcrrepov irpdrcpov — not as S. takes it with reference to the giammatical fig. so common in Homer, which grammarians call varepo- \o-yia, as in o'i ol irpoadev afia Tpd(pev ijS' eyivovTO (II. i. 251), but to the art by which Homer introduces us at once in medias res, as in Od. i. Ulysses is already in the tenth year of his wanderings. His previous ad- ventures are related only in the subsequent books. lUe, sc. Clodius. Pisonem. M. Pupius Piso Calpurnianus, consul for the year along with M. Valerius Messalla, opposed the decree of the senate in its first form. Curionem (cos. 76 B.C.), f. of the younger Curio (L. 43). He defended Clodius at his trial. Levitatein=: want of principle. 2. — Hortensius. Cf. Gen. Introd., p. xiii. As an orator he was second at Rome only to Cicero, and exercised a most powerful influence for peace upon the politics of the time. If Cicero meditated a biography of him (cf. L. 27. 3 : quod me admones, etc.), we cannot too much regret that he did not accomplish his purpose. De relig^one, sc. violata; cf. Att. i. 14. 2. Fufius Calenus ; cf. L. 9. i. Nullis iudicibus. The neg. goes with /ti5j-rodam, quam manifestatii, quam coiifessain rem pecunia redimere eoiietur, i.e. to buy off from the jury. 'That the case was clear, and that the jury was bought oft'.' Contionalis . . . plehecula, ' that clamouring blood-sucker of the trea- sury, the wretched starveling rabble.' In L. 24. 4 Cicero uses contionario illo populo. Their demand was for cheap corn. Unice diligi putat. Cicero's true opinion of Pompey at this time is contained in Att. i. 13. 4, where he says he finds in him nihil come, nihil simplex, nihil iv toU TToXiriKoTs honestum, nihil tllustre, nihil forte, nihil libertim. Pompey always appeared to approve Cicero's consulship before the people, whose favour at this time he seems to have enjoyed. Comissatores coniura- tionis, 'those who hatch mischief over their cups.' BarbatuH, i.e. with small, delicate beards ; to have a beard at all after coming of age was the mark of a fop ; the same is expressed by bene barbatus in Cat. ii. 22 seq. : quos peso capillo nitidos ant itnberbes ant bene barbatos videtis, where imberbes means too young to have a beard. Cn. Ciceronem. Cf. the jest quoted by Suetonius {Caes. 20), thus describing the year 59 B.C. : non Caesa7'e et Bibnlo, sed lulio et Caesare consiilibus. Gladiatoribus, ' at the gladiatorial shows ;' cf. Roby I180, n. 7. ht\. : fore futabant, jct in exuker- ato anii)io facile fictuin crimen insideret (so insedisse here, sc. in animo). Antea saepe. The quarrel did not originate in Atticus's refusal to go to Asia to meet Quintus. Post sortitionem provlnciae. After his praetorship Quintus had received the province of Asia, which he administered during 4 1 +6- B.C. and the two following years. The Roman province of Asia at this time embraced the districts formerly ruled over by Attalus, viz., Mysia, Phrygia, Lydia, and Caria. The rest of Asia Minor was divided into two provinces, Bithynia (embracing Bithynia proper and Pontus as far as the Halys), and Cilicia (including Pamphylia and Cyprus). 2. — In istis locis, at your 'place' in Epirus. Non modo . . . sed =.non dicam . . . sed. Cf. the similar passage, Att. i. 11. i : noji modo oratione, sed tiio vnltu . . . tolles. Congressu corresponds to disptitatione, and like it contains the notion of something premeditated. Oflacium, etc., Offic, as man ; necess., as brother-in-law ; amor, as friend. 3.— Meos . . . tuis. The plural softens down what might otherwise be too pointed ; vieos means Quintus, tiiis Pomponia, who is referred to again below in (/('w^'j-//V/j-. Ut, 'granted that.' Videtur, sc. /«/t';v. 4. — Sermonibus, 'remarks.' Ecqiiid tantum causae sit ig-noro sed, etc., i.e. ' I do not know whether there is any reason why you should be so angry ; at any rate,' etc. ; so Orelli. T. translates : ' I cannot see what ground there is to justify such language on his part.' But Cicero is depre- cating Atticus's anger, and clearly does not wish to admit that QuhUus had given him any real cause of annoyance ; zi. putas'^w^i before. This is quite compatible with the beginning of the letter. Omnes . . . spas. The separation of these two by so many intervening words strengthens the force of each. In Eng., ' my hopes,' etc. 'rest wholly.' Si ita statu- 1 86 NOTES. [L. VII. eris, 'if you will but feel assured.' IrritabiUs. Cicero writes to his brother himself (in 60 B.C.), 0?}ines enim, qui istinc (from Asia) veniunt, ita de iita virtiitc, intcgritate, hiananitatc coinmcnioraiit, nt in tuis sii»u?i!s landibus excipiant ujiam iracutidiam (Q. Fr. i. i. 37). Eosdem placa- bilis. Cf. Horace's account of himself, Ep. i. 20. 25, as Irasci celerem, tamen ut placabilis essem. Incommoda, unpleasantnesses such as rise from differences of character ; vitia, actual faults of character for which a man^ is not responsible; iniiiriae, premeditated acts of unkindness. Maxime pertinet, ' it is of the greatest importance.' A comparison of this phr. with >tihil atiinet above will be found instructive. .5. — Quas facilitates, 'what opportunities' you have lost by your sojourn in Rome. Ingenuitas. The sense is : you need not have written to me about the profits you have foregone in being at Rome during my consulship. None knows better than I the nobility of your mind. Voluntatem institutae vitae, ' our choice of a profession. ' Cum . . . disceasi, ' but in affection towards me, after my brother and my family, I reckon you second to none.' Cf. L. 38. 18: cumavolns . . . discesserim, neniinem esse. 6.— Laudis gratulatio timoris consolatio, 'your congratulations upon my successes, and your sympatliy in my fears ; ' corresponding to those verbal nouns with the gen., we have in Pkil. ii. 28 : ei reacperatam libertatevi est grahdatiis, and in Fam, vii. 11. 2 desiderium iui spe . . . consolabor. Cf. Robyii20. lucunda . . . grata. ///r/^«(/w(w7/a/) = pleasant to the outer or inner senses; ^'7-rt/'/«= welcome because beneficial, whether actually pleasant or not ; cf. L. 82. i. Quo in genere, 'in respect of which,' as constantly ; cf. L. 78. 13. Propter amWtionem, ' in pursu- ance of my political career.' Cf. what he says of himself in Manil. 2 (66 B.C.), and O. Cic. Pet. Cons. 38. 47. Nunc, sc. sustineo. 7.— Probatos esse voluisti. Esse might have been omitted (cf. Roby 1402). Aliquando = on some former occasion ; cf. L. 6. 14. Testi- ficata, passive. Omittendae provinciae, to refuse all provincial appoint- ments. Cf. Nep. Alt. 6 : imtltoriiDi consilium pi-aetoriimqite praefeciuras delatas sic accepit, ut neniiiitm in proz'iiiciaiii sit secutus, honore fiierit con- tentus reifaniiliaris despexerit fnietuin ; qui ne cum Q. quidem Cicerone vohierit ire in Asiam. Ilia, the rupture between you and Quintus (sects. 1-4). Haec, the ties between you and me (sects. 5-7). Suam rellgionem obtinebunt, will retain their former sanctity, 'will remain as sacred as ever.' 8.— Nostros equites. Nostros, ( i ) because the families of both Atticus and Cicero were of equestrian fortune ; (2) Cicero in 63 B.C. had been suc- cessful in bringing about a temporary union between the equites and the senate, and now hoped for the support of a united party against the avengers of Catiline and the abettors of Clodius. His efforts at this time were directed at convincing the senate that it was its interest to maintain this union at all costs. Primum is taken up by ecce aliae instead of by turn or deinde. Promulgatum. On Calo's proposal, v. Ait. ii. 1.8. Ob iudicandum, or ob rem iudicandam ( Verr. i. 38), is the usual form, and means 'as an inducement to pass a dishonest judgment.' Cf. Verr. ii. 119: ob ins dicendum dare pecuniam. Ad would have seemed more natural. As the proposal for the investigation came from the side of the senate, it would appear that the jurymen chosen from the equites and tribuni aerarii alone were regarded as guilty. The equites dared not complain {aperte dicere), as this would have been tantamount to a confession of guilt. In causa non verecunda, 'considering that my cause was hardly respectable ;' AD ATT. I. i;.] NOTES. 187 Cicero could not but approve of the decree (cf, his own words, Atl. ii. i. 8 : quid verius qttam in indicium venire qui ob rem iiidicandam pccuniam acceperit?), but he saw in it the destruction of his cherished hopes. Gravis et copiosus. Cf. Alauil. 42: quantitm dicendi gravitate et copia valeat ; (;raiopta, 'nonchalance,' 'indifference' {quod enitn jlli a.^La(f>opov dicitiit, id niihi ita occurrit, ut indifferens dicerevi. — Fin. iii. 53). Quod est subinane, etc., ' tliat little strain of vanity and self-conceit in my nature.' Ad annos sescentos. For «iabit Poinpeis py. K. Junius. Venatio et vela erunt. The advocati were the claqueurs, and the best w ay of explaining the passage is to suppose a play upon both these words ; who the technical dominus was on the occasion is indifferent ; Pompey is prob. the 'master' meant (cf. L. 9) ; the advocati are his supporters, in which light Caesar appeared at this time to his contemporaries. Sibilis conscissi, 'hissed out,' after the analogy o{ pugnis, conviciis conscindere. Nostra miseria tu es magnus. If Cicero is quoting from memory he is probably wrong. As T. shows, both this and ^V neque, etc., would scan better if we made a slight change in each, reading miseria nostra magnus 192 NOTES. [L. XI. es (as Val. Max., vi. 2. 9, quotes the line), and Si leges neque mores cogttnt. Eandem, etc., 'thy present greatness.' Mortuo plausu, 'amid feeble applause,' not abl. absol. ; cf. inteniiortuae coiitiones, Mil. 12, and Sest. 126. Capuam, where Pompey was, as one of the xx viri agris dividiindis. Dicebantur, erant, etc., are epistolary. Stantes — cf. Lael. 24 : stantes plaiidebaiit in re ficta, and Sest. 1 1 7. Rosciae legi, passed in 67 B.C. by the tribune L. Roscius Otho : tit equitilms Kor.ianis ill theatro quattiiordecini gradus proxiini [i.e. next to the orchestra where the senators sat) adsignarentiir (Liv. PeriocJt. 99). Frumentariae, i.e. the lex Terentia et Cassia, which provided that corn should be sold at a fixed price (6^ asses the modius). It dated from 73 B.C., being a re-enact- ment of the lex f rumen taria of C. Gracchus. Sed est iam una, etc., ' there is only one expression of feeling, which gains confidence rather from men's hatred of the triumvirs than from any power to resist them.' 4. — Noster autem Publius. The familiar use of \.he praenonien as if of a friend [gaiident praenoniine violles auriculae, Hor. Sat. ii. 5. 32) is of course ironical (cf. L. 31. 19). Minitatur, inimicus est. Upon the asyjideton, cf. L. 42. 2 n. Negotium, his election to the tribunate. Exercitum, a freq. metaph. with Cicero when speaking of his consulship ; cf. Cat. iii. 23 : togati me imo togato diice et imperatoi-e vicistis. Etlam satis bonorum, 'even our half-hearted supporters;' cf. Att. xiv. 10. i : laetantibus omnibus bonis, ctiain sat bonis, fractis latronilnis. Ille fallit, sed ipse falUtur, sc. Pompeius upon Cicero's real or pretended blindness, cf. L. 11. 6. Iderat . . . mortui. C. Cosconius (praetor in 63 B.C.) was one of the XX viri agris dividundis. Cicero plays upon the words in locum mortui, which besides their natural sense in the passage suggest also that by accepting such a post as the executor of a law, to which he had been strongly opposed, he was signing his own political death-warrant. Niliil me turpius, where we should have expected personal constr. ; cf. LL. 53. 4, 54. 4. Istam ipsam dcr4>dX£iav, ' that very security which you tell me ought to be my sole thought ;' cf. above, sect. I. Illi, the xx viri. 5. Honestior, sc. than to accept a place among the commissioners. Hoc [periculum) non repudio. If the danger had been actually present he would have used recuso ; it was still onl^i threatened (cf. sect. I, quae intenduntur). Quid ergo est ? As often after a negation, to give point to the affirmation. 'I prefer then to fight? yes ; but,' etc. diKKi^d- jjicOa has had two meanings alliecl assigned to it : to coquet with one's own image in the mirror, a supposed weakness of a certain 'Akko), and to pretend ignorance ; cf. Trpoanoirj /j.wpiav Kal rb /xt; eidevai, Schol. ad Plat. Gorg.; ' why should I coquet w ith the matter longer ? ' — T. Perfidelem, without a substantive, as idonenm, L. 6. 16. Furium. L. Furius Philus (Cons. 136 B.C.) was a friend of Laelius [Lael. 14) ; no letters remain in which these names are assumed. Caecilium, Att.'s uncle, and, to judge from Cicero's remarks upon him (L. i. 4), a man of by no means a conciliatory temperament. lis ardet ... P. Caesar with clearer insight viewed Bibulus's ebullitions with the utmost indifference. For these edicta, v. Suet. Caes. 20. XI. (ad ATT. 11. 21.) Rome, July, 59 B.C. (695 A.u.c). The letter must have been written after July 25. 1. — Subtiliter=\-ara Xctttov, L. 9. 2, 'in detail,' sc. scribam. Quam reliquisti, the constr. is different from quam . . . reliq. in L. 6. II, and therefore the cum which is there necessary may here be left out. Ut AD ATT. 11. 2 1.] NOTES. 193 tamen sine pernicie, sc. esset. To the supporters of tlie constitution, on the other hand, liovvever galling it might be, it was at least not ruinous. Quorsus . . . horreamus. Plutarch quotes an cx])ression of Ponipey's at this time : dcpl^Ofxai irpbs tovs direiXouvras to. ^icprj /xera ^l(povs Kal Ovpebv KOfil^wv, Pomp. 47 ; cf. il>. 48 : e/iTrXijtras (TTpariwrCov ttjv ttoXiv airavTa to. ■n-pdynara /3ta Kare^xe \ cf. also Plut. Cues. 14 for the state of violence which prevailed in the city. Iracundiam atque intemperantiam. Caesar threatened to have Cato imprisoned, and Pompey filled the forum with his veterans when the agrarian law was brought forward. Cato was driven twice from the rostra, and Bibulus was in terror of his life. This unconstitutional conduct on the part of the triumvirs [illoi'iim') Cicero ex- presses hy o/iniia perdiderimt. In throwing the blame on Cato {Caioni irati and culpa Catonis, Alt. ii. 9. i), who he elsewhere {Att. i. 18. 7) admits was the only man who did his duty by the constitution, Cicero shows a lurking desire to excuse his own apathy. Honestorum is used inten- tionally instead o{ bononim. 2. — Orbem . . . conversum, ' that the wheel of the revolution had turned so gently,' exactly the same expression as in Alt. ii. 9. i : festive, mihi crede, et niinore sonitjt, quam putaram, orbis hie in re publica est conversus ; the political world seems to Cicero to be moving round him like a wheel in the centre of which he stands and looks on : stare enit?i omnes debenms tamquani in orbe aliqtio reipublicae, qui quoniaiii versatur, earn deligere partem, ad quam nos illius utilitas salusque coitverterit [Plane. 93, where the whole passage is interesting for the later relations between Cicero on the one hand, and Caesar and Pompey on the other). For sperabam with pf. infin. cf. L. and S. spero, i. (7). 3. — Amicus noster, sc. Pompey ; elsewhere Gnaeus noster. Insolens infamiae. Insolens i.q. insitetus in sect. 4 ; infamiae here and contiimeliae there are both gen. Semper in laude . . . gloria, ' having always moved in an atmosphere of eulogy and triumph.' Deformatus corpore ; cf. sect. 4, tabescat dolore ; Pompey is said to have worn a peculiar sort of military boot (fasciae), in order to conceal a sore in his leg (cf. Att. ii. 3. i) ; there may be some similar allusion here. Progressum praecipitem, ' that to advance further' (with Caesar and Crassus) ' is dangerous.' In- constantem reditum, 'that to return' (to the party of the optimates) 'would be a sign of weakness.' Mollitiem animi, 'how susceptible I am.' Ipse sibi . . . displicebat. For the phrase, which refers either to bodily indisposition or mental trouble, cf. L. 9. 3, and Phil. i. 12 : qiium- que e via languerem et mihimet displicerem ; tr. ' how great the distress not only of others who were present, but also of the man himself.' 4. — Unl Crasso, who ever since the end of the slave war (71 B.C.) had felt himself in opposition to Pompey. Their union in 70 and 60 B.C. rested only on community of interest. Quia deciderat . . . vldetoatur, ' for, falling as he did from the very zenith of glory, he seemed to them rather to have slipped by chance into his coalition with Caesar than to have entered it of set purpose,' Tyrrell. Venerem, i.e. Anadyomene, according to Boot, because the Coan Venus, to which Cicero often refers [e.g. L. 38. 15, and Off. iii. 10), was unfinished ; Protoges of Rhodes, a contemporary of Apelles, painted lalysus, the eponym of lalysus in Rhodes, grandson of Helios, and is said to have been engaged for seven years upon the work. Clodianum negotium, i.e. Clodius's adoption by Fonteius, at which Pompey was auspex ; cf. Att. ii. 9. i, where Pompey is called tradnctor ad plebem. Itaque really introduces the clause edicta Bibuli mihi viehercule molesta ; the two intermediate clauses, popiilo ita sunt iucunda, etc., and ipsi ita N 194 NOTES. [L. xii. acerba, etc., are logically subordinate. The epistolary style prefers co- ordination to subordination of clauses. ArcMlocliia. Archilochus of Paros flourished early in the seventh cent. B.C., and was the inventor of the Iambic metre. Plutarch speaks of these edicts as ^\a^OY)\e {contionem habere) unless with the permission of a magistrate, who was said contionem dare ; co7itio is said by Gellius {N. A. xviii. 7. 7) to mean either (i) the place from which a public speech was delivered, the rostra, as in such phrases as in contionem escendere (cf. L. 23. 3) ; or (2) the meeting itself; or (3) the speech deli- vered. Of these the second is the primary meaning {contio = convetttio). The first is hardly established ; m contionem escendere prob. means ' to ascend the rostra to deliver a speech' (/« = for the purpose of, as in such phrases as in praesidium, in suffragium mittere). Praeter unum prae- torem, Appius CI. Pulcher, the brother of Publius Clodius. 7. — Senatus frequens, sc. fiiii. In a very crowded meeting of the senate during this year {senatus frequentissimus, Dom. 14), the number of members present was 417 {Red. in Sen. 26). Et omnes consulares. Note the expressive use (A et (as in L. 10. i, et sescenta sunt) : ' when lo ! all-the consulars, who but yesterday were so shy,' etc. ; for the fact, cf. Dofn. 9. Alteram se, a second self to him ; cf. Att. iii. 15. 4 : te quasi me alteru?n, and L. 31. i. Whether Pompey actually used the expression of Cicero seems doubtful. Legem conscripserunt, 'drew out a bill,' decree- ing that the cura annonae, which the senate had resolved the previous day to confer upon Pompey, should last for five years, and extend over the whole world. Alteram Messius. It is characteristic of Pompey that he should pretend to desire nothing more than what was proposed by Cicero 2o6 NOTES. [l. XXIII. and the consuls, while at the same time he allowed his creature, C. Mes- sius (AU. viii. ii. d. 2), to propose and his friends to support the bill which promised most to his own selfish ambition. Nostra lex con- sularis, 'the bill drawn up by the consuls in the lines of my proposal.' Duce Favonio fremunt, ' headed by Favonius, raise an outcry against the bill of Messius.' On M. Favonius, cf. Plut. Pomp. 60. Here, too, he appears as a leader of the opposition. He was a zealous supporter of the optimates, and was put to death by order of Octavianus after the battle of Philippi. Tacemus, for fear of offending Pompey by expressing my indignation against Messius's bill. Pontiflces. From sects. 114-116 of Dom., delivered Sept. 30, we gather the following facts about the rather obscure story of the fate of Cicero's house : Clodius had, through a certain Scato (qui in Marsis, ubi natus est, tectum, cui imbris vitandi causa suc- cederei, iaiii nnlluDi haberet), bought the site of Cicero's house when it was put up to auction after his banishment. He bought, besides, the house of one Q. Seius, situated probably a little behind that of Cicero, and higher up the slope of the Palatine. Between those tw'o sites there lay the Portico of Q. Lutatius Catulus (the conqueror of Vercellae, loi B.C.). This Clodius caused to be pulled down, in order that he might have room for a temple of Liberty and a new Portico, both of which he set about building at once after the usual consecration of the ground. Now it seems that a small portion (one-tenth) of Cicero's site was included in the consecrated ground, and the matter now under the consideration of the pontifices was whether the consecration by Clodius was valid, and whether the ground was really sacred. It was unlawful to use such for profane purposes (ioca sac7-a et religiosa pro/ana haberi), and accordingly Cicero says below, if the pontifices decided against him, the consuls could only inflict a slight upon Clodius by demolishing his sacred buildings {de»iolieiitm-), and contracting for the restitution of the Porticus Catuli in their own name {suo nomine locabunt), while they would compensate himself by making an estimate of his losses, and providing him with a new site [rem totam aestimabunt). If, on the other hand, they decided in his favour, he would recover his old site (areain, below), and the senate would recoup him for the loss of the buddings upon it {siipo-JJciein aedium: L. 23. 5). 8. — Ut in secundis, etc. ' Such is my position ; it is not a strong one, but it miglit have been much worse,' is the meaning. The expression occurs twice besides in the letters, and looks like a quotation from a poem in iambic or trochaic verse. Litteris non committo ; cf. L. 23. 7 n. on /j.vio»iiiiatim ; cf. Dow. 136. Sine religione, ' without scruple,' seemingly. M. T. — Marco Tullio. In contionem escendit — v. L. 22. 6 n. Secundum se deer., ' had decided in liis favour,' because they had not blamed his action in the matter of the dedication, nor formally questioned the right which he claimed. Cum etiam illi infirmi, 'although even those weaker sup- porters' (to say nothing of my friends), etc. 4. — Marcellinus. Cn. Cornelius Lentulus jNIarcellinus, as consul-elect, would first be called upon for his opinion. Quid secuti, ' from what point of view their decision had been arrived at.' M. LucuUus, a younger brother of the famous L. Lucullus, and, like him, a zealous supporter of the optimates. De lege statuturos. After deciding on the religious aspect of the question in their quality as priests, they were now going on as senators to decide on the legal aspects of the question, whether Clodius, namely, had received authority from the people to perform the consecration. From Do»i. 128 we seem to learn that the law went rather against Cicero : /ex Papiria vetat aedis iniussu plehis consecraj-i : sit sane hoc de no sir is aedibus ac nan de publicis te/nplis, uniim ostende verbuni consecrationis in ipsa tua lege, si ilia lex est ac nan vox sceleris et crudelitatis time. Diem consumere, or die/n dicendo eximere, was a common form of obstruction in the Roman senate, which was all the more effective that no resolution could be passed after sunset. So that it would appear that a very small amount of opposition might secure an adjournment. At the same time, as a non-representative assembly, the senate en masse seems so far to have been superior to all forms of the house as to have had the power of refusing further to listen to an objectionable speaker. Aliquando, 'at length,' not common with- out tandem. Fieret, ^/meXXe yeviadai.. Praeter unum, i.e. Clodius. Serranus, a tribune who had opposed Cicero's recall. Referre. The intercessio of a tribune might itself become the subject of a new motion, or at least of an investigation, in the course of which it might happen that the obstruction was withdrawn. Cornicinus, Cn. Oppius, son-in- law of Serranus, had already acted the same comedy on Jan. i, when he tried by similar means to persuade Serranus to withdraw his opposition to Cicero's recall. Noctem sibi postulavit ; cf. the fuller form in Sest. c. 74 : noctem sibi ad deliberandum postulavit. It was only a milder form of veto. 5. — Senatus consultum, the same as Cicero mentions, Har. Resp. 13 : frequentissimus senatus . . . statuit . . . dominn meam iztdicio pontifi- cum religione liberatain videri. Illam — v. L. 22. 7 n. ; he means the new Portico which Clodius had built. De consilii sententia, ' with the approval of their legal advisers.' The consilium, or advising committee, was a deep-rooted institution in Roman public life ; cf. L. 6. 5, and Att. ii. 16. 4, in the former of which passages we hear of a praetor's con- silium, in the latter of a provincial governor's. Aestimarunt HS vicies, about ^^i 7,000. Cicero had paid over ;,^30, 000 ; cf. Fa/n. v. 6. 2. Interventu Varronis. On Varro, v. introd. to L. 69. He had doubt- less gone on a visit to Atticus in Epirus. 6. — Reliqua cogitatione, 'my plans for the future.' A Pompeio legari ; cf. L. 22. 7 n. His brother Quintus however relieved him from this duty, as Cicero himself desired to remain in Rome, and went as legatus 2oS NOTES. [L. XXIV. ot Pompey to Sardinia to raise corn supplies for the capital. Quod nisi; cf. L. 17. in. Votivam legation em — v. the locus classicus in Alt. ii. 16. 4, and cf. L. 9. 3. Fanorum, lucorum ; cf. the same com- bination in Liv. 35. 51. 2. Sed volui, 'but, as I said, I wished.' 7. — Nee . . . possum, ' T have no heart either, ' etc. Tusculanum proscripsi. The house at Tusculum was some twenty miles east from Rome, in the neighbourhood of the modern Frascati, a place still much resorted to on account of the fineness of its situation and climate. Cicero advertised the property at this time for sale, hut the next words, suhitrhano non facile careo {i.e. etsisitbnrbano, etc. ), show how hard he found it to part with it, and, as we find mention of it subsequently {Att. xii. 41. i) as still his own, we conclude that his courage failed him, and he retained it. In ea re, i.e. his recall and the vote of indemnification. Quod sensisti tu absens et praesentes, rather a harsh way of putting ' as you away in Epirus, and they (my friends) in Rome, have observed.' Quorum . . . copiis ; cf L. 20. 3, and n. Defensores, with some irony; it was the optimates themselves who, while pretending that Cicero's recall was due to their strenuous exertions, prevented him through their jealousy and ill- feeling (sect. 5 above) from obtaining full restitution for his losses. They seem strongly to have desired (cf. L. 38. 5), and even to have openly suggested {Att. iv. 5. 2), that Cicero should sell his house on the Palatine, with the view probably of getting rid of a neighbour with whom they had so little sympathy. Quo in genere, as in L. 7. 6. (Avo-TiKcorepa, as in L. 22. 8 : sunt quaedatn domestica, quae litteris non conimitto ; that he refers to unhappy relations with his wife is quite clear from the next words, in which he makes a marked omission of all reference to her. Cf. Plut. Cic. 41. The repetition of the a heiore. Jilia is expressive. XXIV. (ad Q. Fr. II. 3.) Rome, Feb. 12, 56 B.C. (698 A.u.c.) The letter was written on Feb. 12, 56 B.C., but opportunity of sending it off seems to have failed until the 15th. It gives a vivid picture of the anarchy which reigned in Rome during these months. Clodius, by his election to the aedileship on Jan. 22, was ncv only delivered from all im- mediate danger from Milo, but was able effectively to turn the tables against him by retaliating his charge of riotous proceedings. In view of the tragical end of this quarrel in 52 B.C., it is interesting to read Cicero's prophetic words written so long before as Nov. 24, 57 B.C., Att. iv. 3. 5 : reiim Publiiim, 7iisi ante occisus erit, fore a Milone piito. Si se in turba ei iam obtulerit, occisum iri ab ipso Milone video. Two other points of in- terest in this letter deserve mention — the light it throws on Pompey's character, and its allusions to Cicero's defence of Sestius. For an account of Q. Cicero, v. introd. to L. 32. 1. — Legationes, 'the hearing of the envoys' from Egypt, as to the restoration of Ptolemaus. Bes, the same. Milo adfuit, ' Milo ap- peared ' — seemingly before the cotnitia tribiita, having been accused by Clodius de vi for his action the previous year. Pompey was there to sup- port Milo {advocatiis), while the actual defence was conducted by M. Mar- cellus (L. 76), who is mentioned in the next words. The latter is the same M. Marcellus who appears as Cicero's attorney in 52 B.C., in the case of Milo, and was consul in 51 B.C. De ornandis praetoribus. Ornare AD Q. FR. II. 3.] NOTES. 209 is the technical word used of the senate in granting supplies, troops, and legati to the provincial governors ; cf. Att. iii. 24. 2 : orttatas esse pro- vincias designatonun. C. Cato— C. Porcius Cato {adulescens nullius con- silii, Q. F,-."\. 2. 15 ; in another place adulescens tta-bulentus et andax nee iniparatiis ad dicendum), who had wished in 59 B.C. to bring an accusation against Gabinius for bribery. He was tribune just now, and at bitter feud with Pompey, whom in 59 he had spoken of as pmatum dictatorein, but with whom he was subsequently reconciled. De im- perio . . . abrogando. For Lentulus, cf. introd. to L. 28. Cato pro- posed to depose him from command in order to checkmate him in his intentions as to Egypt. The proposal was rejected. 2.— Sive, 'or rather,' Operae Clod. ; cf. L. 22. 6 n. Perpetua oratione, 'during the whole time of his speech.' Peregerat, best omitted perhaps, in emendation of a corrupt passage. Sed takes up a broken sentence,— ' when then.' Ut neque mente . . . consisteret, i.e. he quite lost his presence of mind, stammered, and changed colour ; cf. exsanguis, just below. In clamore ipso, ' at the very height of the hubbub.' Fame necaret ; cf. L. 22. 6 scq. Ne quid in turba, sc. nobis accideret. In curiam — sc. Hostiliam, on the north side of the forum. Pompeius domum, sc. decessit. Bibulo ; cf. L. 10. 2. Curione, L. 6. I. Favonio, L. 22. 7. Servilio filio, s. of Isauricus, and consul in 48 B.C., along with Caesar. He is spoken of by Cicero already in 60 B.C. {Att. ii. I. 10) as aeiinilator of Cato. There is nothing more characteristic of Pompey's weakness and vanity as a politician than the constant strain in his relations with the senate. Without Caesar he was powerless inside the walls of Rome. He offended in turn all the leading members of the optimate party. His chosen friends were parasites and flatterers from a rank far beneath his own ; quuin autem eitis familiares onmiuin ordinuiii video, Cicero writes {Fam. i. 2. 3) after lately dining with him, perspicio, id quod iam omnibiis est apertnm, totam rem istam iam prideni a certis kominibus, nan invito rege ipso consiliariisqiie eiics, esse corruptani. His bitterest enemies were men like Cato and Crassus, through whose assistance alone he could have hoped to maintain his position in Rome, or in any degree to have counterbalanced the influence of Caesar. In posterum, usu. — ' till a future time,' sc. tew pus ; here, as in Fain, x. 12. 4, 'till the next day,' sc. diem. In Quirinalia, the festival in honour of the deified Romulus, held on Feb. 17 ; cf. Ov. Fast. ii. 475-532. 3. — Ad Apollinis. On the gen., v. L. 20. 2 n. This temple was in the Campus Martius, outside the walls of Rome, near the Circus Flami- nius ; the reason why the senate met here on this occasion was iit P. adesset, two explanations of which are given : ( i ) As it seems pretty cer- tain that Pompey had imperium in virtue of his cura annonae, the senate was held here in order that he might not have to lay down his imperium by entering the city ; to this it is objected that Pompey was certainly in the city on the previous day (v. sect. 2), whatever we are to say of the case of the trial of Sestius (cf. W. Ep. 29. 7 n), so that he must already have forfeited his imperium, if he had any to forfeit. (2) Giving up the view that his commission involved imperium, we may suppose that the senate was held in the Campus Martius to be near Pompey's house in the same district, in order that Pompey, whose life was now in danger, might attend with safety. Besides the doubt about the imperium (cf. esp. Fn/n. i. i. 3), it is objected to this view, that, if it had been merely the danger to Pom- pey himself which was the reason of the senate's meeting here, Cicero would have said so explicitly. It is certainly not to be understood from O 210 NOTES. [L. XXIV. the peaceful description, Pompeiits domuni, that he fled home in momen- tary anticipation of assassination. Might we not suppose that, while Pompey either received or assumed the privilege of entering the city on the occasion of certain trials without forfeiting his imperiiim, yet such a liberty was neither given nor taken in the case of the senate ? At any rate we do not hear of his entering the senate on any of these occasions. On the contrary, it is expressly mentioned that on Feb. 7, when, after the disturbance in the forum, a meeting was summoned, Pompey did not attend, but ' went home.' Me invito. The optimates were anxious to draw Cicero off from his allegiance to Pompey. Perfldiam, in 58 B.C. Malevolorum, 'my ill-wishers,' who would be too glad to hear this attempt at estranging Cicero from Pompey to interrupt the .speaker. Crassura descripsit, drew a picture which all recognised as Crassus. Descriltere has precisely this meaning in Mil. 47 : dicereni Milonis tnanii caedein esse factain, consilio vero niaioris alicuiits : me videlicet latroneni ac sicariuin abiecti hoDiiiies et pcrditi describcbant ; cf. Phil. ii. 1 13. Quem C. Carbo interemisset, the orthodox and aristocratic view (cf. Fain. ix. 21. 3; De Or. ii. 170; also Mil. 16) quite unsupported by facts ; it was not even proved that he was murdered at all. 4. — Improba, in the political sense of radical or democratic. In eo, * in this respect.' Ipsius, 'even his,' Clodius's. Sed, 'but besides.' Ex Piceno ; cf. Veil. ii. 29. I : sub adveniiuji in Italiam L. Sullae (in 83 B.C.) Cn. Pompeiits . . . Ji?->nHmex agro Piceno, qui totus pate7-nis eius clientelis refertus erat, contraxit exercittmi. Gallia, sc. Cispadana, whence Caesar would send him any amount of support. Rogationibus de Milone. What the terms of his bill about Milo were we do not know ; Cicero calls Cato ironically viitdcx gladiatoritm et bestiarioruDi (doubtless in reference to this same bill) in an amusing passage, Q. Fr. ii. 4. 5. 5. Sestius ; cf. Gen. Introd. p. xxiii. Pupinia, sc. tribu, one of the original sixteen tribus rusticae. M. Tullio Albinavano; cf. Fa tin. 3; this is the case in which Cicero, on Mar. 14, aided in the defence of Sestius ; the contents of the accusation we liave in Sest. 78 : P. Sestium queritur (aecusator) cum miiltitudine in tribunatu et cum praesidio magna fuisse ; V. also ib. 84. lure suscensere, i.e. on account of his lukewarmness, prob. in the matter of Cicero's recall ; cf. L. ;;8. 2 n. ; in Q. Fr. ii. 4. i he accuses him oi perversitatcm quibusdam in rebus, and calls him morosus. Ad adligatos can only mean ' in addition to the other persons accused ' de ambitu; but this is unsatisfactory, (i) on account of the un-Ciceronian use olad; and (2) because there is only one other accused person mentioned, viz. Sestius. It is possible that in a corrupt passage ad is a gloss, and adli- gatos edidit means ' lodged an accusation against ; ' for adligare in this sense, cf. Clu. 13. 39, ?iX\AFlac. 41 : inttuit homo doctus et sapiens, ne L. Flaccus mmc se scelere adliget. As to Vatia and Cornelius, except that the latter is unwarrantably identified by some editors with the C. Cornelius whom Cicero defended in 65 B.C. on a charge de maiestate, nothing is known. Ista ei, given up as irredeemably corrupt, but if the above suggestion of edidit adligatos be accepted, ista ei may be de maiestate (itself an ignorant gloss). Sodalitates decuriatique. These sodalitates were clubs instituted by Clodius contrary to the decree of the senate passed in 68 B.C. Previous to 68, these clubs, originally instituted for religious purposes, had come to be extensively employed as a means of political organisation. To the Romans, to whom party politics meant selfish and unconstitutional aims, these societies were at all times an abomination, and about the date just mentioned feeling ran so high that they were AD Q. FR. IT. 3.] NOTES. _ 211 suppressed by public decree. Clodius, however, in 58 i;.c. found their re-establishment on an extended scale a convenient method of strengthen- ing his hold upon the mob. The dauriatio, or division of the tribulcs into decuriae for purposes of bribery, was part of his system of organisa- tion ; cf. Sest. 34 ; cum vlcatini homines conscriberentiir, dcciiriarenttir, ad vim, ad manics, ad caedem, ad direptionem incitarentur, and many passages in Plmic, e.g. 45. A law for the final suppression of these clubs was passed next year by the consul Crassus {lex Licinia de sodaliciis). Dis- cederent, 'should be broken up.' 6. — Pro Bestia. L. Calpurnius Piso Bestia was tribune in 62 B.C. and Cicero's enemy (Sail. Cat. 43. i) ; the story which Cicero here tries to use for the benefit of Sestius in view of the coming trial we hear of again in Sest. 79, but there is no mention there of Bestia's interference. Castoris. The temple of Castor, whose ruins to this day form part of the forum, lies on the south side opposite the Palatine. irpouKovo- (xiio-dfiiiv, not classical ; tr. ' Here I had a lucky chance to say a word in advance,' etc. 7. — Pomponium shows that even after adoption a man might retain his own name ; Atticus was adopted by his uncle, Q. Caecilius, two years before (cf. the letter to Q. Caecilius Pomponianus Atticus, Att. iii. 20), and ought to have been called Caecilius here by Cicero. In eius nuptiis, sc. with Pilia ; a marriage of some importance. Atticus's daughter by this marriage, Pomponia Attica, married Agrippa (cf. Nep. Att. 12. l), whose daughter, Vipsania Agrippina, was the first wife of the Emperor Tiberius. Cetera, etc., ' my position in other respects is as dignified and influential as you used to prophesy to my unbelieving ears that it would be.' Etiam, as sitavitas was not usually one of Quintus's graces ; cf. esp. Q. Fr. i. 2. 6. Ad lucum Pisonis. We know nothing of the spot. Paucis mensibus post, etc., probably =' a few months after July i,' which was term -day in Rome. In Carinis, the Belgravia of Rome, on the western slope of the Esquiline. Olbiensem, 'from Olbia,' on the N.E. coast of Sardinia. Quamquam est hiems, i.e. the season in which Sardinia is least unhealthy ; yet he is to remember that it is Sardinia and not Rome. XXV, (ad ATT. iv. 5.) Antian (?) Villa, April, 56 B.C. (698 A.U.C.) Atticus is at Rome. 1. — Ain tu, 'really?' L. and S. aio, ii. F. Exemplar, sc. aliud. Quid ? etiam, ' Is there more? yes ;' cf. L. and S. etiani, ii. b. Dudxun enim, etc. , gives the reason of his hesitation to tell why he had not sent the MS. of the iraXivwdia to Atticus. Subturpicula. So subriiigentur, sect. 2 ; cf. L. 29. 6 n. Valeant, 'farewell to.' Principibus, of the optimates, e.g. Bibulus, Cato, Domitius Ahenobarbus. Senseram . . . inductus, etc., not of course any more than sensit medios delapsus in kostes (Aen. ii. 377), a Graecism for the constr. with the ace. and infin., but ' I felt it, I knew it' {i.e. their faithlessness), 'having been myself taken in,' etc. Ildem erant, etc., i.e. as obstinate as ever. 2. — Quae facerem. Q^a^inst. of (pz^rt with Billerbeck. Necessitatem . . . coniunctionis, i.e. the obligation to maintain the alliance with the triumvirs. viroGea-et, 'in my statement,' i.e. of Caesar's claims. Ille, sc. Caesar. Villam, prob. the same as he alludes to in Q. Fr. ii. 2. i. 212 NOTES. [L. XXVI. If so, it adjoined Cicero's Tusculan Villa, and on the death of Catulus had fallen to one CuUeo, by whose heirs it was put up to auction, and, as no bidder offered himself, bought in by the obscure Vettius, from whom Cicero prob. got it cheap. Cicero was determined that his enemies should not have the gratification of seeing the political dishonour of his banishment reflected in a diminished establishment at home ; cf. L. 6. ion. Quid ad hoc, 'what is that to this?' where ad=m comparison with (L. and S. D. 4). Si quibus, etc., i.e. ' if indeed it be true that in spite of their approval of what I said [ta?nen) in speaking to the motions before the house (seitten(iis), they yet exulted in the fact that I had thereby dis- pleased Pompey ; ' si = si quidem ; dixi (sc. id) quod, and for the facts, cf. L. 38. 10. Finis, sc. esto, 'enough.' Qui possunt, i.e. the triumvirs. 3. — Vellem iam pridem, sc. opei-am dedisses, ' I wish you had seen to that long ago.' Viaticum, etc. Furius Crassipes had just been be- trothed to Tullia {Q. Fr. ii. 6. 1), and as Cicero had to provide the dowry, he could not afford to travel as he had projected (L. 23. 6). Tu de via recta in hortos, sc. ut veniam mones, the gardens perhaps near Crassipes's house mentioned Q. Fr. ii. 6. 2. Atticus seems to have offered to meet Cicero if he came there straight {recta) from the journey {de via). Videtur commodius, etc., ' It seems more convenient to come to your house — to- morrow probably, as it can make no difference to you ' (aft. tua sc. refert) ' which day I come.' Tul, ' your workmen.' Pinxerunt = (7r«arMW/. Constructione = TT-^YMcc' {Att. iv. 8. 2), 'shelves.' Baiter reads con- strictione. Sillybis, cf. ib., where it must mean ' labels, titles,' and not, as Hesych. seems to explain the word, ' covers,' Baiter reads sitiybis. PART III. General Introduction, pp. xxvi. seq. XXVI, (ad FAM. v. 12.) Arpinum, April, 56 B.C. (698 A.u.c.) On L. Lucceius, cf. L. 7. 11 n. He seems to have been one of the first literary men of the time. Cicero {Cocl. 22) speaks of him as ilia hutna- tiitate praeditus, Hits studiis, artibus atque doctrina, and now hoped that as the accuser of Catiline in 64 B.C. he would have sufficient sympathy with the exploits of 63 to write a history of them from the oligarchical point of view. If we need any apology for the naive vanity of the letter we must look for it in the political disappointment of the hour. Cicero had just awakened from his dream of independence (Gen. Introd. pp. xxiv. and XXV.) to find that an understanding between Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus had made an unconditional surrender inevitable. Smarting under this blow, his self-love turns for support to the events of 63 as to a perennial fountain of consolation. Cicero has no shame in referring to the letter (v. L. 27, 4). It amply justifies the criticism he there passes on it {valde bella est), but there is no evidence that the request it contains was ever complied with. 1. — Pudor subrusticus, the opp. oi frons urbana (Hor. Ep, i. 9. 11), Festinatione, ' my impatience. ' Erat . , . vicit ; the order suggests AD FAM. V. 12.] NOTES. 213 the freedom of familiar address. Commem. poster., i.e. the posthumous fame I shall enjoy through the fame of 3'our writings. Sed etiam, etc. ; sc. rapit, 'but I am also carried away with a terrible desire to enjoy in my own lifetime,' etc. 2. — Italici belli, i.e. the Social War, 90-89 B.C. Deesse mihi nolul quin, i.e. 'I thought it my duty to.' Callisthenes was a disciple of Aristotle and friend of Alexander the Great. He wrote a history of Greece in ten books from the Peace of Antalcidas (387 B.C.) to the seizure of the temple of Delphi by the Phocians (357). The Sacred War {PJiocicum bellurn), which raged during the next ten years, was recounted by him in a separate history. The grammar of the sentence is a little loose for ut C. scripsit Phoc. bell. Timaeus, a Sicilian historian who wrote a history of his native island and of the war of Pyrrhus, Polybiua, of Megalopolis in Arcadia, besides his Ka^oXt/c?; koL kolvt] laropta in forty books, of which seventeen survive to us, wrote a history of the Numan- tine War. He was the intimate friend of Scipio, the conqueror of Numan- tia. Ad, 'in view of,' v. L. 77. 4. Te is subj. Ad locum, 'to the proper point ' in your history. Ac, where we should expect sed. Potest enim, i.e. ' for your other labours may justify you in refusing my request.' 3.— Bene et naviter, 'in brave and proper style,' has a suggestion of archaic naivete. Gratiam— it is one of the 'conditions of history,' mentioned.Z>^ Or. ii. 62 : ne quae siispicio gratiae sit in scribettdo ! where .r^-rt/w = partiality. Quodam in prooemio. The reference is unknown. Here. Xen. Xen. Mem. ii. i relates Prodikus's story of the choice of Hercules. Earn takes up gratiam illam. Amori nostro, ' to your love for me.' 4. — Modicum . . . corpus, ' a work of moderate size.' In quo et ilia — the et is taken up by et si liberius, etc. Cum et is taken up by et quae, etc. Habet enim, etc., 'for there is a charm (for the sufferer) in the tranquil recollection of past suffering.' ('AX\' ridv roi awdivra /j-e/xvijcr- dai irbvuv, Eurip. Andromeda.) 5. — Tliemistocli ; in sect. 7 the word is 3d decl. Reditu. Several emendations and explanations have been offered ; it is best to suppose Cicero carried away by the rhetoric of the moment ; Tliemistocles never returned after his banishment. Cicero was thinking of his own banishment and return. Etenim, etc., 'for the mere chronology of history has something of the languid interest of an almanac' At vlri saepe, etc.; saepe, as often in introducing a comparison or simile, indicates, not what often happens in given circumstances, but what always happens in circum- stances which often occur ; the changing fortunes of such men always excite wonder, etc., when, as often happens, such vicissitudes take place. 6. — Quo mihi, ' and this favour will be all the more welcome to me.' Continentibus, ' continuous. ' Quasi fabulam, ' the drama, so to speak. ' Actus, ' acts. ' Neque autem ego takes up neque enim tu. 7. — Gratiae causa. Causa with gen. may mean either (i) 'for the sake of,' or, (2) as here, 'because of;' for the fact cf. Hor. Ep. ii. i. 239 seq. Ignotis, ' to those who knew not the original ; ' cf. the use of SiyvioaTO^ both in act. and pass, sense, and the converse transference of gnartis and ignarus from act. to pass. Qui neque pictam, etc. , ' who suffered no painting or statue of himself to be made by any who did not make that their profession.' Xenophontis libellus, i.e. his Agesilaus. Omnium — for the position of the word cf. L. 14. 4 n, Atque hoc — hoc is 214 NOTES. [L. XXVII. abl. and is stronger than the usual eo. A Timaeo, probably in his Zt/ceXtKo. ; Polybius refers to Timaeus as the authentic source of the romantic story of Timoleon's adventures and successes in Sicily. Them- istocli, to wliose memory the story of the Persian war is a monument. Causis, law-suits. Cogniti, 'tested.' Probati, 'approved.' Quod cum, etc. The first tiling, we are told, that Alexander did upon landing in Asia was to visit the grave of Achilles ; while looking at it he is said to have exclaimed, ' Happy youth, to have found in Homer the herald of your valour ! ' Hector . . . Naev, — the words quoted are addressed by Hector to his father Priam in Naevius's tragedy Hector, of which we know nothing. 8. Neque enlm fas, etc., 'for I consider it impossible,' etc. Scribam ipse de me. He had done that already, first in memoirs (inrbixvrifj.a ; cf. Att. ii. I. i) written in Greek, secondly in a poem, in three books, decon- sidatii suo ; he was determined however not to be content till his achieve- ments should have been fittingly celebrated in a Latin history. Multorum tamen exemplo, etc., e.g. L. Sulla, who wrote a history of his own time in twenty-two books, and M. Scaurus, who recounted his own exploits in three books: 'and yet I shall be justified by the example set by many even distinguished men.' Ante lud. miss. After the other events it was customary to arrange a contest for the heralds. 10. — Nisi tibi, etc., more markedly polite than the oxAmzxy Jiisi moles- tumst. Conficiam, etc. ; this Cicero seems to have done. He writes to Atticus in iv. ii. 2 (May, 55 B.C.), Ui Lucceio nostnitn Hlu-unt dabis ; but Lucceius seems to have made no use of it. Cessabis, etc., futures indie, used for polite imperatives. XXVII. (ad ATT. iv. 6.) April, 56 B.C. (698 A.u.c;) Written just after discovery of the triple alliance, the letter reflects the deep dejection into which Cicero was cast by its consequences upon his own position. On April 5 he had boldly promised to bring forward a motion challenging the legality of the allotment of the Campanian lands under Caesar's Agrarian law of 59 B.C. Thli was to be on May 15. His humiliation was complete when at the end of May he delivered his speech de provinciis coiisulai ilms in favour of Caesar. Lentulus is the same who is mentioned L. 14. 2. 1. — Scilicet, 'of course,' a not unusual meaning. Ipsius vicem ; vicein is not the direct ace. after doloniis in the sense of 'fortune,' but is adv. ace, 'for his own sake.' Non ut Saufeius et vestri, sc. Epicurei, who believe that death is merely ariprjais aiad-i]i, 'would make an arrange- ment.' Opus esse; otherwise, seemingly, it would be unconstitutional to have supplies voted him by the senate ; in Att. iv. 18. 4 Cicero writes : Appins sine lege sito sitviplu in Cilicia?n cogiial. Lege Cornelia, de provinciis ordinaiidis : (i) that a provincial governor retain his imperium till his return to Rome ; (2) that he leave his province within thirty days of the arrival of his successor ; (3) that a limit be set to the expense which the provincials might incur in sending laudationes to Rome ; (4) the provision about lex curiata mentioned above as (3) ; this last, if really one of the provisions of the law, was in the line of the rest of the Sullan legislation, and, as having for its aim the aggrandise- ment of the senate, would naturally be resisted by the popular party. Many of the disputes on points of law at this time are referable to the political antagonisms of the period (v. Appendix I.). Sine suspicione, etc. , ' without rousing the suspicion that you yourself are greedy of power. ' 26.— De publicanis ; Lentulus seems to have offended them by using his influence to protect the provincials against their extortions ; Cicero ' could wish that he had managed by complaisance (facilitate) not to injure ' his friends. Hominum, i.e. of the equites. Q. Scaevolae, Cos. 95 B.C., who had administered his province of Asia with rigorous im- partiality, to the utter discomfiture of the publicani ; they took revenge by accusing of extortion his innocent legatus, P. Rutilius, before a jury of their own order, who made no scruple of condemning him. Prudentiae tuae, 'not beyond your skill.' XXXIX. (ad FAM. vii. 10.) Rome, Dec, 54 B.C. (700 a.u.c.) 1. — Peritior, sc. iuris. Sutoinvideo, v. L. 29. 6. n. Ultro, etc., Trebatius seems to have boasted in a letter to Cicero of having received uncourted honour from Caesar. Adspirare, v. L. 14. 3 n. 2. — Luculento, i.e. that will burn brightly. Idem . . . placebat ; Cicero quotes his authority for the maxim in lawyer style, cf. L. 36. 3. Mucius is the Scaevola mentioned in L. 38. 26 ; M'. Manilius was consul 149 B.C. Praesertim, etc., so little of the soldier was Trebatius that he had scarcely a decent uniform, seems to be the force of the jest. The tense of abiindares is to be explained by the virtual or. obi. : the two old jurists as it were authorise the stove and give their reason. Satis calere, i.e. that the Gauls make it hot enough for you ; for the fact v. Caes. B. G. vi. I. I, and for the slang phr., Fant. viii. 6. 4 : si Parthi vos nihil calejiciunt nos non nihil frigore rigescimus. In Oceano natare refers possibly to the well-known difficulties which Caesar experienced in land- ing on Britain in the campaign of 55 B.C. Essedarios, as to whom Trebatius had shown no curiosity (L. 37. i). Andabata, a kind of gladiator about whom we know nothing except that he fought blindfolded. 3. — Hominem, sc. Caesar. Discessum, v. L. 32. i n. Una , . . congressio, cl. Att. i. 18. i : iinius aiiibulationis seriuo. Fratres nostri Haedui; these were the first of the Celtic Gauls who had entered into alliance with Rome, and in spite of a wavering allegiance claimed the title of fratres consangniiieitjiie fopiili Roinani (Caes. B. G. i. 33. 2), to which Cicero here ironically alludes ; he repeats himself to Trebatius, Fain. vii. II. 2 : tina mehcrcnle collociitio nostra pliiris erit cpiain ovtnes Saniar- obrivae. Aut consolando, etc., an iambic trimeter from Ter. Pleaut. i. I. 34- 234 NOTES. [L. XLii. XL. (ad FAM. vii. iS.) Pontine Marshes, April %, 53 b.c. (701 A.U.C.) 1. — Cetera, everything else, except what he mentions in sect. 2. Sed magls ut, we should have expected ut at the beginning of the former member of the clause : non 2ct irnbecillitate, etc. Discessus, v. L. 32. I n. Quoniam vestrae, etc., the jest is beyond the ingenuity of the commentators ; Cicero says that no legal securities are of any avail with Caesar, and he has accordingly sent to him the security of his own handwriting to vouch for Trebatius ; but why Graecula7)i ? Ignavissimo cuique, as they have time for historical investigation while others are engaged in active service. 2. — Cetera belle, sc. fiiernnt. Advs. are used thus as pred. with the auxil. verb, (i) when they signify general relations of space, ^.^. /w/^, prociil ; (2) when they indicate general relations of quality, e.g. iff, sic, aliter, secus, contra ; (3) when they indicate a certain state, whether of mind or body, e.g. bene, commode, facile, recte, into, and their comparatives and superlatives. Quis solet, etc. Cicero is surprised in the first place at his writing several letters of precisely similar contents with his own hand, and secondly, that he should have written on a palimpsest. Eodem exemplo ; cf. Ait. ix. 6. 3, litterae sunt adlatae hoc exemplo, and vii. 23. 3, Caesaris litteraniin cxemplum tihi jiiisi, where, as here, exemplum means ' contents.' Nisi forte tuas formulas, * the only sort of writing I can con- ceive of your sacrificing in order to write those letters of yours ; ' Ave should have expected the nom. agreeing with qidd, but the words are attracted to quod. Nihil fieri, ' that you are earning nothing ; ' cf. Plant. Ps. i. 3- 68 : iani hercle vel ducentae possunt fieri praesentes tninae. Vere- cundiam. ' You are letting your modesty wrong you,' Cicero says ; ' you ought to ask Caesar for what you want.' 3. — M. Aemilii Phil. , a freedman of M. Lepidus. Clientium, the frogs mentioned in the next clause, whose fellow-countryman and patron Trebatius was. Ulubris (nom. Uliibrae), a retired town in the neigh- bourhood of the Pontine Marshes ; it was a praefectura and the native place of Trebatius. Se commovisse constabat. He means that he knew before that a deputation of frogs wa". going to wait upon him, and he had made arrangements to give them an audience ; their croaking was a sign of rain, and seems to have distressed the light sleeper (Hor. Sat. i. 5. 14). 4. — L. Arruntio, of whom we know nothing. Recte, v. L. 22. i n. Tarn novis rebus, i.e. in the midst of such disturbances in Gaul. XLI. (ad FAM. vii. 15.) Rome, 53 B.C. (701 A.u.c.) 1. — Morosi ; cf. Plant. Trin. iii. 2. 43 : atqueis {a»io)-) mores hominiim moras et morosos efficit. Neque . . . et ; L. 29. 4 n. 2. — C. Matii. C. Matius Calvena belonged to the ordo equester, and was one of the few faithful and honest men whom it was Caesar's merit to attract ; Cicero does not here exaggerate his learning and culture ; cf. L. 87. XLII. (ad FAM. vii. 14.) Rome, 53 B.C. (701 A.u.c.) 1. — Cyri. Cyrus was at the top of his profession in Rome ; he was the architect of Cicero's new house, and at his death left legacies to both Cicero and Clodius. Lautus es, qui gravere, ' you have grown a fine gentleman to grudge the trouble,' etc. Domestico, 'a member of your AD FAM. VII. 14.] NOTES. 235 own household.' Scribere, in the double sense of writing a letter and drawing up, e.g. a will, just as we have had cavere and respondere in their common and technical sense in LL. 33 and 37 ; cf. Miir. 19, where we have the three combined : respondendi, scribendi, cavendi. Causa cadent = 6\-7re(7oO;'rai, 'will lose their cases.' Antequam effluo, where we should rather have expected the subjunc. ; the indie, seems to indicate the certainty that he will not allow it to happen. Aestivorum, sc. castrornin, in the sense of ' campaign ; ' cf Sail. Jug. 44. 3. Aliquid excogita, i.e. invent some excuse to get off, as you did in the matter of the British campaign. XLIII. (ad FAM. 11. i.) Rome, 53 B.C. (701 a.u.c.) C. ScKlBONius Curio (L. 9. i) was at this time quaestor in Asia. He is described by Veil. (ii. 48. 3) as homo ingeniosissime nequam etfacundus mala piddko. The high hopes which Cicero placed upon the support of talent so unscrupulous is characteristic of the orator's blindness to the utter rottenness of the party and cause to which he had attached himself. Curio was tribune in 50 B.C., and his desertion to Caesar, secured by a large bribe, in that year, formed a turning-point in the negotiations with the senate : Movietitiimque fiiit nmlatus Curio reruin Gallonim caphis spoliis et Caesaris aura. — Luc. iv. 8 19. He fell in Africa in 48 B.C. S. compares Cicero's friendship for Curio with that of Socrates for Alcibiades. For some account of it v. Phil. ii. 1. — Offlcium, 'neglect of duty' {res pro rei dcfeclti, cf L. 70. 5 n. ); as subj. of requiri, it = performance of it. Summum, adv. ace. (cf Mil. 12, quaitoiir aiit siivwmm qiiinqiie) ; bis terqiie {8is Kai rpts) would mean a third and even a fourth time. Genere, v. L. 7. 6 n. Asper- nabere, ' find troublesome.' 2.— Omnia ; if he refers to any special good fortune we can only guess at the meaning. Vel animi, etc., 'of your affection, or shall 1 say of your talents ?' v. L. and S. Vel. i. B, 2 A. Tuorum erga me meritorum, his opposition to Clodius when the latter was a candidate for the tribunate, and his support of Cicero's recall. XLIV. (ad FAM. 11. 5.) Rome, 53 b.c. (701 A.u.c.) 1.— Haec negotia, ' affairs here;' negoiinm for res is only admissible in familiar style. Navi, i.e. the republic with the suggestion of danger ; cf. the same metaph. in gicberiiare and giibernacula reipublicac. Vel . . . vel, V. L. 43. 2 n. 2.— Cures, ' to cure,' with a play on the name Curio ; for the metaph. cf. Alt. vi. I. 2. Haec ipsa ; for the order cf Fam. iv. i. 2 : I\cs vides quoinodo se habeat. Recte, v. L. 22. I n. Ea para, etc., 'prepare, practise, and plan how to use those resources.' XLV. (ad FAM. 11. 6.) Rome, 53 b.c (701 a.u.c.) 1,— Sex. Villium, doubtless the friend of Milo mentioned by Hor. Sat. i. 2. 64. Si mea essent, etc., ' if there were only services on my part (to be taken into account), services the magnitude of which,' etc. ; but he says (sect. 2) your services to me are equally signal ; tanta begins a paren- 236 NOTES. [L. XLVT. thesis and is = tanta scilicet. De quo . . . putet, ' of whom, as he thinks,' cf. the constr. quod diceret, Roby 1746. 2. — Vel . . . vel, L. 43. 2n. Ipsa novitate, 'by reason of the very strangeness.' Meorum temporum, as usu. ' of my sufferings ' (in 58 and 57 B.C. ). Nullam . . . tantam quam. Qiiam instead oiquantain because oimillam ; for a similar double constr. cf. Rep. i. 65 : cave ptites . . . mare Jillicm ant flam ni am esse tantatn qitam non faciliiis sit seda7-e qitam effrejtaiam insolent ia niiiltitiidineni. Illustrare, i.e. 'give it the publicity it desei"ves.' 3. — In Milonis consulatu. T. Annius Milo was a candidate for the consulship, P. Clodius for the praetorship of 52 B.C. In view of the pro- bable opposition of Pompey, Cicero was anxious to secure for Milo the powerful aid of Curio, knowing as he did what he should have to fear from Clodius should he be elected praetor, and should his violence be unchecked by Milo as consul. Hence his earnestness in sect. 4. In the sequel no elections were held at all. Clodius was murdered Jan. 52 B.C., and Milo went into banishment. Oflacii fructum, 'reward for my services.' Pietatis ; v. L. 38. in. Honos, i.e. the consulship. Decrevi, ' I feel sure ;' cf. Att. iii. 15. 7 : quod . . . in me ipso satis esse consiliidecreras. Ex tribunatu, sc. of Milo in 58-57 B.C. Munerum, i.e. shows ; Milo's extravagance in this matter alarmed his friends ; cf. Q. Fr. iii. ^. 2 : de re familiari timeo, etc. In eo genere, either (i) ' amongst that class ; ' or (2) ' in the matter of canvassing. ' Diligentiam, ' activity ' in his canvass. Protoatam, tested and ' reliable.' 4. — Eorum ventorum, quos propositi, ' those favourable winds which I have mentioned,' i.e. the circumstances favourable to Milo's candidature. Bonum virum, ' a man of honour ;' iiiemorem and gratum do not go with virum. Hinc meae laudi. Cicero says above (sect. 3) that he ought to try to win ' credit ' for gratitude in the matter of Milo's candidature. Complecti, ' to espouse the cause of. ' 5. — Ni in familiar style is much commoner than nisi ; it is not found either in Caesar or Nepos. Quantum officii sustinerem, ' how great a burden of duty is laid upon me.' Contentione = effort of any kind. Dimicatione = fight. Eem atque causam, a favourite combination; cf. L. 28. 6. Sic habeto, as usu. ' be asrured of.' Earn, i.e. pictatem, which Cicero says he will not be able to show unless he is aided by Curio. XLVI. (ad FAM. ill. 2.) Rome, April, 51 B.C. (703 a.u.c.) Appius Claudius Pulcher, one of the proudest members of the old aristocracy, had distinguished himself as consul in 54 B.C. only by the obstinacy with which he claimed the province of Cilicia (L. 38. 25). As proconsul he had administered his government with that arbitrary violence which was the characteristic of his class, and only escaped by the timely aid of Pompey the double accusation with which Dolabella threatened him on his return. lie obtained the title of imperator for some successes against the restless mountain tribes which bordered on Cilicia. The relations which existed between Cicero and his brother P. Clodius did not tend to cement the lukewarm friendship which Appius had pre- viously felt for the orator ; in 57 B.C. he was one of the few who resisted the measure for Cicero's recall, and was the only one of the magistrates who absented himself from the great public meeting in which he addressed AD FAM. III. 2.] NOTES. 237 the people upon his return (L. 22. 6). A reconciliation had been effected in 54 B.C. by the influence of Pompey, but the overbearing insolence of the stupid aristocrat only awaited the occasion of the polite requests of the letter before us to break out again in actions accurately reflecting the treatment to which Cicero was throughout subjected at the hands of the oligarchy. Appius was censor in 50, joined Pompey at the outbreak of the Civil War, and died of illness in Euboea. 1. — Cum et contra, etc., Gen. Introd,, p. xxvii. Milii necesse esset ; V. L. 13. I n. De mea voluntate, 'of my good-will,' i.«/////, in sect. 4. Ita ... si, 'only on condition that.' Cum Patrone . . . mihi omnia sunt, i.e. my connection with Patro is of the closest; cf. Att. xii. 17: mihi enim ante aedilitatetn meant nihil erat cum Cornificio, and Fam. xv. lO. 2. Ea quae voluit, etc., perhaps that he should be the successor of Phaedrus as head of the Epicurean school. Phaedro, Cicero's first teacher in philosophy, afterwards displaced in the orator's esteem by Philo the academic. 3. — Aedificationem = aedificandi consiliuni. 4. — Si qua offensiuncula, etc., i.e. by their importunity. Gentera illam, i.e. the Epicureans ; he speaks of the sect elsewhere as vestra na/io (N. D. ii. 74). Vel . . . vel etiam ; E. 43. 2n. Nisitamen, 'only,' Roby 1569. Minus is adv. ; lahorare sine causa is the subj. Orationem, what Patro says, i.e. the claims he puts forward as opposed to causa, the real state of the case ; cf. L. 75. 2 : in oratione ita crudeles lit ipsam victoriam horrerem. Honorem, officium, ' his own honour and duty ' as the head of the school to which Epicurus in his will had left his house and gardens. Phaedri obtestationem, i.e. the dying injunctions of Phaedrus to himself to maintain the honour of the school. Totam, etc. ; the whole sentence, and the whole letter indeed, breathe Roman contempt for the Greek philoso]3hers and system-mongers of the day ; cf. Sest. 23, and^//. v. 11. 6. Derideamus licet ; the sense is : we may laugh at the man, if we disapprove of his zeal, but I think we ought to excuse him. 5. — Ne plura, sc. dicam. Non quo sit ex istis, etc., i.e. not that he is to be enrolled in so narrow a sect as is represented by the Athenian Epicureans. Ut niliil umquam magis ; v. L. 38. 20 n. Dubitat quin . . . possem, ' he does not doubt that I should be able ; ' impf. after pres. because it is a dep. hypothetical sentence in which a continued state in pres. time can only be expressed by the impf. Aedificationem, as in sect. 3. Quern ; for the attraction, cf. Roby 1068. 6. — Habeto ; v. L. 28. 4 n. XLIX. (ad FAM. 11. 8.) Athens, July 6, 51 B.C. (703 a.u.c.) M. Caelius Rufus was a youth of brilliant parts who won a name at twenty-three by a successful indictment of C. Antonius. He was thirty years younger than Cicero, to whom he was warmly attached on account of the aid lent him by the orator when arraigned in 56 B.C. on a charge of sedition and attempted poison. As tribune in 52 B.C. he supported the cause of Milo, and in 51 accompanied Cicero on his way to Cilicia as far as Cumae, faithfully promising to keep his friend and patron fully infomied as to all that went on at Rome. This promise Caelius performed, partly by writing himself the sparkling letters we have in Fam. viii. , partly by causing a record of city intelligence to be specially prepared for Cicero's behoof. AD FAM. II. 8.] NOTES. 239 1. — Compositiones, i.e. the pairing according to strength and size which took place just before the gladiators entered the arena in the pre- liminary procession. Vadimonia dllata, i.e. all the private cases which have been put off. Clireati compilationem ; the allusion is lost ; Chrestus may have been a paid clerk of Caelius, in which case it means ' all the stolen gossip of Chrestus ; ' but, as Cicero is rather giving cases of such uninteresting gossip, it is better to take it as meaning ' the robbery of Chrestus' (obj. or subj. gen.?). Nuntiabunt, byword of mouth ; for this distinctive meaning of niintiare cf. Fai)i. ii. 4. I ; Q. Fr. i. i. I. Formam, 'the ground-plan.' 2.— Cum Pompeio, whom Cicero had seen at Tarentum, whither he had gone nominally for his health, but really in order that he might have an excuse for remaining in Italy to watch Caesar. Quae, i.e. the things we talked about ; we should have expected qui, agreeing \\\\\\ serinotiilms, the verbal antecedent. Tantum hatoeto, ' of so much be assured ; ' cf. L. 28. 4 n. Qua re . . . crede, a chance hexameter, as in L. 9. 3 : displiceo miJii, etc. Illi is dat. 3. — Decern ipsos dies, 'exactly ten days.' Gallus Can. ; v. LL. 28. 3n, and 29. 4 ; he had been propraetor in Achaia in 52 B.C. and was still lingering in Athens. Hoc litterarum, 'these few lines ; ' that this use of the neut. pron. with the gen. signifies 'amount of not ' kind of is proved — (l) by the use of the same gen. after quantitative words, nihil, faricm, qjtantiiin, etc ; (2) by such undisputed examples as id aitatis, id oneris, id teniporis, etc. (so hoc Hit. here). The only case in which the gen. cannot be strictly regarded as partitive is the familiar use of quid, e.g. quid vuilieris uxorein hahcs ? Ter. Hec. 643 ; aveo scire quid hoininis sit, Cic. Att. vii. 3. 9, on which cf. Roby 1296, n. 7. L. (ad ATT. v. 16.) Near Synnas, August, 51 B.C. (703 a.u.c). Cicero arrived in Cilicia towards the end of July, and gives us a vivid pictiire in this letter of the state to which the rapacity and incompetence of Appius had reduced the province. 1. — Itinere et via ; iter is the journey, via is the high-road along \\ hich it is made. Publ. tabellarii ; the private messengers of the tax- gatherers were freq. employed by the provincial governors instead of their ownpublic^carriers (statores) ; cf. Gen. Introd., pp. xliii. xliv, Mandati tui, /.('. to write often to you. 2. — Exspectatione, on the part of the provincials, who were impa- tient for Cicero's arrival. Synnade ; the forms Synnas and Synnada were both in use. €in.K«(j)dXia = to e-mKecpaKaiov, the poll-tax, S. (ovds, the property given in pledge for the payment of the tax, S. Monstra quaedam, 'traces of outrageous devastation,' left not by a man, etc. 3. — Nullus fit sumptus ; Cicero's loud protestations justify himself but condemn the age. In quemquam, sc. of my followers. Lege lulia, passed by Caesar in 59 B.C. It restricted the demands which the governor might make upon the provincials to the salt, hay, and wood which were requisite for the immediate wants of his troops and staff; it permitted him also seemingly to accept free quarters. Kevivlscunt, sc. hoiniiies from concursus. 4. — Forum aglt, 'he exercises justice ' = d7opa;/ (!i7et, a proceeding in the highest degree impolite after the arrival of the new governor ; cf. L. 240 NOTES. [L. LIT. 51. 4. BilDUlus, cf. L. 47. I. Bidui ; for the use of the gen. (sc. spaliiiin), cf. Att. v. 17. I : citiii in castra proficiscerer a quilnis aberam bidui ; so iii. 7. I. LI. (ad FAM. in. 6.) In camp near Iconium, August 30, 51 B.C. (703 A.u.c.) 1. — Meum factum, ' my conduct.' Non magis mihi, etc., i.e. ' I am not so partial to myself as to suppose that I have done more than you towards cementing our friendship.' Phania, freedman of Appius. Sidam, a harbour-town in Pamphylia, insignificant enough and inconve- nient enough to affront and annoy the * upstart ' governor. 2. — Idem ego, ' and so again I. ' L. Clodium, relative and praefec- tus fabrum of Appius. Quam Phania rogasset = /« quani venire me Phania rogasset ; when the relat. is governed by the same prep, as its antecedent, and the verb in the second cl. is to be supplied from the first, the prep, is not repeated ; cf. Phil. ii. 26 : si ille ad earn ripani qtiatn con- stituerat naves appulisset. The construction is not confined to relatives ; cf. Off. i. 112: alia in causa M. Cato fuit, alia ceteri, and L. 19. 2 n. In prima provinciai — i/i prima (the nearest) provinciae parte. 3. — Lege, ut opinor, Corn. ; as usual tit opinor does not indicate any doubt in the mind of the speaker (not therefore ' I think '), but is a polite way of calling attention to a fact, 'if I am not mistaken.' Cicero and every one else knew well enough that the lex Corn, of Sulla enjoined that the previous governor should depart within thirty days of the arrival of his successor. Ut levisslme dicam, ' to use the mildest expression ; ' cf. Cat. iii. 17, so that it is unnecessary to read lenissime. 5. — Si quid tu ageres, i.e. 'if you were taking any such active part.' Vere dicam ; cf. tU vere scribam, L. 22. i, where as here &^;-<; = honestly ; dica//i seems to be fut. indie. Tris cohortes ; v. L. 53. 2 n. D. Antonius, further unknown to us. Evocatorum, veterans whom the senate had commissioned Cicero to levy in the province. 6. — Et, ut . . . possis . . . veni ; cf. L. 28. 9 n. ; the pres. possis is not really dep. on veni, but on some such expression as ' I may tell you,' which the form of the sentence suggests. In prov., i.e. to Laodicea in Phrygia ; for the extent of the province of Cilicia cf. L. 28. 6n. LII. (ad FAM. ii. 7.) In Camp at Pindenissus, December, 51 B.C. (703 a.u.c.) After his return from Asia, Curio (L. 43) had been able to secure his election to the tribunate by the brilliance of the funeral games he had exhibited in honour of his father. He was not less popular with the optimates than with the people, and great reliance was placed upon the support which he still lent to their cause. The tone of the letter however shows that Cicero was even now not without his misgivings. 1. — Sera gratulatio ; Cicero might have expected to get the first intelligence from his friend himself as to the success of his canvass, while at the same time Curio's silence might also seem to indicate a wavering in his allegiance to the cause of which the orator supposed himself to be the representative. Nulla negleg. , ' owing in no way to negligence.' Quod in reip. tempus, etc., 'how critical the times upon which you have, I will not say fallen, but consciously embarked.' Discrimen = dK/^Tj, the AD FAM. II. 7.] NOTES. 241 dividing (deciding) point. Vis . . . temporum = our 'force of circum- stances ; cf. Fam. xii. I, 2 : ttv/iporilms cedentes, quae valeiit in re fublica plurimiiiii ; Cicero is probably thinking of tiie load of debt which Curio had contracted and the snares to which it exposed him (cf. introd. to L. 43). Amabo, etc.; v. L. 13. 3n. Hoc, where we might have expected /n't-, agreeing with />ariire/s, etc., constriictio ad sensmn. 3. — Rem publ. gessimus ; with adv. e.g. bene, feliciter, tlie phrase is used not only of a magistrate in Rome, but also, as here, of a provincial governor, and in Caesar, B. Civ. \. 7. 6, of common soldiers : ciiius itn- peratoris ditctii novem annis ran piiblicam felicissivie gesserint. Be sacerdotio ; Cicero had done his best in support of Curio's claims to the office of ponlifex, which he desired to fdl in room of his deceased father. Re atque causa, v. L. 45. 5 n. 4. — Ne patiare ; the sentence betrays another reason why Cicero was so anxious to retain the support of Curio ; as tribune he could effectually prevent any prorogatio of Cicero's command. Cum . . . non putarem ; the tribunicial elections were over before Cicero left for his province ; Curio, however, was only elected afterwards to take the place of one of the successful candidates, who had become disqualified. Senati con- sultum ; for the form cf L. 4. 9 n. ; the senate fixed the duration of a provincial command. Leges ; the laws referring to annual governments in general, e.g. the lex Sempronia and the lex Cornelia, and in particular the lex Curiata (v. L, 38. 25 n.), which had conferred on Cicero his imperium. Ea . . . condicio, sc. that he should remain abroad only one year. LIII. (ad FAM. XV. 4.) ClUClA, January, 50 B.C. (704 a.U.C.) As in the correspondence with Appius Claudius (LL. 46, 47, 51, 54, 55) we see the innocent claims of the able upstart met by the rude arrogance of the stupid noble, so in the short correspondence with Cato (LL. 53, 58, and 59) we have the graceful egoism of Cicero's culture brought witli a rough shock into collision with the graceless realism of the stolid con- servative. Upon Cato, cf L. 7. 9 n. Cicero's military exploits consisted in a successful campaign against the robber tribes of Mount Amanus, in the course of which he had been saluted by his soldiers with the title of Imperator. But the orator himself was unshaken in the belief that, in addition to this, the check which the Parthians had just received in Syria by the firmness and ability of C. Cassius Longinus (proquaestor of the province to which Bibulus was hastening) was to be mainly attributed to the terror of his name. Whether he was legally entitled to a supplicatio and triumph for the former and less imaginary of these successes was not the question. Many had received these honours for much more insignificant achievements, and Cicero might reasonably have expected some such recognition of his claims from the party which he had so devotedly served. 2. — Biduum Laodiceae ; Cicero does not seem to have had a good memory for dates ; he gives a different account in L. 50. 2. Conventus are the circuit courts. Tributis, exactions for behoof of the governor. Gravlssimis usuris, exorbitant interest on money lent to the provincials Q 242 NOTES. [L. LTII. at a risk, as it was against the provisions of the lex Gabinia (67 B.C. ?) to lend money to them at all ; at Rome the recognised rate of interest was twelve per cent. ; we hear of one Scaptius (AU. v. 21) demanding forty- eight per cent, from the unhappy Cyprians, who were included in the province of Cilicia. Falso aere alieno, e.g. debts founded on false statements by the capitalist of the amount lent to the provincials ; Scaptius tried to exact 200 talents from the Cyprians instead of 106. Seditione, caused by Appius having withheld their pay. 3.— Evocatorum, cf. L. 51. 5. Commageno, Antiochus Comma- genus, a/ids Asiaticus. 4. — Nec . . . quicquam Cilicia . . . munitius ; cf. L. 10. 4 n. on /liVii/ me tiirpiiis. 5. — Deiotarus ; tetrarch of Galatia, had received the title of Rex from the Roman senate, and been presented with Lesser Armenia, in reward for the faithful services he had rendered to the Republic ever since the time of Sulla ; he was defended by Cicero in 45 B.C. against the charge of having attempted the assassination of Caesar. 6. ^Propter rationem belli, 'to mature my plans for the campaign ; ' so ratio belli in L. 40, i. Ariobarzanem ; as in all the petty kingdoms dependent on Rome, there was in Cappadocia a strong anti-Roman party, to the intrigues of which the father of Ariobarzanes III., the present king, had fallen a victim. Ariobarzanes himself owed large sums of money to Pompey and M. Brutus, in whose interest M. Cato, uncle of the latter, had obtained a decree of the senate committing his protection to the care of Cicero, who did his best to establish him upon the throne. He effected the banishment of Archelaus, the powerful high priest of Bellona, at Comana, and brought back from exile Metras and Athenaeus, trusted favourites of the king, whom the jealousy of his mother Athenais had driven from court. Concitaretur . . . defenderet, impf. of continuous action in past time. Tot sociis, Baiter's emendation ; if tot iis could stand it would be nearer the MSS. ioto iis. 7. — Confestim goes with certiorem feci, 8. — Utrique prov., Syria and Cilicia. Interclusi fuga, 'cut off from flight.' 9. — Quod erat . . . caput; v. L. 48. 6n. on quetn. Repugnan- tibus, abl. absol., sc. ' the inhabitants ;' Latin could express French o)i, Germ, man, only by the 3d pi. of the verb {ferunt, dicimt, etc.), so in the absol. constr. it could only use the abl. of the partic. by itself. Aras Alexandri, i.e. Issus, Mhere Alexander, in commemoration of his great victory over Darius, had erected three altars, to Zeus, Herakles, and Athene. 10. — Eleutberocilicum ; these ' Free Cilicians, ' who resisted any sort of external authority whatever, although they seem not to have made any actual hostile demonstration against Rome, must yet be forced, in pur- suance of Roman policy, to accept Roman alliance at the point of the spear. Fugitives, ' runaway slaves. ' Acerrime, ' most eagerly. ' Compulsi, 'driven to extremity.' 11. — Honorem meum, i.e. siippUcationem . Admonendum, etc. ; v. L. 38. 24 n. A me, instead of juihi ; the construction is admissible — (i) when the dat. might cause ambiguity, e.g. ei ego a me referendain gratiam non piitcin ? — Plane. 78 ; (2) to point na antithesis : nec si a popido praeteritiis est . . . a iiidicihus condetnnandits est, ib. 8; (3) when the emphasis is on the agent rather than on the action, as here, ' by such as I ; ' so Still. 23 : sed tauien te a me . . . 7none)idiim esse etiam atqtie AD FAM. XV. 4.] NOTES. 243 etlam puio. In contionibus ; after the execution of the Catilinarian conspirators Cato was tlie first in a public speech to give Cicero the title of Pater Patriae. Cuius ego, * while I, on the other hand.' Cuidam, sc. P. Lentulus Spinther, who also formerly had obtained some successes against the tribes on Amanus while governor in Cilicia. Decemeres ; the technical word used for the ' support ' given by an individual senator to a proposed senatusdecretum (cf. L. 22. 6) ; so Cicero uses itibere {Cat. iv. 7. and 8) ; cf. the use of absolvei-e, condeiiinarc, mitUare, to support or effect the acquittal, etc., of. Tu idem, etc. ; with the whole passage cf. Pis. 6. and Cat. iv. 20. 12. — Mitto quod, ' I pass over (mention of) the fact that,' hence the subjunc. in virtual or. obi. Si per me licuisset, i.e. at a time when I refused to allow my friends to use violence in my defence (Gen. Introd. p. xxii). Inimicum meum, sc. Clodius. Orationibus, explained by the next clause. Graecis Latinis, tlie asyndeton is used to point the opposition, as in dcxtra sinistra, viri Diulieres, lil'eri servi, etc. 13. — Hoc nescio quid, 'this little bit of;' so in sect. 14: hoc ncscio quid, quod ego gessi. Honoris a senatu ; one noun governs another in the gen. in Latin : a word from Caesar = C^z^jar/j verbitnt, not verbmn a Caesare ; yet the construction with a prep. (esp. a, de, e) is admissible (i) when the whole phrase forms one idea, e.g. homo de plebe, a plebeian, serviis a iiianu, a secretary ; or (2) when, as here, the verb to be supplied is so obvious that it may be omitted witliout ambiguity : littei'ae a Caesare (datae), pocula ex anro {facta). Provinciam ornatam, sc. Gallia Cisalpina (Gen. Introd. pp. xviii, xxxviii) ; on the technical meaning of oriiare cf. L. 24. I n. Sacerdotium, the augurship, which nevertheless Cicero had made considerable exertions to obtain eight years before ; his election in the place of P. Crassus look place in 53 B.C. Iniuriam ; Cicero carefully avoids the use of the word exiliuiii of himself, using a variety of euphemisms instead : clades, casus, tempits meiim, etc. Studui, etc., 'I have striven to procure on my own merits as high testi- mony from the S. and R. P. as I could.' Intercedere = to go bail for. 14. — Ad sanandum vulnus is different from a gen. after desideriiim ; the real object of the desideriitm is the high position which he had lost : ' in which there is mingled a certain amount of I'egret for what I have lost, which looks for the healing,' etc. Paulo ante, i.e. sect. 11. NxUlis legionibus, ' in no way by legions of soldiers ; ' so iniUa negle- gentia, L. 52. i. Imperii, objective gen. 15. — Cyprus was made a province by Cato in 57 B.C., and thus claimed the Catones as its patroni. Maiora sunt, i.e. than the merits I claim as a soldier. lustiores . . . et maiores, 'greater in kind and extent,' maiores referring rather to the greatness of the victories (precedent de- manded ne qtiis triitnipharet, nisi qui qninque viilia hostiiiin mm acie ceci- disset), iustio7-es to the nature of the war, which must be a bellum iustum, i.e. one against a foreign enemy as opposed to Roman citizens or slaves ; a success which conformed to both those conditions was a victoria iusta and entitled the successful general to a triumphus iustus. Societas, etc., i.e. the union of our theories with our practice ; Cicero means that they two of all others were distinguished by the desire of living up to the principles they professed, and that this formed a bond of union between them which ought to lead Cato to sympathise in the vainglorious claims of his philosopher friend ! Fas esse ; v. L. 26. 8 n. Litteris, i.e. to the senate about his successes. 244 NOTES. [L. Liv. LIV. (ad FAM. ill. 7.) Laodicea, February, 50 u.c. (704 a.u.c.) 1. — Bruti pueri ; M. Brutus was married at this time to Claudia, daughter of Appius ; he was mixed up in the money-lending transactions of Scaptius already mentioned (L. 53. 6n. ), which accounts for the presence of his slaves (pueri) in Cilicia. 2. — Legati Appiani; a deputation of the authorities from the little town of Appia (Greek "ATTTrta or 'ATrta, having no connection probably with the Appian family at Rome) in Phrygia waited upon Cicero to com- plain of his interference with the monument which they proposed to raise in honour of Appius's administration, Cicero justifies his conduct to Appius on the ground that much the larger portion of the community were opposed to the monument, and resented the heavy contributions that were levied on them to defray the expense of it. Litterls meis ; litterae was the technical woi'd for the rescripts of the provincial governor. Ad fac. aed. liberarem, i.e. withdraw my veto, that they might proceed with the building. Tritouta, i.e. for the monument. Genus enim, etc., ' for you said it was hindering it in the sense that I was not able,' etc. 3. — Ad omnia accipe, 'hear my answer to all your charges ; ' ad—\x\. reference to, as in L. 53. 14. Primum, without any word to take it up ; cf. L. 7. 8 n. Rem causamque ; v. L. 45. 5 n. Credo, ironical, = ' of course.' 4. — Lentuli, Lentulus Spinther, the predecessor of Appius in Cilicia. Accenso meo ; the accensus was a messenger or orderly whom we hear of in attendance upon consuls, praetors, and proconsuls in addition to their lictors ; his duties were not strictly defined, but were usually of a confiden- tial character ; he was usually a freedman of his employer ; cf. Q. Fr. i. I. 13. Audivi cum diceret, ' I heard him say ; ' this idiom always takes the subjunc. Fieri quicquam ; for this use oi fieri cf. Q. Fr. i. i. 38 : nihil, citin absit iracimdia, elc, /ieri fosse iiicundiiis, and Lael. 54 ; upon (piicquaiii cf. L. 10. 4 n. Te . . . Ic. mihi venturum nuntiasset ; it is simplest to take luihi as dat. after nmitiasset. On Appius's conduct in the matter cf. L. 51. 3; he finally wrote to Cicero that he was passing through Iconium in Lycaonia on his way homewards, but did not infonn him by what route he intended to travel ; Cicero accordingly took up his position beside Iconium, but before he could discover by what road he was approaching Appius hurried past his lines by night, and then sent a message from the town to complain of Cicero's disrespect. An . . . prodirem, ' was I not bound to turn out ? ' cf. a7i ego non veuirevt, Phil. ii. 2. 3, and Roby 1610. Ambitiosius, i.e. with more scmpulous deference. 5. — Ampio ; T. Ampius Balbus had by the aid of Clodius obtained the consular province of Cilicia, although he had only been praetor [extra ordinem, Dom. 25), and was the immediate predecessor of Lentulus. Rerum usu, 'experience of the world. ' Addo urbanitatem, not jirba- 71 Hate ; cf. Off. I. 67 : hanini i-eritm duarjim splendor omnis, amplitiido, addo etiam utilitatein, in posteriori est. Ut Stoici, who held that the dcrreZoy was the opposite of the a.jj.adri's, w Trepl travra KaropOui'. UUam Appietatem, etc., takes up has ineptias, 'do you too think that trifles such as these, you a man,' etc., 'do you think that any Appian, any Lentulan blood,' etc. Ista vestra nomina ; in vestra he is thinking of the ' nobility ' as a whole ; for expressions of Cicero's natural feeling towards the nobiles we must look to his earlier speeches, e.g. Verr. v. 180 : Sed non idem licet mihi quod iis qui nobili gen ere nati sunt, quibus omnia AD FAM. III. 7.] NOTES. 245 popitli Roniani bene fie ia donnientibtis ilcferunhtr. Quid sit nobilitas, looks like a gloss ; S., however, explains evy^veia as inheiitcd nobility, nobilitas as nol)ility won. 6. — Mea causa debere . . . tua laborarim ; \\chz.\Q vel/c tua causa, L. 36. 2, and in Juiiii. xiii. 75- '; <'"ii<-'^ causa omnia eu/n citpio Uiin mehercule eliain debeo : the meaning is, 'if your object is to make your debt to me ajipear less tlian the services I have rendered you (L. 55. l), you need not distress yourself: I have others,' etc, (quoting the words of Agamemnon, //. i. 174, addressed to Achilles when the latter threatens to retire from the war). Minus laborem, ' that I should care less.' Certo iudicio, ' of set purpose ; ' cf. L. 52. 2 : iudicio eiiiin hio, iioji casH, etc. LV. (ad FAM. in. 9.) Laodicea, February, 50 B.C. (704 A.u.c.) On his return to Italy Appius was met by a threat of accusation from Dolabella, future son-in-law of Cicero. He was then outside Rome wait- ing for a triumph, and his position seems to have awakened him to the necessity of at once reconciling the offended yet forgiving orator. Appius secured his acquittal, but only at the price of his expected triumph, which he had to renounce upon entering the city for his defence. 1.— Urbis . . . urbanitatem, the sight of the city has made you civil again. De legatis . . . prohib. ; Appius had complained that Cicero had prevented certain towns from sending laudationes in his favour to Rome ; for Cicero's answer v. Fa/ii. iii. 8 ; he had done so at request of the citizens themselves, who complained of the burdensome taxes laid upon them to defray the expenses of such laudatory embassies. De App. aed. impedita ; cf. I.. 54. 2. Multos, strife-makers. 2, — ^"EiriKotppeicv est, 'would be a utilitarian view.' Epicurus's theory being ti]v (piXiav ota ras XP^'-^^ ylyveadai. Si quid velis, ' to ask if you have any commission,' a frequent construction in familiar style ; it takes the ace. of the place where the commission is to be executed ; cf. Q. Fr. ii. 2. \ : me . , . nemo adliiic rogavit, iium quid in Sardiniafu velleni ; te pnto saepe habere, qui, num quid Romam velis, quaerant. Longi subsellii, 'the long sitting;' it seems to have been as difficult to get through business in the Roman senate as at St. Stephen's ; cf. Fam. x. 22. 2 : propter tarditatem sententiarnm vioramque rcrum, cum ea, quae consulebantur, ad exituni non pervenirent. ludicatio, i.e. the investiga- tion as to your claims to a triumph. Tibi item, etc., i.e. has robbed you as well (as Pompey and others) of one or at the most two days ; Cicero asks, Att. vii. 8. 2, quid enim est tantum in 71110 ajit altera die ? 3. — Promissi ac muneris tui ; Appius had dedicated to Cicero the first part of his work upon the Augiirship (liber auguralis, Fam. iii. 4. i), and had promised him the continuation. Incredibiliter, S. gives a simple recipe for appreciating the force of such inversions of the order, 'read the passage aloud.' Tale quiddam, 'a similar gift.' Cicero wrote his book De Aug4iriis some years afterwards. 4. — Non instituta, not formed now for the first time. Misi litteras, sc. the despatch to the senate mentioned at the end of L. 53. Difficul- tas nav., owing to the time of year. Discessum senatus, according to the lex Pupia et Gabinia the senate rose in the middle of January and did not reassemble, except for the purpose of giving audience to foreign am- bassadors, till the beginning of March. Aestivis ; v. L. 42. i n. 246 NOTES. [L. LVII. LVI. (ad FAM. ii. ii.) Cilicia, April ^, 50 B.C. (704 A.u.c.) On M. Caelius, v. introduction to L. 49. 1 — Putarasne is epistolary, sc. antcquam has litteras dedi. Verba deessent, the one thing Cicero was not afraid of; cf. Fain. xiii. 63. i : non putai'i fieri posse nt mihi verba dcessent. Oratoria . . . nostratia ; on the distinction between the language of literature and oratory on the one hand and that of correspondence and conversation on the other, cf. the equally interesting passage, Fa?n, ix. 21. I : veruvitajneii quid tibi ego videor in episfiilis '■ iiomie plebeio sermone agere fecum ? and Gen. Introd. p. xlvi. Fortuna, 'a change of fortune.' Nostris qui . . . possim ; the antecedent to qui is contained in Jiosfris ; cf. the usage in L. 57. I : ttiai/i virtu teiii . . . doiiii togati ; for the change of number in possim cf. L. 20. I n. 2. — De pantheris ; Caelius was now curule aedile, and desired to cele- brate the I/udi Romani in autumn with unusual magnificence ; Cicero jests about the panthers to his friend (cf. the use of the serious agitur, ' the matter is being taken up,' and ex proviucia decedere, ' to withdraw from the province '), but in reality is greatly bored with the commission ; cf. Att. vi. I. 21. Mandatu = ;v^(2'/«, it(ssti ; viaudato would have referred to the contents of the instructions. In Cariam, which was part of the province of Asia. A Patisco, a Roman who seems to have lived for some time in Cilicia ; Caelius writes of him to Cicero {Favi. viii. 9. 3), tnrpe tibi erit Fatisaaii Ciirioni decent pantheras niississe, te non nndtis partihiis phtris. Tibi erit, ' will be yours.' Quid esset, ' how much there is,' epistolary. Megalensibus, sc. hidis ; the Megalesia were held in honour of Cybele on April 4th, after which the games went on under the charge of the curule aedile till the loth. LVII. (ad FAM. xv. 5.) Rome, 50 k.c. (704 a.u.c.) This letter is all we have from the pen of M. Cato. It is a reply to L. 53. Cicero had courteously requested Cato to lend his support in the senate to his claims to a triumph. With a curtness which would be truculent if it were not pedantic, Cato replies that a supplicatio for civil successes is all he deserves. Cicero had politely appealed to that philosophic view of life on which the Stoic prided himself. Cato answers with heartless effect (sect. 2) that a true philosophy would prefer the honour which Cicero had actually obtained (the supplicatio) to that which he coveted (the triumph). Cato has been called ' the Don Quixote of the Roman aristocracy.' One grudges him the comparison with the innocent if mistaken gallantry of the Spanish knight. 1.— Togati, armati, L. 56. i n. Pari industria administrare, 'shows itself in as energetic action ; ' with this absol. use of adin. in the sense of acting, cf. Sail. Jug. 92. 9 : viilites neqiie pjv opere consistere propter iuiqiiilatem loci neqite inter vineas sine pericjtlo adt/iinisirare ; others read administrari = adhiberi, an equally uncommon use. Quod pro meo iudicio, etc., i.e. as far as my convictions would allow me ; Cato had not supported even the supplicatio. Decreto ; v. L. 53. 11 n. 2. — Qua in re nihil, etc., abbreviated (i) by omission oi factum est in the first clause, to be supplied {\o\\\ provisum est ; (2) by omission of nom. to provisjim est (' everything '), to be supplied from niliil ; for which cf. AD FAM. XV. 5.] NOTES. 247 Cic. De Or. iii. 52 ; nemo exlnlit eunt verbis . . . sed contempsii, and the same construction in Greek with oi'Sets (' no one ') . . . dWa (' but every one ') ; v. Munro on Lucr. ii. 1038. Gratulaii, ' ihank ; ' as gratulatio is used of a thanksgiving. Neque supplic, sc. 'recollect ;' on nequacras cf. L. 9, 2 n. 3. — Existimes ; the pros, after scripsi is helped by volo. Instituto itinere, etc., i.e. pursue the course of strict justice and conscientious administration on which you have entered. LVIII. (ad FAM. xv. 6.) Cilicia, Jidy, 50 B.C. (704 A.u.c.) For Cicero's true opinion of Cato's conduct cf. Alt. vii. 2^ 7 : aveo scire, Cato quid agat ; qui in 7He ttirpiter fiiit malevoliis: dedit intcgrilatis, iustitiae, cleiiientiae, fidei miJii testimonium quod nan qtiarcbam ; quod pos- tidabavi, negavit. Itaque Caesar lis litteris, quibus mihi graiulatJir et omnia pollicetur, quomodo exsultat Catonis in mc ingralissiuii iniuriis ! Cicero would have been wiser to have thought more of the kindly advances of Caesar and less of the rebuffs of an impotent patriciate. 1. — Laetus sum; cf. L. 26. 7 n. Opinor ; v. L. 51. 3 n. on ut opinor. Amicitiae ; cf. beginning of Cato's letter. Liquido = sincere, i.e. with a good conscience, ' unhesitatingly ;' cf. Verr. iv. 124: conjirmare hoc liquido, indices, possum. Non modo verum . . , etiam, etc. = what the Germans call a Steigerung nach Unten. Currum aut lauream, the external symbols of the triumph. Ad illud sincerum, etc., 'according to that view as straightforward as it is penetrating;' 27/«(/=that high philosophic view which you take. Meis nee, e.g. Caelius, who writes [Fam. viii. 11. 2): Catoni . . . qui de tc locutus honorijice non decrerat supplicationes. 2. — Parum iusta, ' insufficient ; ' cf. the technical use of iustus, L. 42. 15 n. Hanc . . . rationem, yet has 'so much reason in it' that, etc. Honos, ?>. the triumph. Tantum, 'only so much.' Ex te = the more usual abs te. Quod amic. scribis, sc. te factum m esse ; cf. Att. xiii. 23. 3 : mea mandata, ut scribis, explica. Ampliss. , the word Cato himself uses, L. 57. 3. Scrib. adf. ; cf. L. 4. 4 n. LIX. (ad FAM. xiv. 5.) Athens, October 16, 50 b.c. (704 a.u.c.) Cicero left his province (August 3) in company with his son and nephew, who had followed him to Cilicia with their tutor Chrysippus. After visiting Rhodes and Ephfesus he sailed for Athens, whence he writes this letter to his wife in Rome. 1. — Suavissimus Cic, the use of the family name of near relatives with an attribute seems odd to us ; Cicero writes Cicero mens of young Marcus, but Quintus tuns of his nephew. Acastus, slave of Cicero, frequently employed to carry letters ; on this occasion he remained behind at Patrae to nurse Tiro (L. 61). Uno et vie. die, i.e. after leaving Rome ; Cicero considers it a quick run ; cf. Gen. Introd. p. xliv. 2. — Preciana ; Precianus was a lawyer of some eminence, who on his death had made Cicero his heir. Sed hoc ; L. 14. in. Camillus (C. Furius), frequently mentioned in the Letters as a faithful friend of Cicero, and a keen man of business. Per nos, 'myself.' Vos, you and TuUia. 248 NOTES. [L. LX. LX. (ad ATT. vii. i.) Athens, October 16, 50 e.c. (704 a.u.c.) 1. — L. Saufeio ; v. L. 27. i n. Litteris, viz. Alt. vi. 9. Ut philosopM ambulant, i.e. judging from tlie pace at whicli philosophers, especially Epicureans, travel : for the use in familiar style of af/ibiilare { = to travel) v. L. and S. ambiilo, I. c. De leg. Caes. adferrent, i.e. brought word that Caesar was about to occupy Placentia with four legions. i.X. eius, i.e. of Philotimus, trusted freedman of Terentia, M'hom Cicero suspected of having embezzled money ; hence his anxiety to place his affairs at Rome in charge of Atticus (L. 59. 2). Turranius was a friend of Q. Cicero ; he had told Atticus that Cicero had left Quintus in charge of Cilicia, whereas the post had been committed to the quaestor C. Caelius Caldus. A Xenone, an Epicurean friend of Cicero and Atticus at Athens. 2. — Parthico bello ; cf. introd. to L. 53. Respexerit, ' have mercy on ; ' for the same comm.on formula cf. L. 6. 6. Sed tantam ; on sed cf. L. 14. I n. Age, as often with the comic poets = /cat /x^v. Utrum- que, sc. Caesar and Pompey. Monentem, sc. to attach myself to Caesar. dXX* tjAov, etc., Hom. Od. ix. 33; Cicero means that he refused to betray the optimate party, with which he identified the welfare of his country ; cf. L. 38. lO : et cum ipsa quasi r.p. collociitus sum, etc. 3. — MiM valde probari ; for Cicero's opinion of Pompey's policy on the last occasion of their meeting cf. L. 49. 2. 4. — Non quaero ilia ult., i.e. I do not mean in the last resort. Cum altero vinci, i.e. cum Pompeio. Sed ilia quae, etc., 'but the question which will be under discussion when I arrive in Rome.' Ratio absentis ; on the constitutional questions at issue between Caesar and the senate v. Appendix ir., and on ratio absentis, ib, p. 285 n. DIC M. TULLI ; the words of the presiding magistrate calling for Cicero's vote in the senate. Exspecta, etc., 'am I to tell him " wait " ' etc. ? Contra Caesarem, sc. dicam. Prensae ; if we are resolved to change the \.x^^\\A0Vi'3\ prensae we had better choose a 1. which is Latin, which cannot be said for Orelli's tensae. Ravennae ; cf. L. 38. 9 ; owing to the gaps in the letters of the year 52 B.C. this is all we know of the meeting at Ravenna. De Caelio, i.e. to win over Caelius (L. 49), who at the beginning of 52 B.C. was a zealous opponent of Caesar and Pompey. Ab ipso autem? cf. L. 38. 10 n. on mCum autem. Illo div. tert. cons. , in which Pompey was consul sine collega, an honour bestowed upon him by the optimates as upon a prodigal son who after twenty years' wandering came back to assume his natural position as their leader. Aliter sensero, i.e. shall I embrace the other cause (Caesar's) ? aldeo/j-ai. TpQas Kul Tpwddas iXKeaLireTrXov?, (Hector's words, 7/. vi. 442). IIovXv- 8d[ias ; he means Atticus, who seemed to him to resemble the canny hero ' who alone looked botli before and behind and was Hector's comrade' (//. xviii. 250). Cicero liked to think of himself as Hector. 5. — Hanc . . . plagam, the dilemma as to the respective claims of Caesar and Pompey. Per duos, etc., during the years 51 and 50 B.C., in which M. and C. Claudius Marcellus were consuls respectively. Discrimen ipsum, 'the most critical moment ;' so L. 52. 2. Ut stul- tus, etc., prob. more or less proverbial ; he seems to mean : ' in order that fools may have their say out first, I shall make my triumph an excuse for remaining outside the city ; yet they will make every effort to get my opinion from me' — a remark quite in keeping with his invincible self-com- placence. Opus fuit ; cf. LL. 27. 2 n., and 38. 25. Nilmiserius, sc. than to remain in Cilicin. Ilia prima, etc., he means that themodera- AD ATT. VII. I.] NOTES. 249 tion with which he had boasted that his followers {nostra co/iors) had behaved had all melted away. 7.— €kPo\^ Xo-yov, Thuc. i. 97. 2, 'a digression.' Qui non decrevit, i.e. Cato, the terms of whose speech in the senate Cicero says were more complimentary to himself than if he had voted him any number of triumphs. Favonius ; cf, L. 22. 7 ; he was a blind admirer of the exaggeratetl virtues of Cato ; he was curule aedile this year. Hirrus. C. Lucilius, candidate for the augursliip along with Cicero, and for the aedileship along with Caelius in 51 is.c, but disappointed of both. In 49 B.C. he took Pompey's side. For Cicero's source of information cf. Fa//i. viii. II. 2. De supplicatione, etc.; cf. introd. to L. 57. Caesar was anxious to withdraw Cicero from the optimate party, and was glad of an opportunity of pointing out its ingratitude to him {trinmphat de sent, Caioiiis). Scrlb. adfuit ; cf. LL. 4. 4 n., and 58. 2. 8. — Scrofam ; Cn. Tx&meWms^cxoiz, ko/iio snnniia i-eligione et diligentia ( Verr. i. 30), was a friend of Atticus, as also was P. Silius Nerva, who in 51 B.C. was propraetor of Bithynia and Pontus [Fain. xiii. 47, and 61-65). Commode, with lociitus erat, 'as a friend ;' so in the ^\vx2L?,t%coiniiiode facis, etc., 'you act as a friend;' cf. Plaut. ]\Iil. iii. i. 21 (615) : loqiiere lepide et commode. Crassipedem ; cf. L. 28. 11 n. ; he had broken off his engagement with Tullia, who was engaged to Dolabellain March or April of this year. 9. — Domum, i.e. ad res domestlcas. At) illo, i.e. Philotimo. Est <|>vpaTTJs, 'he is a plague,' = c. fecit ; these three distinguished optimates remained in Rome when the greater part of their party fled to .Sulla (86 B.C.); Q. Mucins Scaevola was murdered in 82 b. c. (qnoqno modo ea rfs, etc. ) by order of C. Marius the younger. Quod factum est, ' which actually befell him,' i.e. death. Aliter Thrasybulus, who left Athens when the thirty tyrants came to power, to return as conqueror. Sed est certa, etc., ' but Mucius's brave conduct and resolution' (to die rather than take up arms against his country) 'is a most reasonable one, as is also that of Philippus.' Sit . . . amicus, sc. Caesar. Quid enim fieri potest ? ' what else can be done?' In Caieta, i.e. at his place at Caieta, which seems to have been his favourite after his Tusculanum ; cf. Att. i. 4. 3 : Caietaiii, si qiiando ahundare coepero, ornabo. 7. — Ad Corfinium. sc. esse; for the facts cf. L. 64. Scipionem, whose daughter Cornelia Pompey had married. Fausto, son of the great Sulla, was Pompey's son-in-law ; he had raised a Ijody of troops in Campania ; for the dat. cf. L. 6. 8 n. In Sic. ; these troops never went to Sicily. Trebonio, who was legatus of Caesar in Gaul, as was also C. Fabius : there was no foundation for these reports. Summa autem, sc. spes est. Leptam ; v. L. 54. 4 n. Ne quo inciderem, i.e. in hastes. J As this cl.iuse was a mere interpolation and had not received the sanction of the people, it was quite worthless in law. Cf. Appendix ii. n. i. AD ATT. IX. II A.] NOTES. 253 LXIV. (ad ATT. viii. 7,) Formian Villa, Feb. 23, 49 b.c. (705 A.U.C.) L. DoMiTius Ahenokarkus (LL. 6, 12, and 14. 3), who married Porcia, sister of Cato, was, like his brother-in-law, a violent optimate. He was praetor in 58 B.C., consul along with Appius Claudius in 54, and hated Caesar with all his heart for having baulked him of the province of Gallia Cisalp., which he had already secured by a vote of the senate. At this moment he held Corfinium against him, and was anxiously awaiting succour from Pompey which never came. Cut off from the forces in the south, he capitulated after a seven days' siege (Caes. B. C. i. 16 seq.). We hear of him afterwards fighting at Massilia and Pharsalus, where he was killed by Antony's horse (//'. iii. 99. 5, and Cic. P/uL ii. 71). 1. — Unum etiam restat, etc., 'one thing still remains to fill up the measure of our friend's dishonour.' Quos una . . . esse ; cf. Caes. B. C. i. 25. 2; among them was Lentulus Spinther (L. 66. 3). Ipse coh. trig.; Pompey bad the two legions which the senate had fraudulently withdrawn from Caesar's army {sinmlatione Parthici belli, Caes. B. C. i. 9. 4) in 50 B.C., and the troops raised by Fauslus (L. 63. 7) ; the troops he expected from Picenum cannot be meant. 2. — Meum, 'my declaration ' (L. 60. 4), explained by the next clause, ' my saying that I preferred,' etc. Si malui, sc. vinci. Patriam ; cf. Ati. viii. 2. 2 : qui itrbem re/iqiiit, id est patria»i. Contigit, i.e. I have got my wish. Quod superest, i.e. if you wish my other reasons for not yet having joined Pompey. Ista, i.e. such a state of matters as Pompey had caused. Istum, sc. Pompey himself. Propter quem, 'owing to whom it is that.' 3. — Ad PMI. ; cf. L. 60. I. A Moneta, from the Mint, in exchange for silver plate. Nemo enim solvit, ' for none of my debtors pays up.' Oppii were rich money-lenders with whom Atticus had large connections (hence in jest tuis contitb.). Apposita, 'as suits you;' others read apposite. LXV. (ad ATT. ix. 6 a.) On the March to Brundisium, lilairh, 49 B.C. (705 A.U.C.) Caesar takes the opportunity afforded by his meeting with C. Furnius (ex-tribune of the people) on the high-road to send a friendly and compli- mentary note to the orator. Meo commodo, ' at my convenience. Ad propositum revertar, ' I repeat it.' LXVI. (ad ATT. ix. 11 A.) Formian Villa, March 18, 49 b.c. (705 A.U.C.) It is difficult to tell whether on receipt of the previous letter Cicero's surprise, gratification, or suspicion was the greatest. Here he expresses the two former to Caesar himself, in Att. 9. 3 the last. His manner of refusing Caesar's request, on the ground of that peace which they both have most at heart, is the perfection of politeness. 1. — Ad earn rationem, ' for that end.' 254 NOTES. [L. LXVii. 2. —Hon. p. R. ben. concessum, i.e. the permission to stand for the consulship in liis absence ; v. Appendix II. 3. Aliquid impertias temporis, etc., 'give a moment to the con-' sideration.' Bonus vlr, 'a man of honour;' cf. LL. 38. 10 and 45. 4. Maximi beneficii, i.e. Pompey's support of his recall. Ad tuam fidem, i.e. your honour as committed to a policy of peace. Quam accom. con- servari, i.e. in a position of neutrality by not committing himself openly to Caesar's support in Rome, as Caesar wished him to do. De Lentulo, who was taken among others at Corfinium and at once released by Caesar. Quam ille might have been quam illiiin ; cf. Munro's note on Lucr. iii. 456. LXVII. (ad FAM. ix. 9.) Caesar's Camp before Dyrrhachium, 48 B.C. (706 a.u.c.) P. Cornelius Dolabella, Cicero's son-in-law, had been early drawn to Caesar's side by the liope of retrieving his shattered fortunes. For the means he adopted next year with a view to that end, v. Gen. Introd. p. xxxvi. Cicero was now with Pompey in Dyrrhachium (Gen. Introd. p. xxxii), while Dolabella seems to write from the camp of Caesar, as the latter lay encamped before that city. From the first sentence we gather that Caesar, as we might expect, had managed to keep open his lines of com- munication with Italy and Rome, while Pompey knew little of what was going on at home. The following peculiarities of grammar and phrase we may note in Dolabella's Latin:— (i) S. V. G. { = Si vales, gaudeo), where G. is used instead of Cicero's usual formula B. E. { = bene est) ; cf. LL. 3, 4, 5. (2) minus belle liabiiit, instead of se mimts belle habuit, unexampled in Cicero, but cf. Plant. Aul. ii. 8. 2. (3) partinm causa . . . siiadere, where 7ne, the subj. to suadere, is omitted ; so Lentulus writes [Fa/n. xii. 15. 5) : veniebant in sicspicionem detinuisse ; in both cases in suspicioneiii venire is used like did, ferri (personally). (4) ab optiiiio . . . animo instead of €\'Civ&x Optimo animo, o\ ab Optimo {yiiXhovX uuiino). (^) Ilhid . . . te peto instead of a te peto. (6) Reliqunm est , . . ibi simus, instead of ut ibi simns, perhaps unexampled in Cicero. 1. — Apud te ; not ' where you are,' but ' at your home.' Ne possum quidem, etc., i.e. it is not possible that any other view be taken of my action except that I try to persuade you as a matter of course, because silence is inconsistent with my duty as a son ; opinio is the view which others took of him ; for this use of scilicet, cf. L. 32. 2. 2. — Circumvallato ; Caesar was drawing his lines closer and closer round Pompey, whose headquarters seem to have been not actually in Dyrrhachium ijut in the town of Petra, a few miles to the south. It was his good fortune in forcing Caesar to retire with heavy loss that emboldened Pompey to meet the veteran Gallic legions shortly afterwards on the dis- astrous field of Pharsalus. Ei reip., ' that form of government.' 3. — Mi iuc. Cic; cf. L. 59. i n. Non minimum, i.e. will have very considerable weight ; so 01% TJKLara is used by the fig. of speech called litotes. Quoque, i.e. in return for what I am ready to do for you. AD FAM. IX. 6.] NOTES. 255 LXVIII. (ad ATT. XI. 8.) Brundisium, Dec. 25, 48 B.C. (706 a.u.c.) Cicero arrived at Brundisium towards the end of October. For the circumstances alluded to v. Gen. Introd. p. xxxiii. 1. — Lepta, L. 54. 4. Trebatio ; introd. to L. 31. Temeri- tatis, in returning to Italy without permission from Caesar. Neque te deterreo, etc., ' nor do I object to your arguing in that way ; ' deterreo = dehortor, as in L. 46. Nostra causa volunt ; L. 36. 2 n. Balbum ; L. 31. 2. Oppium ; C. Oppius, a faithful follower of Caesar. Op- pugnamur ... a praesentibus, i.e. ' I am maligned by certain persons to Caesar's face as well as by letter ; ' he was accused of repenting his desertion of the optimates, and of general discontent at Caesar's success. 2. — Fiifius (L. 9. i) was now legatus of Caesar. Qui ex ipso audissent ; subjunct. of virtual or. obi. : 'Who, as they said, had been ear- witnesses.' Sicyone, in Achaia, where a number of Pompeians had gathered to deliberate on their further course. Nefaria quaedam de me dicta, 'outrageous statements about me.' Nosti genus, 'you know his style ; ' cf. introd. to L. 7. and i7>. sect. 4. Cures litteras, etc., 'see that letters are sent as from me; ' for similar references at this time to vicarious correspondence cf. At/, xi. 5. 3, and 7. 7. LXIX. (ad FAM. ix. 6.) Rome, Jiaie, 46 D.c. (708 a.u.c.) M. Terentius Varro, the author of six books De Lingua Latina, and three De Re Rustica, was some ten years older than Cicero, and is described by him in Att. xiii. 18 as -n-oXvypaipdiTaTos. He acted as legatus of Pompey in the war against the pirates, and at the outbreak of the civil war supported the cause of the optimate general in Spain. On the defeat of Afranius and Petreius he joined Pompey in Greece, but withdrew after the battle of Pharsalus from further part in the war. He retired to Corcyra, thence to Spain, and finally with Caesar's permission returned to Italy, where he lived for the rest of his life in a strict retirement. Placed by Mark Antony on the proscription lists of 43 B.C., he was only saved by the intervention of his friends, and lived to see the new order of things inaugurated under Augustus. He died at the advanced age of ninety : — z'ir Romanorum eruditissimus (Quint, writes, Inst. x. i. ^^) pliiriiiios hie libros (referring to his 74 works, in 620 books !) et doctissiinos composuit. 1. — Adventus Caesaris, i.e. from Africa after the victory of Thapsus. Scilicet, with more or less bitterness, 'of the great Caesar.' In Alsiense, ' to his place at Alsium,' a town on the coast of Etruria, in the neighbourhood of which lay many villas belonging to the wealthier Romans ; cf. Mil. 54. Here Caesar wished to land, but was persuaded rather to choose Ostia, in order to avoid the tiresome greetings of the crowds which had assembled at Alsium. Hirtius . . . Balbum . . . Oppium, who seem therefore not to have accompanied him to Africa. 2. — tftrobique ; as Varro is anxious to go to meet Caesar, Cicero advises him to arrange for accommodation both at Alsium and Ostia. Inltia rerum, the events which led to the outbreak of the civil war. Aberas, as legatus in Spain. 3. — Etiam illorum, ' I for my part dreaded the victory even of those,' etc., i.e. the Pompeians, of whom Cicero writes, Att. ix. 7. 4 : Privntin con- 256 NOTES. [L. Lxx. silium est siiffocare iirbcm et Italiain fame, deiude agros vastare, tirere, peainiis lociipletiuin tion abstinere. Mea oratio ; after the battle of Pharsalus a council of war was held at Corcyra, at which Cicero spoke against the further prosecution of the war, and refused the command of the fleet ; cf. Marcell. 15, and Gen. Litrod. p. xxxiii. Nunc vero, after the war in Africa. Potiti, sc. rcT//;;/, Intemperantes, ' would have given reins to their passion.' Quod non idem, etc., 'which we would not have recommended also to them.' Ad toestiarum auxUium, the elephants of King luba ; Cicero's conscience does not seem to have been at all easy in the matter nevertheless ; cf. the naive passage, Att. xi. 7. 3 : dicebar dehuisse ciiiii Poinpeio proficisci ; exitiis illius iiiinnit Hints officii praetermissi 7-eprehe.nsionein. 4. — Turn, sc. niagnitin ditco. Et usus et delectatio, corresponding to et actis et vohtptatibtts. Voluptatibus ; on the levity and sensuality of Caesar's followers at this time cf Att. xii. 2. 2 : ludi interea Prae- neste : ibi Hirtiits et isti oiiines ; et qiiidem ludi dies viii. Quae cenae ! quae deliciae t res interea fortasse transacta est, i.e. in Africa. Tuscul- anenses dies, ' those days at your Tusculan villa.' lustar esse vltae, 'are worth a lifetime.' 5. — Docti homines ; among others Plato. lis abutamur, ' may we take full enjoyment of these ; ' L. 18. 2 n. LXX. (ad FAM. ix. 16.) Tusculum House, July, 46 B.C. (708 A.U.C.) L. Papirius Paetus was an Epicurean, and so far consistent with his philosophy as to spend his life apart from the political turmoil of the period. He was a warm friend of Cicero, and seems at this time to have been alarmed lest the orator should have offended Caesar by an injudicious freedom of speech and jest. For Cicero's sentiments towards Paetus v. Fani. ix. 15. i. 1. — Amavi, ' I was delighted with ; ' cf. L. 28. 9. Eodem exemplo ; cf. L. 40. 2 n. 2 — Sic habeto, ' be assured ; ' L. 28. 4 n. Istorum, the Caesarians. Cetera . . . communia simt, although grammatically co-ordinated with titor is in sense subordinate to it : ' while all the other indications are of a general nature.' 3. — Praestari, ' to be guaranteed,' i.e. nor can it be guaranteed how anything will turn out. Quod, relative, ' which I would not refuse to do ' {i.e. to give up all claim, to wit) ' if I could.' 4. — Ut Servius f rater tuus, etc., 'just as your (half) brother Servius . . . would readily say,' etc. ; Servius Claudius was an admiring student of Plautus and the author of a book of references to that author. He seems to have died about 60 B.C., and left his library to Paetus, who in that year presented it to Cicero {Att. i. 20. 7, ii. i. 12). Notandis generibus, ' as he had an ear trained by a careful study of writers of different styles, and by his literary habits.' dTro<})6€YH^a.Ta)v — a com- pilation of witty sayings which Caesar seems to have begun while quite a young man, alluded to by Suetonius under the title of Z^zV/a Collectanea, which along with two other works from the pen of the youthful Caesar, called Laudes Herculis and Oedipus (a tragedy), Augustus caused to be suppressed (Suet. Caes. 56). Quod meum non sit. He says in Plane. 35 that all the good sayings of the time were attributed to him : qitod AD FAM. IX. i6.] NOTES. 257 qtiistjue dixit, »ie id dixisse dicunt ! and again, stotitachor, cum alioiiein noii me digna in iiie confa-iiHliir ; cf. the passage, Fain. vii. 32. I. Acta includes here not merely the acta populi or acta diurna, i.e. the official gazette of public events in Rome, first instituted by Caesar in 59 is.c, but also all the social intelligence of the time, which was carefully treasured up by private individuals for the benefit of friends at a distance ; cf. L. 38, where Caelius is so careful to keep Cicero informed of all that goes on in the capital. Cf. Fain. xii. 23. 2 and 28. 3. Oenomao tuo nihil utor, i.e. ' I am not in the position of your Oenomaus, although your quotation from Accius is an apt one ; ' Paetus had applied to Cicero the words of king Oenomaus in Accius's tragedy of that name, to the effect that the envy of men broke upon him like the waves upon a rock. (Cf. Ribbeck, Fr. vii., Saxniii id facit, etc.) 6. — Sic goes with placiiisse : ' it was a maxim with,' etc. Videntur vim virtutis ; Cicero does not despise alliteration. Praestare, ' to guarantee,' as in sect. 3 ; culpain = the absence of fault, the idiom called res pro rei defectii ; cf. L. 43. i n. on officiiiin ; so in Greek, eTnixifj.i hahet, ceteris rebus abuudat. Qiiadam, at Dyr- rhachium. 3. — Fractos, sc. nos ; cf. Att. xi. 12. 1 : viandavi {me) non potuisse. In acie cadendum, as Domitius Ahenobarbus had done. Aut in insi- dias, etc., the fate of Pompey. Aut deveniendum, as Cassius had done. Consciscenda mors, as had been done by Cato. 4. — Vetus est, ' it is an old saying that when you are not what you were there is no reason to wish to live.' 5. — Primum, without any corresponding particle, as in L. 7. 8. Etiam reliquis omnibus, 'for all others as well as myself.' Rhodum aut Mytilenas, as centres of art and literature, were the chosen refuge of many exiles ; M. Marcellus (L. 76) resided at Mytilene. 6.--Haec tecum, sc. coiiuiutiiicare. Malueram, ' I would have pre- ferred ;' cf. Roby 1535 d. Longius fiebat, 'that is too long to wait.' Ut haberes quid, etc., 'that you might know what to say.' Quod vlvara ; cf. the similar passage, Fant. ix. 2. 2. Cicero suffered all the odium and reaped none of the rewards of the renegade. LXXVI. (ad FAM. iv. 8.) Rome, 46 B.C. {708 A.u.c.) M. Claudius Marcellus (L. 24. i) belonged to a distinguished plebeian gens. As consul in 51 B.C. he had been one of Cicero's most violent opponents, and after the battle of Pharsalus, while retiring from further part in the war, obstinately refused to sue for pardon. He took up his residence at Mytilene. 1. — Gratulari virtuti, 'to bid God-speed to your fortitude ; ' the more usual construotion would have been ace. of thing with dat. of person, e.g. ei victoria/n . , , gratulatur, Verr. Act. i. 7. 19, in accordance with which usage we have laudis gratulatio (L. 7. 6). 2. — lUud tamen ; illud is taken up and explained by ut. Vel tu me . . . puta ; the seemingly distorted order of the words lends a distinctness to the main ideas in the sentence ; S. gives a simple prescription for appreciating the force of such inversions, ' read them aloud.' Quod ego facio ; Cicero naively indicates his desire to see his own line of conduct justified by its adoption by others. ludicio hominum, 'you who in the opinion of the public, as well as in reality, stand in the very first rank, although necessity now compels you to yield to the force of circumstances. ' Sin, sc. sequiiniir, i.e. if it does not matter what place we are in. Qui omnia tenet ; in his letters to Marcellus Cicero carefully avoids alluding to Caesar by name. Nobilitatem . . . dignitates hominum; he means 'men of high birth and position.' Res et.ipsius causa, 'the nature of the case and his own position ; ' cf. L. 28. 6 n, Plura, sc. scripsi. 262 NOTES. [L. LXXVII. Fore cum tuis, etc., ' I shall unite with your friends, if only they will come forward as such ; ' except C. Marcellus, his relatives seem to have done nothing for him, they preferred seemingly to sacrifice Marcellus rather than unite in any common action with Cicero. LXXVII. (ad FAM. iv. 4.) Rome, 46 b.c. (708 a.u.c.) This is the Servius Sulpicius Rufus whose name is immortalised by one short letter (L. 82). He was one of the foremost literary men of the age, and was equally distinguished as poet, grammarian, historian, and jurist. His political sympathies were with the senate and the optimates, but at the outbreak of the civil war he had displayed a single-hearted desire for peace, and had now been recalled by Caesar from his retirement at Samos to undertake the proconsulship of Achaia. We hear of him once more as one of the three ambassadors who carried the terms of the senate to Mark Antony before Mutina. 1. — Saepius litteras uno exemplo, i.e. several copies of the same letter ; cf. Gen. Introd. p. xliv, and L. 40. 2, where it does not neces- sarily mean a copy. Ex ea parte, quatenus, ' only in so far as.' Qui . . . accipiant, i.e. into whose hands they are intrusted. Fieri . . . ne ; we should have expected zitnon ; Sen. {Dial. 6. 13) has ne adiniretur, efficit. Nee nosco, nee probo, ' I neither acknowledge nor approve ; ' nosco seems to mean to acknowledge as an excuse ; probo, to accept as a fact. Divitias orationis ; cf. L. 56. i. Nee hoc elpwv. sc. scribo. Subtilitati, refers to the matter ; elegantiae, to the form. 2. — Hoc Achaic. neg., the proconsulship of Achaia. Aliter ceci- disse rem, etc., i.e. that your government has given you more trouble than you thought; prob., as S. suggests, owing to the number of Pom- peians who sought refuge in Achaia and placed Caesar's governor, who since Pharsalus had remained neutral, in an awkward dilemma. At contra nobis, sc. vide r is. Prae nobis, 'in comparison with us.' 3. — De iure publico, L. 74. 2 n. Aequitate tua, in your consul- ship in 51 B.C. Ne hominis quidem causa, 'even considering who he vv'as.' Fecerat autem, etc., explains jtv/rt//// r^^ij;//"?'. Fecerat . . . ut . . . cunctus consurgeret= ' had actually risen in a body.' L. Pisone, father of Caesar's wife Calpurnia. Noli quaerere = ry/a'i/ (jiiaeris? Reviviscentis, r. p. (!) ; the incident indicated much more clearly to any one who had eyes the coming degi-adation of the senate. 4. — Omnes ante me rogati ; the method, per singuloriim senteiitias exquisitas, i.e. the method of calling on each of the members for their individual views, was adopted on this occasion by Caesar in preference to a simple yote {per discessioitein) more for form's sake; he wished it to appear that Marcellus owed his recall to the senate. Volcatium. Billerb. thinks that the son of L. Volcatius Tullus, consul in 66 B.C., is referred to, not the ex-consul himself. The former had been intrusted by Caesar with certain of the duties of praetor this year, although he did not hold that office, and the young man may have thought to show his grati- tude by asserting his sympathy with severe measures against Marcellus. Si eo loco esset ; Livy (xxxvii. 14. 5) writes, si in eodem loco esset. Senatus oflacium, ' the loyalty of the senate ' to its exiled member. Pluribus verbis egi, etc., ' I thanked Caesar at length ' — in the or alio pro M. Marcello, which (?) has come down to us. Meque metuo, etc., now AD FAM. IV. 4.] NOTES. 263* that he had again entered the arena ; so in 45 H.c. we find him speaking before Caesar in behalf of Ligarius and Deiotarus. Me banc r.p., etc., ' that I did not consider the present a constitutional government.' Hoc faciam, i.e. speak in public. Aut etiam intra modum, i.e. rather too little than too much ; so intra legem, Faiii. ix. 26. 4, means far within the limits prescribed bylaw; he means he will 'err on the safe side.' A prima z.^^zX^ — a piteritia, L. 53. 16. Cicero does not mean that he was an infant prodigy. Ingravescit, 'becomes more absorbing.' Et aetatis, etc., i.e. both because my age is now ripe for taking a true view of life, and because the times are so out of joint that nothing else can give relief to the trouble of my mind. 5. — lam noctes, 'by this time (September?) the length of the nights.' Omni probitate, i.e. the rectitude he shows in everything. Mansione aut discessione ; cf L. 70. 7 n. Delectare, sc. te. Ipso, Caesare. Hoc nostrum consilium, i.e. my advice that you should remain in Achaia. LXXVIII. (ad FAM. vi. 6.) Rome, 46 b.c, (708 a.u.c.) To understand the attitude of apparent harshness which Caesar assumed towards Caecina and other literary men of republican sympathies, we must recollect the floods of anonymous pamphlets, epigrams, street placards, and the like, with which the Dictator and his government were daily attacked. A. Caecina is probably the same on whose behalf Cicero delivered in 69 B.C. the speech which is still extant (cf. Faiii. vi. 7. 4, where Caecina writes me vetereiii tmun . . . clicnteiu). He was himself of an ancient Etruscan family,- and was mainly distinguished as the author of a lost work, de Etnisca disciplina (sect. 3). In the civil war his sword and pen alike were enlisted on the side of the republic ; arinatiis adversaria niale- dixi, he writes, Fai/i. vi. 7. i. Caesar, we are told (Sueton. Caes. 75), remained imperturbable, yet Caecina seems to have I'emained unforgiven ; nor do we know whether the recantation or liber querelaruin which he wrote at this time from Sicily ever even met the eye of the offended Dictator. 1. — Studiorum parium ; esp. the study of divination, which was the subject of Caecina's work. Sed tamen vereor, etc., 'and yet, I say, I fear that you think me remiss in the duty of letter- writing.' Gratula- tionem ; upon your receiving pardon from Caesar. Id argumentum ep., i.e. congratulations. 2. — Sed ut eum^Jt'i/ Us qui bus te consoler tit earn, etc. Qui ad me ex Asia, i.e. who returning from Asia to Rome visited me at Thessa- lonica on their way. 3. — Ratio . . . Tuscae disciplinae, 'rules of Tuscan augur-lore.' Ne . . . quidem does not mean 'not even,' but simply emphasises 110s in opposition to te. Doctrinae, ' of philosophy ; ' so doeli Jioniines means philosophers, L. 69. 5. 4. — Hoc plus, V. L. 26. 7n. Sed tamen plurimi, etc. ; cf. Phil. ii. 24, where he seems to be quoting the very words of this warning. 5. — Hunc Caesarem. Eundiun, sc. Pompeio ; Cicero seems to forget how anxious he had been in 51 B.C. that Pompey should remain to protect Rome (cf. Alt. v. 11. 3, and Fani. iii. 8. 10). Ipso consule 264 NOTES. [L. Lxxviii. (hi. Pompeio) pugnante ; on behalf of the measure. Vel inictuissi- mam pacem. Cicero is more accurate here as to his own attitude ; cf. Att. \'\\. 14. 3 : equidem ad pacem hortari non desino quae vel hiiusta jttilior est qiiain uisiissiinttui belluni. 6. — Rebus domesticis ; we cannot doubt that Cicero's view here and elsewhere, that the hopeless financial entanglement of many of the Pom- peians was their chief motive in urging on the war, is strictly correct ; cf. Caesar's judgment on Lenlulus (cos. 49 B.C.), B. C. i. 4. 2. Aliquando ; in 57 B.C. In fabulis, 'in the plays,' seemingly ; the words /;7/(^/t';/j- to positam seem to be a quotation, perhaps, as S. suggests, from the Eriphyle of Accius ; cf. what Cicero says of himself and his own motives in joining the war, A/arcell. 14, where he uses the same quotation. 7. — Constitul, now that 'I have established.' Augur publ. ; on Cicero's augurship cf. L. 53. 13 n. Ex alitis involatu, etc. Besides the methods mentioned here, from the flight and singing of birds, which were favourable when heard on the left of the augur as he faced to the south, and to the feeding of sacred chickens, which was favourable when they ate with such voracity as to let much of the grain fall to the ground {tripuditim solisti/inoii) not without impatient cackling {tripzidiiim soni- diuiii), Festus mentions three other methods — ex caelo, ex qttadrnpedibus , ex divis (prodigies). Etsi non sunt certiora ; we can fancy the augur's smile as he paid this compliment at once to his ' cloth ' and to the Etruscan superstition of his correspondent. 8. — In Caesare haec sunt, etc.; this testimony is valuable in proportion as it is disinterested and spontaneous. Ingeniis delectatur ; so favet ingeiijis, L. 76. 2. Consentiens Etruria, the united voice of your own Etruria. 9.— Eodem fonte, i.e. from Caecina's pen. Leviter ; Suetonius, unre- strained by considerations of politeness, writes, criininosissitiio libra. Summorum tuae aet., 'the first men of your time ;' for this use of adj. for noun cf. such words as amicus, benevolus, and even superlatives, sui amicissiini, Phil. ii. 41, titi faiiiiliarissimi, ibid. 42 ; with which compare the use of ^Oiittos with the gen. in Xen. Anab. iii. 2. 5. 10. — In eius persona, etc., i.e. he showed great severity to him in his character of leader of his party ; persona in the sense of character, role, or capacity, is in a state of transition from ' xnask ' to * person ; ' for the constr. cf. L. loi. 2 n. Ciun summa, etc., referring partly to the taste- ful way (described L. 77. 4 n.) in which Caesar brought about his recall. 11. — Hoc, explained in what follows, prinntm ut, etc. Ratio, sc. reriiin et civiliuin temporuni, i.e. the present system of things and the present state of politics. Nefariorum seel., e.g. ambitus under Pompey's law of 52 B.C. 12. — Habes, L. 6. 6 n. Addubitarem ; the compound in ad of familiar style we do not find in Cicero's orations. lUa consolatione, explained by te si, etc. : namely, that you, etc. Explorata victoria, 'in the certainty of victory.' Ita enim turn putabas refers to republica : for you thought then that you were fighting for the constitution, whatever view you may have expressed now in your ' Querelae.' Non solum veterum, e.g. Coriolanus and Camillus. Externos, e.g. Themis- tocles, Epaminondas, Hannibal. 13.— Nunc hoc amplius; either take hoc as ace. taken up by quod, etc., or as abl. after amplius, 'more than this;' in either case tr. ' 1 now further place at your disposal my daily increasing influence with Caesar. ' AD FAM. XII. 17.] NOTES. 265 LXXIX. (ad FAM. vi. 14.) Rome, November, 46 B.C. (708 a.u.c.) Q. LiGARius had served the Pompeian cause in Africa from the out- brealc of the war until the battle of Thapsus. His pardon was finally secured through the efforts of his friends, and chiefly of Cicero, whose speech pro Ligario produced on Caesar a lasting impression in his favour. His name appears on the list of conspirators in 44 B.C., and we have every reason to trust and believe that it appeared also next year on the list of the proscribed. 1. — Si quisquam (subst, = 'if there exists any one who') : si qnis (whosoever) : : si iilliis (adj. 'if there is any who ') : si qiiis (whatever) ; for the latter cf. Att. xii. 23. I : si qua vie res isto addiixerit, cnitar, si quo ntodo potero — potcro aiitein — ut praeter te nemo dolorem meuin soitiat, si tdlo modo poterit (but I fear it is impossible), m tic qnidein. Metuens . . . sperans, are adjs., not verbs : 'more ready to dread, etc., than to hope.' 2. — A. d. V Kal. intercalares priores = Nov. 27 ; in his character of Pontifex Maximus Caesar prolonged the year 46 B.C. by 90 days ; with the aid of the astronomer Sosigenes he intercalated not only the short month of 23 days called Mercedonius or Mercedinus, which Numa had decreed should be inserted after Feb. 23 every second year, but also, be- tween Nov. and Dec, two months containing between them 67 days ; the divisions in these months were called Jval. Nan. Id. interc. priores and posteriores respectively. Omnem . . . molestiam ; cf. L. 87. 2. Essem locutus ; this was not the occasion of the speech p7-o Ligario ; it was not until Cicero had succeeded in interesting the Dictator on his friend's behalf that the younger Tubero came forward with his formal accusation against him, with the view of preventing his pardon. Hac opinione discessi, ' I left him in the belief.' LXXX. (ad FAM. xii. 17.) Rome, Dec, 46 B.C. (708 A.u.c.) Q. CoRNiFicius we first know (Verr. i. 10) as iudex quaestionis in the case of Verres. He had been Cicero's competitor for the consulship {L. I. l), and was now his colleague in theaugurship (collegae). He was distinguished as orator, poet, and friend of Catullus. In the civil war he had fought on the side of Caesar, and on the reduction of Africa seems to have been appointed governor of that pro- vince. We find him in Africa in 44 B.C. (Fam. xii. 21 seq.), and there is no reason to suppose him any nearer Syria now. After the death of Caesar he held Africa in the republican interest against T. .Sestius, whom Antony had sent to supersede him, and was slain in the battle which ensued, 42 B.C. 1. — Ex Syria . . . tumtiltuosiora ; the disturbance in the East was caused by Q. Caecilius Bassus, a Pompeian who had been pardoned after the battle of Pharsalus, and who in return had murdered the governor of Syria, a relative of Caesar, and now with a small army defied the Dictator's power. Id curae esse Caesari ; it is prob. true that Caesar thought it possible to re-establish senatorial government, but we are sur- prised to hear Cicero admit that he was anxious to do so. 2. — Et cetera quidem fortasse, 'and on the whole perhaps much 266 NOTES. [L. Lxxxii. which even you,' etc., i.e. his Paradoxa, his Brutus, and esp. his Cato, with the republican sentiments of which Cornificius would agree. Scripsi de optimo, etc., i.e. in the De Oratore. Scilicet, 'of course,' as in L. 32. 2. Doctum . . . ab non indocto. Cornificius belonged to the 'new school' of poets and orators (cf. Att. vii, 2. i, where Cicero speaks contemptuously of oi j/ewrepot). Ex animo, 'from conviction.' Gratiae causa, 'from friendship.' Rem, ' the argument.' 3. — Omnium more, ' because it is the fashion.' Me cum amori, etc., ' I not only set a great value upon ; ' we might have had tribuere instead of tiibiiaiii. LXXXI. (ad FAM. vi. 3.) Rome, Jan. (?), 45 B.C. (709 a.u.c.) A. Manlius Torquatus had been one of Cicero's warmest supporters in the troubles of 58 and 57 B.C. {Fin. ii. 72) and is frequently mentioned in the letters to Atticus. Since the battle of Pharsalus he had lived in exile at Athens, and was still suffering from Caesar's displeasure. 1. — Sup. litteris = Fain. vi. i. Ut, sc. ego as anteced. to cni. 2. — Item, i.e. and as I ought then to have been shorter, so now likewise ought I to be. Aliquid audimus, from Spain ; Caesar's first success, the capture of Ategua [B. Hisp. 19. 6), took place on Feb. 19 ; Cicero's surmise, in the words que in ego tain video, etc., that his ultimate success hardly admitted of a doubt, suggests that this victory was already known at Rome ; Billerb. however dates the letter Jan. Acies, i.e. the impending battle. Et belli exitum video et ; he seems to have intended to write that he well knew both what the ultimate issue of the war would be, and what use would be made of victory ; a shade of doubt crosses his mind as to the former, and he goes on si id minus, i.e. if I am not quite certain as to that. Haec . . . ilia = homin . . . illorum. 3. — Idque, etc., i.e. and such is the use to which I see, now that I have a clear view of it, the victory will be put, that even death will be no misfortune if it anticipates the cruelty and rapacity of the conqueror ; the text is however unsatisfactory ; S. reads tiim tale video, and thinks the MS. vel after id a gloss. Urbe, Athens. Loqui, by their pictures. 4. — Discesserint, sc. in Hispaniam. Aut eorum qui remanserint (sc. Romae) ; supplied on ancient authority in place of the hiatus of the MSS. Ero = vivani. els*A0T|vas, in a literal sense, 'coals to Newcastle;' the owl, as the sacred bird and emblem of wisdom in Athens, was every- where throughout the city in statues, in pictures, and on coins. LXXXII. (ad FAM, iv. 5.) Athens, March, 45 B.C. (709 a.u.c.) Cicero's opinion of Servius's faculty in letter-writing (L. 77. i) is here amply justified in spite of unclassical usages. TuUia had died in February, and the grief-stricken father had retired to Astura. (Gen. Introd. p, xxxv). 1. — Renuntiatum est, used of intelligence which it is one's duty to report ; cf. the similar use oi referre, L. 12. 2 n. Sane quam, conver- sational, like valde quam, miruiii quam {OavfiaffTCbs (is) niiitis quam, exceedingly ; Cicero uses it only twice, v. L. and S. Pro eo ac, 'as I was bound to,' V. Roby 2075. Neque . . . coramque, where we should have expected et coram. Confieri ; this form is used by several of Cicero's correspondents, once in Caesar {B. G. vii. 58. 2), never by AD FAM. IV. 5.] NOTES. 267 Cicero himself. Decrevl, ' I have resolved,' followed by the pres. exis- t intern and perspicias. 2. — Intestinus, 'private,' joined with c/omesticits in Verr. 2. i. 15. Egerit ; L. and S. 8 15 ; cf. pessime . . , actitm, sect. 3. Qui, adj. with rt«/w//j, or adv. {qiio-niodo)} Callere ; Cicero would have used a compound in the pf. {con-, ob-, ovpe7-calljiisse). Existimare — aesiiiiiare ; never so in Cicero. 3. — An illius vicem, 'or perhaps it is foj- her sake,' on vicem, v. L. 27. I n. Credo is unnecessary after an. Et nos saepe incidi- mus : loose constr. instead of et nos incideriinns ; on the difference between venire and incidere, cf. L. 52. 2 n. ; Servius says that even he has lighted on this reflection. Sine dolore, as opposed to a violent death. Quae res? quae spes? i.e. what hope, either present or future? Adu- lescente, in the Roman sense ; Tullia was over thirty at the time of her death. Gereret = rt^^rtV ; never in Cicero. Pro tua dignitate, i.e. worthy of your alliance. Libertate sua uti ; sc. possent, ' who would be able to assert their freedom ;' the constr. is harsh. Nisi, 'were it not that,' ' only,' cf. L. 48. 4 n. Sit, where we should have expected est. Haec, what we now suffer. 4. — Attulit, indie, in indir. quest, is not uncommon in early Latin. Volo . . . comniemorare = f(?///;;/t'w^;-<7/'(; ; the use of the auxiliary instead of the inflexion is rather colloquial than classical. Si, like d, ' to see if.' Ex Asia, where he had been living in retirement. Rediens, to assume his provincial government in Achaia ; cf. end of this letter, and introd. to L. 77. Regiones ca:c\i.xs\.G\rGa. = regiones, quae cirnwicirca erant ; cf. Liv. xxii. 23, oinnilnis circa, for omnibus quae circa erant ; the constr. is not uncommon. Oppidum (contr. for oppidornm). Cada- vera; Cicero writes scpiilta in patria in Cat. i. 4. Visne tu, 'will you not ?' a not uncommon use of ne, esp. in such phrases as videsfie, vidaniisne etc. Crede miM Is familiar. Modo, 'but now.' De imperio, etc. ; he means that the people's imperial prerogatives had been invaded by Caesar. Diem suum for diem siipremiun seems to have been a favourite form with Servius ; cf. Fam. iv. 12. 2. Moriendum fuit ; Roby 1535. Fuerat is merely familiar for erat ; cf. Plaut. AmpJi. i. I. 273, lit matre natnm fuerat. 5. — Una cum r. p. fuisse, i.e. that the republic lasted Tullia 's day. Augur. , L. 53. 13 n. Adulescentibus primariis ; Gen. Introd. p. xxxiii, n. Perfunctam esse, 'enjoyed;' so De Cr. iii. 7: ab honorion perfunctione ; usu., however, perfuitgi=to perform a task. Hoc nomine, 'in this view; so L. 21. 4 : eo nomine ut=\\'\\h. the view of. Neque imitare ; Cicero would have used «^'t'. Tenere, 'understand.' 6. — Ei rei . . . occurrere, 'anticipate that result.' Qui illius in to amor fuit, 'such was her love for you ; ' Roby 1715. Hoc certe, i.e. that you should trust to time for a cure. Da hoc illi, i.e. do her the favour of anticipating the effects of time. In earn fortunam, etc., i.e. since our position is such that we must have regard to such considerations as this. Aeque, ' as worthily.' LXXXIII. (ad FAM. iv. 6.) AsTURA, April, 45 i!.c. (709 A.u.c.) 1. — Ego vero vellem adf., 'yes, certainly, I wish you had been here.' Ut scribis ; in L. 82. i. Potueris, ' you would have been able,' is the pf. indie, of possibility (Roby 1535) transferred to indirect quest. AdM- buisti, 'you betrayed.' lucundlora . . . gratiora ; v. L. 7. 6 n. Scilicet, 'of course;' cf. L. 32. 2. Nam et Q. Maximus, etc. ; cf. 268 NOTES. [L. Lxxxiv. Tiisc. iii. 70 : qualis fiiit Q. Maximus efferens filium consularem, qualis L. Faiilhis, diiobus paucis diebiis amissis filiis, qualis AT. Cato, p?-cietore designato niortiio filio ; Cicero here adds Galus in compliment to Servius. Q. Maximus is Q. Fabius Max. Cunctator ; L. Paullus was the conqueror of Perseus, L. Aemilius Paullus Macedonicus ; C. Sulpicius Galus, who also distinguished himself in the Macedonian war, as well as against the Ligurians in 167 B.C., was of the same gens as Servius {vester) ; M. Cato is the censor. 2. — Cum frangerem . . . me, ' when I was trying to master myself;' Ait. xii. 44 : contudi enitn aninnini et fortasse vici si modo permansero, where he is speaking of conquering his aversion to Tusculanum, where TuUia had died. Habebam quo confugerem ; cf. the interesting tribute to Tullia's character in Att. x. 8. 9 : amis qiiidem virhis mirifica. Quo modo ilia fert publicaiii cladem ! quoinodo domesticas tricas I qtiantus aulem anifnus in discessu nostra! est crTopyfj, est siunnia ffvvrrj^LS : tainen nos recte facere et bene aitdire vnlt. Consanuisse ; only here in Cicero. 3. — Tuum adventum ; from Achaia, where the term of his governor- ship had nearly expired. Qua ratione, etc., i.e. what line of conduct they should adopt while Caesar's rule lasted. LXXXIV. (ad ATT. XIII. 52.) Puteoli House, Z>^(r£;«/;^r 29, 45 B.C. (709 A.U.C) Caesar's visit happened on December 19, the second day of the Saturnalia, during a pleasure trip into Campania. The soldiers mentioned were his Spanish life-guards. 1. — Gravem dp.eTa)i€\riTOV, 'so unvvelcomed, yet so unobjectionable;' so below : kTrLfrrad/j.eiai', odiosam niihi , . . non molestain ; Caesar was a guest formidable to expect, easy to entertain. Fuit enim periucunde, * for he was in the best of humours;' cf. Cicero's words before Caesar himself, Deiot. 19: cum in convivio counter et iitciinde fitisses ; ^o libenter fuit, below, sect. 2, 'he thoroughly enjoyed himself;' on the constr. cf. L. 40. 2 n. Sed, resumptive, ' well. ' PMlippum ; L. Marcius Philippus married Caesar's niece Atia, after the death of C. Octavius, and thus became the stepfather of Octavian, Completa a — not ' filled with,' but ' invaded by.' Triclinium, 'a room,' as in sect. 2. Quippe bominum CIq CIq; sc. fueruiit : 'for there were 2000 of them,' a com- pany which would strain the resources of a modern palace. Postridie, when he was to dine with me. Barba Cassius, mentioned in Phil. iii. 2 n. , as amongst the naufragia Caesaris ainicorum, who were in Antony's army at Mutina. Apud Pbilippum, sc. erat. Rationes, sc. confecit. Balbo ; v. L. 31. an. Post b. VIII. in balneum; he seems to have gone to Cicero's house straight from his walk. De Mamurra, a rich favourite of Caesar, whom Catullus, in Epigr. 29 and elsewhere, attacks for the lavish extravagance with which he spent the wealth he had accu- mulated during Caesar's Gallic campaigns ; tlie allusion in the text is doubtful : if we read vultunt, it may refer to the death of Mamurra ; if we omit vultum, it may refer to his condemnation under Caesar's lex sump- tuaria (cf. Att. xiii. 7. i), in which case non niutavit means, 'he did not try to reverse the judgment.' epcr. agebat, impf. of action proposed ; V. Roby 1470 : ' he intended to take an emetic,' a practice not only with those who, according to Sen. Cojis. Helv. 9, voinunt tit edant, edunt ut vomant, but with those who, like Caesar, had a prudent i^egard for their AD ATT. XIII. 52.] NOTES. 269 stomachs; cf. Deiot. 21, vomer e te post cena/ii velle dixisses. Bene cocto, etc., from Lucilius — a favourite quotation, seemingly, with Cicero, cf. Fin. ii. 24. Si quaeri' ; L. 29. 2 n. Libenter, to his heart's content. 2. 01 ircpl avTov, ' his private retinue,' as distinguislied from his mili- tary guards ; he means that the liberti lautiores were in one room, the minus lauti in another, and the servi in a third. Homines visi sumus, ' I showed them I was a gentleman ;' Nero is said to have remarked after the completion of his 'golden palace,' se quasi honiinem tandem habitare coepisse {'&\xt\.. Nero, 31); so homo is used in the slightly different sense of a man of honour, Att. iv. 15. 2: si vis homo esse recipe te ad nos, and Att. X. II. 5, of a man of good feeling ; 'a man' in the emphatic English sense would be vir. Amabo te ; cf. L. 52. 2 n. ; the words are per- haps a quotation from a comic poet. Eodem ad me, 'visit me again.' SirovSttiov oti8«'v, etc., i.e. there was no political but much learned talk. Ad Baias may mean either in the neighbourhood of or at Baiae ; cf. ad forum, advillam. Habes, 'you now know all about;' cf. L. 6. 6 n. Dextra sinistra ; cf. L. 53. 12 n. ; the meaning is that his whole body- guard filed up left and right to his horse, and marched past in this order. Ex Nicia, sc. audivi ; Nicias Curtius was a learned Greek, who was inti- mate both with Cicero and Dolabella. LXXXV. (ad FAM. vii. 30.) Rome, Jan., 44 B.C. (710 A.u.c.) M'. CuRiUS (v. L. 61. i) had spoken {Fam. vii. 29.) of returning to Rome in spring ; Cicero writes in answer ,that he will be wise to stay away. 1. — Ego vero — cf. L. 83. I, — 'No, I neither advise,' etc., repeating the opinion he had already expressed to Curius {Fam. vii. 28. i). Evolare . . . ubi, etc., a favourite quotation (perhaps from the /^^'r^z/j- of Accius), employed three or four times by Cicero with slight variations, but almost always with a reference to Caesar and his followers. Ne = nae. Campo, sc, Martio. Sella Q. Max. ; the curule chair of Q. Fabius Maximus, who along with C. Trebonius had been made consul by Caesar in October 45 B.C. ; it had already been placed in readiness for Fabius as president of the comitia tributa for the quaestorial elections, when the announcement of his sudden death put an end to proceedings. Caesar seized the opportunity to reward a deserving follower ; setting aside the usual augiiral forms, for which there was no time, he summoned the centuries, and had C. Rebilus, formerly lieutenant in his own army, elected to a consulship of half a day's duration. lUi, the Caesarians. Hora septima, about 2 p.m., Dec. 31. Ita Caninio consule ; other jests of Cicero on this fertile topic are given us elsewhere : Solent esse flamines diales modo consoles diales habemus ; ' Fet us hasten,' he said, as he was going with others to salute the new consul, ' lest he lay down his office before we get there.' Somnum non viderit; the inaugural banquet (cena aditialis) would last till past midnight. 2. — Cuius quoniam proprium, etc., refening to Curius's words at the begin, of his letter : sum enitn xPV<^eLfjLiv tuus, KT-qcru bk Attici nostri : ergo fructus est tuus, mancipium illins. Nexo ; v. L. and S. 2 nexus II. Est cuiusque . . . quo quisque ; for the repetition oiqtiisque in the relative cl. cf. Off. i. 21 : quod cuique obtigit, id quisque teueat. 3.— Acilius ; M'. Acilius Glabrio, Sulpicius's successor in the govern- ment of Achaia. Cum legionibus ; the legions which were destined 270 NOTES. [L. LXXXVIT. for Caesar's Parthian campaign. Max. meo benef . est, ' is much in- debted to my kindness ;' cf. Phil. viii. i8, cum siio iiiagno esset beiicficio, i.e. since he was greatly indebted to his recommendation. Rebus Balvis, i.e. ita ut res {caput) salvae essent. PART IV. General Introdtution, pp. xxxv seq. LXXXVI. (ad FAM. vi. 15.) March (?), 44 B.C. (710 A.u.c.) L. MiNUCius Basilus, a place-hunter, who having been one of Caesar's legati in Gaul, and praetor at Rome in 45 B.C., had not received from the Dictator the provincial governorship which he had been promised on expiry of his year of office, and had fallen an easy victim to the arts of Cassius. The note is a burst of joyful congratulation from the orator on the part Basilus had taken in the assassination. LXXXVII. (ad ATT. xiv. i.) Matius's Villa, April t, 44 b.c. (710 A.u.c.) On the events which immediately succeeded Caesar's assassination, cf. Gen. Introd. pp. xxxv seq. The letter is written amid the haste and confusion with which Cicero and the conspirators left Rome. 1. — Ad ilium, i.e. C. Matius (L. 41. 2n.), as we learn elsewhere. Cicero is careful to suppress the name of his host, lest, should his letter miscarry, it might compromise him in the eyes of the republican party. De quo, sc. locutus sum ; he means prob. when he parted from Atticus in Rome. Nihil perditius, sc. esse posse aiebat. Ille tali ingenio, 'a man of Caesar's genius,' abl. of quality. Verum ille gaudens, sc. ista aiebat. Tumult. Gallic, i.e. emptiirtiiii esse; no stronger proof is needed of the thoroughness of Caesar's work in Gaul than the perfect peace that reigned in the newly conquered districts during the whole of the civil war. Lepido, afterwards triumvir ; he had received Gallia Narbonensis and Hither Spain from Caesa- for 44 B.C., but still remained in Rome. Sic abire, i.e. that the murder could not be thus let past ; L. and S. abeo w. B 2. Oppium ; L. 68. i n. 2. — Pigrere, only here in Cicero. Sexto, i.e. Sextus Pompeius, who still held up the standard of his father's party in Spain. His small force had been increased by malcontents from Italy, and was now further strengthened by the reversion of republican feeling which took place on the assassination of Caesar. His elder brother Gnaeus had fallen after the battle of Munda in 45 B.C. Ille, ad quern deverti, sc. aiebat. Deiotaro ; cf LL. 53. 5n. and 89. in. ; Cicero mentions the speech of Bratus elsewhere {Brut. 21). Niceae, in Bithynia. Succurrit = occurrit : so suaurret, L. 88. 4. Sestii rogatu ; Sestius was tried (prob. de a/iibitu) in 45 B.C. {Att. xiii. 49. i) ; he had perhaps been con- demned, and had asked Cicero to intercede for him with the Dictator. Expectarem . . . sedens ; cf. Att. xiv. 2. 3, where Cicero quotes Caesar's words to the same effect on the same occasion ; on this sign of the times cf. L. 79. 2. Male, 'thoroughly,' conversational, as often with such verbs as odi, taedet, iiteiuo, etc. ; cf. similar use of bene, L. 26. 3, and n. Ad propositiun; cf. L. 65. n. AD FAM. XI. I.] NOTES. 271 LXXXVIII, (ad FAM. xi. i.) April, 44 B.C. (710 a.u.c.) Decimus Junius Brutus Albinus had been a distinguished soldier under Caesar. He commanded the fleet against the Veneti in 56 B.C., and was in Britain in 55 and 54. In 52 B.C. he led an independent force into the territory of the Avemi, and took part in the siege of Aleria. He distinguished himself in 49, when he again commanded the fleet before Massilia, and in the following year received the province of Gallia Ulterior. Caesar rewarded his services by assigning him in his will the province of Gallia Cisalpina for the year 44 and the consulship for 42, and it was he who in return led Caesar into the senate-house to the daggers of the assassins. After the collapse of the hopes of his party in 43, he tried to force his way to M. Brutus, but fell into the hands of a Gaulish chief whom he had formerly benefited, and who now put him to death. Iiis- tissi/nas optiine de se inerito viro C. Caesari poenas dedit [^Vdl. ii. 64. l). The letter shows how Brutus and Cassius were looked to as the heads of the conspiracy, and how utterly planless and helpless these leaders themselves were. 1. — Hirtius, consul designatus for 43 B.C. along with Pansa. Pro- . vinciam, which Caesar had assigned him. Militum, Caesar's veterans. Nullae partes ... in r. p., 'no footing in the government.' His, iin- Ciceronian for sibi, i.e. Antony himself and the Caesarians ; so the change of subj. in aichat is an obscurity of which Cicero would not have been guilty. 2. — Legationem litoeram ; L. 9. 3n. 3 — Rhodum ; cf. L. 75. 5. 4. — Bassum Caecil. ; v. introd. to L. 80 ; for the transposition oinomen and cognomen cf. L. 14. 3 n. 5. — Post noviss. Hirtii serm., a later one than that mentioned at beginning of the letter ; these lines are added as a postscript. LXXXIX. (ad ATT. xiv. 12.) Puteoli, April 22, 44 B.C. (710 A.U.C.) 1. — Odii poenam ac doloris, i.e. the satisfaction which our resentment and indignation demanded. Istim, several times in Cicero for istinc ; cf. Roby 532. Quam diligam Siculos ; v. Gen. Introd. p. xi. Latinitas; after the Social War (89 B.C.), and the consequent extension of the Roman citizenship to all Italians south of the Rubicon. Latinitas, or ius Lata, was a term applied to a class of rights which fell short of the full franchise, and were at this time bestowed upon certain cities and districts outside the limits of Italia ; these rights were more or less the same in the case of each, and consisted of (i) the ius exulandi, or right possessed by every ' Latin,' on taking up his residence at Rome, of becoming at once a naturalised citizen with the right of voting in one tribe, of taking part in the Feriae Latinae, and of sharing the ager publicus ; ' (2) the exemption of their home administration from the control of a Roman governor. Venun tamen, ' yet what can we do? ' cf. L. 21. 5 n. Antonius, etc.; Gen. Introd. p. xxxvi, and Phil. ii. 92. Deiotari, who for the part he 1 In the case of some towns which possessed Latinitas the ius exulandi seems to have been confined to ex-town-magistrates. 2/2 NOTES. [L. xc. had taken in the civil war had been deprived by Caesar of Lesser Armenia (L. 53. 5n.). Upon the death of the Dictator he had forcibly resumed possession, at the same time directing his ambassadors who were then in Rome to negotiate for a clause in Caesar's will entitling him to the throne. Antony wrote the clause, and charged him 10,000,000 sesterces. Cf. Phil. ii. 93 seq. Per Fulvlam ; after the death of Clodius in 52 B.C., and C. Curio, who fell in an engagement with King luba while fighting for Caesar in Africa (49 is.c), Fulvia had married Antony, and now {nihil imiliebre p7-aeter corpus gerens) exercised considerable political influence in Rome ; Cicero never lost an opportunity of mentioning her virtues {nntlier sibi felicior qttam viris, Phil. v. Ii), and she is said to have afterwards revenged herself by having the tongue of the murdered orator pierced through with a knitting-needle. lUuc refero ; the reading is incontestable, but the commentators are at fault ; they have not suggested to take the words with sescenta similia, and make them refer to Fulvia : ' I ascribe them to that source' (L. and S. refero il. B 4), but even this is unsatisfactory ; we should have expected ilhui or referor, referring to the next sentence. Buthrotlam. The town of Buthrotum in Epirus had failed to pay up the contribution which Caesar had levied upon it, and its territory had accordingly been assigned to a body of his veterans. Atticus thereupon came forward with an advance of the required sum, and obtained for the Buthrotians a reversal of the assignment (v. ad Alt. xvi. 16. A, B, and E) ; the soldiers however had still retained possession, and the friends of the case could only hope to maintain [teneir) Caesar's decision through Antony, whose liberality in these matters was highly encouraging (quo iste phira sc. perm if tit). 2. — Nobiscum hie, etc.; Gen. Introd. p. xxxvii. Fhilippus non, sc. Caesarevi sahitat : his stepfather (L. 84) does not join his other friends (stii) in recognising his claims. In Phil. iii. 15 and elsewhere we find Cicero towards the end of the year informally recognising the adoption. The constitutional ratification of it by the comitia curiata does not seem to have taken place till Aug. 43 B.C. Negat, Octavius. Haec ; the present state of matters. Ubi nee Pelop.; L. 85. in. Inquit, 'as the poet says.' Haud amo ; he means that he does not like the unpronounced politics of Ilirtius and Pansa. Declamare, L. 60. 7. Quondam, i.e. while Caesaf was alive Cicero could not avoid doing such services to his friends. 3. — Delectem, sc. te ; cf. L. 35. in. Quicquid, sc. erit scribas velivi. Vestorivim ; L. 27. 4 n. XC. (ad ATT. xiv. 13 B.) Puteoli House, April zd, 44 b.c. (710 A.U.C.) M. Antonius was the grandson and namesake of the distinguished orator who died in 87 B.C., the nephew of C. Antonius, Cicero's colleague in the consulship of 63, and the stepson of P. Lentulus, who was executed as a traitor in that year. He first distinguished himself in the East as praefectus equitum in the army of Gabinius, and was present when that general illegally reinstated Ptolemy Auletes on the throne of Egypt (55). After serving a few months with Caesai- in Gaul he returned to Rome in 53, where, amid the Clodian riots, he took his stand on the side of order (Mil. 40), and secured his own election to the quaestorship for 52. After again serving with Caesar he again returned to Rome to be elected to a AD ATT. XIV. 13 B.] NOTES. 273 vacant place in the college of augurs, and to the tribuneship for the following year. From this date his story is the history of Rome, The letter is the answer to the request which Antony makes, in Att, xiv. 13 A, for Cicero's consent to the recall of Sextius Clodius. The latter was a client of the Clodian family. lie had been a warm supporter of Publius, at whose funeral he had caused the senate-house to be set on fire, and had been condemned under the lex Pompeia. It is immortalised in Phil. ii. 4. 7, where Cicero accuses Antony of a breach of faith in reading it aloud in public, as a proof of the sentiments of friendship which the orator's actions belied. We need not suppose that Antony was really deceived by its friendly tone, any more than that Cicero really imagined that Antony intended to consult him as to the recall of Clodius. 1. — Vultu . . . fronte; cf. L. 38. 17. Studio, in 53 B.C. Bene- flcio, in 48. Res publica ; he means Antony's public action on March 17; cf. Gen. Introd., p. xxxvi. 2, — Ita petente ut, etc., 'since while asking my consent you refused,' etc. Ita . . . ut, of limitation, NuUo neg., 'quite easily.' 3. — Ego vero ; L, 83. I n. Quoquo modo, etc., referring to Antony's appeal to Caesar's will, in A 2 ; Cicero refuses to enter upon the dis- cussion of so doubtful an authority. Nihil enim unquam, etc, i.e. I not only never felt any personal bitterness, but never showed myself even in the slightest degree more firm and unrelenting than my position as a public man required ; tristitia and sevcritas are opposed to coniitas and facilitas in Lael. 66. Insigne . . . fuerit unquam ; we may wonder what ' insigne ' means in Cicero's vocabulary ; if his hatred was not ' pro- nounced ' during the life of Clodius, his joy at his death was ; he dates several of his letters at the time ' from the battle ' in which Clodius was slain as from the most joyful era in his history; v. Att. v. 13. i, and vi. I. 26. His praesidiis, i.e. of the protection which dependants afford us ; the polite taunt contained in the sentence, which, while assert- ing the social meanness of a freedman of the Clodian family, suggests its need of the support of dependants however insignificant, would not escape Antony. 4. — Nam, like etenini, L. 26. 5, gives the reason of a suppressed thought. Ego p. c. ille suam, is Cicero's answer to the suggestion of contumacia in Antony's letter, sect. 3. Nulla contentio, because he would have been reduced to political nonentity. 6. — Quae tua pot. est; as the executor of Caesar's aflfairs. Non quo is Cicero's reply to the threat in Antony's letter, sect. 3. Quam domus, owing to Fulvia. XCI. (ad FAM. ix. 14, ad ATT. xiv. 17, A.) Pompeii House, Maya,, 44 B.C. (710 A.U.C.) A FEW of the more fanatical supporters of Caesar had raised an altar and pillar to his memory, and, under pretence of worship, had made it the centre of a growing disaffection. In the absence of his colleague from the city, Dolabella took energetic action, and by razing altar and pillar to the ground, and crucifying or throwing from the Tarpeian Rock the ring- leaders of the movement, had just succeeded in crushing a formidable S 274 NOTES. [L. xcil. sedition. Cicero was anxious to make the most of the occurrence as an indication of Dolabella's republican sympathies. He was anxious, above all, by extravagant praise of his action, to anticipate any backsliding on Dolabella's part. Atticus seems to have taken a truer view of the consul's character [saepius tne iam agitas, quod rem gestam Dolabellae nimis in caelum videar efferre, Att. xiv. i8. i), and it was not long before the flatteries of Cicero were outbid by the gold of Antony. 1. — Haec loca; Baiae, near which Cicero's Pompeian villa lay. Quin omnes . , . z.S3-TXt = q2i7ii agat z.kQx ne//iiiie>ii. 2. — luvenem ; Dolabella is said not yet to have reached the age of twenty-five, nor to have held the praetorship when he became consul in 44 B.C. 3. — L. Caesar was the brother of Antony's mother, Julia ; cf. sororis /ilium below. Cum tantum vales, where cum ( = since) should take the indie, according to all rules of grammar ; but pres. verbs of thanking and praising for a fact take cum with indie. ; cf. Fam. xiii. 24. 2 : gratias ago ctun, tantum litterae, meae potuerunt, Te custodias ; be on your guard (against Antony). XCII. (ad ATT. xv. ii.) Antian Villa, June 9, 44 B.c, (710 A.u.c.) In order to facilitate the retirement of Brutus and Cassius, who, as praetors, could not leave the city, the senate had determined to assign them the charge of the corn supplies abroad, and it was reported at the beginning of June that Brutus was to go to Asia (cf. Asiatica cicratione below), Cassius to Sicily {in Siciliam, sect. i). At a meeting on the 5th the senate had actually assigned Crete to Brutus and Cyrene to Cassius. Neither however cared to submit to the dishonour of seeming to accept the commission, and both lingered on in Italy till, at the beginning of Sep- tember, they were absolutely forced to leave by the threats of Antony. 1. — Bruto ; M. Junius, or according to his legal title, Q. Caepio Brutus (v. L. 14. 2n.) had fought on Pompey's side at Pharsalus, but on obtaining pardon from Caesar had taken no further part in the war. In 46 B.C. he received the province of Cisalpine Gaul (L. 78. 10), was praetor in 44, and had the province of Macedonia assigned to him for 43. He married Claudia, daughter of Appius Claudius, whom he divorced in 45 (?) to marry Porcia, daughter of Cato and widow of Bibidus, who found in Brutus a nearer approach to the ancestral ideal of her family, and died not unworthily of her father, because she refused to survive her husband's fate. Servilia, mother of Brutus. Tertulla, or Junia Tertia, his youngest sister (on whose death and burial v. Tac. Ann. iii. 76), and wife of Cassius ; the words are nom. to the historical infin. quaerere. Placeret, mihi. Favonius ; cf. L. 22. 7 n. Cassius Intervenit, ' enter Cassius ;' C. Cassius Longinus was governor of Syria from 54 to 51 B.C., and on his return to Rome was elected tribune for the important year 49. After the battle of Pharsalus he retreated with a body of troops upon the Hellespont, with the intention of uniting with Phamaces, but was forced to surrender to Caesar, who appointed him his own legatus, praetor inter peregrines in 44, and governor of Syria for 43. Hoc loco, 'hereupon.' Martem spirare ; so'ApT? irveuv, Q. Fr. iii. 4. 6. Egone . . . accepissem ; AD ATT. XV. I r.] NOTES. 27.5 as we might say, ' was I going to have taken ; ' we should have expected accipereiii ; nt either (i) of impossible supposition, cf. Roby 1708 ; or (2) = 'as ' (with beneficium') ; it seems indeed as though it did duty for both. Placeretne, tibi. Atque ut, 'ay, and that,' Roby 2197. Ex prae- tura, ' after your praetorship.' Ea . . . cur, ' the reasons why.' 2. — Amissas occasiones Decimumque, i.e. they blamed Decimus for letting opportunities pass of striking a blow in his province of Cisalpine Gaul, where he had been since April 19 ; or perliaps for dissuading the murder of Antony ; what follows supports the latter. Praeterita, so. repeiere. Locum, in the sense of 'point,' rather than ' passage ' which treats of the point. Quemquam ; he means of course Antony. Tangl ; euphemistic for occidi. Totam suscipi r. p., sc. oporhdsse, i.e. that Brutus and Cassius should have taken the reins of government in their own hands. Tua familiaiis, Servilia. Audivi, sc. snadente»i. Ego repress!, sc. we, i.e. ' I made no retort.' Iturus; where the senate sent him, i.e. to Sicily, as he thought ; it was only the promise of Servilia to use her powerful influence at Rome (cf. L. 14. 3 n. on noctem) to have the most objectionable clauses of the bill deleted {iit ilia frumenti curatio, etc. ) that induced him to consent. Noster ; Bmtus. Delectus, etc., ' turned from his foolish talk ' of going to Rome. Velle se dixerat, Romani ire, doubtless a gloss to explain serinone. Ludi Apollinares, at which it was the duty of Brutus as praetor urbanus to preside ; Brutus consigned the duty to his colleague C. Antonius, who celebrated them with great pomp in his name. 3. — Ne multa ; L. 48. 5 n. Hoc dempto munere, etc., 'failing this tribute of love and duty, I had to say to myself;' if the line which follows is a senarius from a Greek tragedy, the v\Jv must be Cicero's own. Dis- solutum, ' leaky.' Dissipatum, ' breaking up.' Nihil consilio, etc. , sc. agunt. Eo minus, sc. diibito. Ubi nee, etc. ; L. 85. i n. 4. — Heustu ; L. 6. 13 n. Ne sis nescius ; for the pres. after the pf. legavit, cf. L. 28. 9 and n. Dolabella had received the province of Syria from the people. Yotiva,, legalio libera ; 1.. (). t,vl. Ne tibi quidem ; L. 78. 3 n. Erat, iox esset, Roby 1535. Opinor ; L. 51. 3 n. Lege lulia ; L. 9. 3 n. ; Cicero was anxious to have perfect liberty to fix the duration of his own absence, and accordingly preferred to have himself named legatus of Dolabella, whose provincial governorship was to last for five years ; cf. Phil, i. 6. Introire exlre ; for similar asyndeta cf. Phil. ii. 89, irent, redirent ; Alt. xv. 5. 3, itns reditus. Contrahi . . . negotlum, ' trouble seems to me to be gathering ; ' cf. Cat. iv. 9 : 7iescio an aniplijis inihi negotii cont7-ahatur. pXdo-(i>i]^a = quae viali sint ominis, the opp. of tvcprni-a., words of good omen. XCIII. (ad ATT. xvi. 7.) On board ship, August 19, 44 B.C. (710A.U.C.) For the facts v. Gen. Tntrod., p. xxxviii, and Phil. i. 1.— Valerii nostrl ; cf. Phil. i. 8. Ut familiariter essem, ' so that I was perfectly at home ; ' on the use of the adv. cf. LL. 40. 2 n., and 84. in. Qui . . . reliqulBset, 'who said he had left.' Kalendis Sep- tembribus. Ut adessent, i.e. in their places in the senate on the ist. Subaccusarl ; on the use of the prefix cf. L. 29. 6 n. 2.— Statim, sc. z' equit. firmus, ' strong hi cavahy ; ' cf. Roby 1813. 3. — L. Antonium ; M. Antony's youngest brother. Forum lulii, the modern Frejus. Subsequar ; which, however, he never did, 4. — Praecognito ; not found in Cicero. CI. (ad FAM. xi. 12 ) Rome, May, 43 B.C. (711 a.u.c.) 1. — Tris . . . epist., i.e. L. 99, from Regium Lepidi, Fam. xi. 10 from Dertona, and Fam. xi. Ii from the neighbourhood of Aquae Statiellae, marking the line along which D. Brutus pursued Antony. The date of the last of these letters is May 6, but Cicero would hardly receive it before the Ides. The letter before us was written after its receipt, and before the 19th, the date of the later despatch (Fam. xi. 18). By the 2 1st Brutus had reached Vercellae, and Eporedia by the 24th. Flacco Volumnio ; probably the same as the Volumnius mentioned in Fam. xi. 18. I as the bearer of despatches from Brutus to the senate. T. Vibii ; not mentioned elsewhere. Lupus ; P. Rutilius Lupus had been praetor in 49 B.C., and was now probably legatus of Brutus. Graceii ; men- tioned in AU. XV. 8 as a friend of C. Cassius, here and in Fam. xi. 7. I as serving under D. Brutus. Oratione, ' word of mouth ' (so in L. 48. 4), as opposed to lilteris. Si aliquid ; si aliqitis, like si qtnsquam (L. 79. in.), as opposed to si quis, indicates that the condition is the actual existence of the fact : ' if Antony actually has gained reinforce- ments.' Inermis and inerimcs both in Cicero. 2. — De, 'from,' L. 93. 8 n. Homines alii f. s., 'public feeling has changed.' Quod, etc., sc. eum (so after opprimi), and cf. L. 35. in. Brutus had been remiss in pursuing Antony (sect, i n.), and in guarding the Apennines (L. 99. in.). Omnino est hoc, 'this is quite the way of.' In eo, 'in the matter of him,' i.e. 'against him,' where we should have expected in emn ; so L. 78. 10 : in ei us persona miilta fecit asperius, Llbertate, especially liberty of speech. Earn, release from slavery. AD FAM. XI. 12.] NOTES. 281 Is bellum conf., etc., quite a stereotyped phrase in Cicero's letters of these days ; cf. Fam. x. 13. 2 ; 19. 2 ; 20. 3. CII. (ad FAM. xii. 10.) Rome, July, 43 B.C. (711 a.u.c.) One of the immediate effects of the victory at Mutina was the formal assent of the senate to Cicero's demand (cf. Phil, xi.) for the recognition of Cassius as constitutional governor of Syria. The letter is the last which we have from Cicero's pen. It is possible that the correspondence of the last five months of his life was afterwards suppressed owing to allusions which were considered uncomplimentary to Augustus. 1. — Tuus adfinis ; both Lepidus and Cassius had married sisters of M. Brutus. Quibus tamen, etc. ; a promise of pardon was held out to the troops of Lepidus if they should return to their allegiance to the senate before September I. De Dolabella, the popular claimant to the pro- vince of Syria (L. 93. 2n.), against whom a sentence of outlawry had been passed by the senate so early as March of this year. In the course of the present month he was so closely pressed by Cassius in Laodicea that, rather than fall into the hands of the enemy, he commanded one of his own followers to cut off his head. Sine capite, ' without authorita- tive source ; ' cf. Plane. 57, where si quid sine capite nianahit is opposed to sifontei7i nialedicti reperietis. 2. — Haec, i.e., the war against Antony in the North. Quern . . . ornabo ; in accordance with Cassius's request {Fam. xii. 12. 2 seq.) 3. — Viceramus ; Roby 1535. Consules designates ; D. Brutus and Plancus. Since the death of Hirtius and Pansa in April, the government had been carried on by the praetor M. Cornutus. It was not till August that Octavian and Q. Pedius were named consuls for the remaining portion of 43 B.C. (Gen. Introd., p. xii). Magna ilia quldem ; for the pleo- nastic use of ilk in concessions cf. Roby 2259 and 2261. 4. — Brutum . . . iam iamque ; as stationed nearer in Macedonia; cf. all that Cicero says about him in Phil. x. especially sect. 25 seq. APPENDIX I. LEGAL ASPECT OF THE EXECUTION OF THE CATILINARIAN CONSPIRATORS. Of the legality of the execution, as of every other question at this time, there were two views, that of the oligarchic and that of the democratic party. What the latter thought of the matter was clearly shown by the subsequent banishment of the leading actor in it. The principle that a Roman citizen could be condemned to death only by the voice of the Roman burgesses was the palladium of the people's freedom, and dated from time immemorial. 1. Even in the regal period the right of appeal to the popular assembly was frequently permitted by the king, who at the same time possessed the right to grant or refuse it at will. 2. At the beginning of the Republic (509 B.C.) it was expressly decreed by the lex Valeria of Poplicola, ' Ne quis magistratus civem Romanum adversus provocationem necaret neve verberaret ' (Cic. Rep. ii. 31); and this was re-enacted over and over again during the early centuries of the Republic, ' quod plus paucorum opes quam libertas plebis poterant ' (Liv, x. 9) ; cf. Ramsay's Antiquities, p. 285, the last enactment on the subject being that of C. Gracchus in 122 B.C., ' Ne de capite civium iniussu populi iudicaretur.' 3. After the institution of the Quaestiones Perpetuae (Ramsay, p. 290) for the trial of all criminal cases, sentence of death altogether ceased to be pronounced, so deeply rooted was the principle that such sentence could only be passed by the assembly of the burgesses. To what principle, then, could Cicero and the optimates appeal in defence of so unconstitutional a proceeding as the execution by the Roman consul of Roman citizens, untried and uncondemned, upon a mere expression of opinion from the senate ? There were two classes of precedents he might appeal to :— I. In spite of all the laws de provocatione we hnd the senate during the middle ages of the Republic usurping the right of appointing, at times of imminent danger to the constitution, extraordinary commissions of inquiry, with consuls or praetors at their head, and with power to inflict even death upon the guilty. Commissions of this kind we have in the investigation ' de veneficiis ' (331 B. c), which resulted in the condemna- tion of 190 Roman matrons (Liv. viii. 18) ; the senatus consultum de bacchanalibus ' (186 B.C.), under which over 7000 men and women were found guilty, and most of them executed (Liv. xxxix. 14) ; in the decree 'de veneficiis' of iSo B.C. (Liv. xl. 37) ; and in the trial of the adherents of Tib. Gracchus. In all these cases we may observe {a) that the acting magistrate is either a consul or a praetor, (/') that there is no appeal, (ir) that actual death is inflicted. 284 ' APPENDIX. And yet Cicero makes no allusion anywhere to these precedents in justification of his action. The reason is, that it zuas precisely to put down this sort of trial, and in conseqjience of the action of the comrnissioti in the last-mentioned case (that of the adherents of his brother Tiberius), that C. Gracchus in 122 B.C. re-enacted more stringently than ever the old law de provocatione. Between 122 and 63 B.C. we have, indeed, several instances of the appointment of a special commission for high treason in that named under the 'lex Peducaea,' to inquire into the occurrences with the Vestals in 113 B.C. ; under the 'lex Manilla' of no B.C., to investigate the scandalous dealings with Jugurtha ; under the 'lex Apuleia ' in 103 B.C., in reference to embezzlement and treason perpetrated in Gaul ; under the law of Q. Varius in 90 B.C., to investigate the so-called conspiracy of Livius Drusus. All these doubtless were courts, ('?) with powers to inflict death, and {h) permitting no appeal ; but they all diiTered in this important respect from those already mentioned as appointed before 122 B.C., that they got their commission from the people upon the proposal of one of the tribunes of the people, and thus formed no precedent for the action of the senate in 63 B.C. 2. But there was another principle, also deeply-rooted in the Roman constitution, to which Cicero could, and actually did, appeal, ^ namely, that an avowed public enemy could be put to death by the consuls, in the city or anywhere else, seeing that he had forfeited the protection of his citizen- ship. Upon this principle Cicero elsewhere {Mil. iii. 8) justifies the murder of Spurius JMaelius, of Tib. Gracchus, of C. Gracchus himself, and of Saturninus. But it is to be noted that in all these cases the legality of the act was disputed by the democrats, and though the principle might be accepted in theory, yet in fact it was always open to the advocates of progress and popular rights to ask whether there actually was a crisis sufiicient to justify so unconstitutional a proceeding, and whether the persons sacrificed were not better called patriots than traitors. Nevertheless the principle was there, and if it had been as consistently held to by Cicero in his actions as it was firmly grasped in his harangues, history would at least have recorded its sympathy with him in this crisis of his career. But though the spirit was willing the flesh was weak. Here, not less than throughout his whole life, the orator's action was marked by a vacillating timidity which stultified while it condemned it. The one justification of the bold action he meditated was, as we have seen, to be found in the view that the cotispirators were public enemies, and fnight, as such, be dealt tvith by the co7isul on hisozvn responsibility. The one view, forwhich there was no conceivable justification, was that it was a case to be dealt with on the authority of the senate. And yet the orator, in the blind- ness of that terror which overtakes incapacity in the presence of a great crisis, by appealing to the senate for a warrant for the execution, signed the warrant for his own condemnation, in the judgment not only of his own country, but of all history. 1 Cat. iv. s, sect. 10 : At vero C. Caesar intellegit legem Semproniam esse de civibus Romanis constitutam : qui autem Reipublicae sit hostis eum civem esse nuUo modo posse. APPENDIX II. CONSTITUTIONAL QUESTION AT ISSUE BETWEEN CAESAR AND THE SENATE. 1. If we assume with Mommsen that Caesar entered upon his second term of command on March i, 54 B.C. (the latest date that has been suggested), it must of necessity have expired before March i, 49 B.C. 2. He could not legally enter upon his second consulship, according to an old law re-enacted by Sulla, until Jan. i, 48 B.C., as ten years had to elapse between the end of 59 B.C., when he had laid down his first, and the date at which he proposed to enter upon his second. Between the very latest date then at which we can suppose that he had to lay aside his command in Gaul (Mar. i, 49 B.C.), and the earliest at which he could resume office in Rome (Jan. i, 48 B.C.), there was a gap of ten months. 3. One question was of paramount importance to Caesar, — how to avoid the necessity of retiring to a private station for these months, and of thus exposing himself to the vengeance of his enemies, who had sworn to be satisfied only with his life.^ 4. Under ordinary circumstances this might have been comparatively easy, since (a) he was still governor of Gaul so long as no successor was appointed from Rome, and (i>) according to the terms of the lex Sem- pronia of C. Gracchus, the provinces to be held by the consuls of the coming year must be fixed upon before the election of these consuls themselves, i.e. (as the consular elections were in July) some eighteen months before the governors who were to hold the provinces entered upon occupation. Pompey had pledged himself not to allow the discus- sion as to Caesar's successor in Gaul to be raised in the senate until March, 50 B.C., i.e. until beyond the period at which a successor could be legally appointed for 49 B.C., so that Caesar should have been already free from all apprehension of a successor in 49. But Pompey's promise was rendered nugatory by his legislation of 52 B.C.,- the effect of which, so far as Caesar was concerned, was to give the senate power to appoint a successor to the Gallic provinces at any time, and he might find himself superseded any day in the course of 50 or 49. It was in his efforts to protect himself against this danger that Caesar was driven by the violence of the oligarchy to vindicate by arms that right of obstruction which undoubtedly belonged to him by all the terms of the constitution (Gen. Introd., p. xxx). 1 The question as to whether Caesar should be allowed the exceptional privilege of standing for the consulship in his absence was of secondary importance, and indeed was waived at Rome at an early stage of the contest (cf. LL. 60 ; 63. 3 and n. ; 66. 2 ; and AU. viii. 33). 2 For the terms of the law, cf. Gen. Introd., p. xxvu. INDEX OF PROPER NAMES. (77?^ nunihers indicate the pages in this Edition.) Accius, 129, 219, 264, 269. Aemilius Lepidus (M.), Gen. Introd. xli, 169, 279. Aemilius Paulus (L. ), 28, 197. Aemilius Scaunis (M.)) 74> 230. Afranius (L. ), 131, 172, 257. Annius Milo (T.), Gen. Introd, xxvii, xxviii, 42 seq.^ 62, %(i seq., 222, 236. Antonius (L.), 170, 280. Antonius (M.), 157, 162, \(i6 seq., 172, 272. Asinius Pollio (C), Gen. Introd. xli, 169, 279. Atius Labienus (T.), 117, 251. Caecilius Metellus Celer (Q.), Gen. Introd. xviii, 4 seq., 175 seq. Caecilius Metellus Nepos (Q.), Gen. Introd. xvii, 4 seq., 175 seq. Caecilius Metellus Numidicus (Q. ), 10, 74, 181, 230. Caecina (A.), 141, 263. Caelius Rufus (M.), 92, 108, 113, 238, 246, 248. Calpurnius Bibulus (M.), 21, 23, 28, 70, 73, 89, 191, 192, 228, 237. Calpurnius Piso Caesoninus (L.), Gen. Introd. xxi, 139, 162, 262, 276. Calpurnius Piso Frugi (C), 29, 31, 200. Caninius Gallus (L.j, 58, 92, 216, 219, 239. Cassius Longinus (C.), Gen. Introd. xxxvii, 155, 159, 165, 167, 171, 274. Claudius Marcellus (C), 113, 248, 262. Claudius Marcellus (M.), 113, 139, 248, 261, 262. Claudius Pulcher (Appius), Gen. Introd. xxviii, 25, 88, 89, 94, 95, 236. Clodia, 6, 27, 117. Clodius Pulcher (P.), Gen. Introd. xviii seq., 21, 77, 229. Cornelius Balbus (L.), 61, 125, 152, 221. Cornelius Dolabella (P.), 124, 158, 171, 245, 249, 254, 273, 274, 2S1. Cornelius Lentulus Crus (L. ), 116, 131, 258, 264. Cornelius Lentulus Spinther (P.), Gen. Introd. xxiii, 52, 68, 123, 215, 226, 254. Cornificius (Q.), i, 145, 265. Curius (M'), 115, 153, 249, 269. Deiotanis, 99, 156, 242, 271. Domitius Ahenobarbus (L.), 13, 29, 121, 183, 19S, 253. Favonius, 39, 114, 206, 249. Fufius Calenus (Q.), 9, 20, 125, 180, 189, 255. Gabinius (A.), Gen. Introd. xxi, xxvii, 28, 197, 229. INDEX OF PROPER NAMES. 287 Hirtius (A.), Gen. Introd. xl, 130, 257. Hortensius (Q.), Gen. Intiod. xiii, 9, 180, 215. Julia, Gen. Introd. xxvii, 188. Julius Caesar (C), Gen. Introd. ix, xx sc^f^., Appendix li., and often in Letters. Julius Caesar (L.), 159, 169, 274. Junius Brutus (D.), Gen. Introd. xxxv .m/., 155, 170, 271, 280. Junius Brutus (M.), Gen. Introd. xxxvii, 28, 104, 197, 242, 244, 274. Juventius Laterensis (M.), 20, 29, 190. Licinius Crassus (M.), Gen. Introd. xx, xxv, xxvii, 17, 24, 26, 34, 59, 70, 181, 187, 193, 195, 220. Ligarius (Q.), I44, 265. Lucceius (L.), 18, 46, 187, 212. Lutatius Catulus (Q.), conqueror of Vercellae, 40, 41, 206, 229. Lutatius Catulus(Q.), n, 28, 181, 197. Manlius Torquatus (A.), 146, 266. Marius (M.), 56, 135, 218, 260. Matius Calvena (C), 83, 234, 270. Memmius Gemellus (C), 90, 237. Mucius Scaevola (Q.), 81, 120, 233, 252. Munatius Plancus (L.), 169, 280. Octavius (C), Gen. Introd. xxxvii se^., 167. Papirius Paetus (L.), 127 se(^., 256. Plancius (Cn.), Gen. Introd. xxii, 134, 260. Pompeius (Cn.), Gen. Introd. xii seg., and often in Letters. Pomponius Atticus (T.), Gen. Introd. xlv, and often in Letters. Porcius Cato (M.), Gen. Introd. xxxiii, xxxiv, 18, 23, 97, 109, no, 187, 193, 241, 246, 247. Ptolemaus Auletes, 54, 215, 225. Scribonius Curio (C), 19, 84 se^., 96, 116, 189, 235, 240. Sergius Catilina (C.), Gen. Introd. xiv, xv, 12, 182. Sestius (P.), Gen. Introd. xxiv, 34, 201. Sulpicius Rufus (Ser.), 89, 138, 147, 150, 237, 262. Terentia, Gen. Introd. xi, xx, xxxiv, 30, 35, in, n5. Terentius Varro (M.), 25, 26, 42, 126, 194, 207, 253. Trebatius Testa (C), 61 set/., 221. Trebonius (C), 121, 166, 252, 277, 278. Tullia, Gen. Introd. xi, xxxiv, 30, 34, 35, 200, 266. Tullius Cicero (M.), son of the orator, Gen. Introd. xi, 63, 163, 276, 277. Tullius Cicero (Q.), brother of the orator, Gen. Introd. ix, xxvi, xxxiii, 15. 33. 34, 42, 62, 64, 222. Tullius Tiro (M.), Gen. Introd. xlv, n5, 163, 249. Vatinius (P.), Gen, Introd. xxxiv, 29, 76, 198, 231. Vestorius (C), 52, 157, 215. Vibius Pansa (C), Gen. Introd. xl, 168, 279. i i UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA AT LOS ANGELES THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY This book is DUE on the last date stamped below SEP 2 9 1941 DECS 195«^ MAR 1 195^ EcL ARt land. Mnmi^ 8.„ i^'^^ mm ...))/-3,';t4 -^ ~j — "&, I IX SKELETON UUTLINE ot Uic above. By Louise Creighton. 2^-. td. is. 6d. Waterloo Place, Pall Mall, London. 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