4 
 
 THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 BEQUEST OF 
 
 Alice R. Hilgard 
 
THE LIFE 
 
 OP 
 
 PHILIP MELANCTHON, 
 
 COMPRISING 
 
 AN ACCOUNT 
 OF THE MOST IMPORTANT TRANSACTIONS OF 
 
 Cfje JReformation. 
 
 BY 
 
 FRANCIS AUGUSTUS COX, A. M. 
 
 ^econti lEtiition* 
 
 WITH CONSIDERABLE ALTERATIONS. 
 
 N NECESSARIIS UNITAS— IN DUBIIS LIBERTAS— IN OMNIBUS 
 CARITAS. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PRINTED FOR GALE AND FENNER, PATERNOSTER ROW; AND 
 OLIPHANT, WAUGH, AND INNES, EDINBURGH. 
 
 1817. 
 
GIFT 
 
 Printed bj/ S. Curtis, Southampton P/oce, Camberwell. 
 
^ -'7 ' t'f 
 
 To 
 OLINTHUS GREGORY, LL.D. 
 
 Of the Royal Military Academy, Woolwich, 
 
 THIS 
 
 LIFE OF MELANCTHON 
 
 IS INSCRIBE!) 
 AS A 
 
 MEMORIAL 
 OP that 
 
 MUTUAL ESTEEM 
 AND 
 
 AFFECTIONATE FRIENDSHIP 
 
 WHICH HAVE LONG SUBSISTED 
 
 BETWEEN 
 
 ONE OF THE MOST USEFUL WRITERS OF THE AGE, 
 
 BOTH IN 
 
 SCIENTIFIC AND THEOLOGICAL DEPARTMENTS, 
 
 AND 
 HIS HIGHLY OBLIGED 
 AND 
 DEVOTED FRIEND, 
 
 FRANCIS AUGUSTUS COX. 
 
 MmB&T 
 
ADVERTISEMENT 
 
 TO THE 
 
 SECOND EDITION. 
 
 Stimulated by the hope of rendering some 
 service to the cause of literature and of 
 religion, the author of this work commenced 
 his researches into the history of those re- 
 markable times to which it refers ; and if he 
 had found no other recompense of his labors 
 than the gratification which accompanied 
 them and the consciousness of having at least 
 furnished the means of acquiring useful infor- 
 mation, he would have had no reason to regret 
 the publication of the Life of Melancthon. 
 
 The author however owes his best acknow- 
 ledgments to the public for the reception with 
 
vili ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 which his work has been honored. The call 
 for a second edition has induced him to 
 review the former with care and to make such 
 alterations as criticism and friendship have 
 suggested. 
 
 Some additional information is given on 
 what may be termed the minor biography 
 of the Reformation^ which would have been 
 still more copious had not the author medi- 
 tated a separate volume upon that subject 
 which he may perhaps hereafter present to 
 the public. 
 
 Hackney^ 
 January^ 1817. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 NoxaiNo is more gratifying than to invite 
 others to participate our honourable plea- 
 sures, especially those of a mental and 
 moral description. The lives of great and 
 good men if related with impartiality cannot 
 fail of being at once entertaining and in- 
 structive. Invited to watch their progress 
 and observe their character, we may learn 
 the most valuable lessons. We are allowed 
 to detect, in order to shun, their errors; 
 to trace, in order to imitate, their virtues; — 
 to follow them into their retirements; — to 
 
X PREFACE. 
 
 become their associates and friends. From 
 the forum of public debate and of unremitted 
 exertion^ we accompany them to the fire- 
 side^ and the closet. Divested of the 
 insignia of office, tlie pomp of authority 
 and the glory of popular applause, we see 
 them in the undress of friendship and 
 private life. We sit with them in the 
 domestic circle, and hear them converse 
 and see them act at home. Human nature 
 is developed ; — we gain comprehensive views 
 of men and things. 
 
 Such a scene must be improving to 
 every well-ordered mind, and if the bio- 
 grapher fail of exciting interest, it can 
 only be in consequence of having performed 
 his task badly, from the defect of necessary 
 documents, or from having chosen an insig- 
 mfieant character. 
 
PREFACE. Xi 
 
 The execution of this work I submit 
 to the judgment of the public^ not doubting 
 that I shall meet with a due degree of 
 justice and candour. 
 
 The requisite materials I have found 
 by no means scanty^ and whenever they 
 were important or difficult to obtain I have 
 spared no pains to procure them. My 
 object has been to render Melancthon more 
 fully known^ that his character may be 
 more completely understood and more justly 
 appreciated. For these purposes Secken- 
 
 DORF^ DUPIN^ MOSHEIM^ CaMERARIUS^ 
 
 Melchior Adam^ Bayle^ Brucker^ and 
 a variety of other writers have been care- 
 fully consulted^ so that whatever informa- 
 tion is communicated respecting persons or 
 
 things may be deemed authentic. ' ' " 
 
XU PREFACE. i 
 
 j 
 
 Every reader must be aware that it is \ 
 not an obscure or insignificant character i 
 
 which claims his attention in the following 
 pages. As the intimate friend and distin- 
 guished coadjutor of Martin Luther^ his 
 name is already familiar and must be dear 
 to every enlightened Protestant; for who | 
 can be uninterested in the lives of those | 
 illustrious heroes who first led on to the 
 great conflict^ in which the liberties of man- 
 kind, the rights of conscience^ the inde- 
 pendence of nations were contested, and by 
 
 whose struggles they were secured ? 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 In detailing the life of the celebrated { 
 
 Melancthon, I am deeply conscious of one 
 
 disadvantage. Thoroughly to understand a I 
 
 j 
 character and to render the narrative of his i 
 
 life complete, who does not perceive the 
 
PREFACE. Xm 
 
 importance of personal knowledge? It is 
 true^ indeed, the colouring may be a little 
 too higli and glowing, yet the picture is 
 almost siire to be truer to nature when the 
 artist has drawn from life. It is likely to 
 possess a certain character and expression 
 which a mere copy will seldom exhibit. 
 The tout ensemble will be far better pre- 
 served. But in the present case, the picture 
 cannot be taken from life ; the great original 
 cannot sit to the artist! Though necessitated 
 however to be in some degree a copyist^ 
 this misfortune is in part remedied by the 
 well-drawn portrait of a very intimate 
 - friend and a learned man. I refer to the 
 Latin life of Melancthon^, by Joachim 
 Camerarius. 
 
 I have long cherished a reverence 
 mingled with affection for the interesting 
 
XIV PREFACE. 
 
 subject of these Memoirs. I have been 
 accustomed to trace his exertions as a 
 scholar and a Reformer with admiration. 
 In both respects it must be admitted he was 
 a light in a dark place; and though it is 
 the province of an impartial biographer in 
 furnishing a detailed view of his life and 
 labours in connexion with other eminent 
 men of his remarkable age^ to notice errors 
 of judgment and imbecilities of mind which 
 are indeed incident to every human character, 
 the reader will be presented with the view of 
 as much excellence^ associated w ith as little 
 defect as is to be expected in the present 
 world. 
 
 No one surely can mistake the purpose 
 of this volume so much as to suppose that 
 the author pledges himself to believe the 
 creed or to vindicate all the opinions of its 
 
PREFACE. XV 
 
 illustrious subject ; it is sufficient for him to 
 have rescued from the concealment of a dead 
 language the rich materials which he has 
 incorporated into the following pages, and 
 to raise from the long interment of three 
 Centuries^ the character and the glory of 
 one of the brightest ornaments of religion 
 and literature. 
 
 Hackney, Feb. 27, 1815. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 >.>..>..>....<..<..<.,< 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 A. D. 1497 to A. D. 1518. 
 
 The Reformaticm— Luther — Birth of Melanc* 
 thon — His education — Early proficiency — Resi- 
 dence at Pforzheim^ Heidelberg and Tubingen — 
 Takes his degree — Obtains an early and remark- 
 able celebrity — Honoured by Erasmus and Bishop 
 Latimer — Edits Nauclerus — Renders assistance 
 to Capnio in his contention with the monks — His 
 public lectures and literary zeal — His removal to 
 a Greek Professorship in the University of Wittem^ 
 berg — Commencement of his friendship with 
 Luther 
 
 CHAP. XL 
 A. D. 1518. 
 
 General Observations — Revival and purifi- 
 cation of the Peripatetic Philosojjhy by Melanc- 
 thon — His early labours at Wittemberg, and his 
 increasing influence throughout Germany- — 
 Extracts from his Oration " de Corrigendis 
 
 AdolescenticB StudiiB'^ 39 
 
 a 
 
XVlll CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 A.D. 1518 to A. D. 1520. 
 
 The State of Religion — Relics — Indulgences 
 — Tetzel — Progress of the Controversy with the 
 Court of Rome — Melancthon's Narrative of 
 Luther—Public Disputation at Leipsic—Its 
 Effects—Paper war between Melancthon and 
 Eckius— Concise but satisfactory Pamphlet and 
 admirable Spirit of the former 61 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 A. D. 1520. 
 
 Melancthon' s marriage — His domestic cha* 
 racter — His exemplary virtues— His boundless 
 liberality— Account of his favourite servant John 
 —Epitaph on his tombstone-Candour of Melanc- 
 thon — His Meekness — Sympathy — Interesting 
 Letter written to a Friend, wJio had sustained 
 a painful family bereavement— His Piety— Sin- 
 cerity— Wit— Memory— Temperance— Modesty^ 
 Humility— Parental conduct— His value for Time 
 —Marriage and Settlement of his two Daughters 
 —CJiaracter of his Sons-in-Law, George Sabinus 
 and Caspar Peucer— Notice of Thurzo, Bishop 
 of Br es law 107 
 
CONTENTS, x:iX 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 A.D. 1520, 1521. 
 
 The Pope's Bull against Luther — His reta- 
 liation — Diet at Worms — Luther's seizure and 
 imprisonment at the Castle of Wartenberg — Feel- 
 ings of Melancthon — Condemnation of Luther by 
 the Sorbonne — Melancthon's Satirical Rejoinder 
 — His publication under the feigned name of Bi- 
 dymus Faventinus — His Declamation on the 
 Study of Paul — Extracts from his Loci Com- 
 munes^ or Theological Common Places — Trans- 
 actions relative to the Abolition of Private Masses. 1 44 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 A. D. 1522. to A. D. 1525. 
 
 The Anabaptists — Disturbances of Carlo- 
 stadt — Luther s return to Wittemberg — Account 
 of his German version of the Scriptures, with the 
 assistance of Melancthon and others — Luther's 
 conference with Stubner — His letter of Apology for 
 stealing Melancthon' s MS. Copy of his Commen- 
 tary on the Romans — Extracts from that Com- 
 mentary—Progress of the Reformation — Rise of 
 the Sacramental Controversy — Death of Muncer 
 — Melancthon' s excursion in Germany — Death of 
 Mosellanus — His Epitaph — Melancthon's intro- 
 duction to the Landgrave of Hesse — Death of 
 Nesenus — His Epitaph^Death of Frederic the 
 
XX CONTENTS. 
 
 Wise — Translated extracts from Melancthon^s 
 Funeral Oration — His Epitaph — Luther's Mar- 
 riage — Controversy with Erasmus — Melancthon's 
 visits to Nuremberg to found an Academy — 
 Translated extracts from his Oration at the open- 
 ing of the Institution — Publications 198 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 A. D. 1526 to A. D. 1529. 
 
 John succeeds his brother Frederic in the 
 Electorate — Changes — Diet of Spires — Melanc- 
 thon's Memorial — The Landgrave of Hesse pro- 
 motes the Reformation in his dominions — Melanc- 
 thon's " Lihellus Visitatorius'' — Commissioners 
 appointed to inspect the Reformed Churches— 
 Second Diet of Spires — Anecdote of the Landgrave 
 of Hesse — Remarkable Story of Grynceus — Me- 
 lancthon's visit to his Mot tier — Continuance of the 
 Sacramental Controversy — Conference at Mar- 
 purg — Melancthons Commentary on the Epistle 
 to the Colossians ,. ., 263 
 
 CHAP. VIIL 
 
 A. D. 1530. 
 
 Brief Notice of General Affairs — Appoint- 
 ment of the Diet of Augsburg-^ Translation of the 
 AuGSBURo Confession — Popish Confutation — 
 Subsequent proceedings— Melancthon^s Apology — 
 Decree of the Diet — Deliberation of the Refor- 
 mers- — Striking Anecdote cf Melancthon — Anec- 
 dote of the Archbishop of Meniz 288 
 
CONTENTS. XXI 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 A. D. 1531 to A. D. 1536. 
 
 Smalcald — Unfavourable circumstances an- 
 nounced — The Emperor retracts at Ratisbon arid 
 agrees to the suspension of all legal processes 
 against the Protestants — Death of the Elector 
 John — Melancthoii's Funeral Oration — His Epi- 
 taph—Succeeded, by John Frederic — The Emperor 
 urges on the Pope a general Council — Continuance 
 of the Sacramental Controversy — Melancthon and 
 Bucer coifer vDith tJie Landgrave — A vain attempt 
 at Leipsic to restore union between contending par- 
 ties — Francis I. urges Melancthon to repair 
 TO France — Their Correspondence — Entreaties 
 of the Langoean family to the same purpose 
 — Bellay goes into Germany and invites Me- 
 lancthon into France — The Elector interposes to 
 prevent the Journey — Henry VIII. invites Me- 
 lancthon into England — Their Correspondence 
 — The King of England's eagerness in dispatch- 
 ing Messengers to France to prevent Melancthon' s 
 continuance there if he were arrived^ or otiierwise 
 to dissuade him from going — Curious original 
 documents on the Subject — A larger Commission 
 sent into Germany — Melancthon' s Communication 
 with Archbishop Cranmer — State of his Jiealth — 
 Takes a Journey — hijurious reports circulated — 
 Writes against the Anabaptists — Conferences with 
 Bucer and. Capito 344 
 
XXII CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 A. D. 1537 to A. D. 1545. 
 
 A General Council proposed — Meeting at 
 Smalcald — MelanctJion writes on the Pope's Su- 
 premacy, and against the manner of appointing 
 the Council — Communications with Francis I. — 
 Passage from the R ecess of Smalcald — Melancthon 
 is solicited to visit Augsburg respecting the ^7^- 
 stitution of a Public Library-^Letter of Cardinal 
 Sadolet — A second Commission from Henry VIII, 
 — Persons sent into England — Melancthon' s Letter 
 to the king — Second Letter againstthe Anabaptists 
 — Another Deputatioii from Frankfort — Melanc- 
 thon' s third and fourth Letters to the king — Death 
 of George of Saxony — Progress of the Reformation 
 — Diet held at Haguenaw — Melancthon' s danger- 
 ous illness on the way — Interesting account of 
 Luther's visit to him — Another Diet at Worms — 
 Referred to Ratisbon — Melancthon meets with an 
 Accident on the Road — Conference between Select 
 Persons — Augsburg Decree confirmed — Several 
 Anecdotes of Melancthon — Contentions about the 
 Election of a Bishop at Naumburg — Account of 
 Melancthon and Bucer's co-operation imth the 
 Archbishop of Cologne, to introduce the Reforma- 
 tion into his Diocese — Acrimonious Publication 
 of some of the Clergy — Melancthon' s satirical 
 Reply — Private Afflictions — Draws up a Plan of 
 Reform for the Elector Palatine — Engages in the 
 
CONTENTS. XXiil 
 
 Ordination of George Prince of Anhalt — Sketch 
 
 of his life — Epigram by Melancthon 384 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 A.D. 1546 to A. D. 1550. 
 
 Persecuting measures — Death of Luther — 
 Melancthon's Funeral Okahio^ for him — ^Tri- 
 butary lines — Remarks on the friendship of Luther 
 cmd Melancthon — Position of Public affairs — The 
 Emperor and the Protestants at open war — Perfidy 
 of Maurice — Captivity of John Frederic and im- 
 prisonment of the Landgrave — Diet at Augsburg 
 — TAe Interim — Meetings of the Wittemberg and 
 Leipsic Divines — Melancthon's publication on 
 indifferent things — Extracts from his reply to 
 the Interim — Curious preface to an English tran- 
 slation of it — The virulent opposition of Flaccus 
 niyricus to Melancthon — Reply of the latter 436 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 A. D. 1550, to A. D. 1557, 
 
 Articles prepared for the Council of Trent — 
 Melancthon commences his journey thither — but 
 returns in consequence of Maurice changing his 
 conduct, and declaring war against the Emperor — 
 Peace of Passaic — Plague — Withdrawment of the 
 
XXIV CONTENTS. 
 
 University of Wittemberg to Torgau — Osiander 
 — Stancarus — Private afflictions — Meeting at 
 Naumburg respecting the renewal of the ancient 
 Friendship subsisting between the Houses of 
 Saxony^ Brandenburg and Hesse — Transactions 
 relative to Servetus — Jofm Frederic s Release and 
 Death — Death of Maurice — Controversies — Perse- 
 cutions of Flacius and his Adherents — Melanc- 
 thon's letters on the subject — Death of Jonas 495 
 
 CHAP. XIII. 
 
 A. D. 1557^ TO A. D. 1560. 
 
 Last conference of Melancthon with the Pa- 
 pists at Worms — Visit to Heidelberg — Receiver 
 intelligence (fkis wife's death — Her epitaph — The 
 Chronieon and other writings — Loss of friends — 
 Melancthon' s infirmities — Interesting paper as- 
 signing reasons why it is desirable to leave the 
 world — A variety of particulars respecting his 
 LAST ILLNESS AND DEATH — Epitaph by Theodore 
 Beza — Ode — Conclusion 522 
 
 APPENDIX 559 
 
•T) e»n \~^. M o)'W^ 
 e^/v^f ^/>cr 'V ^ l^fuU c^:^^..^— ^e/v^ f.h>^. 
 
 ^. c,j, ^. ^-'^ "^'-^^ -^ rcUUwr. 
 
 T^(^j»*^ AvV^viio^ 
 
THE 
 
 LIFE 
 
 OF 
 
 PHILIP MELANCTHON, 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 A.D. 1497to A.D. 1518. 
 
 TJie Reformation — Luther — Birthof Melancthon — His 
 education — Early proficiency — Residence at Pforz- 
 heim, Heidelberg aiid Tubingen — Takes his degree — 
 Obtains an early and remarkable celebrity — Honored 
 by Erasmus and Bp. Latimer — Edits Nauclerus — 
 Renders assistance to Capnio in his contention with 
 the monks — His public lectures and literary zeal — 
 His removal to a Greek Professorship in the Univer- 
 sity of Wittemberg — Commencement of his friend-- 
 ship with Luther. 
 
 The commencement of the sixteenth cen- 
 tury may be regarded as one of the most 
 momentous periods in the annals of time. It 
 was distinguished by the release of Christianity 
 from those fetters of darkness in which she had 
 been bound for ages^, and her triumphant asser- 
 tion of that glorious liberty in which she now 
 walks abroad through the earth. 
 
 This great event cannot be too highly appre- 
 ciated^ especially as we are daijy participating 
 
(2 
 
 
 *) ^vor y^ y^j: 
 
 jM-y^ lr^\ ^hi-rx^^ 
 
 vA^v/»rf yyi f)roT > 
 
 e 
 
 
 
 A^ M 
 
 Meintr.'C.firoadJu-.Jllo.wn^liury. 
 
THE 
 
 LIFE 
 
 OF 
 
 PHILIP MELANCTHON, 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 A.D. 1497 to A. D. 1518. 
 
 TJie Reformation — Luther — Birthof Melancthon — His 
 education — Early proficiency — Residence at Pforz- 
 heim, Heidelberg and Tubingen — • Takes his degree — 
 Obtains an early and remarkable celebrity — Honored 
 by Erasmus and Bp. Latimer — Edits Nauclerus — 
 Renders assistance to Capnio in his contention with 
 the monks — His public lectures o.nd literary zeal — 
 His removal to a Greek Professorship in the Univer- 
 sity of Wittemberg — Commencement of his friend- 
 ship with Luther, 
 
 The commencement of the sixteenth cen- 
 tury may be regarded as one of the most 
 momentous periods in the annals of time. It 
 was distinguished by the release of Christianity 
 from those fetters of darkness in which she had 
 been bound for ages, and her triumphant asser- 
 tion of that glorious liberty in which she now 
 walks abroad through the earth. 
 
 This great event cannot be too highly appre- 
 ciated;, especially as we are daily participating 
 
 B 
 
2 LIFE OF MELANCTIIOX. 
 
 llie blessings which result from it. But un- 
 fortunately, the admiration of mankind is com- 
 monly withheld from Christian atchievements 
 and Lavished upon military heroes. We over- 
 look the misery they inflict, and the wide 
 spreading desolation that marks their course. 
 But were it even possible to separate these 
 images of horror from the consideration of their 
 successes, surely the bloodless victories of truth 
 are nobler in themselves, and accomplished by 
 the exertion of mental and moral energies in- 
 calculably more important. On this principle 
 the Reformation from Popery merits parti- 
 cular attention. Whether we consider^ on the 
 one hand, the violent and deep-rooted preju- 
 dices which were at that period universally 
 prevalent, artfully cherished, and powerfully 
 defended, the great and immediate danger re- 
 sulting from the slightest attempt at religious 
 innovation, and the deplorable errors which 
 reigned by long usurpation and prescriptive 
 authority over the minds of men ; — or, on 
 the other, the seemingly accidental causes from 
 which the Reformation originated, the incon- 
 siderable source from which it flov/ed, the slow 
 but irresistible progress it made, and the bene- 
 ficial revolution it effected in the sentiments of 
 mankind, it is impossible not to perceive reasons 
 for astonishment and joy. No one ought to be 
 accused of credulity for calling it a miracle ; a 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. O 
 
 moral miracle it undoubtedly was. The miracles 
 which accompanied the first propagation of 
 Christianity and secured its establishment were, 
 it is true, a more direct appeal to the senses, but 
 the same mighty power that established religion 
 in the earth, evidently interposed in this case to 
 rescue it from perishing. 
 
 Amongst the instruments of this remarkal^le 
 change the name of Martin Luther stands pre- 
 eminent. He was not indeed the first or the 
 on/i^ advocate of this righteous cause, but he 
 was in many respects the greatest. Others had 
 inveighed against Popery, exposed the errors of 
 that pernicious system with ingenuity and bold- 
 ness, and even bled for the sacred cause of God 
 and truth. Waldus, Wickliffe, Huss and Jerome 
 of Prague, r«J are imperishable names; but 
 in vain did they struggle against the torrent of 
 corruption that deluged the earth. They could 
 oppose, in their respective times and stations, 
 but a momentary resistance, and were swept 
 away. Their efforts indeed produced so7ne effects, 
 but they were evanescent, for " darkness covered 
 the earth, and gross darkness the people." T^J 
 But when Luther appeared, a variety of circum- 
 stances co-operated to produce a result which 
 human skill could neither foresee nor prevent. 
 An attentive observer cannot fail to notice the 
 
 (a) Vid, Appendi^sL I. 
 
 (b) Isa. Ix. 2. 
 B.2 
 
4 LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 
 
 very gradual manner in which truth was ciLs'- 
 covered to his own mind^ by which means he 
 became fitted to act the part he did, when it is 
 probable a more full and sudden manifestation 
 would hcive disqualified him for the eai-ly part 
 of his career as a reformer. For a long time his 
 imperfect knowledge of the great principles of 
 Christianity and the rights of conscience ope- 
 rated as a check upon the impetuous ardor of 
 his spirit, which, though afterwards essentially 
 beneficial to the cause, would probably have 
 impeded, if not have wholly prevented the great 
 work of Reformation, had it been at first unre- 
 strained by lingering prejudices and supersti- 
 tions. The schisms wdiich had divided the 
 church about the end of the fourteenth and at 
 the commencement of the fifteenth centuries 
 materially diminished the popular veneration for 
 the papal dignity. The proceedings of some of 
 the councils in deposing and electing popes at 
 their pleasure produced a similar effect. Above 
 all the scandalous profligacy and venality of 
 the court of Rome, the voluptuous lives of the 
 ecclesiastics, their intolerable exactions, and the 
 facility which the sale of indulgences afforded 
 to the vilest offenders to obtain a ready pardon, 
 prepared the minds of the people in general for 
 those doctrines which the Reformers afterwards 
 promulgated. 
 
 Luther possessed a vigorous and fearless mind. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. O 
 
 He was qualified to take the lead, and to head 
 opposition in a servila age. His mind was in- 
 cessantly active ; his ardor in the pursuit of 
 knowledge and in the propagation of what he 
 knevv^, inextinguishable. He did not " light as 
 one that beateth the mr'\c) in the holy war 
 he undertook. Having buckled on the armour 
 he was impatient for the conflict, and rushed 
 forward to an anticipated victory. He was one 
 of the greatest of Christian heroes, and his faults 
 were those of a first-rate character. Never scarcely 
 did the hand of God form a fitter instrument to 
 do a greater work ! 
 
 It w^as, however, happy for Luther that he 
 did not stand alone, but was provided with an 
 associate in his principal labours adapted in a 
 remarkable degree to supply his deficiencies, to 
 correct his errors, and to regulate his impetuosity 
 of character. Independently of the interest which 
 must necessarily be felt in any one who was the 
 intimate friend and coadjutor of Luther, who 
 was with him in all his struggles and helped 
 him through them, Melancthon claims a distin- 
 guished notice on his own account. In tracing 
 the history of his life it will be obvious that al- 
 though inferior in courage he equalled Luther in 
 ardent piety, and excelled him both in personal 
 virtues and literary attainments. 
 
 (c) 1 Cor. ix. 26. 
 
D I^IFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 Philip Melancthon was born in Saxony, 
 at the small but pleasant town of Bretten, in 
 the lower Palatinate of the Rhine, on the six- 
 teenth day of February, in the year 0)ie thou- 
 sand four hundred and ninety-seven. The fol- 
 lowing inscription in his father's house records 
 the event : 
 
 Dei Pietate natus est in 
 
 HAC DOMO DOCTISSIMUS Dn. 
 
 Philippus Melancthon, D. 
 XVI. Febr. a. m. cccc.xcvii. 
 
 The house which belonged to his parents, con- 
 taining this inscription and his picture, remained 
 standing in the market place till modern times. 
 During the thirty years war many of the literati 
 and inhabitants of Heidelberg took refuge within 
 the walls of Bretten, but in 1632 it was taken 
 by the Imperialists. In the year 1784 it con- 
 tained, exclusive of the public buildings, two 
 hundred and sixty-two dwelling houses, and up- 
 wards of two thousand inhabitants; but in 1789 
 it was taken, plundered, and almost exterminated 
 by the French ; and what their desolating rapa- 
 city spared, was at length destroyed under the 
 orders of the Imperial General Ogilvi, by which 
 act of indiscretion, however, he lost the favour 
 of his master. 
 
 The mother of Melancthon was the daughter 
 of John Reuter, a very respectable man, and for 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 7 
 
 many years mayor of the town. Her name was 
 Barbara^ and she is represented as a truly esti- 
 mable woman. His father, George Schwartzerd, 
 ( for this was the German family name,) was a 
 native of Heidelberg, but settled at Bretten in 
 consequence of his marriage. He filled the 
 office of Engineer or Commissary of the Artil- 
 lery, under the Palatinate princes Philip and 
 Rupert. Distinguished not only by integrity, 
 prudence, fidelity, and many other virtues, but 
 by his remarkable ingenuity in the invention of 
 all kinds of instruments, adapted either to the 
 purposes of war, or the fashionable tourna- 
 ments of the age, he attracted the attention of 
 Maximilian, son of the Emperor Frederic, and 
 became well known to many of the most power- 
 ful princes, frf J He died in the year 1508, in 
 consequence of having swallowed some water 
 from a poisoned well about four years before, 
 when engaged in the service of his country. 
 He is described not only as a man of the strictest 
 morals and of undissembled piety, but so grave 
 in his manners, as scarcely to admit even of a 
 joke in the ordinary intercourse of life. His 
 wife continued in a state of widowhood twelve 
 years, when, upon the marriage of her son 
 Philip, which gave her some offence, she again 
 entered into the conjugal state, with a respect- 
 able inhabitant of Bretten, (e) 
 
 (d) Vid. Appendix II. CO Cam. Vit. Mel. 
 
8 LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 
 
 The early studies of Melancthon were chiefly 
 committed to the manasrement of his maternal 
 grandfather Renter, which is to be attributed 
 to . his father's numerous engagements. The 
 choice could not have been better made, for his 
 grandfather was unquestionably well qualified 
 for such an important superintendence, and, 
 at the same time, affectionately solicitous about 
 his youthful charge. It must be understood, 
 that he acted in concert with his mother, and 
 by her advice. 
 
 Melancthon was at first placed with his 
 younger brother George, at a public school in 
 his native town ; but in consequence of a loath- 
 some disease, at that time prevalent in Ger- 
 many, having found its way into the school, 
 he was soon removed, and put under private 
 tuition. 
 
 Although native genius may have frequently 
 surmounted the greatest disadvantages, it has 
 in too many instances, been injured by an im- 
 proper or defective education. Like the body 
 that has been cramped in its growth, but which, 
 notwithstanding, evinces its original strength of 
 constitution by the very deformities into which 
 it shoots, so the vigorous mind, checked or 
 misguided at an early period of life, is prone 
 to neglect the useful and pursue the trifling, 
 to cherish unseemly prejudices and to take 
 an erroneous course. Melancthon remarked of 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIJOX. 9 
 
 Luther^ that, " If he had been fortunate enough 
 to have met v/ith suitable teachers^ his great 
 capacity would have enabled him to go through 
 ail the sciences. Nor is it improbable that tlie 
 milder studies of a sound philosophy, and a care- 
 ful habit of elaborate composition, might have 
 been useful in moderating the vehemence of his 
 natural temper." (f) 
 
 Considering the age in which he lived, and 
 the state of depression which literature in general 
 suffered, Melancthon seems to have fallen into 
 very good hands ; and though his natural caDa- 
 city was the basi^ of all his, future eminence^ 
 much is doubtless to be attributed to the s'uides 
 of his early studies. His preceptor in the Latin 
 language was John Hungarus; a man of great 
 merit, and, at a very advanced period of life, 
 a faithful preacher of the word of God at 
 Pforzheim, (g) He was charmed with the rapid 
 proficiency of his pupil, who, like other youths 
 of superior talent, was fond of shewing his dex- 
 terity by discussing with boys much older than 
 himself the rules of grammar, or the elements of 
 language which they had been taught. In these 
 little contests he was usually victorious ; but 
 whilst he never failed to impress others with a 
 
 (f) M. LuTH. Op. Prffif. Tom. II. 
 (p Cam. Tit. Mel, 
 
10 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 sense of his superiority, bis excellent spirit and 
 temper compelled them to mingle esteem with 
 admiration. At this time he had a stammer- 
 ing, or rather, perhaps, a hesitating mode of 
 pronunciation, which, though never very un- 
 pleasant, and probably the effect of modest 
 timidity, and not of any natural impediment in 
 the organs of speech, was so effectually cured by 
 time and care, that afterwards it became scarcely, 
 if at all perceptible, (h) 
 
 The Academy at Pforzheim, under the imme- 
 diate superintendence of George Simlerus, was 
 highly celebrated. Simlerus was distinguished 
 by his classical learning. He afterwards became 
 a lawyer of considerable eminence, and a lec- 
 turer on jurisprudence at Tubingen. At Pforz- 
 heim, Melancthon was introduced to the study 
 of the Greek language, which he prosecuted 
 with great diligence and proportionate success. 
 His brother George and his uncle John were 
 his school-fellows, and they all lodged together 
 at the house of a relation, who was sister to 
 John Reuchlin. This elegant scholar, known 
 to the learned by the name of Capmo, was a 
 native of Pforzheim, and successively a teacher 
 of languages at Basil and at Orleans. His mind, 
 naturally vigorous and industriously cultivated, 
 became a storehouse of various erudition. He 
 
 (h) Cam. Vit. Mel 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 11 
 
 was the restorer of letters in Germany, and the 
 author of several treatises on philosophy, (i) 
 
 Reuchlin, or Capnio, took particular notice 
 of the three lads who were inmates at his sister's 
 and frequently questioned them about their 
 pursuits at school. The genius of Philip could 
 not remain long undetected by so diligent an 
 inquirer and so zealous a friend to literature. 
 His prompt and accurate replies, indicating the 
 rare combination of a studious habit with an ex- 
 traordinary talent, instantly won his affections, 
 
 (i) It scarcely deserves the name of Philosophy ; perliaps 
 it should rather be called mysticism, compounded as it was of 
 tlie Platonic, Pythagorean and Cabalistic doctrines. He wrote 
 treatises entitled, " De Yerbo Mirifico,"" and " JDe Arte 
 Cabalistica." Some have supposed him to have been the 
 principal author of " Epistolas Obscuioruni Virorum ;" a work 
 replete with the most pungent satire against the persecutors of 
 Reuchlin, in the controversy about the restoration of Greek 
 and Hebrew learning. Others have believed the ingenious 
 Ulrich de Hutton, of Franconia, to have been the original 
 Writer, but that Reuchlin rendered him essential assistance in 
 the work. In fact, it was the joint production of several literary 
 men, of whom these t^T0 were the principal. Hutton was pro- 
 bably the chief writer. 
 
 Erasmus allows this performance to be witty, but severely 
 condemns it as anonymous and defamatory, and Leo consigned 
 it to the flames; " But after all," says Jortin, " these Epistles 
 of the Obscure may be considered as a piece of harmless mirth, 
 levelled against men who were not only egregious boobies, but, 
 which was infinitely worse, shameless calumniators and blood- 
 thirsty persecutors."^ Jortin's Life of Erasmus, Vol. J. 
 p. 93. 4to. 
 
12 LIFE OF MELANCTHON, 
 
 and led liim^ in some degree, to prognosticate 
 his future proficiency. To testify his regard 
 and to encourage him in the prosecution of his 
 literary studies, Capnio presented Philip with 
 several hooks ; among the rest, an enlarged 
 Greek Grammar and a Greek and Latin 
 Lexicon. This was a powerful stimulus to 
 his ardent mind, which, dissatisfied with the 
 mere performance of his ordinary exercises, 
 began to indulge itself in poetical composition. 
 Although he possessed sufBcient inclination, 
 yet he could not command leisure at any sub- 
 sequent period of his life to devote himself 
 much to this fascinating art ; but he wrote 
 several epigrams, epitaphs, prologues, and, occa- 
 sionally, poetical epistles to his friends; and 
 some very excellent judges, to whom may be 
 added even the fastidious Julius Csesar Scaliger, 
 have commended his verses, (k) Probably the 
 
 (k) " Ne Melancthon quidem abhorruit ab ea laude quae ex 
 poeticis artibus comparatur. Taraetsi ncnnulli ejus populares 
 insanis quibusdam praeceptionibus e Christiana republica poetas 
 exigendos exclamarunt ; quorum barbarissimam amentiam non 
 verbis, neque cnim nugis aut clamoribus vinci queunt; sed 
 contrariis affectionibus doctissimus quisque damnavit. Illius 
 igitur ingenium magnum atque ad omnia comparatum intelli- 
 gemus ex iis poematis quibus solis lunaeque defectiones cecinit. 
 Nam et tempora varie describit eadcm versibus luculcntis; 
 et eodem nitore praesagia statuit, cujus vestigia sequuti sunt 
 nqn ignobili ingenio Germani aliquot Stigelius, iEmilius, 
 Acojjtius, Volfiu§, Camerarius. Idem Philippus in epigrammate 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 13 
 
 efforts of his premature age to which we have 
 adverted^ resembled the frequent productions 
 of the same period, by youths of ability at school. 
 He wTote also at the early age of thirteen, a 
 humourous piece in the form of a comedy, 
 which he dedicated to Capnio, to testify the 
 sense he entertained of his truly parental kind- 
 ness, and engaged his school-fellows to perform 
 it in his presence. It w^as upon this occasion 
 his patron and friend gave him the name of 
 Melandhon, a Greek term of similar signifi- 
 cation with the German word Schwartzerd.dJ 
 This method of substituting sonorous Greek 
 appellations for their proper names, was at that 
 period a very common practice amongst the 
 learned. Thus Reiwhlm from the German word 
 Reuch, s7noak, was changed by Hermolaus 
 Barbaras into Capnio, a term of similar import. 
 Melancthon appears to have cherished a high 
 regard for his early preceptors, and to have re- 
 tained it through life. His amiable spirit never 
 undervalued the merit of otherS;, or forgot their 
 
 jucundus atque festi\iis. Nam aliorum ingenia Germanorum 
 rarb quicquam scribunt, quin jocorum aliquid agant : quo fit 
 lit risus e vulgo non admiratio a sapientibus sequatur. Quae 
 tamen verterunt Graeca (iis enim gens ilia dedita est imprimis} 
 non invita Minerva faciunt." Scalig. Poet. Lib. VI. p. 798. 
 
 (I) The word Melancthon is compounded of MiXxs, black, 
 and x>^Mv, earth. In GermRn^ Schwartz seijn signifies to he 
 liuck, and die erdc, the earth. 
 
11 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 claims upon his gratitude. In one of his writ- 
 ings^ referring either to Hungarus or Simlerus^, 
 he says^ " Aly preceptor was an excellent gram- 
 marian, who took pains to make me understand 
 the construction of every sentence, giving me 
 thirty or forty verses at a time to construe. He 
 would not allow me to slur any thing over, and 
 as often as I blundered, he would correct me, 
 "but with a proper degree of moderation. Thus 
 I learnt the grammatical part of language. He 
 was one of the best of men. He loved me as a 
 sbn, and I him as a father; and we shall soon 
 meet, I trust, in eternal life ! Yes — I was truly 
 attached to him, although he were somewhat 
 severe; yet severity I cannot call it, but rather 
 fatherly correction to stimulate me to dili- 
 gence." fwz J 
 
 After a residence of nearly two years at Pforz- 
 heim, Meiancthon was sent by his mother and 
 
 (m) Melaxcth. Op. Tom. III. On another occasion he 
 writes thus : '^ Audivi enim adolescens duos viros praeclare eru- 
 dites, Georgium Simler et Cunradum Hclvetium, alumnos Aca- 
 demiae Coloniensis, quorum alter Latinos et Grajcos poetas mihi 
 primum interpretatus est, deduxit etiam ad philosophiam puri- 
 orem, sippe conferens Aristotelicam lectionem quae tunc erat, 
 in manibus ad Graecos fontes; alter Cunradus doctissimi et 
 honestissimi viri doctoris C«sarii auditor primiim nobis Hey- 
 delburgas elementa doctrinae de motibus cselestibus tradidit : quam 
 ob causam et doctori Caesario peculiarcm gratiam et venerationem 
 tanquara prseceptori, debere me proliteor." Mei*. Declam. 
 Tom. I. Responsio ad Scrip, quoruncl, delect, d, Clew Secund. 
 Colon. Agripp. 
 
JtIPE OF MELANCTHOJ^T. 15 
 
 the relation who superintended his education, to 
 the University of Heidelberg : formerly the 
 metropolis, now the second town, of the lower 
 Palatinate, and the birth-place of his father. 
 He was matriculated on the thirteenth of Octo- 
 ber, in the year 1509, the twelfth of his age,(n} 
 The University was highly celebrated for its 
 various professors in the different branches of 
 learning, who were soon attracted not only by 
 the extraordinary progress and amiable disposi- 
 tion of their young pupil, but by his zealous 
 efforts to excite his fellow students to the more 
 diligent cultivation of polite literature. Con- 
 scious of his own mental superiority, he felt no 
 envious apprehension of their outstripping him ; 
 or, if they had, his future character renders it 
 evident, that he would have been the first to 
 rejoice in their success. It was impossible that 
 the union of so much application with so much 
 talent should fail of producing great results. 
 He was accordingly soon looked up to as a first- 
 rate youth, and though but a lad was em- 
 ployed to compose most of the public harangues 
 and discourses of eloquence that were delivered 
 in the University, and wrote some things evea 
 for the professors themselves, (oj He Vvras aliio 
 
 (v) Mel. Adam. vitoeGerm. Theologonmi. Cam. Vit. Mel 
 (o) Baillet, des Enfans dcven. celeb, par leurs Etudes oii 
 jTiar leurs Ecrits, Traite Historique, p. 130. MfiL. Adam. Yitx 
 Pliiios, p. 186, ''Scripsit jamadoIescentulus|!^^)/*r6^.-?^/^Y;^'^ iii eii 
 ^hdk oratiouss, ({uas public^ recitatae sunt.'' 
 
16 LIFE OF MELA NCT HON. 
 
 entrusted with the education of the two sons of 
 Count Leonstein. His proficiency in the Greek 
 was so remarkahle, that even at this early age 
 he composed Rudiments of the language v/hich 
 were afterwards published, (j^) 
 
 During his residence at Heidelberg, Melanc- 
 thon, who was so eminently formed for friend- 
 ship, contracted an intimacy with several persons 
 of merit. Among these Vv^ere Wimphelingus, 
 Sturmius, Gautherus, and Sorbillus. He was 
 an inmate of the well-known Pallas, a man pre- 
 eminently distinguished for his wisdom, virtue 
 and benevolence, and for many years the brightest 
 ornament of the academy. 
 
 Heidelberg had not the honour of educating 
 Melancthon moi-e than three years. He was 
 naturally of a feeble constitution, and the situa- 
 tion of the place did not appear to agree with 
 him. This circumstance, together with the severe 
 disappointment he suffered in being refused a 
 higher degree in the university than he had 
 hitherto obtained, solely ^ as it was alleged, on 
 account of his youthy determined him to remove 
 to Tubingen, a town on the Neckar, in the duchy 
 of Wtirtemberg. The university was daily in- 
 creasing in reputation, and he entered it in the 
 month of September, 1512. It had been founded 
 by Prince Eberhard I. about five and thirty years 
 before, who had been careful to procure the most 
 
 (p) Ijruckbri Hist. Crit. Philosopliiie, Tom. IV. p. 270- 
 
LIFE OF xMELANCTHON. 17 
 
 celebrated men of the time for professors in every 
 branch of hterature and theology, (q) 
 
 At Tubingen our aspiring youth attended all 
 the different professors of classical and polite 
 learning, devoting himself especially to mathe- 
 matics, jurisprudence, logic, medicine, and theo- 
 logy. In medicine he studied Galen so tho- 
 roughly, that he could repeat the greatest part of 
 his treatises ; and although theology, as it was 
 then taught, consisted in little else than scho- 
 lastic subtleties, knotty questions, unintelligible 
 jargon, and absurdities compounded of super- 
 stition and profaneness, (r) he began to be much 
 devoted to the more sober and rational part of 
 it. Here he first became acquainted with Oeco- 
 lampadius, who was his senior by several years : 
 and as he mentions in one of his letters, they 
 used to read Hesiod together. But, of all the 
 professors, Henry Bebelius, distinguished for his 
 skill in history, John Brassicanus, John Stofflerus 
 in the mathematical department, and Francis 
 Stadianus, the public lecturer on Aristotle, ap- 
 pear to have attracted his highest esteem. He 
 has mentioned the two latter in particular with 
 
 (q) Melancth. Dcclam. Omt. de Eberk, Due. Wirt. 
 
 (r) " In theologia D. Lempum qui turn pr£Ecipuus habe- 
 batur ; de quo hoc saepe retulit, solitum cum auditoribus de- 
 pingere in tabula monstrum illud, quod vocant transubstantia- 
 tionis et insulsitatem hominis turn quoque se miratum." Mel> 
 Adam. Vit. Germ. Theologorum, p. 329. 
 
 c 
 
18 LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 
 
 applause and afFection in his writings, Stofflerii^ 
 had for many years the sole care of calculating 
 and arranging the calendar^ atask which Melanc- 
 thon affirms he executed with great labour and 
 with equal skill. ^' Had it not been/' says he, 
 '' for his indefatigable application, we should have 
 known nothing of the distinction of times and 
 the changes of the months — nor of the seasons 
 for ploughing, sowing, planting, and other agri- 
 cultural pursuits, nor of a variety of other useful 
 and ingenious arts.'Y^V) He addresses him in 
 the dedication or preface to his public oration 
 on the Liberal Arts, in these terms : '' I am in- 
 debted to your kindness not only for what I 
 know^ but for what I am desirous of knowing ; 
 and I am desirous of knowing whatever becomes 
 me. Hov7 can I sufficiently testify my regard 
 and admiration for one w^ho, during the many 
 years in which he has diligently investigated 
 the abstruse parts of mathematical science, has 
 been constantly stimulating the studious in ge- 
 neral, and myself in particular, by every mark of 
 kindness, to pursue an honourable renown.' YO 
 Francis Stadianus he describes in the strongest 
 terms : " He was a man of learning, and lived 
 in such a manner as to deserve the afFection of 
 all the learned and the good !'' CnJ 
 
 (.v) Melancth. Declam. Tom. I. Encomium Smvoi-um. 
 (t) Melancth. Declam. Tom. I. Orat, dU' Art, Lib. jnaf. 
 (uj Melancth. Declam. Tom, I. De Stud. Corrig. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 19 
 
 Melanctlion had not yet attained the age of 
 seventeen when he was created Doctor in Philo- 
 sophy, or Master of Arts. This took place on 
 the twenty-fifth of January, in the year 1513, (x) 
 when he immediately commenced a course of 
 private tuition ; but not long afterwards he be- 
 came a public lecturer at Tubingen. General 
 admiration was soon excited by the profound 
 knowledge and elegant taste he discovered in 
 the Latin classics, A considerable portion of 
 time was occupied every day in delivering public 
 lectures, which were not exclusively devoted to 
 the learned languages, but embraced an extra- 
 ordinary variety of subjects, as rhetoric, logic, 
 ethics, mathematics and theology. At the same 
 time he particularly directed the attention of his 
 scholars to the classical compositions of Virgil, 
 Terence, Cicero, Livy and the Greek writers. 
 He may be justly regarded as the restorer of 
 Terence^ whose poetical compositions, through 
 the ignorance of his transcribers and publishers, 
 had hitherto appeared only in a prosaic dress. ("3/ J 
 
 (x) Melchior Adam calls it the seventeenth year of his 
 age ; but, according to the above date, which he has given, 
 Melaucthon was not quite sixteen, M. Ba illet says he took 
 his diploma in 1514; but I am not certain w^hether we are to 
 conclude that Melchior Adam commits a mistake in the year of 
 the world or in the year of his age. 
 
 (y) The British Museum contains a very curious old copy of 
 Terence, as it was published previous to this period at Straa- 
 burg. The title-page is wanting. It is crowded with a variety 
 c2 
 
20 LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 
 
 Meiancthon, having reduced them to a proper 
 arrangement^ presented them to the public in 
 their present form. In this labour he shewed his 
 discrimination and taste ; for Cicero eulogizes 
 Terence both for the purity of his diction and 
 the beauty of his compositions, representing them 
 as the rule and standard of the language, (z) 
 
 This bright star in the literary hemisphere, 
 the brighter for the profound darkness which 
 surrounded it, could not fail of attracting the 
 attention of the great men of the age. So early 
 es the year 1515 the segacious and learned Eras- 
 mus of Rotterdam, exclaimed in terms of rap- 
 turous admiration, ^"^ At, Deum immortalem, quam 
 non spem de se preebet admodum etiam ado- 
 Jescens et pene puer, Philippus ille Melancthon, 
 utraque literatura pene ex eequo suscipiendus ! 
 Quod inventionis acumen! Quae sermonis pu- 
 ritas! Quanta reconditarum rerum memoria! 
 Quam variee lectio ! Quam verecunda regiaeque 
 prorsus indolLs fesiivitas !" i, e, " What hopes 
 
 of marginal notes, and has several manuscript references. It is 
 ali^o ornamentctl with curious wood cuts, and the last page con- 
 cludes with the following notification of tlie time and place where 
 it was published : " Imjyressam in imperiali ac libera iirbe Ar- 
 ge7itina per Joannem Grilninger, Ad illam formum ut intuenti 
 jocundior atque intellectu fac'dior esset per Joannem Curtinn ex 
 El)erspa£k redactum. Anno a nativitate Domini, 1499, teriio 
 idus Febniarii,'''' 
 
 (z) The learned reader may peruse some of his Prologues 
 to Terence, in Appendix III. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 21 
 
 may we not conceive of Philip Melancthon, 
 though as yet very young, and ahnost a boy, 
 but equally to be admired for his proficiency in 
 both languages ! What quickness of invention ! 
 What purity of diction! What vastness of 
 memory! What variety of reading! What a 
 modesty and gracefulness of behaviour ! and what 
 a princely mind !'' (a) An eulogium so remark- 
 able, and bestowed by such a man, on a stripling 
 of only eighteen^ was surely no inconsiderable 
 testimony to his wonderful merit. 
 
 Nor was this the only occasion on which 
 this accomplished scholar expressed his admira- 
 tion. His works abound v/ith similar encomi- 
 ums : it will be sufficient to select two or three. 
 Writing to Oecolampadius he says, "Of Me- 
 lancthon I have already the highest opinion, and 
 cherish the most magnificent hopes: so much 
 so, that I am persuaded Christ designs this 
 youth to excel us all : he will totally eclipse 
 Eras7nusn — Mosellanus having interceded with 
 him upon occasion of some injurious reports 
 that had been circulated respecting the remarks 
 of Melancthon upon his paraphrase on the New 
 Testament, and implored him not to suffer 
 himself to be unfavourably impressed by them, 
 Erasmus replied, " Philip Melancthon is in no 
 Heed of my patronage or defence," In a letter 
 
 (a) GRYNiEi Epist. Select, Lib. I. p. 302. 
 
22 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 which Erasmus addressed to him, he concludes 
 thus, ^^ Farewell, most learned Melancthon, use 
 all thine energies that the splendid hopes which 
 Germany conceives of thy genius and thy piety 
 may not only be equalled, but exceeded." On 
 another occasion, in a letter to Julius Pflug, the 
 celebrated counsellor of George, duke of Saxony, 
 he gives Melancthon this character : " He not 
 only excels in learning and eloquence, but by a 
 certain fatality is a general favourite. Honest 
 and candid men are fond of him, and even his 
 adversaries cannot hate him V " Happy," ex- 
 claims Dr. Jortin, " is the person whom this 
 description suits ! It is not safe to attack him ; 
 the public will revenge his wrongs and take his 
 part against you!" Seckendorf remarks, that 
 were the various eulogies which literary men, 
 and even religious opponents have pronounced 
 upon Melancthon to be collected together, they 
 would fill a very considerable volume, (h) 
 
 To a much earlier period, probably, may be 
 referred the oration mentioned in a very curious 
 passage of one of Hugh Latimer's sermons, 
 which evinces the astonishing celebrity of this 
 youthful scholar and reformer. " Heere I have 
 occasion to tell you a story which happened at 
 Cambridge. Master Bilney, (or rather Saint 
 
 (b) Seckendorf Hist. Lutheranismi, Lib. I. Sect. 16. 
 Add. 1. Erasmi Lit. Lib. V. ep. 38. Lib. VI. ep. 1. 
 Jortin's Lite of Erasmus. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHOK. 23 
 
 Bilney that suffered death for God's word sake J 
 the same Bilney was the instrument whereby 
 God called me to knowledge, for I may thanke 
 him, next to God, for that knowledge that I 
 have in the word of God. For I v/as as obsti- 
 nate a Papist as any was in England, insomuch 
 that when I should be made Bachelor of Divi- 
 nity, my whole oration went against Phillippe 
 Melanctlion and against his opinions. Bilney 
 hearde mee at that time and perceived that I 
 was zealous without knowledge : and hee camo 
 to me afterward in my study, and desired meo 
 for God's sake to heare his confession : I did 
 so — and to say the very truth, by his confession 
 I learned more than before in many yeares. So 
 from that time forward I begunne to smell the 
 word of God, and forsooke the schoole doctors 
 and such fooleries.' Y^J 
 
 The same Latimer afterwards said, in a ser- 
 mon preached before Edward VI. who expected 
 him in England, " I hear say Mr. Melancthon 
 that great clerk, should come hither. I Vv-ould 
 wish him, and such as he is, two hundred 
 pounds a year. The king should never want it 
 in his coffers at the year's end." 
 
 Melancthon took upon himself the laborious 
 task of revising the works published by Thomas 
 Anshelmus, a noted printer at Tubingen. The 
 greatest part of his time, not immediately 
 
 (c) Bp. Latimer's Serm. ed. 1635. fol. 124. 
 
24 LIFE OF MELANCTHOK. 
 
 devoted to his professional duties or his private 
 studies, was bestowed in editing a ponderous 
 folio work of Nauelerus, to which a preface 
 was prefixed by Capnio. Originally, it was, 
 in fact, nothing but a confused heap of fables, 
 mingled with historical facts ; and Melancthon 
 bestowed a labour upon it very disproportionate 
 to its intrinsic merit, in arranging, correcting, 
 purifying, and almost re-writing it. In this 
 case we can only praise him for his industry, (d) 
 
 During his residence at Tubingen, he had 
 an opportunity of rendering essential service 
 to his early friend and patron Capnio, who 
 was involved in a disagreeable contention 
 with certain ecclesiastics. It happened thus. 
 The divines and monks of Cologne, instigated 
 by a Jew of the name of Pfefferkorn, who had 
 professed Christianity, obtained an edict from 
 the emperor to authorise them to burn all the 
 Jewish writings as heretical, excepting the Bible. 
 The Jews instantly implored the emperor to sus- 
 pend his order till these books had been exa- 
 mined by a competent committee of learned 
 men. To this very reasonable petition he con- 
 sented. Capnio, who had prosecuted the study 
 of the Hebrew language under some learned 
 
 (d) Tlie book is entitled, " Memorabilium omnis aetatis 
 et omniuin Gentium Chronici Commentarii a Joanne Nauclero 
 J. V. Doctore Tubing. Prseposito et Universitatis Cancellarioj 
 digesti in annum M. D." 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION* 25 
 
 Jews^ both at Vienna and at Rome, and who 
 had become conversant with the Cabalistic 
 writings, was appointed by the Elector of Mentz 
 to be an arbitrator in the controversy. Having 
 given it as his opinion, that no other books 
 should be destroyed but such as were found to 
 be written expressly against Jesus Christ, the 
 emperor approved the decision, and restored 
 the books to the Jews. At this the monks 
 and inquisitors of Cologne were violently exas- 
 perated and not only loaded him with invec- 
 tives, but used every means to induce the court 
 of Rome to persue him with the thunder of 
 excommunication. At this critical juncture, 
 Melancthon was of essential use to his early 
 patron, and frequent conferences took place be- 
 tween them, both at Tubingen and at Stutgard, 
 the place where Capnio resided. Neither the 
 advice nor the zealous efforts of a warm friend 
 were wanting in his defence, which, co-operat- 
 ing with his high literary reputation, resulted 
 in the honourable acquittal of Capnio. This 
 celebrated character died very poor at the age 
 of sixty-seven. '' On account of his virtue and 
 merit," says Melancthon, " his memory ought 
 to be cherished. He served his country with 
 great diligence and judgment, and promoted assi- 
 duously the Hebrew language, so important to 
 scholars. His candour was remarkable, and he 
 was devoid of envy and malevolence. For these 
 
26 LIFE OF MELANCTIIO.V, 
 
 reasons he was much esteemed by learned 
 men." (e) 
 
 One of the earliest of Melancthon'^s produc- 
 tions^ now extant, is an Oration on the Liberal 
 Arts, delivered at Tubingen in the year 1517, 
 at twenty years of age. It indicates the elegance 
 of his mind and the variety of his reading. 
 After a suitable introduction, he relates the 
 classical story of the seven stringed lyre and the 
 origin of the libaral arts. The oration proceeds 
 with a detail of these arts and ci brief recital of 
 their origin and progress. It glows with anima- 
 tion as it approaches the close. "Let the ex- 
 ample of those illustrious persons who surround 
 me, inspire you. Be animated by the great and 
 glorious expectations of your country, and apply 
 the utmost vigour of your minds to what you 
 know to be of pre-eminent importance, the 
 attainment of sound learning and real virtue. 
 Do not be seduced from this noble course by 
 flattering pleasures or by evil examples. Let no 
 dishonourable principle influence your minds: 
 and that I call dishonourable v/hich diverts you 
 from the literary pursuits and from the sacred 
 studies to which you are devoted." 
 
 Considering the very important part Me- 
 lancthon was destined to act in the Reforma- 
 tion, it would be pleasing, were it possible, to 
 
 CO Comp. SIelakcth. Declam. Vit. Rcuchl. jm^^iVh. 
 Bruckeri Hist. Crit. Piiilosopliiic. Maii Vit. Joau. Reiiche, 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON, 2< 
 
 trace the formation of his religious principles 
 and modes of thinking with as much exactness 
 as we are able to detail his literary career. The 
 history of piety is even more interesting than 
 the history of genius. To discriminate with 
 accuracy the different states of the mind, to 
 ascertain the changes of feeling at successive 
 periods of early life, to witness at once the pro- 
 gressive establishment of moral character and the 
 developement of intellectual capacity, is, and 
 ever must be, highly instructive, f Melancthon 
 was endowed with a soul formed of the finest 
 materials, cast in the gentlest mould, and ever 
 ready to listen with attention to reason and 
 argument ; but in proportion as the original 
 prejudices of education had entrenched them- 
 selves in a mind delicate, discerning, and full of 
 sensibility like his, the attempt to dispossess 
 principles so dear to him, must have been diffi- 
 cult and hazardous. It is long before one, so 
 constituted, can renounce what has been held 
 sacred ; then, not without obvious and substan- 
 tial reasons., Offence is easily taken at the first 
 and most distant appearances of what is deemed 
 error, and, under favouring circumstances, in 
 an unenlightened age, an extraordinary degree 
 of superstition is the natural result. Melancthon 
 expresses, on one occasion, the pungent sorrow 
 which the recollection of his former zeal in the 
 idolatrous services of the Catholic church occa- 
 
28 LIFE OF MF.LANCTIIO.V, 
 
 sioiied.f/; It is easy to believe, therefore, that 
 he must have endured many secret conflicts, 
 manv heart-rendino^ struir2*les, previously to his 
 separation from that comntunion. The only 
 illustrative fact transmitted to us ailbrds some 
 good evidence that his convictions originated in 
 the best manner^ and that his early religious 
 views were derived from the only pure source of 
 instruction. Capnio having presented him with 
 a small Bible which had been recently printed 
 at Basil by the Vv'ell-known John Frobenius, or 
 Froben, Melancthon accustomed himself to write 
 down upon the margin such explanatory hints 
 and such useful illustrations oi^ particular pas- 
 sages, as either occurred to his own reilections 
 or could be collected from the different ancient 
 writers with whose works he was conversant ; 
 a practice which at least proves the diligent at- 
 tention he began to jDay to the sacred volume. 
 This Bible was his constant companion. He 
 never failed to carry it with him wherever he 
 went, and during the public service at church 
 constantly held it in his hand, to direct and 
 enliven his devotions. This practice furnished 
 an occasion to his bigotted and no less malignant 
 adversaries, who perceived he made use of a 
 volume of a different size from the prayer-book, 
 to represent him as eng-aged in reading even in 
 
 CfJ '* Coliorresco qiiando cogito nuouiodo ipse accessorial 
 ad statuas iu Papatu."' Ejtj)lic, Evang; P. II. p. 592. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 29 
 
 the public church, what was very unsuitable 
 both to the occasion and the place ! No efforts 
 were omitted to render him odious : but Envy 
 and Persecution waged an unequal war, and 
 were defeated, f^j 
 
 The spirit manifested on this occasion by 
 these religious barbarians perfectly harmonised 
 with the language of one of the monkish frater- 
 nity, whose preposterous ignorance and bigotry 
 have furnished a standing joke ever since the 
 Reformation. " A new language," says he, 
 '' has been invented, which is called Greek ; guard 
 carefully against it, it is the mother of every 
 species of heresy. I observe in the hands of a 
 great many people, a book written in this lan- 
 guage, which they call the New Testament; it 
 is a book full of thorns and serpents. With 
 respect to Hebrew, it is certain, my dear brethren, 
 that all who learn it are instantly converted to 
 Judaism." !!ai 
 
 After a residence of about six years, Me- 
 lancthon removed from Tubingen to the Uni- 
 versity OF WiTTEMBERG, the metropolis of 
 the Circle of Upper Saxony. In this situation 
 he was immediately introduced into a scene of 
 great labour and extensive usefulness. This uni- 
 versity was founded so recently as the year 1502^, 
 
 (g) Cam. Vit. Mei. 
 
 (h) CoNKAD DE Heresbach, cited by Gernler. 
 
so I.IFE OF JVIELANCTHO>r, 
 
 under the auspices of the Elector Frederic, who 
 spared no pains to advance it to respectability 
 and distinction. The licence of the Emperor 
 Maximilian, and the bull gi-anted by the Pope, 
 for its establishment, are still extant. CiJ The 
 celebrity of Melancthon, seconded ]>y the pow- 
 erful recommendation of Capnio, induced the 
 Elector to determine upon giving him employ- 
 ment in the university. Several letters were 
 interchanged on the subject, and the result was, 
 the formal appointment of Melancthon to the 
 Greek Professorship. Upon this occasion, Cap- 
 nio applied to him with prophetic accuracy the 
 remarkable language of Jehovah to Abraham : (k) 
 '' Get thee out of thy country, and from thy 
 kindred, and from thy father's house, unto a land 
 
 that I will shew thee and I v^ill bless thee, 
 
 and make thy name great, and thou shalt be a 
 blessing:" adding, "ihm accords v/ith the pre- 
 sentiment of my mind ; and thus I hope it will 
 be with thee hereafter, my Philip, my care and 
 my comfort!'' He went to Wittemberg on the 
 twenty-fifth day of August, in the year 1518, at 
 the age of twenty-one. (I) His name is inserted 
 
 (i) Yid. Hist. Acad.Wittebergensis, Edit. GoTifRiDo 
 Sltevo. 
 
 (k) Gen. xii. I, 2. 
 
 (I) Seckend. Hist. Luth. Lib. I. Sect. IG. Adami Vit. 
 Germ. Theologoruin. 
 
l.IFE OF MELANCTHON. Si 
 
 iii the documents of the university with marked 
 distinction, (m) 
 
 The general sensation excited at Tubingen 
 on this occasion may be imagined from the lan- 
 guage of Simlerus. '' The whole city lamented 
 his departure. No one can conceive or estimate 
 how much the Academy lost of distinction and 
 of emolument when he departed." His journey 
 was performed on horseback, by way of Nurem- 
 berg and Leipsic ; and he availed himself of the 
 opportunity of contracting a friendship v/ith 
 Picamerus, Mosellanus^ Camicianus and other 
 eminent characters. 
 
 (m) The following entrance is extracted from the Catalogue 
 of Rectors in the Hist. Acad. Witteh, d Gottfr. Suevo. 
 Rector 
 
 Johannes Stob alias GUngelyn de Wangen. Diac. €on. 
 stantiens artium ingenuar. Magister , ... d. 1 Maii^ 1518. 
 
 Ijiscripti 
 
 Inter inscriptos repei'iuntur 
 
 Illustris Princeps Dominus Dn Barnimus Stetinens. 
 
 Pomeraniifi Cassubiee Sclavorumque Dux Princeps Rugias, 
 
 Comes Gutzkoviae. 
 
 Johannes Yonder Osther, Canonicus Caminehs. 
 
 Philippus Melancthon, Artium Magister Dubingena, ds 
 Pretton. Gra^carum literarum Lector primus. 
 
 Ad latus hujus nominis quidam subsequentium Rectoriim uti 
 ex comparatione literarum apparet Paul us Ebekus haec verba 
 adscripsit : — 
 
 Fivat omne in cecum decxis unicum AcademicB hvjus et 
 Eccle^icB ornatnentum perpetuum. Sit in recordatione felici 
 et sempita-iia heata anima magni illim Melanctkonis nostri : 
 Amen. 
 
32 LIFE OF MELANCTHONi 
 
 Upon the fourth clay after his arrival at 
 Wittemberg he commenced his public duties as 
 a Professor in the customary mode of delivering 
 an oration, which attracted an unusual degree of 
 applause. Luther is lavish in his commendations, 
 and in a letter addressed to Spalatine he says that 
 it was inconceivably learned and elegant, and 
 excited such universal admiration, that every one 
 forgot the comparative meanness of Melancthon's 
 personal appearance, (n) In consequence of his 
 settlement at Wittemberg, immense numbers 
 crowded to the university, and his audience 
 sometimes amounted to fifteen, and even five 
 and twenty hundred persons, (o) He had the 
 honour of being Luther's instructor in the Greek 
 language, (p) 
 
 It is amusing enough to hear the terms in 
 which M. Baillet mentions the intimacy which 
 
 (n) " Habuit Pliilippns orationem quarto die postquam 
 venerat, plane cruclitissiraam et tcrsissimam, tanta gratia et 
 admirationc omnium ut jam non tibi id cogitandum sit : qu&. 
 ratione eum nobis commendes. Abstraximus cito opinionem et 
 visionem stature et personae et rem ipsam in eo gratulamur et 
 miramur." Luth. Ep. Tom. I. p. 81. b. 
 
 (o) Teissier Eloges des Hommes Savans, Art. Melancthon, 
 Melchior Adam says incidmially " habuit autem Melancthon 
 scBpe auditores his mille quingentos.'''* Vit. Germ. Theologorum, 
 p. 360. " Son nom penetra dans toute rAllemagne, et il eut 
 quelquefois jusqu'a deux mille cinq cents auditeurs." Chaudon 
 et Delandine Nouvcau Diet. Hist. Art. Melandhtn, 
 
 (p) Luth. Com. in c. 5. ep. ad GaL 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 33 
 
 from this iiioiiient commenced between Melanc- 
 thon and Luther* " Being called to Wittemberg," 
 says he, " in the twenty-second year of his 3,ge^ 
 Melaiicthou fell into the hands of Lnthci\ who 
 abused his easy disposition^ and availed himself 
 of all those fine talents which ought to have been 
 devoted to the service of the Catholic church P (q) 
 In truth, this was an event of the utmost 
 importance, not only in reference to these emi* 
 nent individuals themselves, but on account of 
 the influence of their ardent friendship upon the 
 Reformation in general. The profound learning 
 and cultivated taste of the one, the vigorous zeal, 
 independent spirit, and dauntless heroism of the 
 other, alike conduced to dissipate the delusions 
 of the age. Both adopted the same general 
 views ; and each was equally solicitous of remov- 
 ing that veil of Egyptian darkness which over- 
 spread the , face of the vv^orid : yet they w^ere 
 constitutionally different. The one verged to the 
 extreme of boldness, the other to that of caution ; 
 but, like Moses and Aaron among the ancient 
 Israelites, their different talents were admirably 
 suited to promote the general object. Truth 
 w'ould undoubtedly have suffered had the one 
 been less energetic and daring, or the otiier less 
 moderate, and cultivated. 
 
 Ol) B.ULLET Trait. Hist, dcs Entans dcy. Cclebres, &c. 
 p. 1^3. 
 
 D 
 
31 JAIE OF MELANCTIIOX, 
 
 It would not be difficult to speculate on the 
 ill effects likely to have resulted to the interests 
 of true leligion, if these eminent men^ instead 
 of being united in strict friendship^ had cherished 
 hostile sentiments towards each other. Thisi 
 wx)uld probably have been the case, had i\Ielanc- 
 thon contijuied a Papist, or had he promoted the 
 views of those who appeared to " halt between 
 two opinions,' Y^'J The impetuous temper and 
 resolute lirmness of Luther could endure neither 
 opposition nor neutrality. By the collision of 
 two contending parties a third was in reality 
 produced, whose leading maxim was to av^oid 
 extremes, and who were ready to make every 
 sacrifice to obtain a delusive peace or to secure 
 personal convenience. They would have aban- 
 doned what they even esteemed sacred, in order 
 to terminate this religious war f and, it is to 
 be feared, w^ould have willingly entered into 
 negociations with the advocates of error and 
 superstition, upon the principle of relinquishing 
 the conquests which Truth had already acquired,, 
 and vvdiich Conscience demanded of them never 
 to cede. At the head of this party the learned,, 
 witty, vacillating, avaricious and artful Erasmus 
 in unquestionably to be placed. / Unwilling to 
 relinquish his connection with tlie Catholics, 
 and enlist himself under the banners of the 
 Reformation, he vv^as yet too penetrating to be 
 ^norant of the abuses of Popery, or blind to its 
 
 (r) 1 KiNGSy xviii. 21v 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHO>f. 35 
 
 Excessive absilrdities ; and aware that the Re- 
 formers had reason and truth on their side, he 
 was soh'eitons, especially while the victory was 
 doubtful, of conciliating their esteem without 
 unwarily pledging himself to act a conspicuous 
 part in what he termed the Lutheran tragedy.^ 
 In consequence of this indecision he dissatisfied 
 both, and failed of acquiring the honours it 
 was in the power of Popes to bestow, and the 
 more valuable distinction v/hich they could not 
 give, but which the unbought affection of in- 
 dependent minds and holy reformers would have 
 conferred, (s) 
 
 It is obvious, that the Papists and the co- 
 adjutors of Erasmus would have been equally 
 glad of Melancthon. His influence in the uni- 
 versity of Wittemberg, and his literary fame, 
 now diffused to the extremities of the empire, 
 and swiftly circulating throughout the whole 
 civilized world, would have invigorated the 
 hostility of the one, or promoted the temporizing 
 policy of the other. It would have proved a 
 mighty bulwark of defence, which, in case of the 
 preponderance of either party, would have been 
 strength to the weak, and power even to the 
 strong. Melancthon was scarcely less detested 
 than Luther by the violent Catholics ; and 
 Erasmus, in the course of a long letter addressed 
 to him, alludes to his having exhorted him to 
 
 (s) Vid. Appendix IV. 
 d2 
 
\ 
 
 LIFE OF M ELAN €T HON- 
 
 abandon the Reformers, though lie declares Iw 
 had not very strenuously urged him to it, know- 
 ing it would be labour lost, but still he could 
 have wished he had applied himself entirely to 
 literature. His purpose^ he says, was to pro- 
 mote the good of both parties and dissuade from 
 tumults^ and he wished a reformation might be 
 made v/ithout strife or contention. 
 
 The removal of Melancthon, therefore^ to 
 Wittemberg, by which he was introduced to the 
 immediate and intimate friendship of Luther, 
 ought to be regarded as a most memorable 
 event. Luther imbosomed his feelings to this 
 new and invaluable associate^ consulting him on 
 all occasions, and anxiously availing himself of 
 his superiority in literary acquirements, (ij 
 
 Whoever is accustomed to observe the move- 
 ments and to admire the w^isdom of a superin- 
 tending Providence will mark this occurrence. 
 He vv^iii not be disposed to attribute it to a happy 
 casualty, but consider it as the result of a suj^e- 
 rior and wise arrangement. He will connect 
 it with all its circumstances, and trace it to all its 
 consequences. Accustomed to comprehensive 
 views of things, he will not resemble the ignorant 
 rustic that steps across the spring whence a 
 Nile, ail Euprates, or a Ganges originates, 
 without any emotion, and without the capacity 
 to realize those images of grandeur and sublimity 
 that present themselves in a similar situation to* 
 CO Ca3:. y it. Mel. p. o]. 
 
LIF-E OF MKL ANOTIION. ST 
 
 ihd enlightenex;! pliilosopber ; but he will pause, 
 ponder, compare, and look around him. Tlic 
 Almighty Ruler of the world proceeds in the 
 large system of his operations in a similar man- 
 ner, in some respects, to every intelligent agent 
 actino; on a smaller scale. Does the skilful archi- 
 tect prepare his materials for the building which 
 he is about to construct, and fit in each parti- 
 cular stone or ornament to its place with discri- 
 minating care ? And is there any inrprobability in 
 the belief that when the Universal Agent is about 
 to produce an extraordinary work, he prepares, 
 by a process adapted to the purpose, v/hatever 
 materials are proper for its execution ? Moral 
 operations require moral instruments, and in the 
 whole machinery of circumstances an intelligent 
 and pious mind will see much to admire. Amidst 
 the rubbish of error which had accumulated 
 century after century till the Reformation, God 
 determined to erect the temple of Truth, and 
 his providence cleared an ample space, chose 
 a variety of workmen, and reared the admir- 
 able superstructure. And as in the erection 
 of a building there m.ust be different kinds of 
 labourers, all co-operating together and all 
 essential to complete the undertaking, so it 
 was requisite, in rearing this great edifice, to 
 prepare and employ persons very differently 
 constituted, but all capable of useful co-ope- 
 ration. In this point of light it becomes ua* 
 to contemplate the preparatory course of Me- 
 
38 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 lancthon's education, the important j?tatioii he 
 filled and the celebrity he o])tained at Tubingen^ 
 and particularly his removal thence to the scene 
 of his future labours. He was selected by Pro- 
 vidence for great purposes, and qualified by a 
 suitable process for the part he was destined to 
 act. His literary fame and his vast acquirements 
 were not only of essential service, but were 
 particularly needed at that precise period when 
 they were ready for public use. Short-sighted 
 indeed or criminally blind must he be, who does 
 not perceive the same superintendence here as in 
 the guidance of Joseph to Egypt, or David ta 
 the camp of Saul. If the Reformation claimed 
 the steady efforts of true courage and inextin- 
 guishable zeal, be it remembered also, that it no 
 less required a proportion of nice discernment^ 
 and literary skill ; — if a superstition which in- 
 vested a mortal with the prerogative of infalli- 
 bility were to be attacked and levelled v\^ith 
 the dust, the ignorance which, with its charac- 
 teristic blindness, supported that superstition, was 
 at the same to be dethroned and demolished ; 
 — if old abuses were to be removed, and a new 
 order of things to be introduced and syiematized^ 
 it was desirable to find not only vigour and 
 zeal to clear avv^ay the rubbish of error, but 
 elegance of taste to clothe unwelcome noveltieji 
 v»^ith attractive beauty ; — in a word, if existing^ 
 circumstances called for a Martin Lltuer^ 
 they also demanded a Philip Melanctiion ! 
 
( 39 ) 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 A. D. 1518. 
 
 General Observations — Revival and purification of 
 the Feripatetic Philosophy by Melancthon — His 
 early labours at Wittemberg, and his increasing 
 irifluence throughout Germany — Ecdracts from his 
 Oration " de Corrigendis Adolescentice Studiis.'' 
 
 After long ages of depression, and almost 
 of total extinction, philosophy, literature, and 
 theology at length revived. It was impossible 
 that any of these should prosper during a pe- 
 riod in which the human mind was burdened by 
 innumerable supei*stitions, gigantic in magnitude 
 and ferocious in character. The mental facul- 
 ties were unable to expand or even to stir be- 
 neath the oppressive weight ; and century after 
 century rolled on, scarcely presenting any thing 
 worthy of the historian to record or the mo- 
 ralist to admire. But the sixteenth century 
 marked a new era in the calender of time, by 
 affording some facilities to the circulation of 
 thought and the com.paratively free exercise of 
 public opinion. In proportion as it became pos- 
 
40 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 sible to express sentiments and to announce dis- 
 coveries in science or religion^ without instantly 
 incurring the charge of heresy and being in- 
 evitably consigned to perpetual imprisonment 
 or deaths knovv^ledge increased and truth lifted 
 up her drooping head, (u) It is true, the imper- 
 fections which usually characterize lirst discove- 
 ries were in this instance apparent^ but the clouds 
 of prejudice and the mists of ignorance gradually 
 melted away ; objects which were blended to- 
 gether became distinctly perceived, and this 
 "morning light" of scientiiic and religious dis- 
 covery '^ shone more and more unto the perfect 
 day/YaO 
 
 To trace the almost infinitely diversified 
 causes^ remote and proximate, of this mighty 
 
 (u) This cQnsideration must be restricted to those countries 
 or places where a degree of successful resistance had been 
 opposed to papal domination, such as Germany and Switzer- 
 land; for, as we shall afterwards see, light was very far from 
 being generally diffused ^ and even at that period Copernicus, 
 an eminent astronomer, and native of Thorn, in Prussia, was 
 confined to a prison by Pope Urban VIII. for daring to main- 
 tain the solar system, and the annual and diurnal motions of 
 the earth. The celebrated Florentine Galileo, also, was twice 
 summoned before the Inquisition, and twice sent iKi grace tlie 
 cells of a prison for heretically maintaining the trvuth of the 
 Copernican system, Copernicus was born Jan. 10, 1472, and 
 expired in the seventieth year of his age, May 24, J 543., 
 Galileo was born in lo64, and died at Arcetti, near Florence^ 
 in January 1642. 
 
 (^) Pkov. iv. 18. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. ^1 
 
 change would be an interesting, tboiigh perhaps 
 a very difficult undertaking. It would be ne- 
 cessary to shew not only the effects produced 
 by the various great events that have occured 
 in the moral world upon the general state and 
 character of the particular nations whence they 
 originated, and whei-e they particularly influ- 
 enced, or upon human character in general m 
 the age in which they occurred ; but al^o the 
 manner in which they resulted from the previ- 
 ous state of mankind and affected succeeding 
 times, as well as the intimate connection and 
 reciprocal influence subsisting between them or 
 resulting from their operation. 
 
 A writer of very considerable merit (^^ J re- 
 marks, that "' A man who, without knowing 
 the nature of the course of a river, should arrive 
 on its banks, seeing it here gliding through an 
 extensive plain, there confined within narrow 
 vallies, in another place foaming beneath the 
 precipice of a cataract ; this man would take the 
 first turning where it might be concealed by a 
 projection for the origin of the river; ascending 
 higher, a new turn, the cataract, will occasion 
 the same illusion; at length he reaches its source, 
 he takes the 'mountain fi-om which it issues for 
 the first cause of the river : but he vnW soon 
 think that the sides of the mountains would be 
 
 (y) ViLLKRs on the Spirit and Influence of the UeformatioE 
 |w Lutlier, )3, 7. 
 
42 LIFE OF MELANCTHOX. 
 
 exhausted by so continual a torrent; he wiii 
 see clouds collected, the rains, without which 
 the dried mountain could not supply a spring. 
 Then the clouds become the first cause ; but it 
 was the winds which brought these here, by 
 passing over vast seas ; but it w^as the sun who 
 attracted the clouds from the sea ; but whence 
 arises this power of the sun ? Behold him then 
 soon entangled in the researches of speculative 
 physics, by seeking a cause, an absolute foun- 
 dation, from which he may finally deduce the 
 explanation of so many phenomena. 
 
 " Thus the historian who inquires what was 
 the cause which led to the reduction of the 
 authority of the popes, to the terrible thirty 
 years' war, to the humiliation of the house of 
 Austria, the establishment of a powerful opposi- 
 tion in the heart of the empire, the foundation 
 of Holland as a free state, and so of other oc- 
 currences, will at first see the origin of all these 
 events in the Reformation ; and will attribute 
 them absolutely to its influence. But urging 
 his inquiries further, he discovers that this Re- 
 formation itself is evidently only a necessary 
 result of other circumstances which precede it ; 
 an event of the sixteenth century, with which 
 the fifteenth, to use the expression of Leibnitz, 
 was pregnant; at most the cataract of the 
 
 river." 
 
 But it will be necessary to wave these con- 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 43 
 
 siderations, which, tlioiigh attractive in them- 
 iselves, do not strictly coniport with the nature 
 and design of this biographical memoii*. It 
 niay^ however, be remarked in general, that 
 by means of the art of printing in the fif- 
 teenth century the Latin Classics were easily 
 multiplied, and several learned men published 
 both the Greek and Roman writers with scholia 
 and notes. Among the labourers in this vast 
 field the name of Politiano stands pre-eminent. 
 Besides the academy at Pisa, established by Lo- 
 venso de' Medici, another and still more impor- 
 tant institution was formed at Florence^ where the 
 Greek language was taught by learned Greeks and 
 Italians, under his auspices and by his liberality. 
 Men of rank, and illustrious females also devot- 
 ed themselves to study ; of the former, Giovanni 
 Pico, of Mirandula, who at the age of twenty- 
 one, had the reputation of being acquainted 
 with twenty-two different languages ; and of 
 the latter, Cassandra Fidelis were the most re- 
 markable. But it must not be imagined that 
 this taste was universally diffused ; for though 
 the fragrant flowers of poesy grew in a few pla- 
 ces, and some fruit-bearing trees were planted 
 here and there in classic ground ; the general as« 
 pect which the world presented to the eye was 
 lliat of a thorny v/ilderness or a barren desart<. 
 The revival of letters, and the reformation 
 of religion reciprocally influenced and promoted 
 
44 LIFE OF MELANC TllOX, 
 
 each other. The reformers were convinced that 
 ignorance had been one of the principle causes 
 of the corruption of doctrine, and hence they 
 were solicitous of seeing philosophy restored to 
 its purity, and truth to her throne. The bold- 
 ness with which they attacked religious error 
 and despotism contributed to tlie advancement 
 of literature : the zeal with which some of them 
 cultivated literature by reflecting a beam of light 
 on biblical criticism, contributed to the cause of 
 religion. When the Romish church reigned 
 with unrivalled dominion in the West, she re- 
 sisted the study of the oriental and other langua- 
 ges. She decreed the faith of others upon the 
 sole authority of her popes, her councils, and 
 her charters, and too tractable slaves submitted 
 to the imposition. The attack of this system 
 demanded a knowledge of languages, of the prin- 
 ciples of sound criticism, and of sacred and pro- 
 fane antiquities. The New Testament, and the 
 Septuagint Version of the Old, required an ac- 
 curate and extensive acquaintance with Greek, 
 the study of which was particularly promoted 
 by Melancthox. The reforming spirit diffused 
 itself beyond the reformers themselves, and 
 nianv even in the bosom of the Catholic church 
 as Erasmus, Ludovicus Vives, Faber, and I\Ia- 
 rius Nizolius, censured the scholastic method 
 of philosophizing, inveighed agamst the corrup- 
 tions of the age, and assiduously cultivated ge- 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON, 45 
 
 lieral literature. Besides, the zealous supporters 
 of the Romish hieraehy finding; themselves at- 
 tacked by literary weapons so ably wielded 
 were necessiated to have recourse to measures 
 of defence, v/hich must of course consist in the 
 cultivation of all possible familiarity with letters, 
 and with ecclesiastical antiquities. /But these 
 studies were never pursued to the same extent as 
 amongst Protestants, who gave the first impulse 
 to improvement, and the finishing blow^ to the 
 massive edifice of corruption, 1 
 
 In the beginning of the ' sixteenth century 
 though the scholastic philosophy began to fall 
 into contempt, Aristotle retained a considerable 
 degree of authority. The Platonic system hav- 
 ing totally declined, the peripatetic philosophy 
 became universally victorious. The Catholics 
 zealously promoted it because of -its adaptation 
 to the defence of their system, and among the 
 Protestants many learned men were followers of 
 Aristotle, so far as their superior reverence to 
 evangelical truth would permit. On this point 
 Luther and Melancthon differed in opinion. The 
 former vrho had studied the schoolmen, at first 
 attached himself to the Nominalists, but after- 
 wards rejected the whole system with contempt. 
 Melancthon is also to be classed amongst the 
 principal supporters of this party. 
 
 The controversy which had so long sub- 
 sisted between these parlies was marked by 
 
46 L I F E OF MEL A N C T II O X. 
 
 every species of polemic, and sometimes even of 
 pug;iiistic violence. Ludovicus Vives represents 
 himself as having" been witness to disputes in 
 which after having vented upon each other 
 every species of abusive language the parties 
 proceeded to blows, and this not only with their 
 fists, but with clubs and swords, so that many 
 have been wounded and even killed ; and Ca- 
 merarius states that similar disorders prevailed 
 in the academy at Tubingen, which Melancthon 
 could scarcely suppress, (z) Erasmus in his 
 joking manner, alludes to these evils in one of 
 his epistles, '^ We are making preparations (he 
 writes) for a Vv^ar against the Turks (A.D. 1518.) 
 With what view soever this be undertaken we 
 ought to pray God that it may be profitable not 
 to a few, but to all of us in common. Should 
 we conquer them it is to be supposed (for we 
 shall hardly put them all to the sword) that 
 attempts will be made to bring them over to 
 
 (z) •• Atque non solum contentioncs et jurgia inter dissen- 
 tientes sed dimicationes etiam ac piignaj commissaB luerunt, inter- 
 dum concertationibus non tantum pertinacibus verboium sed 
 jnanuum quoque violentis. HaBc dissidia et Tubingensem Acade- 
 miam invaserant, contubernio bonarum artium et philosophise 
 Rtudiis destinato, in duo quasi castella diviso, ex quibus de 
 opinione sua factiones ill® acerrime prceliantes inimicitias graves 
 excrcebaat. Philippusqui certam doccndi disserendique rationem 
 probaret. et Aristotclica in hoc genere primas tenere inteliigeret, 
 magnificas et splendidas et amplas altevas disputationes non ama- 
 kit." Cam. Vit. Mel. p. 2^ 
 
LIF?. OF MELANCTIION. 47 
 
 Christianity, Shall we then put into their 
 hands an Occam/ a Durandus, a Scotus, a 
 Gabriel, or an Alvarus ? What will they think 
 of us (for after all they are rational creatures) 
 when they hear of our intricate and perplexed 
 subtleties concerning; instants, formalities, quid- 
 dities and relations ? What, when they observe 
 our quibbling professors so little of a mind, that 
 they dispute together till they turn pale with 
 fury, call names, spit in one another's faces, and 
 even come to blows ? What, when they behold 
 the Jabobins fighting for their Thomas, the 
 Mmorites for their most refined and seraphic 
 doctors, and the Nominalists and Realists each 
 defending their own jargon, and attacking that 
 of their adversaries ? ^\a) 
 
 When Louis XI. king of France, published 
 an edict against the Nominalists, in the year 
 1474, ordering their books to be fastened up 
 with iron chains in the libraries, that they might 
 not be read, and requiring the youth of the 
 academies to reject their doctrines, their prin- 
 cipal leaders fled into England and Germany^ 
 mid attached themselves to the Reformers, (h) 
 Luther, however, perceiving the support which 
 the scholastic philosophy afforded to the errors 
 of the Catholic church, and conceiving that 
 the logical and metaphysical sentiments»of Aris- 
 
 (a) Erasm. Epist. 329. 
 (h) Bruckeri Hist. Crit. Pliilosophiae. 
 
48 LIFE OF MELANCTIIOy* 
 
 totle incorporated with it, had occasioned all tlid 
 celebrated disputes and divisions of previou^t 
 ages, rejected both; but it is to be remarked 
 that he rather opposed the false doctrines founded 
 on Aristotle, throu<>;h the ignorance and per-^ 
 versity of mankind, than the principles of philo- 
 sophizing which he established. " I am per- 
 suaded," says he, " that neither Thomas, nor 
 all the Thomists together, ever understood a 
 single chapter of Aristotle." 
 
 At first Melancthon united with Luther in 
 condemning Aristotle, from a conviction that 
 his principles and modes of reasoning were in- 
 jurious to genuine Christianity, but he very 
 soon altered his opinion, and thought he might 
 be employed as a vahiable auxiliary in the pro- 
 pagation of truth. This circumstance has occa- 
 sioned his being much misrepresented by certain 
 writers, to whose statements, the system upon 
 which durinof his whole future life he conducted 
 the education of youth, is an ample refuta- 
 tion, (c) 
 
 (c) '* Pour ne ricn dissimuler, ill faut que je dise ici que 
 Melancthon suivit au commencement Ic l)ranle quo Luther lui 
 avoit donne : il parle mal d'Aristote ; mais il changea bientot 
 de lano-ao-e et il persevera dans la recommendation de la jilii^ 
 
 losophie de ce fondateur du Lycee On peut coniirmer 
 
 ceci par ces paroles d'Erasme^ Eput. ad Fratres German iai 
 iiiftrwris;' p. m. 2127. " Nonne Melanctlicn aliquar.uo 
 diinnavit scholar publican? Nunc hie dicit inaucanl schote 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 49 
 
 Melancthon attempted the revival of the 
 pure peripatetic philosophy, though he agreed 
 with Luther on the subject of the scholastic 
 system. In several passages of his writings 
 h6 utterly condemns the latter as generating 
 dissention rather than promoting truth; and 
 though he took Aristotle for his guide, it was 
 only in philosophical inquiries, and so far as 
 his principles might be connected with utility. 
 His devout and penetrating mind always 
 paid a superior deference to the dictates of 
 Revelation. In his oration on Aristotle, he 
 thus expresses himself, '^{j will add something 
 concerning philosophy, and the reasons for be- 
 lieving that of Aristotle to be the most useful 
 for the Church. It is agreed, I think, by all^ 
 that logic is of prime importance, because it 
 teaches method and order, it defines fitly, divides 
 justly, connects aptly, judges and separates 
 monstrous associations. j Those who are igno- 
 rant of this art, tear and mangle the subjects 
 of discourse as puppies do rags. I admire the 
 simile of Plato, who highly extols it as resem- 
 i)ling the fire which Prometheus brought from 
 heaten, to kindle a light in the minds of men 
 by which they might be able to form correct 
 
 quae bonie sunt, vitia corrigantur." Bayle Diet. HisU Art. 
 Melancthon. Note (K). Comp. Bruckeri Hist. Crit. Philoso- 
 phic, Tom. lY. 
 
 E 
 
do LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 ideas. But he does not furnish us with the 
 precepts of the art, so that we cannot dispense 
 with the logic of Aristotle. That of the Stoics 
 is not extant, and instead of being a simple 
 method of reasoning fit for the explanation of 
 profound subjects, it appears to have been a 
 complete labyrinth of intricacies, and in fact a 
 mere corruption of the art.'' (dj 
 
 Melancthon w^as considered in the German 
 schools in the fight of a common preceptor. C^). 
 Uniting the study of the Aristotelian philo- 
 sophy with ancient learning in general, the 
 ^plan which he adopted was to extract out of 
 Aristotle all that was essentially good, to illus- 
 trate it by the aids of literature and genuine 
 criticism, and to adapt it to the principles of 
 true religior^^ Cf) Nor did he follow Aristotle 
 implicitly ; whatever was valuable in the writ- 
 ings or doctrines of the Stoics and Platonics, 
 and whatever his own genius suggested, was 
 incorporated into his system. 
 
 This plan was pursued in most of the Ger- 
 man academies under the sanction both of the 
 
 (d) Melancth. Declam. Tom. III. Orat. de Aristotele, 
 
 (e) Bruckeri Hist. Crit. Philosophiae. 
 
 (f) " Eruditam philosophiam require, non illas cavillationes, 
 quibus nuUae res subsunt. Ideo dixi ununi quoddam philosophise 
 genus eHgendum esge, quod quam minimum habeat sophistices, 
 et justam methodum rctineat ; talis est Aristotelis doctriua*"'* 
 Melancth. Declam. Tom. I. de utilit, Philos, 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 51 
 
 feivil and ecclesiastical authorities, and from its 
 first promoter was denominated the Philippic 
 method. In all the Lutheran schools abridge- 
 ments of the various branches of philosophy by 
 Melancthon, composed in a familiar style^, were 
 ■constantly and for a long period taught ; of 
 this nature were his Logic, Ethics, Physics, and 
 his Treatise on the soul. Nor did he confine 
 his attention to a few subjects only^ but with 
 the most exemplary zeal and assiduity^ reduced 
 almost every art and science into a form and 
 arrangement which inconceivably abbreviated 
 the labour of the student. 
 
 Vitus Winshemius^ a very competent judge^ 
 speaks of these publications in the highest terms 
 of commendation, as shortening the Aristotelian 
 road to knowledge, (g) He characterizes their 
 author, with great propriety, as resembling the 
 industrious bee flying through the fields of uni- 
 versal science in all directions, and collecting 
 the choicest and sweetest portions from the 
 prime productions of every writer. 
 
 On various occasions Melancthon publicly 
 delivered discourses on the method of studying 
 philosophy, and his opinions were so universally 
 reverenced, that he acquired the highest fame 
 and the most useful influence. The precepts of 
 art and science had been hitherto very imper- 
 
 (g) WiNSHfiM. Oratio in Funerc Melancthonis. 
 e2 
 
52 LIFE OF MELAXCTHOJf. 
 
 fectly taiio^lit, and with a gr^at intermixture 
 of truth and error. These he systematized and 
 reduced to order: rejecting what was erroneous, 
 explaining w4iat was obscure, and arranging 
 what was confused, (h) 
 
 Several learned men from Italy and Great 
 Britain, who became tutors in the German 
 schools, and assiduously promoted the peripa- 
 tetic philosophy, materially assisted him in 
 these laudable efforts. It is to be lamented in- 
 deed, that the learned of Italy, France, England, 
 and Germany, did not totally discard Aristotle 
 as a guide, and strike out a more independent 
 plan ; but we must not despise the light though 
 it be mingled with some darkness, nor under- 
 value the labours of distinguished men, because 
 they did not undertake what we deem desirable, 
 or accomplish what is now perceived to have 
 been practicable^ 
 
 In the genuine spirit of a literary Reformer^ 
 instead of merely pursuing the course which 
 custom had prescribed or indolence would have 
 dictated, Melancthon applied his active mind 
 to the discovery of the best means of inspiring 
 a taste for literature, and of promoting the 
 ^reat ends of study. When he first arrived 
 at Wittemberg nothing could exceed the mise- 
 rable condition of philosophy and letters as well 
 
 (h) 4DAMI Vit Gem. Theol. p. 331. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 53 
 
 as of religion, so that he found an ample and 
 unoccupied field of important labour. The 
 liberal arts and sciences were sunk into the 
 most wretched state, and concealed in the 
 profoundest darkness. So completely were 
 all men plunged into abject barbarism, that 
 many, though they dared not venture upon 
 open hostility, being restrained by the autho- 
 rity of the prince, yet secretly despised and 
 disparaged learning, and slandered Melanc- 
 thon ; the printing offices did not possess any 
 copies of the Greek waitings, and the students 
 were necessitated to write out passages as they 
 were explained to them for their own use. (i) 
 
 Melancthon, with a laudable impatience, 
 instantly applied himself to the removal of these 
 evils. The desart which spread its vast and 
 cheerless extent before his eyes overgrown with 
 weeds, he was anxious by assiduous cultiva- 
 tion to convert into a literary paradise. In the 
 first year of his residence at Wittemberg he 
 read lectures to crowded auditories upon Homer, 
 and upon the Greek text of St. Paul's epistle 
 to Titus. Luther speaks of him in various 
 letters to his friends in the highest terms of 
 commendation, stating that his lectures were 
 so extremely popular, that all the principal 
 theologians attended him, and high and low 
 
 (i) WiNSHEM. Vit. Mel. Bruckeri Hist, Crit. Ph^, 
 Tom. IV. 
 
54 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 became inspired with the love of Greek. Amongst 
 other epithets, he calls him the most learned and 
 most truly Grecian y Philq^ Melancthon, (k) " He 
 is a mere boy and a stripling if you consider his 
 age; but our great man and master, if you 
 reflect on the variety of his knowledge, which 
 extends to almost every book. He is dis- 
 tinguished not only for his acquaintance, but 
 for his critical knowledge of both languages, 
 nor is he unskilled in Hebrew learning." 
 
 The excessive ardour of his mind produced 
 a considerable effect upon his constitution, and 
 the Elector Frederic addressed an affectionate 
 letter to him on the subject, wherein he admo- 
 nishes him to be careful of his health, and not 
 to exert himself too much, ofiering him the 
 best wines his cellar could produce, and re- 
 minding him of PauPs language to Timothy, 
 to " use a little wine for his stomach's sake and 
 his frequent infirmities." (I) " This," he 
 stated, " was no less obligatory than any other 
 admonition." (m) 
 
 (k) " Philippum Graecissimum, eruditissimum, humanis- 
 simum, habe commeiidatissimuin."' Luth. ad. Spalatimun.. 
 " Eruditissiraus et Gra?canicissmus Philippus Melaacthon apud 
 nos Graeca profiteur," 6cc. Ad. Langum. 
 
 (I) 1 Tim. V. 23. 
 
 (m) Van de Corput Leven ende Dood van Phil. Mel^ 
 p. 7. Amsterd. 1662. Winshem. Oratio in Funere MeJaiic-- 
 thonis. Mel. Adam. Vit, PhiJosophorum. p. J 88. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 55 
 
 Melancthon was scarcely seated in his pro- 
 fessor's chair, when he commenced an attack 
 upon prevailing prejudices, and announced a 
 plan of reform. He determined that youth 
 should study as well as frequent the university, 
 and that they should be put in possession both 
 of motives and means for this purpose. His zeal 
 appears never to have diminished through the 
 course of his long and laborious life. It was the 
 least of all his distinctions to have acquired a 
 great name, for he rendered essential service both 
 to the cause of literature and religion. 
 
 A few weeks only had elapsed since his 
 arrival at Wittemberg, when he delivered in the 
 month of October an oration, to which some 
 references have already been made, on reform- 
 ing the studies of youth, (n) He congratulates 
 them on being placed under the auspices of the 
 illustrious Frederic^ and on their numerous ad- 
 vantages for the acquisition of learning; and 
 while attentive to the various other departments 
 of human knowledge, he particularly urges them 
 to the study of the Greek writers and philoso- 
 phy; "but let no one trifle in philosophizing 
 lest he should at length totally lose sight of 
 common sense. ■ Let him rather select the best 
 things from the best authors, for the purposes 
 
 (m) Melancth. Declam. Tom. I. It is entitled "- Sermo 
 habitus cqmd Juventutem Academics WiUehergensis de Corn- 
 gendis Adulesceniics Studiis.'' 
 
56 LIFE OF«M£LANCTnOK* 
 
 of improvement both in the knowledge of nature 
 and in morals.] The study of Greek literature 
 is of essential importance ; it in fact compre- 
 hends universal science, for their writers discuss 
 morals in a most copious and appropriate manner. 
 The treatise of Aristotle on this subject, the 
 laws of Plato, and the best of their poets, may 
 be read with the utmost advantage. Homer 
 amongst the Greeks may be called a fountain of 
 knowledge ; Horace and Virgil hold a similar 
 pre-eminence amongst the Romans." 
 
 He speaks in recommendation of history as 
 calculated to direct us in the skilful management 
 of public and private affairs. 
 
 " But," he adds, " the manner in which 
 you apply to sacred studies, is of the greatest 
 importance. These, above all other pursuits, 
 require judgment, experience, and diligence ; 
 v^nd remember that the perfume of divine oint- 
 ments, so to speak, far surpasses the aromatics 
 of human literature. j Under the guidance of 
 God, the cultivation of the liberal arts will be 
 rendered subservient to sacred objects, as Syne- 
 sius intimates to Herculianus " the noblest em- 
 ployment of life, is to use philosophy as a guide 
 to divine knowledge." If this should not be 
 quite obvious to any one, let him consider that 
 brass was sent by the King of Tyre for the 
 temple of Solomon as well as superior metal ; 
 so it is in reference to theology which compre-. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 57 
 
 hends Hebrew and Greek literature, for the 
 Latins drink from these streams and sonrees, 
 and those foreign languages are requisite to be 
 known, lest we should appear nothing better 
 than ciphers amongst theologians, (o ) But there 
 the accuracies and beauties of language will be 
 seen, and the genuine sense of terms and ex- 
 pressions discovered with noontide evidence. 
 Having ascertained the literal meaning of words, 
 we shall be able to pursue the course of argu- 
 ;ment notwithstanding any frigid glosses, dis- 
 cordant comments, or other hindrances that 
 may be interposed. 
 
 " Whenever we approach the fountains of 
 truth we shall begin to grow wise in Christ, his 
 commandments will become obvious, and we 
 shall be regaled by the blessed nectar of heavenh^ 
 wisdom. When we have gathered the clusters 
 amongst " the vineyards of Engedi," the bride- 
 groom will come " leaping upon the mountains,, 
 skipping upon the hills," and with the " kisses 
 of his mouth," and the ^^ savour of his good oint- 
 ments poured forth," will anoint those who are 
 conducted into the palaces of Eden. United to 
 him we shall live and thrive, contemplating Zion 
 and Salem in the secret silence of adoration, (p) 
 Such is the fruit of celestial knowledge, which 
 
 (o) }iu(pa. 'TTpoo-uTToi literally senseless masks. 
 
 (p) The allusion is to the language of the Song (f Solomon^ 
 Qh. i. 1 4. Ch. ii. 8. et passim. 
 
58 LIFE OF ME LAN CT HON, 
 
 w ill always prove worthy of our supreme regard 
 when pure and unimpaired by human subtleties. 
 
 " The great importance then of giving.anew 
 impulse and direction to your studies, and the 
 manner in which they are likely to become 
 conducive to your mental and moral character 
 are sufficiently obvious. Who can help deploring 
 the state of our immediate predecessors, who, 
 abandoning the light of learning, plunged into 
 Tartarean darkness, and took up with the very 
 dre^-s of knowledge ? And who is not affected 
 at the lamentable state of our own times de- 
 prived by negligence of our ancient authors, 
 and of all the advantages which would have 
 accrued from their writings had they been pre- 
 served ? You should understand, therefore, the 
 difficulties which attend the acquisition of the 
 most valuable knowledge ; nevertheless, industry 
 will so overcome them, that I trust you will 
 obtain that which is of real importance with 
 far less expense of time and trouble than is 
 generally devoted to what is absolutely useless. 
 
 " Your tutors Vv^ill undertake the labour of 
 making proper selections for you, and separating 
 the frivolous from the useful in conducting you 
 to the stores of Roman and Grecian literature. 
 Let some of your leisure hours be occupied 
 especially with the latter, and I will use my 
 utmost endeavours to afford you every facility. 
 From the very lirst I shall be careful to alleviate 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 50 
 
 the laboriousness attending the gTammatical part 
 of language, by reading portions of the best 
 writei-s for ilkistration. I shall notice, in passing, 
 whatever may relate to the conduct of life, or 
 the general knowledge of obscure subjects, so 
 that by proper application we shall be able to 
 accomplish the circle of human learning, and it 
 will devolve on nie to stimulate your diligence. 
 Homer is in our hands and the Greek of Paul's 
 Epistle to Titus, and you must pay great atten- 
 tion to ascertain by the strain of the discourse, 
 the divine truths intended to be revealed. 
 
 " Here it is proper to remark, how much 
 grammatical accuracy in language conduces to 
 the knowledge of sacred mysteries, and what 
 a difference appears among commentators, some 
 of whom are versed in the Greek lansfuaofe, 
 others ignorant of it; and in various cases 
 what mistakes are the consequence. If we trifle 
 on this subject, be assured we shall inevitably 
 suffer for it. 
 
 " Enter then, O ye youths, enter upon your 
 course of wholesome instruction with this sen- 
 timent in your constant recollection, whoever 
 determinately sets ahoul a business has half accom- 
 plished it. Do not be afraid of becoming wise : 
 study the Roman anthors, but especially attach 
 yourselves to those of Greece, without the 
 knowledge of whom the former cannot be pro- 
 perly understood, and whose compositions will 
 
60 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 conduce to the knowledge of general literature, 
 and more than any others to the formation of 
 the mind to taste and elegance. I cannot help 
 anticipating the effect of your example, and 
 fancying that I can see a few years hence Ger- 
 many in various parts reviving in literature, 
 the general state of morals ameliorated, and 
 the minds of men, at present barbarously wild 
 and barren as the desart, at length tamedj sa 
 to speak, and cultivated \ 
 
 " Henceforth then you will devote yourselves 
 to study, not only for the sake of your own per- 
 sonal advantage and that of posterity, but for 
 the honour of our immortal Elector, who is by 
 universal concurrence the best of princes, and 
 has nothing more at heart than the promotion 
 of literature. For myself I am resolved to try 
 my utmost, both to accomplish the desires of 
 the most pious of princes and the success of 
 your studies. And with this design I solemnly 
 devote myself, O ye illustrious princes and 
 superintendents of this university, to your ser- 
 vice : consecrating my youth to solid learning 
 and not to useless or injurious pursuits, and 
 confidently depending upon your kindness and 
 protection^" 
 
( 61 ) 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 A.D. 1518t0 A.D. 1520. 
 
 The State df Religion — Relics-— Indulgences — Tetzel 
 ■^—Progress of the Controversy with the Court of 
 Rome — J[Ielancthon' s Narrative of Luther— Public 
 Disputation at Leipsic — Its Effects — Paper war 
 between Melancthon and Eckius — Concise but sa- 
 tisfactory Pamphlet and admirable Spirit of the 
 former. 
 
 Turning from the schools of literature to 
 the church of Christ, we find that^ in reference 
 to religion as well as science, Melancthon was 
 called to Wittemberg at a most critical junc- 
 ture. That we may duly appreciate his labours 
 and form a correct idea of the state of eccle- 
 siastical affairs, it will be requisite to glance at 
 a few preceding events. 
 
 The Catholic church was at this p'eriod 
 quiet and reposing. Though many circum- 
 stances had occurred to prepare the public mind 
 for the introduction of a new order of things — 
 though some portentous gatherings of the no 
 distant tempest might have been discernible 
 
62 tIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 to attentive observers, when not only privatd 
 persons but distinguished princes upbraided the 
 despotism, the fraud, the avarice, the extortion, 
 the licentiousness of the Popish hierarchy, and 
 even demanded a reform of abuses by means of 
 a general council, — yet the right of private judg- 
 ment vv^as not asserted, the supreme authority 
 and infallibility of the Pope in religious affairs 
 was not disputed, and the Roman Pontiff felt the 
 utmost self-consciousness of security. The com* 
 motions which had been excited in some former 
 ages by the Waldenses, Albigenses and Beghards, 
 and more recently by the Bohemians, seemed to 
 be at an end : and as in nature, the storm is fre- 
 quently preceded by a peculiar stillness diffused 
 around, when the winds are hushed into peace, 
 and not a leaf of the forest stirs — not a wave rip- 
 ples on the tranquillized surface of the lake — not 
 a bird flutters through the air to dissolve the uni- 
 versal enchantment ; — so the atmosphere of Rome 
 at this time was hushed into the profoundest 
 calm — not a breath of murmur stirred — not a 
 tongue moved — not a voice was heard to excite 
 alarm, and ecclesiastical authority lolled at per- 
 fect ease in the Papal chair. If the low mutter- 
 ings of discontent began to roll, they were too 
 distant to be heard, or too contemptible to be 
 feared. If any intimation were given of the 
 existence of rebellious feelings, they were only 
 treated with the smile of ridicule. What mortal 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 63 
 
 could storm the citadel of St. Peter, and over- 
 turn the turrets of superstition? Who dared 
 resist the well established power of Papal domi- 
 nation ? Where was a son of Jesse to be 
 found, that could hope to slay the giant in his 
 strength and glory ? — 
 
 After the execrable pontificates of Alexander 
 VI. who expired in the year 1503, and of Julius 
 II. whose sanguinary course was arrested by the 
 arm of death in the year 1512, Leo X. assumed 
 the ecclesiastical sceptre. His character was 
 in many respects different from that of his pre- 
 decessors. He was of a disposition more gentle, 
 and of a taste far more refined. Historians 
 have celebrated him as the patron of arts, 
 sciences, and literature. Learned men resorted 
 to his court, were honoured by his friendship, 
 and were employed to assist in plans for pro- 
 moting knowledge which his elegant mind 
 devised ; but he was a lover of pleasure, an 
 opponent of reform^ and a crafty politician. 
 Every means which he considered as conducive 
 to the grandeur of the Roman See he instantly 
 adopted, though at the same time he was dissi- 
 pating its treasures by a boundless luxury. 
 
 The state of religion was inconceivably de- 
 plorable, and its very foundations were sapped 
 by the substitution of public prayers to the 
 Virgin, and to saints, in the plgice of those davo- 
 tional sacrifices of the heart which arc due 
 
64 LIFE OF MELANCTIIOm 
 
 exclusively to the eternal God, (gj The bishops^ 
 and canons devoted themselves to sensuality^ 
 and even used the wealth intended for charitable 
 purposes to support their personal grandeur and 
 extravagance. They were oppressive to their 
 inferiors, and servile, as might be expected, ta 
 those from whom they had any reason to antici- 
 pate emolument or patronage. All orders of 
 the clergy, imitating their ecclesiastical supe-^ 
 riors, who copied from the luxurious court of 
 Leo, became utterly contemptible ; and as a 
 necessary consequence of these disorders, dis- 
 soluteness was associated with idleness, and 
 every religious office publicly bought and sold. 
 The discourses of those who pretended to preach, 
 consisted of fabulous tales, reports of miracles 
 and prodigies, scholastic subtleties, or grave as- 
 sertions of the necessity of obedience to the 
 decisions of the holy mother church, the merits 
 of saints, the glory of the Virgin Mary, the 
 virtue of relics, the duty of endowing churclies 
 
 (q) The Popish churches resounded with such petitions 
 as the following : 
 
 " Maria, mater gratije 
 
 Tu nos ab hoste protege 
 
 In hora mortis suscipe^ 
 
 ct 
 
 Sancta Dorothea, cor mundimi in me crea ! 
 
 Sancta Catharina ab astu mundi transfer nos ad amasha 
 
 Paradisi! cqyerijanuas Paradisi!'''' 
 
 Vid, Melancth. Declam. Tom. VI. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 65 
 
 ahd monasteries, the flame of purgatory, tho 
 utility of indulgences and other topics equally 
 edifying! A monk of the Franciscan order 
 at Basil, assured his audience from the pulpit, 
 that Scotus had rendered greater services to 
 the church than St Paul! (r) 
 
 Luther says of the monks, ^'' Their fasting 
 is more easy to them than our eating is to 
 us. To one fasting day belonged three days 
 of devouring. Every friar to his evening col- 
 lation has two quarts of beer, a quart of wine, 
 spice cakes or bread prepared with spice and 
 salt, the better to relish their drink. Thus 
 went these poor fasting brethren, they grew 
 so pale and wan that they v/cre like the fiery 
 angels,''^ (s) 
 
 There existed a particular order of friars 
 in Italy, called Fratres Ignoranticey that is. 
 Brethren of Ignorance, They were obliged to 
 take solemn oaths that they would neither 
 know, learn, nor understand any thing at all, 
 but answer all questions with the word Nescio. 
 Truly, said Luther, all friars are well worthy 
 of that title, for they only read and babble out 
 words, but feel no concern to understand ihem. 
 They say, although we understand not the 
 Words, yet the Holy Ghost understands them, 
 and the devil flies away. This was the friars' 
 
 (r) HOTTIXG. Hist. Eccles. Tom. IV. p. 383, 
 (s) CouoQ. Mensal. p. 413. 
 F 
 
66 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 highest argTiment who are enemies to all liberal 
 arts and learning, for the Pope and the Car- 
 dinals conclude thus : " Should these brethren 
 study and be learned, they would master us, 
 therefore mccum 2^er neccian, i. e. hang a hag 
 or sack about their necks, and send them begging" 
 through cities, towns, and countries." (t) 
 
 But something worse than ignorance attached 
 to the monkish fraternity, of which two no- 
 table instances mentioned by Luther, will abun- 
 dantly satisfy the reader. In the monastery 
 at Isenach, says he, stands an image which I 
 have seen. When a wealthy person came thi- 
 ther to pray to it, (it was Mary with her child,) 
 the child turned away his face from the sinner 
 to the mother, as if it refused to give ear to 
 his praying, and was therefore to seek media- 
 tion and help of Mary the mother. But if 
 the sinner gave liberally to that monastery, then 
 the child turned to him again ; and if he pro- 
 mised to give more, then the child, shewed 
 itself very friendly and loving, and stretched 
 out its arms over him in the form of a cross. 
 But this image was made hollow within, and 
 prepared with locks, lines, and screws ; and 
 behind it stood a knave to move them, and so 
 were the people mocked and deceived, taking 
 it to be a miracle wrought by divine provi- 
 dence ! 
 
 (t) CoLLOQ, Mensal. p. 415> 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. C? 
 
 A Dutchman making his confession to a 
 mass-priest at Rome^ promised by an oath to 
 keep secret whatever the priest should impart 
 to him till he came into Germany^ upon which 
 the priest gave him a leg of the ass on which 
 Christ rods into Jerusalem, very neatly bound up 
 in a silken cloth^ and said, " This is the holy relic 
 on which the Lord Christ did corporeally sit, 
 and with his sacred legs touched this ass's leg ! " 
 The Dutchman was wonderfully pleased, and 
 carried the holy relic v^^ith him into Germany, 
 and when he came upon the borders, boasted of 
 his holy possession in the presence of four others 
 of his comrades, at the same time shewing it 
 to them ; but each of the fqur having also re- 
 ceived a leg from the priest and promised the 
 same secrecy, they inquired with astonishment 
 " whether that ass had Jive legs?" — By the 
 way, they forgot that the latter would have 
 been much less of a miracle than the former. 
 
 A Dutch schoolmaster in contempt of a 
 shameless friar, who had expressed his dislike 
 of the liberal arts and sciences, gave his school- 
 boys this Latin for an exercise, monachiis a 
 devil, diabolus a friar, (u) 
 
 The subject of sacred relics is inexhaustible, 
 but w^e shall only add a few words. Spalatiiie, 
 the celebrated secretary of Frederic, Elector 
 of Saxony, drew up a curious catalogue of 
 
 (u) CoLLOQ. Mens. p. 315 & 326. 
 
 F 2 
 
68 LIFE OF MELANCTHON* 
 
 sacred relics preserved in the principal church 
 at Wittemberg. It contained the enormous 
 number of nineteen thousand three hundred and 
 seventy-four. Previously to the more correct 
 ideas of religion which he received from Luther;, 
 the Elector was a great collector of these ra- 
 rities. But the relics in the churches of Hall 
 were still more curious, fo?^ These precious 
 specimens of superstition are of very high anti- 
 quity. In the year 359, the Emperor Con- 
 slantius caused the remains of St. Andrew and 
 St. Luke to be removed to the temple of the 
 Twelve Apostles at Constantinople, from which 
 precedent the search for saints and martyrs, 
 whose bodies were supposed to possess extra- 
 ordinary virtues, became general. The wonder 
 seems to be how a sufficient number could 
 be procured, to serve even by piecemeal for 
 so many ages and churches ; but this apparent 
 difficulty is solved by father John Ferand, 
 who asserts, that " God was pleased to multiply 
 and re-produce them for the devotion of 
 the faithful." Instead of swelling the inven- 
 tory to thousands, a specimen of a few may 
 afford the reader some data by which to 
 ascertain whether the probability is that they 
 were multiplied by divine omnipotence^ or by 
 human credulity, 
 
 W SiiCttEND. Hist LutL Lib. L p. 221-223. Lib. IIL 
 p. 372. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 69 
 
 " The rod of Moses with which he performed his miracles. 
 
 " A feather of the angel Gabriel. 
 
 " A finger of a cherub. 
 
 " The slippers of the antediluvian Enoch. 
 
 " The spoon and pap dish of the Holy Child. 
 
 " A lock of hair of Blary Magdalene. 
 
 " A tear our Lord shed over Lazarus,, preserved by an angel 
 
 who gave it in a phial to Mary Magdalene. 
 '" One of the coals that broiled St. Lawrence, 
 " The face of a seraph with only part of the nose, 
 " Thesnoutofa seraph^ supposedtobelongto the defective face. 
 " Some of the rays of the star that appeared to the magi,^'* 
 
 The bishop of Mentz^ says Luther, C0 
 boasted that he had a flame of the bush which 
 Moses beheld bukning ! 
 
 The necessity of some reform of abuses, 
 even the more enlightened Catholics them- 
 selves admitted, but they had no conception of 
 the extent to which it was about to bo 
 carried, and which is v/orthy the most atten- 
 tive consideration. Man usually employs great 
 means to accomplish insignificant purposes; 
 but God produces the greatest effects by the 
 smallest apparent effort. Hence there is a 
 characteristic difference between divine and 
 human methods of operation, which was never 
 more remarkably conspicuous than in the 
 history of the Reformation. Never, conse- 
 quently, did any v/ork exhibit more visible 
 traces of a divine interposition, 
 
 (y) CoLLOQ. Mensal. p. 314. 
 F 3 
 
70 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 When Leo X. took the Papal chair, he 
 found the revenues of the church exhausted by 
 the vast projects and ambitious enterprizes of 
 his immediate predecessors, and not only was 
 he naturally disinclined to economize, and libe- 
 ral in his encouragement of the arts and learned 
 men, but extremely desirous of aggrandizing 
 the Medicean family, of maintaining a splendid 
 establishment, and of contributing to the exte- 
 rior magnificence of the Catholic church. 
 Julius II. had granted indulgences to all who 
 contributed to the building of the church of 
 St. Peter at Rome, and under the same pretext 
 Leo adopted a similar plan of obtaining money, 
 ^* Pope Leo X.," says Sleidan, " making use 
 of that power which his predecessors had 
 usurped over all Christian churches, sent abroad 
 into all kingdoms his letters and bulls, w^ith 
 ample promises of the full pardon of sins, and 
 of eternal salvation to such as would purchase 
 the same with money ! '^ 
 
 It is obvious that the multiplication of 
 crimes in a superstitious and dissolute age, 
 would be proportionate to the facility of ob- 
 taining pardon. It had been a practice in the 
 different governments of Europe, to allow the 
 payment of a fine to the magistrate, by way of 
 compounding for the punishment due to an 
 offence. The avaricious and unprincipled court 
 of Rome adopted a similar plan in religious 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 71 
 
 concerns^ and intent only on the augmentation 
 of revenue it even rejoiced in the degradation 
 of the human mind and character. The 
 officers of the Roman chancery published a 
 book containing the exact sum to be paid for 
 any particular sin. A deacon guilty of murder 
 was absolved for twenty crowns. A bishop 
 or abbot might assassinate for three hundred 
 livres. An ecclesiastic might violate his vows 
 of chastity even with the most aggravating 
 circumstances for the third part of that sum. 
 To these and similar items^ it is added, " Take 
 notice particularly that such graces and dis- 
 pensations are not granted to the poor, for 
 not having wherewith to pay they cannot he cor/i" 
 forted:' (z) 
 
 The origin of indulgences is to be traced 
 to a time far antecedent to the period now 
 under review. They were resorted to in the 
 twelfth century for the purpose of private emo- 
 lument, the bishops assuming to themselves this 
 dispensing power, whenever they wanted money 
 for their private pleasures, or for the exigencies 
 of the church. They soon became a source 
 of inexhaustable opulence, and the abbots and 
 monks who did not possess the same authority,. 
 
 (z) Taxa Cancellar Romans. This book was first 
 printed at Rome, in 1514, and at Cologne ihe Mowing year. 
 Consiilt ScHELHORNii Ama?nit. Literar. Francof. ll'ZS,. 
 Vol. IL 369. Balye. Art. Banck and Ttippius. 
 
 k 4 
 
72 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 but quite as much avarice and crafty invented 
 the counterpart of this plan by carrying about 
 the relics of saints in solemn procession, and 
 permitting the infatuated multitude to touch 
 and kiss them for certain stipulated prices. 
 
 The Roman pontiffs soon interposed to ahare 
 this profitable traffic of indulgences with the 
 bishops, and at length to appropriate it to 
 themselves. And with strange temerity they 
 ventured not only to publish plenary remission 
 for all temporal penalties^ but for all the 
 punishments predicted for transgressors in a 
 future state of existence. The first pretence to 
 justify this proceeding, was the holy war carried 
 on by European princes against the infidels of 
 Palestine, but this benefit was very soon ex- 
 tended to less important occasions. 
 
 The monstrous doctrine thus originated was 
 modified and embellished by Saint Thomas in 
 the following century, and contained these pro- 
 positions, " that there existed an immense 
 treasure of merits composed of the pious deeds 
 and virtuous actions which the saints had per- 
 formed beyond what was necessari/ for their own 
 salvation, and which were therefore applicable 
 to the benefit of others : that the guardian and 
 dispenser of this precious treasure was the 
 Roman pontiff, and that of consequence he 
 was empowered to assign to such as he thought 
 proper a portion of this inexhaustable source 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 73 
 
 of merity suitable to their respective guilt, and 
 suflScient to deliver them from the punishment 
 due to their crimes." (a) 
 
 In the pontificate of Leo X. Albert, Elector 
 of Metz, and archbishop of Magdeburg, who 
 was soon afterwards made a cardinal, (h) had 
 the commission for dispensing indulgences in 
 Germany, and enjoyed a considerable share of 
 the profits. His agent in Saxony was John 
 Tetzel, a Dominican friar, a profligate in his 
 morals, but a man of popular eloquence, and 
 what was still better for the purpose, of most 
 consummate effrontery. He carried on a very 
 extensive traffic in indulgences, in consequence* 
 of offering them to the ignorant multitude at a 
 very low price. He boasted that " he bad 
 saved more souls from hell by his indulgences, 
 than St. Peter had converted to Christianity 
 by his preaching." He affirmed, if any man 
 purchased them, his soul may rest secure re- 
 specting its salvation — that the souls purchased, 
 as soon as the money tinkles in the chest, 
 escape and ascend to heaven— and that the 
 cross erected by the preachers of indulgences, 
 was as efficacious as the cross of Christ itself. — • 
 The usual form of absolution by Tetzel, was as 
 follows, " May our Lord Jesus Christ have 
 mercy upon thee, and absolve thee by the 
 
 (a) MosHEiM. Eccles, Hist. Vol. HI, p. 86, 8vo, 
 
 (b) DupiN's Eccles. Hist. B. II. Cli. 1. 
 
74 LIFE OF MELANCTHOX. 
 
 merits of his most holy passion. And I, by 
 his authority, that of his blessed apostles Peter 
 and Paul and of the most holy Pope^, granted 
 and committed to me in these parts, do absolve 
 thee, first from all ecclesiastical censures, in 
 whatever manner they have been incurred, and 
 then from all thy sins, transgressions and ex- 
 cesses, how enormous soever they may be, even 
 from such as are reserved for the cognizance of 
 the Holy See ; and as far as the keys of the 
 holy church extend, I remit to thee all punish- 
 ment which thou deservest in purgatory on 
 their account, and I restore thee to the holy 
 sacraments of the church, to the unity of the 
 faithful and to that innocence and purity which 
 thou didst possess at baptism ; so that when thoii 
 diest the gates of punishment shall be shut, and 
 the gates of the paradise of delights shall be 
 opened, and if thou shalt not die at present, 
 this grace shall remain in full force when thou 
 art at the point of death. In the name of the 
 Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy 
 Ghost." 
 
 The audacious Tetzel was particularly suc- 
 cessful in his impious traffic in the neighbour- 
 hood of Wittemberg, a circumstance which 
 roused the righteous spirit of Luther to a de- 
 termined opposition. He declaimed both pub- 
 licly and privately against the vices of the 
 monks who published indulgences, and pointed 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 75 
 
 out to the people from the pulpit^ the danger of 
 relying on any other means of salvation than 
 those which God himself had appointed in his 
 word. Luther was at that time about thirty- 
 four years of age, and a professor of theology 
 and philosophy in the University of Wittem- 
 berg. On the thirtieth of September, 1517, 
 he maintained publicly at Wittemberg ninety- 
 five propositions against indulgences, by which 
 he opened the long and glorious campaign 
 which eventually secured the rights of con- 
 science, and established the cause of protes- 
 tantism. 
 
 These propositions which were affixed to 
 the church adjoining the castle of Wittemberg, 
 were much welcomed, and obtained a wide and 
 rapid circulation in Germany. The Augusti- 
 nians, particularly the prior and sub-prior of 
 the monastery, endeavoured to dissuade Luther 
 from thus exposing himself and his order to 
 danger, but nothing could extinguish or abate 
 his zeal. Tetzel soon afterwards published two 
 theses against the Reformer at Frankfort, the 
 former consisting of a hundred and six pro- 
 positions, the latter of fifty, but all deduced 
 from one general principle, as liberal and as 
 enlightened as a Catholic commissioner of in- 
 dulgences might be expected to assume, 
 namely, the Pope's infallibility. As a further 
 incontestible proof of victory over his opponent^ 
 
76 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 he committed his writings to the flames. The 
 students of the University at Wittemherg in- 
 stantly resented the indignity, very much to 
 the dissatisfaction of Luther and totally without 
 the knowledge of the elector, senate, or rector, 
 by treating Tetzel's propositions in a similar 
 manner. The controversy, however, was for 
 a long period entirely of a private nature, and 
 Luther himself relinquished his prejudices in 
 favour of the hierarchy slowly and reluctantly. 
 His letters to the Pope and the bishops were 
 expressed in respectful, and even in submissive 
 terms, for no one was less aware than himself 
 of the great work he was employed by Pro- 
 vidence to accomplish. 
 
 Some of his Augustinian brethren differed 
 from Luther respecting several of his doctrines, 
 which determined him to embrace the favour- 
 able opportunity of an annual meeting of the 
 order at Fleidelberg, in the summer of 1518, to 
 pubhsh and publicly defend his sentiments on 
 justification, faith, good works, and other theolo- 
 gical topics. The effect produced by this discus- 
 sion was considerable, especially upon the minds 
 of two persons afterwards distinguished in the 
 annals of the Reformation, Martin Bucer and 
 John Brentius. 
 
 In the course of the same year three power-, 
 ful antagonists arose, Silvester, Prierio, master 
 of the Apostolic palace at Rome, James Hoog- 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. t7 
 
 straat, an inquisitor of Louvain^ and John Ec- 
 kius, professor of divinity^ and vice-chancellor 
 at Ingolstadt. In his controversies with these 
 dignified ecclesiastics, he displayed the most 
 intrepid firmness of character, and an in- 
 creasing knowledge of the truth. In reply to 
 Prierio's extravagant representations of the 
 Pope's power and of his superiority to a general 
 council, he exclaims, " If such are the sentiments 
 entertained at Rome, happy are they v/ho have 
 separated from the church and are gone out 
 from the midst of that Babylon ! Cursed are 
 they who hold communion with her ! If the 
 Pope and cardinals do not check this mouth of 
 Satan and compel him to recant, 1 solemnly 
 declare before them that I dissent from the 
 Romish church, and renounce her Vv^ith the 
 Pope and cardinals as the abomination of the 
 holy place." 
 
 Leo. X. reclining upon the lap of sensuality 
 and indolence, cheered by the beams of pros- 
 perity, and lulled by the echoes of parasitical 
 adulation into luxurious repose, took no notice 
 of the progress of opinion in Germany. He 
 expected that the contentions which had arisen 
 would cease of themselves, and like a few bubbles 
 en the surface of a stream produced by some 
 temporary and slight agitation of the waters 
 would gradually, and without any interference, 
 disappear. When Prierio referred to the here- 
 
78 LIFE OF MELANCTHON\ 
 
 sies of Luther^ he replied with the utmost indif- 
 ferenee, Che fra Martino aveva un heUissimo 
 ingegnOy et die coteste erano invidie fratesche, 
 " Martin is a man of talents^ but these are 
 only the squabbles of monks." The moment 
 however the innumerable reports which he heard 
 of the fatal divisions of Germany^ and especially 
 a letter from the Emperor Maximilian I. on the 
 subject^ convinced him of his mistake^ he became 
 infuriated^ and acted with a precipitancy no less 
 conducive than his previous indilFerence to the 
 advantage of the reformed cause. He sum- 
 moned Luther to appear before him at Rome 
 within sixty days^ to answer for his heresy in 
 the presence of select judges^ of whom Prierio 
 was nominated as one. 
 
 Frederic^ justly surnamed the wise^ adopting 
 the only measure that could have successfully 
 averted the impending danger represented to 
 the pontiff that Luther's cause belonged exclu- 
 sively to the jurisdiction of a German tribunal, 
 and ought to be decided by the ecclesiastical 
 laws of the empire. This induced the Pope to 
 refer the case to Cardinal Cajetan, a Dominican, 
 and his legate at that time at the diet of Augs- 
 burg. In a letter dated the eleventh of October, 
 addressed to Melancthon from this place^, w^hich 
 evinces at once the ardour of his friendship and 
 the peculiarity of his situation , Luther thus 
 expresses himself : '' There is nothing; my dear 
 
I>JFE OF MELANCTIION. T9 
 
 Philip, new or remarkable here, unless it be that 
 the whole city is full of the rumour of my name, 
 and every one is desirous of seeing this new 
 Erostratus, the incendiary. Persevere manfully 
 in what you are doing for the right instruction 
 of youth ; for mj part I am ready, if such be 
 the will of God, to suffer any thing for you and 
 for them. I would rather die, and lose for ever^ 
 what would indeed be a most painful privation, 
 your delightful society, than recant any part 
 of the truth I have spoken, or furnish those 
 with an occasion of disparaging the most im- 
 portant studies, who are both the silliest and 
 the bitterest enemies of sound learning. Italy 
 is plunged into the profoundest Egyptian dark- 
 ness, all are ignorant of Christ and the things 
 that are Christ's, Yet these are the lords and 
 masters of our faith and morals! Thus the 
 anger of God is evinced in the accomplishment 
 of that prediction ; ^ I will give children to be 
 their princes, and women shall rule over them,' 
 Farewell, my dear Philip, and pray fervently 
 that the divine displeasure may be averted." Cc) 
 Luther held three different conferences with 
 the cardinal in the month of October, but to no 
 purpose : after which, Charles Miltitz, a Saxon 
 knight belonging to the court of Leo, and well 
 qualified for such a commission by prudence and 
 
 00 LuTH» Op, Tom. L p. 163, 
 
80 LIFE OF MELANCTnOS% 
 
 sagacity^ was sent to supersede Cajetam. (d) 
 At liis first conference in the year IdlO^ at 
 Altenburg, lie succeeded so far as to persuade 
 Luther to write a submissive letter to Rome, 
 and after two other interviews great expec- 
 tations were entertained of a speedy and com- 
 plete reconciliation. Happily the inconsiderate 
 violence of the Papal advocates defeated these 
 hopes^ and stimulated Luther and his followers 
 to still greater diligence in the investigation of 
 truths and to increased activity in the propa- 
 gation of it. 
 
 The origin and early progress of this extra- 
 ordinary controversy^, together with the motives 
 which influenced the great heresiarch of the 
 sixteenth century, are so admirably stated by 
 Melancthon in his preface to the second volume 
 of Luther's works, that the substance of it 
 cannot with propriety be omitted in this nar- 
 rative. 
 
 " The Reverend Martin Luther gave 
 us reason to hope, that in the preface to this part 
 of his writings, he would furnish a narrative of 
 
 (d) For tlie dou])Ie purpose of conciliating the Elector 
 of Saxony, and avoiding the humiliating appearance of sending 
 a messenger expressly to treat with Luther, the Pope sent 
 the golden or consecrated Rose to Frederic, by Miltitz, which 
 was an annual present to some distinguished favourite of the 
 court of Rome. It Avas received, however, with coldaessj' 
 and even contempt. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON, 81 
 
 his own life^ and of the occasions of those con- 
 tests in which he was engaged : and he would 
 have done it^ if, before this volume was printed 
 he had not been called from this mortal life to 
 the eternal society of God and the heavenly 
 church. A clear exposition of his private life 
 would have been peculiarly useful, for it abounded 
 with profitable examples for the confirmation 
 of the pious, and the admonition of posterity. 
 It would also have refuted the calumnies of 
 those who insinuate, that he was excited by 
 princes or others to undermine the dignity of 
 bishops, or that he was animated through the 
 expectation of private gain to break the bonds 
 of monastic servitude. 
 
 " The parents of Martin Luther originally 
 lived in the town of Eisleben, where Martin was 
 born, and afterwards removed to MaUvsfeldt, in 
 which place his father became a magistrate and 
 obtained the highest reputation for his integrity. 
 His mother was remarkable for every virtue, and 
 especially for the fear of God and a devotional 
 spirit. They were peculiarly diligent in their 
 daily instructions to educate their son in the. 
 knowledge and fear of God, and in a proper 
 sense of every duty. Luther was placed under 
 the tuition of a pious tutor at the school of 
 Eisleben, and at the age of fourteen was re- 
 moved to Magdeburg, along with John Reineck^ 
 who afterwards rose to considerable distinction, 
 
 G 
 
82 LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 
 
 and with whom he formed a lasting friendship. 
 In the coui'se of a year he was sent to the school 
 of Eisenach, where he applied to grammatical 
 studies w^ith the utmost diligence. He far sur- 
 passed his school-fellows in talent, especially in 
 eloquence and copiousness of language, both in 
 prose and poetical compositions. Captivated 
 with the love of literature he panted for acade- 
 mical instruction, and if he had met with suit- 
 able teachers, his capacity would have enabled 
 him to go through all the sciences; nor is it 
 improbable that the milder studies of a sound 
 philosophy and a careful habit of elaborate com- 
 position, might have been useful in moderating 
 the vehemence of his natural temper. But at 
 Elrfurt he w^as introduced to the thorny logic of 
 the age, which his penetrating genius soon com- 
 pletely understood. Eager for knowledge he 
 was not satisfied w^ith this, but hastened to read 
 Cicero, Virgil, Livy, and most of the Roman 
 writers ; w^hom he studied not as boys do for 
 the sake of the words, but for instruction. He 
 entered into the meaning and spirit of the 
 authors, and as his memory was tenacious, al- 
 most every thing he read was ready for use. 
 Thus, even in his early youth he excited the 
 admiration of the vv^hole university. 
 
 "- Having taken the degree of master of arts 
 at the age of twenty, his relations urged him 
 to embrace the proie^;sion of the law, thiuking* 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 83 
 
 that his genius and eloquence might be em- 
 ployed advantageously to the state, but he very 
 soon disappointed their wishes by entering the 
 Augustinian monastery at Erfurt. There he 
 not only pursued ecclesiastical studies with the 
 closest attention, but submitted to the severest 
 discipline, and far surpassed others in the various 
 exercises of reading, disputation, fasting, and 
 prayer. As he was neither small in person nor 
 feeble in constitution, I have been astonished at 
 the small quantities of food he required, for I 
 have known him when in perfect health, neither 
 eat nor drink four days successively, and for a 
 considerable length of time subsist on a slight 
 allowance of bread and a herring day after day. 
 
 '^ The occasion of his commencing that 
 course of life, which he considered most suit- 
 able to piety and sacred learning, was this, as he 
 related it himself, and as many know. When 
 deeply meditating on the w^onderful instances 
 of divine wn^ath and judgment, he was frequently 
 so alarmed, that he was ready to die with terror. 
 I saw him once wrought up to such a pitch of 
 feeling in the course of an argument on some 
 doctrinal point, that he threw himself on a bed 
 in a neighbour's chamber, and amidst the most 
 fervent supplications, frequently exclaimed, ' he 
 hath concluded all under sin, that he might have 
 mercy upon all.' 
 
 '^ It was not poverty, therefore^, but religion 
 g2 
 
84 LIFE OF MELANfTIION'. 
 
 which induced him to seek a monastic Hfe^ in 
 which though Jils proficiency in scholastic learn- 
 ing, and his skill in the inextricable labyrinths 
 of disputation were remarkable, yet as he was 
 rather in quest of solid improvement than of 
 fame, he regarded these pursuits as only orna- 
 mental and subordinate. He eagerly resorted 
 to the fountains of heavenly knowledge, that is, 
 the writings of the prophets and apostles ; that 
 he might ascertain the will of God and have 
 his faith established upon the firmest evidence. 
 To this he was the more disposed, in conse- 
 quence of those anxieties which preyed upon 
 his mind. 
 
 '^ lie used to relate that an elderly priest in 
 the monastery at Erfurt, to whom he explained 
 his feelings, consoled him by discoursing on the 
 nature of faith, and directing his attention to 
 the article in the creed, ' I believe in the remis- 
 sion of sins.' This he interpreted not merely 
 as implying a general belief, for such a faith 
 even devils possess, or a conviction that some 
 persons of peculiar excellence as David or Peter 
 are pardoned, but that it was the divine com- 
 mand that each individual should personally 
 appropriate the doctrine. This interpretation 
 he confirmed by a reference to St. Bernard, and 
 to the language of St. Paul, ' We are justified 
 by faith.' Luther was thus led to pay greater 
 attention to the doctrine of justification by 
 
LIFE OP MELANCTHOX. 85 
 
 faith, so much inculcated by Paul ; and hy the 
 study of the different passages on this subject 
 in the writings of the prophets and apostles, 
 accompanied by daily prayer^ he acquired in- 
 creasing light. 
 
 " At that period he began to read the works 
 of Augustine, where, particularly in his com- 
 mentary on the Psalms and his book concerning 
 the Spirit and the Letter, he found many 
 decisive passages which confirmed his idea of 
 faith and afforded him much consolation. Nor 
 did he altogether relinquish the Sententiarii. 
 He was studious of Occam, Gerson, and others, 
 and some of their writings he could almost re» 
 peat by heart, but Augustine was his favourite 
 author. 
 
 '- Staupitz, who was anxious to promote 
 theological studies in the recent academical 
 establishment at Wittemberg, recommended 
 Luther to a professorship in 1508, in the 
 twenty-sixth year of his age. His genius was 
 soon noticed in the daily exercises, especially 
 by Martin Mellerstadius, who plainly predicted 
 the mighty change he was likely hereafter 
 to accomplish in the current doctrine of the 
 schools. 
 
 " Here he expounded the logic and physics 
 of Aristotle, but continued to pursue his theo- 
 lop:ical studies. Some time afterwards he went 
 to Rome to settle a dispute with the monks^ and 
 
S6 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 upon bis return the degree of Doctor of Divinity 
 was conferred upon him at the cxpence of the 
 Elector Frederic, who had heard him preach 
 and admired the force of his genius, his nervous 
 language, and the excellent matter of his dis- 
 courses. 
 
 *' Afterwards be expounded the Psalms and 
 the epistle to the Romans in such a lumi- 
 nous manner, that truth seemed to arise with 
 Slew splendour after a long and cloudy night. 
 He pointed out the distinction between the law 
 and the gospel, lie refuted the Pharisaical error 
 at that time inculcated both in the schools and 
 the pulpit, that men may merit the remission of 
 sin by their own works and become righteous 
 before God. Thus he directed the minds of men 
 to Jesiis Christ, and like John the Baptist, 
 pointed to the Lamb of God who taketh away 
 the sins of the world, 
 
 "■ This revival of important truth procured 
 liim a very extensive authority, especially as his 
 conduct corresponded with his instructions, and 
 these proceeded not merely from the lip, but 
 from the heart. This purity of life produced a 
 great effect upon the minds of his hearers, and 
 the old proverb was verified cry^^^ov, coo uiriiv 
 Kv^ioTijTci Ti)v evH TTiciv TO ))9og. ' Vu'tue malvCS 
 the speech persuasive.' Wherefore many worthy 
 men influenced by the excellence of his doctrine 
 and the sanctity of his character, were afterwards 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 87 
 
 induced to comply with some of the changes 
 which he introduced in certain eslabiished cere- 
 monies. 
 
 " Not that Luther at that time meditated 
 an innovation upon the customary observances, 
 or broached any alarming opinions, but he was 
 illustrating more and more the doctrines so 
 essential to all, of repentance, the remission of 
 sins, faith, and salvation by the cross of Christ. 
 Every pious mind was charmed with these lovely 
 truths, and the lec^rned were pleased to see Christy 
 the prophets and apostles, brought as it were, 
 out of darkness, mourning and imprisonmnent, 
 and the differences between the law and the 
 gospel, between philosophy and evangelical 
 doctrine estabhshed, nothing of which was to 
 be discerned in Thomas Aquinas, Scotus, and 
 other scholastics. Add to this, the study of the 
 Greek and Latin languages was promoted by 
 the v\^ritings of Erasmus, and many persons of 
 cultivated minds began to despise the barbarism 
 of the schools. Luther himself studied Greek 
 and Hebrew, that he might enjoy access to the 
 fountains of sacred wisdom. 
 
 " Such was the course which Luther was 
 diligently pursuing at the moment when the 
 impudent Dominican Tetzel published his pros- 
 titute indulgences in these parts ; and so irri- 
 tated was Luther by Tetzel's impious discourses^ 
 and so inflamed with the love of pure religion^ 
 
88 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 that he issued those propositions concerning in- 
 dulgences which are inserted in his woi*ks. 
 These he posted up in Wittemberg on the day 
 of the feast of All Saints, in the year 1517. 
 Tetzei, hoping to ingratiate himself into the 
 favour of the Roman pontiff, immediately con- 
 voked his monks to assist him in writing 
 against Luther. But this did not satisfy him. 
 He thundered against Luther as a heretic, and 
 publicly committed his propositions to the 
 flames, threatening a similar fate to their author. 
 This conduct compelled Luther to discuss the 
 subjects of difference at greater lengthy in sup- 
 port of the Truth. 
 
 " In this manner the great controversy 
 commenced, vv^hen Luther did not in the least 
 suspect or dream of the change about to be 
 accomplished, nor indeed of even rooting out 
 indulgences. It is therefore calumnious in those 
 who say that he only made use of this affair as 
 a plausible pretext to subvert the establishment, 
 and to introduce himself and his friends into 
 power. So far from this, the Elector Frederic 
 in particular beheld these contentions with 
 &orrov»', and acted with extreme caution. Fre- 
 deric was distinmiished above all his contem-* 
 porary princes as a lover of peace, neither 
 stimulating nor even applauding Luther, and 
 frequently expressing his apprehensions of future 
 discords. But he was a wise man, by no nieaiiS 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 89 
 
 disposed to follow the advice of those who are 
 for crushing every innovation in the bud, but 
 rather regarding the admonitions of heaven, to 
 listen to the gospel, and not resist the truth. 
 He read the word of God for himself, and sub- 
 mitted to its authority. I know, too, that he 
 often asked wise and good men to give their 
 opinion ; and particularly at Cologne, at the 
 time of the coronation of Charles V. he af- 
 fectionately urged Erasmus to speak freely on 
 the subject of Luther and the existing con- 
 troversies. To which Erasmus replied, ' Luther 
 is right in his sentiments, but he wants more 
 mildness.' Frederic took occasion afterwards 
 to exhort him to moderate the asperity of his 
 style. 
 
 '' Luther promised Cardinal Cajetan to be 
 silent, if silence were also imposed upon his ad- 
 versaries ; from which it is evident that he was 
 at that time solicitous of peace, and not of con ; 
 tention : but he was provoked into disputation 
 by illiterate writers, who obliged him to publish 
 on the sacraments, on the distinction between 
 divine and human laws, on vows, and other 
 subjects. Eckius, for the purpose of rendering 
 him hateful to the hierarchy, moved the question 
 respecting the supremacy of the Roman see. 
 
 " Human policy detests change and innova- 
 tion ; and it must be confessed that, in the pre- 
 sent unha})py state of mankind, there will 
 
90 LIFE OF MELANOTHON. 
 
 always be a mixture of good and evil m the 
 very best of causes : but in the church the 
 command of God is paramount to all human 
 authority. ' This/ says the eternal Father, ^ is 
 my beloved Son, hear ye him ;' and he denounces 
 eternal vengeance against those who impiously 
 endeavour to abolish any part of revealed truth. 
 Luther, therefore, was engaged in a work both of 
 piety and necessity, especially as a teacher in 
 the church of God, when he opposed pernicious 
 errors. If innovation be odious, if the pre- 
 valence of discord be unpleasant and we cannot 
 witness it without grief, be it remembered, the 
 blame attaches to the promulgators and abettors 
 of error. 
 
 " I state this not merely for the sake of de- 
 fending Luther and his adherents, but that pious 
 people now, and in future ages, may perceive 
 what is, and always will be, the ruling principle 
 in the true church of God ; and how God, 
 by the wordx)f the gospel, selects his eternal 
 church from the great and corrupt mass of sin- 
 ners, amongst w^hom his word shines as a light 
 in a dark place. Thus, in the time of the pre- 
 valence of Pharisaical impiety, Zacharias, Elisa- 
 beth, Mary, and many others, preserved the 
 purity of truth ; and previous to that age there 
 were many who saw, with greater or less degrees 
 of clearness, the genuine gospel, and worshipped 
 the true God. Such an one was that aged 
 
LIFE OF MELA NCT HON. 91 
 
 priest I have mentioned who encouraged Luther 
 amidst his conscientious convictions and strug- 
 gles, and was in some respects his teacher in the 
 faith. Let us then join in the fervent supplica- 
 tion of Isaiah for his hearers, ' Bind up the 
 testimony, feeal the law among my disciples.Te^ 
 This statement will tend to show that base 
 superstitions cannot last for ever, and will explain 
 the causes of relio:ious innovation. 
 
 " No private ambition induced Luther to 
 undertake this cause at first ; and though he was 
 naturally ardent and passionate, yet he was 
 always mindful of his peculiar department ; and, 
 discriminating wisely between the office of a 
 magistrate who wields the sword to govern the 
 multitude, and that of a Christian preacher who 
 is to instruct the church of God, he disclaimed 
 the use of arms or coercive measures. When 
 Satan, who perpetually aims to disgrace the cause 
 and subvert the church of God through the errors 
 of miserable men, excited several seditious 
 characters to tumultuous irregularities, he con- 
 demned them in the severest manner, and both 
 adorned by his example, and strengthened by 
 his eloquence, the bonds of social order. But 
 when I reflect on this subject, and consider how 
 many great men in the church have connnitted 
 sad mistakes in this point, I do affirm that no 
 
 (<) IsA. viii. 16. 
 
02 LIFE OF MELANCTIIOX. 
 
 human care, but a divine principle alone, could 
 have sufficed to keep him so constantly within 
 the limits of duty. 
 
 '' He constantly exhorted every one to ' ren- 
 der unto Ceesar the things v/hich are Caesar's, 
 and to God the things which are God's ;' that is, 
 to worship God in the exercise of genuine re- 
 pentance, in an open avowal of the truth, in 
 prayer and in a conscientious discharge of duty; 
 and in the fear of God to regard all the civil 
 re^'ulations of the community. Such was 
 Luther. He gave to God the things which are 
 God's, he taught the truth, and preiyed aright, 
 and possessed all those virtues which are w^ell- 
 pleasing to God ; and, as a citizen, he shunned 
 every thing seditious. Virtues greater than 
 these cannot, I think, be desired in the present 
 life. 
 
 '' But though we extol the excellencies of the 
 man, and the use he made of the gifts of heaven, 
 yet we ought to feel peculiar gratitude to God, 
 who, by his means, restored the true light of 
 the gospel, which w^e should preserve and dif- 
 fuse. ... It is this doctrine of which the Son of 
 God says, ' If any man love me he wnll keep 
 my words, and my Father will love him, and 
 we will come unto him and make our abode 
 with him.' " 
 
 The celebrated disputation at-Leipsic claims 
 some notice, both on account of its early oc» 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 93 
 
 curence in this great polemical campaign, and 
 of Melancthon's concern with it. It lasted 
 from the twenty-seventh of June to the fifteenth 
 of July. Carolostadius, or Carlostadt professor 
 of divinity at Wittemberg, archdeacon of the 
 church of All Saints in that place, and a zealous 
 reformer, and Eckius of Ingoldstadt, the papal 
 advocate, after some preliminary pamphleteer- 
 ing, agreed upon settling the controversy, ac- 
 cording to the fashion of the age, by a public 
 debate. George, Duke of Saxony, uncle of the 
 Elector, offered the city of Leipsic for the pur- 
 pose, expecting, no less than Eckius himself, a 
 triumphant issue to the Catholic cause. Thither 
 the combatants repaired on the eighth of June, 
 Luther and Melancthon accompanying their 
 friend. The assembly was splendid. The Duke 
 of Saxony, the Members of his Council, the 
 Magistrates of Leipsic, the Doctors and Bache- 
 lors of the University, with a number of persons 
 of quality, were present; and scribes were 
 appointed to take notes of the debate. It is 
 a curious circumstance that John Agricola, of 
 Eisleben, w^ho Vv^as employed on the Lutheran 
 side, was afterwards an opponent of the Refor- 
 mation, and John Poliander, who was amanuensis 
 to Eckius, attached himself to Luther at the 
 close of the disputation, and afterwards becaiiie 
 a preacher of the gospel in Prussia. (J) 
 
 (f) Seckend. Hist. Lulh. Lib. I. p. 92. 
 
94 LIFE OF MKLANCTilON, 
 
 The first six days' discussion between Eckius 
 and Carlostadt, on tlie subject of free-will^ waa 
 conducted with considerable skill by both 
 parties ; but it would be very uninterest- 
 ing* to detail. It is sufficient to state that 
 the principal question w^as, " Whether the 
 human will had any operation in the per- 
 formance of good works^ or whether it was 
 merely passive to the power of divine grace ? " 
 Eckius maintained that the Vv^ill co-operated 
 with the grace of God, and Carlostadt asserted 
 it^ total inefficacy to perform any meritorious 
 act. Melancthon, who was a hearer, says, it 
 first gave him a practical demonstration of what 
 the ancients understood by sophistry. Eckius 
 undoubtedly acquired the greatest share of popu- 
 lai'ity, from the superior ease and fluency he 
 discovered compared with his antagonist- 
 Luther soon afterwards obtained the Duke's 
 permission to take the place of Carlostadt in the 
 debate, at the particular request of Eckius who 
 was impatient to encounter the leading Re- 
 former. Each was in truth equally ardent, con- 
 scious that a mighty cause was at stake, which 
 demanded the whole force of their respective 
 energies of mind. On the one side was Eckius, 
 impelled by no small degree of confidence in 
 himself from previous conflicts, especially the 
 recent one with Carlostadt, supported by the 
 plaudits of the Catholic party^ which was the 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 95 
 
 prevalent one in point of numbers and splendour, 
 and having acquired a very high degree of 
 celebrity (g) — on the other, Luther, peF- 
 secuted and defamed, conscious that if he 
 betrayed the least feebleness in argument, or the 
 smallest degree of forgetfulness or hesitation, 
 it would be taken advantage of by his wily 
 adversaries, and thus prove detrimental to the 
 important cause he advocated ; and that even 
 though he should be completely triumphant in 
 argument, it would rather tend to irritate than 
 convince or silence his opponents. Never was 
 a more important crisis — never a greater cause — 
 never more determined, more equal, or more 
 impetuous antagonists : 
 
 As when two black clouds, 
 
 Willi heav'n's artillery fraught, come rattling on 
 Over the Caspian, then stand front to front, 
 Hovering a space, till winds the signal blow 
 To join their dark encounter in mid air — 
 So frown'd the mighty combatants — (h) 
 
 Eckius selected thirteen proportions from 
 the works of Lulher as the subjects of " long 
 debate;" but the principal one that engaged 
 their attention was the foundation of the supre- 
 macy claimed by the Roman Pontiffs. After 
 
 (g) Eckius had already engaged in public disputations in 
 eight different Universities. 
 
 (h) MiLTOxN's Parad. Lost, B. IL 
 
90 L i F i: O F M E L A N C T H O X. 
 
 ten dayt< of violent and incessant discussion, in 
 wliicii Eckius was oblio^ed to admit the eminent 
 ♦" attainments of his reverend opponent/' and 
 even to apologize for himself, the victory was 
 claimed by both parties. Luther says he must 
 acknowledge that he and his friends were 
 overcome — " clamore et gestu,''^ by noise and 
 gesture, (ij Hoflman;, the rector of the uni- 
 versity of Leipsic^ refused to give a decision in 
 favour of either ; in consequence of which it was 
 referred to the universities of Paris and Erfurt, 
 who neglected, though they did not refuse to do 
 it. The immediate effect of this dispute upon 
 Eckius, was that of increasing his animosity 
 against the Reformer, on whom he determined 
 to revenge himself in every possible way. 
 Luther considers it as some good evidence that 
 the duke felt the force of his arguments, because 
 on one of these controversial days when they 
 were dining together, he laid his hands on the 
 shoulders of the two combatants and exclaimed, 
 " Whether the Pope exists by divine or by 
 human right, he is, however, the Pope ! " (kj 
 
 If we may judge by the letter of Eckius 
 himself to his friend Hoogstraat, it will not be 
 difficult to ascertain the victorious party. He 
 complains that the Lutherans had great advan- 
 tages over him, because they brought several 
 
 (i) Seck. Hist. Liitli. Lib. I. p. 73. 
 (k) LuTii. Op. Tom, I, Skckend. Hist. Lutli. p. 74. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 97 
 
 books to which they had recourse, they had their 
 disputation in writing and conferred together 
 about an answer^ and they were many against 
 one single man. (I) It is no inconsiderable 
 circumstance also^ that a large number of the 
 young students immediately quitted Leipsic and 
 repaired to the University of Wittemberg. (m) 
 Though Melancthon had undoubtedly fa- 
 voured the designs, and aided the efforts of 
 Luther previously to this conference, he was 
 roused by the present occasion to a more par- 
 ticular study of the points of difference, and a 
 more vigorous co-operation with the great 
 champion of religious liberty. He had an oppor- 
 tunity of hearing whatever one of the most 
 zealous^ eloquent, and able advocates of Popery 
 could say in defenceuof his system, of perceiving 
 the influence of that system upon the minds of 
 men in general, and of estimating more correctly 
 perhaps than under any other circumstances he 
 could have done the great importance of the 
 controversy itself. ^^From the period of this 
 famous public disputaTion, he applied himself 
 more intensely to the interpretation of the 
 Scriptures and the defence of pure christian 
 doctrine, and he is justly esteemed by' Pro- 
 testants to have been under divine Providence, 
 
 (I) LuTH. Op. Tom. I. p. 303. 
 On) Seckend. Hist. Lutli. Lib. i. p. 92. 
 H 
 
98 LIFE OF MELANCTllOK. 
 
 the most powerful coadjutor of the Saxon Re- 
 former.! His mild and peaceable temper, his 
 av^ersion to schismatic contention, his reputation 
 for piety and for knowledge, and above all, his 
 happy art of exposing error and maintaining 
 truth in the most perspicuous language, all these 
 endowments concurred to render him eminently 
 serviceable to the revival of the religion of 
 Christ. Little did Eckius imagine that the 
 public disputation in which he had foreseen 
 nothing but victory and exultation, and the 
 downfall of Lutheranism would give rise to 
 another theological champion, w^ho should con- 
 tend for Christian truth and Christian liberty, 
 with the primitive spirit of an apostle. At 
 Wittemberg, Melancthon had probably been 
 well acquainted with Luther's lectures on divi- 
 nity ; but it was in the citadel of Leipsic, that 
 he heard the Romish tenets defended by all the 
 arguments that ingenuity could devise^; there 
 his suspicions were strengthened respecting the 
 evils of the existing hierarchy; and there his 
 I'ighteous spirit was roused to imitate, in the 
 grand object of his future inquiries and exertions, 
 the indefatigable endeavours of his zealous and 
 adventurous friend." (nj 
 
 Melancthon represents himself as only a 
 
 (n) MiLNER's History of the Churcli of Christ, Vol. IV. 
 p. 428. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON* 99 
 
 Spectator and hearer of this celebrated dispute/oj 
 but he took the most lively interest in every 
 part of the proceedings, and seveml v^^r iters (p) 
 have stated that he often went up to Carlostadt 
 and whispered so many useful suggestions, that 
 Eckius was provoked to exclaim : ' Tace tu 
 PMlippe, ac tiia stiidia cura^ nee me perturha^ i. e. 
 ' Hold your tongue Philip, mind your own busi- 
 ness, and do not interfere with me.' His opinion 
 of the different disputants is given in a letter to 
 a friend, and may be relied on for candour and 
 accuracy, (q) ^' Eckius was much admired for 
 his various and striking ingenuities. You know 
 Carlostadt, he is certainly a man of worth 
 and of extraordiufcy erudition. As to Luther^ 
 whom I have known most intimately, his lively 
 genius, his learning and eloquence I admire, 
 and it is impossible not to be in love with his 
 truly sincere and pure Christian spirit." It is 
 difficult to ascertain how Eckius procured a 
 copy of this letter, which also contained a gene- 
 ral account of the transactions at Leipsic, but 
 he instantly published a most acrimonious reply, 
 
 (o) '* Neque enim quidquam mihi cilm Eccio rerum un- 
 quam fuit, et Lipsicoe pugnas ociosus spectator in reliqiio vulgo 
 sedi." Defensio P. Mel. contra Eccium, 
 
 Cp) Seckend. Hist. Luth. Lib. I. Adam. Vit. Philosg- 
 phorum, p. 189. Winshem. Oratio in Fiinere Melancihonis. 
 
 (q) Luth. Op. Tom. 1. p. 304. 
 
 H 2 
 
loo tllE OF MELANCTIION. 
 
 calling MelancLhon a mere grammarian, (r 
 and with preposterous self-sufficiency affirming^ 
 that " although he might have some knowledge 
 of Greek and Latin/' yet " he was not a person 
 with whom a divine could with propriety con- 
 descend to enter the lists," Nothing can be 
 inferred from this contemptuous language, ^- 
 cepting the violent malignity of his temper, and 
 the secret consciousness he felt of the talents of 
 his opponent. 
 
 Melancthon replied, in a tract consisting of 
 only five folio pages, but written with so much 
 mildness, elegance, and acuteness, that it proved 
 extremely serviceable to the Lutheran cause. 
 To railing he opposes argument, to arrogance 
 modesty, to dogmatism, sound sense and genuine 
 piety. He contends without virulence and 
 triunrphs without parade. Some of the senti- 
 ments are so excellent, and the manner in which 
 they are expressed so truly characteristic, that 
 they ought not to be suppressed. 
 
 After remarking that " in the epistle which 
 had excited so much indignation, he had merely 
 intended a slight sketch rather tlian a full de- 
 scription of the Leipsic disputations^, for to have 
 done otherwise would* have required more time 
 than his numerous occupations admitted," — he 
 
 (r) In his rage he even coins an epithet of contempl. 
 '*• Hie mquam, Gramniatellus.'''' 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 101 
 
 solemnly disavows ^^ ever having intentionally 
 given offence to any one, deeming it both un- 
 christian and inhuman to injure or detract from 
 another's merit. If he had done wrong, he 
 wished it to be imputed either to incaution or 
 accident, and begged to be forgiven, concioua 
 as he was of being totally devoid of any malig- 
 nity, and forced as he felt himself into this un- 
 welcome arena of contention. He was resolved 
 to be deaf to the calumnies of Eckius, appealing 
 to what he had himself written for his best 
 justification, and he would now conduct his 
 argument without uttering any petulant or 
 unjustifiable reproach against his antagonist, 
 because he was more solicitous for the glory of 
 Christ than respecting the effect which any 
 frivolous calumnies might produce." 
 
 ^' Eckius," says he, ^^ is confident of being 
 victorious, by appealing to the authority of the 
 holy fathers of the church. But how does this 
 avail him ? I am, indeed, by no means disposed 
 to depreciate, on the contrary, I highly reve- 
 rence those illustrious luminaries of the church 
 and defenders of Christian doctrine. But I 
 cannot deem it rash, as the fathers differ in their 
 sentiments, to receive the scripture, and not 
 the varying opinions of men as the ultimate 
 appeal, As there is always some one simple 
 meaning to the language of scripture, (for divine 
 truth is most intelligibly simple), this sense is ta 
 
 II 3 
 
102 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 be sought by a comparison of passages, and by 
 the general strain of the particular discourse. 
 In this manner we are enjoined to investigate 
 the sacred writings, as we examine the senti- 
 ments and decrees of men, by bringing them to 
 the touchstone and trying their consistency. 
 Then it is more satisfactory to consult their 
 judgment on the meaning of scripture, from 
 those places where they professedly explained 
 it, rather than where they are only indulging 
 their own feelings in rhetorical descriptions. 
 We all experience this fact, that scripture is 
 variously interpreted according to our various 
 dispositions of mind and cast of opinion. This 
 or that interpretation pleases, because it seizes 
 our feelings and captivates our passions, and as 
 the polypus imitates the colour of the rock to 
 which it fixes, so we are prone to use our utmost 
 endeavours to conform our sentiments to the 
 prejudices of our own minds. It frequently 
 happens that the mind may admit, and for a 
 time be wonderfully charmed with the genuine 
 force and propriety of a sentiment, but after- 
 w^ards be incapable of reviving such an impres- 
 sion ; and thus the fathers of the church, wrought 
 up to a pitch of feeling, make use of scrip- 
 ture in a sense not in itself bad, but sometimes 
 inapplicable and foreign to the purpose. And 
 though I do not totally condemn this, yet I 
 think it cannot be of much avail in controversy^ 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 103 
 
 for according to the Greek adage, /coXwc r^iy^smv, 
 dXXa kroc oSs '^ They run well, but then they do 
 not keep in the course.' I dare aiHrm, that 
 sometimes the fathers have given interpretations 
 of scripture, suggested perhaps in a state of 
 high rehgious feeling, and which might not be 
 erroneous, but which to us inferior men and in 
 a less glowing state of mind, have not seemed 
 to accord with the literal sense. There is a 
 secret manna and food of the soul, to which 
 Paul alludes, when he speaks of spiriliially 
 discerning it, which is more easily felt than de* 
 scribed. 
 
 " But who does not perceive how often the 
 scriptures have been misapplied in the different 
 controversies that have been agitated at various 
 periods, of which innumerable examples might 
 be adduced, so that it has frequently happened, 
 especially of late, that their exposition has been 
 at complete variance with the original text. 
 As to the scholastic method of interpretation it 
 is any thing but simple, a very Proteus, trans- 
 forming the sense of scripture into allegories, 
 tropes, figures^ and diverting the truth from 
 its literal, grammatical, or historical meaning, 
 into I know not what wretched and polluted 
 channels." 
 
 After touching upon the various points 
 of difference, he concludes by saying, ^^ Eckius 
 himself shall be witness if I have not avoided 
 
104 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 those invidious reflections, which had I been 
 so inclined, might have been indulged." In 
 Meriting to his friends, he uniformly breathes the 
 same admirable spirit. " If," says he, " you 
 perceive any thing of an antichristian nature in 
 what I send, let me beg you to perform the 
 duty of a genuine friend, admonish me instantly, 
 reprove, yea, lash me as you please. He is, 
 believe me, the dearest of all my friends, who 
 is most honest and downrio;ht in his remarks, 
 for you know, as it is not my disposition to 
 dissemble, so I always look upon flattering 
 friends as they deserve. But as genuine Christian 
 affection neither flatters nor admits of flattery, 
 so you villi acquire the character of a friend 
 v/ith me, by being a faithful adviser. Eckius 
 rages against us in the most coarse and violent 
 manner, either from a natural impetuosity of 
 disposition or because he considers himself 
 aggrieved, and my purpose is not to inflict, but 
 to compensate for any supposed injury. He is 
 undoubtedly very severe ; but I have replied 
 only in a small publication, and wnth as much 
 moderation as possible, for God is my witness, 
 that I do not cherish the slightest animosity. 
 I might have said more, perhaps, without trans- 
 gressing the bounds of propriety, but I chose 
 to refrain in order to write not what my adver- 
 sary deserved, but what was worthy of our 
 own character and cause. After our departure 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. l05 
 
 from Leipsic, Eckius certainly reviled Luther 
 ill the most outrageous manner." (s) 
 
 Such was the temper of this amiable con« 
 troversialist, who so well understood the wide 
 difference between opprobrious epithets and 
 solid arguments^ and who it is obvious on every 
 occasion sought truth rather than victory. He 
 abhorred the field of strife, and hated Discord 
 as an unnatural and ferocious demon. He 
 valued peace as it ought to be valued, above 
 gold and silver— above honours and empires. 
 He was more anxious to do good than to shine, 
 to carry the olive branch than to wield the 
 sword, to be regarded, or — for such was the 
 temper of the times — to be despised^ as an 
 humble peacemaker, than to be blazoned forth 
 as a polemical hero ! 
 
 ^till let it be recollected, and in this sen- 
 timent Melancthon would have concurred, 
 that we ought not so much to lament that con^ 
 troversies have arisen, as that they have been 
 conducted in an anti-christian spiritj Nothing, 
 it is readily adinitted, can be more detrimental 
 to the interests of genuine religion than in- 
 temperate and ill-humoured debatings, but on 
 the other hand — open, fair, and candid discus- 
 sion is calculated to promote good will, to 
 pacify resentments, to smooth the wrinkled 
 
 (s) Melancth. Ep, II. ad -Joan. Langium. 
 
106 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 brow of bigotry, to dissipate doubts, to clear up 
 difficulties, and to elucidate truth. Melancthon 
 may be exhibited as a bright example to all 
 controversial writers of the spirit in which their 
 arguments should be conducted — or rather, let 
 them be induced to imitate a greater than he, 
 who, " When he was reviled, reviled >ot_, 
 again!" 
 
( 107 ) 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 A. D. 1520. 
 
 >.>..>..►..,.<..<..<,< 
 
 Melancthon's marriage — His domestic character — His 
 exemplary virtues — His boundless liberality — Ac- 
 count of his favourite servant John — Epitaph on 
 his tombstojie — Candour of Melancthon — His Meek- 
 ness — STjmjjathy — Interesting Letter written to a 
 Friend, who had sustained a painful family be- 
 reavement — His Piety — Sincerity — Wit — Memory 
 — Temperance — Modesty — Humility — Parental 
 conduct — His value for Time — Marriage and Set- 
 tlement of his two Daughters — Character of his 
 Sons-in-Law, George Sabinus and Caspar Peucer — 
 Notice of Thurzo, Bishop of Breslaw, 
 
 Although from the peculiarity of circum- 
 stances which surrounded Melancthon, and the 
 important period in which he lived, we are 
 naturally anxious to trace his public career, and 
 follow him through the principle scenes of an 
 active life, yet in order to accomplish the legi- 
 timate purposes of biography, it will be proper 
 
108 LIFE OF M EL AN C Til ON. 
 
 to turn aside for a moment to visit him in the 
 recesses of privacy, by this means aiming; to 
 impart various instruction, as well as to prepare 
 amusement. 
 
 Few persons can claim to rank amongst 
 distinguished scholars or professors, and fewer 
 still are destined by Providence to undergo the 
 struggles, to encounter the resistance, and to 
 pursue the high and holy course of Reformers; 
 but every one occupies a place and possesses an 
 influence in the family. One or other of the 
 endearing names of father, husband, parent, 
 child, brother, sister, friend, belongs to every 
 human being ; to these diiferent relations pecu- 
 liar and appropriate duties are attached, and 
 from the manner in which they are discharged 
 or neglected, We have an opportunity both of 
 noticing the developement of individual cha- 
 racter, and of ascertaining the principle upon 
 which the felicity or infelicity of life in a very 
 considerable degree depends. Here we have 
 all the advantage of example^ arising from the 
 interesting consideration that another is acting 
 in our own circumstances, and moving in a 
 similar sphere ; and if our personal improve- 
 ment be not promoted, whether the example 
 be good or bad, we must be strangely deficient 
 in right feeling. 
 
 The chief actors in seasons of great political 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. i09 
 
 change or great moral revolution, are unfavour- 
 ably situated for the cultivation of the milder 
 graces ; by the collision of opposing parties and 
 contradictory opinions, the sparks of intempe- 
 rate anger are too apt to be struck out, and 
 dispositions even naturally mild, have some- 
 times been inflamed. But in cases where it has 
 been deemed necessary or prudent for the sake 
 of the cause, to suppress the rising emotions 
 of resentment, and to check improper violence 
 of language in public, the rage of the heart has 
 burst forth in the circle of unrestrained friend- 
 ship, and disturbed the hour of private in- 
 tercourse. Here, however, the character of 
 Melancthon is particularly worthy of admira- 
 tion. A meek and quiet spirit never forsook 
 him.— He always engaged reluctantly in dispu- 
 tation, and was never or seldom irritated by it, 
 even in the smallest degree. He harboured no 
 resentments. When he retired from the flekl 
 of strife, he laid aside his weapons and mo^t 
 willingly renounced the glory of the contro- 
 versialist, for the peace and comfort of the 
 domestic man. He did not bring malevolent 
 feelings or angry passions into his family, for in 
 truth he had none to bring. But it would be 
 doing him great injustice to represent him as 
 a tame or effeminate character. Passions he 
 iiad, but they were under the due regulation 
 
110 LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 
 
 of reason and piety. Religion hacr^<»ompleted 
 the work of nature ; he was kind and gentle 
 upon principle, as well as by constitution. If 
 the emotions of anger at any time arose in his 
 mind^ they were instantly suppressed as a weak- 
 ness unworthy of a man^ as a sin unbecoming a 
 Christian. 
 
 In the year 1520, he married a very re- 
 spectable young lady belonging to one of the 
 principal families in Wittemberg. Her name 
 was Catharine Crappin, and her father was a 
 burgomaster of the town. She is described by 
 Camerarius, whose intercourse with the family 
 was such as to afford him every means of cor- 
 rect information, as a truly religious person, 
 most assiduously attentive to her domestic con- 
 cerns, extremely liberal to all, and not only 
 benevolent to the poor, and even lavish of her 
 own means of supplying them, but urgent with 
 others whom she could at any time influence to 
 minister to their necessities. With eminent 
 piety of spirit she united great purity of man- 
 ners, and avoided all extravagance in dress and 
 ail luxury in food. Nothing could be more 
 congenial to the taste of Melancthon, who was 
 never captivated by the blandishments of plea- 
 sure, nor seduced by the charms of sensuality. 
 In a letter to Langius, dated in November, 
 he speaks of her in terms of high regard, a3 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. Ill 
 
 possessed of a disposition and manners which 
 entirely corresponded with his wishes : and he 
 represents his marriage as the result of serious 
 dehberation, and conformable to the advice of 
 his friends, (t) Seldom have two individuals 
 become more completely one in spirit and cha- 
 racter, and seldom has the marriage contract 
 been more firmly sealed by mutual attachment. 
 Reason, religion, and love, presided over their 
 happy union, and confirmed their solemn vows. 
 During this year he commenced a course of 
 lectures on the epistle of Paul to the Romans, 
 and so indefatigable was he in the regular dis- 
 charge of this and every other academical duty, 
 that the suspension of the usual course even for 
 the single day of his marriage was so remarkable, 
 
 (t) '* Uxor enim datur mihi Catarina Crapti, non dico, 
 quam non sperata ant qiiam frigenti, sed iis puella moribus, ea 
 animi indole qualera h diis immortalibus optare debuerara : 
 ci't^ia () ^eoQ TEL-jjiaipoiTo dextra Deus significet, i. Deus omina 
 fausta firmet. Equidem expendi argumenta, quae in banc rem 
 incidere possunt, nisi fallor, omnia, ut satis sciam quid pro- 
 bandum fuerit. Verum secutus sum amicorum consilium, qui me 
 ad rem uxorium bortati sunt propter periculum ex infirmitate 
 carnis et carnalis libertatis improbitatem, Neque enim vere 
 Christiana libertas fait, qua literas deamavimus plus aequo. Et 
 cavendum nobis fuit quod monet Paulus ne libertatem occa- 
 sionem faciamus carnu Ne tii improbes caeptum opto. Majus 
 voto fuerit, si probaveris. Cordum nostrum admone promissi 
 ETnOaXufut}.'''' Ep. 5. ad Langium. 
 
112 LIFE OF ME LAN cm ON. 
 
 as to be publicly i]itimated in the following 
 curious notice : 
 
 A stucliis hodic facit ocia grata Philippus 
 Nee vobis Pauli doOTiata sacra lec^et. 
 
 Rest from your studies, Philip says you may. 
 He '11 read no lectures on St, Paul to day. 
 
 Liberality was a distinguishing feature in 
 the mind of Melancthon and his excellent wife ; 
 and this was apparent both in the common acts 
 of charity and in the more diffusive spirit of 
 universal benevolence. Neither of them was 
 disposed by oppressive exactions or parsimoni- 
 ous care to enrich themselves. They deeply 
 sympathized with the feelings of the needy and 
 the w^retched ; never being deaf to their impor- 
 tunities, but readily and most liberally supplying 
 them with money and sustenance. The neces- 
 sitous might have applied to them with the 
 utmost propriety, the language of St. Paul to 
 the Corinthian church. " To their power, yea, 
 and beyond their power, I bear record, they were 
 willing of themselves, praying us with much 
 intreaty, that we would receive the giiV^ (u) 
 Their house was crowded with a constant suc- 
 cession of comers and goers of every age, sex 
 and condition, some pressing in to receive, and 
 
 (u) 2 Cor. viii. 3, 4. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 113 
 
 others departing* well stored from this ample 
 repository of kindness and bounty. It formed 
 a part of their domestic regulations, never to 
 refuse an applicant ! (x) 
 
 In addition to those who frequented the 
 house to beg, the celebrity of Melancthon proved 
 a severe tax upon his time, for multitudes re- 
 sorted to him to seek his advice, to obtain 
 recommendatory letters, to request the cor- 
 rection of their compositions, to lay before him 
 various complaints, to solicit his aid in literary 
 pursuits, or perhaps merely for the purpose of 
 seeing so distinguished a person ; all of whom 
 enjoyed free access. Sometimes persons whom 
 he could not altogether approve would solicit 
 his valuable recommendations; these he has 
 been known to dismiss with pecuniary presents, 
 as the best method which his benevolent spirit 
 could devize, of being released from their un- 
 welcome importunity. 
 
 It seems scarcely possible to conceive how 
 amidst such a profusion of benevolence Melanc- 
 thon could support his own family, especially 
 when it is recollected, that while none were sent 
 empty away, he not only did not aim to grow 
 richer, but frequently refused those emoluments 
 which others usually grasp at wnth the utmost 
 
 Cx) " Nam ea domus dlsciplina crat, ut nihil cuiqiiam 
 negaretur.'^ Cam. Vit. Mel. 
 
 I 
 
114 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 eagerness!. Instead of availing himself of the 
 influence of the great with whom he was con- 
 nected to advance him to dignity and opulehce, 
 he was known to refuse even the presents of 
 princes. With an admirable disinterestedness, 
 he lectured on divinity and the Holy Scriptures, 
 two whole years without any salary; and when 
 a pension of two hundred florins was assigned 
 him by the Elector of Saxony, he excused him- 
 self, by saying, ^' I am unable to devote myself 
 to the duty with suflScient attention and assi- 
 duity to warrant an acceptance of it." The 
 Elector, however, by Luther's advice, intimated 
 that it would suffice to give one or two lectures 
 in a week, as his health might permit, (y) 
 
 At the time which will be hereafter more 
 particularly noticed, when the Elector Maurice 
 was desirous of attaching Melancthon to his 
 interests, he made inquiry into his circumstances, 
 and whether he was not in need of some pe- 
 cuniary aid. Upon his dissembling this, the 
 prince told him, he wished he w^ould at lea^jt 
 a^k some favour, assuring him that whatever it 
 might be, it should readily be granted. He re* 
 plied, that " he felt perfectly satisfied with his 
 StJary, and was not anxious for any augmenta- 
 tion of it, or indeed for any thing else." Mau- 
 rice still continued to urge him, and at length he 
 
 (y) SecivEND. Hist. Luth. Lib. II. p. 164. 
 
LIFEOFMELANCTHON. 115 
 
 said, ^' Well, as your highness requires me to 
 ask some favour, I ask my dismissioyi,'''' — The 
 prince found it necessary, however, to solicit his 
 continuance in his professorship, remarking to 
 the gentlemen of his court, " That he had never 
 seen nor experienced any thing like Melanc- 
 thon's conduct, who was not only too disinter- 
 ested to ask for any thing, but would not even 
 accept it when proffered." (z) 
 
 It is proper to mention, with marked respect, 
 an invaluable servant, of the name of John, 
 who lived with him many years. John was a 
 man of tried honesty and fidelity, adorning the 
 humble sphere in which he moved, and very 
 much beloved by his master. To his manage- 
 ment we must in part look for an explanation 
 of the mystery to which we have alludedj, 
 namely, the possibility of being so lavishly 
 benevolent with such restricted and apparently 
 inadequate means. The whole duty of pro- 
 visioning the family was entrusted to this 
 domestic, whose care, assiduity and prudence^ 
 amply justified the unbounded confidence re- 
 posed in him. He made the concerns of the 
 family his own, avoiding all useless expenditure 
 and watching with a jealous eye over his master's 
 property. He was also the first instructor of 
 
 (z) Van de Corput. Leven ende Dood van Phil. MnJ. 
 p. 667. 
 
 i2 
 
116 LIFE OF MELANCTHOK. 
 
 the cbildren in the family during their infancy. 
 This merits to be distinctly recorded, not only 
 because such a servant is a kind of rara avis in 
 terris, but because, as in the present instance, 
 he may contribute essentially to the general 
 good, by preventing the waste of those means 
 which a benevolent spirit will ever feel anxious 
 to consecrate to purposes of public utility. 
 John grew old in his master's service, and in 
 the year 1553, expired in his house, after the 
 long residence of almost thirty-four years, 
 amidst the affectionate regrets of the whole 
 family. Melancthon invited the academicians 
 to his funeral, delivered an oration over his 
 grave, and composed the following epitaph for 
 bis tombstone : 
 
 Joannes patrii Nicri discessit ab undis 
 
 Hue accersitus voce, Philippe, tua 
 Quern comes exilii juvit precibusque fideque 
 
 Nam ver^ gnato credidit ille del 
 Ipsius hie dominus sepelivit corpus inane 
 
 Vivit, conspectu mens fruiturque del 
 
 Imitated, 
 Here at a distance from his native land, 
 Came faithful John, at Philip's first command ; 
 Companion of his exile, doubly dear, 
 Who in a servant found a friend sincere — 
 And more than friend, a man of faith and prayer, 
 As.>!iduous soother of his master's care ;•'— 
 Here to the worms his lifeless body's given^ 
 But Lis immortal soul sees God in heaven. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. H? 
 
 Perhaps no one ever attended more scru- 
 pulously than Melanethon to the injunction of 
 Jesus Christ, " When thou doest alms, let not 
 thy left hand know what thy right hand doeth; 
 that thy alms may be in secret." (a) He was 
 unostentatious in every thing, but especially in 
 works of charity. Satisfied with the appro- 
 bation of conscience and of God, he manifested 
 no solicitude for the applauses of men, and was 
 content to do good without being praised for it. 
 It will be easy to believe, that he abounded in 
 acts of kindness which, being known only 
 to himself, no book records excepting the 
 registers of heaven ; especially when it is stated 
 from unquestionable authority that, on several 
 occasions when his pecuniary resources have 
 been completely exhausted, he would contrive 
 to supply the necessitous by privately taking 
 cups and other vessels appropriated to domestic 
 use, to a trader to sell, even at a very low and 
 disadvantageous rate, ib) 
 
 Melanethon received many presents of gold 
 and cilver coin. These he would often give to 
 the very first person, who from avarice or curio- 
 sity might be induced to ask for them ; not from 
 any undervaluation of these ancient specimens, 
 but simply from a disposition to oblige. Mere 
 self-gratification appears seldom to have entered 
 
 ffO Matt. viii. 3. 00 Cam. Vit. Mel. 
 
 I 3 
 
118 LIFK OF MELANCTHOK. 
 
 iuto his views, much less did such a feeling 
 acquire any degree of ascendency over hira^ 
 His prevailing desire was to communicate 
 pleasure to others and he was satisfied with 
 the feast, the intellectual and moral feast which 
 a refined benevolence only can provide ; in 
 which respect, it must be acknowledged, that in 
 a very important sense " he fared sumptuously 
 every day." (c) On one rem-arkable occasion 
 when he had accumulated a large collection of 
 coins and curiosities, he oifered a certain stranger 
 who seemed peculiarly gratified with the sight, 
 to take any one which he might happen to feel 
 a w^ish to possess ; upon which, the stranger 
 said, with consummate efi'rontery, " I have a 
 particular wish for them all." Melancthon, 
 though he did not dissemble his displeasure, 
 nevertheless granted his unwarrantable re- 
 quest, (d) 
 
 If the parsimonious or the prudent should 
 be disposed to censure this excessive and pro- 
 digal benevolence, alleging that if it be capable 
 to " withhold more than is meet," (e ) it is at 
 least not very laudable to squander the gifts of 
 Providence indiscriminately upon every class of 
 importunate beggars ; be it remembered, that 
 there is an essential difference between an ob- 
 vious crime and an apparent excess of virtue— 
 
 (c) Luke xvi. 19. (d) Cam. Vit. Mel (e) Pro v. xi. 24. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTITON. 119 
 
 between the conduct of the spendthrift and that 
 of the person who is lavishly bountiful. In the 
 one you perceive the very essence of selfishness, 
 in the other the exuberance of kindness. The 
 one lives only to seek his own gratification ; self 
 is the end he pursues, and the contemptible idol 
 he worships; no sacrifices are considered too 
 costly to be offered to this paltry god, and every 
 thing is rendered subservient to this infamous 
 idolatry ; the other, considering himself in som^ 
 degree the depository and trustee of the divine 
 beneficence, and valuing the possessions of life 
 only so far as they provide for his own imme- 
 diate necessities, and may be made to contribute 
 to the comfort of others, becomes at least 
 serviceable to a number of his fellow creatures. 
 He feels the claims of humanity, and fulfils the 
 high duties of a neighbour. If such a person 
 be a little more liberal in distributing than the 
 narrow calculations of human policy or prudence 
 seem to admit, he acts in conformity with the 
 dictates of a pure and disinterested benevolence, 
 reaps a rich harvest of satisfaction, and mani- 
 fests the spirit while he fulfils the precepts 
 of the Saviour of the world. 
 
 If it be alleged that it is no one's duty to 
 impoverish himself or to injure his family,, 
 even though it be the result not of a selfish 
 but of a benevolent expenditure, this is con« 
 ceded — yet in the present case^ the qaostioii 
 i4 
 
120 LIFE OF MELANCTHOV. 
 
 does not respect the waste of property already 
 possessed, but the neglect to accumidate. If 
 an individual be satisfied for himself with 
 that station of life which Providence has 
 assigned him, and with those pecuniary re- 
 sources^ small or great, which he already 
 possesses, and if he prefer using that supply 
 which industry, manual, or mental, procures 
 for him, in doing good to others, instead of 
 aspiring after the greater honours or emolu- 
 ments within his power — if he choose even 
 to refuse them when offered, either from an 
 apprehension of moral danger or from mere 
 indifference, will any one represent this as 
 culpable ? — Surely we ought rather to admire 
 than to censure such conduct ; it evinces a 
 noble spirit of disinterestedness, and a glorious 
 superiority of mind to the attractions of earthly 
 splendour, v/hich is worthy of imitation. 
 
 In this statement of some of the excellent 
 qualities of Melancthon, his extreme Candour 
 and Kindness must not be overlooked. He was 
 never known to asperse any one, either openly 
 or by insinuation. Nothing was further from 
 his intentions than to injure another's character 
 or reputation, and if his were attacked, no one 
 could manifest a more exemplary patience. He 
 not only could not be moved to resentment by 
 the misconduct of offenders, but did not relax 
 in his benevolence or familiarity with them. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 121 
 
 No dark suspicions pervaded his mind, no male- 
 volence or envy disturbed his placid spirit. The 
 calm summer of his soul was never beclouded 
 or distracted with tempestuous passions. (X)« 
 
 Sympathy with the sufferings of others was 
 not among the least of his eminent qualities, of 
 which, perhaps, the best possible illustration will 
 be afforded by translating one of his letters to 
 an afflicted friend, whose sorrow for the loss of 
 a beloved child, the moment he heard it, he 
 hastened to alleviate. His sentiments are to be 
 regarded as those of the heart, and not as the 
 mere effusions of a formal or complimentary 
 friendship. An affectionate disposition may, 
 and indeed will, by a generous participation, 
 share another's woes, even though it has not 
 yet tasted the l3itterness of bereavement or per^ 
 sonal affliction of any kind ; but in order to 
 afford effectual consolation to the mourner, it 
 seems requisite that the person whose friendly 
 spirit hastens to his relief, should have been 
 himself a sufferer, that he may be duly qualified 
 to select appropriate language, and that the 
 distressed individual himself may feel a con- 
 sciousness that his words are not words of 
 course. Experience is the best of all instruc- 
 tors, and affliction superinduces a sensibility. 
 
 (/) " Candidas fuit, siiicerus, apertus, minime suspicax. 
 Heerbrand. Orat. Funeb. in obit. Melancthonis, 
 
122 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 and teaches a language which cannot possibly 
 be attained in any degree of perfection by 
 another process. And, " As in water face an- 
 swereth to face, so the heart of man to man."(gj 
 In this view Melancthon was likely to prove a 
 judicious as well as a sympathizing friend, for 
 during the whole of his life he drank deeply 
 and drank often^ of the bitter cup. The fol- 
 lowing letter besides claims insertion for its 
 excellence, and as it is without date may be 
 introduced here with propriety. 
 
 '' To John Pfeffinger, with affectionate salidatiom. 
 
 " God has implanted the principle of na- 
 tural affection in mankind, for the double 
 purpose of strengthening the bonds of human 
 society, and teaching us to realize the ardour of 
 his love to his own Son and to us. He there- 
 fore approves the affection we cherish for our 
 offspring, and the piety of our grief for their 
 loss. Natural affection is peculiarly forcible in 
 minds of a superior order ; on Vv'hich account, 
 I doubt not, that the loss of your son — a son 
 too not only possessed of the most amiable 
 dispositions, but of a mind well stored with 
 literature, not only inclined by his very con- 
 stitution to moral habits, but under the constant 
 influence of true religion, and already engaged 
 
 (g) Proy, xxvii. ] 9. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 123 
 
 in a course of study in which his capacity 
 promised so much — the loss of such a son, I say, 
 must alTect you with the deepest grief. And be 
 assured, I am not disposed to accuse you of 
 weakness, on the contrary, I acknowledge — I 
 commend your piety — I truly lament your 
 personal bereavement and the public toss ; 
 for I am apprehensive that in these times the 
 churches will feel the want of teachers pro- 
 perly instructed. But you are well avi^are that 
 we are permitted to mourn, though not immo- 
 derately. It is certain that these events are 
 under divine superintendance ; it becomes us, 
 therefore, to manifest a due submission of mind 
 to God, and quietly to resign ourselves to hi;3 
 disposal in every season of adversity. 
 
 I will not now advert to the physical 
 causes of death, for though naturally exposed 
 to various diseases, let us regard the will of 
 God in this dispensation, and not so much 
 our own loss ; and let us realize the blessings 
 which in being removed from this afllictive life 
 and these calamitous times your son is called to 
 share. If we truly loved him, we shall rejoice 
 in his happiness ; and if we rightly understand 
 Christian truth, we shall be disposed to con- 
 gratulate him upon the society of the heavenly 
 assembly, where he no longer drinks the 
 streams of knowledge mingled and polluted as 
 they are in the present world, but enjoys free 
 
124 LIFE OF MELANCTHOX. 
 
 accesi^ to the pure and infinite fountain of 
 wisdom, holds intercourse with the Son of God 
 himself, the prophets and apostles, and with 
 inexpressible delight joins in praising God for 
 so early an admission to that illustrious 
 assembly ; the thought of which may well 
 enkindle v/ithin us a desire to escape from our 
 earthly imprisonment, 
 
 " Perhaps it increases your sorrow to recol- 
 lect his capacity, his erudition, his virtue ; and 
 you fondly wish for the charming company of 
 such a son. But these very excellences them- 
 selves ought to diminish your regrets, because 
 you know how they contributed to the good of 
 many during the short period of his mortal 
 race so that he was not a useless incumbrance 
 upon society. You witnessed the evidences of 
 his growing piety in this world of trial, which 
 were but the beginnings of celestial life, and 
 proved that his departure hence was only a 
 removal to the happy intercourse of heaven. 
 In fact, as often as you reflect upon these 
 qualities of your dear son, you have reason to 
 be thankful to God, who has shewn such 
 kindness both to you and to him, as to confer 
 upon him the greatest of all favours : for a 
 grateful mind will record mercies as well as 
 crosses. 
 
 "It is becoming, therefore, as you know, 
 to be resigned to the will of God who requires 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 125 
 
 US to moderate our griefs, and to believe that no 
 real evil has befallen your son. Let these con- 
 siderations afford you comfort and repress undue 
 anxiety. The minds of men are naturally in- 
 fluenced by examples, for it seems proper that 
 we should not refuse to endure the afflictions 
 incident to others, and which must be sustained 
 as the common law of our nature. How calami- 
 tous must the death of Abel have appeared to 
 our first parents, by the murder of whom their 
 future hopes in reference to the church seemed 
 to be cut off in regard to their own family, and 
 how much greater cause for sorrow attached to 
 them, when the human race consisted of so small 
 a number, than can belong to you, who possess 
 a surviving family, in which distinct evidences 
 of piety may be traced? They were doubly 
 wounded by the death of one son, and still more 
 by the wickedness of his impious brother. 
 
 " Innumerable instances might be adduced 
 from the history of all ages. Recollect the old 
 Bishop of Antioch, whose three sons were slain 
 by the tyrant Decius, in the very presence of 
 their parents, who not only witnessed his cruel 
 conduct, but exhorted and encouraged their 
 children to suffer: after which, their mother 
 beheld the murder of her husband, and having 
 embraced the cold remains of her children and 
 her husband, solemnly committed them to the 
 grav€. 
 
12G LIFK OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 '' Ton remeiiiLer also, the history of the 
 Emperor Mauritius, who stood a silent spectator 
 while his son and daughter were slain, hut when 
 the iiiurderer approached his wife, he exclaimed, 
 amidst a flood of tears, " Righteous art thou O 
 Lord, and upright are thy judgments." (h) 
 
 " Wise men have often inquired with 
 astonishment, for Vvhat reason the feeble nature 
 of man is oppressed with such a weight of afflic- 
 tions ; but we who can trace the causes to a 
 divine origin, ought to be resigned to the ap- 
 pointments of God, and avail ourselves of those 
 remedies for grief which divine goodness has 
 revealed : and while these are your solace, reflect 
 upon this bright example of domestic piety. 
 
 " If when you are absent for a season from 
 your family, and placed at a distance amongst 
 persons uncongenial to your taste, the hope of 
 returning home alleviates your vexations ; so 
 now^ you may be stimulated to patience b}^ the 
 consideration that in a little time you will again 
 embrace your son in the delightful assembly of 
 the skies, adorned with a more splendid distinc- 
 tion than any station on earth can command, I 
 mean, with the glory of God, and placed 
 among prophets, apostles, and the shining 
 hosts of heaven, there to live for ever, enjoying 
 the vi;iion of God, and the enrapturing 
 
 (k) Ps. cxix. 137. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIIOX* 127 
 
 intercourse of Christ himself, the holy a}X)stles 
 and prophets. Let us constantly look forward 
 to this glorious eternity during the whole of our 
 troublesome pilgrimage as to the goal of ou? 
 course ; and let us bear with the greater for- 
 titude our present afflictions because the race is 
 short, and we are destined not to the fugitive 
 enjoyments of this life, but to the possession of 
 that blessed eternity in which we shall par- 
 ticipate the wisdom and righteousness of God. 
 
 '' But as you, my learned and pious friend, 
 are well acquainted with these truths, I have 
 written the more briefly ; and I pray God to 
 invigorate both your body and mind. You re- 
 member it is said, ' In him we live and m.(sr^ 
 and have our being.' ( ?*^— Farewell.'- 
 
 The preceding letter renders it almost su- 
 perfluous to state as a matter of fact, what must 
 be at once obvious to every reader, and what 
 every future transaction in Melancthon's life 
 will render increasingly evident, that he was 
 remarkable for Piety; humble, genuine, undis- 
 sembled piety. The association of great intel- 
 lectual capacities with bad moral habits is always 
 to be deeply deplored, and no exterior embellish- 
 ments of nature or art, no power of mind, no 
 fascination of manners, can render an infidel in 
 principle and a profligate in character otherwise 
 
 (i) Acts. xvii. 28. 
 
128 LIFE OF MELANCTHOiV, 
 
 than offensive and contemptible. Vice always 
 degrades even the great^ while religion in- 
 expressibly ennobles even the little. In the 
 present instance we have not to weep over 
 talent perverted and abused by vicious asso- 
 ciations, but to rejoice in seeing it devoted to 
 the best of purposes, and forming an alliance 
 with true piety, which w^as in fact the pillar 
 of his confidence, the brightest ornament of his 
 unblemished character, the consolation of hiis 
 most desponding hours, the stimulating motive of 
 all his public exertions, and the law of his family. 
 Among other interesting fragments of Me- 
 lancthon's composition^ a short but expressive 
 GKACE, designed for the table, and probably 
 used by himself, is extant, (k) 
 
 Benedictio Mens^. 
 Hi? Epulis donisque tuis benedicite Christc 
 
 Ut foveant jussii corpora fessa tuo, 
 Ken alit in fragili paiiis modo corpore vilam 
 
 Sermo tuus vitae tcinpora longa facit. 
 
 The Table Blessed. 
 To these provisions which enrich our board. 
 
 The gifts thy liberal Providence bestows, 
 Saviour, thy benediction now afford, 
 
 From which alone their power to nourish fl0^^s. 
 A few short years material food supplies 
 
 Corporeal waste, and cheers our fainting hearts ; 
 
 But thy imperishable word imparts, 
 A principle of life that never dies. 
 
 (1i) Melancth. Epigrammata. Hagan* 1521. 
 
LIFE of' melancthon. 129 
 
 Or, 
 
 O Saviour ! 
 
 Bless what thy providential care 
 Has for our bodies given ; 
 But thy good word (superior fare I) 
 Sustains the soul for heaven. 
 
 Melancthon was characterized by Sincerity^ 
 and totally devoid of every thing like deceit and 
 dissimulation. There were no reserves about 
 him ; all was transparent^ open, and honest, 
 while at the same time, his manners were re- 
 markably captivating. From this temper re- 
 sulted a freeness in common conversation, which 
 led him sometimes to express himself with a 
 degree of inconsideration : and even when his 
 intimate friends have endeavoured to check his 
 frankness from an apprehension of what indeed 
 not unfrequently happened, that his words 
 would be invidiously misrepresented, such was 
 his consciousness of entire purity of motive, 
 that they could seldom or never succeed in 
 rendering him cautious. He was not only com- 
 municative, but his conversation was seasoned 
 with WiL Disputing one day with a certain 
 Italian on the real presence in the Eucharist, 
 " how is U;'' said he, " that you Italians icill 
 have a God in the sacramental bread— yoit^ who 
 do not believe there is a God in heaven .5*" When 
 he first changed his religious views, he conceived 
 it impossible for others to withstand the 
 
130 LIFE OF MELAiNCTHON. 
 
 evidence of truth in the public ministry of the 
 gospel, but after forming a better acquaintance 
 with human nature, and living to witness the 
 futility of those fond but ill-founded expec- 
 tations which a warm hearted piety is at first 
 disposed to cherish, he remarked, that " he 
 found old Adam was too hard for young Me- 
 la net ho n.^^ 
 
 He was possessed of an extraordinary Me^ 
 mory^ and maintained that temperance in eating 
 and drinking, that equanimity of mind, and 
 those habits of reflection which essentially 
 conduce to the perfection of this faculty. He 
 was also inquisitive and read much, but with 
 proper selection ; retaining not only the general 
 strain of the discourse, but the very words of the 
 w^riter. (I) Nor were these merely lodged in 
 his memory, for he was remarkable for the 
 facility with which he could call into use what- 
 ever he knew. The various kinds of infor- 
 mation he gained were so arranged in the 
 different compartments of his great mental 
 repository, that he could at any time, and 
 without difficulty find whatever he wanted : for 
 he had the ^Jower of recollecting as well as of 
 retaining knowledge. This qualification fitted 
 
 (I) " Fuitque in eo valds bona niemorica non^rerum modo 
 et sententiarum sed vei-borum quoque et orationis. QucC igitur 
 legendo comprehenderat, ea hasrebant in aniuio ipsius." Cam. 
 Vit. Mel. p. 60. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 131 
 
 him for controversy and made him peculiarly 
 feared by his opponents. 
 
 Such was his Modesty that he would never 
 deliver his opinion upon important subjects 
 without deliberation and serious thought. He 
 considered no time misspent and no pains ill 
 bestowed in the search of Truth^ and he was 
 incessantly occupied in examining for himself. 
 Sophistry and every species of evasion in argu- 
 ment excited his just abhorrence ; seldom or 
 never could it escape his penetrating eye^ and 
 whenever he detected it no considerations 
 could deter him from expressing the most marked 
 disapprobation. His own conceptions were 
 clear, his language perspicuous, and his in- 
 tentions upright. There was such a trans 
 parency in the whole stream of his argument in 
 public discourses or disputations, that you could 
 see to the very bottom of his motives and 
 principles. 
 
 He w^as kind to a fault ; and so exceedingly 
 Humble^ that in the common concerns of life he 
 was not ashamed to stoop even to menial offices 
 if they were not base or dishonourable. Fre- 
 quently he would put to shame the ill-humoured 
 disinclination of the lowest servants to discharge 
 any part of their duty, by doing it himself. 
 
 The same happy combination of modesty 
 and humility characterized all his deportment, 
 and in a very conspicuous manner influenced 
 
 k2 
 
132 LIFE OF MELANCTHOX. 
 
 his private conduct, his pubHc transactions, and 
 his various writings. It is not every author 
 however conscious of the blemishes which may 
 have disfigured his first publications, that would 
 be willing to make concessions of this descrip- 
 tion, " iC'otbing is more foolish than to attempt 
 the defence of follv. An ino-enuous mind will 
 acknowledge its mistakes, especially in subjects 
 of a literary kind, and candidly confess its 
 weakness or negligence in order that youth may 
 learn from the example of others, to be more 
 diligent in investigation and more careful in 
 their mode of study. I will not scruple therefore 
 to censure some things in this (the first) edition 
 of my own writings, and Vv'ill not only recapi- 
 tulate the course of my juvenile studies, but 
 explain my meaning in some public transactions, 
 and state why I issued certain theological pub- 
 lications." (m) 
 
 M. Baillet, with a zeal natural to one of his 
 faith, is anxious that the church of Rome should 
 be duly honoured as the mother of so illustrious 
 an offspring. ^'•' His parents," says he, " were 
 most excellent Catholics, irreproachable in their 
 manners, exemplary in their conduct, careful to 
 maintain in their family the fear of God and a 
 due observance of his commandments, walking 
 before God with a simplicity, a fidelity, and a 
 
 (m) ilELAXCTH. Ep. Lib. 1. 110- E^. dt seipso et de 
 edit, prima <iUorinn scriptorum. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTITON. 133 
 
 zeal like that of primitive Christians. I feel 
 myself constrained to state these particulars^ that 
 yon may remember to attribute to Melancthon's 
 excellent education all that you read or hear 
 said of his sweetness of temper, courtesy, tem- 
 perance, modesty, and others virtues, for which 
 the Protestants have so much extolled him : and 
 that you may consider these qualities a^s pro-, 
 diicecl or cherished in the boso?n of the Catholic 
 chnrch.^^ (n) Varillas, one of the greatest 
 enemies of the Reformation, has nevertheless 
 spoken of him in the following manner : " He 
 possessed a sweetness and mildness of temper, 
 that rendered him incapable of returning injury 
 for injury. In observing the exactest rules of 
 morality, he only followed his inclination, and 
 notwithstanding the meanness of his birth, (o) 
 he practised the utmost generosity his means 
 would allow. No German wrote the Latin 
 language with greater ease or in a more intel- 
 ligible manner, yet he was never so attached to 
 his own productions, or so prejudiced in their 
 favour as to refuse making any corrections 
 suggested by his friends." (p) 
 
 00 Baillet Trait. Hist, des Enfans devenues celeb., 
 par Icurs Etudes ou par leurs Ecrits, p» 130. 
 
 (o) The Papists were extremely fond of representing their 
 adversaries as low and baseborn persons, in order as they ima- 
 gined, to render their cause contemptible. 
 
 (p) Varillas Hist, des Heres. 1. 7. So far indeed was 
 he from any over- valuation of his own productions, that he 
 K 3 
 
134 LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 
 
 Neither Melancthon's attachment to lite- 
 rature^ nor his multifarious engagements in 
 public seduced him from the cultivation of 
 domedic feelings^ and the discharge of j(3f/re;?^aZ 
 duties. His wife and children, ever dear to his 
 heart, were not forgotten amidst the deepest 
 abstractions of study, or the greatest perplexity 
 of engagement. 
 
 The habits of studious men have sometimes 
 been represented as tending to disqualify them 
 for the familiar intercourse of domestic or social 
 life. It is often long before the clouds which 
 profound study gathers over the mind can be 
 entirely chased away, even by the cheering in- 
 fluence of innocent conviviality. At the same 
 time a great man never appears greater than in 
 descending from the high station where public 
 opinion or extraordinary genius has enthroned 
 him to an approachable familiarity. It is then 
 his friends will no longer censure his abstractions 
 nor his affectionate family deprecate his fame. 
 Melancthon may be appealed to as a pleasing 
 
 suifered his papers, and what was most unjustifiably negligent, 
 even the letters of }jis most distinguished friends to lie about 
 exposed to any one's inspection. The consequence was, tliat 
 many of them were lost. " Quinetiam libros scriptaque sua 
 omnia ct litteras qucT afFerebantur quotidie plurima? a diversis 
 et dissimilibus conditionc, loco, fortuna, relinquere onmium 
 oculis et manibus expositas, ex quibus subtractum plurimum 
 esse constat." Cam. Vit. Mel. p. 57, 58, 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 135 
 
 illustration of this remark. A Frenchman one 
 (Jay^ found him holding a book in one hand and 
 rocking his child's cradle with the other. Upon 
 his manifesting considerable surprize^ Melanc- 
 tlion took occasion from the incident to converse 
 with his visitor on the duties of parents, and on 
 the regard of heaven for little children in such a 
 pious and affectionate manner;, that his astonish-^ 
 ment was quickly transformed into admiration. 
 The fondness he cherished for his own family 
 extended to children in general. He possessed, 
 in a very eminent degree, the rare art of making 
 himself a captivating and instructive companion 
 to them. He descended with the most happy 
 e^se to their level, promoted by his jocularity 
 their little pleasures, and engaged with all his 
 heart in their ^ames and festivities. He would 
 often exercise their ingenuity, by devising 
 fictions and puzzles, and took great delight in 
 relating useful scraps of history or memorable 
 tales, (q) 
 
 He always estimated Time as a most precious 
 possession. It is said of him, that when, he 
 made an appointment, he expected not only 
 that the day or the hour, but that the minute 
 should be fixed, in order that time might not be 
 squandered away in the vacuity or idleness of 
 suspence. 
 
 In his youth he w^as remarkably trou]>led 
 
 (^l) Cam. Vit. McL 
 
136 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 with sleeplessness^ which the regularity of his 
 general hahils at length overcame. When 
 letters or papers arrived in the evening he 
 always referred them to the next morning for 
 inspection^ lest the hours devoted to sleep which 
 he found indispensible to the due preservation 
 of health, should be disturbed. 
 
 His matrimonial connection was not only a 
 happy, but a very lasting one. Formed for each 
 other, this favoured pair were not destined to 
 suffer the pangs of early separation ; but lived, 
 so far as can be ascertained, in undisturbed 
 harmony for thirty-seven years. They had 
 four children, two sons and two daughters. Of 
 the former little or nothing is known. It seems 
 probable they died in early life, for in a letter 
 written to Camerarius his most intimate friend, 
 in April 1524, he intimates their delicacy of 
 constitution which seemed to require some 
 change of air, on which account he meditated 
 their removal for a time to Leipsic. (r) 
 
 Anne his eldest daughter appears to have 
 been the favourite child, for she was not only 
 handsome and accomplished, but of a very 
 
 fr) " Pneros meos cogito Lipsiam ad LottJierum aliquan- 
 ti>per mittere, nam aer noster nescio quid minatur." Me- 
 LANCTH. Ep. Lib. IV. 14. adJoack. Camerar. He afterwards 
 speaks of one of liis sons accompanying him in his visit to 
 Nuremberg in 1526, an account of which vvill be mentioned in 
 the proper place. Ep. Lib. IV. 29. 
 
tIFE OF MELANCTIION. 13T 
 
 literary turn. Luther in one of his letters, calls 
 her " the elegant daughter of Philip." (s) On 
 the sixth of November 1536, she was married to 
 George Sabinus. (t) This young man, a native 
 of Brandenburg, being sent to Melanethon with 
 the powerful recommendation of Erasmus to be 
 educated, became an inmate of his family. His 
 thirst after knowledge was so unbounded, that 
 no labour however great, which was deemed re- 
 quisite to attain it, damped his inextinguishable 
 zeal. By day and by night he devoted himself 
 to study, and overlooked or despised every 
 obstacle in the path of knowledge. But his taste 
 even surpassed his zeal, particularly in poetic 
 compositions. Camerarius relates that he had 
 seen him weep abundantly when reading an ex- 
 quisite piece of poetry, and that though he 
 would deeply deplore his own infelicity in com- 
 position, no one in reality excelled \iim,(u) 
 His poem entitled, " Res gestce Ccesariim Ger- 
 manorump procured him not only a very 
 
 (s) Ep. II. 92. 
 
 (t) Mi:l. Adam. Vit. Philosophorum, p. 227. 
 
 (u) " Vidi ego hunc Georgium, qui postea Sabini nomine 
 Celebris fuit valde tenera adlmc setate, lacrimas profundentem ad 
 Jectionem boni et elegantis carminis. Audivi tristes querelas 
 ejus deplorantis suam infelicitatem in scribendo, cum non solum 
 per aetatem nihii quod perfectum esset ipse elaborare, sed 
 ne intelligere quidem rationem perficiendi elaborandique adhuc 
 valeret." Cam, Vit. Mel. p, 206. 
 
138 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 extensive reputation in Germany, but the notice 
 and patronage of the most enlightened princes 
 of the age, and he became successively professor 
 of the Belles Lettres at Frankfort on the Oder, 
 rector of the New Academy of Konigsberg, and 
 counsellor to the Elector of Brandenburg. It 
 will not appear surprising that such a youth, and 
 in such favourable circumstances should have 
 ingratiated himself into Melancthon's esteem, 
 and attracted the affections of his accomplished 
 daughter. 
 
 It is related of Sabinus, that on a certain 
 occasion v^'lien he was dining in company with 
 Stigelius and Melancthon, the latter engaged 
 them in an extempore poetical contest. Sabinus 
 being the eider of the two was required to begin, 
 which he did in these words : — 
 
 " Carmina conscribant alii dictante Lya3o 
 Multa sit in versu cura laborque meo ;" 
 Some silly scribblers soon their pages fill — 
 Let care and labour regulate my quill I 
 
 to which Stigelius replied, 
 
 '• Carmina componant alii sudante cerebro 
 Nulla sit in versu cura laborque meo/' 
 Some toil and sweat to elaborate a rhyme — 
 Let no such care nor labour waste my time. 
 
 The two poetical gladiators had the satisfaction 
 of being equally extolled by Melancthon, the 
 
LIFE OF -MELANCTHON. 139 
 
 one for his attack^ and the other for his de- 
 fence, (x) 
 
 Stigelius obtained a considerable poetical 
 notoriety, and Melancthon has expressed a 
 very high opinion of his merit, (y) He wrote 
 a variety of epitaphs, epigrams, and epithalamia, 
 a metrical translation of many of the Psalms of 
 David, with other little compositions, of which 
 the following monumental inscription for himself 
 is not the least cmnous: — 
 
 Hie ego Stigelius jaceo ; qiiis curat ? ut omnis 
 Negligat hoc mundis ; scit tamen ipse Deus. 
 
 Here lies Sligelius; — but who marks the spot? 
 Well— let the world neglect me ! God will not. 
 
 But this apparently happy and suitable 
 connection was destined to become a sourse of 
 considerable affliction. Sabinus was very dif- 
 ferent in character from his father-in-law Me- 
 lancthon. The elegant pleasures of literature 
 did not satisfy him ; for he v/as naturally 
 
 Cv) Teissier Eloges des Hommes Savans — Art. George 
 Sahin, Mel. Adam. Vit. Philosophorum, p. 231. 
 
 (y) " Etsi enim Italia una videtur suavia et venusta ingenia 
 gignere, tamen fere adiirmari potest, nondum post Ovidii aetatem 
 cujusquam in Italia venam fuisse dulciorem et elegantiorem 
 Stigeliana. Et in Germania arhitror Micyllum et alios qui 
 carmen felicissime scribunt, libenter Stigelio proximum ab 
 Eobano locum tribuere.*' Melancth. Ep. Lib. I. 49, ad 
 Georg, Pi'incijJ. Anhalt, 
 
140 LIFE OF MELANCTIiON. 
 
 ambitious, and the fame he acquired by his poeti<3 
 publications, fed the secret flame till it could no 
 longer be suppressed. Melancthon was at- 
 tached to the more humble life of a man of 
 letters and a man of piety, nor could he be 
 induced by the most pressing intreaties to pursue 
 any measures for the promotion of his children to 
 posts of civil distinction and emolument. He 
 employed all his skill to cure the raging fever of 
 Sabinus, but in vain ; for the poet worshipped 
 fame and wealth. They became therefore dis- 
 contented with each other, and found it best to 
 separate. The lovely spirit of Melancthon how- 
 ever prevented any serious dissention, and they 
 eventually parted with mutual good will and 
 kindness. Sabinus took his wife into Prussia, 
 where to her father's inexpressible grief she died 
 after a residence of four years at Konigsberg. 
 
 The youngest daughter of Melancthon w^as 
 married in the year 1550, to Casper Peucer, 
 whose name is one of the most celebrated in 
 German literature, as well as in the annals of 
 the Reformation. He was a Physician, and 
 through the favour of the Elector of Saxony, 
 made professor of Medicine in the University of 
 Wittemberg. He was always sent for to Court 
 when any important deliberations of a medical 
 kind were held, and enjoyed free access to 
 the Elector. His w^ritings are numerous in 
 medicine, mathematics, and theology. Above 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 141 
 
 all, he is to be ranked amongst the illustrious 
 sufferers for the cause of Truth. 
 
 After the death of Melancthon, Peucer, in 
 conjunction with the divines of Wittemberg and 
 Leipsic, and of several ecclesiastics and persons 
 of distinction in the Court of Saxony, aimed to 
 introduce the Calvinistic sentiments respecting 
 the Eucharist, denying most strenuously the 
 Lutheran doctrine of the corporeal presence of 
 Christ. Great commotions being excited^ the 
 Elector Augustus, in the year 1571^ called a 
 solemn assembly of the Saxon Divines, and of all 
 persons concerned in the administration of 
 ecclesiastical affairs, at Dresden. Augustus com- 
 manded them to adopt his opinion respecting 
 the Eucharist, which at that time agreed with 
 that of Peucer and the moderate Lutherans ; but 
 he was soon seduced by the insinuations of their 
 adversaries, who represented the church as in 
 danger, to change sides, and in consequence of 
 finding: that the Saxon Divines who were the 
 disciples of Melancthon, propagated their senti- 
 ments with the utmost assiduity, he called a 
 new convention at Torgaw in the year 1574, 
 where he assumed the Dictator's chair and 
 wielded the Persecutor's sword. Of those who 
 denied the corporeal presence, some were im- 
 prisoned, others banished, and others compelled 
 to renounce their sentiments. Peucer had the 
 hon^our of suffering amongst the former. He 
 
112 L I F E O F IM E E A N C T U O N. 
 
 endured the severities of a cruel imprisonment for 
 ten years, and was released at last only through 
 the intercession of the Prince of Anhalt. (z) 
 
 Among the rare instances of eminent per- 
 sons attached to the reformed cause in the early 
 period of its progress which is now under review, 
 comprising the year 1520, the name of John 
 Thurzo, Bishop of Bt-eslaM^, in Silesia, claims a 
 distinguished notice. It is true little, too little 
 is known of him ; but as the early traveller 
 watches the commencement and the gradual 
 progress of the dawning day, by the first beams 
 that strike successively upon surrounding ob- 
 jects, so the observant reader will unite with 
 the vigilant biographer, in hailing each indica- 
 tion of increasing light in a Vv^orld enveloped in 
 mysterious darkness. The Bishop of Breslaw, 
 therefore, ought to be mentioned for the pleasing 
 singularity of his character, as the decided 
 friend of the infant Reformation. He died in 
 peace in the month of August, meriting this 
 lioble eulogium. — (a) 
 
 '' Who is there," says Melancthon, '^ that 
 
 (z) Adam. Vit. Medicor. Germ. Mosh, Eccles, Hist. 
 Cent. 16. 
 
 (a) This was expressed in a letter addressed to the good 
 bishop, which he did not live long enough to receive. Luther 
 wrote to him at the same time, in language indicative of an 
 equal esteem. ScuLTET. Annal. Evang. p. 61. Von der 
 Hardt. Hist. Lit. Reform. P. 5. p. 33. 
 
LIFE OF MELAJfCTIION. 143 
 
 does not love the man, who, so far as I know is 
 the only man in Germany, that by his autho- 
 rity, learning, and piety, has furnished an 
 example of what a bishop ought to be ? If 
 the Christian world could but produce ten 
 persons of a similar stamp and cast of thinki/ig 
 ((Tu/y^pa^^ova;), as Homer says, I should not doubt 
 of seeing the kingdom of Christ in some 
 measure restored." 
 
( It^ ) 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 A.D. 1520, 1521 
 
 The Pope's Bull against Luther. — His retaliation — 
 Diet of Worms — Luther^ s seizure and imprisonment 
 at the Castle of Wartenberg — Feeli?igs of Melanc- 
 thon — Condemnation of Luther by the Sorboniie — 
 Melancthon's Satirical Rejoinder — His publication 
 under the feigned name of Thomas Placentinus — 
 His Declamation on the Study of Paul — Extracts 
 from his Loci Communes, or Theological Common 
 Places — Transactions relative to the Abolition of 
 Private Masses. 
 
 Returning from the disputations at Leipsic, 
 Eckius resolved if possible to ruin Luther, and 
 pursued his purpose with inveterate malignity 
 and unremitting zeal. He flew to Rome, 
 implored Leo X. to excommunicate this heretic 
 and obtained the vigorous co-operation of the 
 Dominicans then in high favour at court, who 
 were willing to revenge the quarrel of their 
 brother Tetzel. 
 
 At length on the fifteenth of June 1520, 
 the Pope issued a Bull against Luther, in which 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHOX. 145 
 
 after calling upon Christ, St. Peter, St. Paul, 
 and all the saints to interpose in behalf of the 
 church (b) forty-one propositions are extracted 
 from his writings, and condemned as pestilential, 
 scandalous and offensive to pious minds; all 
 persons are interdicted from reading them upon 
 pain of excommunication, and unless the heretic 
 should present himself at Rome within sixty 
 days in order to take his trial before the supreme 
 
 (h) " Leo Episcopus, Servus servorum Dei. Ad 
 perpetuafn rei memoriam. Exsurge Domine et judica 
 causam tuam : memor esto improperiorum tuorum eorum quee 
 
 ab insipientibus fiunt tota die Exsurge Petre et pro 
 
 pastorab cura praefata, ut praefertur, tibi divinitus demandata, 
 intende in causam sanctae Rom. Ecclesise matris omnium 
 Ecclesiarum ac fidei magisti^, quam tu, jubente Deo, tuo 
 
 sanguine, consecrasti Exsurge tu quoque, quKsumus, 
 
 Paule, qui eam tua doctrina ac pari martyrio illuminasti atque 
 
 illustraeti. Jam enim surgit novus Porphyrins .' Ex- 
 
 surGat, denique, omni sanctorum ac reliqua univer- 
 salis ecclesia, cujus vera sacrarum bterarum interpretatione 
 posthabita, quidam quorum mentem pater mendacii excaecavit, 
 ex veteri haereticorum instituto, apud semetipsos sapientes, 
 scripturas easdem abter quam Spiritus Sanctus flagitet, proprio 
 duntaxat sensu, ambitionis, auraeque popularis causa (teste 
 Apostolo) interpretantur, imo vero torquent et adulterant, ita 
 ut juxta Hieronymum, jam non sit EvangeHum Christi, sed 
 liominis, aut quod pejus est, diaboli. Exsurgat, inquam, 
 })raBfata sancta ecclesia Dei, et una cum beatissimis apostolis 
 praefatis apud Deum omnipotentem intercedat, ut purgatis 
 ovium suarum erroribus, eliminatisque a fidelium finibus haere- 
 sibus universis ecclesiae suae sanctse pacem et unitatem conser- 
 vare dignetur." Bulla Leonis X. 
 
146 LIFE OF MELA NCT HON. 
 
 PontilT, he is fully excommunicated. But these 
 menaces were ineffectual ; in many places the 
 decree was delayed or evaded — even at Leipsic 
 it was violently opposed and at Erfurt it was 
 forcibly wrested from Eckius^ torn in pieces and 
 thrown into the river by a body of academicians. 
 Many of the Roman Catholic writers condemn 
 the imprudence of Leo in this and other hasty 
 proceedings against the Saxon Reformer^ but it 
 is more than probable that had the effect been 
 different, they would have spared the Tiara. 
 
 Immediately previous to the publication of 
 this celebrated anathema^, Luther had been 
 offered an asylum from his persecutors by 
 Sylvester Schaumberg, a Franconian knight, 
 w^hose son was under the tuition of Melancthon. 
 " I offer you/' said he, " my own protection, 
 and that of one hundred noblemen io Franconia, 
 with whom you can live in safety until your 
 doctrine has undergone a deliberate investi- 
 gation." The state of his mind at this critical 
 juncture may be ascertained from his own 
 language to his friend Spalatine the Elector's 
 secretary, upon transmitting to him the generous 
 letter of Schaumberg. " As for me the die is 
 cast. I equally despise the favour and fury of 
 Rome, I have no longer any wish to be con- 
 nected with or reconciled to them. Let them 
 condemn me and burn my books, and if I do 
 not in return publicly condemn and burn the 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 147 
 
 whole pontifical code, it will only be from 
 want of fire." In fact, on the tenth of De- 
 cember 1520, in the presence of an immense 
 concourse of people of all ranks, he committed 
 the Bull of Leo, the decretals of the Pontiffs and 
 other similar documents to the flames, in testi- 
 mony of his everlasting separation from the 
 Romish Communion. Nor did he neglect to use 
 the pen as well as the torch^ by which he ap- 
 pealed from the Pope to a general council, and 
 exposed the pretensions and corruption of the 
 church of Rome in several tracts. A second 
 Bull was issued against him in the month of 
 January 1521, in which the Pope styles himself 
 " the divinely appointed dispenser of spiritual 
 and temporal punishments : " it consisted of 
 a recapitulation of the preceding Bull, and a 
 formal excommunication of Luther. 
 
 During these transactions the Elector Fre- 
 deric acted with a prudence and discretion 
 which proved eminently serviceable to the Refor- 
 mation. Had he been less the friend of Luther 
 and of truth, he would have delivered him up to 
 his enraged adversaries ; had he been 7nore 
 zealous it would have been equally fatal by 
 exposing himself to the papal anathemas, and 
 the infant cause, which he secretly and therefore 
 effectually patronized, to almost inevitable de- 
 struction. His conduct and character cannot 
 be more accurately depicted than in the words 
 
 l2 
 
148 L5FE OF MELANCTIIONo 
 
 of Melaiicthon. " This most excellent prince 
 was much concerned to foresee the contests 
 and disorders which would ensue^ though 
 the first attacks made by Luther were upon 
 very plausible grounds. By his own judgment 
 and sagacity, and by long experience in the 
 art of government, he well knew the danger of 
 revolutions. But being a truly religious man 
 and one wiio feared God^ he consulted not the 
 dictates of mere worldly and political wisdom, 
 which might have inclined him to stifle at once 
 all symptoms of innovation. He determined to 
 prefer the glory of God to all other conside- 
 rations, and to listen to the divine command 
 which enjoins obedience to the gospel. He 
 knew that it was a horrible profaneness to resist 
 the truth when plainly seen and known. He had 
 studiously examined Luther's works, and accu- 
 rately weighed his proofs and testimonies ; and 
 he would not suffer doctrines to be oppressed and 
 smothered which he judged to be the word of 
 G^. The Holy Spirit confirmed and supported 
 hifci in these excellent resolutions, so that though 
 the Emperors Maximilian and Charles, and the 
 Roman Pontiffs urged this prince, and not 
 without menaces, to hinder Luther from writing 
 and preaching in his dominions, he was not in 
 the least degree shaken or intimidated. Yet he 
 presumed not to rely entirely on his own 
 judgment in a matter of such great importance. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 149 
 
 but took the advice of other persons who 
 were venerable for their rank;, learnings and 
 experience." 
 
 After the death of Maximilian I. the 
 unanimous vote of the electoral College placed 
 Charles V. upon the imperial Throne, who was 
 publicly crowned at Aix-la-Chapelle, on the 
 twenty-third of October 1520, the year after his 
 election, (c) Leo immediately applied to him 
 to inflict an exemplary punishment on Luther for 
 disobedience to papal authority, while Frederic 
 exerted his influence, an influence derived from 
 the personal obligations of Charles who had 
 been created Emperor chiefly through his 
 exertions, to obtain a public and fair investi- 
 gation of his cause in Germany previous to the 
 promulgation of any condemnatory edict. The 
 result was that the Emperor appointed a diet at 
 Worms in January 1521, to which under the 
 protection of a safe conduct Luther repaired in 
 April. 
 
 His friends recollecting the fate of John 
 Huss were extremely apprehensive, and would 
 have dissuaded him from venturing amongst his 
 enemies. Their fears increased as he approached 
 the city. Every argument was used to prevent 
 his perseverance and when at Oppenheim he 
 was met by Bucer, (d) who had been sent to 
 
 (c) Robertson's Hist, of Charles V. 
 
 (d) Martin Bucer was born at Shelestadt in Alsace. He 
 spent several days with Luther at Worms and embraced hh 
 
150 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 entreat him to take refuge in a neigbbouring 
 castle ; upon which occasion he uttered that 
 heroic and most characteristic declaration which 
 both Protestant and Papist historians have re- 
 corded : " I am lawfully called to appear in the 
 city of Worms, and thither will I go in the name 
 of the Lord, though as many devils as there are 
 tiles on the houses were there combined against 
 me." 
 
 At this crisis Melancthon thus expresses 
 himself in a letter to one of his friends. " Martin 
 still lives and prospers notwithstanding the 
 indignation and fury of Leo, to whom all things 
 have hitherto been supposed possible. Nobody 
 approves the Bull which Eckius is enforcing, 
 unless it be those who are more concerned for 
 their own ease and indulgence than for the 
 success of the gospel. We are certainly in no 
 danger from it at present though the hierarchy 
 raves and.thunders. O that you knew with what 
 trembling hesitation this pontifical mandate is 
 executed, for its abettors are in a complete strait 
 betwixt the general opinion on the one hand and 
 the anger of the Roman Pontiff on the other, 
 
 opinions. He afterwards preached the doctrines of tlie Reforma- 
 tion at Strasberg and was extremely active in endeavouring to 
 reconcile the Lutherans and Zuinglians. In the year 1549 
 Archbishop Cranmer invited him to England, and he became a 
 lecturer in Divinity in the University of Cambridge, where he 
 died in 1551, at the age of sixty-one. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION, 151 
 
 while there are many who would rather be 
 openly accused of any crime than appear to be 
 deficient in religious zeal for the Pope. You are 
 doubtless acquainted with the proceedings at 
 Worms, though I may say a word or two on 
 that subject. Charles is constantly urged to 
 proscribe Luther by an imperial edict, and there 
 are great deliberations and debatings about it. 
 If the Papists could prevail, in their rage they 
 w^ould destroy us, and they are vexed at the 
 inefficiency of the pontifical decrees. They are 
 in hopes that those which they are using every 
 means, but I trust in vain, to extort from the 
 emperor, will prove availing. Nothing can 
 terrify Martin Luther, who would willingly 
 purchase the advancement and glory of the 
 
 gospel AT THE PRICE OF HIS BLOOD," (e) 
 
 Private conferences and public examinations, 
 violent threats and gentle entreaties, were 
 alternately employed to cajole or to force him 
 into a recantation of his heretical opinions and 
 a submission to the Roman Pontiff* It was 
 all in vain. He was neither to be compelled 
 nor seduced into compliance. He could suffer 
 death, but he could not violate the dictates 
 of conscience! The wonder is, that when 
 his enemies were so inveterate and himself so 
 intrepid and resolute, he should have been 
 
 (i) Ep. 5, ad Hesaum. 
 
152 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 allowed to depart from Worms in peace ; but 
 the members of the Diet refused to expose them- 
 selves to the reproach of a violation of faith, 
 and the Emperor was unwilling to contend 
 with them from political motives. Luther was 
 allowed twenty one days to return home, and 
 required not to preach to the people in the course 
 of his journey. A few days after he had w^ith- 
 drawn, an edict was issued by the authority of 
 the Diet in the Emperor's name, declaring him 
 a member cut oiF from the church, a schismatic, 
 a notorious and obstinate heretic ; forbidding 
 all persons, under penalty of high treason, loss 
 of goods, and being put under the ban of the 
 Empire, to receive, defend, maintain or protect 
 him, either in word or writing ; and all his ad- 
 herents, followers, and favourers to suffer the 
 confiscation of their property, unless they had 
 left his party, and had received absolution 
 hy apostolic authority ! (f) 
 
 The formidable edict of Worms however 
 was in a great measure superseded by two cir- 
 cumstances, namely, the multiplicity of the 
 Emperor's engagements arising out of commo- 
 tions in Spain, and the wars of Italy and the 
 Low Countries ; and a curious, but well con- 
 certed and well timed contrivance of his wary 
 friend the Elector of , Saxony. Foreseeing the 
 
 (f) Dupi>-^s Eccles. Hist. B. %. Ch. 10, 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 153 
 
 meditated attack upon Luther, Frederic em- 
 ployed several trusty persons in masks to seize 
 upon him as he was passing a forest in Thuringia, 
 near Altenstein, and convey him to the castle of 
 Wartenberg which was situated on a high 
 mountain in the vicinity of Eisenach, (g) The 
 c.onsequence of this sudden disappearance was 
 unfavourable to his adversaries who were sus- 
 pected of having plotted his destruction, the 
 Imperial Edict missed its aim, and his opinions 
 — or rather, '^ The word of the Lord grew, 
 and was multiplied." (h) 
 
 Luther's confinement in the castle of War- 
 tenberg, placed Melancthon at the head of the 
 reformed cause, who was well aware of the 
 responsibility of his situation. After a consider- 
 able lapse of time he writes to his friend Hess ; 
 '' I feel the need I have of good advice. Our 
 Elijah is still confined at a distance from us, 
 though we are expecting and anticipating his 
 return. What shall I say more ? His absence 
 absolutely torments me." (i) Though there 
 was indeed an alloy of constitutional timidity, 
 
 Cg) Seckend. Hist. Luth. Lib. 1. Sect. 44. p. 152. In 
 his retreat he passed for a country gentleman, under the 
 assumed name of Yonker Georo;e. 
 
 (kj Acts xii. 24. 
 
 (i) The expression is very strong, and shews the agitated 
 fetate of his mind. " Me desiderium t^'us excruciat misere," 
 Ep. 7. ad Hessmtu 
 
154 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 which cannot but be considered as some depre- 
 ciation of his sterling value in the peculiar 
 situation of ecclesiastical affairs, no one was so 
 well qualified to maintain the respectability 
 and promote the success of the Lutheran cause. 
 The great Reformer well knew his extraor- 
 dinary merit, and requested him to assist in 
 the discharge of some of those clerical duties 
 for which he was incapacitated by absence. In 
 one of his letters he addresses him thus: " For 
 the glory of the word of God and the mutual 
 consolation of myself and others, I would rather 
 be consumed in a blazing fire, than remain here 
 half alive and utterly useless. If I perish, the 
 gospel of Christ will not perish, and you, I hope, 
 like another Elisha, will succeed Elijah." Again 
 he writes, " The accounts which I receive of 
 your abundant success in religion and learning 
 during my absence, rejoice my heart exceed- 
 ingly and v«ry much diminish the miseries of 
 separation. The circumstance of your going 
 on so prosperously while I am absent, is pecu- 
 liarly delightful to me, because it may serve to 
 convince the wicked one, that however he may 
 rage and foam, their desires shall perish and 
 Christ will finish the work which he has 
 begun." (k) 
 
 Melancthon was constitutionally hypochou- 
 
 (k) LuTH. Ep. 235, and 243. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 155 
 
 driacal; and as even trifling circumstances 
 frequently disturb the peace of such persons^ it 
 was to be expected that the state of things at 
 this momentous crisis would produce a powerful 
 effect upon his mind. His heart was interested 
 in the cause of pure Christianity, his happiness 
 was deeply involved in it, his sensibilities were 
 perpetually wrought upon by surrounding oc- 
 currences, and his spirits ebbed and fiovved 
 according to the success or decline of that cause 
 which was to him the dearest upon earth. In 
 fact the situation of Melancthon and the friends 
 of the Reformation was peculiarly afflictive. 
 The transactions at Worms and the subsequent 
 concealment of Luther had inspired Frederic 
 with an unusual degree of caution amounting to 
 timidity, in his proceedings. The writings of 
 Luther were not allovv'ed to be published and 
 the academicians were interdicted the discussion 
 of questions likely to offend persons of distinc- 
 tion, who were attached to Popery. That Luther 
 deeply sympathized with his friend and partici- 
 pated in his sentiments, is obvious from his own 
 words. " I sit here in my Patmos, reflecting 
 all the day on the wretched condition of the 
 church. I bemoan the hardness of my heart, 
 that I am not dissolved in tears on this account. 
 May God have mercy upon us! " It would 
 however be flagrantly unjust to impute the strong 
 gensation of either of these exalted characters to 
 
156 LIFE OF MELANCTIION, 
 
 pusillanimity. Though much distressed^ they 
 fully coincided in the principles recognized in 
 another of Luther's epistles — '* The peace and 
 approbation of God is ever to be preferred to 
 
 the peace and approbation of the world 
 
 In all circumstances we ought to adhere strictly 
 to the simple word of God and not merely when 
 that word happens to thrive and be respected 
 among men. Let those who please take against 
 us. But why are we to be always looking on 
 the dark side of things ? why not indulge hopes 
 of better times ? " 
 
 At length these bosom friends contrived a- 
 mode of alleviating the anxiety that was so 
 intolerable and of obtaining each other's assist- 
 ance in the present crisis. This was a secret 
 visit of Luther to Wittemberg^ which was has- 
 tened by the prevalence of various evils^ especially 
 the conduct of Carlostadt, which will be noticed 
 in a subsequent page. He states the circum- 
 stance to Spalatine : '^ I came to Wittemberg- 
 and amongst the delightful intercourse enjoyed 
 with my friends, I found this bitter, that my 
 little pamphlets and letters had neither been 
 heard of nor seen, for which you shall judge, 
 whether I was not justly displeased. However, 
 on the whole, what I have seen and heard has 
 afforded me the greatest satisfaction. May the 
 Lord comfort those who are interested in the 
 cause : but on my way I was vexed wnth thq 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIIOX. 157 
 
 various rumours I heard of the imprudences of 
 some of our friends and I propose to publish 
 some suitable exhortation as soon as I return to 
 my asylum. Commend me to our illustrious 
 prince^ from whom I wish to conceal my journey 
 to Wittembergj for a reason of which you 
 are aware. Farewell. I am in Amsdorff's 
 house with my beloved friend Philip Me- 
 lancthon." (I) 
 
 In England Henry VIII. published a book 
 against Luther and in defence of the seven 
 sacraments of the Romish Church, for which 
 he received the title never yet relinquished by 
 his successors, of Defender of the Faith, In 
 France, the Divines of the Sorbonne (m) pub- 
 lished a formal condemnation of Luther's 
 writings (dated the 15th of April, 1521), in 
 which they show the danger to which Christians 
 are exposed from his poisonous errors, and 
 charge him with rashness in preferring his own 
 judgment to that of the Universities and Holy 
 Fathers of the Church, as though God had given 
 him the knowledge of many truths necessary for 
 
 (I) LuTH. Ep. 253. 
 
 (m) The term applied to the faculty of Theology at Paris. 
 The ColPege of the University in which they assembled was 
 called the house of the Sorbonne, which was first erected and 
 endowed in the year 1250, by a wealthy favourite of St. Lewis, 
 whose name was Robert de Sorbonne. This Theolog-ical So- 
 cic^v was, at that period, in the highest repute. 
 
158 LIFE OF MELANCTHOiX. 
 
 salvation, which the Church had been ignorant of 
 during past ages, being left by Jesus Chrid her 
 spouse in the darkness of error, (n) 
 
 Melanetlion immediately gave them a very 
 suitable flagellation in a small piece, entitled 
 ^' Adversiis furiosum Parisiensium Theologas- 
 trorum decretum pro Luthero apologia ;" or, 
 ^' An Apology for Luther, in opposition to the 
 furious decree of the Parisian TheologastersP (o) 
 This, we may be certain, was gratifying to his 
 friend Yonker George, in confinement at War- 
 tenberg. " 1 have seen," says he, ^' the Decree 
 of the Parisian Sophists, together with the 
 Apology of Philip, and from my very heart I 
 rejoice : for Christ v^^ould not have given them 
 up to such blindness had not he determined to 
 promote his own cause, and to put a stop to the 
 despotism of its adversaries." (p) 
 
 In this satirical pamphlet Meianethon begins 
 by remarking, that, '' during the past year, the 
 Sophists of Cologne and Lou vain condemned 
 the Gospel, in a set of naked propositions, 
 
 00 DiJFjN's Eccles. Hist. B. 2 ch. 11. 
 
 (o) A term of ridicule as we speak of a j^oetastcr, witling, 
 &c. 
 
 (p) LuTH. Ep. 236, ad Spalat. Lib. 1. Luther is not 
 quite so delicate in his epithets when writing familiarly to 
 j\lelancthon on the subject ; for he does not scruple, in conformity 
 to the fashionahle language of the age on controversial occasions, 
 to call these Parisian doctors, asses and madmen. 
 
LIFE OF MELAKCTHON. 159 
 
 unsupported by either Reason or Scripture, and 
 that now the Parisian Divines had acted in the 
 same irrational manner. By the spirit which per- 
 vades the Decree it may be determined whether 
 it is from God^ who is not the author of malice, 
 or from another quarter ! It appeared almost in- 
 credible that such a work should have proceeded 
 from such a University, distinguished as it had 
 been by remarkable men, and especially by the 
 great and pious Gerson. (q) A letter was pre- 
 fixed to the Decree which he supposed must 
 have been written by some hired declaimer, 
 because it displayed such womanish violence, 
 that it was to be sure too silly for a divine! 
 What does it contain? ^ Oh! Luther is a 
 Manichsean ! a Montanist ! he despises us for- 
 sooth ! — he is mad ! — he must be brought to his 
 senses by fire and flames!' What feminine, 
 what monkish weakness ! 
 
 '' Luther is accused of heresy, not because he 
 differs from Scripture, but from the Holy 
 Fathers, Councils, and Universities^ whose opi- 
 nions are received as the first principles of 
 religion ! ! But are Holy Fathers, and Councils, 
 and Universities to decree the articles of Chris- 
 tian faith? — And how can this be the case, 
 when they are so liable to err, Occam himself 
 being judge, if you will not credit me ? Is our 
 
 (q) Vicl Ap})endix V. 
 
160 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 faith to depend upon the opinions of men ? — So 
 did not Paul determine when he affirmed, that 
 ' other foundation can no man lay than that is 
 laid, which is Jesus Christ.' (r) 
 
 " Luther then does not dissent from Scrip- 
 ture, but from your judgment, and from the 
 feense which the Fathers, Councils, and Schools 
 have adopted ; and this I see is the great cause of 
 the controversy, and the great sin he has com- 
 mitted ! But what after all is decreed by the 
 Councils, when some things are false and some 
 true, some conformable to Scripture, and some 
 contrary to it; so that Scripture must be the 
 final appeal, and if any passages be obscure, they 
 are to be compared with others, and thus Scrip- 
 ture will explain itself. ' If an Angel from 
 Heaven,' says the Apostle, ^ preach any other 
 gospel than v.diat I preach let him be ac- 
 cursed.' (s) Surely then Luther may oppose 
 the obvious sentiment of Scripture to Councils? 
 Fathers, and Universities! What can these 
 Sophists reply ? What sort of logic and what 
 kind of glosses can they use to avoid the inference 
 from these statements ? Either deny that there 
 is any certain sense in Scripture, or acknowledge 
 that Luther is justifiable in placing its dictates in 
 opposition to human opinion. 
 
 Cr) 1 Cor. iii. II, 
 (^■) Gal. i. 10. 
 
LIFE O F M E L A N C T H O N. 161 
 
 '^ After all he is not inclined to concede that 
 Luther and the ancient Fathers and Councils 
 disagree. On various points he is completely 
 supported by the sentiments of Augustine, Cy- 
 prian, Hilary, and Chrysostom ; though it is 
 true many things are to be found in the writings 
 of Luther on the Sacraments, vows and other 
 subjects, which cannot be discovered in them... 
 No wonder, for that age knew nothing of the ty- 
 rannical laws of Roman Pontiffs, nothing of our 
 Parisian Masters and their articles of faith. That 
 period may, perhaps, be considered as the noon- 
 day of evangelical truth ; ours as the declining 
 evening in which darkness covers the minds of 
 sinners as a punishment for their guilt ; and that 
 is darkness indeed in which the Sorbonne 
 divinity prevails, a divinity which extols human 
 opinion as paramount to Scriptural Truth/ Does 
 not the spirit of God, by his prophets, threaten 
 such a punishment, and does not Paul speak of 
 those who should teach for doctrines the com- 
 mandments of men ? — ^and to whom can he refer 
 but — to the Sorbonne Divines, or such as they ? 
 
 " Nay more, whatever criminality may be 
 supposed to attach to any persons for opposing 
 the Fathers, is to be charged upon these very 
 Parisian disputants themselves, who diametri- 
 cally contradict them. The very best of the 
 Fathers denounce whatever is not from the 
 spirit of Christ, as sinful ; but these not only do 
 
 31 
 
162 LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 
 
 not allow of their guilt, but absolutely affirm 
 many of them to be meritorious. The Fathers 
 deny that mere human strength is adequate to 
 fulfil the divine law^, these Parisians state the 
 very reverse. 
 
 " It is written, if an offender refuse to hear 
 the church let him be as a heathen man and a 
 publican. 1 pray now what do you call the 
 church? No doubt, the French, or Sorbonne 
 Church. But how can that be the church of 
 Christ which has not the word of Christ, who 
 testifies that his sheep hear his voice ? We de- 
 nominate that his true church which is built 
 upon THE WORD OF GoD, and which is nourished, 
 fed and governed by it ; in a word, which 
 derives every thing and judges of every thing, 
 by THE GOSPEL OF Christ, for " he that is of 
 God heareth the words of God." 
 
 Again, " You, the Sorbonne Church, without 
 appealing to Reason or Scripture, condemn Lu- 
 ther and exclude him from the communion of 
 the pious. But it did not become you to con- 
 demriy but to accuse. You do not accuse or con- 
 vince by argument, but contrary both to divine 
 and human laws, at once condemn, and for no 
 other reason than because you are the Sorbonne 
 divines and lords of our faith to be sure ! For- 
 shame ! forshame ! ! ! But stay, I must not 
 treat the Sorbonne so irreverently! for these 
 lords over our faith say they imitate the example 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 163 
 
 of the Apostles, when they issue decisions with- 
 out Scriptural authority. I wish, however, they 
 would verify this statement by some reference. 
 Clmst himself quotes the authority of Scripture. 
 Paul does the same ; and what are all the 
 apostolic discourses but the testimonies derived 
 from the records of the Old Testament con- 
 cerning Christ ? The Sorbonne only is to be 
 believed without Scripture ! 
 
 " He imagines this fraternity must be of 
 Egyptian origin, and the descendants of Jannes 
 and Jambres who resisted Moses. The truth of 
 the Lutheran doctrines, however, he is satisfied 
 will remain immoveable and unshaken^ not 
 only by their opposition^ but in spite of the 
 rulers of darkness." 
 
 Soon after the publication of this perform- 
 ance a mock ansvv^er appeared in the name of 
 the Parisian Divines, written in a ludicrous 
 style and intended to make them appear 
 ridiculous. Dupin imputes it to Luther, and 
 Seckendorf expresses a doubt whether it were 
 written by him or some other friend. 
 
 Another controversial piece of the present 
 year, under the feigned name of Didymus 
 Faventinus, against Thomas Piacentinus, and 
 on behalf of Luther, is to be attributed to 
 Melancthon. (t) It consists of forty-four folio 
 
 (t) Piacentinus or Rhadinus had written against Luther 
 and Melancthon; (Comp. Melancth. Ep. 5, 6. ad Hessum.) 
 M 2 
 
164 LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 
 
 pages. In this performance he details the 
 history of the Lutheran controversy, and refutes 
 the various calumnies of the enemies of truth 
 and the reformation. " Luther," says he, 
 " is most iniquitously condemned for having 
 delivered his country from the papal impo- 
 sitions, for daring to eradicate the errors of so 
 many centuries, and restoring to the light 
 pure Christianity which had been nearly ex- 
 tinguished by the impious decrees of the Popes, 
 and the vain sophistries of the schoolmen. I am 
 
 both suspected Emser to be the writer, but Echard seems to 
 
 have furnished sufficient evidence of their having been mistaken. 
 
 '• De his orationibus (scil. Rhadini) sciendum Lutherum 
 
 cum primum accepisset, cam ab Hieronymo Emsero scriptam 
 
 credidit: itaque Melancthon pro Luthero reposuit sub ficto 
 
 Didymi Faventini nomine, quod Radino causara praebuit 
 
 akerius edendse. Sic enim Johannes Cochleus rerum testis 
 
 Phihppica VII. ad Carolum V. p. 55'd narrat: Quanta est 
 
 enim^ inquit, procacilas hujiis Phillijjpi in ea oratione, 
 
 quam edidit contra Rhadinum Placentinum sub jicto nomine 
 
 Didymi Favmtini, S^'c. Et ad ann. 1525 de scriptis & actis 
 
 Martini Lutheri ageus p. 112. Nam ciim doctissimus eoriim 
 
 Philippus Melancthon antea respondisset accusationi, quam 
 
 Thomas Rhadinus Todesco Plucentinus vir eloquens ac 
 
 theologus gravissime simul et eruditissime in Lutherum ad 
 
 jirincipes Genminicc scripserat, ille antem falso putasset 
 
 a Hieronymo Emsero scriptam fuisse^ a Rhadino iUo ita 
 
 repulsus est altera oratione, tit contra ne mutire quideni 
 
 uuderet^ (!^f." 
 
 QuET. et EcHARD. Scriptores Ordinis Praedicatorum 
 recensiti, Tom. 2 p. 74, 75. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 165 
 
 not alone in ascribing this merit to Luther ; 
 the learned universally do the same : and 
 I state this lest you should imagine that he is 
 the sole author of the present commotions, 
 which ought rather to be imputed to those 
 who have done nothing else during the past 
 three years than plot the destruction of Luther. 
 Do not suppose their object is the peace of the 
 Christian community — no— it is solely that 
 they might be able to tyrannize completely 
 over it." 
 
 Rhadinus, in his declamatory publication, 
 banters Luther, telling him that he ought to 
 feel himself very much obliged to his friend 
 Philip Melancthon, for taking the pains to 
 polish up his writings and enable him to cut a 
 better figure than he would in his own barbarous 
 style: and censures him for discountenancing 
 liberal studies. " Luther," replies Melancthon, 
 " is no enemy to Mathematics and Natural 
 Phiiosopy. He thinks the study of coins, 
 plants, and the habits of animals, conducive to 
 the knowledge of the sacred writings, and 
 ought to be encouraged in the Academy. He 
 approves authors of this class which we use, 
 as Pliny, Athengeus, and, if you please, Aris- 
 totle, Theophrastus, Dioscorides, not to mention 
 the poets." 
 
 After exposing the errors of the scholastic 
 divinity, both in metaphysics and in morals^ 
 
J66 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 ^^ with prodigious force of argument and fluency 
 of language/' (u) and discussing a variety of 
 other topics, he proceeds to the subject of grace. 
 " Philosophers imagine that men may obtain 
 the highest pitch of virtue by exercise and 
 habit; on the contrary the sacred writings 
 teach that all human performances are polluted 
 by sin, and can be cleansed only by the Spirit 
 which Christ procured for men. Philosophers 
 attribute every thing to human power ; but 
 the sacred writings represent all moral powder 
 as lost by the fall. The Scholastics, in imitation 
 of the Philosophers who ascribed the merit and 
 the goodness to human power, affirmed that 
 the Spirit was delighted to dwell with us after 
 this self-created excellence, but not to trans- 
 form or purify the soul by his agency. Who 
 does not perceive how" the truth of Christ 
 is obscured and lost by this statement; this 
 utter rejection of the scriptural representations 
 of the Spirit as the author of sanctificaiion 
 and of every thing good in man ; and this 
 shameless, this arrogant assumption of human 
 merit? Hence have originated those endless 
 disputes respecting offerings, rewards, and 
 cardinal virtues, in which every thing is 
 attributed to human nature, and nothing to 
 Christ. 
 
 (u) " Magno pondere argumentoruni & verborum llutninc.*' 
 Seckendorf. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. IGt 
 
 ^^ The terms grace, faith, hope and charity, 
 are so abused, that they have quite a different 
 meaning in the sacred writings from that 
 which is given them in the controversies of 
 scholastic divines, so that we have not only 
 lost the doctrine, but the very language of Chris- 
 tianity. Grace, denotes the favour of God 
 through Christ — but where does it ever signify, 
 as they assert, a form of soul ? Whence origi- 
 nated the terms /a?/^ infused or acquired, formed 
 and unformed? What is their authority for teach- 
 ing that Christian minds must hope for salvation 
 from human merits? Whence indeed is this 
 profane, impious and arrogant word, merit ? 
 
 " The church, ye Princes, appeals to your 
 faith and piety, that, enslaved as she has hitherto 
 been by vain philosophy and human traditions, 
 you would at length emancipate her from her 
 wretched state, her Babylonian servitude ! " 
 
 He complains bitterly of the state of the 
 Universities, and entreats the different Princes 
 to use their utmost exertions to procure that 
 reform which was so essentially requisite. " The 
 youth, the most tender and susceptible part of 
 the community, are perishing in luxury, gluttony 
 and excess. And what are they likely to do 
 with such masters ? And if they should have 
 a diligent tutor, what will it avail if he cannot 
 instruct them, or only in the most sparing 
 manner, in sacred wisdom ? For it is in vain 
 
168 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 you attempt to govern the youthful mind unless 
 you arm it, by evangelical truth and holy 
 example, against the lusts of the flesh, ttie 
 influence of the world and the machinations of 
 Satan. 
 
 '^ Every one of the ancient Republics paid 
 the greatest possible attention to the instruction 
 of their youth ; we, we oi^ly? who are denomi- 
 nated Christians, totally disregard and despise 
 this, which is of all others the most important 
 object. O ye Princes, if no other consideration 
 affect your minds, at least compassionate the 
 situation of our youth, who are ruined by the 
 wickedness of others ! I have seen some of 
 them by no means ill disposed, who would 
 however rather continue in ignorance of letters^ 
 than purchase knowledge at so dear a rate ; and 
 who carried away nothing from the Universities 
 but a wounded conscience." 
 
 It is needless to quote any of those passages 
 which are merely controversial, though m 
 themselves witty, and at the time extremely 
 necessary. Poor Rhadinus published a reply 
 in the following year full of feeling and fur- 
 nishing ample proof that Melancthon had trod 
 upon a snake. 
 
 Amongst the " Select Declamations," we 
 find one of the present year on a subject which 
 Melancthon was peculiarly qualified to discuss. 
 It is entitled, " Adhortatio ad Christianee 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 1G9 
 
 Doctriiiee^ per Paulum Proditse, Stadium ;" or. 
 An Exhortation to the Study of Christian Truth, 
 as stated by the apostle Paul. After shewing 
 the superiority of Paul's doctrine, and the 
 institutions of Christianity to human laws, and 
 of Paul's eloquence to that of the most cele- 
 brated orators of antiquity, he concludes with 
 the following solemn appeal : " If, O ye youths, 
 you have any concern for your own best interests, 
 devote your minds to the study of Paul. Inform 
 yourselves from him of the genuine principles 
 of the Christian life, the true means of religious 
 consolation, and the estimate to be formed of all 
 divine and human things. It concerns youth 
 especially to embrace a doctrine of preeminent 
 importance, as conducive to the felicity of man 
 in his passage through the present life, and in 
 prospect of departure from it. Paul instructs 
 you how to live holily and to die happily, by 
 warning the unwary of the snares which their 
 formidable adversaries the flesh and the devil, 
 have prepared for their ruin. You may without 
 moral danger neglect other arts and studies, but 
 it is impossible to despise the truth of the gospel, 
 without sacrificing the hope of salvation. It 
 becomes bishops to use their utmost endeavours, 
 not only to see that those particularly devoted 
 to sacred studies are well instructed, but to 
 promote this knowledge throughout the whole 
 Christian community; and it is incumbent on 
 
170 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 the Academies to inculcate it with the greatest 
 zeal^ and substitute it for that barbarism and 
 disputation falsely called Philosophy, which our 
 ancestors unhappily sanctioned. If it please 
 God the brass shall become gold. 
 
 '' It is with the deepest affliction of mind I 
 observe that our public seminaries are nothing 
 but the temples of Tophet, and the gloomy 
 valley of the children of Hinnop. Christianity 
 is banished. Athens had its Areopagus, and 
 Sparta its School, where youth were trained up 
 after the very best models, and were better in- 
 structed by these heathens than they are in our 
 Universities at this day. But do you yourselves, 
 ye studious youth, seriously undertake the dili- 
 gent study of St. Paul's writings, where Christ 
 Jesus is evidently set forth, and his Spirit will 
 unquestionably prosper your endeavours. No 
 service is more acceptable to God, and no con- 
 duct can be more pious and praiseworthy than 
 to aim at truth, and to acquire its transforming 
 influence ; and being once attempted, the labour 
 will become so delightful that it will never be 
 relinquished. The knowledge of any truth is 
 pleasant, but the knowledge of Christian truth is 
 singularly beneficial, and you will find the 
 writings of Paul both agreeable and useful. 
 
 " It is said that the Egyptians, a people un- 
 exampled for superstition, kept an annual festival 
 in honour of Mercury, the reputed author of 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 171 
 
 their laws and literature^ on which occasion the 
 multitude were accustomed to offer sacrifices of 
 honey and figs. This rite proves the antiquity 
 of the festival; for in the golden age, as it is 
 called, almost all public entertainments and 
 feasts were of a sacrificial nature, and honey and 
 iigs the most usual offerings to the gods, of 
 which there is ample evidence. In the midst of 
 these public solemnities the voice of melody was 
 heard in a hymn to Mercury, neither rudely 
 composed nor badly recited. It expressed the 
 grateful sense they cherished of his having given 
 them laws and formed a variety of institutions, 
 and celebrated the praise of truth in general. 
 May I not indulge the hope that the discovery 
 of truth by the study of Paul, will excite similar 
 sensations and strains of festive joy ? for what 
 can be more just and proper than that after 
 being instructed in the best and most important 
 knowledge, the burden of our song should be 
 as their's constantly was yXvKv ^ aXrjOeiay " O 
 lovely truth !" 
 
 The " Loci Communes Theologici," or 
 " Theological Common Places," which was first 
 published at Wittemberg in 1521, demands, 
 on account of its magnitude and subsequent 
 celebrity, a particular notice. None of the 
 works of Melancthon, and scarcely any amongst 
 the numerous productions of his illustrious 
 contemporaries, excited greater attention^ or 
 
172 LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 
 
 circulated to a wider extent. It was very- 
 popular both in France and Italy. At Venice, it 
 was published under the name ofMesser Phtlippo 
 cle Terra Nera, (x) and was extensively read. 
 Not a syllable of disapprobation was expressed, 
 till one Cordelier, who had read the work as it 
 was first published, with the author's real name 
 aflBxed, gave information to the inquisitors, who 
 though they approved, or at least did not censure 
 it, as the writing of PhiUppo de Terra Nera^ 
 instantly suppressed it as the production of 
 Philip Melancthon! (y) 
 
 " He that intends to be a good divine," says 
 Luther, " hath a great advantage ; for, first, he 
 hath the Bible, which I have so plainly translated 
 out of the Hebrew into the High German lan- 
 guage, that every one may read it without diffi- 
 culty. Afterwards he may read the Loci Com- 
 munes of Philip Melancthon ; and let him read 
 with diligence, so that he may have it perfectly 
 in his memory. When he has these two pieces, 
 then he is a divine, against w4iom neither the 
 devil, nor any heretic can be able to take advan- 
 tage, for the whole of divinity lies open to him, 
 so that he may read w^hat and when he wnll for 
 
 (x) Philippo De Terra Nera is the Italian rendering 
 of his name : Gumanice Schwartzerd, Graece Melancthon. 
 
 (y) Hermanni Van Der Hardt Hist. Literar. Re- 
 formationis. P. IV. p. 30. Dupin Eccles. Hist. Cent. 17, 
 T. I. p. 220. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTlION. 173 
 
 his edification." Again, " we find no book 
 where the sum of religion or divinity is more 
 finely compacted together than in Melancthon's 
 Loci Communes ; all the Fathers and Senten- 
 tiarii are not to be compared to it. It is the 
 best book next to the holy Scriptures, (z) 
 
 The first editions of this publication were 
 not complicated like the succeeding ones with 
 large discussions and illustrations which the 
 prevalence of controversy induced its author 
 afterwards to believe necessary. To meet the 
 reasonings and obviate the objections of the 
 Catholic writers, Melancthon continually re- 
 published it with enlargements, but without 
 any material change of its principles. 
 
 In the dedication of this work to Henry VIII. 
 
 (z) CoLLOQ. Mensal. p. 298. " Cumque in hoc nostra 
 versetur oratio," says a friend and pupil of Luther and Melanc- 
 thon and professor of Theology at Tubingen, " et magnus sit horuni 
 locorum usus, atque in omnium fere manibus versentur, non 
 possum praeterire, quin judicium Domini Doctoris Martini Lutheri 
 de illis recitem. Spero enim non fore auditioribus ingratum. 
 
 Adeo autem honorifice de illis sensit, ut dixerit, Non extare 
 uUum aliiid prasstantius postApostolica Scripta, locisD. Philippi; 
 ideoque in Ecclesia et Scholis retinendum, quia in eo doceat, 
 pugnet et triumphet, ac totum corpus cjelestis doctrinae 
 complcctatur. Nee in omnibus omnium patrum scriptis, tantum 
 reperiri eruditionis Theological, quantum in locis hisce con- 
 tineatur. Etsi omnia illorum scripta conflarentur, non tamen 
 inde locos Philippi prodituros. Heerbrand. Orat. Funcb. in 
 obitum Melancth. habita in Acad. Tubing. 1 560. 
 
174 LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 
 
 the author states the motives which influenced, 
 him to prepare it, and they are such as cannot 
 fail to secure the approbation of every pious 
 mind. In order to secure the great purpose of 
 utility, he represents himself as avoiding all 
 questions of mere curiosity, and expresses his 
 characteristic abhorrence of the intricacies of 
 controversy as tending rather to perplex than 
 instruct the mind, (a) 
 
 To an edition published in French, at 
 Geneva, in the year 1551, the illustrious John 
 Calvin has prefixed an advertisement, in which 
 he eulogizes the author in the strongest terms : 
 and of the Common Places in particular he very 
 justly remarks, '' it is a summary of those truths 
 which are essential to the christian's guidance in 
 the way of salvation." A very cursory analysis 
 of the sentiments contained in this celebrated 
 
 (a) " Cum in docendo magnopere prosit tenere summas 
 rerum ordine et ratione distributas & in methodum contractas, 
 collegi et ego pr^cipuos locus doctrinae christianae, eosque quos 
 arbitrabar maxime ad pietatem alendam conducere et in vita, 
 et in exercitiis piorum usum habere, denique qui extare in 
 ecclesiis et in concionibus inculcari maxim^ debent. Ac non 
 solum curioi^as et inutiles qusestiones praecidi ac fugi, sed 
 etiam in reliquis locis, quos explicandos esse putavi, optima fide 
 ac simplicitate sine sophistica, res ipsas quantum potui exposui. 
 Nam et ipse abhorreo, ut qui maxime a prcestigiis illis dis- 
 putationum, quae cum multa colligunt inextricabilia, perplexa, 
 paradoxa, absurda, prodigiosa, tantum perturbant conscientias, 
 non docent." 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 175 
 
 performance is all the reader can expect or 
 would deem admissable. The edition used is 
 that of 1536. f 5; 
 
 Of God. 
 
 ^' The human mind^ originally formed in the 
 image of God, and capable of knowing him, is, 
 however, in consequence of sin, enveloped in 
 darkness, and can scarcely of itself determine 
 whether there be a God or a Providence. 
 Although nature is every where marked with 
 traces of the Divinity, and with evidences of 
 his interference in human affairs, such is the 
 weakness of man, that he is full of doubt and 
 hesitation on the subject. It is, therefore, a 
 proof of divine goodness to enlighten and 
 instruct us by his word. 
 
 " God is a spiritual essence, possessing 
 eternity and the attributes of power, wisdom, 
 goodness, justice and mercy, in an infinite 
 degi^ee, which are not separable from himself, or 
 incompatible in their operations. The unity of 
 God is stated in the following passages : " Hear, 
 O Israel, the Lord our God is one Lord.' — ^ I am 
 the first, and I am the last, and besides me there 
 is no God.'— ^ I am the Lord and there is none 
 else, there is no God beside me.'~ ^ We know 
 that an idol is nothing in the world, and there is 
 
 (h) Vid. Appendix VI. 
 
176 LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 
 
 none other God but one.' — ' One God and 
 Father of all.' (c) 
 
 " The scriptures teach us, however, that the 
 essence of God consists in three persons, infinite 
 and co-eternal, the Father, the Son, and the 
 Holy Spirit. 
 
 " The Son is denominated by John the 
 LOGOS or WORD. In the epistle to the Hebrews 
 he is called ' the brightness of the Father's glory, 
 and the express image of his person ;' and ' all 
 things' are said to have been ' made by him.' 
 In the Colossians he is termed ' the image of the 
 invisible God.' (d) 
 
 " The third person, or Holy Spirit, is re- 
 presented by John as proceeding from the 
 Father and the Son. The Son, at tlie pre- 
 destined period of time, assumed human nature 
 and was born of the Virgin Mary. He was 
 THE Christ, one person consisting in two 
 natures, the divine and the human. Neither the 
 Father nor the Spirit assumed human nature, 
 but the Son. 
 
 " The doctrine of the Trinity is supported by 
 Scripture. In the last chapter of Matthew 
 mention is made of ' baptizing in the name of 
 the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit.' 
 
 (c) Deut. vi. 4. Is. xliv. 6. Is. xlv. 5. 1 Cor. viii. 4. 
 Eph. iv. 6* 
 
 {d) Hee. i. 3. John i. 3. Col. i. 15. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 177 
 
 Three persons are here distinctly named, and 
 each is assigned an equal power and honour. 
 The appeal or invocation is made to each^ and so 
 as to imply an equal authority. 
 
 " Christ must have been possessed of a divine 
 nature, or it would not be proper to adore and 
 invoke him. And the adoration, as stated in 
 various passages^ was not merely external, as we 
 bow before kings and potentates, because omni- 
 potence is attributed to him, and John affirms, 
 ' in the beginning- was the word, and the word 
 was with God, and the word was God.' (e) 
 
 A copious variety of passages is here quoted 
 from the Old and New Testaments, in proof of 
 prayer and other acts of worship being pre- 
 sented to Christ, and the opinions of the Arians 
 and Socinians ai-e opposed by arguments and 
 quotations from the fathers. 
 
 In speaking of the holy spirit, Melancthon. 
 remarks, that " the general signification of the 
 term spirit is motion, either natural, or by means 
 of external impulse ; but it is used in a variety 
 of senses by the prophets and apostles, which 
 must not be absurdly confounded together. Often 
 it means the wind, the life of man, and the 
 various movements of passion good or bad. In 
 the phrase ' God is a spirit,' it signifies 
 a spiritual essence, or a pure incorporeal 
 
 (>) John i. 1. 
 
 N 
 
178 LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 
 
 intelligence. It is applied to the Father, but 
 not to him only, and it is requisite to distinguish 
 those places where it refers to the Holy Spirit, 
 whose office is to sanctify and animate the 
 soul." 
 
 The divinity and personality of the Holy 
 Spirit are then maintained in a series of expla- 
 natory remarks on his appearance at the Baptism 
 of Christ in the form of a dove, and on the day 
 of Pentecost ; and on a variety of passages com- 
 monly recited in the Trinitarian controverey. 
 
 The Creation. 
 
 ^^ All creatures are the workmanship of 
 God ; angels, men, and every other existence 
 and substance. They were created from nothing, 
 for ' by the word of the Lord were the heavens 
 made, and all the host of them by the ])reath of 
 his mouth.' (/j 
 
 '' If all things w^ere made by the word of the 
 hord, they were not formed, as the stoics 
 imagined, from matter antecedently existing* 
 And as God created, so he perpetually sustains 
 all things and all beings. The fertility of the 
 earth year after year, and the perpetuation of 
 human life are to be attributed to wdiat is called 
 his general operations. ' In him we live and 
 move and have our being.' ' Who upholds all' 
 
 (f) Ps. xxxiii. 6. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 179 
 
 things by the word of his power.' '^ He givelh 
 life to all flesh.' ' Are not two sparrows sold 
 for a farthing, and not one of them shall fall to 
 the ground without your father. Even the very 
 hairs of your head are all numbered.' ' All 
 wait on thee that thou mayest give them their 
 meat in due season.' ' He covereth the heavens 
 with clouds, he prepareth rain for the earth, 
 he maketh grass to grow upon the mountains.Tg-j 
 
 " A variety of special promises have been 
 given to the church, relating to the care of a 
 superintending providence, and are to be found 
 in every part of the scriptures. The prayer 
 which our Saviour directs us to present, ^give us 
 this day our daily bread,' intimates our constant 
 dependance, so that second causes cannot 
 operate or avail us unless God give them 
 efficiency. 
 
 " Other proofs of this subject might be ad- 
 duced ; as, firsts the order of nature, that is to 
 say, a series of eifects, shewing an agent and 
 cause. The regularity of these operations, as 
 the course of the heavenly bodies, the succession 
 of animals, and of the various productions of the 
 earth, and the course of rivers, demonstrate they 
 are not accidental coincidences, but resulting 
 from an intelligent agent. Secondly, the nature 
 
 (g) Acts xvii. 28. Heb. i. 3. Mat. x. 29. Ps. civ. 27. 
 Ps. cxlvii. 8. 
 
 N 3 
 
180 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 of the human mind : what is devoid of inteUigence 
 cannot produce it, but the human mind possesses 
 intelligence, and since each derives his being 
 from another, the original being must be 
 an intelligent one. Thirdly^ the distinction 
 between virtue and vice, and the varieties of 
 knowledge. It is not possible these should, 
 exist in the human soul without an adequate 
 cause and by mere accident. Fourthly^ the 
 uniform impression of the truth that there is a 
 God — all acknowledge it. Fifthly, natural 
 conscience : persons guilty of notorious crimes, 
 suffer great alarms of mind, and yet do not 
 apprehend that any punishment will be inflicted 
 by man. They have a certain internal con- 
 viction of right and of wrong, Sixthly, the 
 constitution of civil society, which could not be 
 organized and maintained in its various relations, 
 but for the w^isdom imparted and the regulations 
 maintained by an eternal Providence. Seventlily, 
 the know^ledcre which is obtained and can be 
 obtained only by the continuance of efficient 
 causes. These are not infinite, w^e must there- 
 fore recur to a first cause. Eighthly, the 
 existence of final causes. — All things are 
 destined to some use, but this appointment of a 
 suitable end and purpose could not have been 
 fortuitous nor can it continue by chance. It 
 implies a superintending intelligence. Ninthly , 
 prophetic signs and intimations of futurity* 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 181 
 
 These are not only such signs as are notorious 
 to the heather! world^ but especially particular 
 jDredictions to the church — often involving the 
 fate of empires, as the predictions of Balaam, 
 Isaiah, Jeremiah and Daniel. A foreseeing 
 mind is necessarily pre-supposed. These con" 
 siderations demonstrate both the being and the 
 presiding providence of God. 
 
 The Cause and Consequence of Sin. 
 
 " This has been a fruitful subject of disputa- 
 tion, and many great men on both sides have 
 involved themselves in inextricable difficulties 
 and absurdities. Let youth be admonished to 
 lay aside contention, and seek only that simple 
 truth which is conducive to genuine i:eligion and 
 sound morality. All wise men agree in one 
 point, that God is not the author of sin, that he 
 neither desires it nor impels the will to commit 
 sin, but abhors it ; but it is to be attributed to 
 the influence of the devil and to the will of man, 
 God when he had created the universe pro- 
 nounced all very good, and Christ imputes evil 
 to Satan, when he represents him as ^ a liar and 
 the father of lies,' The New Testament every 
 where states the same sentiment. ' Whosoever 
 committeth sin is of the devil — for the devil 
 sinneth from the beginning,' that is, the devil 
 wa^ the original author of sin. (h) 
 
 (h) I John iii. 8^ 
 
182 
 
 LITE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 " Such expressions as ' I will harden 
 Pharoah's heart' do not contradict this repre- 
 sentation, because they are mere Hebrew idioms^ 
 signifying- the permission and not the effectual 
 operation and impulse of the divine mind. 
 
 " The nature. of original sin is hence apparent. 
 It is not the original nature which the Deity 
 implanted in man, but the corruption arising 
 from disobedience. God then is not the author 
 of sin, but properly speaking, it arose from the 
 temptation of Satan and the will of man which 
 was created free. 
 
 On the Freedom of the Human Will 
 
 '' By the term free will, is to be understood a 
 faculty and power in the human will, to choose 
 or reject whatever is presented to it ; which 
 power was far greater before nature was cor- 
 rupted, but is now impeded by various means to 
 be hereafter stated. The apostles speak of the 
 heart and the mind^ that is, the w^ill and I lie 
 understanding, 
 
 '^ Many disputes have been agitated upon 
 this subject, and the grand question is, in v/hat 
 manner can the will be free, or how can it obey 
 the law of God ? This question can only be 
 resolved by considering the magnitude of that 
 sin, or inherent infirmity which is contracted by 
 our very birth, and the requirements of the law 
 of God as extending not only to external 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. l83 
 
 obedience, but to that of the whole nature, per- 
 petual and perfect. If the nature of man were 
 not corrupted by sin, its knowledge of God 
 would be more clear and certain ; it w^ould be 
 affected with no doubts, but possessing a genuine 
 fear and conlidence would render a perfect 
 obedience, that is to say, all the feelings of the 
 soul would harmonize with the divine law like 
 those of holy angels. In consequence of original 
 sin, however, the nature of man is now full of 
 doubts, darkness and error, destitute of true fear 
 and confidence in God, and polluted with vile 
 affections. Hence the question arises, what 
 kind of power does the human will possess ? I 
 reply, that since the understanding of man is 
 corrupted, and the choice of those things which 
 are subjected to reason or to sense is perverted, 
 so also is his external and civil obedience. 
 
 '^ The gospel teaches us that such is the 
 dreadful depravity of nature, that it is totally 
 repugnant to the law^ of God, so that we cannot 
 obey; and the human w4ll cannot, by any 
 exertion of its own, eradicate this depravity. 
 Such is the blindness of human nature, that 
 we do not even discern this moral infirmity 
 and corruption, for if we did, the reason of 
 our incapacity to satisfy the divine law w^ould 
 be at once apparent. The law requires perfect 
 obedience, but our corrupt nature cannot render 
 it ; and it is of this corruption we speak, not 
 
184 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 in reference to external acts but internal affec- 
 tions and conformity to God, when discoursing 
 on the freedom of the human will. 
 
 ^^ To this let it be added, that without the 
 Holy Spirit we cannot exercise spiritual affec- 
 tions as love to God, faith in his mercy, obedience 
 and endurance in afflictions, delight in him and 
 others of a similar nature. Many passages of 
 Scripture confirm this statement, ' As many as 
 are led by the Spirit of God they are the sons 
 of God.' If any man have not the Spirit of 
 Christ he is none of his.' (t) These two are 
 sufficiently obvious, for they distinctly intimate 
 that we can only obey by the grace of the 
 Holy Spirit. To these may be added a multi- 
 tude of others, as the ' natural man receiveth 
 not the things of the Spirit of God^ for they 
 are foolishness unto him, neither can he know 
 them because they are spiritually discerned.' — 
 ^ Except a man be born of water and of the 
 Spirit, he cannot enter into the kingdom of 
 God.' — ^ No man can come to me except the 
 Father which hath sent me draw him.' — 
 ^ Without me ye can do nothing. 'fX^J 
 
 '^ The question then being proposed re- 
 specting spiritual actions, this seems to be the 
 truth which it becomes us to maintain^ that 
 
 (i) Rom. viii. 14. Rom. viii. 9. 
 (k) I Cor. ii. 14. John iii- S. John vi. 44. John 
 XV. 5, 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 185 
 
 without the aid of the Holy Spirit the human 
 will can perform none of those spiritual actions 
 which God requires^ namely, the genuine fear 
 of God, faith in his mercy, perfect love, patience 
 in affliction, persevering constancy even to 
 death, of which holy Stephen, Lawrence and 
 Agnes, wnth innumerable others are illustrious 
 examples. 
 
 On the Gospel. 
 
 ^^ This term is used in the most ancient of 
 the Greek writers. In Homer it signifies the 
 reward which is bestowed on the messenger of 
 good tidings, and in Aristophanes and Isocrates 
 it denotes the sacrifice which is offered when 
 any good news is announced. In other authors 
 it is used for the message itself, the news com- 
 municated, in which sense the apostles have 
 adopted it. Plutarch in the life of Artaxerxes, 
 plainly speaks of the rev/ard of the gospel or 
 good news, for to this the reference is obvious 
 In the life of Pompey, he says, ^ the messengers 
 arrived at Pontus bringing the gospel,'' that is, 
 the good and joyful intelligence. Cicero uses it 
 in a similar sense in an epistle to Atticus. 
 
 '^ Let Christians then learn in the use of 
 this term the delightful nature of this new 
 doctrine, and consider the distinction between 
 the Law and the Gospel. This is very clearly 
 
186 LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 
 
 expressed by Johii^ ' the law was given by- 
 Moses, but grace and truth came by Jesus 
 Christ ;' (m) the distinction is between the com- 
 mandments and the remission of sins, between 
 gratuitous promises and those of a different 
 description. The law requires perfect obe- 
 dience to God, by which sins are not gratuitously 
 pardoned, for we are not justified before God, 
 or received into his favour according to its 
 requirements unless we have entirely satisfied 
 its demands. On the contrary, the gospel 
 speaks of repentance and good w^orks, and 
 contains what is indeed its grand and charac- 
 teristic doctrine, the promise of salvation 
 through Jesus Christ. 
 
 " In Scripture therefore there are two kinds 
 of promises ; the one attaches to the law and in- 
 cludes the condition of the law. For example ; 
 the law proclaims the goodness and mercy of 
 God, but it is to those who are sinless, and 
 human reason inculcates a similar principle. 
 Let every one reflect within himself and he will 
 find that naturally he judges of God in the 
 same manner, namely, that he is merciful, but 
 only to the worthy and virtuous, that is, to 
 those who are without sin ; and cannot be per- 
 suaded that they can please God when they are 
 unholy and unworthy. So that as the law and 
 
 (m) John i. 17. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 187 
 
 its promises are conditional they leave the 
 Conscience in a state of doubtful anxiety. 
 
 ^' The other description of promise is peculiar 
 to the gospel not deriving its condition from the 
 law, that is to say, not given upon the condition 
 of fulfilling the law, but gratuitously bestowed for 
 the sake of Christ and including the forgiveness 
 of sin, reconciliation and justification before 
 Ood. These blessings are certain, and not de- 
 pendant on the condition of fulfilling the law ; 
 for were we to suppose it necessary, in order to 
 obtain the remission of sins to fulfil the law, we 
 should justly despair. Hence these blessings 
 are freely bestowed, and not as a reward for our 
 worthiness or merit ; not however without a 
 meritorious sacrifice on our behalf, for Christ 
 gave himself for us as a propitiation for our 
 sins, that for his sake we might be accepted of 
 God. 
 
 Good Works. 
 
 " Five questions are proposed : — 
 
 1 . What good works ought we to do ? — The 
 reply is, summarily, not only external acts of 
 morality, but whatever is commanded by God 
 and comprised within the decalogue. 
 
 2. How can we do them ? — By the effectual 
 aid of the Holy Spirit, who can enable us to 
 render an internal and spiritual obedience — a 
 service of the heart to God. 
 
188 LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 
 
 3. In what manner are our good works ac- 
 ceptahle to God ? — Christians are exceedingly 
 desirous of this, but are at the same time deeply 
 conscious of their imperfections, infirmities, and 
 corruptions, as Paul says, ' the evil that I would 
 not that I do:'(n) After admitting all this in 
 the fullest extent, the reply is, that notwith- 
 standing all the imperfection and infirmity of 
 the Christian in the present state, and his in- 
 capacity to perform that perfect obedience which 
 the divine law requires, he is nevertheless ac- 
 ceptable to God, for the sake of Christ the 
 Mediator, who presents our prayers to the 
 Father as our intercessor, and remits the 
 infirmity and unworthiness of our services. 
 Peter maintains this sentiment, •^offering spiritual 
 sacrifices acceptable to God by Jesus Christ.^ (o) 
 
 4. For what reasons ought we to perform 
 good works? — Many present themselves, arising 
 first, out of the necessity of duty and the com- 
 mand of heaven, that we do not grieve the Holy 
 Spirit and injurfe our own consciences or incur 
 punishment ; secondly, from a consideration of 
 dignity ; not the dignity or merit of our works, 
 but of our character and persons as servants of 
 God ; the dignity of our vocation of which the 
 apostle speaks, as the magistrate or minister 
 ought to magnify his oflQce, and to be loyal and 
 
 (n) Rom. vii. 19- (o) 1 Pet. ii. 5. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION* 189 
 
 diligent in the discharge of it ; thirdly^ as an. 
 evidence and assurance of our reconciliation 
 with God and the enjoyment of a gratuitous 
 pardon through the love of his Son. Such as 
 obey God have the promise of eternal life ; 
 ^ Godliness hath the promise of the life that 
 now is and of that which is to come.' (p) The 
 Scripture abounds with promises to believers, 
 inclusive of temporal, spiritual, and eternal 
 blessings. 
 
 b. What difference exists between the 
 nature of different sins, since it is confessed 
 there are remains of depravity in the most holy 
 of Christians ?™Some kinds of sins are sins of 
 infirmity only, sins which the regenerate person 
 resists and abhors ; but others are sins against 
 conscience, grace is forfeited, the Holy Spirit 
 grieved, faith lost, that is, the confidence we 
 ought to cherish in the mercy of God. The 
 Apostle Paul says, ' If ye live after the flesh 
 ye shall die, but if ye through the spirit do mor- 
 tify the deeds of the body ye shall live,' that is^ 
 if ye obey wicked affections ye shall be exposed 
 to the divine displeasure and to eternal death. 
 It is said in the game chapter, ' As many as 
 are led by the Spirit of God they are the sons 
 of God;' but such as commit sin against their 
 consciences, grieve and drive away the Spirit 
 
 0?) 1 Tim. iv. % 
 
190 LIFE OF Ml'LANCTIION. 
 
 of God, for they are no longer the children of 
 God. 'Be not deceived, neither fornicators, nor 
 
 idolaters, nor adulterers, nor effeminate shall 
 
 inherit the kingdom of God.' John says, ' He 
 that committeth sin is of the devil.' (q) 
 
 The Kingdom of Chkist. 
 
 " The Gospel plainly teaches us that the 
 kingdom of Christ is spiritual, that is to say, 
 Christ being seated at the right hand of the 
 Father intercedes for us, pardons the sins of his 
 church, and bestows the Holy Spirit on those 
 who believe in him and approach God in his 
 name ; w^hom he sanctifies and v\7ill raise again 
 at the last day to everlasting life. And that 
 we may obtain these blessings, the ministry of 
 the Gospel is appointed by which mankind are 
 called to the knowledge of Jesus Christ. But 
 the true church will always suffer persecution 
 from the wicked to the end of time, and in 
 the church itself the good and the evil will 
 continue blended together. It is necessary 
 tlierefore to reject the old Jewish error revived 
 by the Anabaptists of this age, that in the last 
 times the church will become a worldly empire 
 in which Christians will reign, destroying the 
 wicked by force of arms, and seizing upon all 
 the kingdoms and sovereignties of the earth. 
 
 (q) Rom. viii. 13, 14. 1 Cor. vi. 9. 1 John iii. 8. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 191 
 
 Prayer. 
 
 There is an essential difference between 
 genuine prayer as offered to God by his real 
 church and the prayers of Pagans, Mahometans 
 and Jews. This difference arises from two 
 sources, the one respects the Essence of God 
 of which they form no just conceptions, and 
 the other the means of acceptance with him, 
 namely, by Jesus Christ the Mediator. 
 
 " This subject may be divided into five 
 parts : — 
 
 1. In approaching God by prayer, it is re- 
 quisite to consider who and what he is to 
 whom we address ourselves. Let us reflect 
 there is no other God, and that from the very 
 commencement of time he has manifested him- 
 self to his church by the word of his truth and 
 the Son of his love, Christ our Mediator. 
 
 2. Let us remember that prayer is a com- 
 MANDED DUTY. We are not to imagine that 
 murder, theft, adultery, are the only sins; it 
 is one of the greatest of sins, not to render to 
 God that service he demands, not to supplicatp 
 his throne, not to depend upon his aid in our 
 necessities, and not to express our gratitude 
 for the blessings we receive. 
 
 3. It is proper for a Christian to recur to 
 the promises, that he may knov/ that God 
 hears and why he hears us, though we are 
 unworthy and merit of ourselves the severest 
 
192 LIFE OF 3IELANCTII0N.' 
 
 punishments. The promises in their proper 
 order include the remission of sins and recon- 
 ciliation with God, the communication of all 
 spiritual and all temporal blessings. Inex- 
 pressible kindness ! Boundless mercy to the 
 church ! He commands us to ask mercies, and 
 then adds an ample promise to encourage us to 
 pray ! But how surprising is the folly and 
 \Sfeakness of the human heart, to draw back 
 instead of approaching God ! Nevertheless the 
 innumerable examples and promises of Scripture 
 excite us to dismiss our doubts, to approach 
 God through his beloved Son, and not to ima- 
 gine that his promises are as the Epicureans 
 suppose, mere idle words. Surely the Divine 
 Being has not given so many indubitable mani- 
 festations of himself for no purpose ; he has not 
 declared his will in vain ; but would have our 
 ignorance and our doubts removed by his word. 
 Taulerus very justly remarks, 'that the mind 
 of man is never so eagerly disposed to pray, 
 but God is still more ready to give.' 
 
 4. It is necessary that faith should accom- 
 pany application ; for it is for the purpose of 
 encreasing our faith that the promises are given. 
 In reference to spiritual blessings which God 
 has expressly promised, as the remission of sins, 
 deliverance from the dominion of sin, and from 
 eternal death, the gift of the Holy Spirit and 
 eternal life, no condition is subjoined : those 
 
LIFE OF M ELAN C Til ON. 193 
 
 who repent of their sins and believe in Christ 
 may rest assured of divine favour. Faith must 
 also mingle with our request for temporal 
 blessings ; and we must recollect three things — 
 first y that God is truly the source and dispenser 
 of these favours^ that we do not possess them 
 by chance, that we cannot certainly secure 
 them by any personal exertion or diligence ; 
 they are absolutely the gifts of God and of 
 him we must solicit life, protection, peace, 
 tranquillity, prosperity in our different callings 
 and bodily health. Secondly, although it is 
 the will of God that his church and people 
 should be subject to afflictions, yet he will 
 certainly bestow temporal good so far as is 
 requisite for their support and preservation. 
 Thirdly^ it is the will of God that when we 
 request temporal blessings, our faith in the 
 great reconciliation should be exercised and 
 encreased. 
 
 5. Let us RENEW AND REPEAT OUR REQUESTS: 
 
 for it is honourable to the character of God to 
 trust in him continually amidst our diversified 
 afflictions, and to rely upon his hearing those 
 who supplicate his throne." 
 
 The transactions relating to the abolition of 
 private Masses, constitute a very important part 
 of the proceedings of this extraordinary year. 
 It afforded the highest satisfaction to Luther in 
 
194 L1F» OF MELANCTIION. 
 
 his retirement to find that the Augustinian Friars 
 at Wittemberg had ventured upon an attempt to 
 abolish the popish mode of celebrating private 
 Masses ; but the Elector felt some alarm, and 
 deputed Pontanus, one of his counsellors, to re- 
 monstrate with the church and university upon 
 their proceedings. Melancthon was chosen, 
 w^ith five others, Justus Jonas, John Doltz, 
 Andrew Carlostadt, (r) Jerome Schurfi*, and 
 Nicholas Amsdorfi*^ to investigate the business ; 
 and in their report, they not only expressed their 
 approbation of this zeal, but urged the Elector 
 " to put an end to the popish Masses throughout 
 his whole territory, and not to be deterred by the 
 reproaches of those who would brand him with 
 the name of Heretic, or Hussite : this Christ 
 
 (r) He had three names, Andrew Bodenstein Carlostadt ; 
 and in alkision to his initials A, B, C, Melancthon frequently 
 designated him by the term Alphabet. " Hie nihil est novi quae 
 de alphabeto scribis, nonnihil commoverunt. Yereor enim ne vir 
 ille privatam contumeliam, quam putat ulturas novo scandalo 
 causam evangelicam oneret." Ep. ad Cam. " Tuas literas 
 longiores Trcjut xS a, /3, accepi.'' Ep. p. 2. It was no un- 
 common practice with Melancthon to amuse himself by punning 
 upon names in his familiar letters : e. g. " Dux Georgius dicitur 
 affuturus intra triduum adducens secum Cockloeiim, qui paucis 
 literis mutatis fiet avis koXoloq, de quo genere nobis scripsisti 
 quam suaviter in tua vicinia rhetoricentur. Et ut intelligas 
 neutiquam vanum esse Eckius qui geminatus reddit vocem 
 monedularum£/cMeA:e/ magnum acervum conclusionum congessit.*' 
 Ep. ad. Luth. Lib. I. 3. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 196 
 
 required of the Elector, whose mind he had en- 
 lightened with the knowledge of the Truth above 
 all other Princes." The Elector directed Pro- 
 fessor Bayer to return an answer, importing, 
 that " he was desirous of acting like a Christian 
 Prince, for the glory of God and the establish- 
 ment of his gospel, but that he thought 
 nothing ought to be done with precipitation : 
 that the truth would be discovered by others, 
 and he might then undertake the change ; and 
 that as many churches and monasteries had been 
 founded for the purpose of saying Masses, it 
 should be considered whether upon their aboli- 
 tion their revenues might not be withheld — but 
 that as he was only a layman, he desired them 
 to consult with the rulers of the church and uni- 
 versity, that every thing might be peaceably 
 settled." 
 
 To this they replied in a manner worthy of 
 themselves and of the noble cause in which they 
 were engaged, stating that " they adhered to 
 their former opinion given against private 
 Masses, that they could be abolished as they 
 believed without tumult or scandal ; but if not 
 they were instructed by Christ to let the^n alone ^ 
 for they are blind leaders of the blind ; and by the 
 apostles to obey God rather than men. From 
 the beginning of the world it had always been 
 found that a small proportion of mankind 
 acknowledged the truth, and according to the 
 o2 
 
196 LIFE OF MELANCTHOK. 
 
 testimony of Christ himself^ the gospel was to 
 be preached to the weak, the few, the despised^, 
 and the unlearned ; so that it was not surprising 
 that Priests and the wise of this world appre- 
 hensive of losing their power, dignity, and 
 other advantages, should not admit the preaching 
 of the truth, or consent to wise and pious 
 changes, unless they were likely to become 
 sources of emolument to themselves. The 
 ancient colleges and monasteries were founded 
 not for the purpose of saying Masses, but for 
 the instruction of youth and the support of the 
 poor : and that, even to the time of Augustine 
 and Bernard. These institutions were only 
 appropriated to Masses within these three or 
 four bundled years, and for the Dead scarcely 
 two hundred. Still they ought to be abolished 
 as errors, even though they could boast of 
 ^-eat antiquity. Besides, the very principle 
 on which Masses are celebrated is sinful, 
 namely, that they are good works, sacrifices, 
 or satisfactions for sin. It appeared that even 
 to the time of Cyprian it was the custom to 
 receive the Sacrament in both kinds, and that this 
 practice prevails even to the present day in 
 Greece and the Eastern churches. It was not 
 therefore their fault if tumult should arise ; but 
 ihey were to be censured, who, to keep up their 
 dignity, their income, and their luxury, continue 
 to obstruct the light of truth, and cruelly wage 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON, 197 
 
 war against the altars of God. Christ pre- 
 dicted and his apostles experienced that the 
 gospel was a stone of stumblings and a rock of 
 offence. The Christian rule was neither to 
 regard the madness of the enemy^ nor the 
 greatness of the danger. Christ was not silent, 
 though he foresaw the preaching of the gospel 
 would be attended with discord, seditions, 
 and the revolution of kingdoms ; nor were his 
 apostles less strenuous in instructing the people, 
 because the wise men of the world detested th& 
 very name of the gospel, looking upon it as the 
 firebrand of those disturbances, schisms, and 
 tumults, which raged amongst the Jews at 
 Jerusalem." The result of these communications 
 was, that though the timid Elector refused to 
 give them a public sanction, he connived at 
 these innovations, (s) 
 
 The life of Leo X. terminated with the 
 closing year. 
 
 (s) Seckend. Hist. Luth. Lib. I. p. 3.16. 
 
( 198 ) 
 
 CHAP, VI, 
 
 ..<..<..<..<>..>.>..>.. 
 
 A. D. 1522 TO A. D. 1525. 
 
 <<-<••< -o- >•>•>•• 
 
 The Anabaptists — Disturbances of Carlostadt — 
 Luther's return to Wittemberg — Account of his 
 German version of the Scriptures^ icith the assistance 
 of Melancthon and others — Luther's conference with 
 Stubner — His letter of Apology for stealing Melanc- 
 thon' s MS. Copy of his Commentary on the Romans- 
 Extracts from that Commentary — Progress of the 
 Reformation — Rise of the Sacramental Contro- 
 versy — Death of Muncer — Melancthon' s excursion 
 in Germany — Death of MoseUanus — His Epitaph — 
 Melancthon's introduction to the Landgrave of 
 He^se — Death of Nesenus — His Epitaph — Death 
 of Frederic tJie Wise — Translated extracts from 
 Melancthon's Funeral Oration — His Epitaph — 
 Luther's Marriage — Controversy imth Erasmus — 
 Melancthon's visits to Nuremberg to found an 
 Academy — Translated extracts of his Oration at 
 the opening of the Institution — Publications. 
 
 Fanaticism soon made her unwelcome ap- 
 pearance in this season of religious commotion. 
 In the spring of 1522, Nicholas Storck, Martin 
 Cellarius, and Mark Stubnei*;, who had been for 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 199 
 
 some time engaged with the notorious Muncer in 
 propagating the wildest sentiments at Zwickau, 
 in Misnia^ came to Wittemberg. The former 
 was a zealous leader of this enthusiastic band. 
 They had harangued the populace in the church 
 of St. Catharine, and pretending to enjoy visions 
 and inspirations from heaven, acquired a very 
 considerable ascendancy over the minds of an 
 ignorant populace. Storck imagined he had 
 seen an angel in a vision, who amongst other 
 things, said he would be elevated to Gabriel's 
 seat, from which Storck supposed that he was 
 to become the head of a new empire. f^J 
 
 These persons have been usually designated 
 by the term Anabaptists, on account of their 
 denying the validity of infant baptism ; a name 
 sufficiently vague and inappropriate, as this 
 sentiment, even if it were acknowledged to be 
 erroneous, cannot with any candour be classed 
 amongst their fanatical opinions. This epithet 
 is deduced from their representing the office of 
 magistracy as subversive of their spiritual liberty^ 
 affirming that civil distinctions, such as rank 
 birth and opulence confer, ought to be abolished, 
 that Christians may enjoy all things in com- 
 mon ; and maintaining that they were favoured 
 with visions and revelations from heaven. They 
 
 C^J Melanc. Ep. Lib. IV. 17. adJoach. Camerar, Vajj. 
 DE CoRPUT Leveii ende Dood Phil. Mel. p. 15. 
 
200 LIFE OF MELA NTT HON. 
 
 branched out into various subdivisions^ and some 
 of them approached very nearly to the senti- 
 ments of modern Sandemanians. (u) 
 
 Although it was one of their principles to 
 explode human science, Mark Stubner was a 
 man of some learning, having been a student at 
 the University of Wittemberg. (x) Melancthon, 
 with his characteristic goodness, received and 
 treated him with the utmost hospitality, patiently 
 investigated his pretensions, and scrupulously 
 avoided any precipitancy in his decisions. The 
 state of his mind is obvious from a letter which 
 at this critical juncture he addressed to the 
 Elector. " Your Highness is aware of the great 
 and dangerous dissensions about religion which 
 have distracted your city of Zwickau. Some 
 have been imprisoned for their innovations, and 
 three of the leaders have fled hither, two of 
 them ignorant weavers, the third a man of 
 learning. I have heard their statements ; and 
 it is astonishing what they relate of themselves 
 as commissioned from heaven to teach ; as hav- 
 ing a familiar intercourse with God, and able 
 to foresee future events ; in a word, as having the 
 
 (u) Comp. HooRNBEECK Summa Controversiarum Reli^ 
 gioni?, Art. De Anahaptismo. 
 
 (.v) Cam. Yit. Mel. Dr. Robertson follows Dupiii m 
 asserting that some of these pretenders had been disciples of 
 Luther, but of this there is no evidence. 
 
I/IFE OF MELANCTIION. 201 
 
 authority of prophets and apostles. How much 
 I am struck with this language it is not easy 
 for me to say ; but certainly I see great reason 
 not to despise them^ for they have many argu- 
 ments to adduce, and something of an extra- 
 ordinary spirit about them, but no one can judge 
 so well upon the subject as Martin Luther. For 
 the peace and glory of the church, therefore, 
 he should have an opportunity of examining 
 these men, especially as they appeal to him. 
 
 The Elector immediately had recourse to 
 his most confidential counsellors, who, being 
 unable to come to a decision, Melancthon con- 
 tinued to urge the necessity of obtaining Luther's 
 sentiments, stating that Storck and his associates 
 had raised disputes concerning the baptism of 
 infants, and had appealed to divine revelations ; 
 and that for his own part he could not posi- 
 tively pronounce Upon the merit of the case. 
 The Elector alleged, that were he to recal 
 Luther it would endanger his life, and advised 
 Melancthon to avoid disputes with those fanatics; 
 but in the mean time if he knew what justice 
 required, he was ready to discharge his duty. 
 Spalatine, f^/J who was present in the council, 
 has recorded these memorable words which 
 the Elector pronounced in a manner that 
 
 (y) Vid. Appendix \1., 
 
202 LIFE OF xMELANCTHON, 
 
 produced the deepest impression upon the whole 
 assembly of ministers and counsellors, and which, 
 he remarks, were expressive of his views to 
 the very last day of his life.—" This is a most 
 weighty and difficult affair, which I as a 
 layman do not profess to understand. God has 
 given to me and my brother considerable wealth ; 
 but if I could obtain a right understanding of 
 the matter, I declare I would rather take my 
 staff in my hand and quit every thing I possess, 
 than knowingly resist the will of God." Luther, 
 in a letter to Melancthon, expresses himself in a 
 very judicious manner. It was written on the 
 seventeenth of January. " In regard to these 
 prophets I cannot approve of your timidity, 
 though you are my superior both in capacity 
 and erudition. In the first place, when they 
 bear record of themselves they ought not to be 
 implicitly believed, but their spirits should be 
 tried, as John admonishes. You know Ga- 
 maliel's advice, but I have heard of nothing 
 said or done by them which Satan himself could 
 not imitate. I would have you examine whether 
 they can produce a proof of their commission, 
 for God never sent any one, not even his own 
 Son, who was not either properly called to the 
 office, or authorized by miracles. The ancient 
 prophets were legally appointed ; and their mere 
 assertion of being called by a divine revelation 
 
J.IFE OF MELANCTHON. 203 
 
 is not a sufficient warrant for receiving them, 
 since God did not even speak to Samuel but v^ith 
 the authority of Eli. So much for their public 
 character. You should also examine their 
 private spirit, whether they have experienced 
 spiritual distresses and conflicts with death and 
 hell^ and the power of regeneration. If you 
 hear smooth^ tranquil^ and what they call devout 
 and religious raptures^ though they speak of 
 being caught up to the third heavens^ do not 
 regard them^ while the sign of the Son of Man 
 is wanting, the cross, the only touchstone of 
 Christians, and the sure discerner of spirits." 
 
 In addition to the uneasiness occasioned by 
 the affair of Storck and his associates, Melanc- 
 thon was exceedingly afflicted by another 
 untoward circumstance. At the very moment 
 when union amongst themselves, and a vigilant 
 discretion in all their proceedings v^^as of the 
 greatest importance, Carlostadt was guilty of 
 excesses, which v/ere not only disapproved 
 by the other Reformers, but highly preju- 
 dicial to their cause. He was heard to say, 
 that " he wished to be as great a man and as 
 much thought of as Luther;" for which he 
 was properly reproved by Melancthon, who 
 reminded him, " that such language could 
 only proceed from a spirit of emulation, envy 
 and pride." (z) So long as he steadily pursued 
 
 (z) Seckend. Hist. Luth. Lib. I, p. 199. 
 
204 LIFE OF MKLANCTIIOX. 
 
 the great object of reforming the church from 
 Popery by sound argument, and firm but 
 Christian conduct, the other Reformers united 
 to assist his efforts ; but when motives of vanity, 
 concurring with violence of temper, occasioned 
 his zeal to degenerate into wild-fire and extra- 
 vagance, they were compelled to discountenance 
 him. But instead of being induced to correct 
 his errors, he instantly aspired to become the 
 leader of a turbulent mobility, whose minds he 
 enflamed by popular harangues, and whom he 
 encouraged to enter the great church of All 
 Saints at Wittemberg, to break the crucifixes 
 and images in pieces, and throw down the 
 altars. Misled by a strange spirit of infatuation, 
 he began to despise human learning, and to 
 encourage the youths of the University to quit 
 their studies. Yet with all this perversion of 
 mind and impetuosity of conduct, which no 
 remonstrances could check, it must be admitted 
 that he held some important truths, particularly 
 the real doctrine of the Sacrament, which the 
 Lutherans misunderstood, and which afterwards 
 occasioned violent controversies. And yet, 
 even in maintaining acknowledged truth, his 
 manner of doing it was equally disapproved by 
 the gentle Melancthon and the impetuous 
 Luther. The former, who was never addicted 
 to exaggeration, represents him in a most un- 
 amiable light, as " a man of savage disposition. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 205 
 
 of no genius and learning, or even common 
 sense ; as having plotted against the reputation 
 of Luther out of revenge for his opposing his 
 fanatical practises ; but at the same time as pos- 
 sessing a very insinuating and plausible exterior, 
 though unable to disguise his violent ambition^ 
 passion, and envy, for any long period." (a) 
 
 The state of Luther's mind during these 
 transactions can be more easily imagined than 
 expressed. Every day increased his anxieties, 
 every occurrence excited fresh alarm. The 
 foundations of that noble structure he had been 
 so actively engaged in erecting seemed to be 
 endangered. What could be done ? — Was he 
 to remain at a distance from the scene of action 
 at a period when his skill and heroism appeared 
 peculiarly requisite; or, could he venture upon 
 incurring the Elector's displeasure by a clan- 
 destine and unauthorized return? — Restless with 
 increasing impatience he determined to hazard 
 everything, and at length on the third of March 
 1522, hastened to Wittemberg. An apology for 
 this proceeding was written to the Elector, 
 pleading the urgent necessity of the case arising 
 out of the existing irregularities ; but in two 
 other communications, the one a letter addressed 
 to Melancthon and the other to AmsdorfF, he 
 assigns an additional reason for his return, 
 namely, the assistance he wished to obtain 
 
 (a) Ep. ad Fred. Mycoii. ap. Hospin. 
 
206 XI FE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 from them and others in the translation of the 
 Scriptures into the German language, (h) 
 
 For the purpose of engaging in this im- 
 portant labour, Luther had devoted the previous 
 summer to the study of Greek and Hebrew. 
 His skill in German is universally admitted. 
 Versions of a very inferior kind had been pub- 
 lished at Nuremberg in the years 1477, 1483, 
 1490 and at Augsburg in 1518, which were not 
 only ill calculated to attract public notice, but 
 interdicted from being read. The gospels of 
 Matthew and Mark were first published by 
 Luther, then the Epistle to the Romans and 
 the other books in succession, till the whole 
 New Testament was circulated by the month 
 of September. In a letter which Melancthon 
 addressed to the celebrated physician George 
 Sturciad, dated the fifth of May 1522, he speaks 
 of the whole version being in the hands of the 
 printers. The essential assistance he rendered 
 in completing the work is likewise apparent, for 
 he states that he had paid particular attention 
 to the different kinds of money mentioned in 
 the New Testament, and had consulted with 
 many learned men that the version might ex- 
 press them with the utmost accuracy. He begs 
 his correspondent to give his opinion, and to 
 consult Mutianus as being profoundly skilled 
 in the knowledge of Roman antiquities. He 
 
 (h) Adam. Vit. Germ. Theologorum, p. 123. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 207 
 
 entreats him to attend to his application from 
 a regard to the general good, and to do it imme- 
 diately because the work was in the press and 
 printing with great expedition. " I wait your 
 reply," he adds, " with the utmost anxiety, and 
 I beseech you for faith, love and kindness' sake, 
 and every other urgent consideration, not to 
 disappoint us. (c) 
 
 The difficulties of the undertaking particu- 
 larly [pressed upon Luther when he proceeded 
 to the translation of the Old Testament, but he 
 persevered with indefatigable zeal. It appears 
 that Melancthon was deeply engaged in revising 
 this important work for his friend two months 
 previous to his return, (d) 
 
 The utmost pains were taken to ensure the 
 accuracy of the translation, for a select party of 
 learned men at Wittemberg assembled every day 
 with Luther to revise every sentence ; and they 
 have been known to return fourteen successive 
 days, to the reconsideration of a single line or 
 even a word. Each had an appropriate part 
 assigned him according to his peculiar qualifica- 
 tion. Luther collated the ancient Latin versions 
 and the Hebrew, Melancthon the Greek original, 
 
 (c) Melaxcth. Ep. I. ad Geo, Sturciadem Erphordiw, 
 
 (d) " Vetus Testamentum cuditur, in quo recognoscendo 
 modo nonnihil negotii nobis fit." Melancth. Ep. Lib. lY. 
 1. ad JocicL Camerar. 
 
208 LIFE OF MELANCTHOX. 
 
 Criiciger the Chaldee, and other professors the 
 Rabbinical writings. At the request of Luther, 
 Spalatine afforded them every assistance, by- 
 sending them specimens from the Elector's col- 
 lection of gems, (e) The Pentateuch went to 
 press in December, and a second edition of the 
 New Testament appeared at the same time. A 
 version of the Prophets was published in the 
 year 1527, and the other books in succession till 
 the whole laborious task was completed in 1530. 
 Luther states how much he was indebted to his 
 particular friend in writing to Spalatinus. " I 
 translated not only the gospel of John, but the 
 whole New Testament in my Patmos, but Me- 
 lancthon and I have begun to revise the whole, 
 and by the blessing of God it will prove a noble 
 labour, but your assistance is sometimes requi- 
 site to suggest apt words and turns of expression. 
 We wish it to be distinguished for simplicity of 
 style." The whole was republished in a new 
 edition in 1534, which was followed by others in 
 1541 and 1545. The names of Luther's prin- 
 cipal coajutors in this great undertaking ought 
 to be had in everlasting remembrance — Philip 
 Melancthon, Caspar Cruciger, Justus 
 Jonas, John Bugenhagius or Pomeranus, and 
 
 (e) Seckend. Hist. Luth. Lib. 1. p. 204. Adam. Vit. 
 Germ. Theologorum, p. 160. " Saepe lit ipsemet fassus cum 
 Pkilippo^ Aurogallo, aliis totos quatuordecim dies in interpre- 
 tatioiie unius vocuIcT aut lineolue ha'sit." 
 
LIFE OF MELA ISC Til ON. 209 
 
 Matthew Aurogallus ; the corrector of the 
 press was George Rorarius. (f) 
 
 After completing this translation of the 
 Scriptures into the German language, Bugen- 
 hagius annually kept the return of the day on 
 which it was finished^ by inviting a select party 
 of friends to his house in order to celebrate so 
 important an achievement. This social meeting 
 was usually designated the Festival of the 
 Translation of the Scriptures, (g) 
 
 To the fastidious we must leave it to censure 
 the desire w4iich may probably glow, at least 
 for a moment, in many a bosom^ to have been 
 contemporary with these benevolent spirits, 
 to have shared their noble labour, and to have 
 annually participated in their pious conviviali- 
 ties. Never was a festive board more nobly 
 surrounded or more religiously devoted — never 
 did a more splendid occasion of holy triumph 
 present itself. Germany had already hailed her 
 Reformers, heard their discourses and witnessed 
 their progress with mingled emotions of fear and 
 satisfaction; — already was she deeply indebted 
 to them for a series of disinterested efforts to 
 deliver her from the abject slavery in which 
 superstition and tyranny had combined to chain 
 her down during past ages ; but a new obligation 
 
 (f) Seckend. Hist. Luth. Lib. I. p. 204. 
 
 (g) Ad^m. Vit. Germ. Theoloi^-onim, p. 318. in Fit. 
 Joan. Bugenhagii. 
 
 P 
 
210 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 of far greater extent was incurred by their 
 furnishing to every man the means of the most 
 direct acquaintance with divine communications 
 through his vernacular language. Nor was 
 the mere accomplishment of this difficult under- 
 taking the only subject of generous exultation 
 to these eminent men, every year and almost 
 every day exhibited great and good effects re* 
 suiting from their labour. " The different parts 
 of this translation/' observes a learned historian, 
 '^ being successively and gradually spread abroad 
 among the people, produced sudden and almost 
 incredible effects, and extirpated root and 
 branch, the erroneous principles and super* 
 stitious doctrines of the church of Rome, from 
 the minds of a prodigious number of per- 
 sons." (h) 
 
 Let us pause for a moment to reflect on 
 the Vv^onderful concatenation of a few past 
 events by the invisible but efficacious agency 
 of a superintending Providence. Leo X. had 
 issued a Bull against Luther which totally 
 failed of its object; the Pope exasperated at 
 witnessing his own impotency, appealed to 
 Charles V. newly promoted to the empire upon 
 the death of Maximilian I. to inflict exeni^ 
 plary vengeance upon his heretical subject; 
 Charles being under personal obligations to 
 
 (h) Mosheim's Eccles. Hist. Vol. IV. p. 60, 8vo. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 211 
 
 Frederic Elector of Saxony, who had materially 
 assisted his advancement in opposition to his 
 rival Francis I. King of France, was disposed 
 to concede to his wishes by refraining from the 
 publication of a condemnatory edict, but, not to 
 oifend the Pope, he resolved to summon Luther 
 to the diet of Worms as a previous and pru- 
 dential measure :— at Worms he appeared, where 
 he breathed the spirit of an apostle and exhi- 
 bited the heroism of a martyr ; but he was 
 declared an enemy to the holy Roman empire 
 and became instantly exposed to its vengeance. 
 At this crisis Frederic screened him from the 
 storm, by a friendly seizure and imprisonment 
 at the Castle of Wartenberg, by which means ^ 
 while his sudden disappearance operated to the 
 benefit of the reformed cause, by exasperating 
 the minds of men aofainst the Roman See for a 
 supposed violation of its promise of security, 
 his confinement furnished him v^^ith leisure 
 which even had his life been spared, he could 
 not otherwise have enjoyed at such a tui'bulent 
 moment, for prosecuting the study of original 
 languages, and preparing for the translation of 
 the holy Scriptures into the vernacular language 
 of Germany. While his enemies and country- 
 men thought him dead and his particular 
 friends lamented his absence, trembled for his 
 safety, and mourned over the calamitous cir- 
 cumstances in which they became involved, 
 
 p 2 
 
212 LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 
 
 the Providence of God had unexpectedly and 
 at the fittest moment set him ahout a work in 
 the forests of Thuringia, which was hereafter to 
 gladden the hearts of Germany and more than 
 any other circumstance to promote the Reforma- 
 tion ; and thus amidst a universal pause of wonder 
 and apprehension, God was mysteriously and 
 c^ecretly operating* his own purposes ! 
 
 It was to be expected that the Catholics 
 should endeavour to disparage the version of 
 Luther, and yet Maimbourg confesses it was 
 elegant and very generally read, although 
 Jerome Emser one of the counsellors of Duke 
 George of persecuting notoriety, and Cochleeus, 
 attacked it in terms of bitter reproach. The 
 former under the patronage of his master, pub- 
 lished what he called a correct translation of the 
 New Testament in opposition to it, and which 
 as it consisted of little else than a republication 
 of Luther's very version almost verbatim, but 
 with a Preface of his own, was in reality the 
 highest compliment he could have paid to his 
 antagonist and the most effectual condemnation 
 of himself. The result ho>yever of this animosity 
 was most gratifying to every pious mind. 
 Luther's version was read even in the pages of 
 his adversary ; and he expresses himself upon the 
 occasion in language which strikingly illustrates 
 his character, " There is a just judge who will 
 see to this. The best revenge which I can wish 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIIOX. 2^13 
 
 for is that though Lidhefs name is suppressed, 
 and that of his adversary put in its place, yet 
 Lidher^s book is read, and thus the design of 
 his labours is promoted by his very enemies.'T/) 
 
 This German translation of the Scriptures 
 was proscribed ]>y an Edict of Ferdinand, Arch- 
 duke of Austria, the Emperor's brother, forbid- 
 ding the subjects of his Imperial Majesty to have 
 any copy of it in their possession. The same 
 interdiction extended to ail his writings. Several 
 princes issued similar prohibitions, among whom 
 we can feel no surprize at discovering Duke 
 George, but with what kind of effect — such as 
 are acquainted with the history of persecution 
 may easily conjecture, (k) 
 
 Soon after his return from the Castle of 
 
 (i) The learned reader may find a complete vindication 
 of Luther's Version, a«;ainst the cavillino; criticisms of Coch- 
 Iseus and Emser in Seckend. Hist. Luth. Lib. I. Sect. 127 
 and add. I. 
 
 (k) The particularity of detail into which it has been 
 deemed proper to digress upon this subject, \s\\\ be more than 
 justified by the reader from a consideration of the interesting 
 nature of these facts in themselves, the great importance of the 
 \York achieved and the extensive exertions of Christian bene- 
 volence in a similar way at this moment by the British nation. 
 The circulation of the Holy Scriptures is justly deemed an ob- 
 ject worthy the utmost eiforts of the most expansive philan- 
 thropy and the most assiduous zeal ; and w hiie competent men 
 are stationed in different parts of the world to translate the 
 inspired volume into the respective dialects of various tribes and 
 nations whose very name was scarcely heard of before, princes 
 
214 hlFL OF MELAKCT HON. 
 
 Wartenberg, Luther consented to hold a con- 
 ference in the presence of Melancthon with some 
 of the chief fanatical pretenders to prophetic 
 inspiration before mentioned. Mark Stubner^ 
 Cellarius and another, met the Reformer and his 
 friend on this occasion. Stubner related his 
 visions and inspirations to very patient hearers, 
 and when he had finished Luther coolly replied, 
 ^^ that nothing he had said was supported by the 
 authority of Scripture, but seemed to result from 
 a deluded imagination, or the suggestions of 
 some evil spirit." This enraged Cellarius, who 
 with the voice and gesticulations of a madman, 
 stamping the ground and beating the table, ex- 
 claimed against the audacity of Luther for 
 insinuating such things against so divine a person ! 
 Stubner, however, was more composed, possibly 
 fancying himself in a tranquil and devout rap- 
 
 and peasants, rich and poor, young and aged are concurring to 
 support by their voluntary liberalities the necessary expenditure. 
 I cannot dismiss this subject without informing the reader, 
 that, besides a valuable collection of other literary and classical 
 remains, James Edwards, Esq. of Manor House, Harrow-on 
 the Hill, till lately had in his possession Luther's own copy of 
 his own German Version of the Scriptures. ^ To this gentleman 
 I beg to express my public acknowledgments not only for 
 pointing out this invaluable curiosity, but allowing me to 
 transcribe some of the original writing of Lidher, Bugeuhagius, 
 and Melancthon, by whose autographs in the blank pages it is 
 fully authenticated. One page is also occupied by George 
 Major. Vide Appendix VIII. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 215 
 
 fiire, (I) '^ Luther," says lie, " I will give you 
 a proof that I am influenced by the Spirit of God, 
 by revealing your own thoughts. You are at 
 this moment indimng to believe in the truth of my 
 doctrine,''^ The prophet however was mistaken, 
 for Luther afterwards affirmed he was thinking 
 of that sentence, " the Lord rebuke thee, Satan ;" 
 and he very soon dismissed them with these 
 words, " The God whom I love and serve will 
 confound your impotent pretensions." They 
 retired full of self-sufficiency, pouring out exe- 
 crations upon Luther and promissing what 
 mighty things they would do to demonstrate 
 the reality of their commission. They left 
 Wittemberg the same day. (m) 
 
 A genuine fanatic is one of the most 
 pitiable objects in creation ; a compound of 
 ignorance and enthusiasm. Enflamed with self- 
 importance he mistakes the conceits of his own 
 disordered imagination for the dictates of inspi- 
 ration, and fancies his intercourse with the 
 Deity to be of a sublimer nature than that of his 
 inferior fellow mortals. He believes himself 
 gifted above others, destined to move in a higher 
 sphere, to walk in the precincts of heaven, to 
 hold an immediate connexion with the Divine 
 Spirit, which elevates him above the laws and 
 ordinances, the instructions and the guidance of 
 
 (I) Vide p. 203. (??0 Ca\l Vit. Mel p. 51, 52. 
 
216 LIFE OF MR LAXCTIIOV. 
 
 Scripture. But sure nothing; can be more de- 
 grading to reason than such absurdities, nothing 
 more disparaging to religion. The mischief 
 such a person is calculated to do results from this 
 circumstance, that he denominates passion by 
 the sacred name of religion ; a passion which, 
 heated to intemperance and kindling into the 
 ardours of rapture, spurns at reason, and sub- 
 stitutes a man's own fancy and good opinion of 
 himself for the true foundation of piety. When 
 such sentiments as these prevail, it is impossible 
 to calculate or to conjecture the monstrous ex- 
 cesses into which they may precipitate the 
 ignorant classes of mankind, who are soon at- 
 tracted by plausible however ridiculous novelties. 
 But genuine religion and wild fanaticism are 
 perfect antipodes ; and intelligent persons, of an 
 observing cast of mind, will always look upon 
 the latter as a beacon to warn them away from 
 the dangers attending any deviation from the 
 plain course of scriptural instruction. 
 
 Should any be disposed to censure the con- 
 duct of Melancthon for that extreme leniency 
 which he manifested to Storck and his asso- 
 ciates from Zwickau, be it recollected, that 
 though Luther's zeal charged him with undue 
 tlmiditif, a word which both he and historians 
 after him have applied with great incaution, 
 several extenuating circumstances must not 
 be ov^erlooked. Stubner being a man of 
 
T.IFE OF MELANCTITON. ^IT 
 
 learning, and probably of some address, and 
 knowing the importance of obtaining if possible 
 the influence of Meiancthon, probably resorted 
 to every insinuating method to gain his sup- 
 port, disclosing his sentiments only in a very 
 gradual manner. The real goodness and amiable 
 temper for vi^hich Melancthon was so remark- 
 able, predisposed him to judge favourably of 
 others, especially if they were professedly in 
 pursuit of Truth. He was himself a diligent 
 and patient inquirer. It was a period of reli- 
 gious discovery, and he daily felt that he had 
 much to learn. The very extravagances of these 
 prophets were not more abhorrent to the present 
 views of the Reformers, than the tenets of 
 Lutheranism were to the mind of Luther himself 
 at a previous and not very remote period of his 
 life. Every impartial person must perceive what 
 many transactions hereafter to be recorded will 
 fully prove, that the hesitation of Melancthon in 
 deciding upon new subjects or in difficult cases 
 which seemed to require a promptitude of 
 action, resulted not so much from timidity ^ as 
 from conscientious scrifples of mind. ] t w^as not 
 that he feared temporal, but moral conse- 
 quences ; and though Luther may be excused 
 in a period when the mind was habitually kept 
 warm and irascible by controversy, for using 
 such an epithet, those who are solicitous of 
 forming a correct idea of him will rather deem it 
 
218 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 slanderous than descriptive to call him the timid 
 Melancthon. If, after all^ his first treatment 
 of Storck and his associates be considered as an 
 unwarrantable excess of candour, his language 
 became more decided as his convictions of their 
 delusion and misconduct increased : (n) and if 
 this be a shade in his character, it is otherwise 
 so bright that the admitted imperfection will 
 not materially obscure it; and the biograjDher 
 can feel no very powerful temptation where 
 such a splendour of excellence is discernible, to 
 become the labored apologist, (o) 
 ' Luther, besides many, useful tracts of his 
 own, having secretly taken from Melancthon a 
 manuscript Commentary on the Epistle of Paul 
 to the Ro?nans, printed it without his know- 
 ledge. It was afterwards published in the year 
 1540, with a dedication to Philip, landgrave of 
 Hesse. Luther's apology for this proceeding is 
 curious and characteristic. It is prefixed to the 
 Commentary of his friend. 
 
 (n) Vid. Melancth. Epistolap, jmsslm, 
 
 (o) Whoever wishes for furtlier inlbrmation respecting the 
 enthusiasts above referred to, may con-ult Hoornbeeck Summa 
 Controversiarum Reh'gionis. — Perizon. Hist. sec. xvi. — Span- 
 HEMii Orig. Prog. Sect. & Nom. Anabaptistarum. — Bayle 
 Diet. Hist. & Crit. Art. Avahaptistes — Notes (C) and (K), in 
 which most of the principal works written on the subject are 
 mentioned. ' 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 219 
 
 " Martin Luther to Philip Melancthon — 
 grace and peace in Christ. 
 
 '•' ' Be angry and sin not : commune with 
 your own heart upon your bed and be still.'— *I 
 am the person who clares to publish your Anno- 
 tations, and I send you your own work, (p) If 
 you are not pleased with it, it may be all very 
 well, it is sufficient that you please us. If I 
 have done wrong, you are to blame ; why did 
 not you publish it yourself? why did you suffer 
 me so often to ask, to insist, to importune you 
 to publish it, and all in vain? — So much for my 
 apology against you ; for you see I am willing 
 to turn thief, and am not afraid of your future 
 accusations or complaints. As to those whom 
 you suspect of being disposed to sneer, I have 
 this to say to them— ^ Do better T — What the 
 impious Thomists falsely arrogate to their leader, 
 namely, that no one has written better upon 
 St. Paul, I truly affirm of you. Satan himself 
 influences them to boast in this manner con- 
 cerning their Thomas Aquinas, and to spread 
 his doctrines and his poison far and wide. I 
 know in what sort of spirit and with what 
 correctness of judgment I pronounce this of you. 
 If these famous and mighty men should choose 
 to sneer at my opinion, the consequence belongs 
 
 (p) The Latin expresses it in a stronger manner, and with 
 more of jnm llian our idiom will quite allow : ." teipsi^jn ad te 
 niittOa*' 
 
220 LIFE OF MELANCTHOX. 
 
 to me, not you. But I "wish to vex these 
 scorners more and more; and I say that th© 
 Co]iimentaries of Jerome and Origen are mere 
 trifles and follies compared to your Annotations. 
 But what, you will say, is the purpose of aim- 
 ing to provoke these great men against me ? 
 Well — you may be humble if you please, but 
 let me boast for you. Who has ever prohibited 
 persons of great capacity from publishing some- 
 thing better tf they can — and thus demonstrating 
 the rashness of my judgment. For my part, I 
 wish we could find out those v/ho could and 
 would publish something better. I threaten 
 you, further, to steal and publish your remarks 
 upon Genesis and the Gospels of Matthew and 
 John, unless you supersede me by bringing 
 them forward. You say, Scripture ought to 
 be read alone and without a commentary ; this 
 is right enough if you speak in reference to 
 Jerome, Origen, Thomas Aquinas, and others 
 of the same class, for their commentaries are 
 the mere vehicles of their own notions, rather 
 than the sentiments of Paul, and the doctrine 
 of Christianity ; but no one can properly call 
 yours a commentary ; it is rather an introduc- 
 tion to the study of scripture in general, and a 
 guide to the knowledge of Christ : in which it 
 surpasses all the Commentaries hitherto pub- 
 lished. As to what you plead, that your Anno- 
 tations are not in all respects satisfactory to 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 221 
 
 yourself, it is difBcult enough to believe you. 
 But behold I do believe — you are not fully 
 satisfied with yourself^ nor is this asked or 
 desired of you : we would have Paul maintain 
 his preeminence, lest any one should insinuate 
 that Philip is superior or equal to Paul. It 
 is sufficient you are only second to Paul ; but 
 we shall not dislike any body for coming still 
 nearer to this great original. We know very 
 well that you are nothing ; and we know also 
 that Christ is all and in ail, who if he pleases 
 can speak as he did to Balaam by an ass 5 
 why then should he not speak by a man ? — art 
 thou not a man? — art thou not a servant of 
 Christ ? — has he not endowed thee with capa- 
 city ? If thou shouldest choose to improve 
 and enlarge this volume by elegant and learned 
 additions, it will be a grateful service ; but in 
 the mean time we are determined to be gratified 
 in spite of you, by possessing ourselves of the 
 sentiments of Paul by your means. If I have 
 offended you by this proceeding, I do not ask 
 pardon ; but lay aside your displeasure, by 
 which you will rather give offence to us, and 
 you will have to ask forgiveness. God preserve 
 and prosper you for evermore. W'dtemberg^ 
 July 29, 1522." 
 
 If Luther did not ask pardon for publishing 
 Melancthon's Annotations on the Epistle of 
 Paul to the Romans without his consent, the 
 
222 LIFE Oi" JM ELANCTIiON. 
 
 reader will not demand an apology for insert- 
 ing a few brief extracts from this valuable 
 performance^ especially as it has never hitherto 
 been presented to the English reader. It may 
 be regarded as a specimen of our Reformer's 
 expository method^ which in giving a complete 
 view of his character and talents, could not 
 be wholly omitted, nor, without incurring the 
 charge of prolixity, further extended. 
 
 " CnAP. I. i'. 1. — ' Paid separated 
 
 unto the gospel of God,'' Here the apostle 
 states the business he was commanded to exe- 
 cute, namely, to preach the gospel. The reader 
 should remember that there is a material dif- 
 ference between the law and the gospel, to 
 which we have already adverted, and of which 
 more will be said in remarking u.pon the third 
 chapter. The description which he gives of 
 the gospel is, that it is a divine promise com- 
 municated in the sacred w^ritings concerning 
 Jesus Christ the Son of God, of the seed of 
 David according to the flesh, declared to be 
 the Son of God with power, through sancti- 
 fication of the Spirit, and resurrection from 
 the dead ; that he is the Messiah or King, by 
 vvhom deliverance from sin and eternal life are 
 dispensed. 
 
 " This description will be more obvious by 
 noticing the contradistinction between the Law 
 and the Gospel. The Law represents what we 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 223 
 
 are^ and what we are required to do. It demands 
 perfect obedience, without providing for the 
 forgiveness of sin, or liberating us from the power 
 of sin and death ; but rather arms sin against 
 us, by accusing transgressors, and alarming them 
 with the terrors of death. But the Gospel 
 freely promises the remission of sin and deliver- 
 ance from death, by Jesus the Son of God, who 
 was descended from David according to the pro- 
 phetic declarations. Paul states this at the 
 outset of his discourse, that we might know his 
 meaning, and distinguish properly between the 
 law and the gospel ; as though he had said, 
 ' Paul divinely called to teach the gospel of 
 Christ ; not to teach the law or to teach 
 philosophy.' 
 
 '' V, 3, 4. — ^ Cojicerning his Son Jesus Christ 
 our Lord, <^o." In this phrase he opposes the 
 vulgar notions of the Jews, who expected a 
 Messiah that would be — not the Son of God by 
 Ms own nature, but only a man like the other 
 prophets, though surpassing them in wisdom, 
 virtue, and capacity to obtain and govern tho 
 whole world. But the patriarchs and prophets 
 knew their Messiah to be the Son of God, who 
 was at that period their governor and their guide. 
 Jacob said, ' The Angel who delivered me out 
 of all evil bless the lads,' speaking of the deli- 
 verer whom he knew to be promised, and whose 
 proper office is to deliver out of all evil. Jacob, 
 
224 Lli'E OF MELANCTIION. 
 
 Moses, Daniel saw hhn by faith, and John 
 testilies that the Messiah was the Son of 
 God, and constantly present with the patriarchs. 
 ^ In the beginning/ says he, ' was the Word, 
 .... all things were made by him,' — referring 
 to those illustrious victories over the devil which 
 this glorious leader and captain enabled Noah, 
 Abram, Joseph, Moses, Samuel, David, Isaiah, 
 and Jeremiah to obtain. 
 
 " The term op(j0£yroc, which the Greeks 
 explain by another, uTrocuy^OEVToc^ is singularly 
 emphatical, and it refers to the manifestation of 
 the Son of God, as having risen from the dead^ 
 and as being possessed of inconceivable power, 
 evinced by numerous miracles. 
 
 ^^ The verb octC^dOai, signifies to be certainly 
 proclaimed ; in opposition to the opinions of the 
 Jews, who expected a Messiah to be an extra- 
 ordinary man indeed, but only a man, distin- 
 guished by heroic achievements, and who should 
 bestow riches^ but not a jiew nature and eternal 
 life. But Paul says that this Messiah would be 
 powerful, and would give the holy Spirit by 
 which new light, justification and eternal life 
 would be dispensed, and the devil vanquished. 
 This he calls a real deliverance, which our fore- 
 fathers both understood and experienced in the 
 various trials of their faith, their dangers, and 
 their conflicts with Satan and witji death. And 
 how much greater is this deliverance than that 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 225 
 
 which some anticipate in the appearance of a 
 Messiah, who like Alexander is to divide 
 kingdoms and provinces amongst his soldiers. 
 
 " Chap. Y. ?;. 2. — " We rejoice in hope of 
 the glory of God' It may be asked, what is 
 the value of justification and deliverance from 
 sin and death, when sin still adheres to us, and 
 we continue obnoxious to death, and all the 
 various afflictions incident to human life ? In 
 what respects are Christians happier than others? 
 for Christians are often derided for speaking 
 about deliverance from sin and death, when they 
 are equally with other men exposed to cala- 
 mities. Saints themselves are often ready to 
 acknowledge their infirmities, and are agitated 
 with doubts whether if God really delighted in 
 them, they should be the subjects of such in- 
 firmity ; and this is no trifling temptation, be- 
 cause when faith realizes, according to the Scrip- 
 tures, that God is propitious through Jesus 
 Chiist, our w^eakness expects to see this kind- 
 ness in some manner visibly displayed. So the 
 Anabaptists despise the doctrine of faith, and 
 affirm that we are to seek for celestial visions ; 
 and there are others who dream they have al- 
 ready perfectly obeyed, and are acceptable to 
 God^ as having satisfied the claims of his lavi^, 
 and being without sin. 
 
 " Paul therefore opposes each of these. He 
 administers consolation to those v/ho acknow- 
 
 Q 
 
226 LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 
 
 ledge their infirmaties, and commands them to 
 rejoice in hope ; and to consider that they 
 shall enjoy the glory of eternal life^ which 
 though not at present revealed, shall certainly be 
 bestowed. On which account it became theiri 
 to acquiesce, and not to doubt or despair, though 
 they were at present exposed to infirmities. 
 He directs them to rejoice in hopSy that is, they 
 are not to suppose that this perfection of nature 
 and enjoyment is now to be attained, nor are 
 they to expect any new manifestations from 
 heaven, but to stand fast hi the truth of Scripture, 
 and aim to please God by faith in Christ, con- 
 sidering that a present perfection in this sinful 
 state is not to be expected. 
 
 '• The sentiment therefore is, that although 
 the world, and even our own reason, may deter- 
 mine that we do not yet possess glory, or com- 
 plete emancipation from sin and death, yet we 
 rejoice, that is, we indulge the hope of that 
 glory with which God wnll eventually distinguish 
 us. We cleave to this hope, for it is not 
 falacious. 
 
 " F. 3. — ' And not only so^ hid we glory in 
 tribulation aho^ 4'e. He as it were corrects 
 the former statement. We have not only a 
 glory in expectation, but in present possession . 
 and what was it ? Affliction, He is opposing the 
 opinions and reasonings of the world. 
 
 " In the view of the world we are afflicted : 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 227 
 
 we seem abandoned and rejected by God ; and 
 this reproach upon the gospel deters the gene- 
 rality of mankind from embracing it. This mode 
 of reasoning indeed seems legitimate enough — 
 afflictions are curses, that is, evils : and therefore 
 signs of God's displeasure. But Paul on the 
 contrary assures us that they are not curses, but 
 are proper occasions of glorying ; for they are 
 not signs of the divine displeasure, but inti- 
 mations of the love of God. 
 
 " We have then a double glory — the one 
 which is the greatest is in expectation, con- 
 sisting in the renovation of our nature, and the 
 enjoyment of eternal life; but this glory we 
 possess in hope : the other glory is in present 
 possession, and it consists in affliction: for 
 although the world judges that affliction is an 
 evidence of divine anger, yet we know it to be 
 an indication of his love ; and obedience to his 
 afflictive dispensations to be a new and accept- 
 able kind of worship. 
 
 " Four things, therefore, ought to be 
 well impressed upon our minds respecting af- 
 flictions : 
 
 " 1. They are appointed. We do not suffer 
 affliction by chance, but by the determinate 
 counsel and permission of God. 
 
 " 2. By means of affliction God punishes 
 his people, not that he may destroy them, but 
 to recal them to repentance, and the exercise of 
 
 q2 
 
228 LIFE OF iMELANCTHON. 
 
 faith : for afflictions are not indications of dis- 
 pleasure, but of kindness — ' He willeth not the 
 death of a sinner.' 
 
 " 3. GJod requires us to submit to his af- 
 flictive disj)ensations, and to expend our indig- 
 nation and impatience upon our own sins ; 
 and since he determines to afflict his church 
 in the present state^ submission tends to glorify 
 his name. 
 
 '' 4. Resignation however is not all ; he 
 requires faith and prayer, that we may both seek 
 and expect divine assistance. Thus he ad- 
 monishes us, ' Call upon me in the day of 
 trouble, I will answer thee^ and thou shalt 
 glorify me.' 
 
 ^' These four considerations are applicable to 
 all our afflictions, and are calculated if properly 
 regarded to produce that truly Christian patience 
 which essentially differs from mere philosophical 
 endurance. 
 
 " Chap. VIII. v. 3. — ' God sending Ms oivn 
 Son in the likeness of sinful flesh, for sin condemned 
 mn in the flesh.^ It is elsewhere stated, he wag 
 i. Made sin for us.^ These words are peculiarly 
 emphatical — Christ is represented as being made 
 sin or a sacrifice for sin : it is a Hebrew form of 
 expression, corresponding with the Latin term 
 piaculum and the Greek KaOa^ija. A similar idea 
 is conveyed in the use of the word curse or awa- 
 thema and which signifies any thing devoted to 
 
LIFE OF 3IELANCTII0N. 229 
 
 punishment in ordei' to propitiate the offended 
 Deity. In this manner Isaiah speaks of Christy 
 ^ thou didst make his soul a sin^ that is, an 
 offering or sacrifice for sin : and Paul frequently 
 inculcates the same sentiment in his second 
 epistle and fifth chapter of the Corinthians, ' He 
 who knew no sin was made sin for us,' that is, 
 an offering or victim who sustained the punish- 
 ment of sin and satisfied the demands of justice 
 for us. In writing to the Galatians he suggests 
 a similar sentiment, ' Christ was made a curse j 
 that is, piaculumj a sacrifice^ sustaining the curse 
 and displeasure of God against sin. 
 
 V. 22. — We know that the i&hole Creation 
 groaneth and travaileth in pain together until 
 now? This is an argument from the example of 
 the Creation. All things are subject to cor- 
 ruption and to the abuse of the wicked till the 
 period of deliverance, which therefore we 
 expect. 
 
 " In this place Paul contemplates with 
 great emotion of mind the dreadful confusion 
 and corruption of human affairs, war, blood- 
 shed, devastation and other evils prevalent in the 
 world. He contemplates the mighty power of 
 sin and the tyranny of Satan, and how degrading 
 it is that universal nature should be subjected to 
 the devil and to death in consequence of human 
 transgression. 
 
 " Here then in the first place is to be 
 
230 LIFE OF MELANCTHOV. 
 
 considered the feelings of Christians amidst their 
 afflictions. Delay is tormenting to the mind 
 and we are incapable of foreseeing the method of 
 deliverance. Troubles are daily increasing and 
 the truly pious are deeply afflicted to witness the 
 great dangers which surround the church of 
 Christ ; and while its distresses multiply, its de- 
 liverance appears to be delayed. 
 
 " Whatever therefore may be the source 
 of our grief, whether public or private, the 
 apostle endeavours to impart consolation by re- 
 ferring us to the heavens and the earth, to the 
 creation at large as subjected to the abuse of the 
 wicked. Tyrants possess the dominion of 
 empires — the impious enjoy the riches of the 
 world, but the church of Christ for which all 
 things were created, suffers martyrdom and is 
 deprived of life, light and every other advantage. 
 But these things were formed that they might 
 be in subserviency to the saints for the glory of 
 God, and as they are at present subjected to 
 abuse and the power of corruption through the 
 transgression of Adam, the creatures themselves 
 wait for the promised deliverance." 
 
 The Popish writers agree in lamenting the 
 increase of Lutheranism during the years 1522 
 and 1523 ; its opponents, however, amongst 
 whom George Duke of Saxony, Henry Duke 
 pf Brunswick, and Ferdinand Archduke of 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 231 
 
 Austria may bo considered tlie principal, were 
 by no means asleep. The former, the most vio- 
 lent bigot of the day and the most inveterate 
 enemy of Luther and the Reformation, used 
 every means to influence Frederic and his bro- 
 ther John to adopt hostile measures : but their 
 prudence frustrated his views in Saxony. The 
 light spread rapidly in Europe, and Caspar 
 Hedio, Martin Bucer, and John Oecolampadius 
 were diffusing it in Alsace and Switzerland. 
 
 Frederic however Telt himself in a most cri- 
 tical situation. The Pope, Adrian VI. who had 
 succeeded Leo X. had sent his legate Francis 
 Cheregato to the Luperial Diet of Nuremberg, 
 to demand the immediate execution of the 
 sentence pronounced against Luther at the Diet 
 of Worms. The Emperor concurred in his 
 views and the Popish princes were evidently con- 
 certing measures to crush the Reformation. In 
 this situation the Elector applied to Luther, Me- 
 lancthon and Bugenhagius for their opinion on 
 this question. " Is it lawful for your prince if 
 his subjects should be attacked on account of 
 religion by the Emperor, or any other ruler to 
 protect them by arms?" To this they replied, 
 '' it was not lawful, chiefly because the princes 
 were not yet convinced in their consciences of 
 the truth of the reformed doctrine, neither had 
 their subjects implored protection against 
 violence, nor had the states of the provinces deli- 
 
232 LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 
 
 berated on the subject of war : above all^ those 
 who took up arms for their defence ought to 
 be well satisfied of the justice of their cause. 'T^^ 
 
 Clement VI I. being elevated to the Papal 
 Chair upon the decease of Adrian^ selected Car- 
 dinal Campeggio a skilful negociator for his 
 legate to the Imperial Diet at Nuremberg, where 
 he arrived in the early part of the year 1524. 
 He was commissioned to insist upon the princes 
 uniting to execute the decree of Worms against 
 Luther ; and the Emperor gave similar in- 
 structions to his minister. After some debate it 
 was resolved by the Diet that the Pope, with the 
 consent of the Emperor, should at an early period 
 summon a free council in Germany to deliberate 
 upon the Lutheran affairs, and that in the mean- 
 time a Diet should be held at Spires to consi- 
 der of the mode of proceeding. This of course 
 did not satify Campeggio, and retiring to Ra- 
 tisbon he held a private assembly with some of 
 the princes and bishops of the empire, whom he 
 engaged to resolve upon executing the decree of 
 Worms. This unwarrantable procedure induced 
 those who differed from Campeggio to pursue a 
 measure of self-defence, by holding a similar 
 Convention at Spires to confirm the decrees of 
 Nuremberg. 
 
 At this period what has been called the 
 
 (q) HORTLED. Hist. T. 1. Lib. IL 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 233 
 
 Sacramental controversy originated. Carlostadt 
 resolutely denied what Luther no less resolutely 
 maintained the doctrine of Consnhdantiation, or 
 that the real body and blood of Christ were 
 received together with the bread and the wine, 
 though ihey were not absolutely transubstan- 
 tiated. This controversy divided the early 
 friends of the Reformation, and long threatened 
 the most serious consequences. The Pteformers 
 of Switzerland and many in Germany dissented 
 from Luther and Melancthon, maintaining that 
 the Lord's Supper was to be observed only as a 
 commemoration of the death of Christ. It must 
 be owned that Consuhstantiation and Transuh- 
 stantiation are as similar in nature as in name, 
 and it would require good spectacles to discern 
 any very essential diiference between these two 
 species of nonsense. 
 
 Carlostadt found it necessary to retire to 
 Orlamund, and became the Pastor of the village 
 in defiance of the right of appointment vested in 
 the Elector and the University, where he not only 
 railed against Luther's view of the Eucharist, 
 but appears to have been hurried on by his 
 violence of temper to very enthusiastical pre- 
 tensions. He was at length expelled by the 
 prince and his brother from their dominions, but 
 afterwards recalled by the Elector John. 
 
 Carlostadt by raising mobs, pulling down 
 images and railing against learning, gave the final 
 
y 
 
 234 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 impulse to the fanaticism of Muneer, Storck and 
 their associates. " It may be true," says 
 Luther, " and candour may require me to believe 
 that Carlostadt does not intend to promote se- 
 dition and murder, yet so long as he persists in 
 raising headstrong mobs and exciting them to 
 demolish statues with unauthorized violence, he 
 possesses the same seditious sanguinary spirit that 
 has shewn itself at Alsted. How often has Me- 
 lancthon in vain admonished him not to raise 
 tumults respecting ceremonies, and yet he has 
 continued to defend the breakers of the peace to 
 the last." (r) 
 
 These irregularities like a large tributary 
 stream, swelled the torrent of insurrection that 
 was at this moment rushing through the pro- 
 vinces of Germany. What has been termed the 
 Rustic war or t£)ar of the Peasants arose indeed 
 from the dissatisfaction of the lower classes with 
 the civil restraints and oppressions of their chiefs 
 which they affirmed to be no longer tolerable, 
 but it received an accession of strength and a 
 character of fanaticism from the union of the 
 Anabaptists, who hastened to wage war against 
 their lawful governors and the rights of civil 
 society. Muncer placed • himself at their head, 
 and was at last taken and put to death after 
 being defeated by the confederate princes oi 
 
 (rj LuTH. cont. Proph.. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 235 
 
 Germany in a pitcbed battle at Muiliausen in 
 Tliuringia. This terminated the rebellion. 
 
 From public it is necessary to turn to more 
 private transactions. By the advice of his 
 friends who perceived it necessary to recruit 
 his health and spirits, Melancthon devoted part 
 of the year 1524, to a journey on horseback to 
 different places in Germany. He was accom- 
 panied by Nesenus and Camerarius, two inti- 
 mate associates, the former distinguished for 
 prudence, knowledge and amiableness of dis- 
 position, the latter who was afterwards his 
 biographer, for very eminent literary attain- 
 ments. Two youths. Bur card us and Silber- 
 bornerus, both of whom afterwards acquired 
 considerable reputation, attended them. 
 
 The travellers arrived at Leipsic the first 
 place of notoriety in their route, on the very 
 day when Peter Mosellanus, the Greek pro- 
 fessor, breathed his last. Melancthon and 
 Camerarius had just time to visit him, and 
 mingle their tears over his dying bed ; the 
 former deplored a friend and the latter a tutor. 
 Mosellanus was a man of erudition. He is 
 praised by Erasmus as a wit and a scholar ; and 
 at his decease, which took place at the early 
 age of thirty-one^ Melancthon composed the 
 following tribute to his memory. 
 
 KtTrrti T(oct Ta(j)0) tte'Coq ttotuj.wlo fxoaeWa 
 
236 LIFE OF M E L A N C T H O N. 
 
 T(ti ficiKpoy TE ftiou y»/p«C 7"f (p06v}](Te Tro^eivoy 
 
 A.prl ^E aafte-zov fioip awe^ioKE kXeoq > 
 
 Udg CE fjLtvvBucLog Kal TEipeaia TreXer alufu 
 K-pEiTovoQ ovv cujps yijoar ajizi\p£ deog' 
 
 Beneath thi.^ lonib that meets the stranger's eye 
 
 The dear remains of Mosellanus lie ; 
 
 In vain might friends protracted life implore. 
 
 The lovely rhetorician speaks no more ; 
 
 But in the records of eternal fame 
 
 Ages to come shall find inscribM his name, 
 
 While from this transient life of tears and sighs 
 
 God has removed him to yon fairer skies. 
 
 Melancthon and his friends proceeded from 
 Leipsic across Upper Saxony to Fulda^ where 
 they heard of the death of the celebrated Ulric 
 Hutten^ an ingenious and learned man^ but of 
 a most waspish temper which was abundantly 
 displayed in a book against Erasmus. Melanc- 
 thon and Luther both disapproved his ferocious 
 hostility. Though descended from a noble 
 family, of which he was sufficiently vain, he 
 died in extreme poverty at Zurich. 
 
 After visiting Frankfort they remained some 
 time with Melancthon's mother, who had mar- 
 ried a second husband at Bretten. Parting at 
 length most reluctantly from endeared relatives 
 they reached Heidelberg, where the University 
 received their former student with every mark 
 'of distinction and regard. 
 
 Upon their return, not far from Frankfort 
 they unexpectedly met Philip, Landgrave of 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON, 23t 
 
 of Hesse on his way to Heidelberg. The Land- 
 grave rode up to him intimating that he under- 
 stood his name was Philip Melanethon ; to 
 which he replied in the affirmative, and alight- 
 ing from his horse in token of respect to the 
 illustrious stranger, he was requested to remount 
 and turn back to spend the night with him. 
 The prince assured him his intentions were not 
 hostile, but simply to converse upon some par- 
 ticular topics. Melanethon replied in a suitable 
 manner and signified he entertained no appre- 
 hensions from the Landgrave. "•' But," said be, 
 smiling, " if I should deliver you into the hands 
 of Campeggio, I fancy he would think me do- 
 ing him a very grateful piece of service." On 
 their way, for Melanethon had turned back 
 in complaisance, the prince put a number of 
 questions of a casual nature, which he answered 
 briefly and without entering into much explan- 
 ation, both on account of the unfitness of the 
 time and place and because the prince appeared 
 to have his thoughts occupied with other con- 
 cerns. At length he requested the prince's 
 permission to return and prosecute his journey 
 which he granted, stipulating that upon his 
 arrival at Wittemberg he should send him in 
 writing his deliberate opinion upon the subjects 
 he had referred to in his conversation. He also 
 gave him a safe conduct through his domi- 
 nions. Thi^ inquisitive disposition of the 
 
238 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 Landgrave terminated in the happiest cons^^ 
 quences^ for he soon became the decided sup- 
 porter of the Reformation. His allusion ta 
 Campeggio was sufficiently significant;, for pre- 
 vious to this interview that subtle leo;ate had 
 sent to sound Melancthon upon the subject of 
 coming over to the Papal party, but was dis- 
 missed with the following spirited reply — that, 
 " what he maintained to be true and knew to 
 be so, he did not embrace or avow to gain the 
 respect and favour of any living mortal, or 
 from the hope of emolument, or from any ambi- 
 tious motives, nor would he cease to esteem and 
 aid those who promoted it. In the exertions 
 lie had hitherto made for the knowledge and 
 advancement of truth, he was determined in a. 
 spirit of meekness to persevere. Let all who 
 are truly desirous of the general peace and 
 safety of the community confer and co-operate 
 to heal the w^ounds which cannot possbly be 
 any longer concealed, and to restrain the fury 
 of those who will not desist from tearing and 
 fretting with their malicious nails the existing, 
 sores. If this be not done and the violent 
 bigots still pursue their course, they may expect 
 to be the first to suffer.'' 
 
 Soon after returning to Wittemberg Me- 
 lancthon was plunged into the deepest affliction 
 in consequence of the tragical death of Nesenus. 
 He was lying at his ease in a fishing boat which 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 239 
 
 he had hired as he frequently did for the pur- 
 pose of recreation on the river Elbe^ and which 
 he had fastened to the trunk of a tree. The 
 boat suddenly heaved about and whirled him 
 into the water where he perished. The great 
 men of the day were deeply affected by this 
 fatal accident. Luther exclaimed in the trans- 
 ports of grief, " O that I had power to raise the 
 dead ! " — Micyllus^ by no means^, says Secken- 
 dorf^ a contemptible poet^ honoured his memory 
 with an elegant epitaph. We insert a similar 
 tribute from the pen of Melancthon. 
 
 ^Q TO fDpo-u)V yevoQ I't' av sjiuiXlov )y^' ajuteprji^ot/ 
 
 D. vioL wg alvjy Traatv uTriTOc tri' 
 A.7rpo'ici]Q '^avarog ^Effffrjvoy efjap\p£ viov tteo 
 
 A^jim^-ov TuyfpS ciXfoiog oiCfi oXecte' 
 
 How vain and fleeting is the race of man; — 
 And how uncertain when we yield our breath! 
 So sunk Nesenus 'neath the wave of death, 
 
 Kor knew the treacherous stream so near him ran. 
 
 It is known that Melancthon placed con- 
 siderable confidence in dreams^ and that both 
 he and Luther were addicted to astrology. In 
 the course of his late journey he expressed a 
 presentiment of the death of one of the three 
 fellow travellers^ Camerarius, Nesenus^ or him- 
 self, from the occurrence of what he considered 
 an ominous circumstance ; and on the very day 
 when Nesenus was drowned^, he often related 
 
240 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 to those who were inclined to be jocose upon 
 superstitious notions, that in his afternoon's nap 
 he saw in a dream every circumstance of his 
 friend's deplorable end. (s) 
 
 Another event of the present year was still 
 more afflictive. Henry von Zutphen, to whom 
 Melancthon and the whole University at Wit- 
 temberg were much attached on account of his 
 wisdom, modesty and piety, had gone to preach 
 the reformed doctrines in Ditmars, a county of 
 Holstein in Denmark ; the neighbouring priests 
 like tygers watching for their prey^ instantly 
 sprung upon the victim and put him to death 
 by the most exquisite tortures, (tj 
 
 On the fifth of May 1525, Frederic, 
 Elector of Saxony, surnamed the Wise, 
 departed this life. His death was peaceful and 
 pious, and as he was the early friend as well as 
 the constant protector of the reformed cause, it 
 was an event which could not fail of producing 
 a strong impression on the minds of Luther 
 and Melancthon. To them was entrusted the 
 management of his funeral, which was con- 
 ducted in an unostentatious manner, omitting 
 the superstitious practices which the Papists 
 had been accustomed to observe on similar 
 occasions. Luther delivered a short discourse 
 in German and Melancthon pronounced an 
 oration in the Latin language. From the latter 
 
 (s) Cam. Vit. McI. p. 97. (f) Cam. Vit. Mel. 
 
LIFE OF M ELANCTIION. 241 
 
 the reader is presented with the following 
 extracts, (u) 
 
 " Amidst this public, universal and most 
 acute sorrow, in which the removal of one of the 
 wisest of princes^ a loss so calamitous to this 
 state, is deplored, I feel myself scarcely pos- 
 sessed of sufficient presence of mind to attempt 
 by a formal oration to alleviate the affliction of 
 the nobles and the populace, with a voice too 
 so faultering with grief. Though the extraor- 
 dinary virtues of this prince peculiarly deserve 
 the funeral honours which well constituted 
 nations have always bestow^ed on their dis- 
 tinguished men ; I am deeply conscious that 
 our tears cannot express his superlative m.erits. 
 Deeply affected as I am with the loss of the 
 state which in a season of public commotion, 
 and amidst the universal darkness of the age 
 required the light of his wisdom, private feelings 
 mingle with the general lamentation. I could 
 not but honour him while living and mourn him 
 when dead , not only for his signal virtues, but 
 for the innumerable favours of which I have 
 been the recipient. Incapacity of mind, howe- 
 ver, and excess of grief forbid a minute enco- 
 
 (ii) Seckendorf has detailed a variety of particulars re- 
 specting the will and last moments of the Elector, which it would 
 not comport with the plan of this w^ork to insert, but which will 
 he interesting to peruse. Vide Seckend. Hist. Luth. Lib. II, 
 Sect. vi. p. 34. 
 
 R 
 
242 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 miun upon all his merits ; let these flowing tears 
 and this tremulous voice suffice to express the 
 sincerest feelings of a grateful heart. 
 
 " That this assembled multitude may form a 
 correct idea of how much they are indebted to 
 this prince, I propose slightly to allude to some 
 things worthy of praise and present as it were 
 a distant view of them; and though I would 
 by no means assume so much as to hope that I 
 shall be able to cure the grief of those who 
 are aware of the magnitude of that calamity 
 which the state has sustained, yet I may at least 
 assuage their sorrow by reminding them of his 
 virtues. 
 
 " This nation is greatly indebted to the 
 hio-her orders for the advancement of sacred 
 literature, and mider Providence for the exist- 
 ence of a prince, who as he was formed by 
 nature pacific, humane and merciful, so nothing 
 was more dear to him than the best interests of 
 his people. The Saxon princes are notorious for 
 their noble lineage, but Frederic was still more 
 illustrious for his knowledge of the science of 
 government and for genuine greatness of mind. 
 I am mistaken if any one was so mighty in 
 arms, and yet so anxious to render the employ- 
 ment of power subservient to the establishment 
 of peace. He was just, gentle, firm, careful 
 of the public welfare, diligent in ascertaining the 
 rights of others, and pacifying the contentions 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 243 
 
 of fellow-citizenS;, patient toward the faults of 
 the people, aiming mildly to restore those who 
 were capable of amelioration, but severe in 
 punishing the wicked and incorrigible. 
 
 " The multitude I am aware are smitten 
 with an admiration of heroic achievements and 
 esteem the soldier above the quiet citizen. The 
 virtues of domestic life are overlooked, and 
 they who cultivate peace and the arts acquire 
 but a slender praise. But I confess myself of a 
 far different opinion, for if you consider utility, 
 if you remark the design of man's creation, 
 peace is preferable to war. I cannot prefer the 
 great but warlike Anthony, to the peaceful 
 Augustus, nor admit that Alcibiades was of 
 more service to Greece than Solon ; of whom 
 the former ruined his country by promoting 
 eternal war, the latter not only preserved but 
 constituted it a great state by furnishing it with 
 ample laws. Frederic was formed to excel in 
 the more useful and therefore the superior 
 virtues. It was for him to preserve his people 
 in peace amidst the most turbulent times. Who 
 will venture to compare a victory with the 
 more splendid achievement of securing tran- 
 quillity during many years (more than thirty) 
 of commotion, while many envied and many 
 endeavoured to excite war. Believe me the 
 wisdom and the real fortitude of Frederic were 
 of no common cast, co-operating to overcome 
 
 K 2 
 
244 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 the impetuosity of anger, to spare the lives of 
 his subjects and to allay the violence of armed 
 hostility by reason, by counsel and even by 
 purchase. When the friends of Pericles were 
 enumerating his trophies and congratulating him 
 upon his victories, he replied, the praise did not 
 belong to him so much as to his soldiers or to 
 fortune, but he would claim this as his just 
 distinction, that no citizen through his means 
 ever put on mourning — intimating that he had 
 never been guilty of any treacherous violence 
 to advance his own dignity ; but our illustrious 
 prince not only never revenged private injuries, 
 but he made even war itself yield to reason 
 and become subservient to the preservation of 
 his citizens. 
 
 " He possessed the greatest private virtues 
 and a peculiar devotedness to the study of the 
 Christian religion. He always treated sacred 
 things with the utmost seriousness, and amidst 
 the contrariety of opinions prevalent in the 
 present age he diligently aimed to discover the 
 best and most indubitable. Before the present 
 period of reform, when human rites were ap- 
 pointed in the churches by pontiilcal authority, 
 he ever preferred what was most conducive to 
 morals; and, because he felt persuaded that the 
 common people were allured by these means to 
 pay attention to religion, he erected churches, 
 devised ceremonies, and exerted himself to 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 245 
 
 }3rocure teachers of sacred doctrine. Often 
 would he confer with learned men on the nature 
 and power of religion. These I consider proofs 
 of a well disposed mind. 
 
 " "When Christianity began to rise again as 
 it were from the dead and to be purified from 
 her corruptions^ he entirely devoted his mind 
 to it, neither approving nor condemning any 
 thing with precipitation. Wherever he saw 
 the evidence of religious truth he embraced it 
 with all his soul, and it became the means of 
 establishing and nourishing his piety. He 
 shunned insignificant disputes which did not 
 conduce to edification ; and when he observed 
 certain impious men, upon pretence of enjoying 
 evangelical liberty, debasing themselves and 
 religion by a ferociousness of conduct and a 
 contempt of public decency, he cautiously 
 avoided o^ivino^ them or others occasion of in- 
 troducing rash changes through his example, 
 perceiving the dangerous tendency of such 
 innovations. 
 
 ^' I omit the detail of a variety of excel- 
 lencies for which he w^as distinguished: I say 
 nothing of his character as a peacemaker, or 
 his fidelity in friendship — of his care to avert 
 dangers, or his firmness in sustaining them — of 
 the suavity of his manners, his gentleness, or 
 his remarkable acuteness of intellect — of his 
 management of his financial resources, by which 
 
246 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 of late they were so much recruited — these 
 things are all known to you, and while you 
 cherish gratitude to God for having bestowed 
 such a Prince, ought never to be obliterated 
 from your memories. Our country, alas! has 
 lost not only a useful and gracious Prince, and 
 one who has for a long period preserved public 
 peace, but also a Father endowed with every 
 various excellence. They merit the highest 
 honour in every place who assiduously cultivate 
 the country ; he did indeed cultivate it, devot- 
 ing the years of peace which he procured to its 
 improvement, to the education of youth, and 
 to the promotion of commerce. Our Academy 
 has lost a Meceenas ; no Prince possessed more 
 capability, more devoted attachment, or knew 
 better how to promote its interests. All Ger- 
 many has lost — a Prince and a Counsellor in 
 every important affair ; for so great was his 
 wisdom in German affairs, and his general in- 
 fluence, that he was deemed a proper person 
 for the Imperial dignity, and w^as consulted as 
 an oracle — lost too at a moment when Germany 
 is ripe for civil war, and as the poet says, 
 
 VicinaB ruptis inter se legibus urbes 
 
 Arma ferunt, saevit toto Mars impius orbe — 
 
 lost — when his authority, discretion, and supe- 
 riority of mind were peculiarly requisite for the 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 24T 
 
 restoration of peace^ the regulation of the laws, 
 and the reformation of religion. 
 
 " And shall we not mourn thy death, O 
 Frederic? — may we not lament our bereave- 
 ment at so inauspicious a moment, not only of 
 a Ruler, but of a Father F-— all eyes are turned 
 to thy illustrious brother, and the country feels 
 that in him it may safely repose the utmost 
 confidence ; but he is himself most painfully 
 sensible that by thy removal he is deprived of 
 another self, of another mind capacitated to aid 
 amidst surrounding difficulties ! This weeping 
 senate too, the director of public affairs, seems 
 almost exanimate with excess of sorrow, en- 
 gaged as in a dubious strife, and accustomed 
 to follow thy signals and thy well-known voice! 
 
 " But away with intemperate grief. Wise 
 men have usually adduced considerations re- 
 specting the brevity of human life, and the 
 common destiny of mankind in order to fortify 
 others ap-ainst the evils incident to our condi- 
 tion; but we shall at present omit such re- 
 ferences; for although Frederic derived great 
 consolation and firm.ness of mind from realizing 
 the general reason and utility of many appoint- 
 ments, yet another greater and more efficacious 
 principle supported his spirit in the hour of 
 dissolution. He knew from the instructions 
 of Christianity that death was a change not 
 only inflicted on the human race by divine 
 
248 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 appointment as a punishment for sin, in which 
 view it is a melancholy circumstance ; but that 
 to all the pious it is a delightful idea that by 
 this means sin is destroyed, and we then com- 
 mence the journey of immortality. 
 
 " For how many years was our Prince dis- 
 turbed and distracted by religious disputes ! 
 What forms of sin and of death were perpetually 
 presented to his mind ! — so that he csune prepared 
 to the last great battle. When he resigned this 
 calamitous and wretched life we rather con- 
 gratulate him on his departure who has left so 
 many evidences that he has put on a glorious 
 immortality, and who therefore ought not in 
 fact to be represented as having lost his life. 
 And as he departed with such tranquillity of 
 mind, let us patiently submit to the whole will 
 of God, and aspire after such a death whenever 
 we are called into eternity." 
 
 Melancthon used frequently to say of the 
 Elector Frederic, that he had plucked a flower 
 from all the virtues, (x) He wrote the fol- 
 lowing Epitaph which was inscribed on his 
 moimment. 
 
 Ante petet cursu Bojemica nira supiiio 
 Unde in Saxonicos defluit Albis agros ; 
 
 Inclyta quam possit nieritoruni fonia tuorum 
 Occidere in populis, Dux Frederice, tuis. 
 
 (X) SCULTETUS. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 249 
 
 Aurea viderimt has gentes secula, regni 
 
 Dum tibi Saxonici sceptra tenere datum est. 
 Pace frui placida campique urbesque solebant 
 
 Horrenda extimuit classica nulla nurus 
 Bella alii ferro, sed tu ratione gerebas 
 Et sine vi victi saepe dedere manus. 
 Ingenio claros meruisti saepe triumphos 
 Militeque baud ullo fixa tropaea tibi: 
 Et pacis studiis florere ac artibus urbes 
 
 Contigit auspicio, Dux Frederice, tuo. 
 Fovisti spretas hac tempestate Cam^enas 
 Unicus et studiis prsmia digna dabas 
 Namque tuo sumptu flavum schola condita ad Albim est 
 
 Ut \it£e verum traderet ilia modum. 
 Hie Evangelii primum doctrina renata 
 
 Deterso caepit pura nitere situ. 
 Induit hie veros vultus, iterumque colorem 
 
 Accepit tandem religio ipsa suum. 
 Et ciim Germani sumpsissent arma tyranni 
 
 Contra Evangelium sanctaque jussa Dei ; 
 Doctores tibi cura pios defendere soli, 
 Et Christi late spargere dogma fuit. 
 His tibi pro meritis grata piaeconia voce 
 
 Posteritas omnis, virque puerque, canent. 
 Nulla tuas unquam virtutes nesciet aetas 
 Non jus in iaudes mors habet atra tuas. 
 
 Beyond the utmost of Bohemia's bounds. 
 
 Where A\hk(y) pours along his lazy stream; 
 
 From every tongue our Frederic's name resounds, 
 And all thy people hail the glorious theme. 
 
 (ij) The river Elbe, which rises in the mountain of the 
 Giants, on the confines of Bohemia and Silesia, and flows to the 
 German Ocean, 
 
250 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 Whilst thou the sceptre of these regions held. 
 No rude alarms of war disturb'd our rest; 
 
 Another golden age our eyes beheld. 
 
 While quietness our fields and cities blest. 
 
 Thy rule was reason, and thy trophy peace, 
 Thou hast deserv'd the triumphs of the field. 
 
 But 'twas thy glory to bid discord cease, 
 And though victorious^ the fii'st to yield. 
 
 Learning and Science by thy fostering care 
 Adom'd our cities, and proclaimM thee WISE ; 
 
 But not to thee were Muses only dear. 
 Restored Religion now delights our eyes. 
 
 Again we see her own celestial hue, 
 
 Stripped of the meretricious modes of art; 
 
 And when to arms against her, tyrants flew, 
 Thine was the care to shield the poison' d dart. 
 
 The truth of Christ, the doctrines brought from heaven. 
 By thee were well discerned and spread around; 
 
 To thee by present times applause is given, 
 And future ages shall thy name resound. 
 
 Yes — distant times thy virtues shall proclaim. 
 Nor death extinguish thy immortal fame I 
 
 In the midst of these public calamities. 
 Saxony recently afflicted with the loss of Fre- 
 deric, and Germany bleeding from the deep 
 wounds of a civil war, occasioned by the rebel- 
 lious conduct of the peasants, Luther, quite 
 unexpectedly to most of his friends, married 
 Catharine de Bora. Long in relinquishing his 
 prejudices against the marriage of monks, he 
 had once written thus to Melancthon; " It 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 251 
 
 should seem that because I supplied you with a 
 wife^ you wish to be revenged upon me ; but 
 depend upon it I will take effectual care not to 
 be caught in your snares" — but affection charmed 
 away his resolution. The time of this union was 
 considered by some of his best friends as rather 
 ill-chosen, amongst whom was Melancthon, who 
 thought it would give occasion^ as it assuredly 
 did, to the numerous adversaries of Luther to 
 make uncandid animadversions, (z) These oc- 
 casioned him some temporary depression of 
 spirits ; but a consciousness of acting right, and 
 an ardent attachment to his new companion, 
 notwithstanding the dissatisfaction of some inti- 
 mate friends with the time, dissipated his gloom. 
 Melancthon addressed an apologetic letter to 
 Camerarius on the subject. It was written in 
 Greek, (a) and is as follows : " As some un- 
 founded reports will probably reach you respect- 
 ing the marriage of Luther, I think it proper to 
 write to you. the true state of the case, and to give 
 my own opinion. On the thirteenth of June, 
 Luther, to our great surprize, and without saying 
 a word to his friends, married Catharine de Bora, 
 and only invited Pomeranus, Lucca the painter, 
 
 (z) Cam. Vit. Mel. 
 
 (a) " Elle est ecrite,'"' says the Bishop of Meaux, " tout6 
 en Grec; & c' est ainsi qiC Us traitoient entre eux les ckoses 
 secretes r^ BossuET Hist. Des Variations, Tom. I. p, 65. 
 
252 LIFE OF MELANCTIIOX. 
 
 and Apellus the lawyer to supper in the evening-, 
 celebrating the espousals in the customary man- 
 ner. Some perhaps may be astonished that he 
 should have married at this unfavourable junc- 
 ture of public aifairs^ so deeply afflictive to every 
 good man, and thus appear to be unaffected and 
 careless about the distressing events which 
 have occurred amongst us; even though his 
 own reputation suffers at a moment when Ger- 
 many most requires his talents and influence. 
 This however is my view of the subject. Lu- 
 ther is a man who has nothing of the unsocial 
 misanthropist about him; but you know his 
 habits, and I need say no more on this head. 
 Surely it is no wonderful and unaccountable 
 thing that his great and benevolent soul should 
 be influenced by the gentle affections, especially 
 as there is nothing reprehensible or criminal in 
 it. The falsehood and calumny of the general 
 report of his having been guilty of some mis- 
 conduct is evident. He is in fact by nature 
 fitted for the married state, and it is pronounced 
 honourable in the sacred Scriptures. The alle- 
 gation that it was unseasonable and unadvised, 
 which our adversaries are so fond of producing 
 is not to be regarded, much less the derisions 
 and reproaches of the vicious and profligate. I 
 saw that his change of situation produced some 
 degree of perturbation and gloom of mind, and I 
 have done my utmost to cheer him : for I caimot 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 253 
 
 condemn him as having committed a fault, or 
 fallen into sin, though I grant God has recorded 
 many sins which some of his ancient saints com- 
 mitted, in order that we might be stimulated 
 to repose our confidence, not in men however 
 dignified and distinguished, but in his word 
 alone. It would be impious to condemn a doc-* 
 trine because of the errors of its professors, but 
 in the present instance I verily believe our friend 
 has done nothing which is not fully defensible, 
 or for which he ought to be accused. I have in 
 possession the most decisive evidences of his 
 piety and love to God, so that the malicious 
 reproaches heaped upon Luther are nothing else 
 than the inventions of scurrilous sycophants, 
 who want employment for a slanderous tongue. 
 In my opinion, however, this discouraging mis- 
 representation may be of some use, because it is 
 dangerous, not only to persons who sustain ec- 
 clesiastical functions, but to every class of men, 
 to enjoy too high a reputation. For, as a certain 
 orator remarks, wise men as well as fools may be 
 betrayed into an undue self-estimation and vanity 
 of mind, through being gifted with some happy 
 art or talent. But as the proverb says, " another 
 kind of life, another kind of living." 
 
 " I have said so much on this subject lest 
 this unexpected occurrence should have occa- 
 .sioned you an unnecessary degree of uneasiness. 
 
254 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 for I know you are concerned for the reputation 
 of our friend Luther." (h) 
 
 It would be scarcely worth while in this 
 place to introduce to notice the controversy 
 between Erasmus and Luther, were it not for 
 the illustration it affords of the character of 
 Melancthon, who both on account of his con- 
 nexion with the parties, and his general cele- 
 brity, was almost necessarily implicated in any 
 public transaction that affected the reformed 
 cause. No reflecting person will be sur- 
 prized that they should become avowed anta- 
 gonists. The character of each must naturally 
 be disagreeable to the other. Erasmus could 
 not approve the undaunted and untractable he- 
 roism of Luther, nor could Luther endure the 
 trimming artifice and sycophancy of Erasmus. 
 
 The immediate occasion of this controversy 
 was an essay on the freedom of the human will, 
 which Erasmus ventured to publish in the au- 
 tumn of 1524 and for which as he expresses it, 
 he " expected to be pelted." Upwards of a 
 year elapsed before Luther produced his reply 
 in a treatise de Servo Arbitrio, " on the Bond- 
 age of the Will." His antagonist re-appeared 
 in the field of strife, in a book in two parts 
 entitled Hyperaspistes. " Did you ever read," 
 says Melancthon, " a more bitter publication 
 
 (h) Melanth. Ep. Lib. IV. 24. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 255 
 
 than this of Erasmus,? He calls it Hyperaspistes, 
 but it is absolutely aspis, that is^ a wasp." (c) 
 
 During this contention Erasmus wrote some 
 long and artful letters to Melancthon. He as- 
 sures him that he felt impelled by the peculiarity 
 of his circumstances and situation to write 
 against Luther — that if Wittemberg had not 
 been so distant^, he should gladly have sought 
 an interview and should have been happy in a 
 visit from Melancthon — that he had read his 
 " Loci Communes" and admired more than ever 
 his candid and happy genius - that he had given 
 the most moderate counsel to popes and princes, 
 but that the Reformers used him very ill in 
 giving him the nick-name of Balaam who was 
 hired to curse Israel — that Cardinal Campeggio 
 had sent one of his agents to discuss with him 
 the propriety of removing Melancthon from his 
 present situation. '' My answer," says he, 
 '^ was that I sincerely wished such a genius as 
 yours to be perfectly free from all these conten- 
 tions, but that I despaired of your recantation. 
 / open this secret to you in the entire confidence 
 that you will be candid enough not to divulge it 
 among the wicked onesT In a subsequent letter 
 written with much irritation of mind, obviously 
 because Melancthon was not to be taken in the 
 snare he had laid for his religious integrity, h^ 
 professes that he did not bestow much pains to 
 
 (c) Melancth, Ep. Lib. IV. 28. ad Camerar. 
 
2bG LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 persuade him to forsake the Reformers as he 
 foresaw it would be useless, but he wished he 
 had devoted his genius solely to literature, for 
 there were plenty of actors in the religious tra- 
 gedy! 
 
 Who does not perceive the insinuating pur- 
 pose of Erasmus? Vexed at heart that the 
 Lutheran cause should be strengthened by the 
 literary authority, unquestionable moderation 
 and superior talents of Melancthon, he employed 
 every means to separate him from it. Yet with 
 his characteristic duplicity he disclaims the real 
 motives which all his letters betray. Let us hear 
 the noble language of Melancthon. " For my 
 part I cannot with a safe conscience condemn 
 the sentiments of Luther, however I may be 
 charged with folly or superstition — that does not 
 weigh with me. But I would oppose them 
 strenuously if the Scriptures were on the other 
 side: most certainly I shall never change 7ny sen- 
 timents from a regard to human authority or 
 from the dread of disgrace.'' These are 
 the words of the wavering and the timid Me- 
 lancthon ! 
 
 In the autumn of the year 1525, by the 
 Elector's permission and at the express solicita- 
 tion of the Senate of Nuremberg, (d) he repaired 
 thither to assist in forming a plan for the esta- 
 
 (d) Adam. Vit. Germ. Tlieol. Cam. Yit. Mel. 
 
LIFE OF MFLANCTHON. 257 
 
 blisliment of a public seminary. When he first 
 received the apphcation, he writes thus to his 
 particular friend the senior Senator. " It afford- 
 ed me great pleasure to hear from you that 
 your citizens were so anxiously disposed to erect 
 a public literary institution ; for nothing can be 
 a nobler ornament or a surer defence to a city 
 than such an establishment properly formed. 
 And I consider you, my friend, as meriting no 
 small praise, for stimulating your fellow citizens 
 to the maintenance and cultivation of letters. 
 I promise you most readily all the assistance in 
 my power, although I am not so ignorant of 
 myself as not to perceive that I am incapable of 
 fulfilling your wishes and your too partial opi- 
 nion of me." (e) This journey in which he 
 was accompanied by Camerarius was of a prepa- 
 ratory nature; in the ensuing year he visited 
 Nuremberg for the purpose of establishing the 
 academical institution and of giving his advice 
 in the manapfement of ecclesiastical affairs. So 
 indefatigable was Melancthon in his attention to 
 the interests of religion and literature! He 
 w^as appointed to deliver an oration at the public 
 opening of this academy, which is preserved in 
 the volumes containing his select declamations. 
 
 The following passages are extracted from 
 it:— 
 
 " Consider the manners and general course 
 
 CO Melancth. Ep. p. 51. aclD. Hkronym, Baimgartn. 7. 
 
 S 
 
258 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 of life for which those nations are distinguished, 
 which are totally unacquainted with letters, as 
 the Scythians. Having no cities under the re- 
 gulation of wholesome laws and no courts of 
 justice, those who prevail by force or faction 
 dictate the law; commercial intercourse with 
 neighbouring states is precluded; there can be 
 no interchange of property ; public robbery is the 
 only means of escaping from the miseries of fa- 
 mine; every supply must depend upon the flesh 
 or fowl accidentally procured, and not only is 
 there no discipline at home, but even those 
 domestic affections which are implanted in the 
 human bosom, conjugal fidelity, parental ten- 
 derness, the attachments of consanguinity ancL 
 friendship, become utterly extinguished by ex- 
 cessive barljarism. The science of education the 
 foundation of future excellence is unknown, vir- 
 tue is disregarded, no sense of propriety prevails, 
 none of the assiduities of friendship, none of the 
 charities of life ; nor, finally, the least correctness 
 of sentiment respecting the will of God to man 
 and religion in general. Such is the cyclopia 
 nature of savage life only with somewhat dif- 
 ferent shades and degrees of barbarism ; and to 
 this state these nations must always tend unless 
 by imparting knowledge to them they beconte 
 excited and formed to virtue, humanity an4 
 piety. You therefore have acted wisely and 
 nobly by introducing learning into your city and 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 259 
 
 studying to give it a permanent establishment 
 from a conviction that it will be your best defence. 
 In this tempestuous age, your zeal merits pecu- 
 liar applause, because amidst the general storm 
 that agitates the empire literature seems in dan- 
 ger of being wrecked." 
 
 After this he proceeds to complain bitterly 
 of the priesthood for their negligence of learning, 
 and declares that their fraternity have shewn 
 themselves the greatest enemies of the liberal arts, 
 so that the institution at Nuremberg is peculiarly 
 well-timed. " And," says he, " do not be loth 
 to add this to the other ornaments of your city 
 which is already so distinguished for its wealth, 
 its edifices and the ingenuity of its artificers, as 
 to bear a comparison with the most celebrated 
 cities of antiquity. There is not a place in Ger- 
 many more remarkable for well informed citizens 
 who having added the establishment of the li- 
 beral sciences to their excellent civil polity, will 
 be long regarded as pre-eminent in rank above 
 all the cities of the empire ; for it is impossible 
 to express what an accession of honour to that 
 already acquired, will result from the erection of 
 this institution of useful learning. 
 
 " If you proceed to cultivate these studies you 
 will not only be illustrious in your own country 
 but renowned abroad. You will be regarded as 
 the authors of your country's best defence, for 
 ' no walls or bulwarks can prove more durable 
 
 s 2 
 
200 LIFE OF MELANCTHOX. 
 
 memorials of cities than the learning, wisdom 
 and virtues of its citizens. A Spartan said, that 
 their walls ou2:ht to be constructed of iron and 
 not of stone, but I am of opinion that wisdom, 
 moderation and piety, form a better protection 
 than arms or walls." 
 
 The orator then endeavours to inspirit and 
 excite the citizens of Nuremberg to a noble emu- 
 lation of Florence, which had been so distin- 
 guished for the encouragement of the exiled 
 literati and the cultivation of Greek and Roman 
 lore: at a time too when the Roman Pontiff 
 refused the great Theodore Gaza the least remu- 
 neration for his laborious services. He traces 
 the revival of letters in Europe to the example 
 of Florence, representing it as "- the harbour 
 into which shipwrecked literature was received 
 and secured." 
 
 He adds, '•' It is not only a sin against hea- 
 ven, but betrays a brutal mind whenever any 
 one refuses to exert himself for the proper in- 
 struction of his children. One great distinction 
 between the human race and the brute creation 
 is this, that nature teaches the animal to desist 
 from all further care of its offspring as soon as it 
 grows up, but enjoins it upon man not only to 
 nourish his children during the first and infan- 
 tine period of life, but as they rise into maturer 
 age to cultivate their moral powers with in- 
 creased assiduity and diligence. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 261 
 
 " In the proper constitution of a state, there- 
 fore, schools of learning are primarily requisite 
 where the rising generation, which is the foun- 
 dation of a future empire should be instructed, 
 for it is a most fallacious idea to suppose that solid 
 excellence is likely to be acquired without due 
 regard to instruction ; nor can persons be suit- 
 ably qualified to govern the state without the 
 knowledge of those principles of right govern- 
 ment which learning only can bestow. 
 
 '^ Having devoted yourselves then to this 
 object, do not be thwarted by the efforts of ma- 
 lice nor by any other difficulties thrown in the 
 way to prevent the studies of your citizens. 
 Respecting your professors, this we may ven- 
 ture to promise, that they are equal to the task 
 they have undertaken and you may rely on the 
 diligent discharge of their important office. 
 
 " May the Lord Jesus Christ bestow his 
 blessing upon these transactions, and abundantly 
 prosper your counsels and the studies of your 
 youth!" 
 
 It appears from a long letter addressed to the 
 principal Senator of Nuremberg already mention- 
 ed, and with whom he maintained an uninterrupt- 
 ed correspondence of nearly thirty-seven years, 
 that he was invited to occupy a professorship in 
 the new institution, but he declines it in the 
 most modest yet firm manner, assuring his friend 
 that he felt the imperious nature of his obliga- 
 
262 LIFE OF MELANCTHOiV. 
 
 tions to his prince, and would rather perish with 
 hunger than abandon the duties of his station at 
 Wittemberg. (f) 
 
 During' these ahnost innumerable public 
 and private engagements which Melancthon re- 
 presents as both oppressive to his mind and inju- 
 rious to his health, (g) he contrived to compose 
 and publish from time to time a variety of use- 
 ful pieces ; amongst which were several intro- 
 ductions to different books of Scripture, a Latin 
 Version of the Proverbs of Solomon and an Epi- 
 tome of the doctrines believed and taught in the 
 reformed churches. The latter is inserted in the 
 second volume of his w^orks, 
 
 (f) " Dum, mea opera uti volet Princeps Fredericus 
 non possum hinc honeste discedere. Nam cum is de me libe- 
 ralissime meritus sit praestandum est vicissim mihi, ne quid in 
 ingratum putent collocatum esse, Itaque mihi curaB est per- 
 solvere, non modb quantum debeo sed etiam quantum ille sibi 
 de me poUicetur. Malim equidem fame mori, quam ab officio 
 discedere, praesertim cum. meo peccato literas ipsas non medio' 
 cri invidia gravarem tote le {loi 'x^ayot evoeia xQ^v tunc verb 
 mihi dehiscat lata terra, cum parum reveritus videbor digni- 
 tatem literarum." Ejk ad liieron. Baumgartnerum. 
 
 Cg) " Nemo unquam servus in pistrino occupatior fuit, 
 atque ego sum, tametsi nihil agere videar. Et valetudo est, 
 ut scis, impar his laboribus, et male me cruciant multa alia, 
 quae tua unius consuetudine mitigari omnia poterant.*' Me- 
 tANCTH, Ep. Lib. IV. 32. ad Joach. Camcrar, 
 
( 263 ) 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 A. D. 1526, TO A. D. 1529. 
 
 John succeeds Ms brother Frederic in the Electorate— 
 Chcmges—Diet of Spires— Melancthon's Memorial— 
 The Landgrave of Hesse promotes the Reformation 
 in his Dominions— Melancthon's " Lihellus Visita- 
 
 torius'' Commissio7iers appointed to inspect the 
 
 Reformed Churches— Second Diet of Spires— Anec- 
 dote of the Landgrave of Hesse— Remarkable Story 
 of Grynoeus — Melancthon's visit to his Mother — 
 Continuance of the Sacramental Controversy— Con- 
 ference at Marpurg—Melancthon's Commentary on 
 the Epistle to the Colossians. 
 
 No circumstance could be more favourable 
 to the Reformation in Saxony, than the succes- 
 sion of John, brother of the deceased Frederic 
 to the Electoral dominions. Had he been in- 
 fluenced by the sentiments of the infatuated 
 Papist Duke George, unhappy consequences 
 might have been apprehended ; for though we 
 feel assured it was the cause of truth and 
 righteousness, and possessed as such a principle 
 of imperishable vitality, had these prince^ 
 ^' taken counsel together against the Lord " it 
 
264 
 
 OF MELANCTIION. 
 
 would doubtless have checked its growing pros- 
 perity and deferred its final triumphs. The 
 wisdom of a super-intending Providence was 
 most apparent in all these transactions. The 
 policy and prudence of Frederic resulting from 
 conscientious scruples blended with some ap- 
 prehensions of the overawing domination of 
 Rome, was admirably adapted to parry the re- 
 peated thrusts of ecclesiastical tyranny and to 
 furnish opportunity for the Reformers to dis- 
 seminate their principles; but when these had 
 taken root it required a more decided protec- 
 tion and a firmer authority to favour the ma- 
 turing harvest. John was of a bolder cast of 
 mind than his deceased brother and avoided his 
 temporizing caution, though it ought to be re- 
 corded to the honour of the latter, that a little 
 previous to his death he had intended to give a 
 more determined support to the reformed reli- 
 gion. The new Elector was warmly seconded 
 by his son John Frederic. Philip, the Land- 
 grave of Hesse also, might now be esteemed his 
 zealous friend and coadjutor, for at a conference 
 between the three princes at Creutzberg, he 
 had most fully avowed the similarity of his 
 views and determinations. 
 
 The Elector soon introduced important 
 changes into the University and Collegiate 
 church of Wittemberg. A new order of wor- 
 ship was provided, the Sacrament was admi- 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 2G5 
 
 nistered in tlie German instead of the Latin 
 language, and Luther transmitted to him thQ 
 new ecclesiastical rites practised by the Re- 
 formers, and drawn up with the advice of 
 Melancthon and Pomeranus. A general visita- 
 tion of the Saxon churches was also promised. 
 
 In the mean time Charles V. in letters to 
 his brother Ferdinand, had commanded a Diet 
 to be held at Augsburg, which though he wrote 
 from Toledo in May 1525, was not assembled 
 till the following November and was then so 
 thinly attended as to be prorogued to the third 
 of May 1526, when the place was directed to 
 be exchanged for Spires. The Elector availed 
 himself of this opportunity to form an asso- 
 ciation between the chief cities and princes 
 of the empire who were moderately disposed, 
 for the purpose of representing to Ferdinand 
 the danger of attempting to execute the decree 
 of Worms. At length Ferdinand confessed the 
 necessity of adopting pacific measures and al- 
 lowed the princes to send such divines to the 
 Diet as they judged most capable of giving 
 advice. The Elector of Saxony directed a brief 
 memorial to be prepared, containing a reply to 
 the principal objections of the Papists. It was 
 written in German by Melancthon : the follow- 
 ing is a specimen, (h) 
 
 (h) The original manuscript is extant amongst the Acts of 
 the Diet. Reg. E. fol.37. Vide Seckend. Hist. Luth. Lib. II. 
 p. 43. 
 
266 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 " The first question to be considered is, 
 whether in preaching certain doctrines and omit- 
 ting certain usages in opposition to the autho- 
 rity of the bishops and prelates we are guilty 
 of schism ; for though they cannot deny our 
 doctrine they seek a pretext to condemn us 
 from the alleged defect of authority from the 
 ecclesiastics. They argue, 1. That the bishops 
 possess authority in the church and no one else — 
 2. The masses, monastic vows and other prac- 
 tices have prevailed for so many ages— but the 
 church is infallible, therefore they cannot be 
 abrogated. — 3. To obey is better than sacrifice, 
 we ought therefore to be obsequious. — 4. Charity 
 requires the toleration of human infirmity. — 5« 
 Civil commotion, to which disobedience to 
 superiors would expose us, ought by every 
 means to be avoided." 
 
 " To this it is replied: 
 
 " The ministers of the gospel are bound by 
 the precept of Jesus Christ, in Matthew x. 32. 
 to preach the primary article of the Christian 
 system, justification hy faith in Christ and on no 
 pretence to omit or conceal it. This doctrine 
 has been greatly misapprehended and to the 
 disparagement of Christ, mankind have placed 
 an unwarrantable dependance on masses, invo- 
 cation of saints and other works of their own : 
 and these things though they are manifest blas- 
 phemies it is notorious have been taught in the 
 
LIFE OF MELA NCT HON. 2G7 
 
 Romish church and substituted for the merits of 
 Christ. The Pope and the bishops neglect 
 their duties, usurp authority over emperors and 
 princes, and misapply the revenues of the church 
 to tyrannical purposes; all this in the sacred 
 name of Christ himself. Surely these are posi- 
 tive violations of the second commandment and 
 require the interference of our assemblies [to 
 rectify and remove. 
 
 " On these grounds it is incumbent on the 
 pastors of churches, from the very nature of their 
 calling, to preach the truth, especially when the 
 bishops allowing their authority, neglect to do 
 it. In vain do our ministers both by their voice 
 and their pen remonstrate ; the only consequence 
 is they subject themselves to persecution — but 
 when placed in circumstances similar to Christ 
 and his Apostles before Anna and Caiphas, they 
 can adopt the declaration of the primitive dis- 
 ciples, 'We ought to obey God rather thau 
 men.' 
 
 " We deny that the Pope and the clergy con- 
 stitute the true church, though it is granted there 
 exist some among them who are real members 
 of that church and who renounce the prevailing 
 errors; for the true church consists of those and 
 those only who have the word of God and are 
 ' sanctified and cleansed.'— (Eph. v. 26.) The 
 Holy Spirit expressly warns us against mistaking 
 the Pope and his Clergy for the church, for 
 
270 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 time the liberty of acting independently in reli- 
 gion till such an appointment, (i) 
 
 The Landgrave of Hesse, upon his return 
 from the Diet, devoted himself with his charac- 
 teristic ardour to the great and good work of pro- 
 moting: the reformation in his own dominions. 
 He wrote letters to Melancthon soliciting his 
 advice ; who in reply urged the Landgrave to 
 proceed in a gradual and cautious manner, con- 
 niving for a time at certain non-essentials, the 
 sudden abolition of which might be preju- 
 dicial to the cause he was desirous of pro- 
 moting. He laments the contentions which 
 subsisted amongst the Reformers themselves, 
 frequently about trifles, which should by every 
 means be avoided. The preachers of the 
 gospel ought, he said, to inculcate not only the 
 doctrines of faith, but the practices of piety, the 
 fear of God, love to man, and obedience to 
 magistrates. He besought his Highness to ab- 
 stain from every attempt to extend the Reform- 
 ation by military force ; for the late occurrences 
 of the rustic war would evince that they v^ho 
 delight in war should certainly be scattered, (k) 
 " The Romish Ecclesiastics instigate to war, 
 
 0:)SIeidan 149, 1^0. 
 
 (k) The impetuosity of this enterprising Prince could 
 scarcely be restrained within proper limits. He was for the use 
 of arms, but was checked by Melancthon, and by tlie Elector 
 John, who acted with the advice of Luther. The latter de- 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 271 
 
 why do not the rest exhort men to gain a know- 
 ledge of the subject, and to preserve peace? 
 Your Highness I am convinced might do a 
 great deal with the Princes^ if you would exhort 
 them to take pains to understand the points in 
 dispute, and endeavour to terminate these con- 
 tentions." (I) 
 
 During the two years of peace to the re- 
 formed churches which succeeded the Diet of 
 Spires, the Elector of Saxony employed himself 
 in the very important work of regulating eccle- 
 siastical affairs. Preparatory to a general visit- 
 ation by persons suitably authorized and accom- 
 plished for the undertaking, Melancthon com- 
 posed a directory for the use of the churches, 
 which was published under the immediate sanc- 
 tion of the Elector. It is divided into eighteen 
 sections, comprehending the doctrine of Forgive- 
 ness and Justification by faith in Christ — the 
 Law— Prayer — ^the Endurance of Tribulation — 
 Baptism — the Lord's Supper — Repentance — 
 Confession — the Atonement — Public Worship 
 — Marriage — Freedom of the Will — Christian 
 Liberty — the Turkish War — the mode of Preach- 
 in — Excommunication — the Office of Super- 
 
 «lared, " If the Landgrave were determined to have recourse io 
 arms, it would be better for the Elector to dissolve alliance with 
 liim: but if force were to be first used by their adversaries, 
 they then had a right to repel it.'' 
 
 0) Mel^nx'TH. Ep. Lib. IIL 16. 
 
X 
 
 272 LIFE OF MKLANCTilON'. 
 
 intendants or Bishops— Public ^Schools of Lite- 
 rature. The arrangement of these divisions 
 might perhaps be criticised, but the whole ap- 
 pears to have been written with the author's 
 characteristic skill and perspicuity. A preface, 
 at the Elector's request, was prefixed by Luther. 
 This publication, called Lihelhis Visitato- 
 riuSy involved some unpleasant consequences to 
 Melancthon. The Papists professed to discoveF 
 in it a defection from many of the sentiments of 
 Luther, and hailed the imaginary difference 
 with a prodigious but premature exultation. It 
 cannot be doubted that such a circumstance 
 was eagerly desired, and it must be confessed 
 would have been worthy their mutual congratu- 
 lations. Luther despised the charge. — " Let our 
 adversaries," says he, " glory in their lies, as 
 they always do, for they take no pleasure in 
 truth." And again, " Their glorying is a miser- 
 able one, and will be of no long continuance ; 
 but let them solace themselves with their vain 
 hopes and joys, as they often do, and let them 
 swell and bluster, I am very well pleased." f;/? J 
 At the same time Melancthon discloses a secret 
 in a letter to his confidential friend Camerarius. 
 " I am applied to from Bohemia to desert the 
 Reformed Cause, and promised any remunera- 
 tion from King Ferdinand. Indeed my defection 
 Is publicly reported as a fact, because in the little 
 
 (m) LuTH. Ep. Lib. II. ad Spal. p. 34o, 351. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 273 
 
 book 'C^ritten for the reformed churches I have 
 shewn an increased degree of moderation, and 
 yet you perceive I have really inserted nothing 
 different from what Luther constantly main- 
 tains. But because I have employed no asperity 
 of language, these very acute men judge that I 
 necessarily differ from Luther." (71) Cochlseus 
 does not scruple to charge Melancthon with a 
 crafty moderation^ and Luther with a change 
 of sentiment ; (o) but as Seckendorf observes, 
 " Nothing better than such malignant insinua- 
 tions was to be expected from him." 
 
 But the tauntings and misrepresentations of 
 avowed adversaries were far less vexatious than 
 the conduct of a friend and fellow-labourer. In 
 the first article of the Libellus Visitatorius, the 
 pastors of churches were admonished to instruct 
 the people in the nature of true repentance, and 
 to be careful not to separate repentance from 
 the doctrine of faith, the former of which was 
 stated to originate in the fear of divine judg- 
 ments, and a just impression of the terrors of 
 the Law ; lest the vulgar should imagine that 
 the remission of sins was attainable without the 
 exercise of a penitent and contrite spirit. They 
 were to press the consciences of men on this 
 subject, and urge to repentance, to prevent their 
 placing dependance on any personal merit, for 
 
 (n) Melancth. Ep. Lib. III. 72. ad Cam. 
 (o) CocH. fol. 80. 
 
 T 
 
274 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 salvation. John Agricola, Chaplain to Count 
 Mansfield, and his attendant at the Diet of 
 Spires, loudly exclaimed against this advice, 
 affirming that it was improper to make these 
 statements and appeals to the common people, 
 and that instead of attempting to work upon 
 their fears, and terrify their consciences, they 
 should be exhorted to faith in God as the com- 
 mencement and essence of real religion. Instead 
 of candidly representing his objections to Me- 
 lancthon himself, he vociferated his complaints 
 to the Papists, and it seems highly probable, 
 from his whole conduct, that his intentions 
 were to purchase a great name by obtruding 
 himself forward as the head of a new party. In 
 this he succeeded, for he became founder of the 
 sect of the Antimonians, and afterwards a 
 preacher at the court of Berlin. 
 
 Melancthon fully expresses his sentiments 
 on the subject in his letters, one of which 
 addressed to Justus Jonas, and not to be found 
 amongst the published volumes of his corres- 
 pondence, deserves to be noticed, (p) He be- 
 gins by expressing his wish that Agricola had 
 shewn a more friendly spirit, and that instead o^ 
 circulating his censures throughout Germany, 
 even in Leipsic, and in the very court of Duke 
 George, he had first informed him privately of 
 any thing which he conceived objectionable in 
 
 ilO It is preserved in Bihlioth\ Faulin, Lipsie^isi. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 275 
 
 his writing. He then alludes to certain trans- 
 actions relative to this document and the visita- 
 tion, in the presence of the Elector, Luther, 
 Pomeranus, and others. Agricola referred to 
 Luther as having stated that repentance ori- 
 ginated in the love of righteousness; quoted th^ 
 story of the heathen mariners in Jonah, and 
 said that Christ commanded repentance to be 
 preached in his name, and not in the name of 
 Moses. To this Melancthon replies, that terrors 
 of conscience must exist previous to justifica- 
 tion, and these terrors seem to orignate more in 
 the fear of punishment than the love of righte- 
 ousness. Agricola answers, that contrition arises 
 from faith in the divine threatenings — but 
 what, says Melancthon, is faith in the divine 
 threatenings but the fear of them ? Nothing, 
 he says, offends his opponent more than that 
 in the second article it is ordered that the ten 
 commandments be taught ; because we are free 
 from the law, and ought to study rather the 
 writings of Paul ; to which it is answered, that 
 Paul enforces the law, and Christ himself taught 
 it and explained its obligatory nature. Agricola, 
 laughably enough, objects that Christ only sp^ke 
 to the Jews. This war of words was sufficiently 
 disagreeable to the amiable Melancthon, and 
 he informs Jonas, that he had thrice solicited 
 Agricola to bury what had passed in oblivion, 
 and to renew their former friendship ; but that 
 T 2 
 
274 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 salvation. John Agricola^ Chaplain to Count 
 Mansfield, and his attendant at the Diet of 
 Spires, loudly exclaimed against this advice, 
 affirming that it was improper to make these 
 statements and appeals to the common people, 
 and that instead of attempting to work upon 
 their fears, and terrify their consciences, they 
 should be exhorted to faith in God as the com- 
 mencement and essence of real religion. Instead 
 of candidly representing his objections to Me- 
 lancthon himself, he vociferated his complaints 
 to the Papists, and it seems highly probable, 
 from his whole conduct, that his intentions 
 were to purchase a great name by obtruding 
 himself forward as the head of a new party. In 
 this he succeeded, for he became founder of the 
 sect of the Antimonians, and afterwards a 
 preacher at the court of Berlin. 
 
 Melancthon fully expresses his sentiments 
 on the subject in his letters, one of which 
 addressed to Justus Jonas, and not to be found 
 amongst the published volumes of his corres- 
 pondence, deserves to be noticed, (p) He be- 
 gins by expressing his wish that Agricola had 
 shewn a more friendly spirit, and that instead o£ 
 circulating his censures throughout Germany, 
 even in Leipsic, and in the very court of Duke 
 George, he had first informed him privately of 
 any thing which he conceived objectionable in 
 
 ip) It is preserved in Bihlioth Paulin, Lipsiensi. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 275 
 
 his writing. He then alludes to certain trans- 
 actions relative to this document and the visita- 
 tion, in the presence of the Elector, Luther, 
 Pomeranus, and others. Agricola referred to 
 Luther as having stated that repentance ori- 
 ginated in the love of righteousness ; quoted th^ 
 story of the hecdhen mariners in Jonah, and 
 said that Christ commanded repentance to be 
 preached in his name, and not in the name of 
 Moses. To this Melancthon replies, that terrors 
 of conscience must exist previous to justifica- 
 tion, and these terrors seem to orignate more in 
 the fear of punishment than the love of righte- 
 ousness. Agricola answers, that contrition arises 
 from faith in the divine threatenings — but 
 what, says Melancthon, is faith in the divine 
 threatenings but the fear of them ? Nothing, 
 he says, offends his opponent more than that 
 in the second article it is ordered that the ten 
 commandments be taught ; because we are free 
 from the law, and ought to study rather the 
 writings of Paul ; to which it is answered, that 
 Paul enforces the law, and Christ himself taught 
 it and explained its obligatory nature. Agricola, 
 laughably enough, objects that Christ only spoke 
 to the Jews. This war of words was sufficiently 
 disagreeable to the amiable Melancthon, and 
 he informs Jonas, that he had thrice solicited 
 Agricola to bury what had passed in oblivion, 
 and to renew their former friendship ; but that 
 T 2 
 
276 LIFE OF MELANCTHON, 
 
 he treated his overture with contemptuous si- 
 lence. This disagreement however assumed so 
 serious an aspect in the opinion of the Elector, 
 that he immediately interposed ; and summoning 
 Melancthon, Agricola, and Luther to Torgau, 
 stopped the further progress of the dispute for 
 the present by an amicable adjustment, (q) 
 
 The commissioners appointed for the great 
 purpose of inspecting the state of the reformed 
 churches, were twenty-eight in number, con- 
 sisting of laymen and ecclesiastics. They w^ere 
 distributed into parties according to the dif- 
 ferent provinces. Melancthon, with five others, 
 namely, John a Planitz, a knight, Jerome 
 Schurff, Erasmus, (not of Rotterdam) Frederic 
 Myconius, and Justus Menius, a clergyman of 
 Eisenach, inspected Thuringia ; Luther, Justus 
 Jonas, Pomeranus, Spalatine, and other persons 
 of eminence, were appointed in the general 
 commission. All of them diligently laboured 
 to fix suitable pastors in the respective parishes, 
 to abolish ancient superstitions, to regulate the 
 public seminaries ; in a word to promote ge- 
 neral good order and religious improvement. 
 
 The second Diet of Spires was convened 
 in the year 1529. A pleasant anecdote is related 
 of the Landgrave of Hesse on this occasion. 
 Faber, Bishop of Vienna, intending to ridicule 
 the Reformers, seeing the letters V. D. M. I. iE. 
 
 r?; Seckend. Hist. Lutli. Lib. II. Seel. 12. p. 90. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 277 
 
 upon the sleeves of some of the courtiers of the 
 Landgrave, chose to interpret them " Verbum 
 Dei Manet Im Ermel ;" i. e. The word of God 
 remains in the sleeves: to which the Landgrave 
 immediately replied, " No, this is not the 
 meaning, but Verbum Diaboli Manet in Epis- 
 copis ;" i. e. The word of the devil remains in 
 the Bishops. The real signification of the letters 
 however was, Verbum Dei Manet In iEternam; 
 i. e. The word of God remains for ever, (r), 
 
 A curious circumstance occurred at this 
 convocation, which Melancthon relates in his 
 Commentary on the angelic appearance men- 
 tioned in the tenth chapter of Daniel, and which 
 he affirms was but one out of many of a similar 
 nature, which he could fully authenticate. The 
 case was briefly this. Simon Gryneeus, a very 
 intimate friend of his, and at this period Greek 
 Professor in the University of Heidelberg, who 
 combined profound erudition with zealous piety, 
 came over unexpectedly to see him at Spires. 
 He ventured to encounter Faber, and to urge 
 him closely on some of the topics in discussion 
 between the Catholics and the Reformers. The 
 Bishop, who was plausible, but shallow, fearful 
 of engaging in argument, but cruelly ready to use 
 the sword, pretended that private business with 
 the king required his attention at that moment, 
 but that he felt extremely desirous of the friend- 
 
 (r) Van de Corput, Leven ende Dood P. Mel, p. 155. 
 
278 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 ship of Grynseus, and of another opportunity 
 of discussing the controverted points. No dis- 
 sembler himself, Gryneeus returned to his friends 
 without the least suspicion of the wily courtier^s 
 intentions ; nor could any of them have known 
 it, but for what Melancthon deemed a super- 
 natural interference. They were just sitting 
 down to supper, and Grynseus had related part 
 of the conversation between himself and the 
 Bishop, when Melancthon was suddenly called 
 out of the room to an old man whom he had 
 never seen or heard of, or could afterwards disco- 
 ver, characterized by a most observable peculi- 
 arity of manner and dress, and who said, that 
 persons by the king's authority would soon 
 arrive to seize Gryneeus, and put him in prison, 
 Faber having influenced him to this persecuting 
 measure. He enjoined that instant means 
 should be adopted to secure the departure of 
 Grynseus to a place of safety, and urged that 
 there should not be a moment's delay. Upon 
 communicating this information he immediately 
 withdrew. Melancthon and his friends instantly 
 bestirred themselves, and saw him safe across the 
 Rhine. It afterwards appeared that the king's 
 messengers were in the house almost as soon as 
 they had left it, but Gryneeus was out of the 
 reach of danger; a danger, as Melancthon re- 
 marks, easily imagined by those who were ac- 
 quainted with Faber's cruelty. He says they 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 279 
 
 were all of opinion that this was a divine inter- 
 position, so singular was the appearance of the 
 old man, and so rapid the movements of the in- 
 strument of vengeance, from whose power Gry- 
 naeus scarcely escaped, (s) 
 
 Such is the narrative which the reader is 
 put in possession of without note or comment. 
 Some will think it supernatural, others will ex- 
 claim, Credat JudtEus Apella, and many per- 
 haps will consider it, though remarkable, capa- 
 ble of explanation without allowing it to have 
 been miraculous. The use Melancthon makes 
 of the statement must be admitted to be worthy 
 of his exalted piety ; " Let us," says he " be 
 grateful to God who sends his angels to be our 
 protectors, and let us with increased tranquillity 
 of mind fulfil the duties assigned us." 
 
 At this Diet the former decree, which al- 
 lowed every Prince to manage his own eccle- 
 siastical affairs as he thought proper till the 
 appointment of a general council, was revoked; 
 all farther innovation in religion was interdicted, 
 the celebration of mass was nowhere to be dis- 
 allowed, and the Anabaptists were made subject 
 to capital punishment, (t) The resolutions of 
 the first Diet had been carried unanimomly, they 
 
 (s) Melancth. op. Tom. 2. in Comment ad Cap. X. 
 Danielis. Cam. Vit. Mel. Mel. Adam. Yit. Germ. Phi- 
 losophorum in vit, Sim. Gryn. 
 
 (t) Sleid. 171, Goldast III. 495. 
 
280 LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 
 
 were revoked, merely by a majority oi Catholic 
 votes procured by imperial influence. The 
 arguments and remonstrances of the Reformers 
 were useless, and the only measure left them to 
 adopt was to enter a solemn protest against this 
 decree which they did on the nineteenth of April; 
 whence they acquired the name of Protest- 
 ants. The first who thus obtained this glori- 
 ous distinction were John, Elector of Sax- 
 ony, George, Elector of Brandenburg, Er- 
 nest AND Francis, Dukes of Lunenburg, 
 Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, and Wolfgang, 
 TRiNCE of Anhalt. They were seconded by 
 thirteen or fourteen imperial cities. 
 
 The ambassadors commissioned by these 
 noble Dissenters to communicate their proceed- 
 ings to the Emperor in Spain, were immediately 
 arrested upon their arrival This unwarrantable 
 violence only tended to strengthen their union 
 and they held various meetings at Roth, Nurem- 
 berg and Smalcald, to concert measures for mu- 
 tual defence. The Elector of Saxony however 
 instructed by Luther and Melancthon, shewed 
 a disinclination to form a military association 
 and nothing decisive resulted at present from 
 these deliberations. 
 
 The anxiety of Melancthon, who had ac- 
 companied the Elector to the Diet was extreme. 
 During all these transactions he and Luther with 
 v»^hom a perpetual communication was main- 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 281 
 
 tained, were constantly consulted. In every 
 struggle and difficulty they largely participated^ 
 for on them it depended in a great measure to 
 pilot the new-launched vessel through the tem- 
 pestuous seas. Melancthon was sometimes en- 
 treated by his friends who witnessed his extreme 
 agitation^ to suppress these anxieties and dis- 
 miss trouble from his mind. To w^hich he would 
 piously reply, " if I had no anxieties I should 
 lose a powerful incentive to prayer; but when 
 the cares of life impel to devotion, the best means 
 of consolation, a religious mind cannot do with- 
 out them. Thus trouble compels me to pray, 
 and prayer drives away trouble." (ii) 
 
 Availing himself of a favourable opportu- 
 nity, he went from Spires to pay a short visit to 
 his mother. In the course of conversation she 
 mentioned to her son the manner in which she 
 was accustomed to attend to her devotionS;^ and 
 the form she generally used which was free from 
 the prevailing superstitions. " But what," said 
 she, " am I to believe amidst so many different 
 opinions of the present day V — " Go on," re- 
 plied Melancthon, " believe and pray as you now^ 
 do and have done before — and do not dii^turb 
 yourself about the disputes and controversies of 
 the times." forj 
 
 The Sacramental controversy between the 
 
 (u) Cam. Vit. Mel. 
 (x) Adam. Vit. Germ. Theologorum, p. 333. 
 
282 LIFE OF MEALNCTIION, 
 
 divines of Saxony and Switzerland continued to 
 rage with unabated violence, neither party being 
 disposed to retract in the smallest degree. Oe- 
 colampadius strongly solicited Melancthon to 
 declare in favour of Zuinglius and the Sacramen- 
 tarians, to which he ingenuously replied, " that 
 after due examination he could not approve of 
 their opinion, not finding sufficient reason in 
 the literal sense of the words — that if he were to 
 act in a politic manner he should speak other- 
 wise, knowing there were many learned men 
 among the Sacramentarians whose friendship 
 would be advantageous to him, so that if he 
 could have concurred in their opinion about 
 the Lord's Supper he would have spoken freely. 
 The Zuinglians supposed, he said, the body of 
 Christ to be absent and only represented in the 
 Sacrament, as persons are represented in a 
 theatre, but he considered that Jesus Christ had 
 promised to be with us even to the end of the 
 world — that it is not necessary to separate the 
 divinity from the humanity — he was persuaded ^ 
 therefore the Sacrament was a pledge of the real 
 presence and that the body of Christ was truly 
 received in the Lord's Supper — that the proper 
 import of the words ' this is my body,' was 
 not contrary to any article of faith, but agreed 
 with other passages in Scripture w^here the pre- 
 sence of Christ was mentioned — and that it was 
 unbecoming a Christian to believe that Jesus 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHOK. 283 
 
 Christ is as it were imprisoned in heaven — that 
 Oecolampadius had only alluded to some absur- 
 dities and the opinion of some of the fathers 
 against it, neither of which ought to influence 
 those who know that the mysteries of religion 
 are to be judged by the w^ord of God and not by 
 mathematical principles, and that the writings 
 of the ancients abound in contradictions ; but, he 
 said the greatest number of the expressions in 
 the most eminent writers, proves the doctrine of 
 the real presence to be the general sense of the 
 church. \ He desires Oecolampadius to consider 
 the importance of the question in dispute and 
 the ill consequences of maintaining his opinion 
 with so much warmth of temper, and adds, it 
 would be very proper for some good men to 
 confer together on the subject." To the latter 
 proposition Oecolampadius in his reply most 
 cordially assents, (y) 
 
 Some years previous to this period Melanc- 
 thon had thus expressed himself in a letter to 
 Camerarius; " I commit the affair to Christ 
 that his divine wisdom may best consult his own 
 glory. I have hitherto always entertained the 
 hope that he would by some means make it 
 plain what is the true doctrine of the Sacra- 
 ment." It is deplorable that such men as 
 Luther and Melancthon should have wandered 
 so long in darkness ; yet be it remembered, that 
 
 (ij) Mel. Declam. T. II. Oecolamp. Ep. p. 602. 
 
284 LfFE OF MELANCTHOX. 
 
 though they erred it was from a most anxious 
 solicitude of mind to adhere rigidly to scriptural 
 statements. ( They urged the very words of Christ 
 as their authority^ but unhappily misinterpreted 
 them.\ 
 
 Tile excellent Landgrave of Hesse, with a 
 view to the adjustment of the differences which 
 had so long subsisted amongst the principal 
 reformers respecting the sacrament, procured a 
 friendly conference at Marpurg a city in his do- 
 minions. It took place in October. The lea- 
 ders on both sides first held a private conference, 
 Luther with Oecolampadius and Melancthon 
 with Zuinglius. The prince, his courtiers and 
 chief counsellors were present at the public dis- 
 putation, which was conducted on the one side 
 by Zuinglius, Oecolampadius, Bucer, Hedio, 
 Jacob Sturm, a senator of Strasburg, Ulrich 
 Funch, a senator of Zurich, and Rudolphus Frey 
 of Basil ; on the other by Luther, Melancthon, 
 Eberhard, Thane of Eisenach, Justus Jonas, 
 Casper Cruciger, and others. Jonas describes 
 Zuinglius as rude and forward, Oecolampadius 
 as remarkably mild, Hedio no less liberal and 
 good, and Bucer keen and cunning as a fox. 
 
 It appears that the Swiss and Saxon re- 
 formers discussed a variety of other topics, in 
 v/hich they either did or supposed themselves to 
 differ, and though both parties afterwards claim- 
 ed the victory there is every reason to rely on 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 285 
 
 the statement of Melanethon. " Zuinglius," he 
 says, '' readily gave up several things which 
 he had advanced in his writings, particularly 
 his notion of original sin, and came over to the 
 Wittemberg divines in all points, the single ar- 
 ticle of the Lord's Supper excepted/' (z) 
 
 No doubt can be entertained That each of 
 the Protestant parties retired from this confer- 
 ence with too much self-satisfaction, and the 
 Papists ridiculed the Landgrave for his pious 
 zeal, (a) If however the great purpose of per- 
 fect agreement were not obtained, it is much to 
 their honour that all parties signed the following 
 statement in reference to the excepted article 
 in Melancthon's report. '' We all agree in 
 believing that the Lord's Supper is to be admi- 
 nistered in both kinds conformably to its original 
 institution, but that the mass ought not to be 
 practised to procure mercy for the quick or the 
 dead — that the Sacrament is truly a Sacrament 
 of the body and blood of Jesus Christ, and that 
 to eat of hife body and blood in a spiritual sense 
 is absolutely necessary for every Christian. We 
 
 (z) Mel. in Scult. 198. in Hosp. 80—82. Lit. Jonas ad 
 Gulielm. Reiffenstein ap. Seck. Lib. II. p. 139. 
 
 (a) " De conveiitu hoc Marpurgensi ab omnium partium 
 scriptoribus agitur: Pontijiciis, qui, ut noster hie, conatuni 
 Landgravii inutilem irrident; Zuinglio cum suis, qui argu- 
 mentandi acumine potiores sibi fuisse visi sunt: Nostris qui 
 Luthero constantiae et firmitatis laudem asserunt." Seck. Hist. 
 Luth. Lib. II. Sect. xvii. p. 137. 
 
286 LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 
 
 agree also respecting the utility of the Sacra- 
 ment that like his holy word it is administered 
 and appointed by God to promote the faith and 
 joy of his feeble and dependant people through 
 the agency of the Holy Spirit. But though 
 
 WE ARE not yet AGREED WHETHER THE BODY 
 AND BLOOD OF ChRIST BE CORPOREALLY PRE- 
 SENT IN THE BREAD AND WINE, YET AS FAR AS 
 CONSCIENCE PERMITS, EACH PARTY SHALL MANI- 
 FEST A Christian affection to the other, 
 
 AND BOTH SHALL EARNESTLY IMPLORE AlMIGHTY 
 
 God that he would by his Spirit lead and 
 establish us in whatever is the truth !" 
 
 In the present year Luther w^'ote a preface 
 to the second edition of Melancthon's Com- 
 mentary on the Epistle to the Colossians. He 
 speaks of it as a book small in size, but great 
 in point of matter and useful tendency, and 
 affirms with extraordinary frankness that he 
 preferred the writings of Melancthon to his 
 own, and was much more desirous that they 
 should be published and read. '' I," says he, 
 ^^ am born to be for ever fighting with oppo- 
 nents and w^ith the devil himself, which gives a 
 controversial and warlike cast to all my works. 
 I clear the ground of stumps and trees, root up 
 thorns and briars, fill up ditches, raise cause- 
 ways and smooth the roads through the wood : 
 but to Philip Melancthon it belongs by the 
 grace of God to perform a milder and more 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 287 
 
 grateful labour — to build, to plant, to sow, to 
 water, to please by elegance and taste. O happy- 
 circumstance, and shame to their ingratitude 
 who are not sensible of it ! Had such a publi- 
 cation as this appeared twenty years ago what 
 an invaluable treasure would it have been 
 esteemed ! But now, we resemble the Israelites 
 who loathed the manna and sighed for the garlic 
 and the onions of Egypt. A time will come 
 when the loss of such advantages will be de- 
 plored in vain." 
 
 So strong and so inviolable was the mutual 
 friendship of these noble-minded Reformers. 
 No root of bitterness grew in either bosom^ — no 
 jealousy or envy divided them. Their only 
 ambition seemed to be to promote each other's 
 reputation and to strengthen the common cause 
 by zealous co-operation. 
 
( 288 ) 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 A. D. 1530i 
 
 Brief Notice of General Affairs — Appointment of the 
 Diet of Augsburg — Translation of the Augsburg 
 Confession — Popish Confutation — Subsequent Pro- 
 ceedings — Melancthon^s Apology — Decree of the 
 Diet — Deliberation of the Reformers — Striking 
 Anecdote of Melancthon — Anecdote of the Arch- 
 bishop of Mentz. 
 
 Scrupulously avoiding* the minute and in- 
 tricate transactions of general history, excepting 
 so far as they may be requisite to connect the 
 parts of this narrative together, it will not be 
 expected that the progress of the Turkish war, 
 or the contentions of the Emperor, the Pope, 
 and the King of France, should be detailed. 
 Suffice it simply to allude to these circum- 
 stances, that the wonderful movements of pro- 
 vidence at this period may be duly remarked. 
 The Pope and the Emperor were both suffici- 
 ently disposed to exert their respective authority 
 as the heads of civil and ecclesiastical affairs, 
 to extinguish the still increasing light of the 
 Reformation. They were anxious to enforce 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 289 
 
 the intolerant edict of Worms, and to concert 
 measures for the more effectual annihilation •by- 
 force of the Lutheran heresy. But at the very 
 time when it is probable their efforts would have 
 been most alarming, and when urged by the 
 papal party to exert their formidable power, 
 they were prevented from executing their pur- 
 pose by personal contentions, as well as by the 
 hostility of a foreign enemy. 
 
 During some years France, Spain and Italy 
 had been in a state of commotion, and after the 
 battle of Pavia, in which Francis was defeated, 
 the Roman Pontiff becoming uneasy at the 
 growing power of the Emperor, entered into 
 a league against him, which so exasperated 
 Charles, that in the year 1527 he rushed into 
 Italy, laid siege to Rome, and blockaded Cle- 
 ment in the castle of St. Angelo. Their differ- 
 ences however being at length adjusted, they 
 were mutually pledged to the extirpation of 
 Protestantism. 
 
 The appointment of a Diet at Augsburg to 
 deliberate on the Turkish war, and on the exist- 
 ing disputes in religion, forms a new era in the 
 history of the Reformation. Charles V. was 
 personally present. He arrived on the thirteenth^ 
 and the first session was held on the twentieth 
 of June, (h) The Elector of Saxony selected 
 his most eminent divines to accompany him. 
 
 (h) DupiN'6 Eccles. Hist. B. II. Ch. %%. p. 115^. 
 
 u 
 
290 LIFE OF MELANCTHGN. 
 
 Luther^ who could not with safety or propriety 
 have appeared at Augsburg after being pro- 
 scribed by the edict of Worms, was left at 
 Coburg in Franconia, at a convenient distance 
 for consultation, so that the principal labour and 
 responsibility devolved upon Melancthon. 
 
 It had been deemed adviseable to prepare a 
 statement of all the principal articles of the 
 Protestant faith, in order to put the Emperor in 
 full possession of the subject of dispute pend- 
 ing between the Papal and Reformed parties, 
 and to facilitate the dispatch of ecclesiastical 
 affairs. Luther and his friends had already sent 
 a concise paper to the Elector of Saxony at his 
 own request while at Torgau^ on his road to the 
 Diet. It consisted of seventeen articles, which 
 had been already discussed in the conferences at 
 Sultzbach and Smalcald. (c) 
 
 The Princes however solicited the pen of 
 Melancthon to draw up a more extended and 
 accurate statement. It was an important un- 
 dertaking, and a critical moment. He naturally 
 felt anxious for his own reputation, and while it 
 was his desire to avoid unnecessary olfence, he 
 felt as a man of piety the paramount duty he 
 owed to God and to his conscience. Often did 
 he weep over the page — often did he complain 
 with sentiments of genuine humility of his own 
 incompetency, (d) 
 
 (c) Conmi. (Ic Luth. XLII. 4. & XLVIII. & Add. 
 (d) Cam. Vit. Mel. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 291 
 
 At length the celebrated Confession of 
 Augsburg was completed. Luther's advice had 
 been constantly sought, and there is no reason 
 to doubt, while the mildness of the language 
 scarcely comported with the vehemence of his 
 temper, the skill displayed, and the sentiments 
 stated met with his entire approbation, f^^ It 
 was translated into almost all the languages of 
 Europe, and read in the courts of kings and 
 princes, (f) 
 
 Melancthon was desirous that it should be 
 signed by the Theologians only of the reformed 
 party, alleging as a reason, that the Princes 
 would then be more at liberty to use their in- 
 fluence in promoting their mutual wishes ; but 
 he could not succeed, fg) < 
 
 After the dispatch of other business the 
 Protestant princes requested the Emperor to 
 allow their confession to be publicly read. This 
 he would not permit in a full Diet, but com- 
 manding them to intrust it to him promised it 
 should be read the next day in his palace ; they 
 however petitioned to reserve it. The next day 
 
 (e) Dupin says, that after revising and correcting it several 
 times, he could hardly please Luther at last. Maimbourg on 
 the contrary represents it as being highly gratifying to him. Seck- 
 ©ndorf favours the statement of Maimbourg, by saying Luther 
 was glad of this occasion to let the world see what he and his 
 friends believed. 
 
 (f) Seck. 
 fe) Cam. Vit. Mel. 
 
 u2 
 
292 LIFK OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 in a special assembly of princes and other mem- 
 bers of the empire, it was presented to his Im- 
 perial Majesty in Latin and German, with the 
 offer to explain any thing which might appear 
 obscure, and an assui-ance that they would refer 
 the points of difference in religion to a general 
 council, (h) 
 
 The reader shall now have an opportunity 
 of inspecting this far-famed performance, (i) 
 It will be found to contain many sentiments 
 which to most Christians will appear strange, and 
 which we should be very far from defending, 
 but have nevertheless thought it our duty faith- 
 fully to represent them. Let the reader bear in 
 mind that the Reformers are to be honoured 
 chiefly for the grand principles of Christian li- 
 
 (h) DupiN's Eccles. Hist. B. II. p. 116. 
 CO Ccelestine in his history cf the Diet of Augsburg, has 
 inserted a summary of the Protestant faith in seventeen articles^ 
 said to have been previously sent to Charles V. and which he 
 imputes to Melancthon. He represents it as written at the 
 request of Alphonsus Valdesius, Spanish Secretary to the Em- 
 peror, who said his Imperial Majesty had intimated his wisfi 
 for such a statement. But Seckendorf assigns several satis- 
 factory reasons for not believing it to be the production of Me- 
 lancthon. It is written with [considerable acrimony, and would 
 have exposed him to great personal danger; it is not probable 
 he would have done it without consulting Luther ; such a pro- 
 ceeding would have been inconsistent with his natural timidity of 
 di^osition ; and his learned biographer Camerarius mentions 
 nothing of such a composition. Ccelestin. Hist. Comit. August. 
 Tom. I. SfiCKEND. Hist. Luth. Lib. 11. p. 165—167. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 293 
 
 berty which they so strenuously asserted and 
 maintained in the face of the most powerful 
 opponents ; the detail of doctrine and practice 
 will always occasion difference of opinion. That 
 they were too tenacious of their particular creed 
 and in many cases inconsistent with themselves 
 cannot be denied — but this period was only the 
 dawn of religious discovery^ and it is not to be 
 wondered at that objects appeared to them' at 
 first in a very indistinct manner. Many alter- 
 ations were made in subsequent editions of this 
 very document. They were perpetually, with 
 the zeal of the reformers and the genuine humi- 
 lity of Christians, correcting- their own errors. 
 
 The AUGSBURG CONFESSION 
 A$ presented to Charles V. June 2bth, A. D. 1530. 
 
 AUT. I. 
 
 " Our churches are perfectly agreed that the 
 Nicene decree respecting the unity of the divine 
 essence and the three persons of the godhead is 
 true and worthy of the fullest belief; namely, 
 that there is one divine essence which is called 
 and which is God, eternal, incorporeal, indivisi- 
 ble, infinite in power^ wisdom and goodness, the 
 Creator and preserver of all things visible and 
 invisible ; and yet there are three persons co- 
 equal in power and essence, and co-eternal, the 
 Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit. The term 
 
294 LIFE OF M E L A N C T HO N. 
 
 person is used in the same sense as ecclesiastical 
 writers have employed it, to denote a proper 
 subsistence in distinction from a part or quality* 
 Hence our churches condemn every heresy upon 
 this subject that has arisen, as that of the Mani- 
 cheeans who assert two principles, the good and 
 the evil, the Valentinians, Arians, Eunomians, 
 Mahometans and all others of a similar descrip- 
 tion. They condemn also the Samosatenes both 
 ancient and modern, who contend that there is 
 only one person and speak of the word and the 
 Holy Spirit in a very wily and wicked mannner, 
 affirming that there are no distinct persons, but 
 that the Word signifies a mere voice, and the 
 Spirit an influence or motion created in things. 
 
 Art. II, 
 
 " They teach also that since the fall of Adam, 
 all men are naturally born in sin, destitute of 
 the fear^ of God and faith in him, and full of 
 concupiscence ; and that this disease or original 
 depravity is sinful, even now condemning and 
 exposing to eternal death all who are not born 
 again by baptism and the Holy Spirit. 
 
 " They condemn the Pelagians and others 
 who deny the sinful nature of this original de- 
 pravity, disparaging the benefits which Christ 
 dispenses to the exaltation of human merit, and 
 contending that a man is justified before God 
 by his own powers of reason. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 295 
 
 Art. III. 
 
 ^^ They also teach that the word, or Son of 
 God assumed human nature in the Virgin's 
 womb, in such a manner that the two natures 
 the divine and the human were inseparably- 
 united in the one person of Christ, truly God 
 and truly man, born of the Virgin Mary, who 
 really suffered, was crucified, dead and buried, 
 that he might reconcile the Father to us, by his 
 expiatory sacrifice for both original and actual 
 sins. He descended to the dead (ad inferos), 
 and rising again on the third day ascended 
 into heaven to sit at the Father's right hand, to 
 reign for ever over all creation and to sanctify 
 ^11 who believe in him, by sending his Spirit 
 into their hearts to rule, console and quicken 
 them, that they may be able to resist the devil 
 and the power of sin. Also Christ will return 
 to judge the quick and the dead, &c. according 
 to the Apostle's Creed. 
 
 Art. IV. 
 
 '^ They teach also that men cannot be justi- 
 fied before God by their own efforts, merits or 
 works, but are justified freely through Christ by 
 faith, and are received into favour and enjoy the 
 remission of sins through Christ, who by his 
 death presented a satisfaction for sin. 
 
 " God imputes this faith for justification be- 
 fore him. RoM. iii. and iv. 
 
296 life of melanctiion. 
 
 Art. v. 
 
 " The ministry of the gospel and the ad- 
 ministration of Sacraments were instituted that 
 we might obtain this faith ; for the word and the 
 Sacraments are used as instruments by the Holy 
 Spirit for the communication of faith^ and wher- 
 ever it is seen in those who hear the gospel ; that 
 is, God justifies not for our merits but for 
 Christ's sake. 
 
 '' They condemn the Anabaptists and others^ 
 who suppose that the Holy Spirit comes to men 
 through their own works and preparations with- 
 out the external word. 
 
 Art. VI. 
 " They teach also that faith ought to be 
 visible in its fruits, and that though good works 
 are to be done as commanded and conformable 
 to the will of God, we are not to confide in them 
 as meritorious for justification before him. For 
 remission of sin and justification are apprehended 
 by faith, as Christ testifies : ' Having done all 
 these things say we are unprofitable servants.' 
 The ancient writers of the church teach the 
 same doctrine. Ambrose says, ' This is the ap- 
 pointment of God, that whosoever believes in 
 Christ shaii be saved without works, by faith 
 only receiving the remission of sins.' 
 
 Art. VII. 
 
 *' They teach also that the one holy church 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 297 
 
 will continue for ever; but that this church 
 consists of a congregation of holy persons in 
 which the gospel is rightly taught and the Sa. 
 craments rightly administered ; and as to true 
 unity in the churchy it is sufficient to agree con- 
 cerning the doctrine of the gospel and the admi- 
 nistration of Sacraments. Nor is it universally 
 necessary that human traditions, rites, or cere- 
 monies instituted by men be the same in all 
 places ; so Paul says, ' One Lord, one faith, one 
 baptism, one God and Father of all, &c.' 
 
 Art. VIII. 
 
 " Although the church is properly a con- 
 gregation of holy persons and genuine believers, 
 yet as there is a great mixture of characters in 
 this world, hypocrites and wicked persons, it is 
 lawful to use the Sacraments although adminis- 
 tered by the wicked according to the language 
 of Christ ; ' The Scribes and Pharisees sit in 
 Moses's seat,' &c./ so that the Sacraments and 
 the word of God become efBcacious through the 
 appointment and command of Christ , even 
 though dispensed by wicked persons. 
 
 " They condemn the Donatists and such 
 persons as deny the lawfulness of making use 
 of the ministry of the wicked in the churchj 
 considering such a ministry useless and in- 
 efficacious. 
 
 Art. IX. 
 
 '' They teach concerning baptism that it is 
 
298 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 necessary to Salvation, because by baptism the 
 grace of God is offered. Infants are to be bap- 
 tized, who being brought to God by baptism are 
 received into his favour. They condemn the Ana- 
 baptists who disallow the baptism of infants and 
 affirm that they may be saved without it. 
 
 Art. X. 
 
 ''^ They teach respecting the Lord's Supper 
 that the body and blood of Christ are truly pre- 
 sent, and are distributed to the recipients ; and 
 disapprove of those who teach otherwise. 
 
 Art. XI. 
 
 " Concerning confession they teach that 
 private absolution may be retained in the 
 churches, although in making confession it is 
 not necessary that every particular delinquency 
 should be enumerated. This indeed is impossible 
 according to the language of the Psalmist, ' Who 
 can understand his errors ?' 
 
 Art. XII. 
 
 " Concerning penitence they teach that 
 the remission of sins may be obtained by such 
 as fall after baptism whenever they repent ; and 
 that the church should bestow absolution upon 
 such returning penitents. But repentance may 
 be divided into two parts, the one is contrition 
 or the teiTors which agitate the conscience under 
 
LIFE OF Mblancthon. 299 
 
 a sense of guilt ; the other is, the faith derived 
 from the gospel, or from absolution and which 
 believes that sin is pardoned for the sake of 
 Christ, and the conscience pacified and released 
 from its alarms. Upon this good works ought 
 to follow as the fruit of repentance. 
 
 " They condemn the Anabaptists who 
 deny that once being justified it is possible to 
 lose the Holy Spirit, as well as those w^ho con- 
 tend that a sinless perfection is attainable in the 
 present life. They condemn also the Novatians 
 who refuse to absolve such as have fallen after 
 baptism even upon their return to repentance ; 
 and they are rejected who assert that the remis- 
 sion of sins is not connected with faith, but is 
 obtained by our charity and good works. They 
 also are rejected who teach that Canonical satis- 
 factions are necessary to make amends for eter- 
 nal punishment or the pains of purgatory. 
 
 Art. XIII. 
 
 " Concerning the use of Sacraments, they 
 teach that the Sacraments are instituted not only 
 as the signs to men of our religious profession^ 
 but rather as the signs and evidences of the will 
 of God to us to quicken and confirm the faith of 
 those who observe them. The Sacraments are 
 to be used therefore, that faith may be increased 
 through believing the promises particularly ex- 
 hibited and impressed hy Sacraments. They 
 
300 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 condemn therefore those who teach that the 
 Sacraments can justify as works of merit, deny- 
 ing that faith is requisite in the reception of 
 them. 
 
 Art. XIV. 
 
 '' Concerning church order, they maintain 
 that no one ought to teach publicly or to ad- 
 minister the Sacraments unless he be lawfully 
 called. 
 
 Art. XV. 
 
 ^' Concerning rites in the church, they teach 
 that those rites are to be observed which can be 
 observed without sin and w^hich conduce to the 
 peace and good order of the church: such as 
 certain holidays and feasts. But in reference to 
 these things men are to be admonished lest their 
 consciences should be burdened with the idea 
 that such worship is essential to Salvation. They 
 must also be admonished that human traditions 
 instituted wnth a view of pleasing God, pur- 
 chasing his favour and atoning for sin are con- 
 trary to the gospel and the doctrine of faith. 
 Hence vows, traditions respecting meats and 
 drinks, &c. instituted to purchase divine favour 
 and satisfy for sins are useless and contrary to 
 
 the gospel. 
 
 Art. XVI. 
 
 " Concerning civil matters they teach that 
 lawful civil appointments are good in the sight of 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 301 
 
 God and that Christians may exercise the office 
 of a magistrate, may judge according to imperial 
 and other existing laws, inflict legal punish- 
 ments, declare war, take up the military pro- 
 fession, make lawful contracts, hold property, 
 take an oath upon the requisition of a magis- 
 trate, marry and trade. 
 
 " They condemn the Anabaptists who for- 
 bid the exercise of those civil offices by Chris- 
 tians, and they condemn those who do not place 
 evangelical perfection in the fear of God and in 
 faith, but in abandoning civil offices because the 
 gospel recommends the righteousness of the 
 heart ; it does not however abrogate political in- 
 stitutions, but requires the preservation of them as 
 ordinances of God and in such ordinances to ex- 
 ercise charity. It becomes Christians therefore 
 to obey their own magistrates and laws, except- 
 ing when they command them to do evil, in 
 w^hich case we must obey God rather than men. 
 Acts V. 
 
 Art. XVII. 
 
 " They teach that Christ will appear in 
 judgment at the end of the world, that he will 
 raise the dead and bestow eternal life and ever- 
 lasting felicity on his holy and elect people ; but 
 he will condemn wicked men and devils to end- 
 less torment. 
 
 They condemn the Anabaptists who imagine 
 
302 LIJ-E OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 there will be a termination to the punishment 
 of wicked men and deV' ils ; and also others who 
 are dispersing the Jewish notions that previous 
 to the resurrection of the dead the righteous 
 will occupy a worldly kingdom and oppress the 
 wncked. 
 
 Art. XVIII. 
 
 " Concerning free will they teach that the 
 human will is in a certain sense and in reference 
 to civil concerns and the exercise of reason^ free ; 
 but it has no efficiency in spiritual concerns 
 without the Holy Spirit, because the natural 
 man does not perceive the things of the Spirit, 
 they are impressed upon the heart by means of 
 the w^ord through the agency of the Holy Spirit. 
 Augustine delivers the same doctrine in his Hy- 
 pognosticon, Lib. III. — We admit that the will 
 is free in all men who can judge according to 
 reason, not indeed in divine things to begin or 
 go forward independently of God, but only in 
 what pertains to the present life both good and 
 evil. I say good referring to those things which 
 arise out of our natural welfare, as the cultiva- 
 tion of the soil, eating and drinking, friendship^ 
 clothing, preparing a residence, marrying, tend- 
 ing cattle, acquiring the knowledge of various 
 arts and whatever pertains to the w^elfare of the 
 present life ; all which things subsisting alone are 
 conducted without a divine direction. By the 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 303 
 
 term evil I referred to the worship of idols^ mur- 
 der, &e. 
 
 " They condemn the Pelagians and others 
 who teach that we are able to please God su- 
 premely without the Holy Spirit and by the 
 power of nature alone ; and substantially to obey 
 his precepts. For though nature can in some 
 respects perform external works, as abstaining 
 from theft and murder, it cannot command in- 
 ternal affections as the fear of God, faith in him, 
 purity, patience, &c. 
 
 Art. XIX. 
 
 " Concerning the cause of sin they teach 
 that though God is the Creator and preserver of 
 our nature. Sin originates entirely in the w^ill 
 of evil beings, namely, devils and wicked men, 
 which apart from divine influence turns them 
 aside from God ; Christ says of the devil, ' When 
 he speaketh a lie he speaketh of his own.' John 
 viii. 
 
 Art. XX. 
 
 " Our churches are falsely accused of pro- 
 hibiting good works, for their writings now ex- 
 tant, concerning the Ten Commandments, and 
 others, testify that they have given salutary in- 
 structions respecting every duty of life, what 
 kind of life and what works in every different 
 situation please God. Formerly public instruc- 
 
304 tiFE OF M ELAN C Til ON. 
 
 tors taught little of these things, but urged the 
 practice of puerile and needless observances, as 
 certain feasts, fasts, fraternizations, peregrina- 
 tions, worship of saints, rosaries,fA'J and the 
 like. Our adversaries have now learned to 
 do without these useless things and not to preach 
 them up so much as formerly. They moreover 
 begin to speak of faith respecting which they 
 were before wonderfully silent, although they 
 Still obscure the real doctrine of faith by disre- 
 garding trembling consciences and commanding 
 the observances of good works in order to merit 
 the forgiveness of sin. 
 
 " As therefore the doctrine of faith which 
 ought to be regarded as of prime importance in 
 the church, was so long spoken of in an ignorant 
 manner, however it was admitted to be necessary 
 by all, the most profound silence reigning in 
 public discourses respecting justification by 
 faith though the doctrine of works was continu- 
 ally canvassed, it was deemed proper to admo- 
 nish the churches on the subject of faith. 
 
 " In the first place our works cannot recon- 
 cile us to God or merit the remission of sins, the 
 favour of God, grace and justification, for this 
 can only follow from faith, believing that we are 
 received into favour through Christ the only 
 
 (k) A rosary is a mass with the prayers to the Virgin 
 Mary. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 305 
 
 Mediator and atoning sacrifice by whom the 
 Father is reconciled. Consequently whoever 
 trusts in his own works as meritorious^ despises 
 the merit and the grace of Christy and seeks a 
 way to God without Christ, by human strength, 
 although Christ avers, ' I am the way, the truth 
 and the life.' Paul every where teaches this 
 doctrine concerning faith.- — Thus, Eph. ii. ' By 
 grace ye are saved through faith and that not of 
 yourselves, it is the gift of God, not of works,^ 
 &c. And lest a caviller should arise, saying that 
 we have devised a new interpretation for the 
 language of Paul, we appeal to the testimony of 
 the Fathers. Augustine in m.any of his writings 
 defends grace and the righteousness of faith in 
 opposition to the merit of works. Ambrose 
 does the same in his call of the Gentiles and 
 elsewhere ; for thus he speaks, ' The redemption 
 of Christ would be of little value and the mercy 
 of God must yield to the merit of human per- 
 formances if justification were due to antece- 
 dent merits, so as to be the reward of works and 
 not of free bounty.' 
 
 " Although the ignorant despise this doc- 
 trine, pious and trembling consciences derive 
 from it much consolation because works cannot 
 restore peace to^ the mind, but faith only, by 
 which they become assured of pleasing God 
 through Christ. So speaks Paul, Rom. v. 
 ' Being justified by faith we have peace with 
 
306 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 God.' The whole of his statement refers to the 
 internal warfare of an alarmed conscience and 
 cannot be understood nnless this warfare is ex- 
 perienced. Ignorant and profane persons there- 
 fore judge most erroneously upon this subject, 
 who dream that there is no such thing as Chris- 
 tian justification but only a philosophical and 
 civil one. 
 
 '^ In former times the consciences of men 
 who did not listen to the gospel were much tor- 
 mented respecting the doctrine of works, some 
 were driven into desarts and monasteries, hoping 
 to merit grace by a monastic like ; others de- 
 vised other works to purchase favour and make 
 satisfaction for sin. The greatest necessity 
 therefore existed to give a clear statement of 
 the doctrine of faith in Christ, that the trembling 
 conscience should not seek consolation in vain 
 and should be instructed how by faith in Christ, 
 favour, pardon and justification were to be 
 obtained. 
 
 '' Men are instructed that this term faith 
 does not signify merely historical knowledge 
 such as wicked men and devils possess, but it 
 includes not only a credit of the historical fact 
 but of the effect resulting, namely, the remis- 
 sion of sins, that is, that through Christ we 
 enjoy mercy, justification and forgiveness. 
 Whoever knows that through Christ he has a 
 merciful Father truly knows God, knows that 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 307 
 
 he is under his care^ loves him and calls upon 
 his name ; not living without God like the hea- 
 then. Devils and wicked men cannot believe 
 in the doctrine of remission, consequently they 
 hate God as an enemy, neither calling upon him 
 nor expecting any good at his hands. Augus- 
 tine delivers the same doctrine respecting faith, 
 stating that this term is used in Scripture not 
 for such knowledge as the wicked possess, but 
 for that confidence which consoles and inspirits 
 trembling minds. 
 
 " Our churches moreover teach that good 
 works are necessary ; not as meritorious in pro- 
 curing divine mercy, but such is the will of God, 
 for remission of sins and peace of conscience can 
 only be obtained by faith ; and the Holy Spirit 
 is received by faith, and the heart being renewed 
 new affections are imparted that good works 
 may be produced. Independently of the Holy 
 Spirit, human nature is full of vile affections and 
 totally incapable of doing any thing good in the 
 divine sight, but, under diabolical influence men 
 are impelled to various sins, impious sentiments 
 and open immorality. Thus we see philosophers 
 aiming to live in a moral manner, but they were 
 unable to do so, and fell into open vice. Such 
 is human imbecility when under its own guid- 
 ance without faith and destitute of the Holy 
 Spirit. 
 
 " Hence it is apparent that our doctrine 
 x2 
 
308 tlVE OF MELANCTHON, 
 
 caniioi be accused of prohibiting good works, but 
 i^ worthy of commendation as shewing in what 
 manner they can be performed. For without 
 faith human nature cannot fulfil the first or se- 
 cond precepts of the law ; without faith it can- 
 not call upon God, or expect any thing from 
 him, it cannot bear the cross, but seeks human 
 supports and confides in them. When faith and 
 confidence in God are w^anting, vain desires* 
 and carnal principles reign in the heart. Hence 
 Christ says, ' Without me ye can do nothing,' 
 John XV. And the church says, ' Without thy 
 Spirit there is nothing in man, nothing good,' 
 
 Art. XXI. 
 
 " Concerning the worship of saints they 
 teach that their memory may be exhibited, that 
 we may imitate their faith and good works, in 
 the same manner as the Emperor could imitate 
 the example of David in waging war to expel 
 the Turks from the empire, both being kings ; 
 but Scripture never instructs us to invoke saints 
 or to implore assistance from them, because it 
 presents Christ to us as the only Mediator, Sa- 
 crifice, Priest and Intercessor. To him we are 
 to apply who promises to hear our supplications 
 and who approves our worship, that is, that we 
 resort to his aid in all our afflictions. 1 John ii. 
 ' If any man sin we have an advocate with the 
 Father Jesus Christ the righteous.' 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 309 
 
 ^' Such is nearly a summary of our doctrine 
 which it may be seen does not disagree with 
 Scripture nor with the universal church, nor 
 with the Romish church so far as may be ascer- 
 tained from its writers^ so that we are injuriously 
 treated by those who denounce us as heretics. 
 But the dissension between us refers to certain 
 abuses which have in an unauthorized manner 
 crept into the churches, in respect to which dif- 
 ference it becomes the bishops to exercise lenity 
 and to tolerate us on account of this our confes- 
 sion, because the canons themselves are not so 
 severe as to require the same rites in all places, 
 nor were the same rites ever exactly the same in 
 all the churches. However for the most part, 
 the ancient rites are observed amongst us. It is 
 therefore calumnious to represent all ceremonies 
 and all the ancient institutions as abolished in 
 our churches. But it has been the public com- 
 plaint that abuses have adhered to the practice 
 of the usual rites, and these, since pious sin- 
 cere consciences could not approve them^ are in 
 some measure corrected." 
 
 Articles 
 
 In which the particular abuses that have been 
 changed are recited, 
 
 ^^ Since we do not diifer from the Catholic 
 church in articles of faith, but only omit some 
 
310 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 few abuses which are both novel and are received 
 contrary to the canons through the corruption 
 of the times, we implore your Imperial Majesty 
 to give us a gracious hearing respecting these 
 changes and the reasons for them, that the people 
 may not be compelled against their consciences 
 to observe such abuses. Let not your Imperial 
 Majesty listen to those who stir up hatred and 
 distribute monstrous calumnies against us ; by 
 which means the minds of good men being irri- 
 tated against us, an occasion of disagreement and 
 discord is furnished. For your Imperial Majesty 
 will doubtless perceive that our system both of 
 doctrine and ceremonies is superior to what it is 
 represented by the wicked and malevolent. 
 Besides the truth is not to be collected from the 
 report of the multitude or the railings of adver- 
 saries, and it is easy to perceive that nothing 
 conduces so much to preserve the true dignity 
 of worship and the piety of the people, as the 
 proper administration of the public services of 
 the church, f /J 
 
 (I) In giving the remaining part of the Confession it has 
 not been deemed requisite to adhere so closely to the words 
 of the writer, but rather to furnish a correct abstract of the state- 
 ment, because the doctrinal is the most important part and 
 furnishes a view of the sentiments of the Reformers, which 
 Protestants will naturally feel anxious exactly to know; and 
 because it would be tedious and useless to detail all that at the 
 time of the Diet of Augsburg, it was thought necessary -to state 
 
life of melancthon. 311 
 
 The Sacrament in both Kinds. 
 
 " The Sacrament is administered to the 
 laity in both kinds and not to the ministers 
 only, because it is commanded by Jesus Christ — 
 ' Drink ye all of this.' Whence it is apparent 
 that all were to partake of the cup; and lest 
 there should be any dispute whether this injunc- 
 tion were applicable to the people, Paul testifies 
 in the Epistle to the Corinthians that the whole 
 church commonly received the Supper in both 
 kinds. This was a long continued practice and 
 it is uncertain who first introduced a different 
 custom. Cyprian and Jerome relate that this 
 was the usual practice and the decrees of 
 several popes command it. We do not admit 
 the division of the Sacrament, as such a prac- 
 tice would not comport with the original insti- 
 tution. 
 
 The Marriage of Priests. 
 
 " Upon occasion of a public complaint that 
 some of the Priests had violated their vow of 
 celibacy, Pope Pius is reported to have said that 
 there were several reasons why the priesthood 
 should be forbid to marry, but many more and 
 weightier why they should return to the practice 
 
 respecting those abuses of which but one opinion now prevails 
 amongst Protestants. 
 
312 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 of it. Our priests wishing to avoid all occasion 
 of scandal, marry and plead its legality, fir sty 
 from the language of Paul, ' Let every one 
 of you have his own wife/ and ' it is better to 
 marry than to burn.' Secondly^ from the words 
 of Christ, ' All cannot receive this saying, for 
 some are eunuchs.' 
 
 '' It is in vain to fight against the laws of 
 nature and the appointment of God. Paul also 
 expressly requires of a bishop that he be mar- 
 ried. In Germany about four hundred years 
 ago priests were compelled to marry, for they 
 were' so opposed to it that the Archbishop of 
 Mentz, who was going to publish a decree of 
 the Roman Pontiff on the subject, was borne 
 down by a tumult raised by the incensed priests, 
 so that not only was marriage forbidden in 
 future, but contrary to all divine and human 
 laws, those which had been contracted were 
 dissolved. 
 
 '^ God himself has pronounced marriage to 
 be honourable and even in every well consti- 
 tuted heathen state it was equally sanctioned 
 by the laws, and yet now the priests are to suffer 
 capital punishments for it ! Paul expressly as- 
 serts that forbidding to marry is a doctrine of 
 devils. — 1 Tim. iv. And be it remembered, 
 that as no human law so no human vow can an- 
 nul the command of God. 
 
LIFE OUF MEL AN CT HON. 313 
 
 HE 
 
 Mass. 
 
 " Our churches explode the general opinion 
 of the merit and application of the mass, as false 
 and impious ; the state of the controversy may 
 be ascertained from the following abridgment of 
 our arguments. 
 
 1. " The remission of sins as before stated, 
 (Art. iv.) is enjoyed through faith in Christ, 
 consequently it is impossible to obtain this re- 
 mission through any other means or without 
 the exercise of faith. 
 
 2. " The sufferings of Christ were expia- 
 tory ; and designed as an oblation not only for 
 original guilt but for all kinds of transgression. 
 ' We are sanctified,' says the apostle, ' by the 
 sacrifice of Christ once for all.'—^ By the one 
 offering of himself he hath for ever perfected 
 them that are sanctified.' The whole epistle to 
 the Hebrews is occupied in establishing this 
 doctrine, that the sacrifice of Christ is the only 
 and exclusive means of pardon and reconcilia- 
 tion with God. 
 
 3. " In the institution of the Lord's Supper 
 Christ does not command the priests to offer 
 any sacrifice either for the living or the dead. 
 By w^hat authority therefore is this service ap- 
 pointed as an offering for sin ? The mass is 
 absurdly applied to the release of souls from pur- 
 gatory, whereas it was instituted for the purpose 
 
314 LIFE OF MELANCTHOlSr. 
 
 oi remeynhering Christy and thus confirming the 
 faith and comforting the minds of his people. 
 This misapplication therefore contrary to the 
 authority of Scripture is censurable as a novel 
 and impious service. 
 
 4. " A ceremony without faith is of no 
 avail either to those who perform it or to others, 
 for Christ atfirms they are the true worshippers 
 who worship the Father in spirit and in truth ; 
 and the apostle states that by faith Abel offered 
 a more acceptable sacrifice than Cain, and 
 ^ without faith it is impossible to please God.' 
 
 5. " The proper application of the bless- 
 ings procured by Jesus Christ is through faith, as 
 Paul testifies in the third chapter of the Romans. 
 ' Whom God hath set forth a propitiation 
 through faith in his blood.' Consequently this 
 application cannot be through or by the merit 
 of any other work. 
 
 6. " The institution of the Sacrament is 
 diametrically opposed to this abuse of it, for 
 while there is no command respecting any offer- 
 ing for the sins of the living or the dead, we 
 are enjoined to partake of the body and blood of 
 Christ and for the express purpose of remember- 
 ing him. The great design of the institution is 
 to exercise and excite our faith in receiving this 
 pledge of love. Besides, the communion of saints 
 was intended that the ministers of the church 
 might impart the body and blood of Christ to 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 315 
 
 others. That this was the primitive purpose of 
 the institution we learn from Paul, ' the wine, is 
 it not the communion of the blood of Christ, and 
 the bread is it not the communion of the body of 
 Christ?' 
 
 Confession. 
 
 ^^ This practice is not abolished amongst 
 us, but the people are instructed, that a parti- 
 cular enumeration of all their delinquencies is 
 not necessary, for in fact it is impossible. ' Who,' 
 says David, ' can understand his errors V ^ The 
 heart of man,' says Jeremiah, ^is deceitful and 
 desperately wicked.' But if no sins could be 
 remitted unless they were distinctly mentioned, 
 a tender conscience could never be at rest, be- 
 cause the greatest number of our sins are perhaps 
 neither observed nor can they be remembered. 
 The fathers also sanction this omission. We do 
 not therefore burden the conscience, but this we 
 teach, that men must bring forth the fruits of 
 genuine repentance, obedience, the fear of God, 
 faith, holy joy, purity and a universal ' newness 
 of mind.' We retain and enforce contrition, 
 faith, remission and forgiveness of sin, reforma- 
 tion of life and mitigation of present punish- 
 ments. 
 
316 life of melancthon. 
 
 The distinction of Meats and other 
 Traditions. 
 
 " It has been commonly believed by eccle- 
 siastics as well as the vulgar, that a regard to 
 the distinction of meats and drinks and other 
 human traditions may conduce to the remission 
 of sins. Hence an innumerable multitude of ce- 
 remonies, fasts and observances, have been ap- 
 pointed. Many evils have resulted from this 
 idea of traditions : as 
 
 1. " Such an opinion obscures the doctrine 
 of grace and justification by faith, which is an 
 essential part of the gospel and ought to be clear- 
 ly stated in all the public assemblies of the 
 church. The merit of Christ alone, as the cause 
 of justification, is stated by Paul, but this reli- 
 ance on human traditions annuls it. 
 
 2. " It operates further to abrogate the 
 divine precepts, because tradition is more con- 
 sulted than the authority of God and the whole 
 of Christianity is represented as consisting in the 
 observance of certain days, rites, fasts and cloth- 
 ing. These observances are dignified by the 
 name of a spiritual and perfect w^ay, but the 
 commands of God to attend to our duties, the 
 education of our children, and to obey our rulers 
 are deemed wordly and imperfect, and far infe- 
 rior to these other splendid services. 
 
 3. " Tender consciences have been exceed- 
 ingly disturbed by this doctrine of human tradi- 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 317 
 
 tions, from the conviction that they could not 
 keep them all, though they have been repre- 
 sented as necessary to acceptable worship. 
 Gerson mentions many who have fallen into ab- 
 solute despair and some who have even com" 
 mitted suicide, because they found it utterly 
 impossible to observe the traditions, and could 
 not be consoled by the doctrine of grace and 
 justification by faith. 
 
 " We teach that none can obtain the for- 
 giveness of sin or merit justification by keeping 
 the traditions of men, consequently they cannot 
 be essential to the proper worship of God. The 
 evidence of this is to be deduced from the Scrip- 
 tures. Christ excuses the apostles from regard- 
 ing the customary traditions, ' Do not ye under- 
 stand that whatsoever entereth in at the mouth,' 
 &c. (Mat. XV. 17—20.) ' The kingdom of God is 
 not meat and drink,' &c. (Rom. xiv. 17.) 'Let no 
 man judge you in meat or in drink, or in respect 
 of a holy day,' <&c. (Col. ii. 16.) Again, ' if ye be 
 dead with Christ from the rudiments of the 
 world, why, as though living in the world are ye 
 subject to ordinances,' &c. (Col. ii. 20.) ' Why,' 
 says Peter, ' tempt ye God to put a yoke on the 
 neck of the disciples which neither our fathers 
 nor we were able to bear?' (Acts xv. 10.) 'The 
 spirit speaketh expressly that in the latter times 
 some shall depart from the faith, giving heed to 
 seducing spirits and doctrines of devils 
 
318 LIFE OF MKLANCTHON. 
 
 commanding to abstain from meats/ &c. (1 Tim, 
 iv. 1—3.) 
 
 " To this our adversaries object that we 
 prohibit discipline and the mortification of the 
 flesh, but this is incorrect, for we always teach 
 that Christians ought to bear afflictions ; and to 
 be exercised with various afflictions and to be 
 crucified with Christ, is true and not pretended 
 mortification. 
 
 " At the same time we do observe some 
 traditions, but the people are admonished against 
 trusting in them for justification before God, or 
 supposing they commit sin by an omission of 
 them. 
 
 Monastic Vows. 
 
 " Our opinions on this subject will be best 
 understood by considering that such was formerly 
 the state of the monasteries, that every day many 
 things were done in violation of canonical au- 
 thority. In the time of Augustine, the col- 
 leges were free colleges, and after discipline be- 
 came lax, vows were every where made that it 
 should be restored, and with these vows for the 
 restoration of good order were connected many 
 new observances, which were imposed contrary 
 to the canon upon many at an improper age. 
 Multitudes of both sexes were allured into these 
 establishments and subjected to the severest dis- 
 cipline. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 319 
 
 '' To these evils others were added, espe- 
 cially such a persuasion of the efficacy of vows 
 that they were even represented as meriting the 
 remission of sins and justification before God, 
 and a monastic life was not only extolled above 
 every secular duty and every religious office, 
 but made to supersede the precepts of the gospel 
 itself. 
 
 '' Formerly there were schools attached to 
 the monasteries for the purpose of communicat- 
 ing instruction in sacred and secular literature ; 
 very important they were and serviceable in 
 supplying the church with pastors and bishops. 
 How different the case is now it is needless to 
 state. Instead of being appropriated to learn- 
 ing, now a monastic life is pretended to be a 
 life of perfection, conducive to justification and 
 far preferable to any other vocation, to which 
 even God himself has appointed men by his 
 providence. 
 
 " These are not exaggerated statements for 
 the purpose of rendering the monks odious, but 
 simple facts adduced to illustrate the nature of 
 our doctrines. First, in reference to matrimony ; 
 we admit all to marry who are not disposed to 
 celibacy, because vows cannot annul the divine 
 appointment and command.' ' Let every one 
 have his own wife,' It was declared at the 
 creation of the human race, ' it is not good for 
 man to be alone.' What can be said in reply to 
 
320 LIFE OF MELA NCT HON. 
 
 this? — let the oLligation of a vow be asserted as 
 firmly as you please, it cannot be maintained 
 that it discharges a man from his duty to obey 
 God. The canons expressly teach that in every 
 vow the command of a superior is to be obeyed, 
 how much more then is the authority of God to 
 be regarded ! If no reasons can exist for chang- 
 ing the obligation* of vows, the Roman Pontiff 
 himself cannot supersede them, for surely it is 
 not lawful for a man to rescind an obligation 
 which is purely divine. But the Popes very 
 wisely judge, that the claims of equity are to be 
 observed in enforcing this obligation, and conse- 
 quently we often read of their exercising a dis- 
 pensing power in reference to vows. Many of 
 the canons rescind vows which have been made 
 previous to the age of fifteen and one of them 
 states eighteen, because it is presumed that at so 
 early a period a youth is incapable of forming a 
 proper judgement on a subject which is to influ- 
 ence the whole of his future life : hence a gi^eat 
 number are furnished with an excuse to desert 
 the monasteries, because they made their vow- 
 previous to the required age. After all, were it 
 conceded that the violation of a vow is reprehen- 
 sible, it does not follow Ihat marriage ought to 
 be dissolved, which as Augustine observes, is a 
 serious obligation whatever some may after con- 
 tracting it suppose. 
 
 " We plead also another reason to prove 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 321 
 
 that vows are not obligatoiy^ namely, that all 
 religious services which are merely of human 
 appointment, having no authority from God 
 and represented as essential to forgiveness and 
 justification are impious, because ' in vain/ 
 says Christ, ' do they worship me, teaching for 
 doctrines the commandments of men :' and Paul 
 plainly states that remission and justification 
 are obtained by the propitiatory sacrifice of 
 Christ and through faith in his name. The monks 
 teach that these blessings are procurable by 
 those observances which are of human inven- 
 tion, and what is this but detracting from the 
 honour of Christ, obscuring his glory and deny- 
 ing the Scripture doctrine of justification by 
 faith ? Vows are therefore both impious and 
 vain ; opposed to the gospel and a shameful sub- 
 stitution of a man's own works for the propitia- 
 tion of Christ. ' Whoever of you,' says Paul, 
 ^ are justified by works are fallen from grace.' 
 
 " Moreover the monks represent their mode 
 of life as the state of perfection, because they 
 obey both the precepts of the gospel and the ap- 
 pointments of councils. This is a most awful er- 
 ror; for they boast of the meritorious works of 
 supererogation and conceive they not only obey 
 the precepts themselves, but possess a super- 
 abundant righteousness to satisfy for the sins 
 of others. 
 
 ^' When the people are assured that the 
 
 Y 
 
322 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 monkish is the only perfect life, the precepts 
 and the whole service of God are undervalued, 
 because Christian perfection is to live in the 
 habitual fear of God, to confide in his favour 
 through faith in Christ, to seek and to depend 
 on his help in all the various duties which de- 
 volve upon us in our respective situations, to 
 be holy in our conduct and to be devoted to our 
 proper callings. Christian perfection consists 
 not in celibacy, nor in mendicity and mean 
 attire. 
 
 " The examples are sufficiently numerous 
 of persons who deserting their families and offices 
 in civil life have withdrawn into monasteries ; 
 and this they call flying from the world and pur- 
 suing a kind of life more acceptable to God ; but 
 surely to keep his commandments and not the 
 traditions of men, is alone deserving the name of 
 a good and perfect kind of life. 
 
 Ecclesiastical Povver. 
 
 " This subject has proved a fertile source 
 of the most violent contentions^ while the eccle- 
 siastical and civil powcT have been united in the 
 same ruler. The Roman Pontiffs relying on 
 their influence and authority, have not only op- 
 pressed the consciences of men with violent ex- 
 communications and appointed new modes of 
 worship, but have even aimed to seize and ap- 
 propriate imperial sceptres and gain the domi- 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 323 
 
 nion of the world. This conduct has been long 
 and often condemned by learned and pious men 
 in our churches^ and we have endeavoured to 
 console afflicted consciences by pointing out the 
 distinction between the power of the church and 
 the power of the sword, and shewing how each 
 ought to be revered as appointed by God for the 
 Welfare of mankind. 
 
 " The power of bishops we apprehend to be 
 a power or authority from God to preach the 
 gospel, to remit and retain sins, and to admi- 
 nister the ordinances. The commission of Christ 
 to his disciples is thus expressed, ' As the Fa- 
 ther hath sent me even so send I you. — Receive 
 the Holy Ghost— whosoever sins ye remit they 
 shall be remitted, and whosoever sins ye retain 
 they shall be retained.'— ' Go and preach my 
 gospel to every creature,' &c, 
 
 " This power is to be exercised only in 
 teaching and preaching the gospel, and in admi- 
 nistering the ordinances or services of their pro- 
 per calling, because they are not entrusted with 
 the temporal but spiritual concerns of men and 
 whatever relates to an eternal life. These things 
 belong to the ministry, and the gospel is ' the 
 power of God unto salvation to every one that 
 believeth.' Ecclesiastical power therefore is to 
 be exercised in the preaching of the gospel and 
 in reference to eternal things, but not to impede 
 or controul the political administration of em- 
 
 v2 
 
324 LIFE OF MELANCTHOX. 
 
 pires. Nor is it the business of the magistrate 
 to legislate for the conscience, but for the tem- 
 poral interests of men to protect them from inju- 
 ries, to coerce them by the sword, to inflict cor- 
 poral punishments, to administer civil justice 
 and to maintain social order and peace. The 
 ecclesiastical must not therefore be confounded 
 with the civil power. The former is to teach 
 and to administer the ordinances but ought not 
 to interfere with another office, to aim at secular 
 dominion, to abrogate the law of the civil magis- 
 trate, to prevent due subordination, or to obstruct 
 the course of ordinary justice. ' My kingdom,' 
 exclaimed the Saviour, ' is not of this world/ 
 Again, ^ who constituted me a judge or a divider 
 amongst you V And the apostle intimates, that 
 ' the weapons of our warfare are not carnal, but 
 mighty through God to the pulling down of 
 strong holds and casting down every imagination 
 that exalteth itself against th§ the knowledge of 
 God.' 
 
 " If bishops possess the power of the 
 sword, it is given them not by the authority of 
 Scripture, but by the command of kings and 
 princes. 
 
 " Considerable disputes have been agitated, 
 whether bishops or pastors possess an authority 
 to institute ceremonies in the church and to pre- 
 scribe feasts, fasts and other observances. They 
 who assign this right to bishops, allege this 
 
LIFE OF MElANCTHON. 325 
 
 sentence, ' I have many things to say to yoii 
 but ye cannot bear it now, but when he the 
 Spirit of truth shall come he will lead you into 
 all truth :' and they plead the example of apos- 
 tolic injunctions which prohibited the use of blood 
 and things strangled — which changed the day of 
 the Sabbath contrary as it appears to the original 
 appointment of the law. But we reply, that the 
 bishops have no authority to introduce another 
 gospel. Besides, to establish traditions is con- 
 trary to the Scripture, and the glory of Christ is 
 tarnished when we expect by such observances 
 to merit remission of sins and justification before 
 God. This vain hope has occasioned an almost 
 infinite number of traditions to creep into the 
 church. 
 
 " If the bishops are endowed with autho- 
 rity to load the churches with endless traditions 
 and thus to ensnare tender consciences, why does 
 Scripture so frequently prohibit the multiplica- 
 cation of traditionary services? Why does it 
 denominate them doctrines of devils ? 
 
 ^' It may be inquired, what then is to be- 
 come of our dominical days, and similar institu- 
 tions? The reply is, that bishops or pastors 
 may make appointments for the ordinary regula- 
 tion of the churches, but not represent these 
 services as necessary to the remission of sins, or 
 in any degree so obligatory on the consciences of 
 men as that thfey are to imagine themselves guilty 
 
326 LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 
 
 of any crime in omitting them. Such appoint- 
 ments conduce to the preservation of love and 
 peace, that all things may be done decently and 
 in order, but are not to be oppressive to the con- 
 science or represented as essential to salvation. 
 
 " Such are the principal articles of our 
 faith. We have omitted to notice many other 
 abuses and subjects of violent contention in order 
 to avoid prolixity. We are firmly persuaded 
 that these our sentiments are conformable to the 
 prophetic and apostolic writings, and the general 
 opinion of the true universal church of Christ. 
 We are ready to furnish any additional infor- 
 mation or explanation whenever it shall be 
 deemed necessary ; in the mean time we beseech 
 the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ that he 
 would preserve, purify and increase his own 
 church which is redeemed by the blood of his 
 Son. 
 
 " Your Imperial Majesty's, 
 
 " Faithful and submissive Servants: 
 ^' John, Duke Elector of Saxony. 
 
 George, Marquis of Brandenburg, 
 
 Ernest, Duke of Lunenburg. 
 
 Philip, Landgrave of Hesse. 
 
 John Frederic, Duke of Saxony. 
 
 Francis, Duke of Lunenburg. 
 
 Wolfgang, Prince of Anhalt. 
 
 Senate and Magistrates of Nuremberg, 
 
 Senate of Reutlingen." 
 
LIFE OF MELANCtlfON. 327 
 
 The preceding confession was read in the 
 German language by Christian Beyer, Chan- 
 cellor of Saxony. A copy was also presented 
 at the same time in Latin^ by Pontanus. Coeles- 
 tine relates that when he gave it to one of the 
 Emperor's secretaries, he had the boldness to 
 exclaim, " by the grace and through the help 
 of God, this confession will prevail against the 
 gates of hell." This however was more proba- 
 bly said at some other less public moment. fm) 
 
 It is reported of William, Duke of Bavaria, 
 who vehemently opposed the doctrine of the 
 gospel, that as soon as the confession was read, 
 he asked Eckius whether they might overthrow 
 this doctrine out of the Holy Scriptures; " No," 
 replied Eckius, " by the Holy Scripture we can- 
 not overthrow it, but we may by the fathers." 
 Upon which Cardinal Albert, Archbishop of 
 Mentz, said to the Duke of Bavaria, " Behold 
 how finely our divines support us ! The Pro- 
 testants prove what they say out of the Holy 
 Scriptures, but we have our doctrine without 
 Scripture." (n) 
 
 The Emperor immediately dismissed the 
 assembly, and entered into a serious consultation 
 with the Popish fraternity respecting the proper 
 line of conduct to be adopted. Some were for 
 enforcing the edict of Worms and compelling the 
 
 (m) Seckendorf. OOColloq. Mensal. p. 152. 
 
328 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 consciences of their opponents to submit to im- 
 perial and ecclesiastical authority, others were 
 desirous of selecting a certain number of learned 
 men to consult and advise the Emperor. But 
 the prevailing opinion, which Melancthon had 
 anticipated /o J was to procure a confutation of 
 the Protestant articles from the Popish divines, 
 which should be read in a full Diet. Faber, 
 Eckius, Conrad de Wimpina, Conrad CoUinus, 
 John Cochlaeus and other select associates un- 
 dertook and speedily completed the work. It 
 was reviewed by the Emperor and tiie Catholic 
 princes, who advised the omission of all expres- 
 sions calculated to promote irritation. On the 
 third of August the Diet was convened to hear 
 it ; and on the sixth Melancthon thus expresses 
 his opinion in a letter to Luther. " At length 
 we have heard the confutation and at the same 
 time the Emperor's sentiments which were suf- 
 ficiently bitter. Before this document was 
 read, he declared that he was resolved to abide 
 by the opinions he had caused to be there stated, 
 and desired that our princes would adopt the 
 same ; but if they refused, he as the defender of 
 the church would no longer tolerate the German 
 schism. This was the sum of his oration, 
 which, infamous as it was, the Catholics wel- 
 comed with prodigious applause. The same 
 
 (o) Melancth. Ep. Lib. I. 12. ad Luth, 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 329 
 
 may be said of their puerile confutation, for ab- 
 solutely it is more foolish than any thing which 
 even Faber ha^ published. "(/? J In another letter 
 to Luther two days afterwards, he intimates 
 " that their adversaries had used threatening 
 language to terrify the princes from their adhe- 
 rence to the doctrines of the Reformation ;" and 
 it appears that they had distinctly assured the 
 Elector John, that " unless he would abjure the 
 Lutheran doctrines which he had embraced, the 
 Emperor would raise an armed force to oblige 
 him and that he should be deprived of his dig- 
 nities, his possessions and even his life, with all 
 who professed the same faith, their wives and 
 children." It was some time before the Elector 
 could recover from the agitation which such a 
 violent philippic had produced, but the effect 
 was only temporary.f^J 
 
 ^^ God's word," says Luther, " is powerful; 
 the more it is persecuted the more and further it 
 spreadeth itself abroad. Behold the Imperial 
 Diet at Augsburg, which doubtless is the last 
 Trumpet before the dreadful day of Judgment 
 — how raged the world there against the 
 word.'Yr; 
 
 Though many articles of the confession were 
 approved; others, especially the fourth, fifth, 
 
 (p) Melancth. Ep. Lib. I. ep. 13. 
 (q) CffiLESTiN. Hist. Tom. III. 26. 
 (r) Cqlloq. Mensal. p. 347. 
 
330 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 sixth, seventh, twentieth and twenty-first were 
 totally rejected. The second respecting original 
 sin they admitted, excepting the definition which 
 appeared to them more descriptive of actual than 
 original sin ; the eleventh was only objected to 
 in reference to what was said of confession ; and 
 the several anti-catholic intimations in the twelfth 
 and fifteenth were of course the subjects of 
 animadversion. They affirm in contradiction to 
 the second part of the Augsburg Cenfession, that 
 Communion in one kind, the Celibacy of Priests, 
 the Mass, Monastic Vows and the other subjects 
 of objection introduced by the Protestants are 
 not abuses, but religious and holy usages com- 
 manded by Scripture and confirmed by tradition. 
 At the same time they admit that some degree 
 of Reformation in the practice of them was re- 
 quisite, to which the Emperor would pay due 
 attention. They finished by expressing a hope 
 that the Protestants would return to the com- 
 munion of the Church. 
 
 To the concluding intimation, the Elector 
 of Saxony who spoke in the name of the Pro- 
 testants replied, that they were ready to do any 
 thing which conscience would allow for the sake 
 of promoting union in religion, that if the Ca- 
 tholics could prove from Scripture that they had 
 advanced any error it should be recanted, that 
 they were ready to furnish any explanation tliat 
 might be demanded, and that they wished to 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 331 
 
 have a copy of the refutation of their articles. 
 This request the Emperor refused, but two days 
 afterwards offered it upon condition of its not 
 being published. This was not agreed to, but 
 seventeen persons were nominated by the Ca- 
 tholics to discuss religious differences, whose 
 conferences were however of no avail. The 
 Elector of Brandenburg pressed the necessity of 
 satisfying the Emperor, by uniting in matters of 
 faith with the princes and members of the em- 
 pire, otherwise they might incur the reproach 
 of involving Germany in war and tumult. 
 After due deliberation, they communicated their 
 answer by their deputy George Brucke to this 
 purpose, " that they took it ill to be threatened, 
 that the Emperor would not give them a suffici- 
 ent hearing, and that they were not allowed but 
 upon a severe condition, a copy of the refutation 
 of their articles. It was expected they should 
 assent to it without examination, which their 
 consciences disallowed, and notwithstanding the 
 promises of a general council in the last Diet at 
 Spires, it had not been convened." To this the 
 Roman deputies replied in a defensive and ex- 
 planatory paper, and finally it was agreed at the 
 suggestion of the Protestants, that a smaller 
 number should be appointed for the determina- 
 tion of the present controversy. Two princes, 
 two lawyers, and three divines were selected on 
 each side conformably with this resolution, 
 
332 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 The Catholics were, the Bishop of Augsburg-, 
 Henry, Duke of Brunswick, the Chancellor of 
 the Archbishop of Cologne, and the Chancellor 
 of the Marquis of Baden, John Eckius, Conrad 
 Wimpina and John Cochlseus : the Protestants 
 were, John Frederic, son of the Elector of Sax- 
 ony, George, Marquis of Brandenburg ; the law- 
 yers, Gregory Pontanus and Heller ; and the di- 
 vines, Melancthon, Brentius and Schnepfius. 
 
 After conferring together they managed a 
 mode of expression, in which fifteen articles of 
 the Augsburg Confession were mutually sub- 
 scribed and only six remained ; of these three 
 were only in part disputed and the rest remit- 
 ted to the second division of the confession, 
 upon which they still continued and were likely 
 to remain disunited. 
 
 The state of the question being reported to 
 the Diet, it was resolved that a smaller com- 
 mittee consisting of three on each side, two 
 lawyers and one divine would be more available. 
 Melancthon was nominated for the Protestants^ 
 and Eckius for the Catholics. The principal 
 points of debate were the Mass, Vows and the 
 Celibacy of Priests. The Catholics agreed that 
 the Priests who were married might live with 
 their wives, but they would make no conces- 
 sions respecting the Mass and Vows. 
 
 The Emperor was extremely anxious to 
 reconcile contending parties, and endeavoured 
 
LIFE OF M ELAN CT HON. 333 
 
 to win over the Protestant princes by the most 
 attentive behaviour and the most alluring pro- 
 mises. In particular he urged the Elector of 
 Saxony and the Landgrave of Hesse; but to 
 their immortal honour be it recorded, they 
 were neither to be allured nor alarmed into a 
 dereliction of the noble but too often persecuted 
 
 cause of Christian liberty, (s) 
 
 All hopes of an accommodation being now at 
 
 an end, the worst was anticipated. " We ex- 
 pect/' says Melancthon, ^^ violent measures, for 
 no moderation can satisfy the Popish faction. 
 They, in fact, seek our destruction. Pray that 
 God may preserve us." (t) 
 
 " An APOLOGY for the Augsburg Confes- 
 sion," drawn up by Melancthon, was on the 
 twenty-second of September presented by the 
 Protestant princes to the Emperor, who declined 
 receiving it. Though not published till the fol- 
 lowing year, the insertion of a few short extracts 
 in this place seems appropriate and will be ac- 
 ceptable, (u) 
 
 (s) Slfad. 132, ScuLTET. Annal. 158. 
 (0 Ep. 12. ad Hess. 
 (u) The Augsburg Confession, the Jj^ologij above referred 
 to, the Great and Little Catechism of Luther, to which some 
 churches add the Form of Concord published in 1 579, compose 
 what are called in Germany the Symbolic Books of the Lu- 
 therans; and are considered by them as the works of standard 
 authority and appeal. 
 
334 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 ^^ To represent justification as by faith only 
 has been considered objectionable, though Paul 
 concludes that a ' man is justified by faith with- 
 out the deeds of the law ;' (x) that we are ' jus- 
 tified freely by his grace/ (y) and that ' it is 
 the gift of God not of works lest any man should 
 boast.' (z) If the use of the exclusive term 
 only be deemed inadmissible, let them expunge 
 from the writings of the apostle the exclusive 
 phrases hy grace^ not of wm^ks, the gift of God 
 and others of similar import. We exclude all 
 notions of human merit, but not as our adver- 
 saries calumniously insinuate the use of Sacra- 
 ments and means. It has been already stated 
 that faith cometh by hearing, and we most high- 
 ly estimate the ministry of the w^ord. Love and 
 obedience must be connected with faith, so that 
 they are only excluded as the meritorious source 
 of justification. 
 
 " We state that love is essentially con- 
 nected w^ith faith, for according to Paul, ' In 
 Christ Jesus neither circumcision availeth any 
 thing, nor uncircumcision, but faith which 
 worketh by love.' But we do not admit that 
 the remission of sins and reconciliation with 
 God, are obtained for the sake of love as a meri- 
 torious act, or for any other kind of work, but 
 
 (X) Rom. iii. 28. (y) Rom. iii. 24. 
 
 (z) Eph. ii. 8, 9. 
 
LIF^ OF MELANCTHON. 335 
 
 by faith only or faith properly so called, because 
 the promise of forgiveness respects the exercise 
 of faith. It is faith which assents to the pro- 
 mise and is every where referred to in Scrip- 
 ture. 
 
 '^ In our churches the members are in- 
 structed into the true purpose of the Sacrament 
 as a sign and testimony of the free forgiveness of 
 sin, a doctrine highly consolatory to trembling 
 spirits and in which they ought to be admonished 
 to place their confidence. The preaching of the 
 gospel and the legitimate use of the Sacraments 
 constitute with us a perpetual sacrifice, and the 
 resort to our services is far more numerous than 
 to those of our adversaries, because they are more 
 useful and intelligible. But their doctrines nei- 
 ther the learned nor the ignorant can comprehend. 
 Truth, holy doctrine, the proper use of the Sacra- 
 ments, affectionate discourses, constitute the pro- 
 per ornaments of churches, but wax tapers, gold- 
 en vases and other things of a similar nature 
 though ornamental in themselves do not constitute 
 the glory of the Christian church : and if our ad- 
 versaries mistake these for w^orship, instead of 
 the preaching of the gospel and the exercises of 
 faith, they must be numbered amongst those 
 whom Daniel describes, as ' honouring their own 
 God with gold and silver, and with precious 
 stones and pleasant things.' (a) 
 
 (a) Dau. xi. 38. 
 
336 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 " We are not fond of invidious comparisons, 
 but as our adversaries are perpetually urging them 
 we cannot omit mentioning some of their evil 
 practices. What mischief is done by the profa- 
 nation of the Mass ! What evils result from 
 their law of celibacy ! What a manifest piece 
 of idolatry is the worship of saints ! Then will 
 it be aliirmed there is nothing reprehensible in 
 the ambition of their Pontiffs^ who for upwards 
 of four hundred years have waged an incessant 
 war with our Emperors in Italy, and sometimes 
 even in Germany itself, arming sons and fathers, 
 relatives and citizens against each other ? And 
 if the records of history be searched to ascertain 
 the true causes of. such hostilities, I use the 
 most moderate terms when I say, no cause, 
 worthy of the station and character of these 
 dignitaries can be found. What mischief en- 
 sues from the delegation of unfit persons to the 
 sacerdotal office and from trafficking in benefices ! 
 And is there no fault in the dangerous disputes 
 that are prevalent, which indeed might be par- 
 doned if the purity of doctrine were preserved in 
 the churches ? But, what impious opinions and 
 traditions are introduced and practised, let the 
 writings of canonists and divines testify, which 
 abound in discussions, some useless and some 
 opposed to the gospel of Christ. Then, in in- 
 terpreting Scripture they trifle and take the 
 most unwarrantable liberties." 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 337 
 
 On the subject of ecclesiastical jurisdiction 
 and the power of bishops^ Melancthon had 
 conceded in his conferences with the Papist 
 committee more than many of his own party 
 thoroughly approved, and yet Luther himself in 
 his admonition to the princes of the empire, 
 allowed that the bishops might retain their 
 authority both civil and ecclesiastical, if they 
 would employ it to the glory of God and not 
 support the Pope's supremacy. The fact was, 
 that Melancthon entertained hope of an essen- 
 tial reformation in the spirit and conduct of 
 the bishops, while Luther despaired of the pos- 
 sibility of eilecting it, and was therefore ex- 
 tremely cautious of any concession to their 
 authority.f^J Li all doctrinal points Melanc- 
 thon proved himself a firm, enlightened, inflexible 
 Protestant. The testimony of a good conscience 
 supported him amidst the perpetual calumnies 
 which his zealous, disinterested and pious 
 labours incurred ; and if, as many suspected, 
 the Catholics selected him and Eckius, finally to 
 adjust the points of difference from an expecta- 
 tion that his characteristic gentleness and dislike 
 of contention would induce him to sacrifice 
 truth to peace, they were completely disap- 
 pointed. It is agreed he went as far as possible, 
 and further probably than his stern friend 
 
 (b) Seckend. Hist. Luth. Lib. II. p. 159. 
 z 
 
338 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 Luther could have been induced to do ; but it 
 would be difficult to prove that impetuosity 
 and violence are conducive to conviction, or in 
 any respect auxiliary to truth. Inflexibility is 
 not the more estimable for assuming a military 
 dress or a menacing air. 
 
 A celebrated ecclesiastical historianfcj has 
 judiciously remarked, " it was in these confer- 
 ences (ixi Augsburg J that the spirit and character 
 of Melancthon appeared in their true and 
 genuine colours ; and it was here that the vota- 
 ries of Rome exhausted their efforts to gain 
 over to their party this pillar of the Reformation, 
 whose abilities and virtues added such a lustre 
 to the protestant cause. This humane and 
 gentle spirit was apt to sink into a kind of 
 yielding softness, under the influence of mild 
 and generous treatment. And accordingly 
 while his adversaries soothed him with fair 
 words and flattering promises, he seemed to melt 
 as they spoke, and in some measure to comply 
 with their demands; but when they so far for- 
 got themselves as to make use of imperious lan- 
 guage and menacing terms, then did Melancthon 
 appear in a very different point of light; then a 
 spirit of intrepidity, ardour and independance 
 animated all his words and actions, and he 
 looked down with contempt on the threats of 
 
 (c) MosH. Eccles.Hist. Vo!. IV. p. 96. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 339 
 
 power, the frowns of fortune and the fear of 
 death. The truth is, that in this great and good 
 man, a soft and yielding temper was joined 
 with the most inviolable fidelity and the most 
 invincible attachment to the truth." 
 
 In the midst of these multifarious transac- 
 tions a correspondence was maintained between 
 Melancthon and many persons of distinguished 
 character. Scarcely a day passed in which 
 there was not some kind of communication with 
 Luther, who suggested various consolatory sen- 
 timents to his friend and frequently rallied him 
 with some severity respecting his apprehensive 
 state of mind'. The following illustrative anec- 
 dote, however, ought by no means to be 
 omitted, because it evinces, notwithstanding the 
 imputations of historians, the sterling integrity 
 of his principle amidst his constitutional infirmi- 
 ties. After the Protestant confession had been 
 presented to the council, Cardinal Campegius 
 and his party inquired of Melancthon if he still 
 persisted in his opinion. Upon which he replied, 
 that " neither he nor his associates could abandon 
 the known truth, and he besought him not to 
 denounce their sentiments, but to allow them to 
 avow what they never could deny with a good 
 conscience." Campegius answered, " I cannot 
 allow it, for the successor of Peter is infallible." 
 " Well then," rejoined Melancthon^ " we com- 
 mend ourselves and our concerns to God. If he 
 
 z2 
 
340 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 be for us who can be apainst us ? — We shall 
 await with patience whatever may happen to 
 us. In our provinces we have upwards of forty 
 thousand persons inchiding poor ministers, their 
 fan hes and parishioners, whose spiritual interest 
 we cannot abandon, but will do whatever we 
 are able for them, praying for the help of Jesus 
 Christ v\ hose cause we espouse ; and in our call- 
 ing we are prepared to labour with patience, and 
 endure all difficulties. If it be necessary we 
 would, if such be the will of God, rather fight 
 and die than betray so nmny souls. "( d) 
 
 The decree of the Diet was at length pub- 
 lished on the nineteenth of November. It as- 
 sumed a tone of high authority, asserting the 
 Catholic doctrines and condemning the tenets 
 of Protestantism. The people were exhorted to 
 hear mass, to pray to the Vu'gin and to saints, 
 to observe holy days; images and statues were 
 ordered to be replaced where they had been 
 removed, and all rJterations or innovations in 
 religion were strictly prohibited. This decree 
 was to be put in execution whatever oppo;-ition 
 or appeals might be made against it, and all who 
 refused to obey it subjected themselves to be 
 put under the ban of the empire, and were 
 declared incapable of being admitted to the 
 
 (d) Van c£ Corput Levcn cnde Dood van Phil. oVlcI. 
 p. 179. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 341 
 
 Imperial Chamber. The princes, states and 
 cities which had rejected the Papal authority, 
 were required under pain of exemplary pun- 
 ishment to return to their allegiance to Rome. 
 The only consolatory circumstance amidst this 
 imperial thunder, was a faint whisper that an 
 application should be made to the Pope respect- 
 ing the appointment of a general council within 
 six months to decide religious controversies.fej 
 The Protestants in general and the anxious 
 mind of Melancthon in particular could not but 
 feel deeply affected with this termination of the 
 conferences at Augsburg. The disposition of 
 their adversaries was sufficiently obvious, for in 
 addition to this persecuting decree the Emperor 
 had pledged himself to unite with the confede- 
 rated forces of the Popish princes, to compel the 
 execution of it and maintain the established reli- 
 
 The Protestant princes retired from the 
 Diet with the strongest feelings of dissatisfaction 
 and disappointment. Instead of despairing 
 however, they re-assembled at Smalcald, and the 
 result of this conference was, the adoption of 
 defensive measures for the preservation of their 
 religious liberties. fg-j 
 
 Soon after these transactions Melancthon 
 with Luther and other divines, met together for 
 
 (e) Sleid. His(. b39. (f) Sleid. 140. (^0 Sleid. Hist. 142. 
 
342 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 the purpose of consulting about the proper mea- 
 sures to be adopted in the present exigency, 
 and after having spent some time in prayer to 
 God from whom alone they could expect ade- 
 quate assistance, Melancthon was suddenly called 
 out of the room, from which he retired under 
 great depression of spirits. He saw during his 
 absence some of the elders of the reformed 
 churches with their parishioners and families. 
 Several children were also brought hanging at 
 the breast, while others a little older were 
 engaged in prayer. This reminded him of the 
 prophetic language, " out of the mouth of babes 
 and sucklings hast thou ordained strength, be- 
 cause of thine enemies, that thou mightest still 
 the enemy and the avenger.'- f/^j Animated by 
 this interesting scene he returned to his friends 
 with a disencumbered mind and a cheerful 
 countenance. Luther astonished at this sudden 
 change said, " What now ! what has happened 
 to you, Philip, that you are become so cheerful ?" 
 " O sirs," replied Melancthon, ^' let us not be 
 discouraged, for I have seen our noble protectors, 
 and such as I will venture to say wnll prove in- 
 vincible against every foe !" — " And pray," re- 
 turned Luther, thrilling with surprize and plea- 
 sure, " Who and where are these powerful 
 heroes ?"^ — " Oh !" said Melancthon, " they are 
 
 (h) Ps. viii. 2. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 343 
 
 the wives of our parishioners and their little chil- 
 dren, whose prayers I have just witnessed— prayers 
 which I am satisfied our God imll hear : for as 
 our heavenly Father and the Father of our Lord 
 Jesus Christ has never despised nor rejected our 
 supplications, we have reason to trust that he 
 will not in the present alarming crisis."r^^; 
 
 It is said that during the Imperial Diet 
 at Augsburg, Albert, Archbishop of Mentz, 
 had by some means obtained a bible and read it 
 attentively for four hours, when one of his 
 council suddenly entering his chamber, asked 
 with much astonishment what his Highness was 
 doing with that book ? To which he replied, " / 
 know not what this book is, but sure lam, all that 
 is written therein is quite against us."(/t) 
 
 (i) Van de Corput Leven ende Dood van Phil. Mel. 
 p. 224, 225. 
 
 (k) CoLLOQ. Mensal. p. 11. 
 
( 344 ) 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 A. D. 1531, TO A. D. 1536. 
 
 t^malcald — Unfavourable circumstances announced 
 — The Emperor retracts at Ratisboji and agrees to 
 the suspensioyi of all legal processes against the 
 Protestants — Death of the Elector John — Melanc- 
 thjon's Funeral Oration — His Epitaph — Succeeded 
 by John Frederic — The Emperor urges on the Pope 
 a general Council — Continuance of the Sacramental 
 Controversy — Melancthon and Bucer confer with 
 the Landgrave — A vain attempt at Leipsic to res- 
 tore union between contending parties — Fraxcis I. 
 URGES Melancthon to repair to France — Their 
 Correspondence — Entreaties of the Langoean family 
 to the same purpose — Bellay goes into Germany and 
 invites Melancthon into France — The Elector inter- 
 poses to prevent the Journey — Henp^y VIII. invites 
 Melancthon into England — Their Correspond- 
 ence — The King of England's eagerness in dis- 
 patching Messengers to France to prevent Melanc- 
 thon^ s continuance there if he were arrived, or other- 
 wise to dissuade him from going — Curious original 
 documents on the Subject — A larger Commission 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 345 
 
 sent into Germany — Melancilion' s Communication 
 with Archbishop Cranmer — State of his health — 
 Takes a Journey — Injurious reports circulated — 
 Writes agaijist ttie Anabaptists — Conferences with 
 Bucer and Capito, 
 
 Two unfavourable events were announced 
 to the Protestant princes, when they were as- 
 sembled a second time in the early part of the 
 year 1531, at Smalcald ; the one the Election of 
 Ferdinand to be king of the Romans, which was 
 considered as an artful proceeding of his brother 
 the Emperor for the purpose of rendering the 
 imperial crown hereditary in his family, and 
 consequently subversive of the liberties of the 
 empire — the other the commencement of prose- 
 cutions against some of their number on account 
 of their religious principles. It was deemed 
 immediately necessary to renew their defensive 
 league, and by means of their ambassadors to 
 implore the protection and support of the Kings 
 of England, France and Denmark. 
 
 Providence again interposed to rescue the 
 oppressed. It was not long before the Emperor 
 perceived that it was essential to his political 
 interests, rather to retrace his hasty steps than 
 by pressing on in his persecuting career to involve 
 Germany in a civil war. He found that his 
 peace with France and his friendship with the 
 Pope were both precarious, and that the Turkish 
 
346 LIFE OF IMELANCTHON. 
 
 army was advancing upon Austria with recruited 
 forces. The malcontent princes were therefore 
 to be conciliated and not coerced, and it was 
 stipulated at Nuremberg and finally agreed upon 
 at the Diet of Ratisbon in August 1532, that 
 upon condition of their rendering the requisite 
 assistance in the war with the Turks, The Em- 
 peror w^ould suspend all legal processes against 
 the Protestants on account of religion, use his 
 utmost endeavours to procure the appointment 
 of a general council within six months, to meet 
 within twelve; and that no person should^ at 
 present, be molested for his religion. 
 
 At this juncture the Elector John was 
 removed from his useful labours, and exalted sta- 
 tion by an apoplexy. The event occurred on the 
 sixteenth of August 1532, and though Melanc- 
 thon and Luther w^ere immediately sent for, they 
 only arrived in time to see him expire, (I) The 
 former delivered a Latin oration at his funeral, 
 in which he thus admirably pourtrays the cha- 
 racter of his prince. 
 
 '^ I shall not speak of his noble birth, for 
 which indeed the Dukes of Saxony are suffici- 
 ently distinguished, nor of his youthful pursuits, 
 though he might be highly eulogized for modesty 
 and temperance ; but confine myself principally 
 to the delineation of his character during the 
 period of his public life since the decease of 
 
 (I) Spalat. Hist. MS. ap. Seek. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 347 
 
 his illustrious brother Frederic. Amidst a 
 thousand diflSculties, the genuine piety of the 
 Elector John^ his firmness, moderation, peace- 
 ful intentions and every other virtue which can 
 constitute a good prince, were conspicuous. It 
 is a glorious trophy characteristic of his reign, 
 and demanding our gratitude, that in a most tur- 
 bulent period, these realms by the interposing 
 mercy of Providence have been preserved in 
 tranquillity, though many endeavoured to stir up 
 war. The preservation of peace was doubtless 
 also a duty incumbent upon a prince so favoured 
 of heaven, and his authority, moderation and 
 zeal eminently conduced to it, by frequently and 
 forcibly disappointing the designs of ambitious 
 men. It is easy to judge of the extent of the 
 benefit derived from these exertions, when it is 
 recollected that the cause in which he w^as en- 
 gaged did not respect a single province or state 
 only, but the whole of Germany. If war had been 
 once kindled it would have raged throughout the 
 empire, so that by preserving domestic peace he 
 was instrumental in securing the tranquillity of 
 many other states. Nor were his enemies alone 
 restrained by his authority and moderate coun- 
 sels, but his violent confederates were checked 
 by perpetual efforts on his part, which it would 
 not be improper on this occasion to particularize. 
 We have seen them taking up arms and in a si- 
 tuation to command victory, yet induced by the 
 
348 LIFE OF MELANCTHOX. 
 
 prince's justice, though contrary to their inclina- 
 tions, to adjust their respective claims without 
 bloodshed, in which he displayed an extraordi- 
 nary heroism. When he could have gained the 
 most decisive advantages over his most inve- 
 terate enemies who were at the very moment 
 plotting his ruin, he spared them. How often 
 has he shewn a mind impregnable to sentiments 
 of private cupidity, for after composing strife he 
 never cherished the spirit of revenge, but 
 wTiS satisfied with maintaining public quiet. 
 This, this is truly worthy of a great and v/ise 
 man, to conquer anger and to prefer the welfare 
 of his country to the gratification of his private 
 feelings. It must indeed be acknowledged that 
 war is sometimes necessary, the enemy must be 
 opposed and states must be roused to hostile 
 preparations; but it is no less so that the turbu- 
 lent emotions of the mind should be repressed 
 and restored to reason, and that contention 
 should be prevented by mild and judicious 
 counsels. 
 
 '' What, shall I say of his domestic adminis- 
 tration, which was replete w^ith clemency and 
 humanity ? Homer represents Ulysses as ruling 
 the Ithdcans like a good father, and Xenophon^ 
 who proposes Cyrus as a perfect pattern for a 
 prince, says that a good prmce resembles a good 
 father : and who ever had it in his power to say 
 any thing worse of our dejiarted prince who was 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 349 
 
 incapable of acting with cruelty or pride ? To me 
 he appeared to cherish the most paternal feelings 
 for all his subjects, and I have often noticed the 
 most striking indications of it both in private 
 di course and in public transactions. 
 
 " His private life was most unostentatious, 
 free from all disgraceful excess and dissipa- 
 tion, and all the leisure hours he could com- 
 mand at intervals of business were devoted to 
 sacred literature and especially to the study of 
 the Christian religion. To this he gave his 
 principal attention in the latter period of his life, 
 and as I know from indubitable authority he 
 abounded in the exercises of devotion. No one 
 is ign<)rant of the dangers he incurred through 
 his attachment to evangelical truth ; and God 
 eminently honoured his exalted virtue, by pro- 
 tecting him through so many years, and libe- 
 rating him from so many dangers, as he did 
 Hezekiah when blockaded by the Assyrian army 
 in Jerusalem. Now in a period of public tran- 
 quillity he is taken away, (but happily not un- 
 prepared for the change,) from miseries which 
 may yet await us and from the agonies of a pain- 
 ful disorder. We may be permitted to grieve 
 for the loss of a prince endowed with such 
 various excellencies, so studious of general 
 peace, and so devotedly kind to his people that 
 he may be denominated their Father as well a^ 
 their Prince. 
 
350 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 '' In what dangers and misfortunes the state 
 may hereafter be involved I will not pretend to 
 predict, but most humbly implore the supreme 
 Jehovah^while our departed Elector rests in peace, 
 to look upon the family of his subjects, to bestow 
 his mercies on his son and successor, that he 
 may prove our protector amidst impending dan- 
 gers, and give peace to the state for the ad- 
 vancement of his truth and the glory of Jesus 
 Christ, We acknowledge that God is the only 
 sufficient preserver df the state — to him we fly, 
 from him we implore assistance who has promised 
 to hear the supplications of the afflicted. 
 
 " Let me exhort all present earnestly to 
 unite in this prayer to God, to bless the prince 
 under whose protection we are now placed that 
 he may preserve the peace of the church, main- 
 tain the doctrines of the gospel and promote 
 every description of useful learning." 
 
 Some tributary lines by Melancthon further 
 honour the memory of a name, brighter and 
 more durable than the brass on which it is re- 
 corded. 
 
 Tu quoque, Saxonice, Joannes, inclyte Princeps 
 Non virtute minor cognite Iratre tuo ; 
 
 Eximia Christum pielate lideque colebas 
 Vita pias mentis testis eratque tuae. 
 
 Vindelicis coram tua Caesare nuper in oris 
 Asseruit Christi lingua professa fidcm. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 351 
 
 Notior ut fieret divini gloria verbi 
 
 Temporibus fulsit quae rediviva tuis. 
 Utque Evangelii studium deponere velles 
 
 Flectere non ullae te potuere minae. 
 Ista tiii incendit constantia pectoi'is hostes 
 
 Attulit et passim multa pericla tibi 
 Sed te difficili protexit tempore Christus 
 
 Et gratam pacem pro pietate dedit. 
 Ac tua saepe tameii moderatio proRiit ingens 
 
 Impia ne quisquam sumeret arma manu ; 
 Hac longe superas aliorum laade triumphos 
 
 Hajc virtus magno Principe digna fuit. 
 Ergo tuum a nullo nomen delebitur aevo 
 
 Nee meriti laus est interitura tui. 
 Hie tua dum Christus meliori corpora sorte 
 
 Restituet justis, molliter ossa cubent. 
 Spiritus at vivat, caelique fruatur honore 
 
 Interea Christi conditus in gremio. 
 
 Virtuous as Frederic, thou, illustrious John ! 
 
 Our weeping hearts reluctantly resigned ; 
 Whose faith and love to Christ conspicuous shone, 
 
 Whose every action mark'd a pious mind. 
 
 Thou didst the faith of Christ with zeal maintain 
 Nor dread imperial dictates and decrees ; 
 
 Through all our coasts the truth of heaven proclaim, 
 Whose glory brightens even times like these. 
 
 No threats could move thee and no fears alarm, 
 
 Though foes and dangers closely round thee pressM; 
 
 Christ for thy zeal protected thee from harm, 
 And with tranquillity thy country blessM. 
 
3o2 LIFE OF MELANCTIfON. 
 
 Thy moderation checked enkindling strife, 
 A triumph — and the noblest man can gain ! 
 
 A praise, surpassing far the hero's life, 
 
 And ^Yorthy such a prince, so born to reign .' 
 
 In Time's vast record a distinguish'd page. 
 Thou shalt, illustrious John I for ever grace; 
 
 Thy name shall live through every future age. 
 Nor change nor death th' eternal lines erase. 
 
 Here in soft slumbers shall thy ashes lie, 
 
 Till Christ returns his matchless power to prove; 
 
 While thy immortal sjiirit mounts the sky 
 T' enjoy the heaven of her Redeemer's love. 
 
 It may be regarded as a favourable circiim- 
 stance in the history of the Reformation that the 
 venerable Elector now deceased was succeeded 
 by his son John Frederic^ who was zealously 
 attached to the Protestant cause^ and exerted all 
 the energy of his mind and the vigour of his 
 youth to promote it. 
 
 After the retreat of the Turkish army, to 
 which it had been compelled by the menacing 
 appearance of the Imperial forces. Chart ets 
 hastened to Italy, for the purpose of procuring a 
 personal interview with the Pope to press the 
 appointment of a general Council. The latter, 
 urged by an importunity which he could not 
 resist, adopted the plausible measure of de- 
 puting his Nuncio, Flugo Rangonus Bishop of 
 Reggio, to accompany the Emperor's Ambas- 
 sador to the new Elector of Saxony, as head of 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 353 
 
 the Protestants, to confer on the subject of a 
 Council which he proposed should be convened 
 at Mantua, Bologna or Placentia. The Elector 
 immediately summoned his principal divines. 
 Melancthon delivered it as his decided convic- 
 tion " that the Roman Pontiff was practising a 
 piece of dissimulation to cajole them into con- 
 ditions to which they must not submit — that 
 he made extraordinary concessions to induce 
 them to agree to the decisions of a general con- 
 vention of his own arrangement, to which for his 
 part he could not agree because it ought to be 
 a free assembly in which opinions on both sides 
 might be discussed fairly and without restraint 
 — that a deceptive purpose was obvious, and 
 it would be preposterous to consent to a 
 Council before they knew what forms of pro- 
 ceeding were to be adopted, or who were to be 
 implicated in its decrees — that the Emperor 
 could not, and the Pope would not actually 
 convene it." In this they all concurred, inti-^ 
 mating to the Nuncio, that as the controversy 
 had arisen and was principally conducted in 
 Germany, there the Council ought to be assem- 
 bled. Nothing was effected by this negocia- 
 tion, excepting the Roman Pontiff^s purpose of 
 creating delay. (^w J 
 
 Although Zuinglius and CEcolampadius were 
 
 im) Paul Hist. 61. Seck. Hist. Luth. Lib. 3, Cam, 
 Yit. Mel. 
 
 A a 
 
364 LIFE OF MELANCTliON. 
 
 now dead, the Sacramental controversy did 
 not expire : unquestionably the conciliating 
 spirit of Melancthon, so happily attempering 
 his conscientious integrity, would have recon- 
 ciled contending parties, had not Luther per- 
 sisted in the most unwarrantable violence, 
 which is the more to be deplored as he was 
 obviously mistaken. In the latter end of the 
 year 1534, Melancthon was commissioned to go 
 and confer upon the subject with Bucer at 
 Cassel, in the presence of the Landgrave. Bu- 
 cer, who acted in the name of the Ministers of 
 Upper Germany, and who exerted himself with 
 indefatigable zeal to effect an union between 
 the Lutherans and Zuinglians, proposed as the 
 basis of an agreement, that " we received truly 
 and substantially the body and blood of Jesus 
 Christ when we receive the Sacrament — that 
 the bread and wine are exhibiting signs, and by 
 receiving them the body and blood of Jesus 
 Christ are given to us and received by us — 
 that the bread and body of Jesus Christ are 
 united, not by a mixture of substance, but 
 as being given with the Sacrament." On the 
 report of this statement to Luther, his hostility 
 was somewhat abated though not eradicated, 
 which was the only ascertainable advantage that 
 resulted from the interview. 
 
 An attempt was made during the same year 
 by Ferdinand, Duke George and the Elector of 
 
LIFE or MELANCTHON. 355 
 
 Saxony to allay religious animosities, and to 
 promote concord. The meeting of persons ap- 
 pointed on each side to confer took place at 
 Leipsic. Vehus, and Christopher Turcus, his 
 Chancellor, were the deputies of Ferdinand ; 
 Julius Phlug and George Carlovitch appeared 
 on the part of Duke George ; the disinterested 
 piety, indefatigable perseverance and excellent 
 spirit of Melancthon naturally induced the 
 Elector to associate him with Pontanus in this 
 new labour. An account of the conference is 
 still extant in the German language. It is 
 written by Melancthon, and distinguished by 
 the total absence of all asperity, and the clear 
 undisguised statement of every transaction. 
 It appears that the attempt to unite was in 
 vain — the papists adhered to their opinions, 
 and the Saxon deputies would not relinquish 
 truth. Vehus presented a form of concord, 
 but it distinctly mentioned the errors which 
 were most objectionable to the Protestants, espe- 
 cially the doctrine of the meritorious power of the 
 Mass to obtain the remission of sins.f/^^ No- 
 thing is more illustrative of the true character of 
 Melancthon than these transactions. He was 
 willing to approximate as far as possible, by con- 
 ceding every point of difference which did not 
 regard what he deemed essential truth ; but 
 then he became inflexible. Possessed of the 
 
 (n) Seckend. Hist. Luth.Lib.III. p. 90. 
 Aa 2 
 
356 J.IFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 most benignant temper^, he was formed to pacify 
 the world, and inherited the blessedness of the 
 peace-maker. roj Presenting to our view a rare 
 combination of excellencies, a singular and 
 pleasing union of the Christian and the HerOy 
 we behold him firm but not violent, modest but 
 not servile, conscientious but not punctilious. 
 
 Wherever Lutheranism was known, or 
 literature admired, the name of Philip Melanc- 
 thon was familiar. Francis I. earnestly en- 
 treated him to rapair to France. Maimbourg 
 relates, that Margaret Queen of Navarre and 
 sister to the king united with other illustrious 
 females attached to the court, who cherished 
 sentiments favourable to the Reformation, in 
 requesting that he might be sent for to be con- 
 sulted on the existing religious contentions. 
 The Queen frequently spoke of him to her 
 brother as a man of exalted piety, profound 
 learning and singular eloquence. Francis, 
 whose active zeal for the revival of literature in 
 France, had acquired him the title of the Father 
 of Letters, listened with pleasure to these repre- 
 sentations and immediately adopted measures to 
 procure a visit. Voreeus Fossa was dispatched 
 with a letter from the king, and a command to 
 urge him in his name to repair to his court. 
 The Jetter is preserved. 
 
 (o) Matth. V, 9. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHOK. 357 
 
 " Francis, by the grace of God King of 
 France, to our Beloved Philip Melancthon^ 
 greeting : 
 
 " By means of William Bellaius Langey, 
 our Chamberlain and Counsellor to whom the 
 management of Ecclesiastical affairs is princi- 
 pally confided, I have for some time known it 
 to be your peculiar study to appease the present 
 disputes in religion ; and now I find both from 
 your letters to him, and from the report of Bar- 
 nabas Vorasus Fossa, who is just returned, that 
 this is a very gratifying labour to you. I wish 
 you to come the very first opportunity, and fully 
 confer with some of our most eminent Doctors 
 on the reconciliation of opinions, and on other 
 things susceptible of improvement in the go- 
 vernment of the church, for which I feel the 
 greatest solicitude and anxiety^ However I 
 will send Voreeus Fossa to you immediately 
 with these letters for a safe conduct, implor- 
 ing you not to be dissuaded by any one from 
 this pious and holy undertaking. Your visit 
 will be most grateful to me, and you are at 
 perfect liberty to come either in a private or 
 public character, and be assured you will find 
 me, as indeed I always have been, most desirous 
 of promoting your glory, reputation and comfort 
 both at home and abroad. 
 
 6c From the toiein of Guise, the twenty-eighth 
 day of June, one thousand Jive hundred and 
 thirty 'Jive *^ 
 
358 LIFE OF MRLANCTHOF. 
 
 MELANCTHON'S REPLY. 
 
 " Most Christian and most Potent King! 
 
 "Although the far-famed kingdom of 
 France greatly surpasses every other in the 
 known world in many other honourable dis- 
 tinctions, this may be noticed with peculiar 
 approbation that it h£^ always excelled the rest of 
 the nations in purity of doctrine and perpetual 
 zeal in defence of the Christian religion. It has 
 therefore deservedly obtained the appellation of 
 most happy and most Christian, a title the most 
 glorious, the most magnificent that can be con- 
 ferred. I congratulate your Majesty that at 
 this juncture you have undertaken the care of 
 preserving the church, not by the application of 
 violent remedies, but by rational means, worthy 
 the name of the Alost Christian King; and that 
 in the midst of the present dissensions you have 
 so studied to moderate the violence of opposing 
 parties, that the genuine unadulterated doctrines 
 of Christianity^ the glory of Christ, the true 
 dignity of the ecclesiastical constitution, and 
 the tranquillity of the state may be promoted. 
 Nothing can be imagined more becoming a 
 king than this disposition of mind and these 
 proceedings. I beseech your Majesty to per- 
 severe in this care and concern for your king- 
 dom: for although public dissension has in 
 some instances furnished occasion of mischief 
 to violent and evil-minded Ecclesiastics, yet 
 
LITE OF MELANCTHON, 359 
 
 good men have brought forward in the church 
 many things which are essentially conducive 
 to its welfare. Although therefore a mis- 
 chievous disposition of mind ought to be re- 
 strained, yet I entreat your Majesty not to be 
 influenced by the bitter sentiments or writings 
 of the calumnious, to suffer good and useful re- 
 gulations to be abandoned in the churches. For 
 my own part I have never been pleased with 
 those intemperate counsels which have degraded 
 the best and most holy order of the church, and 
 which ought ever to be held in peculiar ve- 
 neration : and 1 am well persuaded that all good 
 men in your nation, who value the truth as I do, 
 cherish this feeling. When I received your 
 royal invitation/ God is my witness how much 
 I laboured immediately to comply with it ; 
 for nothing would gratify me so much as 
 to be of some service to the church accord- 
 ing to my feeble capacity, and I indulge the 
 most pleasing anticipations from my knowledge 
 of the piety, the moderation, and the constant 
 aim to promote the glory of Christ displayed by 
 your Majesty. Vorseus can detail the numerous 
 difficulties which have delayed my visit, and 
 which, though they should prevent this jour- 
 ney, cannot detach my mind from a steady 
 purpose of checking by my advice and exertions 
 the existing controversies. Voreeus however 
 will fully state my views. 
 
.160 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 " Finally, I commit myself to your royal 
 
 favour, promising constantly to contribute my 
 
 judgment with that of the pious and learned 
 
 men of the church for the general good. May 
 
 Christ preserve your Majesty in prosperity and 
 
 safety, that your government may promote the 
 
 general happiness of the world and the glory of 
 
 God. 
 
 Your Majesty's 
 
 Most devoted Servant, 
 
 Philip Melancthox. 
 
 '' From Saxony, the fifth day of September^ 
 one thousand five hundred and thirty 
 five." 
 
 In addition to these very curious docu- 
 ments, a further illustration of the dispositions 
 prevalent at this period in the French Court, at 
 least amongst some of its most enlightened or- 
 naments, is afforded by a letter addressed to 
 Melancthon by Cardinal Bellaius, dated the 
 twenty-seventh of June, (p) After applauding 
 the benevolent wishes which he knew from 
 Vorseus that he entertained for the general 
 cause of Christianity, the Cardinal proceeds, 
 *^ I desire nothing more ardently than that the 
 dissensions which have so long agitated the 
 Christian church may be appeased. Apply the 
 utmost of your power, my dear Melancthon, by 
 
 QjJSeckend. Hist. Luth. Lib. III. p. 109. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 361 
 
 the help of God, to promote this general paci- 
 fication, and you will have the concurrent 
 approbation of all good men, especially of Francis, 
 who, while possessing the supreme authority, is 
 not only the Most Christian King in name and 
 title, but in tmth, as I have long had occasion 
 to witness. I hope every thing from your 
 meeting, and the matured advice you will give." 
 The warm attachment of the Cardinal may be 
 imagined from his subscribing himself, " Yours^ 
 from my very heart, Bellaius." 
 
 In another letter written by William Lan- 
 gey, and dated the sixteenth of July, Melanc- 
 thon is urged by a variety of arguments to 
 visit France. " I have explained," says he, 
 " to my friends who are interested in the com- 
 mon cause, all circumstances, and have given 
 them your letters and those of Bucer, to peruse. 
 I feel myself somewhat implicated in this affair, 
 and should be sorry for any thing to occur dis- 
 honourable to you, or injurious to the cause of 
 truth and the glory of Christ. The Cardinal 
 Langey was shewn the letters you have received 
 from me previous to their being sent, lest any 
 thing should have been written which he might 
 disapprove or deem contrary to the views of the 
 king." He afterwards alludes to the controversy 
 respecting the place of holding the proposed 
 Council, represents the good inclinations of the 
 king, and alludes to a private consultation with 
 
362 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 Melanctlion upon the best and safest means 
 of reforming the state of ecclesiastical affairs. 
 Langey apologizes for the severities which had 
 been inflicted upon some persons for their reli- 
 gious opinions, alleging, what however is not 
 very admissible, that they were only a set of 
 enthusiasts of notorious character, whom Me- 
 lancthon himself would have been inclined to 
 punish. After urging various other considera- 
 tions to induce his compliance with the King's 
 request, who, he says, was not only prepossessed 
 in his favour, but naturally acute, prudent and 
 willing to listen to sound argument; he con- 
 cludes thus, " I exhort you, I conjure you for 
 Christ's sake not to neglect the present occasion 
 cf accomplishing a business of all others the most 
 glorious in which mortals can be engaged." 
 
 The Sorbonne divines probably would not very 
 readily have united in these presssing solicitations, 
 for how could they forget or forgive the satirical 
 pen of Melancthon ^ And there is reason to sus- 
 pect that a temporizing policy more than a spirit 
 of sincere inquiry after truth dictated their 
 prince's invitation. Francis had seized the op- 
 portunity afforded him by the full employment 
 of the emperor's confederate forces against the 
 Turkfc, to renew his claims in Italv, and used 
 ever} elfort to excite in the different princes of 
 Europe a jealousy of his rival's power. But his 
 measures were disconcerted, and from the opera- 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 363 
 
 tion of different causes he was generally unsuc- 
 cessful. The invitation he received from the 
 associated Protestant princes at Smalcald was 
 therefore at this crisis peculiarly welcome, and 
 he was naturally led to use every endeavour to 
 promote his own views by securing their con- 
 fidence. For this purpose he negociated and 
 flattered, accommodating himself to their reli- 
 gious prejudices, affecting a wonderful modera- 
 tion and even a spirit of pious inquiry in matters 
 of controversy. A very curious affair had been 
 transacted at Paris, to which the preceding letter 
 of Langey refers. With an indiscretion which 
 no one can defend, some of the Parisians who 
 had imbibed the principles of Protestantism (q) 
 posted up hand bills in several of the public 
 places and on the gates of the Louvre, contain- 
 ing reflections on the doctrines, rites and clergy 
 of the church of Rome. The king being highly 
 incensed at these proceedings, issued a general 
 order against heretics ; and appointed a solemn 
 procession. The holy host was carried through 
 the city, the king walked with his feet bare and 
 his head uncovered, attended by the queen, the 
 princes of the blood and all his courtiers. Six 
 Lutherans were publicly condemned by the 
 
 (q) Mezeray in relating this ,transaction, says they vvei'e 
 Sttcramentarians. Ahres^e ChronoL de VHisL de France. Tom* 
 II. p. 898. 
 
364 LIFE OF MELA NCT HON. 
 
 parliament to be burnt^ a decree which was 
 executed with the most shocking barbarity be- 
 fore the procession w^as finished; and others 
 were sought after with the most eager dili- 
 gence, (r) 
 
 For the purpose of explaining these cir- 
 cumstances and securing the Protestant alliance, 
 Bellay was sent to the German princes. He 
 was instructed to assure them " that the persons 
 proscribed and punished were guilty of sediti- 
 ous practices, that the king wished for an ac- 
 commodation on the subject of religion by a 
 meeting of the Parisian and German divines, 
 and that he was particularly desirous of a visit 
 from Philip Melanctlion." Cardinal Tournon 
 however, remonstrated violently against this in- 
 vitation given to a heretic, (s) and the princes of 
 Germany soon saw reason to question the sin- 
 cerity of Francis. In fact, it is difficult to re- 
 concile his inconsistencies. He protected or 
 persecuted the Reformers as interest or policy 
 dictated. He allowed the Duke of Orleans his 
 second son, to offer the free exercise of their reli- 
 gion to the Protestants in the dukedom of Lux- 
 emburg, and his sister the queen of Navarre to 
 promote the reformed cause in her country of 
 
 Cr; Sleid. Hist. 175. Dupin 181. Belcar. Com. Rer. 
 Gal. 646. 
 
 C6'; Maimbourq. DuriN. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 365 
 
 Beam. He courted the Reformers yet opposed 
 the Reformation — panegyrized them at Smal- 
 cald, yet persecuted them at Paris — ahuost a 
 Lutheran in Germany, and quite a Catholic in 
 France, (t) 
 
 Some of Melancthon's friends urged him to 
 accept the King of France's invitation, be- 
 lieving that it might prove a most favourable 
 occasion for promoting the reformed religion in 
 that country, and for checking the progress of 
 the Catholic persecutions : but others were ap- 
 prehensive that his visit would be attended with 
 considerable personal danger, and advised him to 
 remain in Saxony. Melancthon himself was by no 
 means indisposed to comply with the king's re- 
 quest, supposing that his presence in France was 
 not unlikely to be attended with some advantage 
 to the Reformation. Luther for similar reasons 
 was very urgent with the Elector to allow his 
 friend to go and alleged that the very expec- 
 tation of seeing Melancthon had already put a 
 stop to the persecutions in France, (u) 
 
 The Elector could not however be prevailed 
 
 (t) Francis even permitted Bellay to explain his senti- 
 ments to the German princes, on some of the most important 
 subjects of difference, in terms not very dissimilar to those 
 used by the Protestants. Sleid. Hist. 178 — 180. Seckend. 
 Hist. Lib. III. 103. 
 
 00 LuTH. Op. Tom. VI. 491. Seckend. Hist. Luth, 
 Lib. III. p. 107. 
 
366 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 upon to give his consent. He felt apprehensive of 
 offending the Emperor, and conceived no hopes 
 of promoting any real good to the Reformation 
 by such a permission. Policy of course, dic- 
 tated a different excuse to Francis, to whom he 
 wrote in a courteous manner, assuring him of his 
 inclination to gratify his wishes, but pleading 
 ^' the peculiar and distressing aspect of the 
 times and the unpleasant reflections he should 
 be likely to incur. The Wittemberg Academi- 
 cians, he said, being dispersed by a pestilential 
 disorder and obliged to retire to Jena, he could 
 not possibly at present part with Meiancthon. 
 If however his services should hereafter be 
 deemed necessary, and the pressure of present 
 difficulties be somewhat alleviated, he would 
 send a more decisive answer to his Majesty and 
 give him permission to visit France. In the 
 mean time he offered his most ready services in 
 promoting the gospel of Christ, together with 
 the temporal and eternal welfare of the king, 
 his government, and the churches of France." 
 
 Meiancthon was extremely chagrined at the 
 Elector's interdiction, and it may be justly re- 
 gretted ; for who can doubt that his amiable de- 
 portment, elegant taste, nice discrimination and 
 exemplary candour, might have produced a very 
 favourable impression upon a prince, who if he 
 were after all a religious bigot, was much ad- 
 dicted to literature, and might have been mode- 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 367 
 
 rated, if not changed hj mildness ? The Lan- 
 gean family would have been gratified and con- 
 firmed in their good inclinations — the queen of 
 Navarre would have hailed his visit, and a thou- 
 sand secret machines might have been set in 
 motion by his influence. But he was obliged 
 to content himself with sending a small treatise 
 into France, containing his opinion and advice 
 on the best means of settling religious contro- 
 versies, and which though never published is 
 inserted in the collections of Pezelius. 
 
 Early in the spring of this year, Doctor 
 Robert Barnes was sent by Henry VIII. King 
 of England to consult with the Saxon Theolo- 
 gians on the subject of the intended divorce of 
 his queen. Upon his arrival most of the profes- 
 sors and scholars were removed in consequence 
 of the plague which raged in Wittemberg, t<v 
 Jena in Thuringia. Luther, Jonas, Cruciger 
 and Melancthon gave him recommendatory let- 
 ters to the Elector. He brought letters of invi- 
 tation to Melancthon who was urged by the 
 King to pay a visit to England. Henry 
 offered him ample security from all molestation, 
 and even hostages if he required it. fa; J Luther 
 was extremely anxious that he should be allowed 
 to go, for " who knows," says he, " what 
 God may intend to accompfish, his wisdom is 
 
 (X) " Egregiam Cautionem imo et obsides.'^ 
 
368 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 greater than ours and his will superior." He 
 wished Melanethon's feelings to be consulted 
 who was deeply disappointed at the Elector's 
 previous refusal of his invitation to France. 
 In his first letter to the King written in March, 
 he compliments Henry in a very elegant style 
 upon his literary inclinations, and after deplor- 
 ing the wretched state of letters in Germany 
 through the intemperate violence of religious 
 controversy,f^J he implores him to use every 
 effort to promote them and to take the perse- 
 cuted Muses under his protection. fs^ 
 
 By means of Alexander Aless, a Scotchman 
 who went into England, Melancthon took the 
 opportunity of presenting a copy of his Com- 
 mentary on the Rojnans to the King, who 
 with a munificence worthy of a distinguished 
 Sovereign, immediately presented him with two 
 hundred crowns and wrote him a letter in which 
 he expresses his high approbation of his extra- 
 ordinary zeal in defending the Christian religion, 
 and his disposition to assist and promote his 
 good intentions by every means in his j)ower. 
 To this communication Melancthon returned an 
 answer in the following month of December. 
 He compliments the King upon his professed 
 attachment to religious truth, and assures him 
 
 Oj) Valent. Bavar. Compil. Vol. I. p. 252. 
 (z) MELA^•CTH. Ep. Lib. I. 26. ad lienric. oct. Reg. Ang, 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 369 
 
 that these sentiments had afforded himself and 
 others to whom he had read his letters the great- 
 est satisfaction. faj In addition to Dr. Barnes's 
 commission, Haynes and Mount had been dis- 
 patched secretly to Sir John Wallop, ambassador 
 in Paris, for the purpose of dissuading Melanc- 
 thon from continuing in France if he had under- 
 taken the journey, and to allure him to Eng- 
 land. f6J Sir John Wallop was soon able to 
 alleviate the anxiety of the King of England, by 
 assuring him in a dispatch dated the seventeenth 
 of August, that there was reason to believe Me- 
 lancthon would not visit France. Henry how- 
 ever hastened Mount to him into Germany, 
 with the view of superseding the French am- 
 bassador's application : So solicitous were two 
 of the most distinguished Monarchs of Europe 
 to cultivate the friendship and to obtain the ad- 
 vice of Philip Melancthon.fcJ 
 
 The original documents are not a little cu- 
 
 (a) Melancth. Ep. Lib. I. 27. 
 
 (h) The report of his having actually arrived in France vras 
 very general. Tyndal says in a letter to Frith, " Philip Me- 
 lancthon is said to be with the French Kinff. There be in Ant- 
 werpe that say they saw him come into Paris with a hundred and 
 fifty horses and that they spake with him." Tyndal's Works, 
 p. 455. fol. 1573. Lond. 
 
 (c) Strype'S Eccles. Memorials, Vol. I. Herbert's 
 Life of Henry VIII. 
 
 Bb 
 
370 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 rious, and shall be quoted for the amusement of 
 the reader, (d) 
 
 " Master Secretary J^e) after our most hearty 
 commendations, ye shal understand that having 
 received the letters sent unto you from Sir John 
 Wallop and shewed the same unto the King's 
 Majesty, his plesure thereupon was, that we 
 should dispatch these our letters incontinentely 
 unto you concerning the accomplishment and 
 doing of these things ensueing. 
 
 " First, his Grace's plesure is, that you shal 
 immediately upon the receit hereof dispatch 
 Bcurnes in post with Deryk in his company into 
 Germany : commanding him to use such dili- 
 gence in his journey, that he may and it be pos- 
 sible, meet with Melancthoii before his arrival in 
 France. And in case he shal so meet with him, 
 not only dissuade his going thither ; declaring 
 how extremely the French King doth persecute 
 those that wil not grant unto the Bishop of 
 Romes usurped power and jurisdiction ; using 
 in this part al persuasions, reasons and means 
 that he can devise to impeach and let his said 
 journey thither ; saying unto him how much it 
 should be to his shame and reproch to vary and 
 go now from that true opinion wherein he hath 
 
 (d) BfiiTiSH Museum. Coit, MSS. Cleop. E. 6. 
 (e) T. Cromwell. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 371 
 
 SO long continued : But also on the other side 
 to persuade him also that he may (be willing) to 
 convert his said journey hither ; shewing him 
 as wel the conformity of his opinion and doctrine 
 here, as the nobility and vertues of the King's 
 Majesty, w^ith the good entertainment which 
 undoubtedly he shal have here at his Grace's 
 hands. 
 
 ^•^ And if percase the said Barnes shal not 
 meet with him before his arrival in France, then 
 the said Barnes, proceeding himself further in his 
 journey toward the princes of Germany shal 
 with al diligence return in post to the K. H. 
 the said Diryk, of the certainty of the said Me- 
 lancthon's coming into France and such other 
 occurrents as he shal then know. And if the 
 said Diryk be not now ready to go with him, the 
 King's plesure is ye shal in his sted appoint and 
 send such one other with the said Barnes as ye 
 shal think meet for that purpose. 
 
 ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ '^ 
 
 " Furthermore, the King's plesure is yee 
 shal upon the receit hereof immediatly cause 
 Mr. Haines and Christopher Mount, in post to 
 repair into France, to Sir John Wallop in as 
 secret a manner as they can, and coming like his 
 friends to visit him and not as sent by the King, 
 And in case they shal by him or otherwise learn 
 Bb 2 
 
372 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 and know, that Melancthon is there arrived, 
 then his Grace wol, that the said Haines and 
 Mount, shal, in such sort, as they be not much 
 noted, resort unto him and for the dissuading of 
 his continuance there, or the alteration of his 
 opinion and the alluring of him hither ; to use 
 such reasons and persuasions as be before writ- 
 ten, with such other as they can further devise 
 for that purpose. To the which Haines and 
 Mount, the king's plesure is, ye shal deliver like 
 copies of the same Dean's Bookf/J and the 
 Bishops Sermons to be shewed unto the said 
 Melancthon, or otherwise used, as may be most 
 expedient for thachyevement of the King's pur- 
 pose in that behalf. 
 
 w w w w ^ w 
 
 " And to make an end, his Grace wol 
 in no wise that Barnes and Haynes shal 
 tary for any further instruction of the Bishop 
 of Canterbury or any other. Having his 
 Grace determined to send the same after by 
 Mr. Almoner and Hethe ; but that he Mr. 
 Haynes and Mount shal with al possible dili- 
 gence depart immediatly in post without any 
 lenger tarying than for this their depeche shal 
 be necessary. So as their abode impeach not 
 
 (f) Richard Sampson Dean of the Chapel. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 373 
 
 the King's purpose^ touching the said Melanc- 
 thon. And thus fare you most heartily wel, 
 from Langley, in much hast, this Monday at 4 
 of the clock at afternoon. 
 
 " Your loving friends, 
 " T. Norfolk, 
 " Geo. Rochford." 
 
 The next letter is from the Secretary Crom- 
 well to Sir John Wallop the King's ambassador 
 in France, from which such parts only are ex- 
 tracted as illustrate the present subject, fgj 
 
 " To my right loving frynd Sir John Wal- 
 lop, Kn;^ht, the Kinges ambassadour resident 
 in the Corte of Fraunce. 
 
 '^ After my most harty recommendacions ; 
 these shal be to advertise you that the xviith day 
 of this monthe I receyvid from you a packet of 
 letters ; which indelayedly I delyvered unto the 
 Kinges Highnes and conferred with his Grace 
 theffects both of your letters and al others 
 within the sayd packet beying directed as wel 
 to his H. as to me. And after his H. had with 
 me perused the hoole contents thoroughly of 
 your sayd letters ; perceyvyng not only the lik- 
 lihod of the not repayr into Fraunce of Philip 
 Melancthon, but also your communications had 
 with the Frenche Kinges Highnes upon your 
 
 (g) Ex. MSS. D. G. H. Esq. 
 
374 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 demaunde made of the Kynges Majesties pen- 
 sions, with also your discrete answers and 
 replications made in that behalfe, for the which 
 his Majestic givethe unto you condigne thanks — 
 
 # # * # ^ :^ 
 
 ^^ And touchyng Melancthon — consideryng 
 there is no lykelihod of his repaire into Fraunce 
 as I have wel perceyved by your letters, the K. 
 H. therefore hath appoynted Christofer Mount 
 indelayedly to take his journey where Melanc- 
 thon is, and if he can to prevent Mounsr. de 
 Langye in such wise as the sayd Melancthon his 
 repaire into Fraunce may be stayed and diverted 
 into England. Not doubting but the same shal 
 take effect accordyngly. And as to Maister 
 Haynes, the Kyng's plesure is that he shal go 
 to Paris there to lerne and dissiphre theopynyons 
 of the ierned men and their incly nations and 
 affections as wel towards the K. H. procedyngs 
 as to the Busshop of Rome his usurped power 
 and aucthorite, after such sort as the Kyng's 
 sayd Highnes hath now written unto hym by 
 his Grace's letters addressed both unto hym and 
 the sayd Christofer Mount : directyng theym 
 what they shal do yn al thynges commyttyd to 
 theyr charge at this tyme ; as I doubt not but 
 they wil put thereto theyr devoires for the ac- 
 complishement of the Kynges plesure as apper^ 
 teynethe ., , 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 375 
 
 At Thornehery the xxiiith day of 
 
 August. 
 
 Your assuryd freend, 
 
 " Thomas Crumwell." 
 
 A larger commission was afterwards sent by 
 Henry VIII. to the Protestant princes of Ger- 
 many, now assembled at Smalcald, consisting of 
 Edward Fox, Bishop of Hereford^, Nicholas 
 Hethe Archdeacon, and Dr. Barnes. The opi- 
 nion which Melancthon formed of them is thus 
 expressed in a confidential letter to his friend 
 Camerarius. " One only of our present guests 
 Nicholas Hethe, the Archdeacon, excels in ami- 
 bleness of disposition and sound learning ; as 
 for the others they have no relish for our philo- 
 sophy and mode of discourse, (yXv/curr?roc) so that 
 I shun their society as much as possible.'Y^J 
 
 In the course of these conferences, Fox re- 
 presented that the king had abrogated the Po- 
 pish abuses and had abolished indulgences. He 
 designated the Papal domination by he term 
 Babylonian tyranny, and the Pope he called 
 Antichrist. A vai'iety of articles were drawn 
 up by Melancthon, and some dissertations which 
 the ambassadors brought on their return to Eng- 
 land on the marriage of Priests on Monastic 
 Vows, and on the Mass. It is intimated in the 
 
 (h) Melancth. Ep. Lib. IV. 183. 
 
376 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 conclusion that the Protestants felt surprized at 
 the English decree against abuses, when no 
 amendment was proposed and especially as 
 there was a total omission of the more flagrant 
 abuses of which they complained. In a copy 
 of this decree of Henry VIII. still extant in 
 the German Archives, Melancthon has written 
 in several places in the margin 8^sv vykg^ not at 
 all sound. 
 
 The great purpose however which Henry 
 really had in view by these negociations, was to 
 obtain ultimately the sanction of the Wittem- 
 berg divines to the divorce of his Queen Catha- 
 rine ; but their opinion was unfavourable to his 
 proceedings. They drew up a paper disapprov- 
 ing of the divorce, which was transmitted by 
 the ambassadors -^(i) and Melancthon fully con- 
 curred with Luther upon the subject. 
 
 In this same year (1535) Melancthon's ac- 
 quaintance with the celebrated Archbishop 
 Cranmer commenced. It seems to have origi- 
 nated in the visit w^hich Alexander Aless, who 
 had been long and intimately acquainted with 
 Melancthon in Germany, paid to England in 
 the month of August. Knowing the Arch- 
 bishop's generous disposition, Melancthon took 
 
 (i) A German copy of this document in the handwriting of 
 Caspar Cruciger, sent from Wittemberg to the Elector is pre- 
 served in the Archives of Smalcald. 
 
LIFE OF MELA NCT HON. 377 
 
 the liberty of giving him a recommendatory let- 
 ter as a learned foreigner, and availed himself of 
 the opportunity of conveying a present to the 
 Archbishop of one of his own books. This was 
 probably his Commentary on the Ronmns,(k) 
 Another copy was presented, as we have related, 
 to the King. This Alexander Aless was the 
 same person whom Cromwell took with him to 
 the Convocation in the year 1536, for the pur- 
 pose of delivering his opinion about the Sacra- 
 ments, of which he insisted only two, Baptism 
 and the Lord's Supper, were of Christ's original 
 appointment. He wrote also a useful treatise 
 on the subject of Schism, with which the dis- 
 senters from the Catholic church were charged ; 
 but he was furnished with both matter and 
 argument by Melaiicthon. 
 
 Aless originally fled with other learned men 
 from Scotland, in consequence of the persecu- 
 tions of 1534, and was received into Cromwell's 
 family. Henry VHI. is said to have been con- 
 siderably attached to him, and to have bestowed 
 upon him the distinguishing epithet of ^^ scholar^ 
 
 (kj Strype says, " he should have supposed it to have been 
 his "Common Places, but that they came out a year after," 
 This is an evident mistake, for though a new edition might 
 have been published in the following year, we have already 
 seen that this chef d'oeuvre of Melancthon first appeared in the 
 year 1521. 
 
378 LIFE OF ME LAN CT HON. 
 
 He was afterwards made a professor in the Uni- 
 versity of Leipsic. 
 
 The recommendatory letters of Melancthon 
 insured his Scotch protegee a most hospitable 
 reception at the palace of Lambeth, and the 
 Archbishop could not but feel honoured by the 
 sincere praises of his learned and pious corres- 
 pondent who sought his friendship, and who in 
 his letter said " if the church had but some more 
 such bishops, it would be no difficult matter 
 to have it healed and the world restored to 
 peace." (I) 
 
 Several circumstances concurred at this 
 period to excite that hypochondriacal depres- 
 sion of mind which so much embittered some of 
 the years of Melancthon's life. He had a 
 narrow escape from lightening, which produced 
 considerable damage in his immediate neigh- 
 bourhood, and he suffered severely in his back 
 from a fall, but happily it occasioned no perma- 
 nent injury.rm) i he removal of the Academy 
 to Jena, in consequence of a raging infectious 
 disorder, alluded to in the Elector's letter cited 
 above, exceedingly discomposed and inconve- 
 nienced him — but the students and professors 
 returned in the beginning of the year 1536 to 
 Wittemberg. 
 
 (I) Strype's Mem. of Archbp. Cranmer, B. III. Ch. 23, 24, 
 (m) Adam. Vit. Germ. Theol. Cam. Yit. Mel. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 379 
 
 The state of his health required an excursion 
 amongst his friends. He was accompanied by 
 Jacob Milichius, a physician to whom he was 
 particularly attached on account of his profes- 
 sional skill, devoted friendship, and literary 
 taste. He was a native of Friburg, and for a 
 series of years led a useful and eminent course of 
 public life at Wittemberg. At the age of fifty- 
 nine he died, much and generally lamented. (1?2j 
 Camerarius alludes with evident pleasure to the 
 few days passed in the companionable society of 
 Melancthon at Tubingen, and notices the useful 
 advice he gave respecting the management of 
 the University, and the general regulation both 
 of religious and literary concerns. A violent 
 contention had arisen on the subject of giving 
 letters of recommendation and conferring hono- 
 rary titles upon the students. Many learned men 
 w^ere applied to for their opinion ; among the 
 rest Melancthon, who sent in a written state- 
 ment of his views, and the reasons which in- 
 fluenced his decision. He conceived that they 
 had been advantageous, especially as such testi- 
 monies, publicly and solemnly bestowed upon 
 meritorious students, tended to secure the ave- 
 nues to clerical office against the intrusion of 
 ignorance and incapacity. 
 
 He addressed a long letter to Brentius on 
 
 (n) Cam. Yit, Mel. 
 
380 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 the subject of the Academy at Tubingen, which 
 is dated from the palace of the Duke of Wirtem- 
 burg. It is not to be wondered at that he felt a 
 pecuHar interest in this early scene of his studies 
 and labours. He mentions his satisfaction in 
 some of the professors, but intimates the great 
 deficiency that existed in the Theological de- 
 partments, and urges his correspondent, by 
 desire of the Duke, to spend one year at 
 Tubingen, till some suitable person could be pro- 
 cured to occupy that important situation. He 
 deplores the general state of literature through- 
 out the whole of Upper Germany, and expresses 
 great anxiety to ameliorate the state of the 
 Academy, foj 
 
 He was doomed to incur in consequence of 
 this journey what he so often experienced, the 
 attacks of malevolence. A variety of vexatious 
 reports were put in circulation, and instantly 
 credited by the weak and the wicked propaga- 
 tors of mischief. Some asserted that he had 
 separated from the Reformers and quarrelled 
 with Luther, to whom his philosophical notions 
 were disagreeable — that he would not return to 
 Wittemberg, or if he did, no further cordiality 
 was likely to subsist between them. The sowers 
 of dissension however were disappointed of the 
 produce they anxiously expected. His methods 
 
 (o) Melancth. Ep. IX. ad Joan Brentium. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 381 
 
 of conveying instruction^ and especially his uni- 
 form and zealous efforts to purify the logic of 
 the schools, and terminate the endless disputa- 
 tions of former times by introducing juster prin- 
 ciples of reasoning, were exceedingly grateful, 
 instead of being, as his adversaries calunmiously 
 misrepresented, disgusting to Martin Luther. 
 That eminent Reformer always sought his ad- 
 vice, and with his characteristic ingenuousness 
 acknowledged his superiority. 
 
 An anecdote which is related of them is 
 confirmatory of this statement. Luther was 
 writing the following words, " Res et verba 
 Philippus ; verba sine rebus Erasmus ; res sine 
 verbis Lutherus ; nee res, nee verba Carolostad- 
 ius." Philip Melancthon is both substance and 
 words — Erasmus words imthout substance — Luther 
 substance without ivords — Carlostadt 7ieither sub- 
 stance nor words^^ — when Melancthon came in 
 unexpectedly, and overlooking him said with a 
 smile, " As to Erasmus and Carlostadt it is well 
 judged and censured, but too much is attributed 
 to me, and good words as well as matter ought 
 to be ascribed to Luther, for he speaks exceed- 
 ingly well." (o) 
 
 Among a variety of other important la- 
 bours, Melancthon was very much occupied at 
 this time with the furious zealots who had 
 
 (p) CoLLOQ. Mensal. p. 510. 
 
382 LIFE OF ME LAN CT HON. 
 
 created so much disturbance in Germany under 
 the name of Anabaptists. During the temporary 
 removal of the Academy to Jena, he and Cruci- 
 ger were indefatigable in their efforts to reclaim 
 them, and it must be owned were in some de- 
 gree succesful. Melancthon wrote an excel- 
 lent treatise against them in the German lan- 
 guage.(rj 
 
 Soon after his return from Jena, he was 
 engaged in a conference with Bucer and 
 Capito on the sacramental controversy. Pur- 
 suing with unabated ardour the great purpose 
 of a general re-union among the Reformers, 
 Bucer and Capito had repaired, in the month 
 of January, to an assembly of the ministers 
 and magistrates of the Reformed Cantons of 
 Switzerland, at Basil. They urged a union 
 with the Lutherans, which they deemed more 
 than ever probable from their decreased ani- 
 mosity. A meeting w^as afterwards convened in 
 May at Eisenach, to which the Swiss divines 
 sent their confession of faith ; but as Luther 
 could not personally attend, Bucer and Capito 
 proceeded to Wittemberg, where, after several 
 conferences with him and his associates, Me- 
 lancthon was appointed to draw up a formula 
 on the sacrament, which, it is remarkable, the 
 inflexible Lutherans, the moderate Reformers, 
 
 (q) Seckend. Hist. Luth. Lib. III. p. \\5. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 383 
 
 and the whole Synod composed of the ministers 
 of Upper Germany, concurred in signing. Thus 
 the purpose of unanimity was obtained to a very 
 considerable extent, and was celebrated on the 
 occasion with great mutual congratulations \(t) 
 though it may be questioned, from a perusal of 
 this document, whether Bucer and his mode- 
 rating associate did not manifest too much of a 
 servile and temporizing flexibility. 
 
 (r) Myconius says, •' Proruperunt lacrymae Capitoiii et 
 Bucero et utrinqiie cancellatis manibus et gestibus piis Deo 
 gratias egimus." 
 
( 384 ) 
 
 CHAP. X, 
 
 >->->->""<-<..4..< 
 
 A. D. 1537 to A. D. 1545. 
 >.>-►•>....<-<..< .< 
 
 A General Council proposed — Meeting at Smalcald 
 — Melancthon writes on the Pope's Supremacy, and 
 against the manner of appointing the Council — Com- 
 munications imth Francis I. — Passage from the 
 ^ece^s of Smalcald — Melancthon is solicited to visit 
 Augsburg respecting the institution of a Public Li- 
 brary — Letter of Cardinal Sadolet — A second Com- 
 mission from Henry VIII. — Persons sent into Eng- 
 land — Melancthon' s Letter to the king — Second Letter 
 against the Anabaptists — Another Deputation fro7n 
 Frankfort — Melancthon' s third and fourth Letters 
 to the ki?ig — Death of George of Saxony — Progress of 
 the Reformation — Diet held at Haguenaw — Melanc- 
 thon' s dangerous illness on the way — Interesting ac- 
 count of Luther's visit to him — Another Diet at 
 Worms — Referred to Ratisbon — Melancthon meets 
 with an Accident on the Road — Conference between 
 Select Persons — Augsburg Decree confirmed — Seve- 
 ral Anecdotes of Melancthon — Contentions about the 
 Election of a Bishop at Naumburg — Account of 
 Melancthon and Bucer's co-operation voiih the Arch- 
 bishop of Cologne, to introduce the Reformation 
 into his Diocese — Acrimonious Publication of some 
 of the Clergy — Melancthon' s satirical Reply — Pri- 
 
LtJE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 385 
 
 vate Afflictions—Draws up a Plan of Reform for 
 the Elector Palatine— Engages in the Ordination 
 of George Prince of Anhalt— Sketch of his Life- 
 Epigram by Melanctiion. 
 
 Paul III. who had succeeded to the Pope- 
 dom in the year 1534, appeared more dis- 
 posed than his predecessor to convene a general 
 Council, and sent circular letters throughout the 
 states under his jurisdiction, appointing a time 
 and place, namely, the twenty-seventh of May, 
 1537, at Mantua. The confederate Protestant 
 Princes re-assembled together at Smalcald, and 
 in the February preceding the proposed Council, 
 Vorstius, the Papal Nuncio, and Heldus, Vice- 
 Chancellor to the Emperor, came to announce 
 it, and exhort them to attend. This occasioned 
 long and close deliberations. 
 
 The Wittemberg Theologians were sum- 
 moned to the meeting at Smalcald, and as 
 Luther w^as incapable of attending in conse- 
 quence of a severe illness, the chief trouble, 
 accompanied as usual with no inconsiderable 
 odium, devolved upon Melancthon. They were 
 required to make an accurate comparison of the 
 different sentiments which prevailed among 
 themselves, in order to terminate the existing 
 disputes, and devise some common form of doc- 
 trine for the Protestant churches ; then to deter- 
 mine upon those articles of faith which from 
 their radical importance were to be retained and 
 
 cc 
 
386 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 avowed at all hazards, in order linally to ascer- 
 tain what might be conceded to the Catholics 
 for the sake of restoring peace and harmony, (s) 
 Whether from the flattering caresses of 
 others, or from the deliberate judgment and af- 
 fectionate disposition of his own mind, Melanc- 
 thon could not be induced to renounce the hope 
 of promoting concord, not only between those 
 who were perpetually contending on the subject 
 of the Sacramental controversy, but between the 
 Reformers and Catholics. With respect to the 
 first question, relative to an examination of the 
 points of difference which divided the Reform- 
 ers themselves, he complains that a calm and 
 impartial investigation could not be obtained, 
 owing to the rigidity of some, and the appre- 
 hension of others lest instead of promoting har- 
 mony, the discussion of these differences should 
 inflame resentment. With respect to the se- 
 cond, he was deputed to compose an essay on the 
 power and primacy of the Roman Pontiff, and 
 on the jurisdiction of bishops. This performance 
 proved of signal use, and was noticed with mark- 
 ed approbation in the Recess or Decree of the 
 Convention, (t) It exceedingly confirmed the 
 minds of all, and removed the suspicions which 
 
 (s) Melancth. Ep. Lib. IV. ep. 196 ad Cameiarium* 
 Pezel. L. I. p. 269. 
 
 (t) " Postqiiara Theologos nosfros primarius et SacrcT 
 Scripturae peritos hie congrcgavimus, illi de omnibus articiilis 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON, 387 
 
 his calumniators had excited even in the Elector 
 himself, who did not sufficiently distinguish be- 
 tween a bias to Popery and that strong desire for 
 peace which Melancthon laboured to effect, and 
 which he cherished the hope of obtaining without 
 the sacrifice of principle. He thought it proper to 
 contend only about essentials ; here he was firm — 
 in other respects he aimed w^ith incessant, but 
 useless toil, to produce reconciliation. In fact 
 the standard of his piety was superior to that of 
 the age in which he lived, and unlikely to be 
 duly appreciated or sufficiently influential in 
 the boisterous hour of religious innovation. 
 The performance referred to was written 
 with no less zeal against the excessive do- 
 mination of Rome and her ecclesiastics than 
 Luther himself would have displayed, though 
 with milder words ; and it affirmed that little or 
 no hope could be entertained of the results of a 
 Council so constituted as that to which the 
 Pope had summoned the Princes of Christen- 
 dom. Similar sentiments are expressed in the 
 correspondence which was carried on between 
 the confederate Princes and the king of France. 
 In the preceding year Francis had written letters 
 
 .confessionis & apologias quam Augustas exhibuimus, Christi- 
 anum habuerunt colloquium et per Dei gratiam unanimiter in 
 omnibus inter se consenserunt; articulum vero de primatu 
 Pontificis Romani latius & melius conceperunt, ut scrip- 
 turn ostendit,'" 
 
 cc2 
 
388 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 to the assembly, which intimated some offence. 
 He perceived, he said, from the report of hi^ 
 ambassador, that they did not cherish exactly 
 the sentiments he had expected, but he was 
 disposed to overlook any contempt they had 
 manifested, from his ardent desire to promote a 
 general union in Christendom, especially be- 
 tween Germany and France ; and he was desirous 
 they should send a deputation to him. They 
 replied in letters written in their name by Me- 
 lancthon, who may perhaps not inaptly be termed 
 the pen of the Refonnathn, — '^ That they certainly 
 had intended no contempt, and fully concurred 
 in his views respecting mutual union. They 
 excused themselves from sending deputies as 
 he desired, not feeling themselves warranted to 
 do so ; and with respect to a Council, if it were 
 not free, but ordered by the Pope merely for the 
 purpose of condemning them, it would confirm 
 instead of remove abuses, and inflame greater 
 discord. They alleged the Bull itself, in which 
 their sentiments were condemned already, as 
 a proof that the Council would not be a free 
 one." The King replied in a courteous manner 
 declaring that on this subject they were com- 
 pletely agreed. 
 
 It is due to the Princes assembled at Smal- 
 oald to introduce the following passage from 
 their Recess, (u) " As it has hitherto been the 
 (u) Seckend. Hist. Luth. Lib. III. p. 157. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 389 
 
 case, and still is, that some who pretend to holy 
 orders adhere to the Popish doctrines and cere- 
 monies, and cannot agree with our faith nor 
 conform to om- worship, whence monasteries 
 and other ecclesiastical property have or will 
 hereafter come into our hands, the Keverend 
 and Spiritual Christian Teachers, Preachers and 
 Pastors have advised and requested us that some 
 of this property should be devoted to the honour 
 of God and the advantage of the Christian 
 cause, as our pious will may direct; we there- 
 fore unanimously agree, that the parochial 
 churches in our several districts and jurisdic- 
 tions, shall be provided with learned, pious and 
 lionourable Teachers, Preachers and Pastors ; 
 and that in their different situations they be 
 maintained in a decent and respectable way 
 with their wives and families. Also we appoint 
 Superintendants to watch over the said Pastors 
 and Ministers, that they keep sound doctrine 
 and live and walk as becometh Christians, 
 And we order the provision of suitable Funds 
 for Schools of Education, adapted to the local 
 circumstances of each district, that youth may 
 be trained up therein in good morals and sound 
 learning, so that our churches may not in future 
 be unsupplied with suitable Pastors and Minis- 
 ters. We further order proper Funds to be ap^ 
 propriated to the use of those who shall devote 
 thernselves principally to the study of the sacred 
 
390 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 Scriptures, Moreover, we order the erection and 
 endowment of Hospitals for the reception of the 
 poor of both sexes ; and in fine, that every one 
 in every place shall exert himself to cause such 
 institutions to be erected, provided and sup- 
 ported, wherever the necessity exists, and what- 
 ever else the duty of Christian Princes and Ma- 
 gistrates may require." 
 
 Melancthon was solicited by the Senate of 
 the city of Augsburg to pay them a visit, but 
 many and weighty reasons induced him to de- 
 cline their invitation. They were about esta- 
 blishing a public library, and even applied to the 
 Elector to permit this visit ; but he answered that 
 he could not possibly spare him, both on ac- 
 count of the discussions upon the subject of a 
 general Council, and of the great resort of stu- 
 dents to Wittemberg. (x) 
 
 In fact, Melancthon could not commiand a 
 moment's leisure, and in addition to his exer- 
 tions in the public cause, he was incessantly 
 pestered with the reproaches of the malevolent 
 who misinterpreted all his actions, and wnth 
 the unjust censures of many with whom he 
 was connected who disliked his conciliating 
 spirit. It was reported that in consequence of 
 considerable differences of opinion which occa- 
 sioned some discussion at Smalcald, he was 
 
 (x) Gassar. Annal. MSS. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. ,591 
 
 alienated from his own party, and several Princes 
 studiously endeavoured to induce him to relin- 
 quish his existing" engagements, and hecome a 
 professor in their Universities; but he never 
 sought private emolument or honour to the 
 neglect of public duty, and therefore could 
 not be gained. But as his friend and biographer 
 Camerarius remarks, no integrity or innocence 
 of character can escape suspicion and slander. 
 He could not even . receive a letter from the 
 learned Sadolet^ because it came from Italy^ 
 without being exposed to suspicion and charged 
 with the crime of being connected with Catho- 
 lics. This letter is produced by Camerarius as 
 a specimen of that elegant latinity for which the 
 writer was distinguished ; we may be allowed to 
 translate it as being no less honourable to the 
 spirit and character of him who wrote than of 
 him who received it. 
 
 '' James Sadolet, Cardinal of Carpentras, 
 sends his most affectionate salutations to 
 Phihp Melancthon. 
 " During my residence at Carpentras^ 
 w^here I had imagined myself fixed for life, but 
 whence I am suddenly recalled to Rome by the 
 mandate of the Pope, I was perpetually con- 
 versant with your writings, which I read both 
 on account of the ability they discovered and 
 the general elegance of the composition. Often 
 
392 LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 
 
 in the midst of this pleasurable employment? 
 I became gradually enflamed with affection, 
 and cherished a great anxiety to commence 
 a friendship with you. For although some 
 difference of opinion exists between us, this 
 need not cause dissension among well educated 
 men. 
 
 " At the moment I was deliberating about 
 writing to you to open, so to speak, the doors of 
 friendship, suddenly I was sent for to Rome, on 
 account of an approaching Council, and a con- 
 sultation respecting various affairs, on which it 
 would become necessary soon to deliberate. I 
 had superintended my spiritual charge for the 
 period of ten years, when thus summoned by 
 the secret appointment of the best and wisest of 
 Pontiffs, to be invested, ignorant and unskilled 
 as I was, with the dignified office of Cardinal. 
 This occasioned delay in transmitting as I 
 wished a letter to you : for it is impossible to 
 express how many anxieties, cares and troubles, 
 the translation from my former peaceful and 
 happy life into a tumultuous and bustling one, 
 has occasioned me. This indeed was sure 
 to happen, for my judgment avoided it and 
 followed my former course of life. Both, how- 
 ever, fell out contrary to my original inclinations, 
 so that I cannv t rejoice in what I was unwilling 
 to possess, and not be unaffected with grief in 
 losing what I wished to enjoy. But thus ap- 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 393 
 
 pointed by the providence of God, I shall en- 
 deavour by his aid properly and fully to dis- 
 charge this honourable office. 
 
 '' As my mind begins to emerge from the 
 erowd of difficulties which beset me, I have 
 resolved no longer to defer writing, and thus 
 give you a pledge, my dear Philip, of my 
 affection and of your attraction. My esteem 
 arises from your exemplary virtues, and may I 
 not hope that you will equally reciprocate it 
 from your native kindness ? You will, I doubt 
 not, accede to my request and eager desire of 
 friendly intercourse. I am not one of those who 
 instantly cherish a violent hatred because an- 
 other differs in opinion, an arrogance and a 
 vanity to which my nature is totally repugnant. 
 I honour intellect, virtue and literature, which, 
 as you possess them in no common degree, 
 excite a proportionate regard for you. I doubt 
 not your sentiments are similar to my own : for 
 a person so accomplished in elegant literature 
 cannot be otherwise than kind and courteous, 
 and I indulge the greatest confidence that my 
 letters will not be unacceptable, because how- 
 ever disjoined by distance of place, we may be 
 united in spirit and affection. The object of my 
 greatest anxiety and desire therefore is, to per- 
 suade you to admit me into a principal share of 
 that regard you feel for those, and I know they 
 must be very numerous, who have been induced 
 
394 LIFE OF MKLANCTIION. 
 
 from the celebrity of your name to solicit your 
 friendship. Nothing would afford me greater 
 pleasure than to have an opportunity of ex- 
 pressing and proving my attachment to you^ and 
 if you will furnish me with any such occasion, 
 I shall esteem it as a high obligation. I am 
 ready with the greatest zeal to do whatever I 
 know may be gratifying to you ; no one shall 
 exceed me. Attachment to you and the nature 
 of my office^ require a constant concern for 
 literary men. Farewell, most learned Melanc- 
 thon, and let me share your best aiTections. 
 Rome, JuIu 15, 153 
 
 7." 
 
 The justice of Luther's remark upon the 
 preceding letter may be left to the reader's own 
 determination. "^ Sadolet," says he^ " who 
 had been the Pope's Secretary fifteen years, a 
 very witty and learned man, wrote in a most 
 courteous manner to Philip Meiancthon, but 
 exceeding craftily, according to the Italian 
 custom, in order that, through a Cardinalate, they 
 might have bought him on their side, which 
 was done by the Pope's directions; for the good 
 gentleman, Mr. Pope, is much perplexed, not 
 knowing how to fall upon us,"(>/; 
 
 Application was again made from the Court 
 of Great Britain for a deputation of the Saxon 
 divines and Reformers to take a journey, for the 
 
 (y) CoLLOQ. Mensal. p. 409. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 395 
 
 purpose of conferring with learned men of that 
 kingdom about ecclesiastical and other impor- 
 tant aflairs. William Paget and Christopher 
 Mount were employed on this mission. They 
 were instructed to go through France and act in 
 concurrence with the King, and Gardiner the 
 English ambassador at the French Court: but the 
 main purpose of Henry VIII. was to induce the 
 German princes to disregard both the Emperor 
 and the Pope, and to refer all the points of dif- 
 ference to himself aud the King of France. fsj 
 A visit from Melancthon in particular was ex- 
 ceedingly urged, but year after year slipt away, 
 and other concerns occupying his attention the 
 journey was never accomplished. 
 
 A legation however was sent consisting of 
 Francis Burkhard or Burgart, Vice-Chancellor 
 of the Elector of &xony, George a Boneyburg^ 
 a Nobleman, a Doctor of Laws, and Frederic 
 Myconius, superinLendant of Sax e- Got ha. The 
 former was charged v/ith a letter from Melanc- 
 thon to the King, in which he expresses his 
 affectionate friendship for the Vice-Chancellor, 
 who would be able to explain his high regard for 
 his Majesty and his disposition to devote him- 
 self to the public good by the illustration of 
 Christian truth. " Private men," says he, 
 " very much need the aid of distinguished 
 princes and states, and your Majesty has 
 
 (z) Herbert's Life of Henry VIII. p. 425. 
 
396 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 excited the greatest hopes in every country 
 that you would promote the wishes of the pious 
 for the Reformation of the churches. What else 
 does the Papal faction aim at than the total ex- 
 tinction of divine truth and the infliction of the 
 most barbarous cruelties upon Kings, Princes 
 and nations, and the support of the Catholic 
 abuses by a system of boundless tyranny in the 
 church ? Such being the dangerous situation of 
 her affairs, I will not cease to exhort and im- 
 plore your Majesty to pay attention to the cir- 
 cumstances of the Christian church now a sup- 
 pliant at your feet, to promote some firm and 
 durable union, and to dissuade other princes 
 from connecting themselves with Popish coun- 
 sels. This is an affair of the greatest impor- 
 tance, and therefore worthy the attention of 
 a King so superior to others in learning and 
 wisdom. 'Ya) 
 
 The ambassadors were received in the most 
 courteous manner, and the Kingof England fre- 
 quently expressed his anxious desire to see Me- 
 lancthon.f^J But nothing of any consequence 
 v/as eflfected by this journey, and the com- 
 missioners were at length dismissed with strong 
 protestations of royal friendship and an invitation 
 to return during the ensuing year. The King 
 
 (a) The original letter is preserved in the British Museum, 
 CotL MSS. Cleop. E. 6. 
 
 (b) Seckend. Hist. Lib. III. p. 180. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 397 
 
 sent letters to the Elector of Saxony full of the 
 strongest professions of kindness to himself and 
 the reformed cause, and expressive of the 
 greatest anxiety to enjoy a visit from Melanc- 
 thon, " from whose distinguished erudition and 
 sound judgment all good men/' says he, "form 
 the highest expectations." 
 
 The princes having discovered by means of 
 some intercepted letters a secret correspondence 
 between the German and English Anabaptists, 
 wrote a long and elegant epistle to Henry VIII. 
 containing a statement of the pernicious doc- 
 trines these persons so eagerly disseminated, and 
 warning him of the danger likely to result from 
 their fanatical proceedings unless prevented by 
 a bold and timely interference. This epistle was 
 composed by Melancthon.(c) 
 
 A Protestant conference was held at Frank- 
 fort in the beginning of the year 1539, to which 
 place Melancthon accompanied his prince. Vio- 
 lent proceedings being apprehended he was de- 
 puted to write a paper on the subject of lawful 
 defence, which he executed with great care and 
 success. From this assembly a deputation was 
 sent into England, which carried another of 
 his letters to Henry VIII. for, being affected 
 by the testimony of his friends respecting the 
 royal benignity, and desirous of promoting 
 in the king every good inclination, he thought 
 
 (c) Seckend. Hist. Lib. III. p. 180. 
 
398 I.1FE OF MELANCTlioN. 
 
 it proper to cherish this correspondence. His 
 letter dated Frankfort, March 26, 1539, was 
 calculated to produce a good effect. After ex- 
 pressing his grateful sense of his Majesty's re- 
 gard for him, which was manifested afresh in his 
 discourses with the commissioners, he proceeds, 
 '* I commend the cause of the Christian religion 
 to your Majesty's attention, for your Majesty 
 knows that the most important duty of great 
 princes is to regard and promote heavenly truth, 
 on which account God associates them with him- 
 self in the office of ruling. I am desirous as I have 
 written before, that a union upon the basis of 
 doctrinal agreement should be effected among 
 those churches which reject the domination of 
 E.ome. This would tend to promote the glory 
 of God and conduce to general tranquillity. 
 Your Majesty has happily begun the removal of 
 some superstitious practices, I entreat you to 
 proceed to others. The intention of our adver- 
 saries is apparent, but they can never suppress 
 our doctrine ; God himself will be the keeper of 
 our states and princes. They are always most 
 anxious for public peace and tranquillity, but 
 if our enemies resort to arms the princes will not 
 be deficient in their duty. I frequently call to 
 mind the inscription upon one of King Edward's 
 coins, " Jesus aidem transiehat per medium 
 eorum'''' Jesus passed through the midst of 
 themy by which that w^ise monarch doubtless 
 
LI/FE OF MELANC^THON. 399 
 
 intended to intimate that the governors of king- 
 doms are divinely protected whilst they defend 
 righteous causes ; and, indeed, that it is truly 
 heroic to bear arms in defence of the church 
 against tyrants. It is said that Ajax asked 
 Achilles what were the greatest and most diffi-^ 
 cult of all labours ? To which he replied, " those 
 which are undertaken for friends." Ajax in- 
 quired again, '^ What then were the most plea- 
 sant and easy?" He answered, '^ the same." 
 The hero intimated by this reply, that nothing 
 could be more delightful than to perform even 
 the severest duties for the public good, and that 
 he could cheerfully sustain the heaviest cares for 
 this purpose. Such was their greatness of mind 
 who were ignorant of the true God ^ how much 
 more does it become Christian princes to endure 
 labour and danger for the church of Christ, when 
 they know that they are divinely appointed to this 
 office and are promised celestial rewards for their 
 services. I will not cease therefore to exhort 
 your Majesty to persevere in promoting the cause 
 of the Christian church, and in resisting the ty- 
 ranny and violence of its adversaries. "(^6(J 
 
 Melancthon addressed letters also to Crom- 
 well and Cranmer, and afterwards being denied 
 a journey to England by the Elector, who acted 
 with the concurrent advice of Luther, from an 
 
 (d) The original letter is in the British MirSEUM, Cott, 
 MSS. Cleop.E. 5. 
 
400 LIFE f F MELANCTMOX. 
 
 opinion that nothing could be done with the in- 
 fatuated monarch; he again, at the instigation 
 of the Landgrave of Hesse, wrote him a long 
 epistle in a most magnanimous spirit, many parts 
 of which merit quotation, (e) " Many pious and 
 learned men in Germany have indulged the hope 
 that your Majesty's authority would have pro- 
 duced a considerable alteration in the conduct 
 of other Kings, and that the German princes in 
 particular might have been influenced to relin- 
 quish the unworthy cruelty of their proceedings 
 and deliberate on the correction of abuses. You 
 w^ere hailed as the promoter and leader of this 
 most holy and> illustrious design. Now, alas! 
 your prejudices have wounded our minds most 
 deeply : the animosity of other princes is con- 
 firmed, the vexatious obstinancy of the impious 
 is increased, and the ancient errors are strength- 
 ened. The bishops no doubt contend that they 
 do not maintain errors, but true doctrines and 
 a divine right ; and though by no means 
 ignorant that they are in fact opposed to the 
 divine authority and the apostolical constitution 
 of the church, yet men will find out very fine 
 interpretations, (jo(pa ^ap/m/ca artfid poisons as 
 Euripides calls them, when policy requires it, 
 
 (d) Melancth. Ep. Lib. I. 28. It is dated 1529 by 
 mistake, instead of 1539. Comp. Pezel. Consil. Theol. P. I. 
 p. 343. Melancth. Op. Tom. IV. 
 
LIFE OF MELA^THON. 401 
 
 in order to furnish a specious pretext for their 
 errors. Sophisms of this description may not be 
 so much admired in England for their wisdom, 
 but they are very much in repute at RomxC, 
 where the Cardinals Contaranus, Sadolet and 
 Pole, are applying a new paint and varnish to ol * 
 abuses. In Germany these sophisms have de- 
 praved the minds of many persons of distinction, 
 and I am not surprized that multitudes are de- 
 luded by such fallacies; and though you are nei- 
 ther deficient in erudition nor in judgment, yet 
 even wise men are sometimes diverted from the 
 truth by specious arguments. 
 
 " It cannot be denied that the church of 
 Christ was for a long period veiled in tremend- 
 ous darkness. Human traditions, the torment 
 of pious minds, were most shamefully introduced 
 to the utter corruption of divine worship. Vows, 
 gifts, vestments, meats and drinks, a vain repeti- 
 tion of prayers, indulgencies, and the worship of 
 images with every species of manifest idolatry 
 being substituted for the true service of God, ex- 
 hibited a striking resemblance between the reli- 
 gion of heathens and of Rome. The real doc- 
 trines of repentance and forgiveness of sin through 
 faith in Jesus Christ, justification by faith, the 
 distinction of Law and Gospel and the use of 
 the Sacraments were unknown. The keys of 
 authority were given into the hands of the Pope 
 to support his tyranny both in civil and eccle- 
 
 Dd 
 
402 MFE0F MELANCTIIOX. 
 
 siastical affairs. The law of celibacy produced 
 licentiousness of manners^ but God has in some 
 measure dispersed the darkness by the reformed 
 doctrine^ for this light of truth which now shines 
 in the churches must be attributed to him^ be- 
 wjause no human skill could have removed the 
 prevailing errors. The Spirit of God has pre- 
 dicted that in the last times a violent contention 
 would arise between the Saints and Antichrist^ 
 and that Antichrist supported by bishops^ de- 
 ceivers and princes, would oppose the truth and 
 slay the pious. These very things are at this 
 moment transacted. The tyranny of the Romish 
 hierarchy has partly introduced and ^lartly con- 
 firmed the existing abuses, and as Daniel j)re- 
 dicted, ' his look is more stout than his fel- 
 lows.' (f) We rejoiced in the separation of your 
 Majesty and hoped that the English church 
 v/ould flourish again, but alas ! your bishops still 
 adhere to Antichrist in all his idolatries and 
 errors. The Articles they have published are 
 most craftily selected and support every human 
 tradition, especially vows, celibacy and confes- 
 sion. In retaining the doctrine of private masses 
 they not only confirm priestly domination, but 
 every dangerous error of Popery, artfully 
 avoiding improvement that their dignity and 
 wealth may be secure. That this is the work 
 of the bi^shops is obvious ; it speaks for itself. 
 (f) Dan. vii. 20. 
 
LIFE OF iMELANCTIJON. 403 
 
 ^' I implore you by our Lord Jesus Christ to 
 mitigate and amend this episcopal decree, by 
 doing which you will both consult the glory of 
 Christ and the welfare of all your churches. 
 May you regard the ardent desires of the pious 
 throughout the world that Kings would use 
 their influence to effect a Reformation of the 
 church, to remove unauthorized services and to 
 propagate evangelical truth ! May you consider 
 those holy persons who are in bonds for the 
 gospel and are the true members of Christ ! for if 
 this decree be not cancelled the bishops will 
 practise their severities to an incalculable ex- 
 tent. Satan himself can alone inspire this op- 
 position to Christ; they minister to his rage; 
 he impels them to these cruel massacres. All 
 good men entreat and implore you not to listen 
 to the impious, the cruel sentiments, and so- 
 phistical cavils in circulation against us, but to 
 regard our just and well-founded petition. In 
 doing this, you will secure no doubt a great and 
 a divine reward, as w^ell as the highest degree of 
 celebrity among all Christians. Jesus Christ 
 himself will judge of the conduct of men to his 
 church, and while human language exists these 
 transactions will be transmitted to all future 
 ao-es. If our churches be indeed the churches 
 of Christ and we seek his glory, the cause will 
 never want patrons and protectors, who will be- 
 stov/ due praises on the deserving, and merited 
 
 Dd2 
 
404 LIFE OJ, MELANCTIION. 
 
 contempt on the persecutor. Hungry, thirsty, 
 naked, bound, Christ himself complains of the 
 fury of the Romish hierarchy and the iniquitous 
 severities practised by many Kings and Princes : 
 he entreats for the wounded members of his 
 body, that his true church may be defended and 
 the gospel honoured ; — to acknowledge, to enter- 
 tain, to minister to him, is the duty of a pious 
 King, and a most grateful service to God." 
 
 New cares and labours awaited Melancthon 
 upon his return from Frankfort, but they were 
 pleasurable ones. George, Duke of Saxony, 
 Sovereign of Misnia and Thuringia, the invete- 
 rate enemy of the Reformation being dead, his 
 brother Henry who succeeded to his dominions 
 espoused it with the utmost zeal. Melancthon 
 and Luther were immediately employed to regu- 
 late the affairs of the University at Leipsic and 
 to investigate the state of the churches, (g) 
 The Reformed cause now rapidly spread in every 
 direction, and other princes especially Joachim 
 II. the Elector of Brandenburg and son-in-law 
 to Sigismund the King of Poland embraced it. 
 Raynald quotes some letters written by Coch- 
 leeus, in which he imputes the blarne, as he calls 
 it, of this change, to Melancthon and Vicelius ; 
 and Seckendorf has preserved a pleasing letter 
 on the subject composed by the former, addressed 
 
 (g) Cam. Vit. MeL 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 405 
 
 in the name of the Elector of Brandenburg to 
 the Polish sovere'ign/h) 
 
 The Protestants having solicited the Em- 
 peror to appoint a general conference between 
 them and the Catholics, in conformity with the 
 resolutions which had been adopted for this pur- 
 pose at Frankfort, he directed them previously 
 to deliberate on the concessions they were pre- 
 pared to make to their adversaries. They met 
 at Smalcald in the year 1540, and replied by the 
 pen of Melancthon, that they should adhere to 
 their Confession at Augsburg and the subsequent 
 Apology (i) Amidst a multiplicity of other 
 public engagements he found time also to write 
 a long and admirable vindication of the Re- 
 formers, addressed in the name of the Elector of 
 Saxony and the confederate princes, to Charles 
 V. ; and another piece against Sebastian Frank^ 
 Caspar Schwenckfeld and others, who main- 
 tained fanatical opinions, and pretended to ex- 
 traordinary revelations. 
 
 The Diet which the Emperor had appointed 
 
 (h) Seckend. Hist. Luth. Lib. III. p. 234 and 241. 
 
 (i) Melancthon in a letter to Camerarius says, " all the 
 Theologians agreed that the bishops should enjoy their jurisdiction, 
 if they would embrace evangelical truth and remove abuses out 
 of the church." Nothing of this kind however is inserted in the 
 decree of the convention. Mel. Ep. Lib. IV. ep, 222. 
 Seckend. Hist. Lib. III. p. 258. 
 
406 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 to be held at Spires, was in consequence of the 
 plague removed to Haguenaw. On his way 
 thither Melancthon became dangerously ill, 
 his disorder arising chiefly from the morbid 
 melancholy incident to his constitution. The 
 immediate cause of his present extreme de- 
 jection of mind is to be traced to the mis- 
 conduct of the Landgrave of Hesse, who was 
 forming an illicit connexion, which Melancthon 
 foresaw would prove detrimental to the Re- 
 formation by furnishing an occasion of re- 
 proach to its virulent adversaries. Varillas 
 and Bossuet are by no means backward to 
 avail themselves of the circumstance.^ ^J Being 
 in consequence of this indisposition detained at 
 Vinaria, he experienced the kindest attentions 
 from the Elector and his friends, who immedia- 
 tely sent for George Sturciad, a physician of 
 Erfurt to whom he was peculiarly attached. 
 Luther also hastened to his friend ; and his 
 cheering presence contributed not a little to aid 
 the powers of medicine in producing his conva- 
 lescence. As he had previously felt a deep per- 
 suasion that he should die, he had written his 
 will and deposited it with Cruciger ;f/) and on 
 
 (k) Melancth. Ep. ad BucarcL Mythoh. ap Pezel. Con?. 
 p. 394. Seckend. Hist. Lib. JII. p. 277. Bossuet Hist. 
 des Variations. 
 
 (I) Vid. Appendix IX. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 407 
 
 his way while crossing the Elbe^ he suddenly 
 uttered what happily proved an unfounded pre- 
 diction : 
 
 '• Viximus in Synodis et jam moriemur in illis." 
 
 In councils we have lived, in councils now shall die. (m) 
 
 The interesting account written by Solomon 
 Glass and preserved amongst the original manu- 
 scripts of the German princes, shall be presented 
 to the En2:lish reader. " When Luther arrived 
 he found Melancthon apparently dying. His 
 eyes were dim, his understanding almost gone, 
 his tongue faultering, his learning imperfect, his 
 countenance fallen, incapable of distinguishing 
 any one, and indisposed to all nourishment. At 
 such a sight Luther was in the most terrible con- 
 sternation, and turning to those who had accom- 
 panied him in his journey, exclaimed, ^ Alas, 
 that the devil should have thus unstrung so fine 
 an instrument !' — Then in a supplicating posture 
 he devoutly prayed, ^ We implore thee, O Lord 
 our God, we cast all our burdens on thee and 
 WILL CRY TILL THOU HEAREST US, pleading all the 
 promises which can be found in the Holy Scrip- 
 ture respecting thy hearing prayer, so that 
 Tiiou MUST INDEED HEAR US to preserve at all 
 future periods our entire confidence in thine 
 
 (m) Adam. Vit. Germ. Theologorum. Cam. Vit. MeL 
 
408 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 own promises.'f^^J After this he seized hold of 
 Melancthon's hand, and well knowing the ex- 
 treme anxiety of his mind and the troubled 
 state of his conscience, said, ' Be of good cou- 
 rage, Philip, YOU SHALL NOT DIE .* although 
 God has always a sufficient reason for re- 
 moving us hence, he willeth not the death 
 of a sinner but rather that he should be 
 converted and live,' — it is his delight to impart 
 life, not to inflict death. God has received into 
 his favour the greatest sinners that ever existed 
 in the world, namely Adam and Eve, much more 
 will he not cast thee off my dear Philip, or per- 
 mit thee to perish in grief and guilt. Do not 
 
 (71) This petition is translated literally from the original 
 German. " Allda miiste mir iinser Herr Gott herhalten 
 denn ich warff ihm denn sack fur die thiir und riebe ihm 
 die ohren mit alien promissionibus exaudiendarum precum 
 die ich aits der heiligen schrift zii erzehlen wuste dass er 
 inich mxiste erhoren^ wo ich anderst seinen verheissimgen trauen 
 solte."" Seckendorf remarks that this language is so peculiar 
 and forcible as scarcely to admit of being properly rendered 
 into Latin, and the same may be said of English. His 
 words and version are as follow ; " Parrhesia ha^c vix e.\primi 
 Latine potest, sensus est, Se cum Deo magna cum confidentid 
 egisse, omnesque ei objecisse et veluti inculcasse^ qiUB ex Scrip- 
 turis alhgari pole? ant, promissiones de audiendis precibus^ 
 itaque cogebatur (an) me exaudire, si fiduciam meam in promis- 
 siones Sims conservare vellet.'' Seckend. Hist. Lib. IIL 
 p. 314. 
 
LIFE OF M ELANCTIIO N. 409 
 
 therefore give way to this miserable dejection 
 and destroy thyself, but trust in the Lord who 
 can remove it and impart new life.' While he 
 thus spake, Melancthon began visibly to revive, 
 as though his spirit came again, and was shortly 
 restored to his usual health." 
 
 After his recovery Melancthon wrote thus 
 to Camerarius, " I cannot express the pain I 
 have suffered during my illness, some returns of 
 which I often feel. I witnessed at that period 
 the deep sympathy of Luther, but he restrained 
 his anxieties that he might not increase mine, 
 endeavouring to raise me from my desponding 
 state of mind, not only by admitting kind conso- 
 lation but salutary reproof. If he had not come 
 to me I should certainly have died." To Bur- 
 cardus Mythobius he wrote, " In the summer I 
 received two letters from you, the one at Smal- 
 cald, the other in Thuringia, at a time when 
 I was confined by extreme illness occasioned 
 only by overwhelming anxiety of mind on 
 account of some affairs relative to others, of 
 which you also complain. I must have died if 
 Luther had not recalled me from the gates of 
 death." 
 
 The Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave 
 of Hesse not being present at Haguenaw, no 
 conclusive measures were adopted, but another 
 Diet was appointed to meet at Worms in Octo- 
 ber. Thither the Emperor dispatched his Com- 
 
410 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 missioner, Nicholas Granville^ and the Pope 
 his Nuncio, Campegius Bishop of Filfcri : Ver- 
 gerius also appeared in the name of the king 
 of France. It was long before the preliminary 
 arrangements could be adjusted. On the twen- 
 ty-eighth of November Melancthon thus ad- 
 dresses his friend Jerome Baumgartner. " The 
 church of God does not often engage the serious 
 attention of Kings, Pontiffs and Princes; for 
 their minds are devoted to ambitious pro- 
 jects, and other occupations. Truth is more 
 generally esteemed and the church upheld by 
 private persons and families ; it was not one of 
 the kings of Phoenicia or Syria that cherished 
 Elijah, but a poor v/idow, in whose house the 
 true religion was maintained. Jonah is said to 
 have been the son of a widow. Abraham, Isaac 
 and Jacob were not only private individuals, 
 but exiles ; and therefore I trust that God will 
 still preserve his church amidst the present 
 troubles. I exhort you to pursue your pious 
 labours and cares with increased alacrity and 
 renewed hope. The history of our convention 
 may soon be told : nothing is done except deli- 
 berating about the plan of conducting the dis- 
 putations. You remember the saying of Aris- 
 totle, ' It would be a happy thing for the world 
 if artists were to be made the sole judges of the 
 arts'^ — but we are favoured with canonists and 
 nobility as arbitrators, who are quite unac- 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 411 
 
 quainted with our concerns, and these again have 
 certain managers, as they are termed on the 
 stage, or, as ^schines calls them, 7?£^irp,o/ucfraT>K 
 ayopac pettifoggers of the forum who cajole the 
 
 public.'Y^J 
 
 In a letter to Granville he intimates his 
 opinion, " that good humoured discussion might 
 tend to remove sophisms and obscurities out of 
 the way, and diminish the number of existing 
 differences : at the same time he nobly avows 
 his dislike of all inexplicitness and dissimulation 
 which rather perplex than disentangle con« 
 troversies ; resolving for his part, whether in 
 private or public conferences, to speak what 
 
 HE THINKS, FIRMLY BUT MODESTLY, AND TO 
 CONCEDE WHAT HE DEEMS MAY BE CONCEDED, 
 WITH UNAMBIGUOUS INGENUOUSNESS."(jC>J 
 
 The conference being at length opened in 
 January, 1541, a debate between Eckius and 
 Melancthon ensued. The latter characterizes 
 his antagonist as an apt disputant, but " mor^ 
 solicitous of contending for the prize of ingenuity 
 than for truth. 'Y^rJ At the close of the third 
 day Granville received an order from the Em- 
 peror to suspend the proceedings, and meet 
 him in person at a Diet which he appomted at 
 Ratisbon. It was opened early in the spring, 
 
 (o) Melancth. Ep. 51. ad Hieronym. Baumgartneninu 
 
 (p) Melancth. Ep. Lib. II. 2. 
 
 (q) Melancth. Acta Wormat. ap. Pref. 
 
412 LIFJE OF MELANCTirON. 
 
 and all the Princes of the Empire were either 
 personally present or sent deputies. Unfor- 
 tunately in going Melancthon was overturned in 
 the vehicle in which he travelled, which ac- 
 cident, though it was not a fatal one, so essen- 
 tially injured his right hand, that he never after- 
 wards recovered the proper use of it. His wrist 
 was dislocated by the fall.fr) 
 
 The Catholics and Protestants having 
 agreed to a proposal by the Emperor that 
 the controversies about religion should be settled 
 by conference between select persons from both 
 parties, his Imperial Majesty claiming the right 
 of nomination, chose Julius Pflug, John Eckius, 
 and John Gropper on the one side, and Philip 
 Melancthon, Martin Bucer, and John Pistorius 
 on the other. They were commanded to lay 
 aside all passion, and respect only the glory of 
 God. Granville, the Emperor's prime minister 
 and commissioner at the conference, delivered 
 a book to this Committee, which he said the 
 Emperor desired them to peruse, but they 
 were at liberty to approve or amend it as 
 they pleased. It contained twenty-two arti- 
 
 (r) " In aditu Bavariae dextra mihi, cum eveiteretur currus 
 quo vehebar, adeb duriter quassata est, ut ossa er KapTrw, ut Me- 
 dici vocant, luxata sint. Ideo nunc sine cruciatu liteias pingere 
 non possum. Mel.4NCTh. Ep. Lib. I. 41. ad Dom. Georg; 
 Princip. Anhalt. Comp. Cam. Vit. Mel. Mel. Adam. Vit. 
 Germ. Theologorum. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 413 
 
 cles, and was supposed to be written by Grop- 
 ■pei\(s) This paper was artfully constructed^ 
 but only led to long and fruitless discussions. 
 Both parties appear to have raised objections 
 against it ; and Melancthon remarks in writing 
 to one of his friends^ that Eckius declared in a 
 letter to the assembly of Princes, that he never 
 had and never would approve this book, because 
 it Melancthonized too much, for he suspected it 
 to be either his dictation, or written with his 
 advice and concurrence. But he totally dis- 
 claims it, and says that Eckius injured Gropper 
 by this imputation. r^j The legate however 
 resented the Protestant objections, and the Diet 
 was concluded by his Imperial Majesty's com- 
 manding that the Augsburg decree should con- 
 tinue in force, and all prosecutions in the Impe- 
 rial chamber be suspended. (z^ J 
 
 In the course of the late discussions Me- 
 lancthon remarked, that " the Sacrament had 
 no significance beyond its divinely appointed 
 use, and that Christ was not present for the 
 sake of the bread but of the recipient ;" a sen- 
 timent which so delighted Luther when it was 
 
 (s) It is also attributed to Cochlseus and to Bucer. 
 (i) Melancth. Ep. 16. ad Brentium, 
 (u) At Ratisbon every effort was made to discredit Melanc- 
 thon with the Emperor ; but he a.ddressed a letter to him refuting 
 ftvery charge in the most satisfactory manner. Melancth. Ep. 
 Lib. II. i. 
 
414 LIFE OF MELAXCTIION. 
 
 repeated to him, that he exclaimed, " Made 
 Philippe, til eripiiisti Pontificiis quod ego non 
 ausus fuissem ; i. e. " Admirable Philip, thou 
 hast seized from the Popedom what I should 
 not have dared to attempt!'' Eckius himself 
 was exceedingly confounded, and as persons 
 commonly do in similar circumstances, he 
 uttered a violent speech in default of argu- 
 ment, and went home in a fit of indignation, 
 which together with an unusual quantity of 
 wine at supper the same evening, operated 
 so powerfully as to produce a fever. He 
 never again returned to the conference. Gran- 
 ville appears to have been considerably af- 
 fected by his opponent's statements, for a few 
 days afterwards he said, " I have been thinking, 
 Philip, for these several days past, very closely 
 upon your arguments, and I really perceive this 
 controversy to be a most difficult one, and well 
 worthy of itself to occupy the attention of a 
 Council." 
 
 Melancthon had declared at the commence- 
 ment of these discussions, Se mori malle, quam 
 comcientiam ^ veritatem Icedere ^ certissimh ex 
 lYKBrore moriturum^ si idfaceret: " that he would 
 rather die than injure truth and violate his con- 
 science, and certainly if he could possibly act 
 so he should die with grief;" a noble declaration, 
 and finely illustrated by the following inci- 
 dent. Eckius, during the heat of disputation. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 415 
 
 m^de use of gome puzzling sophism, at which 
 Melancthon paused, to revolve the statement 
 in his mind, and at length replied, " I will 
 give you an answer to-morrow." " Oh," said 
 his antagonist, " there is no merit or honour ia 
 that, if you cannot answer me immediately." 
 To which he replied in these memorable words, 
 " Mi Doctor, non qucero meam gloriam hoc in 
 negocio, sed veritatem: eras, volente Deo, me 
 audies. My good Doctor, I am not seeking 
 
 MY OWN GLORY IN THIS BUSINESS, BUT TRUTH: 
 
 I say then, God willing, you shall have an 
 answer to-morrow. "(^07 J 
 
 The same remarkable superiority of mind 
 to all the incentives of ambition, was apparent 
 in every part of his conduct. As he did not 
 pursue fame but truth, in his numerous con- 
 ferences with the Catholics, so he did not aspire 
 after rewards, but the promotion of the public 
 good, in his Academical labours. * Indeed he 
 was almost scrupulous to an extreme. Luther, 
 in a letter addressed to the Elector of Saxony 
 on the third of July, mentions Melancthon's 
 hesitating to accept an increase of his salary to 
 the amount of a hundred florins, and his wish to 
 continue his Greek Lectures without any re- 
 muneration that the ordinary stipend might be 
 devoted to augment the revenue of the Uni- 
 
 (x) Adam. Vit. Germ. Theologorum. 
 
416 LIFE OF MELANCTHOX. 
 
 versity. " But," says Luther, " he has sus- 
 tained the greatest share of Academical labour 
 for upwards of twenty years past, and surely he 
 has the greatest right to enjoy in quiet some of 
 the profits. The junior masters, who are his 
 scholars, are capable of teaching the Greek 
 language. He has been a kind of general ser- 
 vant to the whole institution, and well merits 
 the bounty of your Highness, The whole Chris- 
 tian world is his debtor, and blessed be God, the 
 Popish fraternity are more afraid of him and 
 his SCHOLARS than all the learned besides put 
 togetherr(y) 
 
 A long and violent altercation between the 
 Elector and the Popish party at Naumburg 
 respecting the election of a bishop, occupied a 
 considerable part of the year 1542. The state 
 of the district rendered it a question of great im- 
 portance. The majority of the ecclesiastical 
 orders adhered to the degrading superstitions of 
 Popery ; but the inhabitants both of the towns 
 and villages in the vicinity of the Electorate 
 were panting to enjoy the doctrines of the Re- 
 formation. The Catholic influence w^as exerted 
 to introduce Julius Pflug, one of the persons 
 appointed in the select Committee at the recent 
 conferences of Ratisbon, a man estimable in 
 himself^ but a decided Papist ; the Elector on 
 
 (yy Seckend. Hist Lib. III. p. 3J6 and 381. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 41^ 
 
 the other hand, tenacious of his right of no- 
 mination, and anxious to introduce a Reformer, 
 after long and mature deliberations fixed upon 
 Nicholas Amsdorff, who was eventually install- 
 ed. On this occasion Luther and Melancthon, 
 with many persons of eminence attended. The 
 account of the popish writer Maimbourg is suf- 
 ficiently amusing. After intimating his dis- 
 pleasure at the pride and insolence of the abettors 
 of Lutheranism subsequently to the Council of 
 Ratisbon, and mentioning the choice of Julius 
 Pflug, he says, " the Duke of Saxony openly 
 declared the election invalid, because he did not 
 conform to the Augsburg confession, and no- 
 minated Nicholas Amsdorff in his stead, one of 
 the principal and most zealous of the Lutherans, 
 7ipon whom his master Luther, who played the 
 Pope at Wittemhurg, laid his hands and made 
 him a bishop T The Emperor felt also ex- 
 cessively exasperated at these proceedings ; 
 but desired Pflug to exercise patience, " for," 
 says he " your cause shall be mine ;" and ac- 
 cordingly a few years afterwards he employed 
 the strong arm of imperial power to eject Ams- 
 dorff, who fled to Magdeburg, instating Pflug in 
 the diocese of Saxe-Naumburg. (z) 
 
 It was a mortifying circumstance to the 
 
 (z) Adam. Tit. Germ. Theol. p. 69, 70. Seckend. Hist. 
 Lib. III. p. 382 and 392. 
 
 E e 
 
418 LIFE OF MELAN€THON, 
 
 Papists that the wide-spreading light of the 
 Reformation extended at length into Cologne ; 
 and that the Archbishop and Elector Herman- 
 nus^ or Herman^ Count de Wied, whom Maim- 
 bourg and other writers highly panegyrize^ both 
 for his personal accomplishments and ardent 
 zeal for the Catholic religion, became anxious at 
 this period to reform his diocese. It was not 
 indeed a sudden or momentary feeling. At the 
 time of the Protestant convention at Frankfort, 
 in the year 1539, the Archbishop sent Peter 
 Medmannus to confer with Melancthon, and to 
 request a visit from him ; but he could at that 
 time only return a congratulatory letter, in 
 which he says, that " though his Lordship's 
 personal regard to him was most grateful to his 
 feelings, yet he w^as still more rejoiced on ac- 
 count of the public cause, as the Archbishop 
 appeared desirous of applying proper remedies 
 to heal the wounds of the church, instead of 
 adopting measures calculated only to inflame 
 and exasperate them." (a) Towards the close of 
 1541, Hermannus sent for Martin Bucer, and 
 had several conferences with him in the follow- 
 ing year at Bonne ; the result of which was a 
 resolution to confer with proper persons, and 
 pursue effectual means for the reformation of his 
 diocese. On the fifteenth of January, 1543, 
 
 (a) Melancth. Ep. Lib. III. ep. 38. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON* 419 
 
 he dispatched letters to the Elector of Saxony, 
 requesting him to allow Melancthon to come ; 
 who replied, after a considerable lapse of time, 
 that he had given him permission to be absent 
 from the University six or seven weeks. The 
 letters of Melancthon sufficiently explain the 
 transactions at Bonne. To Luther he writes 
 thus on the nineteenth of May. " The Bishop 
 wishes a formulary of doctrines and ceremonies 
 to be drawn up, similar to that of the Nuremberg 
 church, and to be given to him for his inspec- 
 tion. I have been engaged in this the last three 
 days. He is desirous of introducing pure doc- 
 trinal truth, and of exterminating whatever 
 rites are now publicly practised in opposition to 
 it; but the Canons in general resist this inno. 
 vation, though there are some amongst them 
 who aim to restrain the violence of their bre- 
 thren. The Bishop has been fiercely threatened 
 to be driven from his dignity ; on which account 
 the Landgrave has written to the College, and 
 openly avowed his own determination, and that 
 of the confederate Princes, to unite, if it be 
 requisite, in his defence. All the cities ex- 
 cepting Cologne, including the major part of the 
 nobility are desirous of a better ecclesiastical 
 constitution, which they see plainly enough to 
 , be necessary. I do believe that scarcely any 
 part of Germany was in so barbarous and heathen- 
 ish a state as this, which the prevailing idolatrous 
 
 £ e 2 
 
420 LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 
 
 practices sufficiently evince ; but I perceive the 
 discourses ©f Bucer and Pistorius are much re- 
 garded, and I think they preach the truth. 
 There are others also who teach the people 
 sound doctrine, and administer the Sacraments as 
 they ought, in some of the neighbouring towns 
 and villages." In another letter, addressed to 
 Camerarius, he says, " You could not witness 
 without tears the wretched state of these churches, 
 in which the people are daily crowding to the 
 images, and this with the ignorant multitude is 
 the sum and substance of religion, (h) The 
 aged Prince rightly judges, that reform is neces- 
 sary, and seeks to introduce it. I have only at 
 present begun the formulary of doctrine and ce- 
 remonies vv^hich is to be proposed to the churches. 
 A few assist thePrince ; at Cologne he is 
 opposed, but in various places are to be found 
 men of piety and correct sentiments." Again 
 upon his return in August he writes, "^ After 
 Bucer and myself had finished our work for the 
 regulation of the churches, the aged Bishop, 
 sending for his Dean and assistant Stolbergius, 
 a man of sense, and some other leading persons, 
 
 (h) He makes similar complaints in letters addressed from 
 Bonne to his friends Pomeranus and Caspar Cruciger. He 
 speaks of the Pasters, where any were to be found, as of the 
 most illiterate class. " Pastores aiit nulli sunt, aut indoctissimi, 
 Tota religio populi est in adorandis statuis." Melancth. Ep. 
 Lib, 1. 83, 84. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 421 
 
 desired me to read through the whole book in 
 their presence, to which he paid the greatest 
 attention, remarking upon many parts of it, 
 sometimes suggesting very proper alterations, 
 sometimes after discussing a point submitting to 
 our opinion in preference to his own. This la- 
 bour occupied four hours every morning in six 
 successive days. I wondered at the assiduity 
 and diligence of the old man.'Y^J 
 
 When the Archbishop presented the Arti- 
 cles, which the deputation of Reformers had 
 drawn up, to the Chapter at Cologne ; they 
 requested time to examine it, while the Pro- 
 testant doctors were expelled the city. With 
 the former request he readily complied, but 
 alleged in reference to the latter, he could not 
 consent unless they were convicted of false 
 doctrines and immoral conduct. An acrimo- 
 nious publication under the following title soon 
 appeared ; " Judicium Deputatorum Universita- 
 tis et Secundarii Cleri Coloniensis de Doctrind et 
 Vocatiom Martini Buceri ;^^ upon which Me- 
 lancthon remarks ; '' The publications of the 
 
 (c) Melancth. Ep. Lib. T. ep. 74. Lib. IV. ep. 298, and 
 ep. 304. In a letter to one of his other friends, dated Bonne, 
 he mentions that the Archbishop turned to Luther's German 
 Version of the Scriptures to verify every quotation. Mel. 
 Ep. ad Joan. C(Bsar. Bossuet exhibits the g'ood Archbishop 
 in a very different light. HisU des Variations^ Tom. I. 
 p. 456. 
 
422 LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 
 
 Cologonians is issued. It is not so much against 
 Bucer as against the doctrine of our churches in 
 general, and against our princes. It is the wor- 
 thy effort of a well-fed Carmelite, and priest of 
 Bacchus and Venus. They had entitled it, " The 
 Judgment of the Clergy and the University ;'^^ 
 but when some of the more sane members of the 
 College saw it, and perceived it was much more 
 worthy of buffoons than of Clergymen, they 
 insisted upon a change of the title and protested 
 they did not approve such a production ; upon 
 which, instead of The Clergy, it was agreed 
 to use the term Inferior Clergy, by which some 
 understand the baser description. Lutheranism 
 is prodigiously railed at ; and upon the subject 
 of marriage the vilest and most obscene language 
 is used, such as would almost disgrace a pros- 
 titute. The jests are culled from the comedies 
 of Plautus, whose writings 1 dare say are more 
 charming to this Carmelite than tl^e Psalms of 
 David.'Yc/; 
 
 Bucer and Melancthon both published a 
 reply to this nnclerical publication ; that of the 
 latter is one of his very best writings. He first 
 singles out the dissentient individuals, for whom 
 he cherishes a sincere regard ; and then with a 
 cogency of argument and a pungency of satire, 
 
 (d) Pezel. Cons. Tom. I. p. 536. Melancth. Ep, 
 Lib. IlI.ep. 75. 
 
LIFE OF MELANOTHON. 423 
 
 attacks the remaining part of the fraternity. 
 He tells them that neither Eckius nor Pighius, 
 madly as they wrote^, ever equalled the atro- 
 cious language of these Colognians. He jokes 
 upon the word secundarius in the title-page, 
 and supposes they mean the low and degenerate 
 part of the community. On the subject of the 
 mass he remarks, that there is no more reason 
 for adoring the bread in the Sacrament of the 
 supper, than the water in the ordinance of bap- 
 tism. " If Ambrose and Augustine were to 
 rise from the dead, to say nothing of the apos- 
 tles, and to witness the superstitious mockeries 
 now practised, the long processions of wooden, 
 silver, and marble^j mages, the superintendants 
 and expositors of sacred mysteries carrying 
 about the bread, and the surrounding multitude 
 prostrating themselves in adoration of it, they 
 would be alarmed, and ready to ask into what 
 heathen land they had got, and what new 
 ceremonies were invented since their day, fo^ 
 they could not imagine themselves in Chris- 
 tian churches. But when they came to be 
 informed that this was the manner in which 
 the Lord's Supper was observed, they would 
 burn w^ith grief and indignation, and begin to 
 exhort the people to return to the genuine use 
 of the Sacrament, and to the proper services of 
 religion. There was formerly a custom of a si- 
 milar nature prevalent in Persia, in which the 
 
424 LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 
 
 sacred fire was carried al)out to be worshipped 
 by the populace^ and three hundred and sixty- 
 five priests, answering in number to the days of 
 the year, led the way, carrying particular en- 
 signs." To this statement he adds a solemn 
 exhortation and relates a circumstance, which 
 he declares he received from the best authority, 
 respecting a priest who went to Tubingen, 
 where he carried about some relics consisting of 
 bones, promissing to every one that kissed them 
 a security from the plague during the period of 
 a whole year. When Prince Eberhard, who 
 was possessed both of wisdom and influence, 
 had him taken up for his ridiculous impudence, 
 the priest alleged that he had certainly stated 
 what was most true, because the people did 
 not in fact kiss the relics, but only the glass 
 case in which they were put! " Such," says 
 Melancthon, " are the miserable shifts to 
 which you resort to excuse your ecclesiasti- 
 cal abuses, and think to escape the censures 
 of the pious : the people in the mean time 
 being confirmed in error and superstition." 
 He ridicules their pretended attempts at re- 
 form representing them as " willing to wipe 
 the dust off the images in their temples, to 
 new colour the old worn out pictures upon 
 the walls, and passing an oracular decree to 
 double the size of the square altars, that they 
 may have a more magnificent appearance. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 425 
 
 They enact laws ag-ainst letting the beards 
 grow^ and concerning the vain repetition of 
 unintelligible prayers. These are the mighty 
 things which they require to be restored, 
 and which they complain of the Prince for 
 hindering."fej 
 
 Unhappily, in consequence of the firm 
 resistance of the chancellor, canons and divines 
 of Cologne, to the reforming plans of the good 
 Archbishop, the Popish religion was still main- 
 tained in that Electorate. They did not hesi- 
 tate to avow " that they would rather live 
 under a Turkish government than under a ma- 
 gistrate who approved and defended such a re- 
 formation." But the city of Hildesheim abo- 
 lished the Catholic superstitions, and embraced 
 the Protestant faith. f/j 
 
 The University of Wittemberg received 
 their illustrious Professor with the most marked 
 respect, after he had finished the transactions at 
 
 (c) The Pope thinking it necessary to shew the Protes- 
 tants that he was not averse to every kind of reformation, had 
 appointed four Cardinals and five other eminent persons to draw 
 up a plan for the reformation of the church; but it was ex- 
 tremely supei-ficial and partial. It was published about the 
 year 1539 at Antwerp, with the answer of Cochlapus to the 
 objections of Sturmius, who, as well as Luther and Melancthoa 
 had turned it into ridicule. In tliis plan the most intolerable 
 grievances of which the Protestants complained are left totally 
 unredressed. 
 
 (f) DUPIN. 
 
426 LIFE OF MELA NCT HON. 
 
 Cologne. Sensible of the lustre his still in- 
 creasing celebrity shed upon their whole body, 
 impressed with a deep sense of his public efforts 
 in the cause of the Reformation, his academical 
 labours and his numerous private virtues, he 
 was welcomed home by a sort of public en- 
 trance. The students and most of the profes- 
 sors in the different branches of literature, 
 went out to meet him on the road, and to 
 hail his return. fg^ 
 
 But the cup of human life is never reple- 
 nished with unmingled good ; the sweet and 
 the bitter are mixed in their due proportions by 
 an all~wise providence. It seems upon a close 
 inspection as if human happiness were more 
 equally distributed by the unsparing hand of 
 divine liberality than the envious and the pe- 
 tulant too frequently imagine. Great talents, 
 or external splendours are sometimes connected 
 with inward heartburnings and domestic anxie- 
 ties ; while poverty and rags are often the only 
 patrimony of noble and wisely contented spirits. 
 Sorrow, like death, visits alike the palace and 
 the cottage. f/i J Melancthon became at this 
 period involved in the utmost perj^lexity and 
 grief by the improper behaviour of one of his 
 
 Oj;) Cam. Vit. Mel. 
 
 (h) JEi(\uo pulsat pedo pauperum tabcrnas 
 Regumque turres. HoR. 
 
J.IFE OF MELANCTIION. 427 
 
 sons-in-law, and the removal of his daughter 
 into Prussia, circumstances which have been 
 mentioned in an early part of this work, in con- 
 nexion with a view of his domestic charac- 
 ter, (i) His mind, always tending to despond- 
 ency, was much agitated also by the loss of 
 several of his friends, particularly Valerius Cor- 
 dus, a person of elegant taste and extensive 
 erudition. His death occurred at Rome, and 
 was supposed to have originated in excessive 
 fatigue, incurred by a laborious search, amongst 
 the cold mountains and vallies of Italy, after 
 herbs, roots and plants for medical purposes, to 
 which he was devoted. The Sacramental con- 
 troversy was renewed with increased asperity, 
 and so violent was Luther, and so conciliating 
 was Melancthon, that, availing themselves of 
 the favourable moment, their mutual enemies 
 attempted to foment their dissension, but m 
 vain ; for though at one period a cloud seemed 
 to be gathering over the brightness of their friend- 
 ship, it soon entirely disappeared. In fact Lu- 
 ther seems to have kindled with unusual rage 
 against the Sacramentarians, and to have used 
 a provoking intemperance of language, which, 
 though his conscientious convictions and the 
 barbarous usages of the age may be admitted 
 as some extenuation, could not by any means 
 
 (i) Vid. Ch. 4. 
 
428 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 be approved by his amiable friend. At the same 
 time the Protestants in France were in a de- 
 plorable situation^ and Francis and Charles V. 
 were engaged in a furious war, which however 
 terminated in September, 1544, by a treaty of 
 peace at Crespy. 
 
 The Elector Palatine Frederic^, successor to 
 Lewis^ being animated with zeal to reform the 
 churches under his jurisdiction, obtained in the 
 beginning of the year 1545 a plan for this pur- 
 pose, drawn up by Melancthon, and presented 
 with his signature, in conjunction with those of 
 Luther, Bugenhagen or Pomeranus, Cruciger 
 and Major. It is a judicious compendium, in six 
 divisions, stated in these words : (h) 
 
 " The true and salutary administration of 
 the Christian Church chiefly consists in these 
 six particulars : 
 
 " I. In pure doctrinal truth, which God 
 has revealed, transmitted, and commanded to be 
 taught in his church. 
 
 " II. In the legitimate use of the Sacra- 
 ments. 
 
 *' III. In the maintenance of a gospel mi- 
 nistry, and- the due obedience to Pastors, ac- 
 cording to the will of God, who has promised to 
 afford his presence and protection to such a 
 ministry. 
 
 (h) Pezel. Cons. Adam. Vit. Germ. Tlieol. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 429 
 
 ^' IV. In the preservation of strict and holy 
 discipline, by the proper exercise of ecclesias- 
 tical authority and jurisdiction. 
 
 " V. In a proper regard for the establish- 
 ment of schools, and the direction of necessary 
 studies. 
 
 " VI. To these it is proper to add, the 
 support of officers who may be wanted for ne- 
 cessary services in the church." 
 
 Another very important duty in which 
 Melancthon was engaged, was the episcopal 
 ordination of the Prince of Anhalt, which shed 
 such a pleasing lustre on the present year. The 
 reader will not deem it an uninteresting digres- 
 sion to introduce this circumstance in a con» 
 nected but necessarily brief sketch of his life. 
 
 George, Prince of Anhalt, and Count of 
 Ascania, v/as descended from the Dukes of 
 Saxony, and v^as born on the fourteenth of 
 August, 1507. His father, Prince Ernest 
 of Anhalt, gave him a liberal education at the 
 University of Leipsic, under George Forchem^ 
 who was no less celebrated for correctness 
 of conduct than for capacity as a preceptor. Ca- 
 merarius, Cruciger and others studied under 
 this eminent tutor, who had the pleasure of 
 finding in the Prince of Anhalt an apt and 
 diligent scholar. He devoted a considerable 
 degree of attention to the civil law, which his 
 rank in life seemed particularly to require. 
 
430 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 At the age of twenty-two his proficiency 
 in every branch of knowledge, and his re- 
 putation for eloquence were such, that Albert 
 Elector of Mentz chose him to be one of his 
 Council, and he became, in consequence^ very 
 much engaged in state affairs. At the rise of 
 the Reformation his ardent mind soon interested 
 itself in the pursuit of truth ; he perfected him- 
 self in the Greek and Hebrew languages, search- 
 ed the Holy Scriptures with diligent inves- 
 tigation, read the best commentators amongst 
 the Fathers, and cultivated an intercourse with 
 some of the most learned men. Often wnth 
 tears he was known to pray, " Deal with thy 
 servant according to thy mercy, and teach, O 
 teach me thy righteousness !" 
 
 At length he openly embraced the Re- 
 formation, planted seminaries of learning, and 
 strenuously opposed the Popish superstitions. 
 Multitudes saw and rejoiced in the w^ide-spread- 
 ing light, and he constantly co-operated with 
 his brothers in establishing the reformed reli- 
 gion in their respective territories. For the 
 purpose of more extensive usefulness, he was 
 induced in the year 1545, to accept the bishop- 
 ric of Mersburg, in Saxony, an office upon 
 which he entered with fervent prayer, and after- 
 wards discharged with extraordinary assiduity. 
 His letter of episcopal ordination, written by 
 Melancthon, is thus expressed : 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 431 
 
 " We give thanks to God the eternal Father 
 of our Lord Jesus Christ, who of his infinite good- 
 ness has instituted a gospel ministry for the reco- 
 very of the fallen race of mankind, and will main- 
 tain it through the successive ages of time till the 
 resurrection of the dead ; and who raises up learn- 
 ed and suitable persons, giving command to his 
 church that such should be called to the office ; 
 and promises through their ministry to dispense 
 the doctrine of the remission of sins, the gift of 
 the Holy Spirit and eternal life. We beseech 
 him not to permit the light of his gospel to be 
 extinguished, but that he would raise up faith- 
 ful men to advocate and uphold the pure and 
 salutary doctrines of Christ, and now in this 
 territory gather to himself a people to celebrate 
 his praises to eternity. As the most reverend 
 and illustrious George, Prince of Anhalt, 
 Count of Ascania, Lord of Bernburg, 
 &c. appointed to this gospel ministry over the 
 church at Magdeburg, has been called in a regu- 
 lar and pious manner to the discharge of eccle- 
 siastical functions in the bishopric of Mersburg, 
 certain serious and'learned persons who super- 
 intend the neighbouring churches, and whose 
 names are under-written, have been sent for to 
 be present conformably to the custom of the an- 
 cient primitive churches, that they might here 
 give their public testimony of ordination in ad- 
 dition to the general call to the office. We are 
 
432 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 therefore assembled for this purpose because we 
 well know that the illustrious prince George 
 understands and firmly embraces the pure doc- 
 trines of the gospel, which all the churches of 
 God in these parts unite with one voice and one 
 soul with the church universal in professing, and 
 the glory of which is to promote holiness and 
 virtue. We have attended to his ordination in 
 the apostolic manner of laying on of hands ; for 
 Paul admonished Titus that Presbyters should 
 be every where ordained to teach and govern 
 the churches. Be it known that this ordination 
 to an ecclesiastical function derives its authority 
 from apostolic practice, and as priests are ap- 
 pointed to teach and rule churches, to watch 
 over doctrinal sentiments and moral conduct, let 
 the words of the son of God be in constant re- 
 collection, ' When thou art converted strength- 
 en thy brethren.' And as Christ sitteth at the 
 right hand of the Father to give efficacy to the 
 public ministry, we pray that he would rule 
 over this whole district and bless this ordination. 
 ' Whoso loveth me and keepeth my words, him 
 will my Father love ; and we will come to him 
 and make our abode with him.' Such is his 
 promise, and w^e exhort the prince to be encou- 
 raged by the declaration; for though the go- 
 vernment of a church is attended with many 
 and great dangers, nor can human wisdom avail 
 for such an undertaking, yet let him know that 
 
LIFE 01^ MELANCTHON. 433 
 
 God is truly present and will constantly dwell 
 wherever his Gospel is preached ; that he will 
 defend and support it. With this conviction 
 the labours of such a ministry may be under- 
 taken and sustained. Mersburg, Aug. 3, 1545." 
 This eminent person discharged the duties of 
 his sacred office with exemplary diligence. 
 His whole time was devoted to preaching, read- 
 ing, writing, devotional exercises and the affairs 
 of the church. He never intentionally injured 
 any one, but benefitted many both publicly and 
 privately. He was a promoter of peace amongst 
 the princes, settling many of their disputes, and 
 restraining turbulence and faction, being himself 
 superior to all motives of mean ambition. He 
 sustained many and great injuries with the ut- 
 most magnanimity, lived a life of devotion with 
 God and resignation to his will, often admo- 
 nishing others to cultivate similar feelings. After 
 lingering under a painful disease, during which 
 he settled the affairs of his church, engaged in 
 the most ardent devotions, frequently conversed 
 on the most interesting religious topics and 
 daily read the Sacred Scriptures, particularly the 
 prophetic and apostolic writings, '^ on the seven- 
 teenth of October, 1553, his spirit was called 
 away from this mortal state to the assembly of 
 the heavenly church.'^/) 
 
 (0 Adam. Vit. Germ. Theologorum. Fit, Georg. Prin, 
 Anhaltini* 
 
 Ff 
 
434 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 The most celebrated German poets wrote 
 elegies upon his death. Two epigrams by Me- 
 lancthon are preserved^ one of which shall be 
 inserted. 
 
 Ascaniae stirpis virtus est clara triumphis : 
 
 Ordine quos numerant secula longa patrum. 
 Caesar in Adriaco quum gessit littore bellum, 
 
 Et fregit venetas Maxirailianus opes: 
 Duxerat Ascania natiis de stirpe Rodolphus : 
 
 Fixit et in Veneto multa trophaea solo. 
 Nunc ad majora decora, haec laus magna, Georgi, 
 
 Accedit, vere principe digna viro : 
 Quod sic doctrinam reliquis virtutibus addis, 
 
 Ut verum celebres pectore et ore Deum : 
 Et Christi illustres iiigentia munera scriptis; 
 
 Justifica supplex quae capis ipse fide : 
 Exemploque Esdrag populum dum jure gubernas z 
 
 DoctrinaB spargis semina pura simul. 
 Summe Deus, solus qui das felicia regna, 
 
 Ascanios fratres, te precor, ipse regas J 
 
 For ages past behold Ascania's line, 
 
 In martial virtues and achievements shine I 
 
 When through the coasts of Italy afar, 
 
 Imperial prowess poured the tide of war ; 
 
 Then Maximilian— r^then Rodolphus gains 
 
 Trophies of valour on Venetian plains;— 
 
 Still to sustain tlie glory oi' his race 
 
 A George is giv'n, the high descent to grace: 
 
 Though for each manly virtue far renovYu'd, 
 
 With brighter honour, brighter glory crown'd, 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 435 
 
 He lov'd the truth— the God of truth he serv'd, 
 The faith of Christ he honourM and preservM; 
 Like Esdi-a ruling well, but on each hand, 
 Spreading the seeds of truth throughout the land. 
 *Tis thine, Great God! 'tis thine alone to cause 
 Nations to triumph in their kings and laws, 
 To rule o'er rulers, and assign their place ; 
 Oh, condescend to bless the Ascanian race ! 
 
 Ff2 
 
( 43G ) 
 
 CHAP. XI 
 
 A. D. 1546, to A. D. 1550. 
 
 >••>•>•>"••<■•<••<•< 
 
 Persecuting measures — Death of Luther — Melanc^ 
 thon's Funeral ORATiON/br him — Tributary lines 
 — Remarks on the friend ship of Luther and Melanc- 
 thon — Position of Public affairs — The Emperor 
 and the Protestants at open war — Perfidy of Mau- 
 rice — Captivity of John Frederic and imprisonment 
 of the Landgrave — Diet at Augsburg — The Interim 
 Meetings of the Wittemberg and Leipsic Divines — 
 Melancthon's publication on indifferent things — 
 Extracts from his reply to the Interim — Curious 
 preface to an English translation of it — The viru- 
 lent opposition of Flaccus Illyricus to Melancthon 
 — Reply of the latter. 
 
 Persisting in his resolution notwithstand- 
 ing the objections of the Protestants, the Roman 
 Pontiff summoned a general council to be 
 held at Trent, while the Emperor at the Diet 
 of Worms in the year 1545 used every effort to 
 persuade all parties to acquiesce in that appoint- 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 437 
 
 ment. It was in vain ; and the pen of Melanc- 
 thon was again employed to prepare a publica- 
 tion in the name of the Reformers, containmg 
 the chief reasons which induced them to dissent 
 from the Papal decree. It is entitled, " CauscB, 
 quare et amplexce sint, et retinendam ducant doc- 
 trinam, qiiam profitentur Ecclesic^, qu(E Confes- 
 sionem^ AugustcB exhihitam Imperatori sequuntur 
 et quare iniquis judicihus coUectis in Synodo Tri- 
 dentina id vocant, non sit assentiendum ;'' and 
 " on account of the excellence of the matter, the 
 weight of the argument, and a certain original 
 beauty of style, cannot fail of profiting every 
 reader.'Y^y^ It is inserted in the fourth volume 
 of his works. 
 
 The Emperor being exasperated at the con- 
 tinual objections raised against the council, de- 
 parted at last from his usual course of conduct 
 and determined to settle all religious disputes by 
 force of arms. The Elector of iS'axony and the 
 Landgrave of Hesse immediately adopted proper 
 measures for their own defence. At Worms the 
 clergy of Cologne had presented a petition to 
 the Emperor, against the proceedings of their 
 Archbishop in establishing the reformed religion, 
 and he instantly took them into his protection, 
 not only interdicting by his imperial letters any 
 molestation of the Catholics in the electorate^ 
 
 (ni) Seckend. Hist. Lib. III. p. 602. 
 
438 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 but summoning the Elector to appear before 
 bim within thirty days. The Pope issued a 
 similar summons for sixty days to the Arch- 
 bishop, Dean and live Canons of Cologne, who 
 had espoused his cause. In the succeeding 
 January, 1546, the Protestant princes assembled 
 at Frankfort, made common cause with the per- 
 secuted Archbishop^ and united to defend them- 
 selves against the violent designs of the Em- 
 peror, f;z J 
 
 If ever the presiding genius of Martin Lu- 
 ther were requisite to direct the intricate con- 
 cerns of the Reformation, the present crisis 
 seemed particularly to demand his talents. The 
 gathering tempest frowned with a portentous 
 asj)eet upon all Germany ; the newly launched 
 vessel in which many of their princes had em- 
 barked with a noble and adventurous spirit, and 
 which had hitherto been driven about by so 
 many raging winds, became at this time exposed 
 to a storm of unusual violence, and every voice 
 was lifted up to demand the pilotage of the first 
 and in many respects the greatest of the Re- 
 formers. It is not easy therefore to express or 
 imagine the consternation with which the princes 
 and Reformers in general, and his most intimate 
 friend Melancthon in particular received the 
 
 (ill) Sleid. Hist. p. 310, 340, 351, 355, SeckExND. Hist. 
 Lib. III. p. 566, 570, 613. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON, 439 
 
 intelligence of his death at this alarming period* 
 In consequence of repeated attacks of the stone 
 his constitution had been declining for many 
 months, and early in the morning of the eigh- 
 teenth of February, 1546, he died at Eisleben 
 his native place, whither he had gone a second 
 time to settle some existing differences between 
 the Counts of Mansfeld. A few hours after- 
 wards Jonas communicated the melancholy 
 tidings to the Elector of Saxony, and requested 
 his Highness to inform his wife, Melancthon, 
 Pomeranus and Cruciger. In the first journey 
 to Eisleben a short time before, Melancthon had 
 accompanied him and must have deeply re- 
 gretted his absence on the last painful occasion. 
 When he first received the intelligence of his 
 death, he exclaimed, " My Father ! my Father ! 
 the chariot of Israel and the horsemen there- 
 of I'^oJ He was interred at Wittemberg, 
 Pomeranus preached a funeral sermon, and Me- 
 lancthon pronounced the following 
 
 ORATION. 
 
 " Although amidst this general mourning 
 my voice is obstructed by deep affliction and 
 tears, yet something I would attempt to say; 
 not to eulogize the dead as the heathen do, but 
 
 (o) ^KmGSii. 12. 
 
440 
 
 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 to admonish the living in this vast assembly, and 
 especially to impress just sentiments upon the 
 junior part of the auditory respecting the go- 
 vernment of the church and its dangers, that they 
 may learn what to desire and by what examples 
 to regulate their lives. Wicked and infidel men 
 represent every thing in the present apparent 
 confusion of human affairs as the result of mere 
 chance, but confiding in the numerous and ex- 
 plicit declarations of God himself we distinguish 
 the church from the promiscuous multitude of 
 mankind, and affirm it is under divine super- 
 intendance and protection. To this we con- 
 stantly look, obeying our lawful governors, and 
 cherishing a pious reverence for those guides 
 and instructors whom we choose. 
 
 " It will be necessary to advert to these 
 considerations as often as the name of the Re- 
 verend Doctor Martin Luther, our most be- 
 loved father and teacher is introduced, whom 
 we love and honour, detestable as he appears in 
 the eyes of many wicked men, and whom we 
 know to have been raised up by heaven as a mi- 
 nister of the true gospel, by evidences which 
 notwithstanding the charges of our opponents, 
 prove that his doctrines were neither seditious 
 nor dispersed abroad with a blind and impetuous 
 . zeal. 
 
 " In this place and on these occasions, 
 many things are usually said in a panegyrical 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 441 
 
 strain respecting the personal endowments of 
 the deceased; I propose however, to omit these, 
 and advert chiefly to his ecclesiastical function. 
 Intelligent and pious persons will admit, if he 
 were the means of promoting useful and neces- 
 sary truth in the church, we ought to be grateful 
 to the Providence of God for raising up such a 
 light, while his labours, faith, perseverance and 
 other virtues ought to be duly acknowledged 
 and his memory tenderly cherished by all wor- 
 thy men. 
 
 " The Apostle Paul represents Christ as 
 ^ having ascended on high to give gifts unto 
 men,' that is, the preaching of the gospel and the 
 Holy Spirit ; for the purpose of communicating 
 which, ' he gave some apostles, and some pro- 
 phets, and some evangelists, and some pastors 
 and teachers ;Xp) selecting them from amongst 
 those who read, study and delight in the sacred 
 writings. Nor are they only called into the 
 Christian service who occupy the more ordinary 
 stations, but others are frequently introduced 
 under the direction of learned men into this 
 holy w^arfare, and it is both pleasing and profit- 
 able to witness the care of God to his church 
 throughout all ages, in sending a continued suc- 
 cession of useful men, that as some fall in the glo- 
 rious field, others may instantly rush forward to 
 
 (p) Eph. iv. 8. II. 
 
442 LIFE OF MKLANCTHOiV. 
 
 take their places. The first of our race who nobly- 
 occupied the foremost ranks were Adam^ Seth^ 
 Enoch, Methuselah, Noah and Shem. The 
 latter being yet alive and dwelling in the neigh- 
 bourhood of Sodom, when the inhabitants of the 
 earth forgetting the instructions of Noah and 
 Shem, became addicted to idolatry ; God raised 
 up a coadjutor of Shem in the person of Abra- 
 ham, to co-operate in the great work of propa- 
 gating divine truth. To him succeeded Isaac, 
 Jacob and Joseph, who kindled the light of true 
 religion in Egypt, at that period the most flou- 
 rishing empire in the world ; and to them Moses, 
 Joshua, Samuel, David, Elijah and Elisha, 
 Isaiah, Jeremiah, Daniel and Zachariah. After 
 them arose Esdras, Onias and the Maccabees ; 
 then Simeon, Zacharias, John the Baptist, 
 Christ and his Apostles. I am delighted to 
 contemplate this unbroken succession, which 
 affords conspicuous evidence of the presence of 
 God in his church. The apostles were suc- 
 ceeded by a troop, so to speak, of inferior warriors^ 
 but nevertheless distinguished of heaven. Poly- 
 carp, Irenaeus, Gregory of Neoceesarea, Easily 
 Augustin, Prosper, Maximus, Hugo, Bernard, 
 Taulerus and others. And although the latter 
 ages present a more barren prospect, God has 
 always preserved a proportion of his servants 
 upon the earth ; and now through Alartin Luther 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 443 
 
 a more splendid period of light and truth has 
 appeared. 
 
 " To this enumeration of the most eminent 
 among;st the sons of men who gathered and re- 
 formed the church of God^ may be added others 
 who may be regarded as the flower of mankind. 
 Solon, Themistocles, Scipio, Augustus, and 
 others, who either established or ruled over 
 mighty empires were indeed truly great men, 
 but far, far inferior to our illustrious leaders 
 Isaiah, John the Baptist, Paul, Augustin and 
 Luther, and it becomes us to study this dis- 
 tinction. What then are those great and im- 
 portant things which Luther has disclosed to 
 our view, and which render his life so remark- 
 able ; for many are exclaiming against him as 
 a disturber of the church and a promoter of in- 
 explicable controversies ? I answer, that when 
 the Holy Spirit in his regulation of the church 
 reproves the world for sin, dissensions arise out 
 of the pertinacity of wicked men, and they alone 
 are culpable who refuse to listen to the procla- 
 mation of the eternal Father concerning his Son, 
 ' This is my beloved Son, hear him.' Luther 
 explained the true and important doctrine of 
 penitence which was involved in the profoundest 
 darkness. He shewed in what it consists and 
 where refuge and consolation could be obtained 
 under a sense of div4ne displeasure. He illus- 
 trated the statements of Paul respecting justifi- 
 
444 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 cation by faith and shewed the distinction be- 
 tween the law and the gospel, civil and spiritual 
 justification. He pointed out the true princi- 
 ple of prayer and exterminated that heathenish 
 absurdity from the church, that God was not 
 to be invoked if the mind entertained the least 
 doubt upon an academic question. He admo- 
 nished men to pray in the exercise of faith and 
 a good conscience to the only Mediator and Son 
 of God, who is seated at the right hand of the 
 Father making intercession for us, and not to 
 images or deceased saints according to the shock- 
 ing practice of the ignorant multitude. He also 
 pointed out other services acceptable to God, 
 was singularly exemplary himself in all the duties 
 of life, and separated the puerilities of human 
 rites and ceremonies which prevent instead of 
 promoting genuine worship, from those services 
 which are essential to obedience. In order that 
 heavenly truth might be transmitted to poste- 
 rity, he translated the prophetic and apostolic 
 writings into the German language with so much 
 accuracy, that his version of itself places Scrip- 
 ture in a more perspicuous light than most com- 
 mentaries. But he published also various ex-^ 
 positions upon the sacred writings which in the 
 judgment of Erasmus by far excelled all others ; 
 and as it is recorded respecting those who rebuilt 
 Jerusalem, ' with one hand they laid the stones 
 and with the other they held the sword/ so while 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 445 
 
 he composed annotations on Scripture replete 
 with heavenly instruction and consoled afflicted 
 consciences by his pious counsels^ he was neces- 
 sitated at the same time to wage incessant war 
 with the adversaries of evangelical truth. When 
 it is recollected that this truth, especially the 
 doctrine of faith and the remission of sins^ is 
 not discoverable by the merely human eye, it 
 must be acknowledged he was taught of God, 
 and many of us have witnessed his anxious so- 
 licitude to impress the great principle of accept- 
 ance by faith. Multitudes of the saints will 
 therefore praise God to all eternity, for the bene- 
 fits which have accrued to the church by the 
 labours of Luther. To God their gratitude is 
 primarily due, and then they will own them- 
 selves much indebted to his labours, although 
 infidels who ridicule the church in general will 
 consider these noble performances as no better 
 than empty trifling or absolute insanity. The 
 true church does not as some falsely affirm pro- 
 mote intricate disputations, throw out the apple 
 of contention and propose the enigmas of the fa- 
 bled Sphinx ; for to those who judge seriously and 
 without prejudice it is easy from a comparison 
 of opposite opinions to perceive what are con- 
 sonant to the statements of heavenly truth and 
 what are otherwise. Christians are no longer in 
 a state of hesitation on the subject of existing 
 controversies, for when God determined to re- 
 
446 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 veal his will and display his character in tha 
 sacred writings, it is not to be imagined that 
 such a communication would he ambiguous 
 like the leaves of the ancient Sibyl. 
 
 " Some, by no means evil-minded persons 
 however, express a suspicion that Luther mani- 
 fested too much asperity. I will not affirm the 
 reverse, but only quote the language of Eras- 
 mus, ^ God has sent in this latter age a violent 
 physician on account of the magnitude of the 
 existing disorders,' fulfilling by such a dispen- 
 sation the divine message to Jeremiah, ' Be- 
 hold I have put my words in thy mouth. See 
 I have this day set thee over the nations, and 
 over the kingdoms, to root out and pull down, 
 and to destroy and to throw down, to build and 
 to plant.' (q) Nor does God govern his church 
 according to the counsels of men, nor choose to 
 employ instruments like theirs to promote his 
 purposes. But it is usual for inferior minds to 
 dislike those of a more ardent character. When 
 Aristides observed the mighty affairs which 
 Themistocles by the impulse af a superior genius 
 undertook and happily accomplished, although 
 he congratulated the state on the advantage it 
 possessed in such a man, he studied every means 
 to divert his zealous mind from its pursuits. I 
 do not deny that ardent spirits are sometimes 
 
 (q) Jerem. i. 9, ] 0. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 447 
 
 betrayed into undue impetuosity^ for no one is 
 totally exempt from the weaknesses incident to 
 human nature^ but they often merit the praise 
 assigned by the ancient proverb to Hercules, 
 Cimon and other illustrious characters, a/co^;//oc 
 f-dv^ aWd TdfiEjL^a ayaOog ^rough indeed, but distin- 
 guished by the best principles.' So in the 
 Christian church the Apostle Paul mentions 
 sach as ' war a good warfare, holding faith and 
 a good conscience,' (r) and who are both plea- 
 sing to God and estimable amongst pious men. 
 Such an one was Luther, who while he con- 
 stantly defended the pure doctrines of Christi- 
 anity maintained a conscientious integrity of 
 character. No vain licentiousness was ever 
 detected in him, no seditious counsels, but on 
 the contrary, he often urged the most pacific 
 measures ; and never, never did he blend politi* 
 cal artifices for the augmentation of power with 
 ecclesiastical affairs. Such wisdom and such 
 virtue I am persuaded do not result from mere 
 human skill or diligence, but the mind must be 
 divinely influenced, especially when it is of the 
 more rough, elevated and ardent cast like that 
 of Luther. 
 
 " What shall I say of his other virtues? 
 Often have I myself gone to him unawares and 
 ioymd him dissolved in tears and prayers for the 
 
 (r) 1 Tim. i. 18, 19. 
 
448 LIFE OF MCLANCTHON. 
 
 church of Christ. He devoted a certain portion 
 of ahnost every day to the solemn reading of 
 some of the Psahns of David with which he 
 mingled his own supplications amidst sighs and 
 tears; and he has frequently declared how in- 
 dignant he felt against those who hastened over 
 devotional exercises through sloth or the pre- 
 tence of other occupations. On this account^ 
 said he, divine wisdom has prescribed some for- 
 mularies of prayer, that our minds may be in- 
 flamed with devotion by/eading them ; to which 
 in his opinion reading aloud very much con- 
 duced. When a variety of great and important 
 deliberations respecting public dangers have 
 been pending, we have w^itnessed his prodigious 
 vigour of mind, his feai'less and unshaken cou- 
 rage. Faith was his sheet anchor, and by the 
 help of God he was resolved never to be driven 
 from it. Such w^as his penetration, that he per- 
 ceived at once what was to be done in the most 
 perplexing conjunctures; nor was he as some 
 supposed negligent of the public good or disre- 
 gardful of the wishes of others, but he was well 
 acquainted with the interests of the state, and 
 pre-eminently sagacious in discovering the ca- 
 pacity and dispositions of all about him. And 
 although he possessed such extraordinary acute- 
 ness of intellect, he read both ancient and mo- 
 dern ecclesiastical writings with the utmost avi- 
 dity and histories of every kind, applying the 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 4^ 
 
 examples they furnished to existing circum- 
 stances with remarkable dexterity. The unde- 
 caying monuments of his eloquence remain, and 
 in my opinion he equalled any of those who 
 have been most celebrated for their resplendent 
 oratorical powers. 
 
 " The removal of such a character from 
 amongst us, of one who was endowed with the 
 greatest intellectual capacity, well instructed and 
 long experienced in the knowledge of Christian 
 truth, adorned with numerous excellencies and 
 with virtues of the most heroic cast, chosen by 
 divine Providence to reform the church of God, 
 and cherishing for all of us a truly paternal 
 affection — the removal, I say, of such a man 
 demands and justifies our tears. We resemble 
 orphans bereft of an excellent and faithful fa- 
 ther : but while it is necessarv to submit to the 
 will of heaven, let us not allow the memory of 
 his virtues and his good offices to perish. He 
 was an important instrument in the hands of God 
 of public utility ; let us diligently study the 
 truth he taught, imitating in our humble situa- 
 tions his fear of God, his faith, the intensity of 
 his devotions, the integrity of his ministerial 
 character, his purity, his careful avoidance of 
 seditious counsel, his ardent thirst of know- 
 ledge. And as we frequently meditate upon the 
 pious examples of those illustrious guides of the 
 church, Jeremiah John the Baptist and Paul, 
 
 Gg 
 
450 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 whose histories are transmitted to us, so let us 
 frequently reflect upon the doctrine and course 
 of life which distinguished our departed friend. 
 Let the present vast assembly now unite with 
 me in grateful thanks and fervent supplications, 
 saying in the spirit of ardent devotion — ' We give 
 thanks to thee Almighty God, the eternal Father 
 of our Lord Jesus Christ, the author and founder 
 of thy church, together with thy co-eternal Son 
 and the Holy Spirit, wise, good, merciful, just, 
 true, powerful, and soverign, because thou dost 
 gather a heritage for thy Son from amongst 
 the human race, and dost maintain the ministry 
 of the gospel, and hast now reformed thy church 
 by means of Luther; we present our ardent sup- 
 plications that thou wouldst henceforth preserve, 
 fix and impress upon our hearts the doctrines of 
 truth, as Isaiah prayed for his disciples; and that 
 by thy Holy Spirit thou wouldst enflame our 
 minds with a pure devotion, and direct our feet 
 into the paths of holy obedience!' 
 
 ^^ As the removal of illustrious men from 
 the church is frequently a means of punishing 
 their survivors, such of us as are entrusted with 
 the office of tuition, myself personally, and all 
 of us collectively, entreat you to reflect upon the 
 present calamities that threaten the whole earth. 
 Yonder the Turks are advancing, here civil 
 discord threatens, and there other adversa- 
 ries released at last from the apprehension of 
 
J.rrE OF MELANCTHON. 451 
 
 Luther's censures, will proceed with a perverse in- 
 genuity, and with increased boldness to corrupt 
 the genuine truth. That God may avert these 
 evils let us be more diligent in the regulation of 
 our lives and studies, always retaining a deep 
 impression of this sentiment in our minds, that 
 as long as we maintain, hear, obey and love the 
 pure doctrines of the gospel, God will always 
 have a church and a dwelling place among us. 
 ' If,' said Jesus Christ, ' a man love me, he will 
 keep my words ; and my Father w^ill love him, 
 and we will come unto him and make our abode 
 with him.' (s) Encouraged by this ample pro- 
 mise, let us be stimulated to inculcate the truth 
 of heaven, knowing that the church will be the 
 preservation of the human race, and the security 
 of established governments ; and let us constant- 
 ly elevate our minds to that future and eternal 
 state of being, to which God himself calls our 
 attention, who has not given so many witnesses, 
 nor sent his Son into the world in vain, but 
 delights in the communication of these magni- 
 ficent blessings. Amen." 
 
 Melancthon composed, also, the following 
 tributary lines to the memory of Luther : 
 
 Occidit omnigena venerandus laude Lutherus 
 Qui Cliristum docuit non dubitante fide 
 
 (s) John xv. 23. 
 
 Gg2 
 
452 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 Ereptum deflet vero hunc ecclesia luctu 
 Cujus erat doctor, verius, imo pater. 
 Occidit Israel praestans auriga Lutherus 
 Quern mecum sanus lugeat omnis homo 
 Nunc luctumque sunm lacrymoso carmine prodat 
 Hoc etenim orbatos flere, dolore decet. 
 
 Luther, illustrious najne ! is now no more; — 
 Let the true church with streaming eyes deplore 
 A TEACHER firm in faith — nay, rather say 
 A Father, from his children snatch'd away. 
 Luther is gone — ^the Pilot of our course : 
 O let the tearful Muse his name rehearse — 
 Let all the pious join with me to mourn, 
 Orphans should thus bedew a Father's urn. 
 
 The sympathizing heart will naturally lin- 
 ger upon the affecting consideration of Luther's 
 decease* It was the earthly termination of 
 an uninterrupted and unusual intimacy of nearly 
 TWENTY-EIGHT YEARS with Philip Mclanc- 
 thon. To judge of the survivor's feelings re- 
 quires either a mind of remarkable sensibility, 
 or the experience of a similar loss. This depri- 
 vation of Luther's valuable counsels, and friend- 
 ly reproofs, of his consoling sympathy amidst 
 the trials of life, and of his directing wis- 
 dom amidst the peculiar difficulties incident 
 to the circumstances of the age in which 
 they lived, must have inflicted a deep and 
 lasting pang. Their attachment^ founded on 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 453 
 
 principle, was so completely mutual that they 
 were become almost necessary to each other. 
 The agony of separation therefore must have 
 been exquisite y — 
 
 '' O the soft commerce! O the tender ties, 
 Close-twisted with the fibres of the heart! 
 Which, broken, break them; and drain off the soul 
 Of human joy ; and make it pain to live — 
 And is it then to live? When such friends part, 
 'Tis the survivor dies " (t) 
 
 I said it was the earthly termination of their 
 intimacy, for religious friendship can never, 
 never end. If the soul of man be immortal, 
 and if, as seems more than probable, it will 
 carry with it into another world those principles 
 of action, those modes of thinking, those cha- 
 racteristic qualities, which constituted each 
 one's individuality and very being upon earth, 
 then the connexions of time will be perpetuated 
 amidst the raptures of eternity. For though 
 distances and separations are incident to the 
 condition of the present life, it neither comports 
 with our ideas of the benevolence of the Deity, 
 nor with the representations of Scripture, nor 
 indeed with our most ennobling desires and 
 hopes, to suppose these imperfections of our 
 temporal destiny will attach to our future exist- 
 ence. And not only will the recollection of 
 
 (t) Young's Night Thoughts, 5. 
 
454 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 past friendship endear our future intercourse, 
 but the superiority of our celestial character, 
 acquired by a nearer and more constant approach 
 to the source of light and holiness, will in- 
 finitely purify it. Friendship founded on just 
 pnnciples arises from the perception of moral 
 excellence, associated with any other striking 
 or attractive qualities, besides a consciousness 
 of some natural similarity of taste or character; 
 it must be allowed therefore that the increase 
 of what constitutes the principle of mutual 
 attraction, will necessarily produce a propor- 
 tionate increase of attachment. If moral excel- 
 lence be now esteemed in its present imperfect 
 degree and degiaded state, associated as it is 
 with glaring defects, dwarfish in its growth, 
 irregular in its shape and full of infirmity, 
 unquestionably it will prove hereafter in its 
 maturity and glory, a stronger bond of union. 
 And because every principle and faculty is 
 capable of continual improvement, and will 
 hereafter, under happier circumstances, admit 
 of m(.re rapid increase, and more extensive aug- 
 mentation than at present, the friendship of 
 another world may be considered as everlastingly 
 progressive, and, from the constitution of celestial 
 spirits, indissoluble. 
 
 The conduct of Melancthon and Luther 
 to each other, affords an admirable illustration of 
 the true bam of religious friendship. They 
 
LIFE OF MEhANCTUON. 46^ 
 
 were not perfectly agreed^ but they were per- 
 fectly untied. Mutual forbearance admitted the 
 free exercise of an independent mind^ and se- 
 cured the rights of conscience and the purity of 
 principle. Societies have been distracted^ fa- 
 milies divided^ and even empires convulsed^ from 
 the existence of differences in religious senti- 
 ment or practice^ far less considerable than those 
 which subsisted between these eminent friends. 
 They knew each other, and did not allow the 
 whirlwinds of a temporary passion to dissipate 
 feelings founded on the best principles, and che- 
 rished by an unreserved intercourse. There 
 were many who at different times endeavoured 
 to divide them by fomenting discord, in order to 
 gain their respective influence and authority to 
 some other party or interest : but they were too 
 confident in each other, and too well persuaded 
 of the magnitude of the cause which claimed 
 their mutual co-operation and incessant efforts, 
 to be cajoled into disagreement. If, therefore, 
 our friendships were formed upon more solid 
 principles of union than they frequently are, it 
 is obvious they would prove more satisfactory, 
 more beneficial and more permanent. In all 
 our religious intercourse, it would be wise to 
 aim at securing the essentials of Christianity, 
 rather tiian to be solicitous of accomplishing 
 what is notoriously impossible, a perfect agree- 
 ment in points of inferior consideration. The 
 
456 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 pious Baxter has admirably remarked, " Were 
 we all bound together by a confession or sub- 
 scription of the true fundamentals, and those 
 other points that are next to fundamentals only, 
 and there took up our Christianity and unity, 
 yielding' to each other a freedom of differing in 
 smaller or more difficult points, or in expressing 
 ourselves in different terms, and so did live 
 peaceably and lovingly together, notwithstand- 
 ing such differences, as men that all knew the 
 mysteriousness of divinity and the imperfection 
 of their own understandings, and that here we 
 know but in part, and therefore shall most cer- 
 tainly err and differ in part, what a world of 
 mischief might this course prevent ? I oft 
 think on the examples of Luther and Melanc- 
 thon. It was not a few things that they differed 
 in, nor such as would now be accounted small, 
 besides the imperious harshness of Luther's dis- 
 position (as Carolastadius could witness) and 
 yet how sweetly and peaceably and lovingly did 
 they live together, without any breach or dis- 
 agreement considerable. As Mel. Adamus says 
 of them, ' Etsi tempora fuerunt ad distractiones 
 proclivia hominumque levitas dissidiorum cu- 
 pida tamen cum alter alterius vitia nosset, nun- 
 quam inter eos simultas extitit ex qua animorum 
 alienatio subsecuta sit;' — so that their agree- 
 ment arose not hence, that either was free from 
 faults or error, but knowing each other's faults. 
 
LIFE OF MEtANCTHON. 457 
 
 they did more easily bear them. Certainly if 
 every difference in judgment in matters of re- 
 ligion should seem intolerable or make a breach 
 in affection^ then no two men on earth must live 
 together, or tolerate each other, but every man 
 must resolve to live by himself, for no two on 
 earth but differ in one thing or other, except 
 such as take all their faith upon trust, and ex- 
 plicitly believe nothing at all. God hath not 
 made our judgments all of a complexion no 
 more than our faces, nor our knowledge all of a 
 size any more than our bodies ; and methinks they 
 that be not resolved to be any thing in religion, 
 should be afraid of making the articles of their 
 faith so numerous, lest they should shortly 
 become heretics themselves, by disagreeing from 
 themselves ; and they should be afraid of making 
 too strict laws for those that differ in judgment 
 in controvertible points, lest they should shortly 
 change their judgments, and so make a rod for 
 their own backs ; for how know they, in diffi- 
 cult disputable cases, but within this twelve- 
 months, themselves may be of another mind, 
 except they are resolved never to change for 
 fear of incurring the reproach of novelty and 
 mutability ; and then they were best resolve to 
 study no more or ever to be wiser. I would 
 we knew at what age a man must receive this 
 principle against changing his judgment. I am 
 
45S LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 afraid lest at last they should teach it their chil- 
 dren, and lest many divines did learn it too 
 young: and if any besides Christ and his apostles 
 must be standard and foundation of our faith, I 
 would we could certainly tell who they are, for I 
 have heard yet of none but the Pope or his ge- 
 neral Council expressly lay claim to the preroga- 
 tive of infallibility, and I think there is few 
 that have appeared more fallible.'^ ^O 
 
 The principal points of difference between 
 Melancthon and Luther were three : 1. Me- 
 lancthon thought that the ancient form of ec- 
 clesiastical government might be retained, on 
 condition of not annulling the authority of Scrip- 
 tural truth ; to which Luther could not assent. 
 2. Alelancthon conceived that Luther carried 
 his doctrine respecting justification by faith only 
 to such an extent as to nullify the importance 
 and obligation of good works, so that his state- 
 ments required explanation. 3. Melancthon 
 appears to have differed from Luther in his 
 opinion respecting the sacrament particularly 
 in the latter period of his life. He did not believe 
 that the opinions of the Zuinglians ought to oc- 
 casion a disunion among the Reformers ; but 
 Luther was decided upon this point to his 
 dying day. Dr. Maclaine very unnecessarily 
 corrects Dr. Mosheim in his statement of this 
 
 00 Baxter's Saints' Everlasting Rest, p. 559. 4to. 2nd Ed, 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 459 
 
 subject, (x) It is obvious that at first, as 
 Dr. Mosheim represents, " Melanetbon adopted 
 the sentiments of Luther in relation to the Eu- 
 charist," but in consequence of serious examina- 
 tion, his mind became enlightened, so that % 
 admitted the scriptural idea by degrees, and 
 towards the close of his life in his letters to 
 Calvin, intimates his persuasion of the erro- 
 neous and idolatrous nature of the doctrine of 
 consubstantiation. The character of Melanc- 
 thon has been misunderstood on this as on other 
 occasions. It has been intimated that an un- 
 warrantable timidity prevented his avowing ex- 
 plicitly his opinions respecting the Sacrament. 
 It is true it did arise from his apprehension lest 
 such an avowal should inflame discord and 
 injure the great and general cause of the Re- 
 formation. But whether this apprehension were 
 well or ill founded, or whether such a policy 
 were justifiable or unjustifiable (and Vi^e are by 
 no means prepared to defend it) such K'as Me- 
 lanctbon's 7^eal principle of action, and not 
 any mean timidity or fear of personal dan- 
 ger or suffering. If this concealment for the 
 sake of peace had really involved him in 
 personal suffering instead of shielding iiim from 
 it, it is uue to the greatness of his character 
 
 (xO Mosheim Ecdes. Hist. Vol. IV. p. 325. Note (r) 
 8vo. Ed. 
 
460 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 and the conscientious scrupulousness of his mind, 
 to believe he would nevertheless have adhered 
 to it. 
 
 It was not from personal considerations only 
 that Melancthon felt the bitterness of his be- 
 reavement in the death of Luther ; he was sen- 
 sible of the public loss, and of the great and 
 daily increasing difficulties of his own situation. 
 Political affairs had never yet assumed so alarm- 
 ing an appearance, and they became almost 
 identified with ecclesiastical ones, owing to the 
 conspicuous part which was acted by the most 
 distinguished of the German princes. Though 
 during the past ten years he had been called 
 to take the lead in most of the public trans* 
 actions relative to religion, having been em- 
 ployed to write every thing that was to be writ- 
 ten, and to do almost every thing that was to be 
 done, yet he had constantly profited by his un- 
 reserved familiarity with Luther, with whom he 
 consulted and corresponded on every occasion. 
 Now he was required to act in a great measure 
 alone, and in consequence of his rare merit as a 
 divine and a scholar, which had acquired him a 
 high reputation in every country of Europe, he 
 became at once elevated to an undisputed pre- 
 eminence amongst the leading Reformers of 
 the age. 
 
 The zealous efforts of Bucer to unite the 
 Swiss and German churches by an agreement on 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 461 
 
 the subject of the Sacrament having been de- 
 feated by Luther's determined hostility, his death 
 seemed to furnish a favourable opportunity for 
 the accomplishment of this long-projected re- 
 conciliation. Melancthon and his followers 
 were known to be extremely solicitous of this 
 union, and were disposed to go to the utmost 
 length which their consciences would permit to 
 extinguish the flame of discord. The high mutual 
 esteem subsisting between Bucer and John Cal- 
 vin, the celebrated Pastor and Professor of Divi- 
 nity at Geneva, appeared to facilitate this design. 
 Anxious to promote Bucer and Melancthon's 
 views, Calvin proposed a mode of explaming the 
 subject, which, while it denied the corporeal 
 presence, allowed a divine virtue and efficacy 
 communicated by Christ with the bread and 
 wine of the Sacrament to those who partook of 
 it with a lively faith and integrity of heart : but 
 he has been generally censured by Protestants 
 for making unwarrantable concessions for the 
 sake of peace. The fair prospect however soon 
 became obscured, in consequence of the occu- 
 pation of Melancthon in other violent contro- 
 versies to be mentioned hereafter, which left 
 him no leisure for that co-operation with Calvin 
 which probably might have produced the hap- 
 piest results ; and still more on account of the 
 intemperate zeal of Joachim Westphal, pastor 
 of the church at Hamburg, who both adopted 
 
4G2 LIFE OF INIELANCTHOX. 
 
 the sentiments and manifested the too-michari- 
 table spirit of Luther.(3/J 
 
 The Pope and the Emperor were now re- 
 solved to accomplish the ruin of the Protestants. 
 The Comicil of Trent decreed, that the Apocry- 
 phal writings should be received as of equal 
 authority with the books which the Jews and 
 primitive Christians admitted into the sacred 
 canon, that the traditions of the church should 
 be equally regarded with the doctrines and pre- 
 cepts of the inspired apostles, that the Vulgate 
 translation should be read in the churches, and 
 deemed authentic and canonical : and that all 
 who disputed these truths were anathematized 
 in the name of the Holy Ghost. (sj By this 
 means they aimed a deadly blow at the very root 
 and principle of Protestantism ; and the Pope 
 soon afterwards exhibited a striking proof of 
 his disposition to exterminate it root and branch. 
 Availing himself of the appeal of the canons of 
 Cologne against their Archbishop, he convicted 
 him of heresy, and issued a bull by which he 
 was deprived of his ecclesiastical dignity, and 
 his subjects absolved from their oath of 
 allegiance to him as their prince. There was 
 no reason to doubt the concurrence of the em- 
 peror in this sentence, who was maturing the 
 
 Cy) LoscH. Hist. Motuum P. 2. Lib. III. cap. 8. Grevii 
 Mem. Joach. Westph. 
 
 (z) F.Paul, 141. P^llav. 206. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 463 
 
 most deep-laid schemes for the subversion of the 
 Protestant faith, under an impenetrable veil 
 of dissimulation. In the month of March he 
 contrived to have an interview with the Land- 
 grave of Hesse, who was more suspicious of his 
 design than any of the other confederates, and 
 he made such professions of attachment to the 
 interests of Germany, and of his dislike to violent 
 measures, stoutly denying that he was engaged in 
 any military preparations, that the Landgrave, 
 cajoled by his plausibility, dismissed his own 
 apprehensions, and quieted the fears of the 
 Smalcaldian confederacy. 
 
 At length public affairs were brought to 
 such a crisis, that the Emperor and the Pro- 
 testants were at open war. No decisive su- 
 periority was acquired. on either side during the 
 autumn of 1546; but Maurice Duke of Saxony, 
 and uncle to John Frederic, by an act of perfidy 
 as strange and unnatural as almost any trans- 
 action recorded in the annals of history^ for the 
 purpose of gratifying a mean and most detestable 
 ambition, invaded the Electoral dominions under 
 the Imperial promises that he should possess 
 them, in consequence of which the Elector 
 was necessitated to retreat homewards. He 
 was eagerly pursued by the Emperor and 
 eventually defeated and taken prisoner, on the 
 twenty-fourth of April, 1547, at Muhlberg on 
 the Elbe. The Landgrave of Hesse was induced 
 
464 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 by the infamous Maurice to throw himself upon 
 the clemency of the Emperor, under an express 
 stipulation for his liberty, which availed nothing 
 when self-interest and policy dictated another 
 act of imperial treachery. fa) 
 
 During the progress of this war the Univer- 
 sity of Wittemberg suffered a temporary disso- 
 lution. In the month of November 1546, the 
 students were dismissed, and Melancthon with 
 his wife and family retired to Zerbst, in the 
 principality of Anhalt the residence of the 
 princes of Anhalt-Zerbst. He was afterwards 
 invited to the offices of Theological and Philo- 
 sophical professor at Jena, whither some of the 
 princes attempted to collect again the scattered 
 members of the University; but nothing could 
 detach his mind from the beloved scene of his 
 early labours and most endeared associations, 
 and he returned to Wittemberg. His name was 
 a sufficient attraction and recalled the greater 
 part of the fugitives. The lectures recommenced 
 in October, and he successively directed the 
 attention of his students to the Epistle of Paul 
 to the Colossians and to the Proverbs of Solo- 
 Tnon,(b) The new-made Elector who had so 
 unworthily usurped his present dignities and 
 
 (aj See a full and interesting detail of all these transactions, 
 in Robertson's History of Charles V. Vol. III. B. 8. and 9. 
 8vo. Ed. 
 
 (b) Chytr^i Saxonia, p, 422. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 465 
 
 possessions, requested him to repair to Leipsic in 
 1547, to deliberate upon the constitution of an 
 Academy and the regulation of ecclesiastical 
 affairs, but on many accounts he chose to de- 
 cline the honour of this invitation. Maurice as 
 a matter of course, fully concurred in the Em- 
 peror's proposal at a Diet held at Augsburg, 
 soon after the captivity of John Frederic and the 
 imprisonment of the Landgrave of Hesse^ to re- 
 fer the decision of all religious disputes to the 
 long projected council of Trent. It was also 
 easy for his Imperial Majesty with a formidable 
 army at hand to overawe the majority of the 
 assembly into a similar concurrence. Swords 
 are very powerful arguments, and a man may 
 legislate as he pleases when they are drawn 
 in his defence. The purpose however was not 
 answered. The plague was said to infest the 
 city, the consequence of which was the removal 
 of the council to Bologna, which proved in 
 effect its dissolution. Anxious to devise some 
 method to preserve a religious tranquillity, the 
 politic Charles commanded Julius Pflug, bishop 
 of Naumburg, Michael Sidonius and John Agri- 
 cola of Eisleben, to draw up a temporary rule of 
 faith and worship for the use of both parties. 
 This was called the Interim, because it was 
 professedly appointed only for the period of 
 time which might elapse previous to the assem- 
 bling of a general council. It contained all the 
 
 Hh 
 
466 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 essential doctrines of the church of Rome, though 
 veiled under artful and ambiguous modes of ex- 
 pression, fc^ It was promulgated at Augsburg 
 with the greatest solemnity, and afterwards en- 
 forced by the Imperial sword. 
 
 The deplorable consequences resulting from 
 this attempt of Charles to legislate for the faith 
 of those whose consciences were proof against 
 the attacks of imperial power, and who resolved 
 like some of the earliest heroes in the same field 
 to obey God rather than men, are thus repre- 
 sented by Melancthon : " Upwards of four hun- 
 dred pastors in Suevia and the circles of the 
 Rhine are driven from their stations. There is 
 but a single officiating minister at this moment 
 at Tubingen who conforms to the book pub- 
 lished cit Augsburg; it has had the effect of 
 driving away all the preachers and pastors. It 
 
 OO Among a variety of other articles the Interim affirms 
 " that works of supererogation are to he commanded ; that the 
 clmrch hath the power of interpreting Scripture ; that the P©pe 
 is liead of the church by virtue of the prerogative granted to 
 Peter; that by confirmation and chrism the Holy Ghost is 
 received; that extreme unction is to be administered; that the 
 Sacrament is a sacrifice, and that in it we are to celebrate the 
 memory of saints that they may intercede with God the Father 
 with us and help us by their merits: that we must pray to God 
 for the dead; that in every town and every church two masses a 
 day at least be said, that in country parishes and villages one, 
 especially on holidays; that on Easter Eve and Whitsunday 
 Eve the water in the font be consecrated."' Sleid. Hist. 
 
L I F E O F M E L A N C T II O N. 
 
 467 
 
 is truly astonishing therefore that Agricola 
 should persist in promising in consequence of 
 this publication another golden age, when it 
 evidently ruins such a multitude of churches, 
 and so many pious and learned men with their 
 families are gone into voluntary exile. 'Y«0 
 
 Agricola was liberally rewarded by the Em- 
 peror and by Ferdinand ; and Sidonius obtained 
 the bishopric of Mersburg in Saxony. This 
 furnished occasion for a common joke being 
 passed upon them, "that they only defended 
 the Popish Chrism and Oil as being necessary 
 to Salvation, that they might come off the bet- 
 ter greased themselves.'Y^y) 
 
 The new and perfidious Elector, notwith- 
 standing his obligations to his equally perfidious 
 patron, hesitated in dubious neutrality respect- 
 ing the adoption of the Interim until the year 
 1548, when he assembled the Saxon nobility and 
 clergy at Leipsic to assist him in forming a 
 proper determination. Melancthon attended no 
 fewer than seven conferences upon this sub- 
 ject, and wrote all the pieces that were pre- 
 sented as well as the censures which were passed 
 upon the different divisions of that imperial 
 creed.f/j 
 
 This was a very critical period in his life. 
 
 (d) PezeL. Consil. Theol. p. 87. 
 (e) Sleidan. (f) Adam. Yit. Germ. Theol. 
 
 Hh2 
 
468 LIFE OF MELA NCT HON. 
 
 It will be necessary to examine it with attention 
 and to dwell upon it with some minuteness of 
 detail, in order to afford the reader ample mate- 
 rials for the due appreciation of his character. 
 Not only was Melancthon perpetually exposed 
 to the vilest calumny, but all his conduct and 
 words were misrepresented to the Emperor 
 and plots were laid against his life. The fury 
 of party was raging to cut him off at a stroke, 
 but he was preserved amidst the danger and 
 survived the tempest. The Emperor even sent 
 to summon him into his immediate presence, 
 but Maurice himself became his advocate and 
 protector, fg^ 
 
 The divines of Wittemberg and Leipsic 
 assembled upon the subject of the Interim suc- 
 cessively at Begy, Zell, and Juterbock, whither 
 Agricola was sent by the Elector of Branden- 
 burg to meet them. The result of these de- 
 liberations was the publication of a book written 
 by Melancthon, and of a decree founded upon it 
 respecting the observance of things of an in- 
 different nature. The Emperor being anxious 
 to enforce his own creed, and Maurice though a 
 Protestant, not to displease him to whom he had 
 been so highly indebted, consulted the Protes- 
 tant leaders, especially Melancthon, respecting 
 the extent to which concessions might be made 
 
 (g) Cam. Vit. Mel. Ad^m. Vit. Germ. Theologoruni. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 469 
 
 with a safe conscience, in order to avoid the ex- 
 tremes of servility and violent opposition. In 
 reviewing the Interim it was thought this con- 
 ciliating medium might be discovered in the 
 omission of some practices and opinions, while 
 the essentials of Christianity were retained. 
 The volume referred to, contained a particular 
 statement of such articles. 
 
 As this publication and the Adiaphoristic 
 Controver8y(h) resulting from it became a fruitful 
 source of the most envenomed disputes, in which 
 Melancthon was represented as having aban- 
 doned the truth through excessive timidity or 
 servile compliance, and as ecclesiastical writers 
 have by their representations perpetuated this 
 unfavourable impression to the present hour, it 
 is incumbent on a faithful biographer either can- 
 didly to avow the fatal blemish, or by an im- 
 partial examination of authentic documents to 
 remove these false impressions, if the aspersed 
 character be indeed capable of vindication. The 
 reader will admit that the first and most direct 
 means of ascertaining the fact, is an appeal to 
 Melancthon's own reply to the Interim: we 
 shall therefore extract its statements on those 
 topics in particular which occasioned the cla- 
 mours of his most violent adversaries ; and they 
 
 (h) From the Greek word acia(j)opoQ^ which signifies indiffe- 
 rent Hence Melancthon and his followers were called 
 Adiaphorists, 
 
470 LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 
 
 will prove amply sufficient to furnish his de- 
 fence. 
 
 " If we deny and persecute acknowledged 
 truth we blaspheme God, an unpardonable sin, 
 from which we pray that he would graciously 
 defend us. And although threatened with war 
 and destruction, we must still adhere to the 
 word of God and not deny acknowledged truth. 
 As to the danger incurred by the defence of 
 what is preached in our churches and we know 
 to be truth, we will entrmt the affair to God. 
 
 " As the articles in the Interim are various, 
 some right and some wrong, some in which all 
 pious persons concur and some otherwise, we 
 will plainly avow our convictions, not rejecting 
 what is true out of caprice or violence, nor alloit- 
 ing what is obviously erroneous, 
 
 " The first three articles respecting the Crea- 
 tion and fail of man, original sin and the redemp- 
 tion of the world through Jesus Christ we fully 
 admit; but to the fourth on justification we 
 object : because it states that a man is justified 
 or made righteous by the exercise of love as a 
 work, a sentiment which is afterwards repeated, 
 for a man is righteous before God and pleases 
 him for the sake of Christ and through faith in 
 his name. And though the Emperor's publication 
 states in some places that a man becomes righ- 
 teous through faith ; the meaning evidently is, 
 that faith is a preparation of the heart before- 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 471 
 
 hand, and that afterwards a man is rendered 
 righteous by the work of love. It asserts also 
 the obnoxious principle that there may be true 
 faith althou2:h a man live with an evil eon- 
 science and have no love, and that love consti- 
 tutes a meritorious title to eternal life. So that 
 according to these representations a man is justi- 
 fied and pleases God by his own works, a doc- 
 trine long ago taught by monks and friars. The 
 truth is, although we must possess love and a 
 good conscience, yet we are justified before God 
 orplease him through our Saviour and Redeemer 
 Jesus Christ, for his sake alone and through 
 faith in him, but by no means on account of our 
 own merit or virtue, 
 
 " At the same time we diligently teach the 
 necessity of deep repentance, sincere love and a 
 good conscience, because ' he that loveth not 
 abideth in death.' But we must cleave to Jesus 
 the Mediator and seek the communication of 
 every grace through him, for ' in thy sight,' to 
 adopt the language of the Psalmist, ' can no man 
 living be justified ;' and again, ^for thy name's 
 sake O Lord pardon mine iniquities.' When in 
 our necessities w^e supplicate the Throne of 
 Grace, it becomes us to be humbled under a 
 sense of our misery and our guilt, and to implore 
 consolation through him who is our Great 
 Peace-maker. ' Being justified by faith we 
 
472 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 have peace with God through our Lord Jesus 
 Christ. 
 
 " To prove that this is the original and 
 immutable principle in the church of God in all 
 ages St. Paul refers to the example of Abraham 
 declaring that ' Abraham believed God and it 
 was counted unto him for righteousness ;' that is, 
 although Abraham was distinguished for his 
 great and eminent virtues, yet his righteousness 
 before God whom he pleased, consisted in his 
 faith in the promises which were graciously 
 vouchsafed to him. 
 
 " There are many points relative to the 
 order and power of the bishops which we cannot 
 but oppose — but as these remarks are general 
 and the language is often ambiguous, we advise 
 our most gracious prince not to animadvert much 
 upon this article. The church is a congregation 
 or assembly of persons who possess real faith in 
 Christ, and no man ought to separate him- 
 self from the true church : but the question is 
 who compose it ?— Separation from the church 
 is charged upon us as a crime of the greatest 
 magnitude ; but if the adversaries of truth con- 
 tinue obstinate and thus occasion discord and 
 debate, surely they are guilty before God and 
 not the poor and pious souls who receive or 
 preach it. ' If,' says Paul, ' an angel from 
 heaven preach any other gospel let him be 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 473 
 
 accursed/ — but there exist at the present moment 
 many grievous errors and abuses under the au- 
 thority of the Roman Pontiff, which even the 
 book of the Interim itself has denounced, but 
 which the councils of Trent and Bonony have 
 advocated. If the bishops would induce us to 
 obey them it must be upon this condition, that 
 they do not persecute the truth nor re-establish 
 impious ceremonies. God has graciously ex- 
 plained his mind and will in his Scriptures : 
 
 THESE WE MUST HEAR AND RECEIVE, and Hot aS in 
 
 worldly kingdoms be made to submit to the ex- 
 positions of some one man who is empowered to 
 give them at his own pleasure. 
 
 " Our churches practise those ceremonies 
 which conduce to good order, and if any person 
 imagine there is any thing in such indifferent 
 things which with the good advice of those who 
 regulate the church appears calculated to pro- 
 mote uniformity or good order we will readily 
 assist, for on this subject we will not contend. 
 We are indifferent whether men eat flesh or fish. 
 As to prayers and hymns addressed to departed 
 saints, I have before said they are inadmissible ; 
 the same may be said of processions of the Sacra- 
 ment. It is also well known to our adversaries 
 that private masses, invocation of saints and the 
 procession with other practices, if they might 
 admit of some excuse or extenuation, are how- 
 ever both needless and dangerous, and the 
 
4T4 LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 
 
 re-establishment of them in our churches will 
 strengthen the monstrous errors and abuses of 
 our adversaries; and they know also that that 
 offence will deeply grieve many pious men and 
 occasion much persecution, proscription, impri- 
 sonment and perhaps the murder of priests and 
 others. 
 
 " Let the potentates and rulers consider 
 amidst the alarms of war now prevalent, what 
 they will and what they ought to do in this 
 affair for the defence of the church. As for 
 
 MYSELF, I AM READY BY THE GrACE OF GoD TO 
 DEPART HENCE, AND IF NEED BE, TO SUFFER. 
 
 " We have been lately written to and admo- 
 nished not to preach, teach or write against this 
 Interim, but necessity compels us to say thus 
 much with all humility of mind, that we will 
 not alter in vv^hat we have hitherto taught in our 
 churches ; for no creature possesses power 
 OR author rpY to change the word of God, 
 and it is at every one's peril to deny or for- 
 sake the known truth. As therefore this 
 Interim is opposed in many of its articles to 
 the truth we have advocated, we feel it neces- 
 sary to publish in a Christian spirit an explicit 
 answer ; the danger incurred by this measure me 
 cheerfully face, committing all to the eternal God 
 the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, And as of 
 his infinite goodness he has gathered to himself 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 475 
 
 a church in these reahns, by means which sur- 
 pass the wisdom and thoughts of all men, we 
 earnestly pray that he will always uphold, pre- 
 serve and place it under a good and righteous 
 superintendency." 
 
 This performance was translated into Eng- 
 lish as soon as it issued from the German press 
 by one John Rogers, and as it is a curious piece 
 of antiquity w^e insert the translator's preface 
 entire. It is not only amusing, but elucidatory 
 of the present subject. 
 
 " To the Reader/0 
 " Because I with great griefe have nowe 
 often heard (most dere Reader) that the highly 
 learned and no lesse godly, jentle and loving man 
 Phillip Melancthon is highlye belyed, m that a 
 great sorte openly e saye that he hath denyed 
 the trueth or (that I maye use their owne wordes) 
 recanted; (whiche thyng they saye onely to 
 
 (I) The original edition of this book is in the British 
 Museum. It is entitled, " A waying and considering of the 
 Interim, by the honour-worthy and highly learned Philip 
 Melancthon — translated into Englyshe by John Rogers, 
 1548." This worthy advocate of Melancthon is considered by 
 Mr. Lewis, in his History of the Translation of the Bible into 
 English, as probably the translators as well as publisher of 
 that edition of the Bible which was issued under the name of 
 Thomas Matthews in 1537 with the King's licence. Rogers 
 was afterwards burnt for printing that Bible in the Reign of 
 Queen Mary. 
 
476 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 hyndre the furtherance of God's trueth)^ I coulde 
 do no lesse but turne into our Englyshe speache 
 and also put out this litle treatise of his : not so 
 niuche for the defence of his moste named and 
 knowen fames sake, (which he hath yet hitherto 
 kepte undefiled, so that even the greatest enemyes 
 of the gospell neither coulde nor have saied other- 
 wise of hym) as for the confortyng of many godly 
 and Christen hertes, whiche have bene not alytell 
 dismayed and discouraged thorow suche lyes. 
 And verely not without a cause, for his denying 
 would do more harme to the trueth in these last 
 and most perelouse tymes than any tongue or 
 penne can expresse. And God of his goodnesse, 
 bountefull mercye and great power, graunt that 
 that never chaunce. At this tyme also thankes 
 be to God therefore, he hath not onely not denyed 
 the trueth but also after his olde accustomed 
 Christen manier, plainelye confessed and ac- 
 knowledged it : whiche thyng this his answ^ere 
 to the Interim, ynough witnesseth. 
 
 " And although this his writing be shorte 
 and answere not to al the poyntes of the Inte- 
 rim, (for that would aske great labour and long 
 tyme) yet it playnely answereth to the greetest 
 misuses, and to the very senowes of the Rome- 
 bushops moste tyrannouse kyngdome contayned 
 in that boke. 
 
 " He also sheweth tokens ynoughe in the 
 booke that he will at leasure and largelier write 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 477 
 
 Upon manye poyntes thereof. I received also a 
 letter with this treatise from a nother godly and 
 learned man, wherein is writen that other and 
 divers learned men in Dutchlande be in hand to 
 shewe their meaning' in writing as touehyng the 
 same, so that we may be of muche better com- 
 forte then our Papistes would gladly se, yea then 
 manye of the good and faithfull be^ that that 
 Interim will be wstanded and not so sone and 
 easely receaved as the Papistes hope and many 
 Christen feare. This I saie chiefelye caused me 
 to putte out this litle boke at this time. 
 
 " But for that there be haply many that 
 know not what that Interim meaneth, for some 
 have not seen and some have nott harde of it, ye 
 and the moste understande not the worde, as 
 they that understand no Latine, or not very well, 
 neede dryveth me to shewe bothe what it is and 
 also the meanyng of the worde. Interim is a 
 booke whiche was at the Emperowres Maiesties 
 commandement prynted and put forth about the 
 begynnyng of June, in this yere of our Saviours 
 birthe 1548, wherein is commanded that al the 
 cities in Dutchlande that have receaved the 
 worde of God, and made a chaunge of cere- 
 monys accordyng to the word shal reforme their 
 churches agayne, and turne to the olde Popishe 
 ordinaunces as a dog dothe to that he hathe spued 
 out, or a washen swyne to the myre. 
 
478 LIFE OF MELANCTHOX. 
 
 " Thus have ye harde what it is. Now 
 heare what the word signifyeih or betokeneth. 
 
 '' Interim is as muche to saye, as in the 
 meane season or in the meane while. And ther- 
 fore have they christened the childe and geven 
 him this name because they wyllthat we kepe all 
 the thynges commanded and contayned in that 
 booke, in the meane while from this highedutche 
 parlament holden at Augsburg till there be a ge- 
 nerall councell holden. There they thynke (but 
 God sitteth above in heaven and thynketh haply 
 otherwyse) to make that matter worsse. For 
 because it had been an hastye worcke to have 
 chaunged all thynges at once, they of their great 
 (I had almost sayed) grevouse and mercilesse 
 mercy have borne with us in two thynges, that 
 is to saye, in the Maryage of Priestes and receiv- 
 ing of the communion in both the kindes. But 
 how long forsoth ? — Interim, that is in the meane 
 while till the general! councell come. And 
 thynke then to beare no longer with us, no nor 
 with Christe himselfe, for then they thynke to 
 be so strong, that neyther Christe himselfe nor 
 all that wyll abyde by hym shall be able to with- 
 stande them. This is the meanyng of the worde 
 in Englyshe. 
 
 " Unto this Interim and meaning thereof 
 hathe thabove named Phil. Melancthon an- 
 svtered and written this present treatise^ and 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 479 
 
 slieweth to what thinges a Christen man maye 
 agre and which thynges may be chaunged and 
 whiche not ; in whiche treatise the reader shal 
 well perceave that he nether hath denied the 
 trueth that he hath thus longe taught and ac- 
 knowledged, nor yet thinketh to do : whiche 
 vertu and high gyfte of God, the Almighti Father 
 of our Lord Jesus Christ increase in him and all 
 the Christen to the honour and glory of his holy 
 name, increase of his knowledge and saving of 
 many soules. — Amen. At London, in Edward 
 Whitchurch House, bi/ John Rogers, I. Augustiy 
 1548." 
 
 The affair of the Interim occupied the atten- 
 tion of several conventions in the year 1549, and 
 Melancthon devoted a considerable share of his 
 time, not only in these attendances, but in writ- 
 ing letters of advice respecting indifferent things 
 to the pastors of the various churches in Hamburg, 
 Frankfort, Mansfield, and the various districts 
 of Upper and Lower Saxony. These interest- 
 ing documents uniformly breathe the same pious 
 and pacific spirit, mingled with their author's 
 characteristic prudence. To the former of these 
 churches he very distinctly states his sentiments 
 respecting what are denominated indifferent 
 things. " We do not call magical consecrations, 
 worshipping of images, the procession of the host 
 and other similar services openly condemned 
 both in our discourses and writings, nor such 
 
480 LIFE OF MELANCTHOlS, 
 
 absurdities, as nocturnal visits to - the tombs of 
 saints, indifferent things: but they are shock- 
 ingly multiplied either for the purpose of pro- 
 voking us, or with a crafty design to impose 
 heavier burdens upon the pastors, and they 
 do us an injury while they humour their own 
 passions. There are many things appointed by 
 the most ancient of churches, and conducive to the 
 beauty of orderly worship and the instruction 
 of the lower classes,as the order of festivals and 
 of lessons, public assemblings, examination and 
 absolution previous to the reception of the sa- 
 crament, certain rites in public penitence, ex- 
 amination in confirming, public ordination to 
 the ministry of the gospel, public betrothing to 
 marriage, the form of prayers used in nuptial 
 ceremonies, and funeral orations over the 
 dead." (k) 
 
 One of the first and most virulent of all the 
 opponents of Melancthon at this period was 
 Matthias Flacius, or Flaccus Illyricus. He 
 was a native of Albona in Istria, and in the year 
 1541 he went to Wittemberg, where he became 
 a disciple of Luther and Melancthon, and after- 
 wards taught Greek and Hebrew for a subsist- 
 ence. He was treated w^th the utmost kindness 
 and liberality by Melancthon, and in 1544, 
 
 (k) Melaxcth. Ep. Lib. I. 79. Comp. ep. 80, 81, 82. 
 ad Past, Eccles. in Marchid^ in Comitatu Mansfeldensi, in 
 iirb, Frwncof. ad ripas Meni. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 481 
 
 through his and Luther's influence, he obtained a 
 pubh'c employment in the University. During 
 the period of dispersion which the scholars suf- 
 fered in consequence of the war, he resided at 
 Brunswick, and delivered lectures which acquired 
 him considerable reputation, but afterwards re- 
 turned to Wittemberg in 1547. When the con- 
 troversies arose respecting the Interim, he retired 
 to Magdeburg, which was at that time put under 
 the ban of the Empire. He is represented as a 
 man of excellent talents, great wit and extensive 
 learning, but turbulent, furious, and of a most 
 contentious disposition. (I) 
 
 Flacius at first ventured only upon the pri- 
 vate circulation of some sarcastic misrepresenta- 
 tions of the meetings of the divines of Wittem- 
 burg; but afterwards he openly slandered them^ 
 although he had no certain information of the 
 subjects of their conferences. Melancthon was 
 blamably negligent of his private papers, and 
 would often confess it to his friends, particularly 
 Camerarius, who remonstrated wnth him upon 
 the subject. Flacius by this means surreptici- 
 ousiy obtained possession of copies of several of 
 his letters and other writings, and considering 
 himself suiBciently armed for a more public at- 
 tack, he first united himself with some of Me- 
 
 (I) Bayle Diet* Hist. Cam. Vit. Mel. Adam, Vit. Germ. 
 
 Tlicologorum. 
 
 I i 
 
482 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 lancthon's bitterest enemies, Gallus, AmsdorfF, 
 Wigand, Judex, Faber and others : then pub- 
 lished at Magdeburg a variety of slanders against 
 him and all his party, advising every one to 
 avoid them as the very pests of the church. 
 •He had the audacity to proclaim himself as 
 '' the oidy true prophet, teacher and defender 
 of the religious interests of the Christian com- 
 munity, and admonished every one to observe 
 the evil consequences resulting from their secret 
 assemblies and conferences — that now there was 
 an end to all pure religion — -that gospel liberty 
 was betrayed — that they were returned to the 
 once rejected yoke of Papal domination — and 
 that the poor flock of Christ was recommended 
 again to the mitred bishops." To prove these 
 charges he published a copy of the decree of 
 Leipsic, and other minor writings which had 
 been proposed to the states, and compared these 
 with the book of the Interim. He distorted 
 every sentence, and by artful misrepresentations 
 endeavoured to persuade every one that the 
 different articles of the decree contained the most 
 deadly poison. In addition to this he declared, 
 " that the forms of the church ought to be con- 
 stantly maintained inviolate, without allowing 
 the smallest alteration according to the appoint- 
 ments of the Interim, and that if the Emperor or 
 the Papists should molest any on@, it would be 
 proper to resort to arms for defence^." 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHOJf. 483 
 
 After some time Melancthon, having pa- 
 tiently borne every* reproach, wrote a reply to 
 these statements, which merits insertion, not 
 only on account of the excellent spirit which 
 pervades it, but because it effectually refutes the 
 misrepresentations of Mosheim and his learn- 
 ed commentator. It is dignified, pious and 
 solid. 
 
 " As it ought to be every one's principal 
 concern to know and worship God aright, and 
 as he has revealed himself in his church, in- 
 viting all to hear his voice and to fly to the 
 standard of our Lord Jesus Christ, who is re- 
 presented by Isaiah as " set up for a standard to 
 the people," (m) — it is of the utmost importance 
 amidst this general confusion of mankind, wisely 
 to consider and to inquire what constitutes the 
 true church, and where it is to be found ; that 
 wherever we are we may form a part of it by 
 adopting the principles of the true faith, and con- 
 necting ourselves with the people of God. This 
 church is dispersed throughout the world, but is 
 distinguishable from the impious part of mankind 
 by infallible signs ; for such as maintain the truth 
 of the gospel, and the proper use of the sacra- 
 ments, to the rejection of idolatrous services, 
 constitute, wherever situated^ the true church of 
 God, and may be satisfactorily distinguished 
 
 (m) Is. xlix. 22. 
 ii2 
 
484 LIFE OF MELAKCTHON* 
 
 from others by their reception of the Scrip- 
 tures. 
 
 " Amidst the wreck of empires and the dis- 
 persion of their subjects, good men possess this 
 consolation, that wherever they hear the incor- 
 ruptible word of truth, and witness the legitimate 
 use of sacraments, the rejection of idolatry, and 
 of those errors which oppose the commands of 
 Jesus Christ, there they feel confident of having 
 discovered the true church, there is the family of 
 God, there he is present by the ministry of the 
 gospel, there the supplications of faith are heard^ 
 there the genuine worship of God is conducted, 
 and there the Son of God gathers an eternal in- 
 heritance. ' Where two or three,' said he^ ^ are 
 gathered together in my name^ there am I in the 
 midst of them.' (n) 
 
 " In periods of public dissension we have 
 need of these consoling sentiments, and I have^ 
 introduced them here, because our churches^ 
 which know the importance of these consider- 
 ations, are at this moment exceedingly disturbed 
 by numerous clamours. The same doctrine is 
 taught in them as is proclaimed in our writings ; 
 the Sacraments continue unaltered ; errors in 
 faith and images in worship, as our books suffi- 
 ciently testify, are discarded. 
 
 '-'^ But Flacius Illyricus exclaims that ouy 
 
 Qx) Mat. xviii. 20. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 485 
 
 doctrine is changed, and that we have restored 
 certain ceremonies which had been abolished. 
 Let us examine these charges ; and first, con- 
 cerning Doctrine. The instructions of all the 
 public teachers in our churches and seminaries 
 at once refute this calumny, and to avoid any 
 prolix statement let me refer to what I have 
 written in the volume entitled, 'Loci Com- 
 munes Theologici,' which is in many hands, and 
 in which I did not aim to establish a new faith, 
 but accurately to represent that which was com- 
 mon to all our churches, as exhibited in the 
 Confession of Augsburg, presented in 1530 to 
 the Emperor, which I consider the invariable 
 sentiments of the true universal church of 
 Christ; a statement I wish to be understood as 
 having written without sophism, and without 
 any calumnious intention. I am conscious of 
 having compiled that epitome of doctrine, not 
 for the purpose of seeking to differ from others, 
 not from the mere love of novelty, not from a 
 desire of controversy, nor from any other base 
 or unworthy motive : but circumstances required 
 it. When in the first inspection of the churches 
 we had to encounter a variety of reproaches 
 from ignorant persons, I published in a com- 
 pressed form a summary of Doctrine which 
 Luther had delivered in volumes of discourses 
 and expositions, and studied a mode of expres- 
 sion which might conduce to accuracy of views in 
 
486 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 those who were taught, and to general unani- 
 mity; always submitting w^hat was written to 
 the judgment of our churches, and of Luther 
 himself, whose opinions on many points I parti- 
 cularly inquired, and copies of whose writings 
 are in the possession of many. I now call God 
 to witness my profession of this doctrine, which, 
 as I have already stated, I am satisfied perfectly 
 coincides with that of the universal church of 
 our Lord Jesus Christ, and by his assistance I 
 resolve to bring this confession into general use 
 in the church. This I mention lest any one 
 should reproach me for hindering the faith of 
 others by my own doubts. 
 
 '' In the next place it is requisite to offer a 
 few words of reply to the charge respecting 
 Ceremonies, I certainly could have wished, 
 especially in the present afflictive circumstances, 
 that the churches should not have been disturbed 
 by any change, but if such be the case it does 
 not originate with me. But I confess that I have 
 persuaded the people of Franeonia and others 
 not to abandon their churches on account of any 
 service with which they could comply without 
 impiety. For although Flacius cries out vehe- 
 mently that the churches had better be deserted, 
 and the Princes alarmed by the fear of sedition, 
 I should not choose to be the author of such 
 wretched advice. It is plain that we must en- 
 dure much greater burdens in the cause of litera- 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON, 
 
 487 
 
 ture and religion than mere dress—as the hatred 
 of the great, the insolent contempt of the popu- 
 lace, the malevolence of hypocritical friends, the 
 dissensions of the priesthood, poverty, perse- 
 cution, and other evils which accompany even a 
 quiet government: but these turbulent tnnesi 
 produce many greater miseries. 
 
 " But as we must not desert our posts on 
 this account, we may sustain lighter servitude if 
 it can be done with a good conscience. The 
 distressing situation of the present times, m 
 which there are such divisions in sentiment and 
 affection, seem to me to require that these op- 
 pressed churches should be comforted and 
 strengthened by all the aids that piety can aiford, 
 and that we should take care that the most 
 important doctrines should be faithfully explained 
 and transmitted to posterity, and that the Uni- 
 versities be supported as the depositories of gene- 
 ral literature. 
 
 " The representation of Flacius respecting 
 somebody (who I know not) having reported, 
 that I have declared we ought not to withdraw 
 from the churches although the ancient abuses 
 should be re-instated, is absolutely false. 
 
 " Now mark this crafty man ; in order to 
 excite suspicion and inflame hatred, he produces 
 many sentences dropped in familiar discourse, 
 which he calumniously misinterprets, and also 
 attributes sayings to others of his own invention, 
 
488 LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 
 
 that he might appear not only to have witnesses, 
 but agents at his command. Nor have I ever 
 thought or said what he falsely imputes to me, 
 that we ought to remain in those churches 
 in which old errors are restored, mass invo- 
 cation of saints, and other impious services 
 which w^e have condemned in our publications. 
 I do openly declare that such idolatrous rites 
 should neither be practised nor endured: and 
 that students may be the better instructed in 
 every particular, I have explained the occasions 
 and origin of controversy with great care and 
 labour. 
 
 " Here if I were inclined to indulge my 
 grief I might justly complain of Flacius, who 
 circulates such falsehoods to my detriment, and 
 might detail the origin of those distresses which 
 overwhelm the whole church, explaining those 
 circumstances which tend to strengthen the 
 boldnejis and confirm the power of our adversa- 
 ries against the truth. But I am unwilling to 
 open these wounds, and I beseech these advo- 
 cates of liberty to allow me and others at least to 
 endure our afflictions in peace, and not excite 
 more cruel dissensions, 
 
 " He boasts that he will be the advocate of 
 the pristine state of things, If by this express 
 sion he refers to particular empires and govern- 
 ments, and confines the church only to its owrx 
 walls^ his idea is very incorrect ; for the church 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 480 
 
 is scattered abroad in various kingdoms, publish- 
 ing the incorruptible word of the gospel, and 
 serving God by the tears and groans of genuine 
 worship. But as he states he was once so fami- 
 liarly acquainted with me, he could testify 
 my pains and sorrows and zealous care. We 
 lament the disturbed state of public affairs and 
 of kingdoms, nor do we ask for garrisons and 
 ramparts of defence, but in our churches we 
 publish the gospel of truth, serving God in the 
 knowledge and faith of his Son, and aiming to 
 the best of our feeble efforts to promote the 
 literary pursuits of our youth and the preservation 
 of discipline. If this advocate of the primitive 
 state of things can restore this golden age to our 
 churches, let him triumph as much as he will. 
 
 " Why he should particularly attack me who 
 have never offended him as Marius did Anto- 
 nius, I know not, for he is aware that I have been 
 always opposed to the corruptions of religion 
 and have censured the prevailing errors. Now 
 he says I have encouraged them, because it has 
 been my advice not to quit the churches on ac- 
 count of a surplice or any thing of that kind. 
 If dissension arises on these subjects, the com- 
 mandments respecting charity should not be 
 forgotten, especially as he knows our great 
 afflictions, and that we neither seek dominion 
 r,or wealth. We should not imitate the exam- 
 
490 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 pie of wordly disputants whose impetuosity is 
 often such as to exemplify the proverb^ ' One 
 serpent eats another lest it should become a dra- 
 gon.' He now not only threatens to write against 
 me, but to do something worse* I could wish 
 that we rather co-operated to illustrate essential 
 truth, for there are sourses enow of contention ; 
 so that we should renounce our hostility and 
 labour, a mode of proceeding more conducive to 
 our personal advantage and that of the whole 
 church, lest it should happen as Paul says, 
 ' take heed that ye do not devour one another.' 
 I shall frame my answers with a view to utility, 
 and hope, that both by my writings and by the 
 opinion of the pious I am sufficiently defended 
 against calumny. Many good and learned men 
 in different places are greatly grieved that the 
 churches are so unjustly censured. But I recom- 
 mend Flacius and others to consider, what will 
 be the consequence if mutual animosities revive 
 the quarrels of thirty years. How deplorable 
 would this be ! 
 
 " Whenever he reports his idle stories and 
 things professedly spoken in familiar conversa- 
 tions, he shews what kind of regard he has for 
 the confidence of friendship and the rights of 
 social intercourse. We naturally unbosom our- 
 selves with more freedom amongst our friends, and 
 often I have myself in maintaining a discussion 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 491 
 
 strongly opposed an opinion which I really em- 
 braced, not in joke, but for the purpose of ob- 
 taining information from the views of others. 
 
 " Many are acquainted, with my natural 
 turn of mind, and that I am prone rather to 
 indulge in jocoseness even in the midst of afflic- 
 tions than to any thing like sternness. To catch 
 and circulate my words on these occasions as he 
 has done is mean and unkind, to say no worse. 
 But if, as in some parts of his letter he threatens 
 me with the sword, any evil should occur, and 
 destruction should befall this poor head, 1 
 will commend myself to Jesus Christ the Son 
 of God, our Lord, who w^as crucified for us and 
 raised again, who is the searcher of hearts and 
 knows that I have inquired after truth with a 
 careful simplicity of mind, not wishing either 
 to gain factions and influence, or to indulge an 
 unbridled curiosity. Nor has it been without 
 great and diligent attention to the whole of 
 Christian antiquity, that I have endeavoured to 
 unravel a variety of intricate questions and to 
 direct the studies of youth to important learn- 
 ing. 
 
 " But I will not speak of myself. In all 
 civil dissensions I am aware that calamities are 
 to be expected, the minds of men become in- 
 flamed, and I perceive Flacius prepared with 
 his firebrands ; but to God I commit my life and 
 his own true church here and in other places, 
 
492 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 respecting which I feel far more solicitous than 
 of my own life. This however is my consola-* 
 tion, that God has promised his perpetual pre- 
 sence in the church, and his Son declares, ^ Lo ! 
 I am with you always even to the end of the 
 world.' He will preserve the people that main- 
 tain the doctrines of the gospel and that truly 
 call upon his name ; and I pray with the utmost 
 fervour and importunity of soul that he would 
 preserve his church in these regions. 
 
 " This brief reply to the clamours of Flacius, 
 I have written, not so much on my own account 
 as for the sake of our churches in general, among 
 whom many pious minds are deeply wounded 
 by his writings. Let them be consoled by 
 this assurance, that fundamental principles are 
 faithfully retained in our churches, namely, the 
 incorruptible ministry of the gospel, all the arti- 
 cles of faith and the use of Christian Facraments 
 without alteration. The Son of God it is most 
 certain is present with such a ministry, and as I 
 have already said, hears the supplications of 
 such an assembly. Adieu, candid reader. Oc- 
 tober, 1549.'' 
 
 It will be proper to subjoin to this defence 
 the emphatfc language he uses in an epistle to 
 his friend Matthesius — " I trust you will not be 
 influenced by the sycophantic writings of Flacius 
 lUyricus, who invents absolute falsehoods. I 
 have never mid, I have never written, I have 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 493 
 
 never thought what he declares I ham said, re- 
 specting the phrase ' we are justified by faith 
 only f namely, that it is absurd and a kind of 
 subtle trifling about words— I have indeed 
 spoken and written many things respecting the 
 manner in which the exclusive term is to be 
 understood as well as many others ; and have 
 been at great pains to correct the misinterpreta- 
 tions of many put upon the word only ; but I 
 purpose replying to these virulent crimina- 
 
 tions."f^y) 
 
 If in corresponding with his friends Me- 
 lancthon spoke of Flacius in very decided terms 
 as a calumniator, we cannot feel much sur- 
 prized ; but that the flagrant misrepresenta- 
 tions of this adversary, should have so deep- 
 ly tinctured as they have done the accounts 
 of distinguished historians is truly deplorable. 
 Even Mosheim and his commentator have 
 obviously leaned to the unfavourable side of 
 the subject , and rather perpetuated dishonour- 
 able impressions than carefully guarded his 
 fame. The language of this great Reformer 
 which has been copiously quoted in the present 
 work, is in itself suflScient to evince the nature 
 of those principles by which he was actuated 
 and the extreme absurdity of charging him with 
 tergiversation. 
 
 (o) Melancth. Ep. Lib. II. 42. ad Johan. Matth, 
 
494 LIFE OF MELANCTHOX. 
 
 The Adiaphoristic Controversy occasioned 
 many other disputes, but we shall neither per- 
 plex our readers nor mispend our time by wan- 
 dering into the briery wilderness of polemical 
 divinity. To some of these debates, however, 
 it will be proper briefly to allude in relating the 
 events of the time in which they were particu- 
 larly agitated. 
 
( 496 ) 
 
 CHAP. XII, 
 
 A, D. 1550, to A. D. 1557. 
 
 -<■<•.<..<►••>•>•>•• 
 
 Articles prepared for the Council of Trent — Melanc- 
 thou commences his journey thither — but returns in 
 consequence of Maurice changing his conduct, and 
 declaring war against the Emperor — Peace of Pas- 
 sau — Plague — Withdrawment of the University of 
 Wittemberg to Torgau — Osiander—Stancarus — 
 Private afflictions — Meeting at Naumburg respect- 
 ing the renewal cf the ancient Friendship subsisting 
 between the Houses of Saxony, Brandenburg and 
 Hesse — Transactions relative to Servetus — John 
 Frederic's Release and Death — Death of Maurice 
 "^Controversies — Persecutions of Flacius and hi/^ 
 Adherents — Melancthon^s letters on the subject — 
 Death of Jonas. 
 
 In the year 1550, in consequence of the 
 importunate entreaties of the Emperor, Pope 
 Julius III. who had succeeded the departed 
 Paul III. appointed a Council to be held at 
 Trent ; and in the Diet of Augsburg all the 
 
496 LIFE OF Mela NOT HON. 
 
 German Princes, overawed by the military atti- 
 tude and resolute spirit of his Imperial Majesty, 
 consented to this convention. The Elector 
 Maurice was the least servile of any in this com- 
 pliance, insisting upon these conditions, which 
 however the Archbishop of Mentz refused to 
 enter in the registers, that doctrinal points 
 should be re-examined and discussed — that this 
 examination should be conducted in the presence 
 of the Protestant divines — that they should have 
 the liberty of voting as well as deliberating — and 
 that the Pope should not preside in the proposed 
 council either in person or by his legates. 
 Deeming it requisite to be fully prepared for 
 the great occasion, Maurice commanded Me- 
 lancthon to draw up an explicit statement of the 
 principal articles of the Protestant faith, to be 
 presented if required to the proposed council. 
 A similar paper was written by Brentius in the 
 name of the Wurtemburghers, and is called the 
 Confession of Wurtemburg, When the for- 
 mer document was ready, the prince convened 
 all the Theologians at Leipsic on the eighth of 
 July 1551, to hear it read and to deliberate upon 
 its contents. It was unanimously approved 
 and published in Latin and German in 1552 
 under the title of " Repetitio Augustanae Con- 
 fessionis, sive ut dicitur Confessio doctrinse Sax- 
 onicarum ecclesiarum, Synodo tridentino oblata, 
 anno 1551, in qUc4, christiane lector, videbis. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 497 
 
 qniriam et Catholicee Ecclesiae gremio resilierint, 
 et per quos stet, quominus ecclesise pia concordia 
 sanciatur, 1552." This, which is called the 
 Saxonic Confession., was received by the churches 
 of Pomerania and Strasburg. 
 
 In the month of January of the succeeding 
 year Melancthon began his journey to Trent. 
 " Yesterday," says he, writing to George, 
 Prince of Anhalt, " I received letters from 
 the Court containing the commands of our illus^ 
 trioiss Elector, to George Major and myself 
 to proceed to Nuremburg, where we are to wait 
 further orders respecting our journey to the 
 general council, the Duke of Wurtemberg and 
 the city of Strasburg having already sent their 
 deputies. But as no particular instructions are 
 given, I propose proceeding direct to Dresden 
 whence I will write to your Highness. I sin- 
 cerely wish the Court would not disregard the 
 advice which is approved by so many, that a 
 general commission be sent by common consent 
 to the council from the principal churches in the 
 neighbouring cities and districts. But I com^ 
 mend our cause to God." They were, however 
 directed to proceed only as far as Augsburg, till 
 they received further instructions from Prince 
 Maurice for their future guidance. With this 
 design they travelled to Nuremberg, where in 
 consequence of the high esteem in which Me^ 
 lancthon was held, they were received with the 
 
 Kk 
 
498 LIFE OF MKLANGTHON. 
 
 most marked distinction. They were lodged in 
 a public building of the city and every atten- 
 tion paid them which the most affectionate 
 and solicituous benevolence could dictate. 
 ^^ The day after our arrival at Nuremberg," says 
 Melancthon, " which was on the twenty-second 
 of January, I received a packet of letters sent 
 by Doctor Padornus, from the city of Trent, in 
 which it was intimated that the answer to the 
 application, for a (Papal) safe conduct was still 
 delayed. I wrote immediately that we were 
 come to Nuremberg, and requested to be in- 
 formed whether and when we were to proceed 
 to Trent. I have also notified our journey to 
 our own Court. At present I have received no 
 reply from either. We have been already de- 
 layed ten days at Nuremberg, in total uncer- 
 tainty respecting our future progress, whether or 
 when we are to go forward. In the mean time 
 many in this place distinguish us by the most 
 officious kindness and attention. Sarcerius 
 preaches publicly to great concourses of people 
 and I have delivered several lectures." 
 
 During this delay public affairs assumed 
 such a posture as not only to stop the progress 
 of Melancthon and his associates, but to place 
 Germany in a new and interesting situation. 
 The time was at length arrived when the secret 
 motives which influenced the newly-created 
 Elector of Saxony to a mysteriousness of con- 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 499^ 
 
 duct which had often perplexed and astonished 
 the Protestants, were at length fully developed. 
 From the intimacy to which the Emperor had 
 admitted him he soon perceived his design of 
 becoming the absolute dictator of Germany, and 
 every act convinced Maurice that he was secretly 
 rivetting on the chains of servitude, which his 
 ambition had forged for his degraded country. 
 He had frequently petitioned for the release of 
 the Landgrave of Hesse from imprisonment ; to 
 petitions he added remonstrances ; but nothing 
 could induce Charles to fulfil his engage- 
 ments. Maurice was aware at the same time, 
 that he was elevated to a commanding ascend- 
 ancy among the Protestant princes, and the 
 fairest prospects presented themselves for the 
 gratification of his own eagerness for power and 
 distinction. With the most consummate address 
 he succeeded in retaining the fatal confidence of 
 the Emperor while he deceived him, and in not 
 losing entirely that of the Protestants, while he 
 was necessitated in public to pursue a course 
 which they must have often considered danger- 
 ous to their religion, if not subversive of their 
 liberties. At length he prepared to strike the 
 blow, by soliciting the protection of Henry II. 
 King of France, who agreed to declare war 
 against the Emperor, professedly for the sole 
 purpose of emancipating the Landgrave of 
 Hesse, as a Catholic prince could not unite with a 
 
 Kk2 
 
500 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 Protestant association upon a religious account. 
 Application was also made to the King of Eng- 
 land, but the cabals incident to a Court during 
 a minority (it was the reign of Edward VI.) pre- 
 vented that attention to foreign and especially to 
 religious affairs, which might otherwise have 
 been expected. A last application for the li- 
 berty of the captive Landgrave was made in vain; 
 Maurice still cajoled the Emperor, affected to 
 be more than ever anxious to remove the difficul- 
 ties which had arisen respecting a safe conduct 
 to the Protestant divines, and as we have seen, 
 even commanded Melancthon to proceed on his 
 journey to the council of Trent. He further 
 intimated his intention of meeting his Imperial 
 Majesty in person at Inspruck, Many rumours 
 were beginning to circulate, but the Emperor 
 and his confidential adviser Granvelle, Bishop of 
 Arras, totally disregarded them ; the sagacious 
 minister and his Imperial Master being both 
 lulled into a fatal security. 
 
 At length Maurice took up arms and pub- 
 lished a manifesto, in w^hich he represented that 
 the defence of the Protestant religion, the liber- 
 ties of Germany and the release of the Land- 
 grave of Hesse from unjust imprisonment, were 
 the principal motives of his conduct. The 
 council of Trent was instantly prorogued for two 
 years, but circumstances prevented its actually 
 re-assembling for the space of ten. It is impos-. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 601 
 
 sible not to perceive in the infatuation of Charles 
 V. and his advisers, and the political manoeuvres 
 resulting from the ambitious views and private 
 resentments of the Elector Maurice, that super- 
 intending Providence, which, though it permitted 
 a sea of troubles to flow in upon the Protestant 
 cause, and almost to inundate the territories of 
 religious Reformation for a time, appointed the 
 happy moment when the tide should ebb and 
 Germany be free. 
 
 Melancthon in this extraordinary crisis wil- 
 lingly returned to Wittemberg, to resume his 
 various duties both of a private and public na- 
 ture. The city which had so welcomed his 
 arrival, rendered him every honour upon his de- 
 parture. " It would have been a very proper pro- 
 cedure," says he, writing to the Prince of Anhalt, 
 " to have sent a general deputation from various 
 churches to the council as your Highness thought 
 from the very first, but our advice on this sub- 
 ject, as your Highness knows, was afterwards 
 disregarded. When therefore none of the princes 
 or cities sent deputies, and no commands were 
 given us except by the Elector of Saxony, I felt 
 I confess, the strongest disinclination to the 
 journey ; and when we could not proceed any 
 further, I returned most willingly under the 
 guidance of Providence to Wittemberg, although 
 I was very much persuaded to remain in the 
 country. Aware, indeed, that there were many 
 
502 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 unwise and evil-minded persons at Trent, I 
 would nevertheless have gone had Germany 
 continued in a state of tranquillity. Now distress 
 forces me to return^, or rather I judge it a very 
 unseasonable period to be disputing concerning 
 Pontifical authority in a council amidst the 
 alarms of civil war."{joJ 
 
 The unprepared state of Charles and the 
 vigorous activity of Maurice^ combined with a 
 variety of more private reasons which influenced 
 the different powers of Germany, to produce 
 the peace concluded in the month of August at 
 Passau ; in which, among other articles, it was 
 stipulated that a Diet should be held within 
 six months to deliberate concerning the most 
 effectual method of preventing in future all 
 disputes in religion ; that in the mean time 
 neither the Emperor nor any other prince should 
 upon any pretext whatever offer injury or 
 violence to such as adhered to the Confes- 
 sion of Augsburg, but allow them the free and 
 undisturbed exercise of their religion; that 
 the formulary of faith called the Interim should 
 be considered null and void ; and that if the 
 proposed Diet should not be able to terminate 
 religious disputes, the present stipulations in 
 behalf of the Protestants shall continue in full 
 forcd and Yigom\(q) 
 
 Cp) Melanctk. Ep. Lib. II. p. 247. 
 (q) Recueil des Traites, II. 26 L 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 503 
 
 Amidst the desolations of war, Germany 
 was destined also to suffer the ravages of the 
 plague, in consequence of which the Universi- 
 ties of Wittemberg and Leipsic were dispersed ; 
 but the former re-assembled under the auspices 
 of Meiancthon at Torgau, about twenty-two 
 miles distant. He there engaged in delivering 
 lectures on Justin Martyr, prepared a treatise 
 " de unione personali," which does not appear 
 to have been ever committed to the press, and 
 published a refutation of Osiander in the Ger- 
 man language. He used to say that " he was 
 not afraid of the plague which had driven them 
 to Torgau, but he was really apprehensive on 
 account of plagues of another kind, which in- 
 fested the country and seemed to threaten its 
 litter ruin." 
 
 Osiander was another of those virulent ad- 
 versaries of Meiancthon, which the conferences 
 and publications on the subject of the Interim 
 had produced. He was pastor of the church at 
 Nuremberg, but retired on that occasion to a 
 divinity professorship at Konigsberg. His cha- 
 racter and his opinions were marked by eccen- 
 tricity. He zealously propagated sentiments 
 respecting repentance and justification, which 
 differed essentially from the Lutheran doc- 
 trines, and consisted in subtle distinctions which 
 it is needless to detail. Suffice it to remark, 
 that Stancarus, professor of Hebrew at Konigts- 
 
504 LIFE OF MELANCTHONi 
 
 berg" undertook to refute his statements, but was 
 hurried by his impetuosity into opposite ex- 
 tremes of doctrine. Osiander maintained that 
 the man Christ, as a moral agent was obliged to 
 obey for himself the divine law, and therefore 
 could not by the imputation of his obedience 
 obtain righteousness or justification for others. 
 Hence he inferred that the Saviour of the world 
 was empowered by his nature as God, to make 
 expiation for our sms and reconcile us to the 
 offended Deity. But Stancarus totally excluded 
 Christ's divine nature from all concern in the 
 satisfaction he made and in the redemption he 
 procured, affirming that the office of Mediator 
 between God and man belonged to Jesus in his 
 human nature alone. Osiander was patronized 
 by persons of considerable rank and influence, 
 but his opinions did not long survive him.frj 
 
 These discussions engaged the attention of 
 the most eminent of the Lutheran divines and 
 moved the powerful pen of Melancthon. In the 
 year 1553, he says in a letter to his friend Came- 
 rarms, " I have written on the controversy of 
 Stancarus in a manner by far inferior and more 
 concise than the magnitude of the subject re- 
 quires, but I was not willing to irritate an angry 
 and choleric man." To Matthesius he writes, 
 " About eight days ago the Elector of Branden- 
 
 (r) SCHLUSSELB. Cat. Ha^ref. Lib. VI. Bayle Diet. Art. 
 Osiander, Stancaru6'. MosH. Eccles. Hist. Vol. IV. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 505 
 
 burg sent for Pomeranus and myself to examine 
 into the controversy of Stancarus, who contends 
 that Christ is Mediator only in his human nature. 
 But immediately afterwards, information arrived 
 the Elector's son was dead and his father ill; 
 and thus at present our journey and the exa- 
 mination are postponed. Nevertheless I have 
 written my solemn declaration, that Jesus Christ 
 is to be viewed as Mediator, as he is our High 
 Priest in his united natures, divine and human. 
 St. Ambrose maintains the same sentiment. 
 The principal arguments for this truth I purpose 
 sending at a future time. I beg you to notice 
 for me any evidences on this subject which you 
 may discover in reading the ancient fathers." 
 
 His reply to Stancarus exhibits a mind in 
 search of truth, and maintaining that dignified 
 and unruffled tranquillity which a consciousness 
 of possessing it ought ever to inspire. He begins 
 in a pious and conciliatory manner, depre- 
 cating all animosity in religious parties, and 
 stating that as great contentions frequently ori- 
 ginate in small beginnings, it was his anxious 
 desire to remove rather than to enflame conten- 
 tion. He appeals most convincingly to every 
 part of the New Testament, in proof of the im- 
 possibility of separating the two natures of 
 Christ in the Mediatorial transactions, because 
 the Son of God in his entire nature became Me- 
 diator, Redeemer, Saviour, King and Priest of 
 
506 LIFE OF MELANCTHOxN, 
 
 the church. He appeals also to the concurrent 
 opinions of Chrysostom, Irenseus, Ambrose^ Je- 
 rome and the fathers generally^ upon the same 
 subjects. f5^ 
 
 Melancthon was at this period occupied 
 with the care of the churches and academical 
 establishments in Misnia. To him as the most 
 competent director in every concern of this 
 description^ applications were usually made; 
 and the very counsellors of princes were 
 the first to seek his valuable advice. His 
 plans were in this as in most other cases 
 a,do])ied.(t) 
 
 His affectionate spirit was deeply grieved 
 by the loss of several friends during the course 
 of the year, and by trials in his family. '^'^ Do- 
 mestic afflictions/' says he,(u) '' are superadded 
 to others. My servant John, remarkable for 
 his fidelity and virtue, is called from the present 
 life to the heavenly church ; and now my wife is 
 so extremely ill that nature seems overpowered 
 by disease. But I pray the Son of God to grant 
 us his presence and preserve us with his whole 
 church, as I have often expressed it in the fol^. 
 lowing verse : — • 
 
 " Te maneat semper servante Ecclesia Christe 
 Insertosque ipsi nos tua dextra tegat ; 
 
 (s) Mklancth. Op. Tom. I. 
 
 (t) Cam. Vit. Mel. 
 
 (u) Melaxcth. Ep. Lib. II. 77, ad Joh. Maithcs. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 507 
 
 Tres velut In flamma testes Babylonide servas 
 Rex ubi praesentein te videt esse Deum." 
 
 O Saviour, may thy church unhurt remain, 
 
 And all within thy kind protection share! 
 Like Israel's sons amidst Chaldean flame — 
 
 The king confessing that a God was tliere I — 
 
 A conference being appointed in the month 
 of March 1554, at Naumburg, in Thiiringia, for 
 the purpose of consolidating a union and renew- 
 ing the ancient friendship that subsisted between 
 the houses of Saxony, Brandenburg and Hesse ; 
 the different Theologians with Melancthon at 
 the head of them were summoned to attend. 
 John Foster, a skilful Hebraist, accompanied 
 him from Wittemberg; Alexander Aless, to 
 whom he was peculiarly attached on account 
 of his excellent spirit, polemical knowledge and 
 accurate discernment, was deputed to join them 
 from the University of Leipsic ; Adam Craft, 
 from Hesse, and John Sleidan, celebrated for his 
 history of ecclesiastical affairs, from Strasburg. 
 From this convention he writes to Camerarius, 
 " Like the ancient Argonauts who stuck fast 
 upon a quicksand, so I seem to be fixed 
 amongst the numerous perplexities of this ti'ou- 
 blesome affair. When we arrived at the Court 
 
508 LIFE OF MELANCTHON, 
 
 we were directed to give our opinion upon three 
 things, the inspection of the churches and the 
 preparation of a formulary, as they call it^ of 
 instruction — the constitution of councils — and 
 concerning the affairs of the Academy in 
 Misnia. Afterwards when no one had prepared 
 a copy of such instructions as were required, 
 I received orders to compose it, which though 
 done upon the spur of the occasion, was read in 
 the assembly the next day and approved. The 
 pastor commented upon some things respecting 
 your council ; about the new Academy I have 
 given no advice. The pastor made some observa- 
 tions in a very free, ingenuous manner. The third 
 day was consumed in contention with the Dean 
 of Friburg, who attacked in the severest terms 
 the good old pastor respecting the Adiaphoristic 
 Controversy. I have written a reply w^hich is 
 incorporated in the letters of the prince to the 
 Duke of Prussia, who is aiming to prevent the 
 circulation of every book that contains any thing 
 upon the subject of the Baltic Controversy." 
 
 The purpose of this meeting was at length 
 accomplished, in the renewal of that ancient 
 treaty w^iich subsisted between the two Electors 
 of Saxony and Brandenburg, and the Landgrave 
 of Hesse ; and the insertion of another article 
 w^hich the peculiar circumstances of the times 
 suggested, by which the respective parties agreed 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 509 
 
 to adhere to the Confession of Augsburg, and to 
 maintain it in their dominions, (x) 
 
 Impartiality here demands a statement of 
 the opinion of Melancthon upon those transac- 
 tions at Geneva respecting the unhappy Ser- 
 VETUS^ which have occasioned so many violent 
 controversies. Were we to enter into a deli- 
 berate and dispassionate investigation of this 
 affair, it would probably appear that an eager- 
 ness to criminate on the one hand, and to defend 
 on the other, has hurried each party into ex- 
 tremes ; the one, whose opinions have coincided 
 with those of Servetus, have not been sufficiently 
 disposed to make allowances for the peculiar 
 circumstances in which the Reformers were 
 placed, and for the strength of those conscientious 
 however erroneous- deplorably erroneous prin- 
 ciples which they blended with many valuable 
 discoveries;— the other party cherishing opposite 
 religious sentiments, have been too anxious to 
 extenuate a crime committed against the rights 
 of conscience which no considerations can ex- 
 cuse ; absurdly imagining that Calvin and truth 
 were identical, and that to defend the reputation 
 of the former was essential to the vindication and 
 glory of the latter. 
 
 The case was this. Michael *Servetus, a 
 Spaniard and a native of Villaneuva, in Arragon, 
 
 (x) Chytr. Saxon. 480. 
 
610 HFK Oh MBLANCTIION. 
 
 embraced the reformed religion at an early pe- 
 riod of his life, in consequence of searching the 
 Scriptures; but departed from the general sen- 
 timents of the Reformers on the subject of the 
 Trinity. His zeal was considerable, and going 
 into Germany to propagate his opinions, he pub- 
 lished a book in 1531, entitled " de Trinitatis 
 Erroribus," which in the ensuing year was fol- 
 lowed by two other treatises. These writings 
 occasioning great dissatisfaction, he removed 
 from place to place till he settled in Paris, 
 where he devoted himself to the study of medi- 
 cine, but at the same time became involved in 
 disputes of a theological nature with the phy- 
 sicians, till at length chagrined at the sup- 
 pression, by act of parliament, of a book he 
 had published, he withdrew to Lyons and w^as 
 introduced to the Archbishop of Vienna, in 
 whose house he long resided. During several 
 years he corresponded with Calvin the Re- 
 former of Geneva, but the contemptuous man- 
 ner in which he treated his theological antago- 
 nist, produced at length an open rupture and a 
 mortal antipathy. When Servetus was arrested 
 and committed to prison at Vienna for his pub- 
 lications, together w^ith his printer, Calvin, at 
 the desire however of the magistrates of that 
 city, sent his letters and writings — but he was 
 condemned for his published errors, and not as 
 it appears in consequence of any interference 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 511 
 
 of the Genevan Reformer. Having escaped 
 from prison he fled to Geneva with the design 
 of retiring to Naples, Here he was arrested ; 
 and, as it cannot with probabthty be denied, at 
 the instigation of Calvin, who had long before 
 intimated " if that heretic came to Geneva, he 
 would take care that he should be capitally 
 punished." 
 
 When tried for heresy the principal accusa- 
 tions against Servetus were, his having asserted 
 that the land of Canaan was fertile, though it 
 was unfruitful and barren — his having corrupted 
 the Latin Bible which he was employed to cor- 
 rect at Lyons, by introducing trifling and impi- 
 ous notes of his own — and having in the person 
 of Calvin defamed the doctrine that is preached, 
 uttering all imaginable injurious and blasphe- 
 mous words against it. Before sentence was 
 passed, the ministers of Basle, Zurich, Bern and 
 Schaffhausen were consulted, who unanimous- 
 ly determined that he ought to be condemned 
 to death for blasphemy and heresy. The fol- 
 lowing verdict was accordingly pronounced — 
 '^ You Michael Servetus are condemned to be 
 bound and led to Champel, and there fastened 
 to a stake and burned alive with your book writ- 
 ten with your hand and printed, until your 
 body shall be reduced to ashes and your days 
 thus finished as an example to others who 
 might commit the same things ; and we com- 
 
512 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 mand you our lieutenant to put this our sen-' 
 tence into execution." Thus he perished in 
 great agonies on the twenty-seventh of October 
 1553. 
 
 The reader must naturally feel curious to 
 know the opinion of the amiable Melancthon on 
 this odious transaction, and it is with the utmost 
 pain we produce it, as expressed in a letter to 
 BuUinger. " I have read your statement re- 
 specting the blasphemy of Servetus, and praise 
 your piety and judgment; and am persuaded 
 that the Council of Geneva has done right in 
 putting to death this obstinate man, who would 
 never have ceased his blasphemies. I am asto- 
 nished that any one can be found to disapprove 
 of this proceeding ; but I have transmitted you 
 a few papers which will sufficiently explain our 
 sentiments." On more than one occasion he 
 had refuted his statements by an appeal to Scrip- 
 tural evidence, (y) and had he confined his hos- 
 tility to the principle, and not by his concurrence 
 have punished the Tnan, we should have enjoyed 
 the delightful opportunity of presenting to the 
 reader, a noble exception to the general spirit of 
 the times. But at that period, Christians of 
 every class and party believed that gros^ religious 
 errors were punishable by the civil 7nagistrate, a 
 popish doctrine which they had not yet renounced,, 
 
 (y) Melancth. Ep. Lib. L 3. Lib. IV. 140. &c. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 513 
 
 and which, it is to be feared, is not even to 
 this day, and in the most enlightened part of the 
 world, totally exterminated from the breasts of 
 all Protestants. Be it remembered however, 
 that by cherishing such a principle in any degree 
 they betray the best of causes — furnish occasion 
 for the most injurious representations of Christian- 
 ity, and instead of learning of their master, who 
 was " meek and lowly of heart," imitate the 
 misguided disciples who were for calling down 
 fire from heaven. Can any thing be more ob- 
 vious than this, that it is the birthright of every 
 human being to think for himself, that he is 
 amenable alone to conscience and to God for 
 his religious sentiments, and that whatever per- 
 son or system attempts to legislate for the free- 
 born soul, and coerce the faith of another, is 
 perpetrating one of the most detestable of crimes, 
 robbing man of his liberty and God of his au- 
 thority? In such a case siihmission to man is 
 treason against heaven. Is it not truly asto- 
 nishing that while the Reformers in their sepa- 
 ration from the church of Rome asserted this 
 noble principle, and were daily contending and 
 even bleeding for it, they should so far forget 
 themselves, even the very best of them, as to 
 act in diam.etrical opposition to their own claims 
 — to impose and to dissent from the same prin- 
 ciple at the same time — to discard human aii^ 
 thority in matters of religion in contending 
 
514 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 against the Romish hierarchy, and to vindicate it 
 in establishing their own church ? — So inconsist- 
 ent is human nature! — But let Protestants aim 
 to purify themselves from this deep stain upon 
 their characters, which can only be removed by 
 eternally disclaiming not only in words, but in 
 practice, all dominion over another's faith and 
 conscience ! 
 
 John Frederic survived to the present 
 year the release from imprisonment which the 
 peace of Passau had given him. He had how- 
 ever only been permitted to take possession 
 of a part of his territories, and although he had 
 laid claim to his electoral dominions upon the 
 death of Maurice, who was shot in battle in the 
 preceding year, that usurper's brother, Augustus, 
 a Prince of considerable talents and great ur- 
 l>anity of manners, w^as chosen by the ungrateful 
 states of Saxony to that elevated station. The 
 death of John Frederic excited the tears of Me- 
 lancthon, who ceased not to admire the virtues 
 which not only flourished in the beams of pros- 
 perity, but which did not appear in the least 
 degree to wither in the most adverse season of 
 liis life. He possessed an inflexible integrity of 
 character that no changes could possibly alter, 
 and a far distant posterity will venerate his 
 name. 
 
 The contentions excited by the intemperate 
 zeal of Osiander and Flacius now raged in every 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTTION. 515 
 
 clireetion^ and with such excessive violence at 
 Nuremberg in particular, that the whole city 
 was in a state of commotion. A most urgent 
 application therefore was made to the Elector 
 Augustus, to permit Melancthon, whose advice 
 had been often sought, to repair immediately 
 with his principal associates Aless, Camerarius, 
 and Pomeranus to afford every requisite assist- 
 ance on the spot. The most disgraceful scenes 
 were transacted, (z) but the presence and judg- 
 ment of these eminent commissioners after some 
 time restored tranquillity. Melancthon drew 
 up a short but comprehensive statement of 
 truth, in which he displayed the most exquisite 
 skill, combined with the most Christian spirit. 
 He maintained truth and refuted error without 
 indulging in the least asperity of language 
 against his adversaries. 
 
 This affair however, was not adjusted 
 till the commencement of another year ; but 
 upon his return home he was infested with 
 crowds of persons inoculated with the wildfire 
 of Flacius, who absolutely persecuted him for 
 several months and years. Unhappily several 
 persons of distinction espoused his cause, and 
 encouraged the ignorant hostility of the vulgar. 
 They cherished a disputative pertinacity of spirit^ 
 
 (z) " Exarseruntque passim certamiua de illis rebus plane 
 gladiatoria. Quai tanta extiterunt Norimbergai ut ferri in civi- 
 tate pacata diutiii« non possent." Cam. Vit. Mel. p. 34 1. 
 
 lI2 
 
516 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 made a man an offender for a word^ perpetually 
 stood in the attitude of defiance, filled all the 
 shops with the most abusive publications, and 
 denounced with unmerciful scurrility the ami- 
 able and insulted Melancthon. Flacius him- 
 self was the prime mover of these proceed- 
 ings, and exerted a never-ceasing activity in 
 the circulation of calumnious misrepresent- 
 ations. In a letter to Matthesius, Melancthon 
 very justly characterizes him as '' a viper whose 
 venom every wise man would avoid ;" but the 
 calumniator himself he addressed in the mildest 
 terms, " Homer, in describing the contest be- 
 tween Ajax and Hector^ represents the former 
 as being satisfied when the latter yields and con- 
 fesses that he is vanquished ; but there is no end 
 to your criminations. Who ever acts in this 
 manner ? Who strikes a foe when he gives up the 
 contest and throws away his weapons ? Claim 
 the victory, I yield, I contend no longer about 
 these rites; I am chiefly solicitous that the 
 churches live in concord and peace. I confess 
 indeed that I have committed sin in this affair, 
 and implore forgiveness of God that I did not 
 wholly fly from these subtle disputations : but 
 I feel myself obliged to refute the mistatements 
 of yourself and Gallus." (a) 
 
 On another occasion he expresses himself 
 
 («; Pezel. Coiw. Theol. Tom. II. pp. 255, 257. 
 
LIFE OF MEvLANCTHON. 517 
 
 in the following manner ; " I am not in despair 
 on account of the cruel clamour of my enemies, 
 who threaten not to leave me a foot of ground to 
 stand upon in Germany ; but I commit myself 
 to the Son of God. If I am driven away alone, 
 / have determined to go into Palestine, and in 
 those lurking places where Jerome retired, by 
 maintaining intercourse with the Son of God, to 
 write clear statements of divine truth, and in 
 death to recommend my soul to God." Again 
 he says, " I am eagerly and with tranquil- 
 lity of mind expecting to be banished, as I 
 have told the princes. My adversaries declare 
 they are resolved to accomplish their purpose, 
 and that I shall not have a footing in Germany. 
 I sincerely wish they would do it quickly, as the 
 Son of God said to Judas. If I die, there will 
 be a footing for me in heaven ; or if I continue 
 in the body, I shall still be associated with pious 
 and learned men either in Germany or else- 
 where. I am astonished at the folly of my 
 enemies, who imagine they possess a ruling in- 
 fluence in Germany, and can terrify me with 
 their threats." 
 
 On Melancthon in a great measure devolved 
 '' the care of all the churches ;" but will any 
 one credit the representations of his open ene- 
 mies, or more injurious friends who have care- 
 lessly propagated the notion of his abandon- 
 ing, the truth, after perusing the following pious 
 
518 LIFE OF MELANGTHON. 
 
 ajid alTectionate portion of a letter addressed to 
 the pastors of the churches in the provinces of 
 Bohemia and Lusatia? — or, indeed, will it be 
 believed that if he had been guilty of tergiver- 
 sation they would have continued too seek his 
 advice, to value his sympathies, to confide in his 
 wisdom, and to allow him to maintain the emi- 
 nence to which public esteem and personal me- 
 rit had exalted him ? " Whether," he observes, 
 ^' divine wisdom has appointed still greater trou- 
 bles than ever existed before in this feeble and 
 superannuated age of the world, may be doubt- 
 ful; but amidst the desolation of Empires, the 
 Son of God will continue to gather an eternal 
 church, solely by the preaching of his gospel, 
 till the period when he will recal the dead to 
 life. These predictions are given to encourage 
 us to endure the sufferings allotted us, and to 
 persevere in the labour of extending the truth 
 in the world, which will not be in vain. It is 
 with much grief we have heard that pure doc- 
 trine is so despised, that the pastors have been 
 driven from their churches, and that at this 
 moment many pious and upright men, with their 
 wives and dear little children, are in a state of 
 exile. We sympathize most deeply with them 
 with you and with your bereaved churches, and 
 implore the Son of God, who has said, ' I will 
 not leave you comfortless,' to alleviate these 
 sufferings, and to afford you all necessary assist- 
 
LIFE OF M ELANCTIION. 519 
 
 ance. You so well know the true sources of reli- 
 gious consolation^ that we will not enlarge^ but 
 only admonish you under present circumstances 
 to set your churches an example of stedfastness 
 in tribulation, lest they should be tempted to-' 
 unbelief. Nothing will be more efficacious for 
 this purpose than a thorough knowledge of the 
 truth, and an opposition to mere human opi- 
 nions. The Papists support the most flagrant 
 idolatry, the invocation of departed saints, and 
 numerous absurdities originating from that mon- 
 strous sentiment : they turn the Lord's Supper 
 into a gainful traffic, and contrary to the design 
 of this institution, carry about the bread in 
 public procession to be adored. Disparaging 
 the true doctrine of repentance, they invent a 
 multiplicity of foolish rites, to the absolute tor- 
 ment of pious persons, taking away the con- 
 solation to be derived from the know^ledge of 
 our Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, and 
 zealoustly contending for numerous observances 
 of their own invention. The people then w^ill 
 not surely suppose our determined opposition 
 to these practices unnecessary. Let the prin- 
 cipal points of doctrine be frequently incul- 
 cated, with these solemn admonitions ; ' Keep 
 yourselves from idols.' — ' Though we or an angel 
 from heaven preach any other gospel unto you, 
 than that which we have preached unto you 
 iet him be accursed.' — ' Whosoever blasphemeth 
 
520 LIFE OF iMELANCTHON. 
 
 against the Holy Ghost, it shall not be for-* 
 given him," This letter is dated February^ 
 1555. (h) 
 
 The death of Justus Jonas proved an addi- 
 tional source of affliction at this period. He 
 had been particularly intimate both with Luther 
 and Melancthon, and had co-operated with the 
 latter in several important public transactions. 
 Jonas was a native of Northausen in Thuringia. 
 He was profoundly skilled both in law and the- 
 ology. For some years he held a pastoral charge 
 at Wittemberg, and was a professor and Rector 
 of the University. Afterwards removing to 
 Halle, he became extensively useful in promo- 
 ting the Reformation. For a considerable time 
 after the death of Luther he continued in the 
 Duke of Saxony's court, and was a sympathiz- 
 ii;ig companion to the sons of John Frederic in 
 their afflictions. At last he was placed over 
 the church in Eisfield, where he expired in 
 peace on the ninth of October, 1555, at the age 
 of sixty-two. 
 
 Maximilian king of Bohemia levied a new 
 tax upon the celebrity of Melancthon, by pro- 
 posing to him a number of questions respecting 
 the principal subjects that occasioned the con- 
 troversies of the age ; to all of which he felt him- 
 self obliged to return a circumstantial reply. 
 
 (h) Melancth. Ep. Lib. I. 78. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 521 
 
 This was in the year 1556, and the whole 
 memorial was published at Leipsic, hy Nicholas 
 Selneccer, about ten years after the author's 
 decease. 
 
 It is impossible for those who are not simi- 
 larly situated fully to reahze the perplexity and 
 toil which Melancthon and his coadjutors sus- 
 tained at this period. As the head of all the 
 principal literary and ecclesiastical transactions 
 of the age, consulted by princes, despatched 
 upon every urgent occasion on different journies, 
 summoned to private conferences and public 
 councils, necessitated to maintain an extensive 
 correspondence, opposed, and even insulted by 
 a violent faction, and watched as a heretic by 
 the partizans of the Roman hierarchy, it is not 
 surprising that he should represent himself as 
 tormented upon the rack of incessant engage- 
 ment, and absolutely distracted with writing dis- 
 putations, rules and regulations, prefaces and 
 letters.fcj 
 
 (c) " Non poeticae carnificmae apud inferos pares sunt mese 
 carnificinae, qua excrucior scribendis disputationibus, legibus, 
 praefationibus, epistolis. Nunc respondeo optimo inveni rw ixovn 
 cvojjia vw S^erS r5 crKnriejvoQ, et volumen mitto. Heri in Pome- 
 raniam Controversiae Stetinensis disjudicationein misimus.'* ad 
 Joaeh. Camtrariam^ 844. 
 
( 622 ) 
 
 CHAP. XIII. 
 
 ■•<••<.■<••<>•>••>.■>" 
 
 A. D. 1557, TO A.D. 1560, 
 
 ••< •<•.<••<>• >•>•>•• 
 
 Last conference of Melancihon with the Papists at 
 Worms — Visit to Heidelberg — Receives intelligence 
 of his imfe's death — Her epitaph— The Chronicon 
 and other writings — Loss of friends — Melancihon' s 
 infirmities — Interesting paper assigning reasons 
 why it is desirable to leave the world — A variety of 
 particulars respecting his last illness and death 
 ^-Epitaphby Theodore Beza — Ode—Conclusion. 
 
 The time was now approaching when this 
 distinguished combatant was to pass from the 
 field of holy and honourable warfare in which he 
 had so long ^^ fought a good fight/' to share the 
 honours of an eternal triumph. In the year 
 1.557, he met his Popish adversaries for the last 
 time in a conference at Worms. The chief sub- 
 ject of dispute was a most important one, merit- 
 ing all the zeal and firmness with which the 
 Reformers maintained their principles. It re- 
 spected the rule of judgment in religious concerns. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 523 
 
 This the Papists strenuously affirmed to be the 
 nniversal consent or custoin of the church ; and 
 with no less ardour Melancthon and his coadju- 
 tors insisted that the only legitimate and autho- 
 ritative rule was the sacred Scripture. Let it 
 never be forgotten by a grateful posterity, that 
 however they might differ in some other points 
 among themselves, and however widely present 
 or future generations may differ from them in 
 topics, either maintained by some of them indi- 
 vidually or perhaps all of them collectively, they 
 are to be applauded and venerated for holding 
 with the most tenacious grasp of mind and as- 
 serting with the utmost resolution of spirit in 
 defiance of a persecuting world, this noble prin- 
 ciple — this anchor a sacra of the Reformation, 
 that THE ONLY Authority to which human 
 
 REASON OUGHT IMPLICITLY TO SUBMIT IN RELI-. 
 GIOUS CONCERNS IS THE INFALLIBLE WORD OF THE 
 
 LIVING God! 
 
 From the conference at Worms during a 
 temporary suspension of the business, the Elec- 
 tor Palatine sent for Melancthon to Heidelberg, 
 for the purpose of adjusting some literary ar- 
 rangements — the Augustinian convent having 
 been converted into an academy. In this affair 
 he was assisted by Micyllus and other eminent 
 scholars. The pleasure he felt in meeting his 
 brother George at Heidelberg, and in the affec- 
 tionate attentions of his celebrated son-in-law 
 
524 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 Caspar Peucer, was painfully interrupted by the 
 intelligence of his wife's death. His friend 
 Joachim Camerarius was charged to convey the 
 melancholy tidings. Knowing the strength of 
 his affections, he chose to defer the performance 
 of this sad duty till the day after his arrival, 
 when they walked together in the prince's gar- 
 den ; but instead of manifesting any extraordi- 
 nary emotion, Melancthon on receiving the in- 
 telligence spoke like a man who was weaned in 
 a great degree from the world, uttering a kind 
 of tender farewell to his beloved Catharine, and 
 adding " that he expected very soon to follow 
 her." He pursued a solemn and pious strain of 
 conversation, expressing his prophetic anticipa- 
 tions of the future troubles that awaited Saxony. 
 So firmly convinced was he of the reality of his 
 apprehensions, and so deeply affected at the 
 dark prospect of future calamitous years, that 
 his domestic misfortune seemed utterly absorbed 
 in the greater importance of public affairs.fo?) 
 
 The last act of conjugal tenderness which 
 closed the long union of thirty-seven years, was 
 the composition of the few following lines to 
 adorn the tombstone of his deceased wife : — 
 
 Proximus hie tumulus Catharinae contegit ossa 
 QuaB Crappo quondam consule nata fuit 
 
 (cJ) Cam. Vit. Mel. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 525 
 
 Conjugio casto fuerat quae nupta Philippo 
 
 Ex scriptis cujus nomina nota manent. 
 Yirtutes habuit donatas numine Christi 
 
 Matronae Paulus quas docet esse decus. 
 Hie absente viro sepelivit filia corpus 
 
 Vivit, conspectu mens fruiturque Dei. 
 
 Deposited beneath this hallow'd earth 
 
 Lies Catharine's dust, of Crappin's house by birth f 
 To Philip join'd by wedlock's sacred name — 
 
 Philip — whose writings will prolong their fame. 
 Virtues which Christ bestow'd adorn'd her life. 
 
 And such as Paul affirms become a wife. 
 Her PhiHp absent, mournM the chast'ning rod — -. 
 
 By filial tenderness beneath this clod C 
 
 Her body's plac'd ; — her soul is fled to God! 3 
 
 Melancthon survived his beloved partner only 
 about two years and six months^ a period which 
 he occupied in an unremitting attention to the 
 duties of his academical station^ and in the com- 
 position of useful works. His opponents would 
 not allow him to retire from controversial writ- 
 ing, and in 1558 he replied to the accusations 
 of Staphylus and Avius, two of the zealots of 
 Rome. 
 
 In the same year he issued the first part of 
 his Chronicon, which is published complete 
 in the fifth volume of his works by Peucer. It 
 consists of more than seventy pages in fojio, 
 containing the great events of general history 
 
026 LIFE OF MELANCTHO.V. 
 
 from the creation of the world to the period of 
 the Reformation. Like all his other composi- 
 tions it displays a great extent of reading, a re- 
 markable capacity for judicious selection^ and a 
 disposition to use up the rich materials with 
 which his mind was stored, in the erection of a 
 structure, adapted both to gratify and to benefit 
 posterity. The Chronicon was written princi- 
 pally as its author states for the youth in the 
 Universities ; " I wish," says he, modestly, " I 
 possessed more time and capacity to finish up 
 these historical narratives, but I hope that others 
 will be stimulated by this example to execute 
 other more copious and better compositions." 
 
 Many writers have erroneously attributed 
 to Melancthon a Greek Version of the Augsburg 
 Confession, transmitted in the course of the fol- 
 lowing year, under the name of Paul Dolscius, 
 to the patriarch of Constantinople. His own 
 words in a letter to Bordingus sufl&ciently evince 
 the mistake of this statement, while they authen- 
 ticate and approve the Version. " I send you a 
 Greek Version of the Augsburg Confession, 
 which was published without my advice. How- 
 ever I approve the style and have sent it to 
 Constantinople by a man of learning, a dean of 
 that city, who has been our guest during the 
 whole summer. He relates that there were 
 heretofore many churches in Asia, in Thrace 
 and the neighbouring countries, but they have 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIIOK, 52t 
 
 been gradually diminished by oppression and 
 bondage." Di'^ring the same year he composed 
 his reply to a Decree of the Abbot of Wurtem- 
 berg, and to some papistical scurrilities of which 
 he grievously complains \(e) he wrote also his 
 judgment upon the controversy respecting the 
 Lord's Supper to Frederic III. Elector Palatine, 
 which was afterwards published; and finished 
 some other minor compositions. 
 
 During these transactions his earthly ties 
 were gradually dissolving. Year after year 
 robbed him of his dearest friends, thus rendering 
 the world less desirable, and heaven more attrac- 
 tive. On these occasions he usually expressed 
 himself in a pious and elevated strain. For 
 instance, " Let us congratulate Vitus, now 
 removed to the delightful society of the hea- 
 venly church ; and be stimulated by his example 
 to prepare for the same journey." In addition 
 to his domestic and other bereavements he 
 lost Micyllus, Justus Menius and John Bugen- 
 hagen Pomeranus. The latter was one of the 
 most remarkable men of the age, and may be 
 be justly ranked with Luther and Melancthon, 
 with whom he cherished a long and close friend- 
 ship, and to whom he was in many respects little 
 inferior. Originally he was a schoolmaster at 
 Treptow, in Pomerania, and when he first saw 
 
 (V?) Melancth. Ep. Tom. JI. p. 379. ad Cracovium, 
 
528 LIFE OF ME LAN CT HON. 
 
 the " Babylonish Captivity" by Luther, ex- 
 claimed, " the author of this book is the most 
 pestilent heretic that ever infested the church of 
 Christ ;" but after examining it more seriously 
 and with an inquisitive mind, it wrought so en- 
 tire a change of sentiment, that he said " the 
 whole world is blind and this man alone sees the 
 truth." When he was chosen to be minister of 
 the great church at Wittemberg, he not only did 
 not aim at this elevation, but was almost dragged 
 by force out of his obscurity to possess it, and 
 assiduously devoted himself to the duties of this 
 eminent station during thirty-six years. He 
 expired in peace on the twentieth of April 1558, 
 at the advanced age of seventy-three. 
 
 It is some satisfaction to find that such a 
 man as Philip Melancthon was not destined to 
 spend the latter years of his life in a state of 
 inanimate decrepitude and half-conscious being. 
 The flame of his genius and piety burnt with a 
 bright and steady lustre to the last ; the noon of 
 fame seemed to shed its undeparted glories upon 
 the evening of his earthly existence ! How many 
 have lived only to be pitied or despised, the wreck 
 of their former selves, alike incapable of re- 
 ceiving or imparting either pleasure or benefit ! 
 Decays of body and infirmities of mind have 
 worm-eaten a fabric built of the finest materials, 
 and once presenting to the gratified observer a 
 happy combination of elegance and utility. But 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTIIOX. 529 
 
 in the present Instance every thing excites sur- 
 prize and veneration. A perfect maturity of the 
 faculties and a singular capability of exertion are 
 apparent to the very end of his days. Pulchro- 
 fum etiam mitumnm pidcher est. It is impossible 
 to read some of his last letters without emotion. 
 They breathe an exalted piety, a spirit of sym- 
 pathy with the sorrows of others, and a state of 
 preparation for that mighty change he was soon 
 to experience. Such is his letter to Everard 
 Roggius.f/; 
 
 " Dearest Brother, 
 
 " I am a father and not insensible or desti- 
 tute of natural affection, but deeply sympathi?:e 
 in the calamities which befal sons aud daughters. 
 I cannot therefore but believe that you are pain- 
 fully affected with yours ; for the strongest nm- 
 tual affection is implanted in the human breast 
 between parents and children. I pray that our 
 Lord Jesus Christ may assuage your griefs, alle- 
 viate your adversities, and preserve both you and 
 your family. Resort to those divine sources of 
 knowledge which are bestowed upon us, to ad- 
 minister consolation in trouble. God designs 
 indeed that his church should suffer the cross, 
 but he would not have us be overwhelmed with 
 grief, but rather stimulated by afflictions, to call 
 
 (f) MrlaKcth. Ep. p. 307, 8, Lugd. Batav, 1647. 
 Mm 
 
630 LIFE OF M E L A N C T H O N, 
 
 upon his name^ to acquiesce, to rejoice in his 
 dispensations. You remember the language of 
 the Prophet Isaiah, whose words are expres- 
 sively rendered in the Septuagint 'Ev OXiiPu niK^a 
 ri irai^ua gov r)f.uv. It is said to be a little or short 
 affliction, because all the joys an^ sorrows of the 
 present life are hasting to a termination. Let us 
 then contemplate and be constantly preparing 
 for the everlasting society of the blessed God ! 
 
 Farewell, the sixteenth of October, the 
 
 day on which one thousand eight hundred and 
 eighty-one years ago Demosthenes died, whom 
 one cannot but lament for having consumed 
 6uch a vigour of genius in such a useless manner 
 and as being dKwog opyrjc a vessel of wrath. Let us 
 be grateful to God who has called us to nobler 
 pursuits, and implore his Son so to rule and 
 guide us that we may be (jKtvri ^Xisc vessels of 
 mercy. 
 
 "^ From your brother, now an old man and 
 not far from his climacteric year 63, 
 
 " Philip Melancthon»" 
 
 His last letter chiefly because it is the last 
 he wrote, we have thought proper to translate* 
 It is addressed to John Aurifaber.f g-J 
 
 fg-j Melancth. Epist. p. 130. Ludg, Batav, 1647. 
 
LIFE OF ME) ANCTHOiV. 5^1 
 
 '' Reverend Sir and dearest Brother, 
 ^^ Although I heard that you were in the 
 principality of Breslau, where I indulge the hope 
 of enjoying some intercourse with those learned 
 and pious men Crato, Adam, Peter Vincentius 
 and Moreburgius, yet I write these few lines 
 though I am in excruciating pain from an in 
 termitting fever, originating in a catarrh which 
 lias troubled me for upwards of three years. You 
 will pardon therefore the brevity of my letter. 
 Feeling myself dying, I have commended your 
 doctrine to the illustrious prince, and have written 
 concerning the genuine and holy union of the prin- 
 cipal churches. I commend also this doctrine to 
 you and implore you to receive David Voyt with 
 kindness. I trust he will not disagree with you 
 in opinion. Let me intreat you, if I live, to 
 write me soon. Farewell, I return you my 
 thanks for every kind office, and in particular 
 for your assistance in the case of Sickius and 
 Daucis. 
 
 " Philip Melancthon will soon be no more!" 
 
 About the same time he wrote down in two 
 columns on a piece of paper, the reasons why 
 it is desirable to leave the world. One of 
 these columns contained the blessings which 
 death would procure ; namely, firsty that you 
 will come to the light — secondly, that you 
 will see Qod-^thirdly, that you will con- 
 M m 2 
 
532 
 
 LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 
 
 template the Son of God—fonrthlij, that you 
 will understand those admirable mysteries 
 whicii you could not comprehend in the present 
 Wie—jifthlij^ that you will know why we are 
 created such as we are — sixthly^ that you will 
 comprehend the union of the two natures in 
 Jesus Christ. The second column assigned 
 two reasons for not regretting a departure 
 from the world— /r*^ because you will sin no 
 i^^ore — secondhj, because you will no longer be 
 exposed to the vexations of controversy, and 
 the rage of Theologians. The following is an 
 exact copy, f/^ J 
 
 A Sinistris. 
 
 A Dextris, 
 
 Discedcs a pcccatis 
 Jjiberaberis ab lerumnis el a 
 labie Theoluo'orum. 
 
 Venies in lucem 
 
 Videbis Deum 
 
 Intueberis lilium Dei 
 
 Disces ilia mira arcana quap 
 
 in liac vita intellig'ere- non 
 
 potuiisti: 
 Ciir sic simus conditi 
 Qualis sit copiilatio duanim 
 
 natUraruni in Christo. 
 
 It appears from the testimony of the pro- 
 fessors at Wittemberg, in their narrative of his 
 
 {h) Mel. Adam. Vit. Philosoplionun. 
 
LIFE OF MnLANCTIION, 533 
 
 deaih,(i) that Melancthon frequently intimated 
 his conviction that he should not survive his 
 sixty-third year ; and a few months previous to 
 his decease he wrote the following distich u\ 
 anticipation of the approaching event : 
 
 Sic ego quotidie ile lecto surgo procando 
 Ut mens ad mortem sit duce Ia?ia Deo. 
 
 The last journey he performed was to Leip- 
 sic, on the ^i.vth of April, for the purpose of at- 
 tendins: the annual examination of the Students 
 of Divinity, who were supported hy the muni- 
 ficence of the Elector ; from which service he 
 returned on the nhdh. Although the season was 
 inclement, he appeared to feel no inconvenience 
 on his w^ay thither, hut while there he was sud- 
 denly seized during dinner with the windy cho- 
 lic and diarrhoea, but the symptoms quickly dis- 
 appeared. Upon his return he complained of 
 the severity of the north wind, and the cold 
 humidity of the atmosphere, which, he said, he 
 had not felt so much during the whole vvn'nter : 
 
 (i) The interesting little volume referred to was published in 
 the name of all the professors, and is entitled '' Brevis Narra- 
 Tio exponens quo fine vitam in terris suam clauserit Rev. Vir D. 
 Philippus Melancthon, una cum pra^cedentium proxime dierum et 
 totius morbi quo confectus est bi>evi descriptione, conscripta ^ 
 
 PROFESSORIBUS ACADEMIiE WiTTEBERGENSIS, qui omnibus 
 
 quae exponuntur mterfuerunt. Express, Wit. A. 1 560. 
 
5M LIFE OF MELANCTIION'. 
 
 and the motion of the carriage had made him 
 painfully sensible of the calculus which had 
 been forming in his kidneys during several 
 years. The night of the seventh of April was 
 the first in which his last fatal disorder mani- 
 fested itfelf. He was restless from want of 
 j^leep, and became afflicted by a considerable and 
 general debility. His cough was extremely 
 troublesome, and the fever which eventually 
 terminated his days began to attack him. 
 
 About six o'cloclc in the morning his son- 
 in-law, Dr. Peucer, came to see him, and imme- 
 diately intimated the great alarm he felt at the 
 situation of his father. It was determined 
 instantly to send the melancholy information of 
 his danger to the friend of his heart Joachim Ca- 
 merarius, with whom he had lived in the closest 
 friendship for upwards of forty years. 
 
 After this he wrote several letters, and UvSed 
 the medical remedies which his son-in-law pre- 
 scvibed. Having been some time silent he at 
 length exclaimed, " If such be the will of God, 
 I can willingly die, and I beseech him to grant 
 ine a joyful dismission ;" alluding to the song of 
 Simeon, " Now lettest thou thy servant depart in 
 peace, for mine eyes have seen thy salvation." 
 He dwelt upon the wOrd peace^ and prayed for 
 such a removal. 
 
 At nine, the usual hour for the commence- 
 ment of his public duties in the Academy, he 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 535 
 
 rose from his seat, and began to prepare for 
 going* down to deliver a Lecture on Logic, which 
 exercise he thought he could endure for half an 
 hour, if he afterwards used the bath; and he 
 felt unwilling to desist from his public labours. 
 When he was about to set his foot upon a little 
 stool which he was accustomed to make use of 
 when he washed his hands, his weakness was 
 such that he almost fell upon his knees by the 
 effort, which occasioning some bustle — " Ah," 
 said he, ^' my lamp is almost out." Some of 
 his friends thought it would be expedient to 
 prevent the attendance of the students by issu- 
 ing private orders to them not to fill up their 
 places, in order that when Melancthon went to 
 lecture, he might be induced to return, and relin- 
 quish the idea of persevering ; but he appeared 
 so anxious that it was believed this proceeding 
 would be likely to produce a worse effect, by 
 agitating his mind, than the exertion itself; he 
 was therefore allowed on this and some following 
 days to attend in his place. 
 
 The lecture which he delivered was upon 
 a sentence of Gregory Nazianzen, hq t6 ayiov 
 
 iray^a Xvr^ov rov Karecryrovrog ; and upon a passage of 
 Isaiah, Kanyru /car£^o/i£0a /jlev yap vtto ts Trovryps, &C, 
 
 but his weakness rendered it impossible for him 
 to occupy more than a quarter of an hour. Upon 
 his return home he went into the warm bath, 
 and after taking his dinner slept very soundly 
 
53G J. ifj: of melancthon. 
 
 for three hours, and was so revived that a hope 
 was entertained of his recovery. He employed 
 himself before supper in writing, but his debility 
 afterwards returning, the pleasing hopes that had 
 been cherished were annihilated. 
 
 He did not yet desist from any of his usual 
 employments^ and after this period continued to 
 dictate in the second part of his Chronicon. 
 
 On the tenth of April he appeared to be 
 totally free from his former disease, but was 
 attacked by a semitertian fever or ague. A 
 quantity of bile being soon expelled from his 
 stomach by the use of medicine, he seemed 
 relieved. Though it was of considerable import- 
 ance that he should be kept quiet, yet such 
 w^as his ardour that, having discovered that the 
 Senate of the University was convened at the 
 hour of twelve, he could not be dissuaded from 
 attending what he believed to be his public duty. 
 As several disputes arose, he spoke with great 
 zeal on each subject, for the purpose of promoting 
 peace and reconciliation. 
 
 Although extremely debilitated, yet on the 
 morning of the eleventh of the month he rose early, 
 and at six, as usual on festival days, delivered 
 a lecture on the last prayer of the Saviour, 
 recorded in the seventeenth chapter of the 
 Gospel of John. He divided the prayer of 
 Christ into three parts, as embracing so many 
 distinct objects: namely, 1. That a Church 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHOX. 53T 
 
 might exist in the world. II. That it might he 
 distinguished by its miity and concord. III. That 
 his people might be heirs of that salvation 
 and eternal life which belongs to the heavenly 
 church. A few days previous to this he had 
 entreated his hearers to remember after his 
 decease some passage or passages to which he 
 particularly directed their attention in this last 
 prayer ; and after repeating the above division, 
 he said impressively, " I am a dying man, and 
 these are the three subjects for intercession with 
 God which I leave to my children and their little 
 ones — that they may form a part of his church 
 and worship him aright — that they may be one in 
 him, and live in harmony with each other— and 
 that they may be fellow-heirs, of eternal life !" 
 
 On the twelfth of April, 1560, he delivered 
 hi§ final lecture on the words of the prophet 
 Isaiah, " Who hath believed our report, and to 
 whom is the arm of the Lord revealed ?" f/^J 
 On the same day he wrote the following lines, 
 which are obviously but the commencement of 
 a hymn which his weakness rendered him inca- 
 pable of finishing, 
 
 iEterno genitore nalo Chiiste 
 Orator patris ex siiiu verendi 
 Vocem Evangelii ferens suavem 
 Qua credcntibus exhibes poteiiter 
 
 (k) l&A. liii. 1. 
 
538 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 Vitam justiciamque sempiternam 
 Et qui sanguine nos two redemptos 
 Exaudis, reputas liici&que justos 
 Ostendisque pi is tuuni parentem 
 Nostras Christe semper doceto mentes 
 Ac in pectora gratia? arrabonem 
 Nostra effundito Spiritum moveutem 
 Casta incendia et invocationem: 
 Fac pars agminis ut tui per omne 
 JEi\nim simus, alacriterque semper 
 ^^terni Patris et tuas gonemus 
 Laudes 
 
 The worthy Professors of Wittemberg relate 
 with great seriousness^ that between nine and 
 ten the same night several persons of credibi- 
 lity affirmed, that they saw in the air some 
 remarkable appearances of rods and scourges; 
 upon which Melancthon, who is known to have 
 been addicted to superstitious apprehensions, and 
 to have been deeply impressed with the expec- 
 tation of approaching calamities to his country, 
 remarked, " That they w^ere evidently ominous 
 of impending punishments ; but as it was rocfe, 
 such as those with which parents correct their 
 children, and not sicords they saw, they might 
 expect paternal chastisements, and not those 
 destructive ones which were inflicted upon 
 enemies." (I) 
 
 CO Crevis Narratio a Professor. Acad. Witteb. p. 16. 
 
LIFE OF MEliANCTHON. 539 
 
 During the niglit he enjoyed a comfortable 
 repose, and was heard to chaunt in his sleep in 
 the manner in which the same words were usually 
 repeated in public, " With desire have I desired to- 
 eat this passover with you before I suffer," (m) 
 He rose at three in the morning, and applied 
 himself to complete his Chronicon. But from 
 this period he rapidly declined: still anxious 
 however to persevere to the last in the assiduous 
 discharge of his Academical duties, two days 
 afterwards, on the fourteenth of the same month 3, 
 he would have attempted to deliver another 
 public lecture, had he not been prevented by the 
 urgent persuasions of his friend Camerarius^ 
 who came from Leipsic to pay him all the 
 attention which affectionate friendship could 
 dictate. 
 
 He even put on his Professor's gown, and 
 would have crept to the lecture-room to have 
 delivered a discourse which he meditated ou 
 some portion of the Evangelical history, but 
 being informed by his son-in-law that the 
 students were not assembled, he desisted from 
 his purpose. The fact was, after having crowded 
 to hear him they were dispersed by a procl^* 
 mation which his friends, unknown to himself, 
 had affixed to the door, stating his incapacity 
 to attend. 
 
 Cm) Luke xxii. J 0. 
 
510 LIFi: OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 His mind was in a very cheerful state, and 
 he often betrayed his characteristic humour, (n) 
 He spoke of death with composure, and of his 
 friend Pomeranus, who had died about two years 
 before. He said that he dreaded nothino; so much 
 as becoming a useless cumberer of the ground, 
 and prayed that if his life were protracted, he 
 might be serviceable to the youth under his care, 
 and to the Church of Jesus Christ. 
 
 On the fifteenth he conversed much with 
 Camerarius on the language of Paul, which he 
 appropriated ; " I have a desire to depart, and to 
 be with Christ." He criticised upon the Greek 
 terms, which, he said, ought to be rendered, 
 ^^ Having a desire to remove, pass on, or set 
 about proceeding in the journey :" that is, to go 
 from this life of toil and wretchedness to the 
 blessed rest of heaven. 
 
 When Camerarius thought of taking a final 
 leave of him on the sixteenth^ he said, " My 
 dear Doctor Joachim, we have been joined in 
 
 (n) AfTerebatur etiani oi viiium rubrum Ronanum quod 
 viilo'b a siniilitudine coloris, qiiam ha])et cum pcde ariserina 
 cognominatur et Domirui« Phiiippus diiplicato verbo GtcTco per 
 jocum x>;ro7ra?a appcllare solebat, hoc turn suavius utebatur et 
 sibi sapere dicebat atque laudabat etiam admodum. Etsi 
 autem hilarcm se exhibebat ct cum amicis pnesentibus collo- 
 quia habebat suavia, languor tamen magnus crat vcl inibecil- 
 litas potius non parva, quie penc in monienta augesccbat. 
 Brevis Narrafio. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. Oil 
 
 the bond of friendship forty years, a friendship 
 mutually sincere and afl<ectionate. We have 
 been helpers of each other with disinterested 
 kindness in our respective stations and employ- 
 ments as teachers of youth, and I trust our labours 
 have been useful ; and though it be the will of 
 God that I die, our friendship shall be perpetu- 
 ated and cultivated in another world." 
 
 Camerarius however determined to remain 
 a little longer with his departing friend, and 
 accordingly disregarded, during this interesting 
 interval, the claims both of his public and pri* 
 vate affairs. Melancthon continued to manifest 
 great cheerfulness, but if it were at any time 
 disturbed, his distress appeared to arise rather 
 from the sympathy he felt with the suffering 
 church, whenever its trials were reported to him, 
 than from even the acute paroxysms of his disease. 
 His friends had conversed with him on this 
 subject during the evening repast, but he after- 
 wards enjoyed a calm night. In his sleep he said 
 he had dreamt of the words of Paul, which were 
 forcibly impressed upon his mind, and afforded 
 him much consolation, " If God be for us who 
 can be against us ?" 
 
 Early in the morning of the seventeenth 
 Camerarius took his final leave. Melancthon 
 had finished some letters to the Duke of Prussia 
 and to several friends, which he had been 
 preparing during the whole of his illness, and 
 
542 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 expressed his intention of writing' more but 
 for the interdiction of his Physician. When 
 Camerarius bid him farewell — with a last and 
 affectionate benediction, he replied, " Jesus 
 Christ, the Son of God, who sitteth at the right 
 hand of the Father, and giveth gifts to men, 
 preserve you and yours and all of us!" 
 
 Soon afterwards, having received inform- 
 ation that the Roman Pontiff was meditating a 
 sreneral Council, he said he would rather die 
 than attend it, for it was easy to foresee botl;i 
 the dissensions it would occasion, and the inu- 
 tility of its meeting. Feeling the pressure of 
 increasing pain, and infirmity, he said, " O Lord 
 make an end." 
 
 On the eighteenth his bed was removed, by 
 his own desire, into the library, which he had 
 continually frequented during his illness, upon 
 which accasion he said with great cheerfulness, 
 as he was placed upon it, " This may be called, 
 I think, my travelling couch — if (alluding to the 
 criticism before mentioned) I should remove in 
 it." While several friends were standing about 
 his bed, he said, " By the blessing of God I have 
 now no particular domestic anxieties, for with 
 respect to my grandchildren, whom I tenderly 
 love and who are now before my eyes, I am com- 
 forted to think they are in the hands of pious and 
 beloved parents, who will be solicitous for their 
 welfare, as m^^ch as I could ever be : but I feel 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 543 
 
 for the state of public aifairS;, especially for the 
 church of Christ in this cavilling and wicked 
 age. Through the goodness of God however 
 our doctrine is made public." A little after- 
 wards he addressed some present, " God 
 bestows talents on our youth ; do you see that 
 they use them aright." In the course of the 
 same day, seeing one of his grandchildren near 
 him, '' Dear child," said he, " I have loved you 
 most affectionately: see that you reverence your 
 parents, and always endeavour to please tJiemy 
 and fear God, who will never forsake you. I 
 pray you may share his constant regard and 
 benediction." He spoke in similar terms of 
 tenderness and piety to all the younger branches 
 of his family, who were deeply sensible of his 
 approaching departure. 
 
 On the same day, after discoursing with his 
 son-in-law upon all his private affairs, and having 
 in vain searched for the Will he had formerly 
 written, containing an explanation of some of 
 the principal articles of his faith, which he was 
 desirous of transmitting to posterity, he attempted 
 to compose another, which increasing weakness 
 would not allow him to finish. It began thus : 
 ^' In the year 1560, on the eighteenth day of April, 
 I write this Will briefly, according to the best of 
 those remaining abilities which God vouchsafes 
 me in my present illness. I have twice before 
 
544 LIFL 01 31LLA.SC TilU.N. 
 
 written the confession of my faith^ and gratitude 
 to God and our Lord Jesus Christ, but the^se 
 papers are missing; nevertheless I wish my con- 
 fession to be considered an answer to whatever 
 relates to the Bavarian articles, i)i opposition to 
 the errors of the Papists, the Anabaptists, the 
 followers of Flacius and others." 
 
 After this he conferred with his son-in-law" 
 upon a diversity of subjects relative to the inter- 
 ests of the University, and expressed his wish 
 that Peucer might be his successor in that 
 institution. 
 
 Letters having been transmitted to him from 
 Frankfort relative to the persecutions which at 
 this period raged in France, he declared " that 
 his bodily disease was not comparable to the 
 grief of his mind, on account of the miseries 
 which the church of Christ suffered." 
 
 The nineteenth of April was the last day of 
 his mortal existence. After the usual medical 
 inquiries of the morning, he adverted again to 
 the calamitous state of the church of Christ, but 
 intimated his hope that the genuine doctrine of 
 the gospel would ultimately prevail, exclaiming, 
 " If God be for us who can be against us." 
 After this he presented fervent supplications to 
 heaven, mingled with groanings, for the welfare 
 of the church. In the intervals of sleep he con- 
 versed principally upon this subject with several 
 
LIFE OF MELA NCT HON. 545 
 
 of his visiting friends, amongst whom were the 
 Pastor and other officers of the church, and the 
 Professors of the University. 
 
 Soon after eight in the morning, awaking 
 from a tranquil sleep, he distinctly, though with 
 a feeble voice, repeated a form of prayer which 
 he had written for his own daily use, and which 
 was as follows : 
 
 " Almighty, omnipotent, ever-living and 
 true God, Creator of heaven and earth and men, 
 together with thy co-eternal Son our Lord Jesus 
 Christ, who was crucified, for us and rose again, 
 and thy Holy, true, living and pure Spirit ; who 
 art wise, good, faithful, merciful, just, the dispen- 
 ser of life and of truth, independent, holy — and 
 our Redeemer ; who hast said thou wiliest not the 
 death of a sinner, but rather that he should return 
 unto thee and live — and hast promised, ' Call 
 upon me in the day of trouble, and I will hear 
 thee." I confess myself before thy footstool a 
 most miserable sinner and offender against thee 
 in a great variety of respects, on which account 
 I mourn with my very heart and implore thy 
 mercv for the sake of Jesus Christ our Lord, 
 who was crucified and rose again, seeking the 
 remission of all my sins and justification before 
 thee by and through thy son Jesus Christ, thy 
 eternal word, and image, wonderful and inex- 
 pressible in counsel, infinite in wisdom and 
 goodness; and that thou wouldst sanctify me by 
 
 >n 
 
646 LIFE OF MKLANCTHON. 
 
 thy true, living, pure, and Holy Spirit* May I 
 truly acknowledge and firmly believe in thee, 
 obey thee, give thanks to thee, fear thee, invoke 
 thee, serve thee, and through grace be admitted 
 to thy presence in eternity, the almighty and only 
 true God, Creator of heaven and earth and men, 
 the everlasting Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, 
 and to the presence of Jesus Christ thy Son, thy 
 eternal word and image, and the Holy, true, liv- 
 ing and pure Spirit, the Comforter. In thee have 
 I hoped, O Lord : let me never be confounded : 
 in thy righteousness deliver me. Make me righ- 
 teous, and bring me unto life eternal : thou hast 
 redeemed me, O Lord God of truth. Keep and 
 overrule our churches, our government, and 
 this Academy, and bestow upon us a salutary 
 peace and government. Rule and protect our 
 princes. Cherish thy church, gather and preserve 
 it in these provinces, sanctify and unite thy 
 people by thy Holy Spirit, that we may be one 
 in thee, in the true knowledge and worship of 
 thy Son Jesus Christ, by and through him thy 
 eternal Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, who was 
 crucified for us and raised again. Amen, 
 
 " Almighty and eternal Lord Jesus Christ, 
 the son of God, who art the eternal word and 
 Image of the eternal Father, our Mediator and 
 Intercessor, crucified for us and raised again, I 
 give thee most hearty thanks that thou didst 
 assume humanity, and art become my Redeemer, 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 547 
 
 and having suffered and risen again in human 
 nature, dost intercede on my behalf. I beseech 
 thee regard and have mercy on me, for I am poor 
 and defenceless. By thy Holy Spirit increase 
 the light of faith in me, and, weak as I am, 
 sustain, rule, protect and save me. In thee, 
 O Lord, have I hoped, let me never be con- 
 founded. 
 
 " Almighty and Holy Spirit, the Comforter, 
 pure, living, true — illuminate, govern, sanctify 
 me, and confirm my heart and mind, in the faith, 
 and in all genuine consolation ; preserve and 
 rule over me, that, dwelling in the house of the 
 Lord all the days of my life to behold the beauty 
 of the Lord, I may be and remain for ever in 
 the temple of God, and praise him with a joyful 
 spirit, and in union with all the heavenly church. 
 Amen." 
 
 An interval of repose having elapsed after 
 repeating this prayer, he lifted up his eyes to 
 heaven, and turning to his son-in-law said, 
 " I have been in the power of death, but the 
 Lord has graciously delivered me.*' This was 
 supposed to refer to some deep conflicts of mind, 
 as he repeated the expression to others. When 
 some of the bystanders said, " There is now no 
 condemnation to them that are in Christ Jesus," 
 he soon added, " Christ is made to us wisdom, 
 righteousness, sanctification, and redemption." 
 " Let him that glorieth glory in the Lord ;" and 
 
 Nn2 
 
548 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 often repeated^ ^' Lord have mercy upon me/' 
 After this he took a little refreshment for the 
 last time, and though he attempted to proceed 
 with the testamentary paper he had begun the 
 preceding day, he soon found it impossible to 
 support such an effort, but signified his acqui- 
 escence in the divine disposal. 
 
 The coldness of death was now creeping 
 over him, but his mental faculties continued 
 unimpaired to the very last breath of mortal 
 existence, (o) Having expressed a wish to hear 
 some passages from the Old and New Testaments^ 
 his ministerial attendants read the twenty-fourth^ 
 twenty-fifth and twenty-sixth Psalms, the fifty- 
 third chapter of Isaiah, the seventh chapter of 
 John, the fifth of the Romans and many other 
 passages. The declaration of John respecting 
 the Son of God, he said was perpetually in 
 
 his mind, " the world knew him not 
 
 but as may as received him, to them gave he 
 power to become the sons of God even to them 
 that believe on his name." 
 
 In ad dition to the passages of Scripture already 
 mentioned, he frequently solaced himself with 
 the following, " God so loved the world that 
 he sent Jiis only begotten Son into the world, 
 that whosoever believeth on him might not 
 
 (o) " Mens autem constabat integerrima et sincerissima usque 
 ed extremum vita3 halitum." Brevis Narratio. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 549 
 
 perish but have everlasting life ;" " Whoso seeth 
 the Son and believeth on him hath eternal life ;" 
 " Being justified by faith we have peace with 
 God through our Lord Jesus Christ;" and 
 expressed the great consolation they afforded his 
 mind. He earnestly exhorted his son-in-law to 
 the study of peace^ and whenever the prevailing 
 religious contentions were mentioned, he would 
 continually reply in the lauguage of the son of 
 Jesse, " Let them curse, but bless thou," and 
 " my soul hath dwelt with him that hateth 
 peace. I am for peace, but when I speak they 
 are for war." — 
 
 In the afternoon another paper was written to 
 the students by the Professors, excusing their 
 non-attendance to the usual duties of the day on 
 account of Melancthon's dangerous situation, 
 with which they deeply sympathized, and 
 entreating their united prayers during the usual 
 hours of study on his behalf; for they considered 
 it impossible he should be able long to struggle 
 with his disease unless nature were divinely 
 assisted and supported, (jp J It may easily be 
 
 (p) " Forma scripti haec est — Charissimi auditores in 
 qua, solicitudine maBrore, et metu versemur propter cegritudinem 
 Reverend! Praeceptoris et Patris nostri Doiiiini Philippi non 
 ignoratis et baud dubie nobiscum serio adficimini. Patienter 
 etiam feretis, operas lectionum hoc pomeridiano tempore a 
 nobis omitti. Significare autem nobis hoc ideo voluiraus ut 
 sciretis morbum ita intend! ut nisi Deus sua potentia naturani 
 
650 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 believed that this intimation made a powerful 
 impression throughout the University, and that all 
 the passsage^ leading to the house of this beloved 
 tutor became crowded with anxious inquirers. 
 
 Upon being asked by his son-in-law if he 
 would have any thing else, he replied in these 
 emphatic words, " aliud nihil — nisi cce- 
 LUM." i. e. Nothing else — but heaven ! 
 and desired that he might not be any further 
 interrupted. Soon afterwards he made a similar 
 request, entreating those around him who were 
 endeavouring with officious kindness to adjust 
 his clothes, " not to disturb his delightful 
 repose." After some time his friends united 
 with the minister present in solemn prayer, and 
 several passages of Scripture in which he was 
 Known always to have expressed peculiar plea- 
 sure were read, such as " Let not your heart be 
 troubled, ye believe in God, believe also in me. 
 In my Father's house are many mansions." 
 " My sheep hear my voice and I know them, 
 and they follow me;" particularly the fifth of 
 
 juverit ct sustentaverit, dominum Prsceptorem vim morbi tolerare 
 diu non vaiiturum. Hortamur autem vos ut nobiscum Deum 
 ardenter invocetis ut miseram ecclesiam et in ca juventutera 
 clementer res}3iciat et ne ingratitudinem nostram hoc modo puniat, 
 ut Iiimc fideiera stadiorum gubernatorem nobis adhuc quidem 
 eripiat. His precibus hoc vacuum tempus obsecro tribuite potius 
 quam aliis studiis et vos, Ecclesiam et valitudinem prfficcpioris 
 nostri Deo diligcnter commendate.*' 
 
LIFE OF MEIiANCTHON. 651 
 
 the Romans and the triumphant close of the 
 eighth chapter, commencing " If God be for us 
 who can be against us." Many other parts of 
 Scripture were recited, and the last word he 
 uttered was the German particle of affirmation 
 /«, in reply to Vitus Winshemius^ who had in- 
 quired if he understood him while reading. The 
 last motion which his friends who surrounded 
 him to the number of at least twenty /^'J could 
 discern, was a slight motion of the countenance 
 which was peculiar to him when deeply affected 
 with religious joy! — '' Mark the perfect man 
 and behold the upright, for the end of that man 
 is peace !" 
 
 At length, " in the midst of solemn vows and 
 supplications," at a quarter of an hour before 
 seven o'clock in the evening, of the nineteenth of 
 April, one thousand five hundred and sixty , at the 
 age of sixty-three years two months and three days^ 
 he gently breathed his last.frj No distractions 
 of mind, no foreboding terrors of conscience 
 agitated this attractive scene. His chamber 
 was " privileged beyond the common walks 
 of virtuous life — quite in the verge of heaven" 
 
 Cq) " Item autem hoc (la) expresse et diserte enunciabat ut 
 exaudiretur a circumstantibus omnibus qui fueruot nuraero ad mi- 
 nimum viginti.'" Brevis Narratio, 
 
 (r) Mel. Ad.4M. Vit. Germ. Theoiogorum. Art. Melanc- 
 than, Brevis Narratio, 
 
552 LIFE OF ME-LANCTHOiV. 
 
 — and he expired like a wave scarcely curling 
 to the evening zephyr of an unclouded summer 
 sky^ and gently rippling to the shore. It was a 
 " departure" — a " sleep" — " the earthly house 
 of this tabernacle was dissolved '."("nJ 
 
 Surely then, ^'such a pious and tranquil re- 
 moval from a toilsome and afflictive life ought 
 to be a subject of joy rather than of lamentation, 
 and each of us should entreat God that in the 
 possession of a similar peace of conscience, firm 
 faith, acknowledgment of the truth and ar- 
 dent devotion of mind, he would conduct us 
 from our present imprisonment to his eternal 
 presence. "f^J 
 
 Information of this event was immediately 
 transmitted to the Elector, and means were 
 adopted to bury him with suitable circumstances 
 of respect. To gratify the anxious crowds who 
 were desirous of seeing the body of this venera- 
 ble person, the public were permitted for a 
 day and a half after his decease to inspect his 
 mortal remains ; and of the hundreds who availed 
 themselves of the opportunity, none could resist 
 bestowing an abundant tribute of tears upon his 
 beloved memory. Strangers who had never seen 
 
 (s) 1 Cor. v. J. 
 (t) SuRiFTiJM publice propo!?. in Acad. Wit. quo scliolasiici 
 convocati sunt ad dediic. funus Dom. Phil. Mclanctlionis, Z\ 
 AprUis : Geo. Majore Vice Red. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 553 
 
 him while living pressed to take a view of the 
 yet undeparted symmetry of his amiable counte- 
 nance, and all who came were desirous of obtain- 
 ing" a pen, a piece of paper however small on 
 which he had written, or in short any thing he 
 had used however insignificant in itself, which 
 was scattered on the floor of the library ,fif) 
 
 His remains were placed in a leaden coffin 
 and deposited close to the body of Martin Lu- 
 ther — ''lovely and pleasant in their lives and 
 in their death they were not divided." A long 
 Latin inscription was written on the coffin, con- 
 taining a chronological notice of the principal 
 circumstances of his life. Some of the professors 
 in the University attended in funeral robes to 
 convey the body to the parochial church, where 
 it was placed before the altar, and after the usual 
 ceremonies and psalms. Doctor Paul Eberus, 
 pastor of the church at Wittemberg delivered a 
 funeral discourse ; after which the body being 
 removed into the centre of the church. Doctor 
 Vitus Winshemius pronounced an oration in 
 Latin. The crowd of students, citizens, strangers, 
 and persons of every class attracted together to 
 witness these solemnities, was never exceeded 
 on any occasion within the memory of the spec- 
 tators. Amcmg the rest were several of the pro- 
 fessors from the University of Leipsic^ and many 
 
 (ii) Brevis Narratio. 
 
554 LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 
 
 of the nobility, pastors of churches and others, 
 from a large vicinity. (o^J 
 
 From a considerable collection of Greek 
 and Latin elogies and epitaphs, with which he 
 used to predict that the poets would honour his 
 memory ,(?/) the following by Theodore Beza is 
 selected as a sufficient and very beautiful speci- 
 men : — 
 
 Et tu igitur tandem tumuli sub mole repostus 
 
 Die 6 Philippe, nunc jaces. 
 Et quam invidisti vivus tibi tute quietem, 
 
 Cunctis qietem dum paras, 
 Ipsa tibi cura et sancti peperere labores, 
 
 Carum 6 bonis cunctis caput! 
 At tu funde rosas, funde isti lilia tellus, 
 
 Ut lilia inter et rosas, 
 Quo nil candidius fuit et nil suavius unquam, 
 
 Recubet Melancthon molliter. 
 Et gravis huic ut sis, caveas juvenisve senexve. 
 
 Qui nemini vixit gravis. 
 
 Here then Melancthon lies thy honour'd head 
 Low in the grave amongst the mould'ring dead I 
 In life 'twas thine to make all others blest 
 But to thyself denying peace and rest ; 
 
 (x) Brevis Narratio et Scrip, pub. propos. in Acad. Wit. 
 quo. Schol. convocat. ad deducend. funus Melancthonis. 
 
 (y) " Quemadmodum autem ipse vivens saepe dixerat, se 
 mortuum lohorem relictiirum poetis, cimicis autem aywj'a 
 £TTLTa<l>iou, ita et factum.*' Mel. Adam. Vit. Germ. Theolo- 
 gorum, p. 354. 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTHON. 555 
 
 Thine VTas the holy toil, the anxious tear, 
 Dear Philip — to the good for ever dear! — 
 O earth I let lilies here profusely spring, 
 And roses all around their odours fling! 
 For rose and lily each their glories blend, 
 The sweet, the fair, in our departed friend I 
 Soft let him sleep and none disturb his rest. 
 None he disturbed while living — none opprest! 
 
 Some appropriate lines have been kindly 
 communicated by a poetical friend. 
 
 ODE 
 
 On the Death of Philip Melancthon. 
 
 Oh ! who would envy those who die 
 
 Victims on ambition's shrine ! 
 Though idiot man may rank them high, 
 And to the slain in victory, 
 
 Pay honours half divine ; 
 To feel this heaving fluttering breath, 
 Stiird by the lightest touch of death, 
 
 The happier lot be mine ! 
 I would not, that the murdering brand, 
 Were the last weapon in my hand. 
 He, of whom these pages tell, 
 
 He, a soldier too — of truth. 
 
 He, a Hero from his youth ; 
 How delightfully he fell! 
 
 Not in the crash, and din, and flood, 
 
 Of execrations, groans, and blood, 
 
 Rivetting fetters on the goodj — 
 But happily and well. 
 
^56 LIFE OF MELANCTIION, 
 
 No cong of triumph sounds his fall, 
 
 No march of death salutes his bier, 
 But tribute sweeter far than all, 
 
 The sainted sigh, the orphan tear! 
 Yet mourn not, ye who stand arouud, 
 
 Bid not time less swiftly roll. 
 What though shade the prospect bound ; 
 He a brighter world has found. 
 
 Death is the birth-day of the soul. 
 
 Witness ! (for ye saw^ him die) 
 
 Heard you complaint, or groan, or sigh? — 
 
 Or if one sigh breathM oe'r his breast, — 
 As gentle airs when days of summer close, 
 Breathe, over wearied nature still repose, 
 
 And lull a lovely evening to rest : 
 It whisper'd, — " All within is peace, 
 The storm is o'er, and troubles cease." 
 
 His sun went down in cloudless skies. 
 AssurM upon the morn to rise, 
 
 In lovelier array, 
 But not like earth's declining light 
 To vanish back again to night: 
 The zenith where he now shall glow 
 No bound, no setting beam can know. 
 Without, or cloud or shade of woe, 
 
 Is that eternal day. 
 
 History will not write his name. 
 Upon the crimson roll of fame ; 
 But religion, meeker maid, 
 
 Mark him in her tablet Aiir ; 
 And, when million names shall fade. 
 
 He will stand recorded there.' 
 
LIFE OF MELANCTllON. ^57 
 
 Here our labours are nearly closed. The 
 reader it is hoped will accept of this volume as 
 a faithful portrait of Melancthon's character; 
 but before it is parted with, it seems due to the 
 distinguished individual whose likeness we have 
 endeavoured to impress upon these pages, to 
 relate two circumstances as a finish to the pic- 
 ture : the one is illustrative of his fame, the 
 other of his piety. 
 
 When Sabinus his son-in-law visited Italy, 
 he carried a letter of introduction from Melanc- 
 thon to the celebrated Cardinal Bembo ; the con- 
 sequence of which was an invitation to dinner. 
 Among a variety of questions, the three follow- 
 ing are particularly mentioned. The Cardinal 
 inquired " what was Melancthon's salary — what 
 the number of his hearers — and what his opinion 
 respecting the resurrection and a future state ?" — 
 To the first question Sabinus replied, that " his 
 salary was about three hundred florins," upon 
 which the Cardinal exclaimed, " Ungrateful 
 Germany ! to estimate at no higher a price so 
 many and such labours of so great a man !" His 
 reply to the second question was, " that he had 
 usually fifteen hundred hearers." To this the 
 Cardinal answered, " I cannot believe it, because 
 I do not know a University in Europe excepting 
 that of Paris in which one professor has so many 
 scholars." To the third question Sabinus re- 
 plied, " that Melancthon's works were a sufii- 
 
558 LIFE OF MELANCTIION. 
 
 cient proof of his belief in both those articles," 
 The Cardinal said " I should think him a wiser 
 man if he did not believe them."f2:^ 
 
 When in consequence of the tyranny of Queen 
 Mary thousands of Puritans fled from England 
 into Germany, Switzerland and France, the 
 Lutherans reproached them as the DeviPs Mar- 
 tyrs, Melancthon contended strenuously against 
 these calumniators, and expressed his abhorrence 
 at such language being applied to a class of men 
 like Latimer and others with whom he was well 
 acquainted. faj 
 
 It is painful to reflect that an event which 
 usually checks the hostile feelings of the most 
 determined enemies, did not however subdue 
 the animosity of those of Melancthon. A per- 
 secuting demon seemed to have taken an entire 
 possession of them, for even after his decease 
 they shot the envenomed arrows of malignity at 
 his character and borrowed the vociferous tongue 
 of calumny to blast his fame: but in vain to 
 him — he had reached that peaceful asylum so 
 long anticipated, where " the wicked cease from 
 troubling and the weary are at rest !" 
 
 (z) Mel. Adam. Vit. Germ. Theologorum. 
 (a) M^LANCTH. Ep. Lib. IV. p. 959. Lib. II. p. ^387, 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 No. I 
 
 ( Page 3. ) 
 
 Biographical Notices of Peter Waldusor Waldo ^ 
 John Wickliffe, John Huss and Jerome of 
 Prague, 
 
 Peter Waldus or Waldo, of Lyons, was the 
 founder of the sect of the Waldenses, who inhabited 
 the vallies of Piedmont. His own convictions of the 
 truth originated from his having employed a priest, 
 Stephanus de Evisa, about the year 1160, to translate 
 the four Gospels from Latin into French, with other 
 books of Scripture, and the most remarkable sentences 
 of the ancient Doctors. He soon perceived the essen- 
 tial difference between the religion of the Romish 
 church and flie principles of the gospel. Abandoning 
 his mercantile profession, and uniting with other pious 
 men who adopted his sentiments, he became a public 
 preacher in the year 1180. The Archbishop and other 
 
 o o 
 
562 APPENDIX. 
 
 ecclesiastics vigorously, but unsuccessfully, opposed 
 him in the exercise of his ministry. The purity of his 
 faith, and that of his followers, the unambitious prin- 
 ciple that evidently actuated them, and the innocence of 
 their whole character, excited a very general attention, 
 and religious assemblies were at length formed in 
 France, Lombardy, and different parts of Europe; and 
 though pursued by fire and sword, they could never 
 be exterminated. 
 
 John Wicliffe, the morning star of the Refor- 
 mation, was born near Richmond in Yorkshii'^, in 
 the year 1324. He w^as educated at Oxford, and 
 having been disgusted with the enormities of the see 
 of Rome in general, and its conduct to himself in 
 particular, he at length gave public Lectures, in 
 which he exposed the abuses of the Mendicant orders. 
 He issued a defence of Edward HI. against the 
 Pope, which introduced him to Court. In 1377 
 Papal bulls were issued, requiring the Archbishop 
 of Canterbury and the Bishop of London to secure and 
 and imprison him as a heretic, and the king and the 
 University of Oxford to deliver him up. Wickliffe 
 however, protected by the government, and by the 
 citizens of London, eluded the persecution. He pub- 
 lished a book on the " Truth of the Scriptures," and 
 what he termed " Sixteen Conclusions," directed 
 against the Papacy. But his principal work w^as a 
 literal translation of the Bible from the Latin Vul- 
 gate. This great English Reformer died in December, 
 1384. 
 
 John Huss, an illustrious martyr to the cause of 
 truth, was born in Bohemia in the year 1376, and was 
 educated at Prague, where he became Professor of 
 Divinity in the University, and ordinary Pastor in the 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 ►63 
 
 church of that city. He exclaimed with vehemence 
 against the vices of the clergy, and from the year 1408 
 exerted his utmost endeavours to withdraw the Uni- 
 versity of Prague from the jurisdiction of Gregory XII. 
 He recommended in the most public manner the 
 writings of VVickliffe, which produced an accusation 
 against him in the year 1410, before the tribunal of 
 John XXIII. by whom he was expelled from the com- 
 munion of the church. He was burnt alive for his heresy 
 by a decree of the Council of Constance, the 6th of J uly, 
 1416, in violation of a safe-conduct which had been 
 granted him by the Emperor Sigismund ; " which dread- 
 ful punishment," says Mosheim, " he endured with un- 
 paralleled magnanimity and resignation, expressing in 
 his last moments the noblest feelings of love to God, 
 and the most triumphant hope of the accomplishment 
 of those transporting promises with which the gospel 
 arms the true Christian at the approach of eternity." 
 
 Jerome of Prague was the intimate friend of 
 Huss, and accompanied him to the Council of Con- 
 stance, with the design of advocating his cause. The 
 fear of a cruel death at first seemed to shake his con- 
 stancy, but he finally adhered to his principles m the 
 flames, to which he was consigned on the thirtieth of 
 May, 1416. 
 
 No. II. 
 
 ( Page 7. ) 
 
 This curious circumstance is related by Camerarius 
 in the following words:—" Harum igitur artiura 
 
 o o2 
 
^64 APPENDIX. 
 
 ille peritus et iis virtutibus quas commemoravimus 
 ornatus, in noticiam pervenit maximorura et potentis- 
 simorum Principura, iisque cams fuit; in quibus no- 
 minasse satis sit et Regem optimum et bellatorem 
 Invictissimum Divum Maximilianum Imperatoris Fre- 
 derichi fiiium. Quern Georgius aliquando cum glorioso 
 provocatore Italo, cui nomen Claudio Bataro, certa- 
 mine siugulari congressurum ita instruxit et sic arma 
 ipsius machinando paravit, ut fortissimo Viro Maxi- 
 miliano victoria certa facile etiam et celeriter contin- 
 geret. Claudius enim non diu repugnans, cum, quanto 
 omnibus rebus esset inferior sentiens ad pedes Maxi- 
 miliani se adjecisset, ita in potestatera ejus se tradidit." 
 Cam. Fit, Mel. p. 3. 
 
 No. Ill, 
 
 ( Page 20. ) 
 
 PROLOGUS IN AnDRIAM TeRENTII. 
 
 Vestrje periclum fecimus patientiae 
 Cum nuper in scena exhibuimus militem, 
 Animosque nobis addidit vester favor 
 Ut non patiamur scenam consilescere 
 Sed ne mirere, Quid pompfe Theologicae 
 Cum comicis jocis, meree suntfabulae 
 In pulpitis quas agebant hodie Theologi 
 Et chirothecae et annuli sunt fabulae 
 Nomen Magistri Nostri planee fabulae 
 Postremo qui condixit operam hujus gregis 
 Theologus est suoque jussit fabulam 
 
APPENDIX. 665 
 
 Prolixior iit risus foret praescripto agi 
 Ut utplacebimus imputari vult sibi 
 Affertur hue Terentiana fabula 
 Cui author ipse nomen fecit Andriam 
 Favete bellus in medium prodit senex. 
 
 Alius in Eandem. 
 
 Comica debetur merito tibi palma Terenti 
 Tanta etiam parvis gratia rebus inest. 
 
 Prologus in Eunuchum. 
 
 Salvere jubeo spectatores optimos 
 Qui scenae ornandae confluxere gratia 
 Favore nostra studia ut excitent suo 
 Artesque honestas et benigne provehant 
 Authoritateque ut tueantur hunc gregem 
 Qui scenicos ludos industria sua 
 InStruxit hac in urbe primus, ut jocis 
 Salibusque personent haec pulpita atticis 
 Et barbaros plorare jussit, fabulas 
 Efferre qui vetabant in proscenium 
 Quae cultiores juvenum mores redderent 
 Terentianum agemus Eunuchum modo 
 Quae fabulas latinas vincit caeteras 
 Sermonis elegantia et facetiis 
 Vel ipse quas Momus miretur ac probet 
 lUoque sentiat tinctas sale, quo satam 
 Amorum et illecebrarum matrem omnium 
 Venerem ferunt. Sed corrugare tetricos 
 Quosdam videtis nares, immodestiae 
 Hi nos accusant in theatrum quod jocos 
 Proferre liberiores paulo a usi sumus. 
 Moresque criminantur viciari bonos 
 
^QQ APPENDIX. 
 
 Paruin sevens dictisatque lusibus; 
 Sed 6 censores asperos et pergraves 
 Qui quod reprehenduiii in theatre ludunt domi 
 Et curios simulant vivunt bacchanalia 
 Ludunt poetae, at lusus illi seria 
 Ducunt, simulque morum tradunt optima 
 Vitse praecepta, ut niliil melius 8olon 
 Aut sanctius tabulis mscnpsent eeneis 
 Sed asperam tamen virtutem condiunt 
 Jucundioribus illeceuris, ut soient 
 Medici daturi pueris tetra absyuthia 
 Cum melle dulci et saccaro irritant gulam 
 Facessant ergo iniqui judices hinc procul 
 Utaequioribus spectandi dent locum 
 Nos publici nostrique causa com modi 
 Terentianam agemus Eunuchum modo 
 Quabarbaram Thrasonis arrogantiam 
 Fastumque inanem irridet, hie est cernere 
 Perinde ut in specuio ardelionaum imaginem 
 Qui caudices fungique cum meri sient 
 Primas tamen sibi rerum ubique vendicant 
 Proventus hujus generis est uberrimus 
 Hoc seculo, cum se titulo sapientiae 
 Musarum, ubique venditant, hostes feri 
 Prophaiia divinaque miscent omnia 
 Vos ergo favete spectatores optimi 
 Adfertur utiiis et jucunda fabula. 
 
 Prologus in Phormionem 
 
 Primum opto vobis spectatores candidi 
 Salutem, et a vobis vicissim mihi expeto 
 Ut auribus aequis, cur ego hue processerim 
 Noscatis, et in huraanitate spes mihi 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 Vestra est benigne facturos quod postulo 
 Plerique prolog! vestrA. abutuntur patientia 
 Qui cum aemulis rixantur in prosceniis 
 Ubi blanditiis decetemereri gratiam 
 Non odiose latrare jocosque comicos 
 Ab amarulentis satyris auspicarier 
 Si quis caninam meditatur facundiam 
 Et dicere ac audire vult convicia 
 Concedat hinc ad Cynicos, si libeat novos 
 Nae is bene lauteque accipietur arbitror 
 Ego hue venio indicem ut coronae, fabulam 
 Adferri bellulam lepidamque Terentii 
 A pueris aliquot Phormionem, nunc peto 
 Ut qui studiis favent, bonisque Uteris 
 Faveant et actioni puerorum rudi. 
 
 ►67 
 
 No. IV. 
 
 ( Page 35. ) 
 Erasmus. 
 
 This passage has been somewhat altered from the 
 first edition having been considered by some of the 
 author's literary friends too severe. It is not indeed 
 pleasant to impute bad motives without very satisfac- 
 tory evidence, and yet his life as detailed by Jortin, 
 seemed to justify the statement which at first ap- 
 peared. Still as the admirable pen of Erasmus rendered 
 essential service both to the cause of religion, and learn- 
 ing, I am not desirous of giving undue prominency 
 to his defects. 
 
568 APPENDIX. 
 
 This eminent man was born at Rotterdam in 1467, 
 and always called himself Roterodamus: his native 
 city expressed her acknowledgment by inscriptions, 
 medals, and a whole-length statue in the market place. 
 He lost his father at the early age of fourteen, and 
 being committed to the care of guardians, was com- 
 pelled by ihem to enter a monastery, but afterwards 
 obtained a dispensation from his vows. He took his 
 Doctor's degree at Turin in 1508, and sometime after- 
 wards became tutor to Alexander, archbishop of St. 
 Andrews, natural son of James, king of Scotland. 
 He was the great restorer of the Latin language; 
 but for a detail of his life and labors the reader must 
 consult Jortin. He died at Basil in 1536; and his 
 works were published at Ley den in 1706, under the 
 care of M. Le Clerc in 10 vols, folio. W. Latimer 
 said of him, *' he was a man of more than virgin 
 modesty, under which was veiled the greatest worth;" 
 he also calls him, vere theologus, integritate viice 
 conspicjius. 
 
 " He hath drawn his own character," says Jortin, 
 " in his letter, from which we have principally collected 
 this account of his life ; and hath performed it in so 
 masterly a manner, that we could not have wished for 
 better materials to work upon. He may be justly cen- 
 sured for his weakness in flattering a party, whose 
 sentiments and conduct he in many things disapproved: 
 and in finding fault with those, whom on the whole he 
 resembled much more than he did their adversaries. 
 
 But if he deserved some blame on this account, 
 they who compelled him to dissemble in this manner, 
 who hated the very name of reformation, and who 
 treated as vile heretics all those who dared even to wish 
 for some amendment, were beyond measure more 
 
APPENDIX. 569 
 
 blameable. There was the same difference between 
 them and him as between a tyrant and his poor subjects, 
 who are obhged to humour him that they may save 
 their lives and effects, and to do what they would never 
 have done if violence had not constrained them. If 
 Erasmus wanted courage, they who took advantage 
 of his infirmity were far more deficient in honesty and 
 piety." 
 
 No. V. 
 
 ( Page 159. ) 
 Gerson. 
 
 John Gerson or J arson, sometimes also called 
 Charlier, was born at Gerson, a village in Champagne 
 near Rheims in 1363, and received his education in 
 Paris. In 1392, he took his Doctor's degree, and three 
 years afterwards succeeded Peter d'Ailly as chancellor 
 and canon of the church of Paris. He was one of the 
 deputies sent in 1406, to Gregory and Benedict, to in- 
 duce them to restore union to the church, and contri- 
 buted materially at the council of Pisa to the election 
 of Alexander V. His declaration against the murder 
 of the Duke of Orleans in 1408, placed him in 
 circumstances of iminent danger and involved him 
 in considerable loss; after the storm had abated he 
 procured from the faculty of Theology in Paris, a cen- 
 sure of the work of Petit who had written to vindicate 
 the assassination ; and at the council of Constance where 
 he appeared as ambassador from the king of France, 
 
570 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 and deputjr from the University of Paris and the 
 province of Sens, he zealously supported the condem- 
 nation. In that assembly he was regarded as the most 
 able speaker of all the divines. His ardor however 
 against the murder procured him the indignation of its 
 prime instigator, the Duke of Burgundy, in conse- 
 quence of which he was obliged for some time to re- 
 main in Germany in disguise. At length he took up 
 his residence with his brother. Prior of the Celestines, 
 at Lyons, where he lived many years, and kept a 
 school for youth. At the age of sixty-six, in the year 
 1429, he died at Lyons, and was interred in the church 
 of St. Lawrence. Gerson vigorously supported the 
 authority of General Councils above that of Popes; he 
 defended the rights of the secular clergy against the 
 pretensions of the regulars ; opposed all superstitious 
 notions, and was a man both of a liberal mind and 
 extensive capacity. 
 
 Du Pin says, " From the time of St. Bernard the 
 church never had an author of greater reputation, 
 more profound knowledge, and more solid piety than 
 Gerson. His style is harsh and careless; yet he is 
 methodical, reasons w^ell, and exhausts his subjects. 
 He founds his conclusions upon principles drawn from 
 Scripture or natural reason. He defends the truth 
 upon all occasions with an admirable and undaunted 
 courage. He suffered a cruel persecution for a righ- 
 teous cause, and died in exile for maintaining it wit 
 vigor. His works, it must be confessed, are not all of 
 equal strength ; some of them are inconsiderable ; and 
 he does not always take the right side of the question 
 he handles. Yet many of his books are excellent, 
 and divines cannot profit more than by reading them 
 diligently." 
 
APPENDIX. 571 
 
 The most complete edition of his works is that of 
 Du Pin, printed at Amsterdam, with the title Antwerp 
 in 1706, in five volumes, folio. 
 
 His epitaph is as follows : 
 
 Magnum parva tenet virtutibus urna JoJiannem 
 Praecelsum meritis, Gerson, cognomine dictum 
 Parisiis sacrae Professor Theologii© 
 Claruit, Ecciesi^ qui Cancellarius anno 
 Milleno Domini centum quater atque vigeno 
 Nono, luce petit superos Julii duodena. 
 
 No. VI, 
 
 ( Page 175. ) 
 CONTENTS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 Loci Communes Theologici ; 
 
 OR, 
 
 Theological Common Places. 
 
 I. Of God. 
 
 II. On the Unity of God. 
 
 III. The Three Persons of the Deity. 
 
 IV. Of the Son. 
 
 V. Testimonies concerning Christ. 
 VI. Concerning the Invocation of Christ. 
 VII. Testimonies concerning Christ from the Old 
 Testament. 
 
572 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 VIII. Of the Holy Spirit. 
 
 IX. The Creation. 
 X. The Cause and Consequence of Sin. 
 
 XI. Free Will. 
 XII. Of Sin. 
 
 XIII. Of Original Sin. 
 
 XIV. Of actual Transgressions. 
 XV. Of the Divine Law. 
 
 XVI. Of the different kind of Laws. 
 XVII. An Exposition of the Ten Commandments. 
 XVIII. The Decalogue. 
 XIX. Of the Law of Nature. 
 XX. Of the Use of the Law. 
 XXI. Of the Difference between Counsels and 
 Commandments. 
 
 XXII. Of Revenge. 
 
 XXIII. Of Purity. 
 
 XXIV. Of Chastity. 
 XXV. Of the Gospel. 
 
 XXVI. Of Grace and Justification. 
 XXVII. Of Faitii. 
 XXVIIL Of Grace. 
 XXIX. Of Good Works. 
 XXX. Of the Old and New Testaments. 
 XXXI. Of the Difference between mortal and 
 venial Transgressions. 
 
 XXXII. Of the Church. 
 
 XXXIII. Of the Sacraments. 
 
 XXXIV. Of Confirmation. 
 XXXV. Of Unction. 
 
 XXXVI. Of Baptism. 
 XXXVII. Of the Lord's Sapper. 
 XXXVIII. Of Christian Sacrifices. 
 XXXIX. Of Penitence. 
 
APPENDIX. 573 
 
 XL. Of Contrition. 
 XLI. Of Confession. 
 XLII. Of Satisfaction. 
 XLIII. Of Predestination. 
 XLIV. Of the Kingdom of Christ. 
 XLV. Of the Resurrection of the Dead. 
 XLVI. Of the Spirit and the Letter. 
 XLVIL Of x\ftlJctions and Consolations. 
 XLVIIL Of Prayer. 
 XLIX. Of Civil Magistrates. 
 
 L. Of human Ceremonies in the Church, 
 LL Of Mortification. 
 LIL Of Scandals. 
 LIIL Of Christian Liberty. 
 
 No. VII. 
 
 ( Page 20L ) 
 
 Spalatine. 
 It is to be regretted that the records of Eccle- 
 siastical history do not furnish a life of this valuable 
 man. He wrote memoirs of Frederic under whom he 
 acted at this stormy period, and seems to have been 
 well qualified fot the difficult situation he had to 
 maintain. 
 
 No. VIIL 
 
 ( Page 214. ) 
 
 The title of these volumes is — Biblia : das est: 
 die gantze heilige Schrifft : deudsch auffs new zuge 
 richt. 
 
574 APPENDIX, 
 
 D. Mart: Luther. 
 
 Begnadet mit Kurfurstlicher zu Sachsen Freipeix 
 gedruekt zu Witteraberg Durch hansJufft, 1541. 
 
 Luther has written the following sentences with 
 his own hand. 
 
 rin Vol. L) 
 
 Martinus Luther, D. 
 
 1542. 
 
 Der Herr ist mein Hirte Mir wird nichts mangein 
 
 Wer's glanben kunde der ware ein seiig fett sicher 
 
 Schaf dieses trewen Hirten der auch sein Leben hat 
 
 fur solche Schafe gesetzt wehe dem schandlichen Ver- 
 
 laumder der solchem. Hirten und lieber will vom 
 
 Wollfe geffessen sein zura ewigen Tode. 
 
 Martinus Luther, D. 
 1543. 
 
 Translation. 
 
 The Lord is my Shepherd, I shall want nothing. 
 Who could believe it ! He would rest sound and secure, 
 a sheep of the faithful Shepherd who giveth his life 
 for his flock. Woe to the shameful calumniator who 
 does not follow such a Shepherd, but rather suffers 
 himself to be devoured by the wolf of eternal death. 
 Martin Luther, D. 1542. 
 
 (In Vol. II.) 
 Und ob ich wandern muste ym fins tern Thai 
 furchte ich mich doch nicht, dem du bist bey mir. 
 
APPENDIX* 575 
 
 Gottes Wort ist eiii Licht ; dasym finstern scheinet 
 tind lertet Heller denn am Tage denn ym Tode ver- 
 lischt nicht allein das Lichtdieser Sonnen sondern auch 
 der Vernunft: mit aller yhrer Weisheit du liebtest : 
 denn mit aller trero das Wort Gottes ein ewige Sonne 
 welche allein der Glaube sihet und folget bis yns 
 ewige klare Leben. 
 
 (In Vol. 11.) 
 
 Though I walk through the valley of the shadow of 
 death I will fear no evil, for thou art with me. 
 
 The word of God is a light that shines in darkness 
 and is a clearer guide thap the day itself, for in death 
 not only the light of this sun but of reason also is ex- 
 tinguished with all her wisdom— still thou lovest with 
 all thine heart the word of God, an eternal sun which 
 is visible alone to faith, and follows it even into the 
 bright and everlasting life. 
 
 Martin Luther, D. 1542. 
 
 The hand-writing of Melancthou occupies the 
 fourth page. His words are 
 
 Der Spruch des. 
 Prophetan Elias. 
 
 Sechs tusent jar bleibet dise welt daruach wirt 
 sie verbrennen. 
 
 Zwei Tusent jar oed. 
 
 Zwei Tusent jar das gesetz Moisi. 
 
 Zwei Tusent jar die tag Messiah ; und von wegeii 
 unsr-e sunden die viel und grosz sind werden die Tar 
 davcn abgehen, welche nicht erfullt werden. 
 
 Geschrieben Anno 1567 iar nach der giburt der 
 Herrn Christ ausz der Tungfraw Maria. 
 
576 APPENDIX, 
 
 Anno von Erschaffung der Welt. 5519. Ausz 
 diser Zal ist zu versichern. das dise hochbejabrte 
 Welt: nicbt fern vom Ende ist. Der allmachtige 
 Gottes Son Jesus Christus woUe sie velherrlicben nach 
 sein. Armes Kraften gnediglich erhalten regiren 
 bewaren und schutzen. 
 
 Script, manu Philippi, 1557. W. 
 
 (Literal Translation.) 
 
 The words of the Prophet Elias. 
 
 Six thousand years this world shall stand and after 
 that be burnt. 
 
 Two thousand years void (or without the law). 
 
 Two thousand years the law of Moses. 
 
 Two thousand years the day of Messiah ; but on 
 account of our sins which are many and great, those 
 years which are not yet fulfilled shall be shortened. 
 
 Written in the year 1557, after the birth of our 
 Lord Christ, of the Virgin Mary — Year from the 
 Creation of the world 5519; from this number we 
 may be assured that this aged world is not far from its 
 end. — May Jesus Christ the Son of Almighty God, 
 graciously preserve, govern, keep, protect it by the 
 power of his arm. 
 
 Written by the hand of Philip, 1557. W. 
 
 To what particular passage Melancthon refers in 
 the above quotation I cannot discover, but he appears 
 to have adopted it as the general division of his large 
 historical work the Chronicon. Thus he states it: — 
 
 Traditio Domus Eljje. 
 
 Sex millia annorum muudus et deinde confla- 
 gratio. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 577 
 
 Duo millia Inane. 
 
 Duo millia Lex. 
 
 Duo millia dies Messiae. Et propter peccata 
 nostra, quae multa et magna sunt, deerunt anni, qui 
 deerunt. 
 
 No. IX. 
 
 ( Page 406. ) 
 
 TESTAMENTUM 
 
 PHIL. MELANCTHONIS, 
 
 (Ex Pezel. Cons. Theol. P. I. p. 389 ^ 399.; 
 
 In Nomine Dei Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti. 
 Apparet, initio prsecipue condita esse testamenta prop- 
 ter banc causam, ut patres relinquerent liberis certum 
 testimonium suae sententiae de religione, quam volebant 
 gravi autoritate quasi obsignatam propagari ad pos- 
 teros. Item ut liberos ipsos ad eandem sententiam 
 retinendam et conservandam obtigarent, sicut exempla 
 ostendunt in testamento Jacob et Davidis. Ideo et 
 Christus suum quoddam testamentum hoc modo 
 condidit. Et quia testamenta continbant explicatas, 
 certas immutabilesque sententias de doctrina coelesti, 
 rerum magnitudo auxit testamentorum autoritatem. 
 Quare et ego meorum liberorum et quorundam ami- 
 corum admonendorum caussa, volui initio in Testa- 
 mento, et meam confessionem recitare, et liberis meis 
 prsecipere pro officio Patris, ut in eadem sententia con- 
 stanter maneant. Primum autem ego gratias Deo 
 
 P p 
 
oT8 APPENDIX. 
 
 Patri Domiui iiostri Jesu Christi pro nobis crucifixi, 
 ronditori omnium reruni, quod me vocavit ad poeni- 
 tentiam, et ad Evangelii agnitionem, ac oro, ut propter 
 Filiura suum, quem pro nobis voiuit esse victimara, 
 mihi condonet omnia peccata, me recipiat, justificet, 
 exaudiat, et a morte aeterna liberet : sicut credo vere 
 facturum esse. Nam ita jussit nos credere, et impietas 
 est, pluris facere peccata nostra, quam mortem filii 
 Dei. Hanc antefero meis peccatis. Rogo autem, ut 
 heec initia fidei in me Deus confirmet Spiritu suo 
 Sancto, propter Filium Mediatorem. Excrutior equi- 
 dem et meis peccatis, et scandaiis aliorum, sed an- 
 tefero mortem Filii Dei, ut gratia exuberet supra 
 peccatum. Secundo affirmo me vere amplecti sym- 
 bola, Apostolicura, et Nicaeaum, et de tota doctrina 
 Christiana sentire, ut scripsi in Locis Communibus et 
 Roraanis (Comment, in Epist. ad Rom. J postremee 
 editionis, in quibus explicate de singulis articUlis, sine 
 ambiguitate ccnatus sum dicere quod sentic. De Coena 
 Domini amplector Formulam Concordiae hie factam. 
 Adjunxi me igitur nostris Ecclesiis, et has judico 
 profiteri Catholicas Eeclesiae Christi doctrinam, et esse 
 ver^ Christi Ecclesias ; ac praecipio meis liberis, ut in 
 nostris ecclesiis maneant, ac fugiant Papistarum Ec- 
 clesias et Conjunctionem. Nam Papistae in multis 
 articuUs profitentur corruptissimam doctrinam : pror- 
 sus ignorant doctrinam de justitia fidei, et de remis- 
 sione peccatorum : nihil tradunt de discrimiue legis et 
 Evangelii : de invocatione Dei habent ethnicas aut 
 Pharisaicas opiniones. Ad hos errores addunt et alios 
 multos, et manifestam idololatriam, in missis suis 
 et cultu mortuorum hominum. Peto igitur a meis li- 
 beris, ut mihi propter mandatum Dei in hac re obtem- 
 perent, nee se adjungant Papistic. Et quoniam video 
 
APPl.>DiX. 
 
 579 
 
 impendere ad posteros novas conturbationes dogmatum 
 et Ecclesiae ac fortassis existent Spiritus fanatici ac 
 leves, qui labefactabunt articulos de Filio Dei, et de 
 Spiritu Sancto, voio praemonitos meos, ut constanter 
 retineant sententiam, quam profiteor in Locis cum 
 Catholica Christi Ecclesia, ubi damno Samosatenum, 
 Servetum et alios, dissentientes a symboiis receptis. 
 Erant etiam fortassis novae dogmatum conciliationes 
 Sophisticae post banc setatem, ubi restituentur ve- 
 teres errores nonnihil fucati, et hae conciliationes 
 corrumpent doctrinije puritatem, quae nunc traditar. 
 De his quoque praemoneo meos, ne Sophisticas con- 
 ciliationes approbent. Sed hie eruditi hortandi sunt 
 ut advigilent, ne specie pacis et publicae tranquillitatis 
 recipiant dogmatum confusionem, qualis in Sirmiensi 
 Synodo facta fuit. Ver^ hoc possum affirmare me 
 conatum esse, ut verd et proprid explicarem nostrarum 
 Ecclesiarum doctrinam, ut juventus rectius intelligere 
 nostras sententias posset et, ad posteritatem conservare. 
 Haec forma si prodest, ut judico, rogo Casparum Cruci- 
 gerum et alios qui nos audiverunt, ut earn in scholis 
 conservent. Scio quosdam aliquando suspicatos esse, 
 me quaedam moliri in gratiam adversariorum. Sed 
 Deum testem facio, me adversatiis non patrocinari 
 voluisse, sed quaesivisse proprietatem in explicando, 
 ut juventus has res rectius perciperet, sine ambiguita- 
 tibus, et quam difficile mihi fuefit, hunc ordinem et 
 methodum in explicando reperire, multi norunt, qui 
 .sciunt, me formam in explicando saepe mutasse; et 
 constat Augustinianam formam non satis explicatam 
 esse. Ideo affirmo, me bono studio banc methodum 
 instituisse, quae extat in Romanis, et quidem cupio 
 post me relinquere sensentias certas sine ambiguitate ; 
 quia ambiguitas postea parit novas discordias. Nee 
 
 pp2 
 
580 APPENDIX. 
 
 meum consilium fiiit, ullum novam opinionem serere, 
 sed perspicue et propria exponere doctrinam Catholi- 
 cam, cjiicji' traditur in nostris Ecclesiis, quam quidem 
 judicio singular] Dei beneficio patefactam esse hivS 
 postremis temporibus per D. D. Martinum Lutherum, 
 ut Ecclesia repurgaretur, instauraretur, qurt alioqui 
 funditus periisset. Ergo banc lucem, quam diu pos- 
 sumus, conservemus. Ac precor Deum Patrem ser- 
 vatoris nostri Jesu Christi, conditiorem omnium rerum 
 ut piorum studia adjuvet, et conservet aliquam Ec- 
 clesiam ac praesertim benedicat nostris Ecclesiis, quae 
 propter Evangelium sustinuerunt certamina diuturna. 
 
 Ago autem gratias Reverendo D. Doctori Martino 
 Luthero, primum, quia ab ipso Evangelium didici ; 
 deinde pro singular! erga me benevolentia, quam qui- 
 dem plurimis beneficiis declaravit, eumque volo a 
 meis, non secus ac patrem, coli. Ego, quia vidi et 
 comperi, pr?editum esse excellent! et heroica vi !n- 
 geni! et multis magnis virtutibus, pietate ac doctrina 
 praecipua semper eum magnifeei, dilex! et colendum 
 esse sens!. Ago etiam gratias lUustrissimo Principi, 
 Due! Saxonia? Elector!, Domino Johanni Frederico, 
 cujus erga me fuit singularis dementia et liberalitas. 
 Ac oro Deum, ut servet eum incolumem, defendat ac 
 gubernet, ad suam et communem salutem Ecclesiae et 
 multarum gentium. Fuit mih! etiam pergrata benevo- 
 lentia viri clarisslm! Domini Cancellarii Pontani, quem 
 et ipsum propter egregiam vim ingenii et virtutem 
 dilexi, eique pro omnibus beneficiis gratias ago. Ago 
 gratias et caeteris bonis viris, qui constantiam in ami- 
 citik nostra perpetuam praestiterunt, Georgio fratri 
 meo, Joachimo Camerario, Domino Cancellario Fran- 
 cisco (id esty Burcardo), D. Jonte, D. Pomerano, Cru- 
 cigero, D. Augustino (Schurfio) D. Milichio, Paulo 
 
APPENDIX. 581 
 
 Ebero, Vito. Ac precor Deum, ut eos servet. Nee 
 judico extingui has amicitias mea morte : sed sentio 
 nos paiilo post in caelesti vita conventuros esse, ubi 
 verius frui licebit amicitia nostra, et erit multo dulcior 
 familiaritas. Precor etiam omnes, ut mihi araanter 
 dent veniam erratorum meorum, si qua in re queni- 
 quam offendi. Certe petulanter non volui offendere. 
 Etiam omnibus in Academia Doctoribus, ac collegis 
 meis gratias ago, quod me amanter multis officiis in 
 Republica, et privatim adjuverunt. 
 
 THE END. 
 
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