LIBRARY 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF 
 CALIFORNIA 
 
 SAN DIEGO 
 
 1
 
 STUDIES 
 
 MODERN SOCIALISM 
 
 AND 
 
 LABOR PROBLEMS 
 
 BY 
 
 T. EDWIN BROWN, D. D. 
 
 NEW YORK 
 D. APPLETON AND COMPANY 
 
 1, 8, AND 5 BOND STREET 
 1886
 
 COPTKIGHT, 1886, 
 
 BY D. APPLETON AND COMPANY. 
 
 All rights reserved.
 
 GEORGE W. SAMSON, D. D., LL. D., 
 
 EX-PRESIDENT OF COLUMBIAN UNIVERSITY, 
 
 MARTIN B. ANDERSON, LL. D., 
 
 PRESIDENT OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ROCHESTER. 
 
 THE ONE, MY PASTOR AND COLLEGE TEACHER, TAUGHT ME THE PRINCIPLES OF 
 RELIGION AND MORALITY ; THE OTHER, A LOYAL PARISHIONER FOR 
 TWELVE YEARS, ALWAYS GIVING MORE THAN HE RECEIVED, 
 INTERESTED ME IN ECONOMIC STUDIES, AND INCITED 
 ME TO THE MORE FAITHFUL DISCHARGE OF 
 THE ETHICAL FUNCTIONS OF THE 
 CHRISTIAN TEACHER. 
 
 CJUorft, 
 
 THE FRUIT OF SEED WHICH THE ONE PLANTED AND THE OTHER 
 HELPED TO MATURE, 
 
 IS AFFECTIONATELY DEDICATED TO BOTH, 
 
 AS A TOKEN 
 OF MY GRATEFUL FRIENDSHIP.
 
 PKEFACE. 
 
 FOR years I have had a deepening conviction that 
 true economic principle and right economic action were 
 intimately related to Christian morality. As a result 
 of this conviction, I ventured a series of addresses on 
 social questions before audiences of business men and 
 workmen. Through the courtesy of the " Providence 
 Daily Journal" and the "Providence Evening Tele- 
 gram," which published in full, and of the "Providence 
 Daily Star" and the "Boston Herald," which published 
 copious extracts, these addresses were widely circulated. 
 At the suggestion of many readers, of various classes, 
 and from various sections of the country, the substance 
 of the discussions is embodied in the present volume. 
 
 As I have always written for ears, rather than for 
 eyes, I ask of my reader the privilege of talking with 
 him in the following chapters. Such a familiar method 
 will be, at least, easier for me perhaps not without 
 added interest for him. 
 
 My thanks are tendered to United States Senator 
 Nelson W. Aldrich, for the use of his valuable economic 
 library ; to Colonel Carroll D. Wright, for suggestions
 
 6 PREFACE. 
 
 and for public documents ; to Professor Richard T. 
 Ely, for special service in the work of final revision ; 
 and to the many friends who, in various ways, have 
 co-operated in the task now ended. 
 
 FIRST BAPTIST PARSOXAGE, 
 PROVIDENCE, R. I., May, 1S86.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER PAGE 
 
 I. Is THERE A SOCIAL PROBLEM? WHAT HAS CHRISTIANITY 
 
 TO DO WITH IT? 9 
 
 II. THE HISTORY OP MODERN SOCIALISM 19 
 
 III. THE SOCIALIST'S INDICTMENT AGAINST MODERN SOCIETY . 31 
 
 IV. WHAT THE SOCIALIST DEMANDS 44 
 
 V. Is REVOLUTIONARY SOCIALISM AN IMPENDING PERIL? . 57 
 
 VI. ERRORS IN SOCIALISM 71 
 
 VII. TRUTHS IN SOCIALISM 91 
 
 VIII. CONCERNING TRADES-UNIONS AND THE KNIGHTS OF LABOR 110 
 IX. INDUSTRIAL CO-OPERATION . . . . . . .127 
 
 X. CAPTAINS OF INDUSTRY 142 
 
 XI. THE RESPONSIBILITIES OF WEALTH 161 
 
 XII. PERSONAL MORALITY AN INDUSTRIAL FORCE . . .178 
 
 XIII. THE CHURCH AND THE WORKINGMAN 196 
 
 XIV. A SURVEY OF THE FIELD: REVIEW AND OUTLOOK . . 215 
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY 234 
 
 INDEX . . 269
 
 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 IS THERE A SOCIAL PROBLEM ? WHAT HAS CHRISTIANITY TO 
 DO WITH IT ? 
 
 " And again, they the preachers must not allow the Gospel to be 
 handled, what is too often the case, as a mere message of hope and com- 
 fort in view of a future world ; but they must make it walk directly into the 
 complex relations of modern society. ... If, in addition to this, our prophets 
 of the pulpit take care to keep abreast of the intellectual movement of the age, 
 so as not only to stir the world in sermons, but to guide them in the wisdom 
 of daily life, they have nothing to fear i'rom all the windy artillery that the 
 speculations of a soulless physical science, the imaginations of a dreamy 
 socialism, or the dogmatism of a cold philosophical formalism, can bring to 
 bear upon them. Let them grapple bravely with all social problems, and 
 prove whether Christianity, which has done so much to purify the motives of 
 individuals, may not be able also to put a more effective steam into the 
 machinery of society." John Stuart Elackie.* 
 
 "Is there a social question?" some one once asked the 
 Frenchman Gambetta. "No," answered the statesman, 
 strangely blinded to the facts. "No, there is no social ques- 
 tion." Few men who think will accept Gamhetta's blunt 
 negative. There is a social question. There has always been 
 one since the human race outgrew the limits of its first family. 
 And to-day that question is of burning and ominous impor- 
 tance. On the 23d of May, 1857, Lord Macaulay addressed a 
 letter to an American friend, in which he writes : "The day 
 will come when in the State of New York a multitude of peo- 
 ple, not one half of whom has had more than half a breakfast 
 or expects to have more than half a dinner, will choose a Legis- 
 lature. Is it possible to doubt what sort of a Legislature will 
 
 * " What Does History Teach?" Harper's Handy Series, New York, 1886. 
 Pp. 118, 119.
 
 10 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 be chosen ? On one side is a statesman preaching patience, 
 respect for vested rights, strict observance of public faith ; 
 while, on the other hand, is a demagogue, ranting about the 
 tyranny of capitalists and usurers, and asking why anybody 
 should be permitted to drink champagne and ride in a car- 
 riage while thousands of honest folks are in want of neces- 
 saries. Which of the two candidates is likely to be preferred 
 by a working-man who hears his children crying for bread ? I 
 seriously apprehend that you will in some such season of ad- 
 versity as I have described do things which will prevent 
 prosperity from ever returning. Either some Caesar or 
 Napoleon will seize the reins of government with a strong 
 hand, or your republic will be as fearfully plundered and 
 laid waste by barbarians in the twentieth century as the 
 Roman Empire was in the fifth ; with this difference, that 
 the Huns and Vandals who ravaged the Roman Empire 
 came from without, and that your Huns and Vandals will 
 have been engendered within your own country and by your 
 own institutions."* Are there any conditions in America 
 to-day which make the fulfillment of Macaulay's prophecy a 
 possibility ? 
 
 The world was never richer than it is to-day. In fifty-four 
 years Great Britain has almost trebled her wealth, France has 
 nearly quadrupled hers, while our own country since 1850 has 
 multiplied its riches sixfold. Each working-day, America is 
 four million dollars richer at night than, in the morning. 
 Eleven million dollars are added every day to the wealth of 
 America and Europe. In America and Europe the excess of 
 births over the deaths is eleven thousand each day. So that 
 for every one really added to the population one thousand 
 dollars is added to the means of providing for his reception, t 
 But the new-comer does not always get this provision ; nor do 
 his parents or friends get it on his behalf. Multitudes of 
 new-comers are swaddled in rags and nurtured on the milk of 
 
 * " As you grow more people, and the pressure of population makes itself 
 manifest, the spectre of pauperism will stalk among you, and you will be very 
 unlike Europe if communism and socialism do not claim to be heard." Prof. 
 Huxley, address at opening of Johns Hopkins University. 
 
 t M. G. Mulhall. Art., The Increase of Wealth, " North American Re- 
 view," vol. cxl, pp. 78-84.
 
 THE PREVALENCE- OF DISCONTENT. H 
 
 poverty. There is wealth enough accumulated and daily pro- 
 duced, yet men shiver with cold and perish from hunger. 
 
 The old thrall that held the wage- worker in subjection has 
 been broken. Christianity, German reformations, philoso- 
 phies, French revolutions, or many influences combined, have 
 stirred the common heart to feel the sacredness of common 
 manhood. "Time was, when the laborer considered it as in- 
 evitable, as that he should suffer from rain and hail, that he 
 should be oppressed by the strongest, the richest, the cleverest 
 or the most influential."* No man now submits to such op- 
 pression as in the nature of things. The revolutions that 
 have swept over society t setting men free from slaveries and 
 serfdoms, have introduced also a general discontent. "No- 
 body," writes Laveleye, "is contented with his lot, nobody 
 certain of his future. He who is rich strives to amass more 
 wealth, he who lives by his labor trembles lest he lose even 
 his livelihood. Every one is free to create his own destiny ; 
 there are no longer close trades or classes. Equality of right 
 is complete ; but inequality of facts remains to irritate all the 
 more, because nothing is beyond the desire of any aspirant. 
 More deceptions are realized, because more hopes are awak- 
 ened. All may succeed, but all do not succeed, and those 
 who remain below envy and hate those who remain above 
 them."f 
 
 What are the facts of our social life to-day ? A world, 
 never before so rich, yet in every land a vast army of the dis- 
 contented. Listen, and from Ireland and England, from 
 Spain and France, from Italy and Germany, you shall hear 
 the muttering of hate, the wail of suffering, the cry of revolt. 
 In Paris flames broke out, and those who kindled the fire 
 cried, "Down with the monuments which remind us of in- 
 equality 1 " The flames were smothered, but the sparks of the 
 spirit that set the conflagration have been scattered the world 
 over, to become the centers of new revolutions. For the 
 world is one. Paris and New York, Berlin and Chicago, 
 London and Boston feel a common thrill of the same great 
 
 * Montigny, " Me'moires de Mirabcau." 
 
 t "The Socialism of To-Day," by fenile de Laveleye. Translated into 
 English by Goddard H. Orpen. London : Field and Tuer, p. xxviii.
 
 12 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 popular movements. In your highest political wisdom, or in 
 the maddest reach of economic folly, you may build a wall of 
 protective legislation about your own America and shut out 
 the competitions of the pauper labor of the old world. You 
 may say there shall be no international comity of exchange. 
 But you can not shut out foreign ideas or prevent the flow 
 and reflow of the stormy tides of thought and feeling of inter- 
 national unrest and discontent. 
 
 What are the social facts of our American life ? In his 
 clear and convincing way Mr. Edward Atkinson writes, ' ' On 
 capital and labor allies, not enemies." As an economic prin- 
 ciple his statement is as true as is that, of the law of gravita- 
 tion. As an actual economic condition, capital and labor are 
 what ? Allies or enemies ? Working shoulder to shoulder 
 each for its fellow's weal, and so best for its own ; or drawn 
 up in lines of battle ? Answer, working-men from your Trades- 
 Union halls ! Answer, business men from your manufacturers' 
 associations ! Are you not eagerly watching each other ? Are 
 you not striving to circumvent each other, to see who can win 
 the most and yield the least ? Is it peace or war, practical 
 alliance or practical enmity ? These two twin children of one 
 mother ; these two, who need each other ; these two, who 
 each without the help of the other must perish from the earth, 
 the one by dry rot and the other by starvation ; these two, 
 standing grim, defiant, each intent on his own end ! Is it 
 peace or war ? 
 
 You take up your newspaper and read : "David Wilson 
 shot his wife twice, to-night, and then himself. The wife 
 died almost immediately and Wilson is fatally wounded. 
 Wilson had been out of work for seventeen months, and with 
 a family of six children to provide for, he is supposed to have 
 become insane." 
 
 In the same column you read : "Mr. has just com- 
 pleted his dog-kennels, at a cost of twenty thousand dollars." 
 
 These are the contrasts in social conditions that fire the 
 hearts of the vast army of the discontented. You take up 
 your newspaper again, any morning. You read : Michigan 
 lumbermen on a strike ; Pittsburg glass-blowers on a strike ; 
 Hocking Valley miners on a strike ; Cleveland rolling-mills 
 workers on a strike ; great strike of the Woonsocket Rubber
 
 THERE IS A SOCIAL QUESTION. 13 
 
 Company's hands. In St. Louis street cars are overturned, 
 traffic suspended, policemen and Hotel's injured during a 
 strike. Near New Philadelphia, Ohio, a Swiss immigrant, who 
 secured work in a coal-mine is shot dead in cold hlood, he- 
 cause he refused to quit work at the command of the strikers. 
 In Wyoming Chinamen are ruthlessly butchered for the 
 grave offense of taking the places surrendered hy striking 
 workmen.* A strike, whatever he its justification, and though 
 its only weapon be the refusal to labor a strike is a declara- 
 tion of economic war. A strike, whatever be its issue, is like 
 all warfare, an economic waste. Says Laveleye : ' ' Masters 
 and men are in a state of constant warfare, having their 
 battles, their victories and their defeats. It is a dark and 
 bitter civil war, wherein he wins who can hold out the 
 longest without earning anything ; a struggle far more cruel 
 and keen than that decided by bullets from a barricade ; one 
 where all the furniture is pawned or sold, where the savings 
 of better times are gradually devoured, and where at last 
 famine and misery besiege the home and oblige the wife and 
 little ones to cry for mercy." t Is it peace or war ? 
 
 "Capital and labor allies, not enemies." This is the eco- 
 nomic truth, that which ought to be. " Capital and labor 
 enemies, not allies." This is the general economic condition, 
 that which is. And when the economic truth, the right that 
 ought to be, and the economic condition, the thing that is, 
 when these are in conflict and contradiction, then there is a 
 social question. Moving up and down our land to-day is an 
 army of tramps. Scattered through our cities and towns are 
 vast numbers of people unemployed. Multitudes of minds are 
 thinking the principles, multitudes of hearts are throbbing 
 with the aspirations of revolutionary socialism. The premise 
 of Karl Marx that ' ' the rich are growing richer and fewer, 
 and the poor poorer and more numerous," is, by uncounted 
 hnsls, in all ranks and in all occupations, accepted as an 
 axiom as indisputable as that two and two make four. The 
 feeling, suggested to half-intelligence, by the thousand start- 
 
 * This was written in October, 1885. Pages might bo filled with the bare 
 record of subsequent strikes. 
 
 t " Socialism of To-Day." p. xxx.
 
 14 STUDIES IX MODERX SOCIALISE. 
 
 ling contrasts of daily life, ' ' Those who do nothing live in 
 opulence ; we labor, yet are in extreme want," is a rapidly 
 growing feeling. And sometimes the fierce underground cur- 
 rent breaks forth, like a boiling geyser or a belching volcano, 
 as in the too-well remembered Pittsburg riots of 1877. There 
 is a social question. How important a question this is was ap- 
 parent to a careful English observer, though we may recklessly 
 choose to be blind to it. Says this writer : "Unlike the po- 
 litical fabrics of Europe, the American republic is founded up- 
 on the sovereignty of the people, and it will prosper or perish 
 according as the mental and moral status of the sovereign 
 people is high or low. The question whether labor in Amer- 
 ica will in future sustain, improve upon or degrade from its 
 once high condition, is one beside which every other national 
 problem, social, religious or political, is a matter of trifling 
 moment ; for upon this depends the destiny of the greatest 
 State and the life of the most beneficent government which 
 the world has ever seen." * 
 
 There is a social question. Has Christianity anything to 
 do with it ? Has the Church anything to do with it ? Has 
 the Christian ministry anything to do with it ? I might be 
 content to quote one of Herr Todt's epigrams : ' ' Whoever 
 would understand the social question and contribute to its so- 
 lution must have on his right hand the works on political 
 economy and on his left the literature of scientific socialism, 
 and must keep the New Testament open before him." f A cer- 
 tain pastor was preparing to discuss in his pulpit, on Sunday 
 evenings, some practical questions of social economy. He 
 mentioned his purpose to a friend. "Indeed ! " said the friend, 
 in great surprise. Then with a sorrowful air that was very 
 touching, he added : "I am afraid you will find it very hard 
 to have anything to say on such questions that shall be suf- 
 ficiently religious for a sanctuary and for Sunday night." It 
 is to be feared that this pastor's friend is not alone in his no- 
 tion of religion. It is to be feared that too many people in 
 
 *" Old World Questions and New World Answers," by Daniel Pidgeon. 
 New York: Harper Brothers, 18S5, p. 132. 
 
 t Motto of "Kadical German Socialism and Christian Society," by Ku- 
 dolf Toclt, Wittenburg, 1878.
 
 CHRISTIANITY CONCERNED WITH TEMPORAL INTERESTS. 15 
 
 the church have such a notion, and would no more than the 
 Pharisees of old touch humanity's burdens with one of their 
 fingers, lest they he accused of secularism, irreligion, world- 
 liness. It is to be feared that too many people outside of the 
 Christian church have such a notion of religion, and hence 
 despise and neglect it, and its services, its ordinances, and its 
 sanctuaries, as having no place in a busy life, no part among 
 the productive factors of our complex modern industry. And 
 because of this notion, piety is often divorced from principle 
 and emotion from conscience, and toiling millions ceasing to 
 look for help from the Church, or for hope from the God who 
 is preached from the pulpits, turn away to indifference or to 
 atheism. 
 
 But what is religion ? "What is Christianity ? Whom do 
 they propose to help ? What is the sort of help they propose ? 
 Christianity proposes help for men for every man ; for each 
 man as a single, entire, indivisible being a being who can 
 not be split up into segments ; who is body and spirit, one 
 man ; whose body acts on his spirit, and his spirit on his 
 body ; who is affection, conscience, will one man ; the affec- 
 tions influencing the will, and the conscience influencing the 
 affections ; one man, spiritual, earthly, living in the world, 
 destined for eternity ; a man who prays, it may be, but who 
 labors too, and whose prayers and labors affect each other one 
 man with one undivided life. To this man Christianity comes. 
 What does it offer him ? What does it seek to do for him ? 
 It offers him redemption for his soul. Yes ; from the sin 
 that crushes, from the selfishness that tyrannizes. Christiani- 
 ty offers man a true life by Christ, a life with Christ, a life 
 like unto Christ's own. Yes ; with such a life lived, worked 
 out here, now, in shop, store, counting-room, home, every- 
 where. Christianity concerns itself with industrial and social 
 questions because man's relations to the eternal laws of an 
 eternal God are involved in these questions. To a missionary 
 audience gathered last fall in the Tremont Temple in Boston, 
 \vas addressed a missionary sermon. The following sentences 
 from that sermon are commended to those who fear the secu- 
 larizing of Christianity by its application to economic discus- 
 sions : "It is certainly a true, but it is far from a complete 
 conception of the aim of the Gospel merely to convert individ-
 
 16 STUDIES IX MODERX SOCIALISM. 
 
 ual souls. Its mission is to penetrate and transform society. 
 Its work is to leaven the whole mass of human interests with 
 a divinely purifying power. It touches every act and every 
 relation of humanity with a life from above, and interpene- 
 trates all that man can do with a new spirit and a heavenly 
 light. It affects governments, molds education, rectifies man- 
 ners, sweetens fellowship, makes the common ways of men 
 better, healthier, happier, as well as holier. Its endeavor is 
 to realize a divine society not hereafter only but on earth ; to 
 have the kingdom of God come not in the skies alone or in 
 the future merely, but here and among men." * And how is 
 this result to be brought about, if anything that pertains to 
 humanity is to be excluded from the sanctuary and from the 
 mission of the Church ? How are we to apply a divine rem- 
 edy to human ills ; how are trade and business ever to be or- 
 ganized on the basis of divine law if moral and Christian peo- 
 ple refuse to study and to discuss and to discuss as moral and 
 Christian people and amid the influences of the sanctuary 
 those sweeping industrial and social epidemics that menace us, 
 that we may know whether we have or have not any adequate 
 remedy for them ? 
 
 At Canterbury Cathedral is the grave of Stephen Langton, 
 the greatest English prelate. Some builder, making an addi- 
 tion to the Cathedral after Langton's burial, not wishing to 
 disturb the grave, arched it over with a wall, so that it lies 
 partly within and partly without the sacred inclosure. f This 
 dead bishop's grave is a not unfitting symbol of what a living 
 Christianity and a living Church must be ; touching the holy 
 of holies of divinest facts and highest truths, but because 
 touching these touching also the wide world of common duty 
 and the most vulgar need of busiest life. 
 
 For one I refuse to stand apart from these large issues of 
 social order. I refuse to be scared away from any endeavor 
 to widen the range of righteousness, by the pale, meager ghost 
 of a feared secularity. I refuse to recognize as truly spiritual 
 
 * Eev. George Leon Walker, D. D., of First Congregational Church, Hart- 
 ford, Connecticut. 
 
 t " Six Centuries of "Work and Wages." By Thorold Eogcrs. New 
 York : G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1"S4.
 
 CHRIST'S CHRISTIANITY TAUGHT SOCIAL DUTIES. 17 
 
 and religious any creed or doctrine of worship which can not 
 appeal with power to "men's business and bosoms." When I 
 am forbidden in the name of religion, of the sanctity of the 
 Sunday and the sanctuary, to speak of diseases that threaten 
 the dissolution of society and the death of all faith, because, 
 forsooth, my talk must be for the most part something other 
 than what is technically called religious talk, I answer that 
 in the name of religion, in the name of the Sunday, the sanc- 
 tuary, the pulpit, the church, in the name of God, in the name 
 of the humanity that the religion I believe in was intended to 
 bless and to elevate, I will speak. And I appeal to my Mas- 
 ter for my right thus to speak. Listen to the words of Jesus 
 Christ : " If ye have not been faithful in the unrighteous mam- 
 mon, who will commit to your trust the true riches ? " How 
 such words ought to broaden our thought of religion and 
 Christianity ! Spirituality builds character out of materials 
 furnished by morality. Justice, honor, honesty, integrity, 
 righteousness from man to man these have much to do with 
 the shaping of character, the saving of the soul, the destinies 
 of eternity.* The soul that has no capacity for common mo- 
 rality has no capacity for the unsearchable riches of Christ. 
 The religion that ignores these social facts is a half religion 
 a useless religion. 
 
 In discussing some of the practical applications of Chris- 
 tian ethics to a few of the more urgent economic and social 
 problems, I do not claim to speak as an expert in economic 
 science. The more I have studied these questions, so intricate, 
 so multiplex in their bearings, so occult in their varied forces, 
 working, as another has said, from " directions so diverse, and 
 from distances so historic," f the less I find I know about them. 
 I only claim to speak as one who tries to keep his eyes open, 
 
 * " 1 will do no more here than just to add my profound conviction that a 
 greater mistake can not be made than that of supposing that because our 
 Lord brings another world into light, and heightens the hope of immortality, 
 His teaching and lib word are not for this world too, and for men and women 
 here and now. The truth is that the very character which is essential for the 
 future world in the very character which here in this world, is the salt of the 
 earth." "Reassuring Hints." By Rev. Henry Footman. New York : James 
 Pott & Co., 1885. P. 168. 
 
 t" Social Problems." By Newman Smyth. Boston: Iloughton, Mifllin 
 & Co., 1885. P. 7.
 
 18 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 his thoughts clear, and his heart warm with all kindly human 
 feeling. I hope to be religious in spirit ; but I do not seek to 
 be technically religious in thought or phrase. There will be in 
 these pages, perhaps a trace of theology, but certainly a great 
 deal of economical philosophy ; little professional and pulpit 
 talk, and much market-place and workshop talk. I hope to 
 be discriminating and fair ; free too, as one whom no capital- 
 ist owns, and no trades-union controls ; claiming that utmost 
 Christian liberty of thought and utterance which the historic 
 Church whom it is my honor to serve, has always asserted 
 for its ministers. And you will give a fair hearing to fair 
 speech. 
 
 It will surely help us that we look these problems squarely 
 in the face. They may seem less terribly insoluble by our 
 candid study of them. It may be we shall find that the press- 
 ure of industrial disorders, and the rapid spread of socialistic 
 philosophies are calling our attention to our prolonged neglect 
 of certain very essential moralities in our industrial and social 
 organization.* It may be we shall find that the selfish prin- 
 ciple, "Everyman for himself, and the devil take the hind- 
 most," is not the most useful economic principle, and that the 
 highest economic thought and the best and most profitable 
 economic action, are coming with rapidly converging lines 
 toward the spirit, the cross, the law of Jesus Christ. It may be 
 we shall find that the only secret of all fraternity, of all com- 
 bination, of all cooperation, the only reconciliation of social 
 differences, the only sufficient guarantee of just wages, honest 
 labor, happy life, are in fellowship with One who was born in a 
 stable, cradled in a stall, the child of poverty, the companion 
 of fishermen, whose hands were hardened and browned by 
 lowly toil, yet who sat an honored, courteous guest at rich 
 men's tables, and slept his last earthly slumber in a rich man's 
 tomb One Jesus, the carpenter, friend, brother, Savior of 
 humanity, worthy to be the master, since he became the ser- 
 vant of all. 
 
 * See " Work among Workingmen." Ellice Hopkins. London : Kegan 
 Paul, Trench & Co., 1882. P. 166.
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 " Our rich men, though they purchase pictures, statues, and embossed 
 plate ; though they pull down new buildings and erect others, and lavish and 
 abuse their wealth in every possible method, yet can not with the utmost ef- 
 forts of caprice exhaust it. But for us there is poverty at home, debts abroad. 
 Our present circumstances arc bad ; our prospects much worse. What, in a 
 word, have we left, but a miserable existence ? " Catiline to the Conspirators.* 
 
 THE 14th of October, 1806, was a memorable day for the 
 German University town of Jena. From the neighboring 
 heights of the Landgraffenberg the batteries of Napoleon were 
 plowing deadly furrows through the ranks of the Prussians. 
 Murat's cavalry, twelve thousand strong, had swept the wa- 
 vering host of the enemy, as with the rush of a tornado. Even 
 after dark the pitiless conflict raged. In one of the houses of 
 Jena, a teacher in the University sat writing all through the 
 day and far into the night. The thunder of cannon, the clat- 
 ter of multitudinous iron hoofs, the screams and groans of the 
 wounded and the dying, fell unheeded on his ear. What 
 were the fates of men and of empires compared with the great 
 thoughts which crowded his brain and sought expression by 
 his pen ? In the cold gray of the morning, his task accom- 
 plished, the philosopher hastened away to his publisher, to be 
 brought down suddenly, however, from his aerial flight, as he 
 entered the street, and was informed by bearded gesticulating 
 Frenchmen, who made him their prisoner, that men's present 
 interests lay in a somewhat different direction from almost 
 undecipherable manuscripts and even more incomprehensible 
 philosophies. 
 
 * Ballast, " Conspiracy of Catiline," section xx.
 
 20 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 In one of our American cities, there was a meeting of So- 
 cialists. A woman rose, and with fierce invective in her 
 tones, screamed out : " Workingmen, why will you be slaves ? 
 Twenty-five cents' worth of hog's grease in each man's hand, 
 and rightly used, will free you from your masters ! " 
 
 Between the nameless scold and George Frederick Hegel, 
 the philosopher, there seems to be a measureless distance. 
 Here, the angry woman, with speech revolutionary and maud- 
 lin ! Yonder, the studious, quiet thinker, thinking thoughts 
 so tough that he is reputed himself to have said of them : 
 "There has been only one man who understood me, and even 
 he did nqt understand me ! " Yet between these two, stretches 
 the history of nineteenth century Socialism. It is to this 
 century that we must confine our survey, and even here we 
 can only take hurried glimpses. 
 
 Socialism, indeed, is no new thing under the sun. In all 
 ages, in every land, whenever there were large inequalities in 
 human conditions, socialistic yearnings appeared, either as 
 protests against existing evils, or in dreamy plans for social 
 reconstruction. Until the present age, however, these plans 
 and protests had for the most part taken the form of philo- 
 sophic or experimental Communism, which is a special type 
 of Socialism. Plato's Republic will at once occur to you, in 
 which the most subtle and spiritual of ancient thinkers advo- 
 cated community of property, community of wives and chil- 
 dren, the absolute equality of the sexes, with the same educa- 
 tion and the same occupation for both. The outcome of the 
 first burst of Christian enthusiasm in Jerusalem was a species 
 of communism among the disciples. A very serious blunder, 
 as it turned out, short-lived and leaving the Jerusalem saints 
 pauperized and dependent for bread upon the charity of their 
 brothers from other regions.* In the history of the Church 
 the spirit of Communism was always finding expression. The 
 monasteries and convents, which crowded Europe, were com- 
 munistic establishments. Amid the upheavals of the middle 
 ages we find Millenarians, Adamites, "Brothers and Sisters of 
 the Free Spirit," in the Netherlands, Taborites in Holland, 
 
 * See article, " The Christian Conception of Property." C. H. Parkliurst. 
 " The New Princeton Eeview," January, 1886, p. 36.
 
 COMMUNISM IN THE PAST. 21 
 
 many of the Anabaptists in Germany, the Levellers in Eng- 
 land, all Communists. Charged with these same ideas, we 
 have Joachim writing his "Everlasting Gospel," and Fenelon 
 his "Salente," and Harrington his " Civitas Solis," and Sir 
 Thomas More his "Utopia." More's work reads as though 
 issued from the campaign press of the International Society. 
 When he declares that existing governments are in fact only 
 " permanent conspiracies of the rich to further their own in- 
 terest under the mask of the common good, and to despoil 
 labor," we can almost imagine that we are listening to Las- 
 salle, or Hyndman, or Herr Most. Few Socialists, however, 
 would go as far as More, and wish that all should eat at a com- 
 mon table, and dress after the same fashion. Whenever in 
 these ages, such ideas pervaded masses of men whose suffer- 
 ings had become intolerable, there were insurrections and 
 massacres ; as by the Shepherds and Jacquerie in France, by 
 Wat Tyler in England, and by John of Leyden in Germany. 
 The "oldest American charter" under which Virginia was 
 settled, provided for " a common storehouse into which prod- 
 ucts were to be poured, and from which they were to be dis- 
 tributed according to the needs of the colonists." Under this 
 constitution, the people of Jamestown lived for five years. The 
 first pilgrims to New England had a similar arrangement, and 
 the Boston Common of to-day is the historic monument of that 
 early Communism. 
 
 Here let us pause a moment at the verge of our own cent- 
 ury and ask what is Communism ? What is Socialism ? They 
 are allied in both principle and practice. They both express 
 dissatisfaction with existing conditions. They both aim, by 
 radical measures, at improving the common lot of humanity, 
 and especially of the lower classes, so called. What is Com- 
 munism ? What is Socialism ? Questions far more easily 
 asked than answered. As between the two, Socialism is the 
 genus of which Communism is a species. Every Communist 
 is a Socialist. But all Socialists are not Communists. What, 
 then, is Socialism ? In no book have I seen a clear, exhaust- 
 ive, satisfying definition. Everybody who desires the improve- 
 ment of society is a Socialist in the opinion of some other 
 body. "Are you not a Socialist ? " asked the French magis- 
 trate, who was examining Proudhon. " Certainly." " Well,
 
 22 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 but what, then, is Socialism ?" "It is every aspiration toward 
 the improvement of society." "But in that case we are all 
 Socialists." "That is precisely what I think."* Of course, 
 Proudhon gave no true definition. Socialism is a plan for the 
 reorganization of society, on the basis of social or state owner- 
 ship of all the instruments of production. Its war-cry is, 
 "Free land, free tools, free money." It is an endeavor to 
 determine, by state enactment, the price which shall be paid 
 for labor and for the product of labor. It is not a war upon 
 capital or private property as such, but war only upon the 
 individual ownership of productive capital, and against cer- 
 tains forms of private property. Communism, as distinguished 
 from Socialism, is the abolition of all forms of private prop- 
 erty. It is absolute community of good. The Socialist's prin- 
 ciple of distribution would be "to every man according to his 
 work," the Communist's principle, "to every man according 
 to his need." It is not Communism, illustrated by Virginia or 
 Massachusetts charters, by Owenite settlements at New Lanark 
 or New Harmony, by the Icarians of Nauvoo, the Zoarites in 
 Ohio, the Amanaites in Iowa, by the Shakers and the Oneida 
 Perfectionists ; it is not this, but Socialism state or social 
 ownership of the instruments of production, state or social 
 determination of the price of labor with which, in these dis- 
 cussions, we chiefly have to deal. 
 
 Turn again to history. When Hegel finished his philo- 
 sophic treatise, on that bloody night at Jena, the French Rev- 
 olution had come and gone. It had come like a spasm of 
 disease that had convulsed the world. It had gone, leaving 
 social anarchy, financial ruin, governmental absolutism be- 
 hind, but leaving also influences of unrest and revolution that 
 are still at work. Rousseau had taught that there was no 
 foundation of property but need ; and Brissot, anticipating 
 the famous words of Proudhon, that "exclusive property is 
 theft " ; and Saint Just, that " the right to property can not be 
 the right to starve one's fellow-citizens, since the fruits of the 
 earth, like the air, belong to all men " ; and Baboeuf, that 
 ' ' the state must be sole proprietor and employer, dispensing 
 to every man his work, according to his particular skill, and 
 
 * Quoted from Laveleye's "Socialism of To-Day," p. xv.
 
 THE "HEAD" OF SOCIAL " EMANCIPATION." 23 
 
 his subsistence in honorable sufficiency, according to his 
 wants." These principles had been formulated in the decrees 
 of the French National Convention, during the dominance 
 of the Mountain party.* When the forces of revolution had 
 been crushed by the forces of military despotism, the ideas 
 that had been the volcanic fires of the great upheaval were 
 still vital ideas. And with them wrought the war-cry of the 
 Revolution "Liberty, equality, fraternity." 
 
 Karl Marx said, "The reformation was the work of a monk, 
 the new revolution will be the work of a philosopher." " The 
 head of this emancipation is philosophy. Its heart is the 
 proletariate. " Here we have our historic line reaching from 
 Hegel at Jena to the woman in Chicago. For in Hegel Social- 
 ism found its philosopher. Hegel was not a Socialist. But 
 it was his teaching as to the constitution of things and the 
 method of history that furnished the basis for modern Social- 
 istic argument. Hegel had transformed the world with its 
 personal deity and personal immortality into a world of rea- 
 son. Feuerbach, a disciple of Hegel, went further and abol- 
 ished reason itself. He affirmed the senses to be the only 
 sources of real knowledge, that the body is not only a part of 
 man's being, but is the whole of it, and that a man is what 
 he eats. "Man," said Feuerbach, "has no other God before 
 man. Man alone is our God, our Father, our Judge, our 
 Redeemer, our law and rule, the Alpha and Omega of our 
 political, moral, public and domestic life and work. There 
 is no salvation but by man. Hence, as there is no person 
 above man no person who in being or right is more than a 
 man so there is no person who is less. There must be no 
 slaves, no heretics, no outcasts, no outlaws, but every being 
 who wears human flesh must be placed in the enjoyment of 
 the full rights and privileges of man. The will of man be 
 done. Hallowed be his name."f On this humanist, mate- 
 rialist foundation of young Hegelianism, scientific Socialism 
 builded. Interpreting history and forecasting the future by 
 
 * " History of Political Economy." Ge'rome-Adolphe Blanqui. New 
 York : G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1880, p. 427. 
 
 t Quoted from " Contemporary Socialism." John Kae, A. M. New York : 
 Charles Scribner's Sons, 1884, pp. 115, 116.
 
 2-J- STUDIES IX MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 the Hegelian method, holding loyal allegiance to Feuerbach's 
 humanism, fortifying themselves by prolonged study of polit- 
 ical economy, statistics, history, law and literature, the lead- 
 ers of Socialist thought started on their careers for the renova- 
 tion of society. Chief among these leaders may be mentioned 
 Karl Marx and Ferdinand Lassalle. 
 
 Marx was born at Treves in 1818. He was educated at 
 Bonn, banished to Paris, thence to Brussels, returned for a 
 while to Germany, was driven to London, where, dividing his 
 time between economic studies and direction of the Interna- 
 tional Society, he lived until his death in 1883. In 1867 Marx 
 published his famous work on capital. We shall have fre- 
 quent occasion to refer to Marx's theories, and can only stop 
 to note that the aim of his book is to prove that as society is 
 now constituted all capital is the result of robbery. The 
 book is reverenced by Socialists as their Bible, the supreme 
 flower of all economic wisdom. Its knotty mathematical and 
 syllogistic abstractions, translated into common speech, have 
 largely become the workingman's catechism throughout the 
 world. 
 
 Ferdinand Lassalle was born at Breslau in 1825. He was 
 early interested in economic studies, and himself tells us that 
 at the age of twelve his " astonishment was aroused at finding 
 his mother and sister buying in retail shops the same goods 
 his father sold wholesale." At the University he accepted 
 Hegel as his master in philosophy, and in politics ranged him- 
 self with the most radical democrats, already known as "rev- 
 olutionaries." If Marx was the Melanchthon of the Social 
 Reformation, Lassalle was its Luther. If Marx was the 
 Moses, the lawgiver of the New Exodus from the Egypt of 
 capitalistic bondage, Lassalle was the Joshua, organizing the 
 uprising horde of freedmen and inspiring them for the con- 
 quest of the Socialist Canaan. Lassalle taught little that was 
 new. He was the agitator, rather than the thinker. He was 
 young, handsome, magnetic, admired by men, caressed by 
 women. He was the especial friend of Humboldt, who called 
 him his "youthful prodigy." He was the intimate of Bis- 
 marck, on whose white uniform he is said to have left the red 
 badge of strong sympathy with the aims of the new revolu- 
 tion. Wielding the economic maxims of Adam Smith and
 
 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISTS IN ENGLAND. 25 
 
 Ricardo, and borrowing largely from Proudhon, Louis Blanc, 
 and Karl Marx, Lassalle snatched Socialism from the dreamy 
 regions of books and abstract thought, and hurled it as a fire- 
 brand of strife into the streets, the workshops and the homes 
 of the poor. By two years of work he had aroused all Ger- 
 many, and created the Democratic Socialist party. Wher- 
 ever he went he left a host of admirers, who speedily formed 
 themselves into workingmen's associations. 
 
 In no country of Europe were the conditions of labor satis- 
 factory. Over in England Christian hearts had been stirred. 
 The Chartist movement, conjoined with the Paris revolution 
 of 1848, had aroused Frederick Maurice, Charles Kingsley, 
 Thomas Hughes and their co-workers to organize a society 
 called Christian Socialists. These men were in no true sense 
 Socialists. They were only large-hearted lovers of their race, 
 who sought that some nobler justice than seemed possible 
 from the teachings of the Manchester economists, should be 
 exercised toward the working classes. The efforts of these 
 Christian men accomplished some noteworthy reforms, and 
 largely aided in the co-operative movements that have be- 
 come such a power in English industry.* In June, 1851, 
 Kingsley preached to workingmen in a London church. 
 When he concluded, the rector of the parish rose and de- 
 nounced the sermon. It was a painful scene, and a riot 
 seemed imminent. Kingsley returned home weary and soul- 
 sick, and wrote his "Three Fishers," whose truthful, mourn- 
 ful cadences have thrilled so many hearts alike of rich and 
 poor : 
 
 " Three fishers went sailing out into the West, 
 Out into the West, as the sun went down ; 
 Each thought of the woman who loved him the best, 
 And the children stood watching them out of the town. 
 For men must work, and women must weep, 
 And there's little to earn and many to keep, 
 Though the harbor bar be moaning. 
 
 * Goddard H. Orpon, " Socialism in England," in Lavcleye's " Socialism 
 of To-Day," pp. 300-306. Rae's " Contem. Soc.," pp. 225-228. Ely's " French 
 and Germ. Social.," pp. 249-256. " Christian Socialists," R. T. Ely, in " The 
 Christian Union," May 28, June 4, June 11, 1885.
 
 26 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 " Three wives sat up in the lighthouse tower, 
 
 And they trimmed the lamps as the sun went down ; 
 They looked at the squall, and they looked at the shower, 
 And the night-rack came rolling up ragged and brown. 
 But men must work, and women must weep, 
 Though storms be sudden and waters be deep, 
 And the harbor bar be moaning. 
 
 " Three corpses lay out on the shining sands, 
 
 In the morning gleam, as the tide went down. 
 And the women are weeping and wringing their hands, 
 For those who will never come back to the town. 
 For men must work, and women must weep, 
 And the sooner it's over the sooner to sleep, 
 And good- by to the bar and its moaning." f 
 
 The movements of the Socialist agitation are becoming 
 almost too rapid even for our rapid glances. Societies are 
 everywhere springing up. In France we have the followers 
 of Auguste Blanqui, with their motto, "Neither God nor 
 Master " ; and the Anarchists led by Prince Krapotkine, Elisee 
 Reclus, and Emile Gautier, who wish with fire and dynamite 
 to abolish property, state, inheritance, the family, religion ; 
 and the Collectivists, the disciples of Marx, who have many 
 millionaires in their membership, and whose chief tenet is the 
 nationalization of land. Laveleye believes that a majority of 
 French workmen are Socialists. In Germany there are Social 
 Democrats, State Socialists, Anarchists, Christian Socialists 
 and the Socialists of the Chair. Some of the members of this 
 latter school occupy professorships of political economy in the 
 leading Universities, notably Wagner at Berlin, "who, while 
 not Socialists within the limits of our definition, yet have 
 large sympathy with the aspirations of the working classes 
 and an intense antagonism toward the leading maxims of the 
 orthodox economy. In Spain, Holland, Denmark, Austria, 
 Socialism is taking root, while Russia pours forth a glacial 
 stream of chaotic Nihilism, with Michel Bakunin as its 
 apostle ; although to-day, in Russia, the aim of the Nihilist 
 is not Socialism, but political and constitutional reform. 
 
 Hitherto Socialism had presented only national aspects. 
 
 t Charles Kingsley, his ''Letters and Memoirs," p. 156.
 
 RISE OF "TIIE INTERNATIONAL." 27 
 
 Its logical working developed Internationalism. Says Lave- 
 leye, "The cosmopolitan character of capital, the facility of 
 transport and exchange, the identity of manufacturing pro- 
 cesses, naturally lead to an international association of work- 
 ingmen."* By many employers, the places of men on strike 
 had been filled by importations from abroad. Workingmen 
 saw that this would not do. There must be a common under- 
 standing among the workingmen of all countries. In 1862 
 certain French manufacturers and newspapers proposed that 
 a delegation of French workmen be sent to the London Exhi- 
 bition. The idea was sanctioned by the Emperor ; and, by 
 the suffrage of the several trades, the delegates were chosen. 
 On the 5th of August, 1862, the French delegates and their 
 English hosts held a fete of international fraternization at 
 Free-Masons' Tavern in London. On the 28th of September, 
 1864, a meeting of the workingmen of all nations was held in 
 St. Martin's Hall, London. A committee of fifty was ap- 
 pointed to draw up statutes of organization, to be submitted to 
 a Universal Congress. This Congress met at Geneva, Septem- 
 ber 3, 1866. Its tone was moderate. Its pronounced aim was 
 the joint action, the advancement and the complete emancipa- 
 tion of the working classes. In 1867 the Society began to 
 make its power felt. Karl Marx was the soul of the move- 
 ment. Soon dissensions sprang up. The violent spirit of 
 some members did not suit the careful and conservative spirit 
 of other members. At first the International was only a vast 
 trades-union. But there were those who wished to make it 
 the organ of revolution. Its sessions became scenes of wordy 
 war. Yet still it spread. It pushed out into Denmark, Port- 
 ugal and the United States. In 1869, at the Congress at 
 Bale, Cameron, the American delegate of the National Labor 
 Union, declared that he had brought to the Congress the ad- 
 hesion of 800,000 unionists. There is no proof whatever of 
 the charge that the terrible scenes in Paris in 1870 were the 
 work of the Internationalists. The uprising of the Commune, 
 or Parisian municipality, was a political movement, not at all 
 a Communist or Socialist uprising ; though after the fall of 
 the Commune the General Council of the International did 
 
 * " The Socialism of To-Day."
 
 28 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 send from London manifestoes expressing their admiration 
 and sympathy for "the glorious vanquished." At the Con- 
 gress of the Hague in 1872, Holland, Belgium, Denmark, 
 Germany, Switzerland, France, Spain, Portugal, Hungary, 
 England, Ireland, America and Australia, were represented. 
 There was a fatal clash of opposing tendencies. Some of the 
 more violent members left the Congress. A few were ex- 
 pelled. Marx and his party triumphed, and the seat of the 
 General Council was transferred to New York. The Inter- 
 national, as representing the United Socialistic Workingmen 
 of the World, ceased to exist. But the fragments of the 
 broken union survive in all lands, vital with potencies for un- 
 measured good or evil. Meanwhile, in England, socialistic 
 doctrines have been taking deep root. Karl Marx's residence 
 in London was not without fruit. The principles of the 
 Social Democracy pervade the working classes ; while states- 
 men, clergymen, nobles and commoners are uniting in leagues 
 for the nationalization of land. 
 
 The first revolutionary socialism was probably brought to 
 this country by German immigrants in 1848. In 1865 a band of 
 the disciples of Lassalle was organized in New York. In 1868 
 American workingmen were represented at the International 
 Congress. Since then the relation between American labor 
 and European Socialism has never been broken. In 1872 New 
 York became the seat of the Internationalist Council. In 1879 
 Augustus Maverick published a full-page article in the " New 
 York Tribune," in which he traced the intimacy between the 
 American Labor Union and the International, and claimed, 
 with what justice I do not know, that the great railroad strike 
 of 1877, culminating in the Pittsburg riots, was fomented by 
 the plots of the International. 
 
 Like its European progenitor, revolutionary socialism in 
 America has been split in twain. The schism took place in 
 1883. One party is known as the International Working Peo- 
 ple's Association. These are the extremists, anarchists, dyna- 
 miters. The other party is called the Socialistic Labor party. 
 In the intellectual and educational quality of its members and 
 in the method of its propaganda it differs widely from the In- 
 ternational. But the aim of the two parties is identical, social 
 reorganization through ultimate revolution.
 
 "PROGRESS AND POVERTY." 29 
 
 In 1879 Henry George published his world-famous work 
 entitled " Progress and Poverty." Mr. George is not a Social- 
 ist, except as to the national ownership of land. But the at- 
 mosphere of the book is thoroughly Socialistic. His premises 
 are those of Karl Marx and Lassalle. The book is intensely 
 fascinating. The eloquence of its style, the gleanings from 
 literature, the skillful marshaling of facts and figures, the 
 earnest moral, even religious enthusiasm of a great idea and a 
 dominant purpose, sweep your sympathies along with the 
 rushing tide of his arguments, even when the arguments do 
 not carry your convictions. No book in this age has made so 
 profound an impression. No economic treatise has ever been 
 so widely read. It has put critics to their mettle. It has made 
 converts in most unlooked-for centers of economic thought. It 
 has captured the faith of multitudes of English-speaking work- 
 iiigmen. Its appearance was timely for its success. The panic 
 of 1873 and the wide-spread commercial disasters and prolonged 
 depressions of trade and industries that followed, checking prog- 
 ress and bringing the weight of crushing poverty upon tens of 
 thousands, have furnished fruitful soil for its seed. Its prem- 
 ises and conclusions with all their radical defects are widely 
 accepted articles in the workingman's creed. A part of its 
 fruit appeared in New York city on September 5, 1883. From 
 ten to fifteen thousand men paraded the streets under the au- 
 spices of the Central Labor Union. They bore banners in- 
 scribed with such mottoes as these : "Workers in tenement- 
 houses idlers in brown-stone fronts"; " Labor is the rock on 
 which the Government of the future must be built." 
 
 The philosopher has done his work. The abstract princi- 
 ples which few can understand have filtered down through all 
 ranks of society, until angry want has translated them into 
 common and threatening speech, making them the war-cry of 
 the ignorant and the desperate. The Socialist woman of Chi- 
 cago and the philosopher of Jena touch hands. 
 
 This survey of the history will at once disabuse our minds 
 of the notion that there is nothing in Socialism worth our at- 
 tention. It will also disabuse our minds of the notion that 
 the typical Socialist is a cropped-haired, low-browed, beery- 
 breathed, brutal fellow, with a pistol in his belt, a bowie- 
 knife in his boot, a torch in one hand, club in the other, and
 
 30 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 a package of dynamite in his pocket. Some Socialists are that, 
 but all are not. The majority are not. Many are educated, 
 refined, well-to-do gentlemen, poets, artists, editors, with some 
 capitalists. Nor are we to identify Socialism with atheism. 
 The chief leaders have been atheists. Its philosophic origin 
 was atheistic. Multitudes of the rank and file are atheists. It 
 is sad enough that so many men and women are found who 
 say that they have no further use for God. " He does not care 
 for me, why should I care for Him ? " But atheism is no ne- 
 cessary part of Socialism. There are Catholic Socialists in 
 Germany led by Bishops of the Church. There are Christian 
 Socialists in England who go far beyond Kingsley and his 
 colleagues. Whatever truth there is in Socialism, and there 
 is truth in it, despite its fatal errors, is a Christian, not an 
 atheistic truth. Let us be fair. Let us discriminate. Social- 
 ism is here. It claims a hearing. It shall have a hearing. 
 Christianity has much to do with these questions. It is not to 
 atheism, nor to materialism, that the masses of humanity are 
 to look for their personal enfranchisement and their social 
 regeneration. Only as men face these questions squarely, dis- 
 cuss them honestly, listen to the statement of grievances by 
 those who feel them, and in the spirit of mutual confidence 
 and fraternity live out and act out some wise and Christian 
 conclusion, can we hope to exorcise that anarchic demon who 
 now bodes such evil to our social order.
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE SOCIALIST'S INDICTMENT AGAINST MODERN SOCIETY. 
 
 " The misery, the oppression, the slavery, the degradation of the working 
 class, grow in proportion to the diminution in number of those capitalist 
 lords, who usurp and monopolize all the advantages of this period of social 
 evolution." Karl Jkfarx. 
 
 IT is the Socialist who speaks. I lend myself to be his au- 
 tomaton. The mind that now thinks is not mine, but the So- 
 cialist's. In the trial of this great cause, Socialism vs. Modern 
 Society, my present aim is to get the indictment clearly before 
 you. This can be best done if I content myself with simply 
 acting the part of prosecuting attorney, refusing to be either 
 judge, jury or counsel for the defendant, or even judge-advo- 
 cate to see that both plaintiff and defendant have fair play. 
 I am now for the plaintiff alone. As upon the Delphic priest- 
 ess of old there came the possessing inspiration that trans- 
 formed her into something other than herself, so upon your 
 writer there shall come the controlling frenzy of even the 
 wildest Socialistic raving. 
 
 You will have to listen to a very Babel of voices. There are 
 Socialists and Socialists. There is not full unity of sentiment. 
 You must hear all types of the true Socialist. You must also 
 bear in mind the fact that this Babel of discordant voices con- 
 tains echoes of cries of complaint that come from multitudes 
 who are not Socialists at all. There are thousands of men who 
 have no possible sympathy with the Socialist's aim or meth- 
 ods, who believe in the substantial truthfulness of his indict- 
 ment against society, and who make that indictment their 
 own. 
 
 Lend, then, the Socialist your ears. He must give you a 
 few definitions before he can utter intelligible speech. For he
 
 32 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 uses some common words with entirely new meanings. Lis- 
 ten ! " Modern ' civilized ' society is divided into three classes, 
 as follows : The aristocracy, consisting of all people in Europe 
 who come of 'gentle blood,' and those in America who live 
 upon inherited wealth the Drones ; the Bourgeoisie con- 
 sisting of all those who derive their living from rent, profit or 
 interest ; those, in short, who are not wage-workers, together 
 with their hangers-on and allies the robbers ; the Proletariat, 
 the working-people of the world, those who really do the 
 work, and who receive in return a part of its worth called 
 'wages ' the Plundered slaves." " Capital is the surplus re- 
 maining of the earnings of labor after all its needs have been 
 supplied. Capitalized profits, familiarly and wrongfully 
 known in the commercial world as 'capital,' is either the un- 
 paid wages of the producer, or a forced tax upon the necessi- 
 ties of the consumer. Property (honestly acquired, stored up 
 labor) is sacred. Profit (capitalized profits, miscalled prop- 
 erty) is the solidified fruit of wholesale brigandage, in brief, 
 theft. Rent is robbery. Interest is an immoral and unjust 
 tax extorted by a master from the necessities of a slave."* One 
 can not but express the wish that our lexicographer had drawn 
 more sharply the lines of distinction between his three social 
 classes. For it is difficult to see how the Aristocrat, living on 
 an inherited fortune, can fail to descend to the burgher class 
 and take the rent or interest on which to live. It is also diffi- 
 cult to see how the laborer, if he has a few dollars in the sav- 
 ings-bank, can fail, when he draws his interest, to count him- 
 self as not altogether a wage-receiver. 
 
 When, as the ancients fabled, Prometheus stole fire from 
 heaven and made it the common property of men, Jupiter, in 
 vengeance for the theft, sent Pandora to earth. Venus gave 
 her beauty, Mercury cunning, and all the gods bestowed each 
 some fateful gift for the punishment of mankind. Pandora 
 came to earth, bringing a box full of blessings. But Pandora's 
 curiosity prompting her to open the box, out flew a swarm of 
 curses to prey upon the hearts and lives of men. So, says our 
 
 * "Socialism," by A. J. Starkweather and S. Kobert Wilson. Introduc- 
 tion by Burnett G. Ilaskell. New York : John W. Lovcll Company. (Lovcll 
 Library, No. 461.) Pp. 5 and 7.
 
 DISAPPOINTED EXPECTATIONS. 33 
 
 Socialist, James Watt with his steam-engine brought the 
 blessed Promethean fire. But the capitalist gods of the Olym- 
 pus, fearing for their sovereignty, have sent a Pandora, who, 
 with her box of countless mischiefs, oppressions, fleecings, 
 has changed the forces of all multiplied industries into 
 curses, and that which should have enfranchised only en- 
 slaves. What visions of hope for humanity must have filled 
 the minds of the great inventors, Watt and Arkwright, Whit- 
 ney and Howe, Hoe and Bessemer ! visions, such as George de- 
 scribes : "Youth no longer stunted and starved ; age no longer 
 harried by avarice ; the child at play with the tiger ; the man 
 with the muck-rake drinking in the glory of the stars ; foul 
 things fled, fierce things tame, discord turned to harmony ; for 
 how could there be greed where all had enough ? How could 
 the vice, the crime, the ignorance, the brutality, that spring 
 from poverty, and the fear of poverty, exist where poverty 
 had vanished ? Who should crouch where all were freemen ; 
 who oppress where all were peers ? " But, alas ! these bright 
 visions have not been realized. There are hard times, depres- 
 sions, poverties everywhere. From childhood to old age the 
 multitude toil, without ambition, without recompense, without 
 hope. In the "brave days of old," master and men were 
 brothers. Each man might aspire to be a master. He owned 
 his tools. He had a little capital. In many cases his home 
 was his workshop. But now, for the most part, capital owns 
 the tools. Invention has multiplied the power of production 
 a thousand-fold. But has it multiplied the laborer's comfort ? 
 Rather it has diminished it. It has supplanted him by a ma- 
 chine. It has concentrated industries into vast corporations. 
 It has changed the worker from a thinker, a doer, into a mere 
 machine-tender. The sewing-machine, which promised such 
 blessings to the needle-woman, has left her more overworked, 
 more underpaid and with health more endangered than be- 
 fore. The old inarticulate moan which the hand of genius 
 has fixed in woful words and set to melancholy music is still 
 the only language of hopeless thousands : 
 
 " Work, work, work, 
 
 From weary chime to chime ! 
 Work, work, work, 
 
 As prisoners work for crime !
 
 34 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 Band and gusset and seam, 
 
 Seam and gusset and band, 
 Till the heart is sick and the brain benumbed 
 
 As well as the weary hand." * 
 
 Families are broken up home-life is impossible, and 
 women and children take the places and do the- work of men, 
 at constantly reduced wages. More and more capital is con- 
 centrating-. Monopolies are growing huge and overbearing. 
 A few men own the telegraph. A few men control the rail- 
 roads. They pool earnings or divide stealings. They com- 
 bine with other industries, mine-owners, oil-producers, manu- 
 facturers, to rob the consumer and divide the spoils. They 
 corrupt judges, bribe juries, buy Senates, carry Governors 
 in their pockets, and in stock boards and produce exchanges 
 stake on the throw of the dice-box the blood and brains, the 
 very virtues, homes and hopes of millions. 
 
 A workingman, Mr. J. Willett, of Glenn, Michigan, in a 
 letter to the "Christian Union," of October 29, 1885, writes : 
 " The Government rings, the bank rings, the Board of Trade 
 rings, the railroad rings, the whisky rings, the manufactur- 
 ing rings, the mercantile rings, the professional rings, the 
 mine-owners' rings, the religious rings, and the political rings 
 live on the workingman, all and each of them ; and all and 
 each return, in many cases, but little as an equivalent for what 
 they receive." 
 
 Our Socialist will bid you listen to the exceedingly bitter 
 cry of outcast London. He will point you to the late appall- 
 ing revelations of the " Pall Mall Gazette." He will take you 
 to certain quarters in London, or Edinburgh, or Manchester, 
 or Berlin ; ay, even in New York and Chicago. He will put 
 you under the guidance of one like Sandy Mackaye. You 
 shall hear Sandy say in his Scotch brogue : "Look ! There's 
 not a soul down that yard but's either beggar, drunkard, thief, 
 or worse. Write anent that. Say how ye saw the mouth of 
 hell, and the twa' pillars thereof at the entry ; the pawn- 
 broker's shop on one side, and the gin-palace at the other 
 'twa monstrous deevils, eating up men, and women, and 
 
 * " The Song of the Shirt," by Thomas Hood.
 
 FRUIT FROM THE TREE OF CAPITALISM. 35 
 
 bairns, body and soul. . . . Look at thae barefooted, bare- 
 backed hizzies, wi' their arms around the men's necks, and 
 their mouths full of vitriol and beastly words. Look at that 
 Irishwoman pouring the gin down the babbie's throat ! Look 
 at that raff o' a boy gaun out o' the pawnshop, where he's been 
 pledging the handkerchief he stole the morning, into the gin- 
 shops to buy beer poisoned wi' grains o' paradise, and cocculus 
 indicus and saut, and a' damnable, maddening, thirst-breed- 
 ing, lust-breeding drugs ! Look at that girl that went in wi' 
 a shawl to her back, and cam' out wi'out ane. Drunkards 
 frae the breist ! harlots frae the cradle ! Damned before 
 they're born ! " * And if you ask our Socialist what tree bears 
 this bitter, poisonous, humanity-destroying fruit, he will an- 
 swer the tree of capitalism, the tree of private enterprise, the 
 tree of competition, the tree of " Laissez faire," the tree whose 
 vital sap is " fleecings," stolen, sucked up bodily from the soil 
 of the earnings of the wage-workers. 
 
 Our Socialist tells us that the wage-working classes are 
 slaves to the employer, as really slaves as were the Southern 
 blacks before the war, and worse off than these. For Cuffee 
 had his cabin, his clothes, his food, care in sickness, support 
 in old age. His disablement or death was money out of his 
 master's pocket, while Tom, Dick and Harry rent their own 
 houses, buy their own food, pay their own physicians, work 
 for little, accumulate nothing, die in the poor-house. And 
 their disablement or death means to their masters only an 
 opportunity to employ cheaper labor. Even the feudal system 
 was better than the modern one. The retainers of the feudal 
 lord were his friends and kinsmen. Eights meant duties. 
 Property involved service. In England fifty years ago, Cole- 
 ridge could write : " The voice of the trumpet is not indeed 
 heard in the land. But no less intelligibly is it declared by 
 the spirit and history of our laws that the possession of a prop 
 erty not connected witli special duties, a property not fiduciary 
 or official, but arbitrary and unconditional, was in the sight 
 of our forefathers the brand of a Jew and an alien, not the 
 distinction nor the right, nor the honor of an English baron 
 
 * " Alton Locke." Rev. Charles Kingsley. London : Macmillan & Co., 
 1874, p. 69.
 
 36 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 or gentleman." * But to-day the right of property is the right 
 to accumulate, to combine for accumulation, to enact laws 
 that further accumulation ; to supplant labor by machines ; to 
 enervate, and narrow, and cripple labor, and by competition 
 to cheapen it ; to keep labor idle, mines closed, workshops 
 shut, that production may be decreased for an advance of 
 prices and an increase of profits. Free contract between em- 
 ployed and employer is a delusion. The freedom is all on one 
 side. It is the freedom to buy in the cheapest market without 
 a corresponding right to sell in the dearest market. The sup- 
 ply of labor is more than the demand. Capital is hoarded or 
 wasted while laborers are starving. The slave driven by hun- 
 ger and by the cries of his children, will sell his labor for 
 what his master will consent to give him. Widows unable to 
 earn enough to keep the wolf from the pinched frames of their 
 children, will offer their own bodies to procurers for vice, or 
 to purveyors for the medical student's dissecting-room, and 
 then go out to a harlot's life or a suicide's death, that their 
 children may get bread. And Capital, the tyrant, grows fat 
 on the leanness his tyranny makes. Modern industrial con- 
 ditions are reducing the wage-workers to a more permanent 
 and more increasingly numerous class, a class out of which no 
 native brain-force, no skill, no industry, no thrift will enable 
 a man to rise. " Every millionaire is a criminal." " Eveiy 
 man who loans his neighbor $100, and exacts $106 in return, 
 is a criminal." Capital accumulated fleecings, accumulated 
 withheld wages and labor, the source of all wealth Capital 
 and Labor Siamese twins ! "Are Capital and Labor Siamese 
 twins ? Why ? Because they are in contact with each 
 other ? So is the horseleech and his victim." 
 
 Our Socialist is not content with generalities of statement. 
 He deals with facts and figures. He studies the census tables 
 and the reports of bureaus of statistics. He draws, as does 
 Mr. Laurence Gronlund,t a series of parallelograms. He calls 
 
 * Quoted from "Social Questions." By Eev. J. Llewelyn Davis. Lon- 
 don : Macmillan & Co., 1885, p. 211. 
 
 t " The Co-operative Commonwealth in its Outlines. An Exposition of 
 Modern Socialism." By Laurence Gronlund. Boston : Lee & Shepard, 1884, 
 pp. 23, 24. The above quotations are also from this work.
 
 ALLIES OF "THE ROBBER CLASS." 37 
 
 these " cakes." From the top to the bottom of his parallelo- 
 gram he draws a line. One side of the line is the wage-work- 
 er's share of the cake, the whole of which, according to the 
 Socialist, the laborer has produced. The other side of the line 
 is the share of the capitalist. The capitalist share is labeled 
 "fleecings." It is divided into three parts. Two parts, equal 
 to each other, are called interest and rent. The third part, as 
 large as the other two combined, is called profits. Profits, 
 interest, rent, are fleecings. Five parallelograms represent 
 the five census returns of the industrial product of the country 
 for the years, respectively, of 1850-'60-'70-'80. Each successive 
 parallelogram increases in size. In each one, the side which 
 represents fleecings is larger than in the one preceding, while 
 the wage-worker's return is correspondingly smaller. The 
 robbers are waxing fat on their stolen dainty. The worker is 
 getting thinner. 
 
 Our Socialist looks about him for the allies and hangers-on 
 of the robber class. He sees a press, the organ of monopoly, 
 silent on all questions of socialism and radical reform, a retro- 
 gressive, impracticable agency, pulling down, never building 
 up, " a cut-purse and a cut-throat." He sees the pulpit, claim- 
 ing to be teacher, leader, and censor of morals, the spiiitual 
 counselor and guide of men, a worthless thing standing in the 
 path of progress, absolutely injurious, opposing all reforms it 
 does not invent or engineer, always on the side of capital, since 
 it is its creature and does its work, "taking up the falsehoods 
 of the press and reiterating them, adding its own peculiar 
 venom, the condemnation of men and the judgment of God."* 
 I quote again from Mr. Willett's letter to the "Christian 
 Union " : "The great curse of the world has always been the 
 moral degradation and depravity of the ruling classes, and the 
 flippancy with which the priesthood will gloss over their 
 crimes or pass them by. They can denounce the sins and 
 shortcomings of the workingmen, but are easy on the sins of 
 those in high social position. We have never expected ;my 
 help from the priesthood class ; as a class their feelings of 
 self-interest are all in favor of the aristocracy, and special 
 privileges and ' subordination.' " 
 
 * Quoted or paraphrased from " Socialism." By Starkweather and Wilson.
 
 38 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 Our Socialist sees in the legal fraternity the most vicious 
 and dangerous members of society ; men whose trade is to lie, 
 cheat, steal, and to condone and defend all crime and crimi- 
 nals ; men who by instinct and training are the friends and 
 defenders of all tyrannies and the natural enemy of labor. 
 He sees a military class, army men, militiamen, policemen, 
 sheriffs, jailers, hangmen, those whose trade is murder foul 
 and cold-blooded, who are loafers, bummers, and dead-beats, 
 whose business is brutalizing, degrading, and heinous, who 
 follow the trade to which their instincts prompt them, but 
 who under a better social system might be utilized as butchers 
 or scavengers, or for other necessary and useful labor.* All 
 these, together with the hereditary wealth-owners, the active 
 capitalists, the loan-mongers, the farmers, the mine exploiters, 
 the contractors, the middlemen, the factory lords, our Social- 
 ist regards as ' ' the modern slave-drivers ; they who, through 
 their money, machinery, capital and credit, turn every ad- 
 vance in human knowledge, every improvement in human 
 dexterity, into an engine for accumulating wealth out of other 
 men's wages, and for exacting more and yet more surplus 
 value out of the wage-slaves whom they employ." f "Work- 
 ing for wages," says our Socialist to the wage-receiver, "work- 
 ing for wages, you are not a freeman, but a slave, and a slave 
 whom your employer despises, and will get along without 
 whenever he can." 
 
 Looking at society in its largest aspects, we ask our Social- 
 ist what ought modern society to be like. He answers : "It 
 ought to be like a company of gentlemen and ladies at a din- 
 ner-table, where each, knowing that there is enough for all, 
 strives to have his fellow served bountifully." We ask what 
 modern society is like. He answers : " It is like a pen full of 
 hogs into which a pail of swill has been thrown, where each, 
 fearing that he will not get enough, grunts and pushes and 
 roots, and with much struggling and biting, strives to get all 
 he can for himself, not caring that his neighbor goes hun- 
 
 * " Socialism." By Starkweather and Wilson. 
 
 t II. M. Hyndman. Quoted in Laveleye's " Socialism of To-Day," p. 317. 
 
 I Ibid.
 
 ORIGIN OF CAPITALISM. 39 
 
 Our Socialist is not only a lexicographer, a statistician, an 
 agitator ; he is an economist as well. First and foremost, he 
 is an economist. Adam Smith had said, "Labor is the foun- 
 dation of all value." He had said further, " The produce of 
 labor constitutes the natural recompense or wages of labor." 
 Without regarding any of the explanations and qualifications 
 of the statements, even those which Smith himself made, our 
 Socialist takes the statements as they stand. He proceeds to 
 argue : Adam Smith, Bicardo, Mill, all the economists, declare 
 that labor is the source of all wealth. "All wealth is due to 
 labor; therefore, to the laborer all wealth is due."* How, 
 now, does capital come ? Capital is labor, or the results of 
 labor, stored up for future production. In primitive society 
 laborer and capitalist are the same man. But as society ad- 
 vances laborer and capitalist become two men. The capitalist 
 presents himself in the market of commodities with stored-up 
 labor, or that which represents it money. He buys machines, 
 tools, raw materials. In order to work up these into product 
 he also buys the workman's "labor force," the sole source of 
 all value. The money temporarily transformed into wages 
 and merchandise reappears, after the sale of the product, more 
 or less increased in amount. Capital is born. What is the 
 value of the workman's "labor force" ? It is what it costs to 
 produce it. The cost of the production of "labor force "is 
 whatever is necessary to support the life and strength, up to 
 best working quality, of the laborer and the children who will 
 succeed him. The value of labor is the equivalent of the 
 hours of labor socially necessary to produce the maintenance 
 of the laborer. How now, asks our Socialist, does it happen 
 that capital gets its hands full, while labor goes with hands 
 empty ? We let Karl Marx answer : "To produce the com- 
 modities necessary for the laborer and his family, a whole 
 day's work Is not needed ; five or six hours would suffice. If, 
 then, the laborer worked for himself, he could obtain all he 
 needed in half a day, and the rest of his time he might devote 
 to leisure or to procuring superfluities. The slave of antiquity, 
 the serf of the middle ages, when gaining his freedom in the 
 existing social order, did not at the same time acquire prop- 
 
 * II. M. Hyndman. See p. 76, note t.
 
 40 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 erty. He is, therefore, obliged to place himself in the service 
 of those who possess the land and the instruments of produc- 
 tion. These naturally require him to work for them the whole 
 day of twelve hours or more. In six hours the laborer pro- 
 duces the equivalent of his subsistence ; during the remaining 
 six hours he produces surplus value to the profit of his employer. 
 From this surplus, pocketed by the employer, capital comes 
 into being." * The matter of the laborer's subsistence plays an 
 important part in socialistic logic. Ricardo, an English econ- 
 omist, had defined the cost of wages as having a necessary 
 relation to the cost of the subsistence of the producer. Las- 
 salle called Ricardo's law the "iron law of wages," the huge 
 hand that crushed the laborer to the dust. According to Las- 
 salle, the law works on this wise : The minimum of subsist- 
 ence necessary for the existence and reproduction of the work- 
 ing classes is the line toward which wages always tend. They 
 can never fall much below that line, for then the supply of 
 labor would, by death and other causes, be reduced and wages 
 would rise. They can never go much above that line, for in- 
 crease of comforts would mean early marriage, many children, 
 an increase of laborers and a consequent diminution of wages. 
 The competition of the laborers among themselves lowers the 
 price of labor. In every kind of labor it must therefore result 
 that the wages of the laborer are limited to the exact amount 
 necessary to keep him alive. Hence thrift is impossible to 
 him, savings impossible, accumulations impossible. The iron 
 law works to the increasing advantage of the masters, and the 
 doomed slave is held in a bondage from which he can never, 
 except by a total change in economic conditions, hope to es- 
 cape, t 
 
 Our economic Socialist lays great stress on the land ques- 
 tion and the law of rent. He says the land belongs to the peo- 
 ple, and ought to be used by the people. But look at England, 
 where, by a system of robberies, spoliations and confiscations 
 that have been going on for centuries, thirty thousand people 
 own all the land occupied by thirty million people ! Look at 
 
 * Laveleye's "Socialism of To-Day," pp. 28-30. 
 
 t Laveleye's "Socialism of To-Day," pp. 54^56; Eae's "Contemporary 
 Socialism," p. 96 ; Ely's " French and German Socialism," p. 191.
 
 LAND-GRABBING. 41 
 
 the United States, where vast land areas have been given away 
 to railroad corporations areas ' ' nearly equal to the great States 
 of Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, 
 Iowa, and Missouri, and three times the total area of England, 
 Ireland, Scotland, and Wales " ; * and where the best estate is 
 taken without leave or license, until foreign and domestic lords 
 of the soil have fenced in millions of acres, defending them by 
 law and by force against all comers. Look at the law of rent 
 the law which no economist disputes, that " the rent of land 
 is determined by the excess of its produce over that which the 
 same application can secure from the least productive soil in 
 use." Look at this rent- taker, this freebooter of the middle 
 ages come back again ; this sponge, this parasite ! See with 
 what increasing impudence he levies his increasing exactions 
 upon all production, getting the lion's share from the capi- 
 talist and the more than lion's share from the wage-worker, 
 and reducing the toiler to the minimum crust. 
 
 From these economic premises our Socialist turns to con- 
 sider the inevitable result in existing economic fact, ' ' The rich 
 are becoming richer and fewer, the poor poorer and more nu- 
 merous." With industrial progress, increasing poverty goes 
 hand in hand. The gulf between social classes is widening. 
 On the one side, the upper side, is a class which works not at all 
 with its hands, and enjoys luxury in excess of what is reason- 
 able. On the other side, the lower side, is a class working far 
 too hard for health, and living in miserable social conditions. 
 The gradations between these two are being gradually crushed 
 out. Enormous wealth, increasing wealth, with fewer and 
 fewer to enjoy it ; enormous misery, increasing misery, with 
 more and more to suffer it ! Society is compared to a ladder, 
 
 * " Land and Labor in the United States." By William Godwin Moody. 
 New York : Charles Scribncr's Sons, 1883. 
 
 Art., "Danger Ahead." Lyman Abbott. "Century Hag.," November, 
 1885, p. 56. 
 
 Art., " Landlordism in America." Thomas P. Gill, M. P. " N. A. Kev.," 
 vol. 142, pp. 52-67. 
 
 Art., " America's Land Question." A. J. Desmond. " N. A. Rev.," vol. 
 142, pp. 153-158. 
 
 Twenty-nine alien and absentee landlords own 20,647,000 acres of land in 
 the United States ; or a territory as large as Ireland.
 
 42 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 with a round at the top, and a round at the bottom, the top 
 narrowing, the bottom widening and all the middle rounds 
 falling out.* 
 
 How long can this last ? asks our Socialist ! Not long ! 
 not long ! These awful, and under the present system, inevita- 
 ble laws, that grind the poor and multiply them as they grind, 
 grinding down into poverty all middle classes, small farmers, 
 tradesmen, manufacturers, these laws that keep wages low, and 
 rent advancing, these shall kindle the revolutionary fires in the 
 heart of the masses. These shall be more clearly understood, 
 until the slaves shall know their slavery and its causes. They 
 shall know that "while the master sought the chattel-slave, 
 the wages-slave seeks his master, "that "while the chattel-slave 
 gave work for his food, the wages-slave can not get food for 
 his work." Down with the system of wage-slavery ! Down 
 with competition, private enterprise, laissez faire, the ty- 
 ranny of capitalism ! Why should the many toil in want, 
 that the few may live in idleness and luxury ? Not long ! 
 Not long ! The law of social evolution is working in the right 
 direction. Capital is concentrating itself in few hands. Pov- 
 erty is diffusing itself among a multitude. Scant families in 
 the palace ! Children swarming in the hovel ! Fewer rich 
 and richer ! More poor and poorer ! The many will not al- 
 ways be the slaves of the few. The legislation, the govern- 
 mental administration, the social conservatism, largely always 
 in the interest of wealth, will not stay the revolution, when- 
 ever the lengthening lower round of the social ladder refuses 
 to bear up the intolerable burden of the shortening upper 
 round. Anarchy ? Your present system is anarchy. Your 
 social order ? Rather your social disorder ! "A system cha- 
 otic, organically and hopelessly unjust ! A system where 
 the laborer's back is the green table whereon the whole game 
 of modern industry is played, and on which in shameful welts 
 and sores all the losses are scored ! " t Down with this bastard 
 Social order ! 
 
 Tli is is the Socialist's indictment against modern society. 
 He has spoken with his own words often, always with his 
 
 * Gronlund, " Co-operative Commonwealth," p. 41. 
 t Kae's " Contemp. Social.," p. 93.
 
 AN INDICTMENT WITII SOMETHING IN IT. 43 
 
 own thought. It is a terrible indictment ! It makes the very 
 flesh creep and the heart for the moment stop its pulsations. 
 Certainly it is an indictment which must set us all to think- 
 ing. What do I think of this indictment ? What do you 
 think of it ? If the motion were made here to quash this in- 
 dictment on the ground that it involves no cause for action, I 
 would oppose the motion. If the supreme and irresponsible 
 power were committed to me, which is too often unwisely 
 committed to public prosecutors, I would refuse here and now 
 to enter a nolle prosequi in this case of Socialism vs. Mod- 
 ern Society. I believe that this indictment is on the whole 
 unjust ; with fatal fallacies of argument and gross exaggera- 
 tion of fact. I dissent from the statement of economic prin- 
 ciples and economic conditions on which this indictment bases 
 its appeal for revolt and its hope of successful revolution. 
 Yet, I am convinced that there is too much in the indictment 
 that is soberly, sadly, terribly true, to warrant our dismiss- 
 ing it with a sneer or burying it under a denunciation.
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 WHAT THE SOCIALIST DEMANDS. 
 
 " Labor and distribution should be collectively organized : every one should 
 receive for a fixed amount of labor a fixed amount of capital, which would con- 
 stitute his property according to right. Property will thus be made univer- 
 sal. No person should enjoy superfluities, as long as anybody lacks necessa- 
 ries ; for the right of property in objects of luxury can have no foundation until 
 each citizen has his share in the necessaries of life." Johann Gottlieb Fickle. 
 
 AGAIN the Socialist speaks. Again I lend him brain and 
 voice. Again I serve as his automaton, or, if you prefer, as 
 his amanuensis. He has invaded the quiet of my study. He 
 paces the floor with restless air. He pours out, in my hearing, 
 a torrent of nervous, incisive, revolutionary words. I sit at 
 the table to catch and to report, as best I can, his rapid, ex- 
 cited and often confused speech. 
 
 Our Socialist speaks, not now as lexicographer, statistician, 
 economist, but as a physician, a medicine-man. One type of 
 this medicine-man is more a surgeon than a doctor. And his 
 surgery is not of any rose-water sort, but of a very rough, radi- 
 cal and bloody sort. The tools of his trade are not lancets and 
 saws that one may carry in a velvet-Ikied case. He has only 
 one tool, a butcher's cleaver. His remedy is a very sun- 
 pie one, " Off with the patient's head ! " If you ask how the 
 body can survive after such heroic surgery, he will tell you 
 that future society, cured society, is to have no specific head at 
 all, but to be all head as it is to be all hands. 
 
 This Socialist is an Anarchist. As far as any organization 
 represents him the International Working People's Associa- 
 tion represents him. You ask what this Anarchist demands. 
 Listen ! I quote from the ' ; Pittsburg Proclamation," adopted
 
 WHAT THE ANARCHIST DEMANDS. 45 
 
 by the Pittsburg Congress of Internationalists. "What we 
 would achieve is, therefore, plainly and simply : First De- 
 struction of the existing class rule, by all means, i. e., by ener- 
 getic, relentless revolutionary and international action. Sec- 
 ond Establishment of a free society, based upon co-operative 
 organization of production. Third Free exchange of equiva- 
 lent products by and between productive organizations, with- 
 out commerce and without profit-mongery. Fourth Organi- 
 zation of education on a secular, scientific and equal basis for 
 both sexes. Fifth Equal rights for all without distinction as 
 to sex or race. Sixth Regulation of all affairs by free contracts 
 between the independent communes and associations resting 
 on a federalistic basis."* You ask, what precisely does all 
 this mean ? In answer, I quote at length from one of the 
 expositors of the Internationalist's creed : " Socialism pro- 
 poses to abolish the system of wages-slavery, and instead 
 establish governmental co-operation for production and dis- 
 tribution." "Socialism proposes to secure to every person 
 who labors the full equivalent of his labor, partly in per- 
 sonal remuneration and partly in social and public benefits, 
 such as education, recreation, transportation, communication 
 and the best possible sustenance and care in sickness and old 
 age not as a charity, but as a debt that society owes to 
 every useful citizen." "Socialism proposes to perfect the 
 educational system by abolishing the present lack of system. 
 The State would educate every child thoroughly, and as 
 it advanced give it an opportunity to master any science, 
 art or mechanical pursuit for which its tastes or abilities 
 adapted it." "Socialism proposes scientific, intelligent, en- 
 lightened government, or free co-operation on the ba.sis of 
 liberty, equality, fraternity, and solidarity." "Socialism pro- 
 poses to stop the wastes of society by having none of its mem- 
 bers uselessly employed or idle, and by turning the great 
 army of non-producers into an army of useful producers more 
 workers and less work for each." "Socialism proposes that 
 machinery shall do the world's work, and that the whole peo- 
 
 * Quoted from ""Recent American Socialism," by Richard T. Ely, Ph. D. 
 "Johns Hopkins University Studies," third scric.s, iv. Baltimore: A]>rilj 
 1885, pp. 27, 28.
 
 46 STUDIES IX MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 pie shall own such machinery and shall reap the full benefits 
 thereof, individually and collectively ; not as at present, when 
 machinery is owned only by wealthy individuals and corpora- 
 tions, and operated to the degradation of the human machines 
 who attend them." "Socialism proposes that the cultivation 
 of land is the sole title to its occupancy ; that the soil is com- 
 mon property ; the improvements belong to the individual ; 
 that as fast as practicable and consistent with individual lib- 
 erty, the Government should resume title to all land and cul- 
 tivate it in large domains to the best advantage, by the most 
 improved machinery, and the raising of only such crops as 
 are best adapted to the soil, climate, season, etc." "Socialism 
 advocates the destruction and utter extinction of all emperors, 
 kings, princes, nobles, and tyrants, crowned or uncrowned, 
 titled or untitled no figure-heads and no castes." "Socialism 
 advocates that the time and service of one man is equal ulti- 
 mately to the tune and service of any other man ; hence the 
 nearest approach to exact justice is equal pay for equal time 
 and expenditure of equal energy." " Socialism would abolish 
 poverty by preventing it, by removing its causes. As poverty 
 is the cause, directly or indirectly, of all crime, therefore by 
 the abolition of poverty, crime would be almost unknown, 
 and with poverty would disappear all the lice, leeches, vam- 
 pires and vermin that fatten on its filth such as the entire 
 legal fraternity, soldiers, police, spies, judges, sheriffs, priests, 
 preachers, quack-doctors, etc." " Socialism would have money 
 based on labor performed, and therefore represent some tangi- 
 ble wealth or benefit to society. The man therefore who la- 
 bored would have money or labor-notes to the amount of service 
 he had rendered. If he performed no useful work he would 
 have no money, hence no food. On the other hand, the man 
 who had more money than he had labored for could readily bo 
 detected and deprived of that which belonged to some one else. 
 Under a socialistic system extremes of poverty and wealth in 
 the hands of individuals could not exist. The people in their 
 collective capacity would own and control all the surplus 
 wealth of the nation or community." * 
 
 But you ask still more definite statements as to how our 
 
 * "Socialism," by Starkweather and Wilson, pp. 28-30.
 
 HOW ANARCHY WILL ADMINISTER. 4T 
 
 Anarchist-Socialist proposes to secure all these ends. Definite 
 statements are with difficulty obtained if they can be obtained 
 at all. Some anarchists seem to agree with the Social Labor 
 party. Others differ very widely from them as to the State. 
 There are some who say, " We want no State. The doctrine 
 of laissez faire the ' let alone ' policy is good enough for 
 us. Why, our political leaders have been teaching us that 
 the less government the better ; that ' the world is governed 
 too much ' ; that the State is at best a necessary evil. Well, 
 we propose to do away with the evil altogether." "The State 
 is only another name for oppression. We want no State. We 
 recognize the right of no individual or body of men to inter- 
 fere with us. We will have neither State nor laws. Every 
 man shall have liberty to do as he pleases, unless he wants to 
 amass property or in any way control production." This An- 
 archist-Socialist tells us that, " as gregarious animals, and for 
 the sake of voluntary co-operation, men will naturally form 
 themselves into self-governing communes and townships, into 
 which the whole of mankind will ultimately be resolved." As 
 to economic principle, our Anarchist-Socialist would place 
 all activities upon an equal basis of reward. Equal tune and 
 equivalent expenditure of force bring equal earnings. A dol- 
 lar might represent the toil of one hundred minutes and one 
 dollar would always be equal to another. Your hundred min- 
 utes of work could earn no more than mine or any other man's. 
 The value of all products would be measured by the number 
 of hours it had cost to produce them. How this method is to 
 be applied is illustrated by a specimen page from the account 
 of John Smith, metal-worker. Mr. Smith has received the 
 book from the County Clerk. It contains Smith's photograph, 
 personal description, etc. On one of the leaves is the follow- 
 ing entry made by the foreman of the shop where Smith 
 works : 
 
 John Smith in account with Socialistic Republic, the people 
 of the United States. 
 
 Cr. Jan. 2. By labor, 6 hours, 30 minutes. 
 
 During the week Smith, working as much or as little as 
 he pleases, has earned thirty-six hours and thirty-five minutes. 
 He goes to one of the Government grocery markets and finds 
 articles marked in hours and minutes, the exact time it has
 
 48 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 taken to produce them. Smith buys what he needs of the 
 clerk and balances the account as follows : 
 
 John Smith, 
 
 Cr. By labor done, 36 hours, 35 minutes. 
 Dr. To goods bought, 15 hours, 40 minutes. 
 
 Tune on hand, 20 hours, 55 minutes. 
 
 If Smith chooses he can have this balance in labor-notes. 
 "Under this system," says its expositor, " for the first time in 
 the history of the world would the worker be able to secure 
 the full value of his work." * 
 
 But we must invite our friend, the internationalist, the 
 anarchist, the absolute equality man, to step aside for a mo- 
 ment, that another type of socialist, a truer representative of 
 real socialism, may speak. This man belongs to the Socialistic 
 Labor party. At Baltimore, in December, 1883, the "Mani- 
 festo of the Congress of the Socialist Labor Party " was pro- 
 mulgated. It contains, among other declarations, the follow- 
 ing : "Labor being the creator of all wealth and civilization, 
 it rightfully follows that those who labor and create all wealth 
 should enjoy the full result of their toil. Therefore, we de- 
 clare : That a just and equitable distribution of the fruits of 
 labor is utterly impossible under the present system of society. 
 This fact is abundantly illustrated by the deplorable condition 
 of the working classes, which are in a state of destitution and 
 degrading dependence in the midst of their own production. 
 We furthermore declare that the present industrial system of 
 competition, based on rent, profit-taking and interest, causes 
 and intensifies this inequality, concentrating in the hands of 
 a few all means of production, distribution and the results of 
 labor, thus creating gigantic monopolies, dangerous to the 
 people's liberties. We further declare that these monster mo- 
 nopolies and these consequent extremes of wealth and poverty, 
 supported by class legislation, are subversive of all democracy, 
 injurious to the national interests, and subversive of truth and 
 morality." 
 
 "To abolish this system with a view to establish co-opera- 
 
 * " Socialism." Starkweather and Wilson. Appendix A. By B. G. Has- 
 kell, pp. 80, 81. In the visitor's book at the Oneida Community is :i \>w\- 
 men of labor-check, written by Robert Owen.
 
 ANARCHIST AND LABOR-SOCIALIST CONTRASTED. 49 
 
 tive production and to secure equitable distribution, we de- 
 mand that the resources of life namely, land, the means of 
 production, public transportation and exchange become as 
 fast as practicable the property of the whole people." * 
 
 Our Labor-Socialist is, as regards the State, at quite a wide 
 move from his brother, the Anarchist-Socialist. The Labor- 
 Socialist does not see how there can be any true social owner- 
 ship, any rational production in the common interest, unless 
 there is some social control and regulation. He is not opposed 
 to the State as such, but only to what he calls the existing class 
 or capitalistic state, and this state he would transform into the 
 socialistic or people's state. While the Anarchist avoids poli- 
 tics and depends on agitation alone, the Labor-Socialist is a 
 politician. He votes. He believes in the ballot. The An- 
 archist has a very loose form of "association." The Labor- 
 Socialist organizes a "party." The Anarchist would precipi- 
 tate revolution by deeds of violence.! The Labor-Socialist 
 regards this as madness. He believes that revolution is by 
 evolution, a thing not made, but grown. He advocates peace- 
 ful agitation and use of lawful measures on behalf of his prin- 
 ciples, until the violent conflict shall be forced upon him by 
 his capitalist masters an issue which he believes is certain to 
 come. 
 
 When we ask our Labor-Socialist for specific details of his 
 plans ; how he proposes to arrange his new industrial order ; 
 by what charts of economic philosophy his financial and pro- 
 ductive methods will be guided ; by what lights of adminis- 
 trative wisdom his path of statesmanlike regulation will be 
 illumined his answer is somewhat hazy and indefinite. He 
 admits that his principal thought has been given to the de- 
 structive rather than to the constructive side. He is a critic, 
 not a builder. He has looked so intently on the disease of 
 society, that while he thinks himself able to make a diagnosis 
 of the case, he is not so certain of himself when he comes to 
 act as a practitioner of the healing side of his art. One of 
 
 * Quoted from Ely's " Recent American Socialism," p. 47. 
 
 t There are some who believe in Anarchy as the highest form of human life 
 who are peace-men. Of these the late William Lloyd Garrison was an ex- 
 ample. 
 
 3
 
 50 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 these Labor-Socialists, writing as expositor of the new creed, 
 with quite becoming modesty confesses that the details of the 
 creed have not been perfected. "If, as we maintain," he 
 writes, "this wage system is nothing but a temporary phase 
 of the evolution of society, then it follows that political 
 economy is destined to be superseded by a new philosophy 
 a true science as soon as the new conditions arise. Under 
 social co-operation we shall have a perfectly different philoso- 
 phy of the production and distribution of wealth, which we 
 not inaptly may call social economy. But do not for a mo- 
 ment suppose," continues our expositor, "that we here intend 
 to elaborate that new science. We are all of us too much the 
 children of our own age to make such an attempt. Do not 
 forget that Socialists are not willing to be taken for architects. 
 He is a bad architect who can not plan the building he is re- 
 quired to erect, to the nicest details ; who is unable to tell the 
 size of this drawing-room, or the exact location of that closet. 
 Do not demand such details from us." * 
 
 Certainly the demand would be an unfair one. When the 
 vast historic building of the economic and administrative past 
 has been tumbled into chaos ; when foundation-stones are 
 struggling to become columns and architraves ; when all the 
 books on social architecture have been torn up ; when all the 
 guiding lights of experience have been extinguished ; when 
 the new order is expected to emerge from the old, under the 
 impulse of forces that have never been measured in any his- 
 toric or philosophic crucible ; and when these forces are ex- 
 pected to formulate their own philosophy, certainly it would 
 be too much to ask that we should have detailed statements as 
 to the plan of the growth and the method of the life of this 
 new order. Yet the becoming modesty of our expositor does 
 not hinder him from going into something like detail. If he 
 can not be an architect, he can at least be a botanist. If he 
 can not tell how many leaves his plant will have, he can at 
 least know what kind of a plant will grow from a specified 
 seed. This indeed may be doubted, if the seed is of a sort 
 hitherto unknown to the botanist's science. But we must let 
 our Socialist speak for himself : "Interest, profit, rent will 
 
 * Gronlund, " Co-operative Commonwealth."
 
 ECONOMIC METHODS OF LABOR-SOCIALIST. 51 
 
 become things of the past as soon as the commonwealth takes 
 hold of the whole industrial and agricultural plant. Wealth 
 will no longer be used as capital, and consequently will be 
 no longer borrowed. Society will own all productive capital. 
 Profit will disappear. It will be added to the reward of labor. 
 Rent, as a tribute levied by the individual monopolist of land, 
 will be no more. All land used for agricultural or industrial 
 purposes will have become a part of the collective plant. Land 
 used by citizens for homes or other private purposes will yield 
 rent or taxes to the commonwealth." Eveiy citizen will bear 
 his proportion of the social expenses, either in the shape of a 
 rent paid as taxes, or in a percentage, added to the actual 
 labor-cost of each article that is purchased. Exchanges will 
 be facilitated by some such contrivance as labor-checks. If 
 the revolution shall be accomplished without violence, the 
 State may see fit as a matter of policy to give to the robber 
 class a fair compensation for the property which the State 
 will take under its control. But no interest will be allowed, 
 and the claims will be paid, not in money, but in labor- 
 checks ; and if the claim be sufficiently large, the payment 
 will be in the form of annuities. Goods will be classified as 
 worth not so much money, but so much work. The merely 
 incidental function of money as a measure of value will be 
 abolished. ' ' A day's work, meaning the simplest work of 
 average efficiency of a normal working day, will be the meas- 
 ure of value. All services will not receive equal reward."* 
 Here our Labor-Socialist differs from the Anarchist-Socialist. 
 The Labor-Socialist is not a Communist. His maxim is "To 
 every man according to his work." The value of the social 
 service rendered by each worker will be determined by the 
 State, f The commonwealth in its character as statistician 
 will fix the amount of production for each succeeding year or 
 season. In this way over-production, under-production, and 
 commercial crises will become impossible. No man will be a 
 wage-worker, no man a slave. The State will employ all and 
 direct all. Each worker, whether laborer, foreman, clerk, 
 manager, teacher, editor, or physician, will be a servant of 
 
 * Quoted or paraphrased from Gronlund, "Co-operative Commonwealth." 
 t On definition of State, see p. 95.
 
 52 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 the whole people, a public official, whose function will be 
 directed and his compensation fixed by the commonwealth. 
 
 When we ask our Socialist for some details of his govern- 
 mental administration, he again confesses that he is no archi- 
 tect. Yet here, as in the matter of economics, he has some 
 very pronounced notions. The administrative State will do 
 its work in the interest of the industrial State. Labor will be 
 the corner-stone of the entire building. Under the new sys- 
 tem society and the State will be exchangeable terms. "Be- 
 tween the economic and social organization of the State there 
 will not be a particle of distinction. The new order will have 
 no use for Presidents and Governors, who, for their term of 
 office, are masters of the situation." The Senate will be abol- 
 ished ; the new order will have no use for it. It is the cre- 
 ation of despots and always their tool. There are Socialists 
 who propose a House of Representatives whose action shall be 
 referred to the people for sanction or rejection. There are 
 others who do not believe in any representative body. All 
 Labor-Socialists advocate the "Referendum" the reference 
 of all laws to the people whom their passage will affect.* Our 
 Socialist would have all appointments made from below, and 
 the power of removal vested in the classes above. For exam- 
 ple, the letter-carriers will appoint the Postmaster ; but the 
 Postmaster may dismiss a letter-carrier for cause. The work- 
 men in the various shops of a factory will elect their foremen. 
 The foremen will choose the Superintendent. The Superin- 
 tendent will choose district chiefs. And so at last there will 
 be chosen a National Board of Administration, whose function 
 it shall be to supervise the whole social activity of the coun- 
 try. The test of office will be capacity. The test of continu- 
 ance in office will be efficiency. Politics will cease to be a 
 trade, and will become the personal interest of all the people. 
 
 Our labor Socialist does not propose to abolish private 
 property. Homes, furniture, silverware, jewelry, pictures, 
 books, personal tools, labor-notes a man may still own. And 
 what he owns he may give away while he lives or bequeath 
 to those who survive him. But there will be no bonds, no 
 stocks, no mortgages, no evidences of debt. All lands, rail- 
 
 * Of this the government of Switzerland furnishes an example.
 
 THE LABOR-SOCIALIST'S IDEAL. 53 
 
 roads, telegraphs, telephones, all mines, warehouses, factories, 
 shops, bazaars, machines these society will own. To these, 
 use will give the only rightful personal claim. The farm that 
 is not tilled, the city lot on which no dwelling stands shall be 
 open to the occupancy of the first man who will put farm or 
 lot to proper use. State ownership of all instruments of pro- 
 duction, State management of all industry, State determina- 
 tion of all compensation for work done, competition abolished 
 by the merging of all enterprise in a huge monopoly that will 
 in some undescribed way effect exchange without profits this 
 is our socialist's ideal. Material industry will be the basis of 
 all action, the guide of all legislation. The administration of 
 justice will be simplified, for lawsuits are the children of com- 
 petition. To this material industry intelligence will lend its 
 thought. Out of this industry poetry will soar and sing its 
 songs. On behalf of this industry science will investigate, 
 and discover and invent. To the adornment of this industry 
 art will lend pencil and brush and chisel.* 
 
 If you ask our Socialist whether the life of the slave-driv- 
 ers, as he terms them, is, on the whole, an easy life, whether 
 there are no burdens for the back of the employer of labor, no 
 thorns in his pillow no sleepless nights, no care-worn days 
 for him, our Socialist will answer, yes, indeed. He knows as 
 well as you that ninety-two per cent of all the business men 
 of the country are, in the long run, unsuccessful men. But 
 then our Socialist will say, "This is the fruit of competition, 
 of capitalism." We propose to abolish all this. When Labor 
 sits on the throne, acknowledged as the creator of all wealth, 
 she will sway her gracious scepter as the dispenser of all bless- 
 ings alike to all. There shall be no very rich and no poor. 
 There will be no failures, no bankruptcies. Since there is no 
 private capital, everybody will be enlisted in the service of the 
 State, and an average of two hours' labor each day on the part 
 of all will produce a social competence sufficient for all. 
 
 * Sec Gronlund, " Co-operativo Commonwealth." Also in confirmation 
 of this and previous chapters, so far as they represent State or Labor Social- 
 ism, see testimony of A. Donai. Report of the committee of the Senate upon 
 the relations between Labor and Captital. Washington: Government Print 
 ing-Office, 1885, vol. ii, pp. 702-743.
 
 54 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 If you ask our Socialists what will be the family life under 
 the new commonwealth, the answers will be discordant. Some 
 Socialists are free-lovers. To their thought, family, property, 
 estate, all belong to the land of Egypt, the land of the task- 
 masters, and will be totally abolished by the enfranchised of 
 the new exodus. Such Socialists are human cattle-herders, 
 scientific human cattle-breeders, men whose language and 
 arguments have too much savor of the sty for pure minds to 
 think, or decent pens to record, or clean lips to report.* There 
 are other Socialists, and these the vast majority, who stand by 
 the family. They claim that social vice will be rendered im- 
 possible when all women can earn a support, and when early 
 competence for both men and women makes early marriage 
 the rule. 
 
 What does our Socialist demand ? In brief, the abolition 
 of the existing order, the substitution of State ownership of 
 capital for personal ownership of capital, the substitution of 
 collective enterprise for private enterprise, State regulation 
 of cost of wages and product instead of competitive regulation 
 of cost, State superintendence of industry instead of private 
 superintendence. Capitalism, competition, private enterprise 
 to the scaffold ! Labor, universal labor, to the throne ! 
 
 Between the Egypt where a horde of slaves make bricks 
 without straw, and rear palaces, temples, pyramids, treasure- 
 houses for their masters and the fair Canaan of Freedom, 
 our Socialist sees a Red Sea of violent revolution. Our An- 
 archist-Socialist rejoices that the sea is there. He would open 
 it to-morrow if he dared. He would entice the Pharaoh of 
 capital, with all his hangers-on and allies, to commit them- 
 selves to the treacherous sands from which for a moment the 
 waves have rolled back, for the safe passage of the enfran- 
 chised and then the winds of retribution, evoked by the rod 
 
 * " Dr. Dulke, in a Social Democratic club in Stuttgart, expressed himself 
 in favor of polygamy, as the most ethical form of marriage, according to re- 
 lined conceptions, while he denounced Christian marriage as a decidedly im- 
 moral institute." " The Aim of Socialism." By Kev. John H. Oerter. 
 " New York Tribune," June 1, 1878. See also quotations from Socialist 
 newspapers in Ely's " Recent American Socialism," pp. 33, 34. " Free love" 
 is, as appears in "Plato's Republic," the logical accompaniment of "free 
 land, free tools, free money."
 
 A UTOPIAN DREAM. 55 
 
 of some new Moses, should blow the waters of ingulfing ruin 
 upon the oppressors of mankind. 
 
 Our Anarchist-Socialist would then sing his song of tri- 
 umph, not unto God, for he knows no God, but unto the forces 
 of revolution "Sing unto revolution for it hath triumphed 
 gloriously. The capitalist horse and his rider hath it thrown 
 into the sea. The enemy said, I will pursue, I will divide the 
 spoil, my lust shall be satisfied upon them ; I will draw my 
 sword, my hand shall devour them. But thou, O Revolution, 
 didst blow upon them with thy wind ; the sea covered them ; 
 the earth swallowed them ; they sank as lead in the mighty 
 waters." * 
 
 Our Labor-Socialist does not like the sea. He would keep 
 as far away from the sea as he can, and as long as he can. 
 Yet the thought of revolution does not frighten the Socialist. 
 Indeed, revolution will render unnecessary any compensation 
 to the capitalist. The State, emerging from revolution, can 
 "exploit" as it pleases. Conflagration, murder, robbery, 
 ruin ! Ah, we do not make them. You make them, you, 
 who resist the inevitable evolution. For beyond this Red Sea 
 the Canaan lies. 
 
 It is a fair land a beautiful Utopia of which our Social- 
 ist dreams. One great robbery, the resuming of all their 
 rights by the people, shall put an end to all robbery. In that 
 fair land all shall be kings. There the greed of gain, the lust 
 of gold, the relentless hell that yawns in the hearts of rich 
 and poor alike ; the greed that turns all blessings into curses, 
 that sets your palace and your noisome cellar and squalid gar- 
 ret side by side ; the greed " that fills your prisons and your 
 brothels, that robs womanhood of its grace and childhood of 
 its joy and innocence" shall be forever banished. There, 
 every man shall be well clad, well housed, well fed. No 
 idlers shall be there, no pauper class, no criminals. The 
 weary feet of the tramp shall be at last at rest. Churches 
 shall no longer look down upon tenements where "hungry 
 infants moan and weary mothers weep." f Welcome the era 
 
 * See Exodus xv. 
 
 t Quoted and paraphrased from "Progress and Poverty." Henry George, 
 various pages.
 
 56 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 of industrial freedom ! Welcome the era of equal prosperity ! 
 Room to reach this goal of justice to all is our demand ! Hail 
 to the true Kingdom of Heaven ! Long live the Social Revo- 
 lution 1 Hail to the Reign of Peace ! 
 
 So our Socialist speaks. Again you have heard, sometimes 
 his words always his thought. What have we to say to him ? 
 Well, we have very much to say to him, hut not yet. Even 
 as I hold his indictment to be substantially unjust, so I hold 
 his demand to be largely irrational. But no more than I could 
 consent to quash off-hand his indictment, can I consent to 
 dismiss curtly his demand. The smoke of the Socialist's in- 
 dictment has some fire as its origin. It is our business to find 
 out if we can where the fire is and what caused it, that if pos- 
 sible we may put it out. The huge pile of chaff in the Social- 
 ist's demand has not been heaped up by him from the great 
 thrashing-floor of human thought and feeling without gather- 
 ing also some few grains of precious wheat. And it is our 
 business as honest men to find, if we can, this wheat amid the 
 chaff, that while the chaff is blown away we may turn the 
 wheat into such bread of industrial progress and administra- 
 tive reform as shall best nourish the advancing life of hu- 
 manity.
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 IS REVOLUTIONARY SOCIALISM AN IMPENDING PERIL ? 
 
 " While you here do snoring lie, 
 Open-eyed Conspiracy 
 
 His time doth take ; 
 If of life you keep a care, 
 Shake off slumber and beware ; 
 
 Awake 1 Awake 1 " The Tempest, Act //, scene 1. 
 
 THE form of our question pronounces a judgment upon 
 Socialism. No scheme for social change that, on the whole, 
 would be regarded as a gain, ought to be treated as a peril. 
 To say that Socialism is a peril, is to say that whatever of 
 truth there is in it, its error is more than its truth ; that what- 
 ever of good there is in it, its evil is greater than its good. 
 This judgment is pronounced. The sum of the demand we 
 have heard from the Socialist, whether he be of the Anarchist 
 or of the Conservative type, is a revolutionary demand, whose 
 accomplishment would mean wide-spread and lasting disaster. 
 In pronouncing this judgment upon Socialism, we do not ban- 
 ish the Socialist from Court. We rather, for the furtherance 
 of the aim of this present chapter, assume to pronounce judg- 
 ment. We are seeking now to influence certain members of 
 the Court ; members whose views and conduct must have 
 weight in determining the final verdict. We seek to show 
 some reasons apart from any presentation of a real griev- 
 ance, and apart from any righteous revolt against injustice, 
 why in the court of an intelligent public opinion, Socialism 
 must have a hearing. Socialism, whether regarded as an- 
 archy, or as "State ownership of the instruments of produc- 
 tion, State determination of the price of labor," Socialism is
 
 58 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 a peril. That is assumed. Is the peril far away ? Or is the 
 inarch of events bringing us face to face with problems of 
 the most serious nature, which we must meet, and in whose 
 right solution the welfare of the present and the destiny of the 
 future are involved ? Whether the peril assumed is a peril 
 impending, is the question now before us. 
 
 Professor Richard T. Ely gives these incidents : ' ' As I was 
 walking by the Union League Club House in New York city, 
 at the time of its house-warming, while the people were driv- 
 ing up in their fine carriages, one poor fellow stood on the 
 opposite side of the street watching the ladies enter in their 
 extravagant toilets. He was a good-looking, intelligent-ap- 
 pearing man, but wore no overcoat. It was a cold evening, and 
 he seemed to me to be shivering. He was evidently thinking 
 of the difference between his lot and that of the fashionable 
 people he was observing. And I heard him mutter bitterly 
 to himself, 'A revolution will yet come and level that fine 
 building to the ground ! ' A friend of mine," continues Pro- 
 fessor Ely, " about the same time, passed a couple of laborers, 
 as he was walking by Mr. Vanderbilt's new houses on Fifth 
 Avenue. Some kind of bronze-work, I believe, was being car- 
 ried in ; and he heard one of them remark, savagely, ' The 
 tune will come when that will be melted by fire ! ' " * Multiply 
 these incidents by ten thousand, fifty, one hundred thousand. 
 Scatter such men in considerable numbers through our large 
 cities, from San Francisco to New York, from Galveston to 
 Boston. Is there any peril ? We are not now concerned as 
 to whether this feeling is unreasonable or otherwise, wicked 
 or the contrary. We are concerned to know whether this 
 feeling exists. 
 
 One of the most significent circumstances in connection 
 with this social agitation is the number of periodicals, dailies, 
 weeklies, monthlies, advocating labor rights, or avowedly so- 
 cialistic, that with increasing circulation are springing up in 
 most unlooked-for places, not only in Chicago and New York, 
 but in New Hampshire, Colorado, and Texas. A paper in Dal- 
 las, Texas, f was styled "The Tocsin, a Herald of the Coming 
 
 * " French and German Socialism," p. 26. 
 t Recently suspended.
 
 INCENDIARY UTTERANCES. 59 
 
 [Revolution," and it sent forth with wild clangor no uncertain 
 war call. Starkweather and Wilson, in their tract,* give a list 
 of thirty-three papers, sixteen socialistic, nine semi-socialistic, 
 and eight socialistically inclined. This list is not by any means 
 complete, f Some of the papers represent violent revolution- 
 ary principles. Take a few specimen utterances : "Heaven is 
 a dream invented by robbers to distract the attention of the 
 victims of their brigandage." "When the laboring-men un- 
 derstand that the heaven which they are promised hereafter is 
 but a mirage, they will knock at the door of the wealthy rob- 
 ber, with a musket in hand, and demand a share of the goods 
 of this life, now." "Hurrah for science ! hurrah for dyna- 
 mite ! the power which in our hands shall make an end of 
 tyranny." In " Truth," formerly of San Francisco, one might 
 read such sentences as these : " 'Truth' is five cents a copy, 
 and dynamite forty cents a pound." " Every trades-union and 
 assembly ought to pick its best men, and form them into classes 
 for the study of chemistry." "War to the palace, peace to the 
 cottage, death to luxurious idleness ! " "We have no moment 
 to waste. Arm ! I say, to the teeth ! for the revolution is upon 
 you !" Says another journal : "It does not at all appear so 
 terrible to us, when laborers occasionally raise their arm, and 
 lay low one and another of this clique of robbers and murder- 
 ers." Another issue of the same journal calmly discusses the 
 circumstances in which it would be justifiable to kill men like 
 Gould or Vanderbilt : "If a railroad accident should happen 
 in consequence of the clearly proved criminal greed of these 
 monopolists, and many men should be killed or crippled there- 
 by, and the jury should as usual pronounce the real criminals, 
 Vanderbilt or Gould, ' not guilty,' and the husband or father of 
 one of the killed or one of the crippled should arise and obtain 
 justice for himself in the massacre of these monsters, a cry of 
 joy would resound through the whole land, and no jury would 
 sentence the righteous executioner. Whether one uses dyna- 
 mite, a revolver, or a rope, is a matter of indifference." 
 
 * " Socialism," by Starkweather and Wilson. 
 
 t Nor is the classification accurate. For the " Journal of United Labor," 
 the organ of the Knights of Labor, is placed in the first class, while it is not to 
 be classed with Socialism at all. Prof. Ely estimates that there are probably 
 five hundred of these labor-journals.
 
 60 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 Take another specimen from a German paper of Chicago 
 called "Die Fackel," The Torch, and whose name is printed in 
 letters of flame on a background of fire and smoke : " Judge 
 Lynch is the best and cheapest court in the land ; and when 
 the sense of justice in the people once awakes, may the Judge 
 hold court in every place, for nowhere is there a lack of un- 
 hanged honorables and prominent sharps." 
 
 Or take another from Host's "Die Freiheit," in an article on 
 " Revolutionary Principles " : "The revolutionist has no per- 
 sonal interest, concerns, feelings or inclinations ; no property, 
 not even a name. Everything in him is swallowed up by the 
 one exclusive interest, by the one single thought, by the one 
 single passion the revolution. The revolutionist despises 
 all dogmas, and renounces the science of the present world, 
 which he leaves for future generations. He knows only one 
 science, namely, destruction. For this purpose and for this 
 alone he studies, mechanics, physics, chemistry and possibly 
 also medicine. For this purpose he studies day and night liv- 
 ing science men, characters, relations, as well as the condi- 
 tions of the present social order in all its ramifications. He 
 despises public opinion. He despises and hates the present 
 social morality in all its leadings and in all its manifestations. 
 For him everything is moral which proves the triumph of the 
 revolution, everything immoral and criminal which hinders it. 
 For him there is only one pleasure, one comfort, one recom- 
 pense the success of the revolution. Day and night may he 
 cherish only one thought, only one purpose, viz., inexorable 
 destruction." 
 
 Or take a specimen from "John Swinton's Paper," which 
 is classed as semi-socialistic. The extract is from a reprint of 
 an interview between Mr. Swinton and a reporter, published 
 in the Brooklyn "Union" : "Reporter Do you think, Mr. 
 Swinton, that we shall have in this country a revolution 
 growing out of the troubles between capital and labor, or 
 that there will be only spasmodic excitements in different 
 parts of the Union, to be settled promptly by arbitration 
 or otherwise ? Swinton Now we get into the realm of 
 prophecy. My friend, Henry Rochefort, remarked, 'In 
 France the revolution that is predicted never happens ' ; 
 and the mere fact that there is a general apprehension of a
 
 REVOLUTION PROCLAIMED. 61 
 
 social earthquake would be apt to lead me to doubt its com- 
 ing. Yet, notwithstanding, I do feel the ground trembling, 
 and do hear sounds as though there might be something 
 roaring in the under world. Let us trust in the merits of our 
 holy-water sprinkling-pots. Let us trust in that sweet young 
 thing called the ballot. Let us have faith in that cobweb 
 called reason. Let us swing ourselves out on the hopes of 
 democracy. Let us go up in the lovely balloons of faith. In 
 short, let us be merry. I guess, on the whole, these volcanic 
 fires will yet give the world a larger taste than Pompeii had. 
 Reporter And is this going to be immediate ? Swinton 
 Well, things do happen so unprovided for in this queer old 
 planet of ours the king waving the tricolor to-day, the guillo- 
 tine on the Place de la Concorde to-morrow. The May of 1877 
 in our own country, lambent and calm ; July of 1877 over one 
 hundred thousand militia under arms against railroad revolts ; 
 Pittsburg echoing to Scranton ; the trump resounding from 
 San Francisco to New York. No man knows the dawn of to- 
 morrow. God knows. Be ye ready, for in such an hour as 
 ye know not, the tornado cometh." * 
 
 July, 1877, is a red-letter era to the Anarchist-Socialist. He 
 claims that the first 1877 took him unawares, but that he "will 
 be armed to the teeth and ready for the second, which ushers 
 in the dawn of a new civilization." Listen ! "Get ready 
 for another 1877 buy a musket for a repetition of 1877." 
 "Buy dynamite for another 1877." "Organize companies 
 and drill for a recurrence of the riots of 1877." "We have 
 shown too much mercy in the past. Our generous pity has 
 cost us our cause. Let us be relentless in the coming strug- 
 gle." "Truth," in 1883, quoted with approval the words of 
 a French Socialist, to this effect : "We have the right, 
 we have the power ; defend it, employ it without reserve, 
 without remorse, without scruples, without mercy ! War to 
 the extreme, to the knife ! A question of life or death for one 
 of the two shall rest on the spot. . . . For the good of the peo- 
 ple, iron and fire. All arms are human, all forces legitimate, 
 all means sacred. We desire peace, the enemy wants war. 
 
 * Mr. Swinton is not to be classed with the Anarchists. He is only an out- 
 spoken advocate of his own conception of justice to labor.
 
 62 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 He may have it absolutely. Killing, burning, all means are 
 justifiable. Use them ; then there will be peace." These 
 things are said, written, printed, widely published, eagerly 
 read. Where ? In Germany, France, Austria, handcuffed 
 Russia ? Similar things are printed and read there. But these 
 things are said here in America! These are indications of 
 the temper, not of one or two, or a dozen or a hundred, but, 
 according to the most careful estimates, the temper of at least 
 fifty thousand men. This is the Internationalist's temper. 
 
 The Labor-Socialist does not talk quite in this fashion. 
 This is what he says. I quote from his own manifesto : 
 "We must expect that our enemies when they see our power 
 increase in a peaceful and legal way and approaching victory 
 will on their part become rebels, just as once did the slave- 
 holders, and that then the time will come for the cause of 
 labor, when that old prime lever of all revolutions, force, 
 must be applied, in order to place the working masses in 
 control of the State, which then for the first time will be the 
 representative, not of a few privileged classes, but of all 
 society. We surely do not participate in the folly of these 
 men, who consider dynamite bombs the best means of agita- 
 tion to produce the greatest revolution that transpired in the 
 social life of mankind. We know very well that a revolution 
 in the brains of men and the economical conditions of society 
 must precede ere a lasting success can be obtained in the 
 interest of the working classes."* The Labor-Socialist is 
 striving to educate leaders, who shall guide the masses in the 
 inevitable coming strife, and prevent the new revolution from 
 sharing the fate of its French progenitor, and from being 
 captured by the capitalists. Says a writer, on the whole so 
 peaceable as Mr. Gronlund : ' ' Revolt after revolt may be put 
 down, as '77 was put down. But in the fullness of time we 
 shall not be put down. Then is the time for the energetic 
 Socialist minority to exert its influence. There is nothing 
 that the people in such a crisis hail more, nothing that they 
 hunger and thirst more after than definite solutions." Mr. 
 Gronlund then refers to Bulwer's satire, "The Coming Race," 
 with its " Vril," which, stored in a small wand and skillfully 
 
 * Quoted from Ely's " Recent American Socialism," p. 49.
 
 THE SOCIALIST A ZEALOT. 63 
 
 wielded, can "rend rocks, remove any natural obstacles, 
 scatter the strongest fortress, and make the weak a perfect 
 match for any combination of number, skill and discipline." 
 "What is this ' Vril,'" asks Mr. Gronlund, "but a poetic an- 
 ticipation of the civilizing power of that real energetic sub- 
 stance which we call dynamite ? " * 
 
 This is the temper of the Labor-Socialist. He represents, 
 according to the lowest estimate, twenty-five thousand men. 
 These seventy-five thousand Socialists of all types are not 
 brutes, not fiends, not men who delight in blood. I do not 
 believe the portrait hi the " Century "t is typical. I have 
 met Socialists, but none such as he. I do not believe that the 
 Socialist is described by the old jingle : 
 
 " What is a Communist ? One who hath yearnings 
 For equal division of unequal earnings. 
 Idler or bungler, or both, he is willing 
 To fork out his penny and pocket your shilling." 
 
 No ! no ! Let us not deceive ourselves with any such 
 notion. Mistaken as he is, the Socialist is not a fool. He has 
 a philosophy whose roots go deeply into the history of human 
 thought. Socialism is a religion to him. It is his Gospel for 
 the race. It stirs him with a passionate enthusiasm for hu- 
 manity. It makes him a missionary. He preaches his Gospel 
 wherever he goes ; quietly, secretly often, lest for his religion 
 he lose his bread ; but he always preaches. He is intensely 
 proselyting in his spirit. He uses the platform. He uses the 
 press. No more leaves, scattered by loving hands, go forth 
 from the rooms of the various tract societies than go forth 
 from the centers of the Socialist propaganda. The more than 
 one million workingmen, organized in trade societies, and 
 the millions of the unorganized workers are the field for the 
 propaganda. Socialist hearts are many among the laborers. 
 Socialist heads are becoming more numerous. Socialist drill- 
 rooms exist, where gather to learn the arts of war not men 
 who love blood and murder, bxit men with sympathetic hearts, 
 inspired by a fallacious philosophy, which has become a re- 
 
 * Gronlund, " Co-oper. Com.," pp. 274, 275. 
 t " Century Magazine," November, 1865.
 
 64: STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 ligion, and who believe that revolution, peaceable if it may 
 be, forcible if it must be, is the imperative demand in the in- 
 terests of humanity. " To help to evolve a new social order, 
 which is struggling, convulsively struggling, to be born, is an 
 end grand enough to fill the noblest soul with the most ardent 
 zeal."* 
 
 This is the temper of Socialism. That it is a philosophy ; 
 that it is a religion ; that it has fascination for humane 
 minds ; that it can break down race antagonisms, and become 
 international, subordinating patriotism to a scope of enter- 
 prise that includes all countries ; that it can fan the sparks of 
 discontent into flames of revolt ; that it is intensely propa- 
 gandist ; this is both its power and its menace. Is it a peril 
 impending, not for Germany and France and England so 
 much as for America ? Here, where in the condition of the 
 working classes there is the least possible justification for 
 social revolution, is there, perchance, the greatest likelihood 
 that revolution will be attempted ? 
 
 Let us ask ourselves some plain questions. Is it a fact that 
 Socialism, coming no matter whence, is here, and to the ex- 
 tent of seventy or seventy-five thousand avowed adherents ? 
 Is it a fact that many labor organizations are only " training- 
 schools," which "educate the laborers up to Socialism?" Is 
 it a fact that for many years a multitude of foreigners have 
 been coming to our shores ; that while many of these for- 
 eigners are intelligent, many are ignorant ; that while many 
 are moral, some are vicious ; that while many are industrious 
 and rank among our best citizens, some, already paupers, go 
 to swell the pauper class ? Is it a fact that the acquisition of 
 property by the Socialist immigrant does not always take out 
 of him, indeed, rarely takes out of him, the Socialist spirit in- 
 grained from his childhood ? Is it a fact that many of these 
 immigrants, coming from under the repressive rule of a 
 despotic Church or a misgoverned State, are, on tasting the 
 sweets of freedom, tempted to turn liberty into license ? Is it 
 a fact that, after a few years' residence, these immigrants, 
 many of them wholly unaccustomed to political power, are 
 endowed with all the prerogatives of political power ? Is it a 
 
 * Gronlund.
 
 DANGERS FROM POLITICAL CONDITIONS. 65 
 
 fact that, as an English writer puts it, "The United States of 
 America are a great alembic, into which the emigrant vessels 
 of Europe are constantly pouring a vast quantity of unknown, 
 doubtful, and even explosive materials ; and her arduous task 
 is to separate obstinacy from English courage, superstition 
 from French thrift, indolence from Irish shrewdness, want of 
 enterprise from Scandinavian industry, and indifference from 
 Chinese skill and patience ? " * Is it a fact in our political life 
 that many of our administrative methods have been wickedly 
 wasteful, and much of our legislation blindly blundering ? 
 Is it a fact that many a man has been placed in high position 
 of executive or legislative trust, not because he had more in- 
 telligence, more capacity, more statesmanship than his fel- 
 lows, but because he owned a "barrel" ? Is it a fact that 
 votes are bought at the polls as sheep are bought in the sham- 
 bles ? Is it a fact that such things as " pocket boroughs " are 
 to be found in America ? Is it a fact that judges are some- 
 times chosen that they may pervert justice in the interest of 
 individuals or rings, like as Mr. Tweed controlled Cardozo ; 
 even as, according to the "New York Times," Mr. Jay Gould 
 
 has furnished the ermine which clothes Mr. Justice ? Is 
 
 it a fact that, in many cities, laws are not enforced because the 
 authorities are afraid of the voters ? Is it a fact that Societies 
 for Law and Order, for the suppression of vice, for the en- 
 forcement of laws against liquor-selling, cruelty to animals, 
 cruelty to children and the like, are very insulting though 
 very necessary protests against the inefficiency, and the com- 
 plicity with scoundrels, of the powers that be ? Is it a fact 
 that in some cities the Government is in the hands of the 
 criminal classes ? Is it a fact that in our large cities there are 
 always multitudes of thieves and loiterers, who are ready to 
 take advantage of any labor difficulty, to foment the violence, 
 and rapine that all honest workmen deprecate and seek to 
 avoid ? t Is it a fact that in case of a riot the local authorities 
 usually temporize with the mob, out of respect to the next 
 election, until the trouble is beyond control ? Is it a fact that 
 
 * " Old World Questions and New World Answers," from Prr-facc. 
 t The late riots in London were promoted neither by Socialist nor by non- 
 Socialist workmen, but by criminals.
 
 66 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 modern science has put into the hands of angered men the 
 most terribly destructive agency known to history an agency 
 that in an hour may reduce to ruins the growth of all the 
 centuries ? Is it a fact that there are influences at work 
 among us which, with reason or without reason, are fanning 
 the flames of discontent ? Is it a fact that much of our legis- 
 lation, State and national, has been directly in the interest of 
 wealth, and secured by the lobby pressure of capital ? Is it a 
 fact that we have given away vast empires to railroad corpo- 
 rations, and enabled these corporations and their associated 
 monopolies to dictate to the national Land Office,* and, per- 
 haps, to control the American Senate and many of the State 
 Legislatures ? Is it a fact that there are dangerous classes in 
 our community not the convicts, not the paupers, but men 
 high up on the social ladder, whose gambling schemes of 
 greed and grab are a blight upon all fair, honest industry, the 
 devouring of social substance, the robbery of the poor ? Are 
 these things facts ? 
 
 Note, now, what Roscher says as to the conditions which 
 promote Socialism : 1. A well-defined confrontation of rich 
 and poor. 2. A high degree of the division of labor, by which, 
 on the one hand, the mutual dependence of man on man grows 
 ever greater, but by which, at the same time, the eye of the 
 uncultured man becomes less and less able to perceive the con- 
 nection existing between merit and reward, or service and 
 remuneration. 3. A violent shaking or perplexing of public 
 opinion in its relation to the feeling of right, by revolutions, 
 especially when they follow rapidly one on the heels of anoth- 
 er. 4. Aspirations on the part of the working classes in con- 
 sequence of a democratic constitution. 5. A general decay of 
 religion and morality among the people. Do any, or several 
 of these conditions exist in America ? f 
 
 Is revolutionary Socialism an impending peril ? As an 
 accomplished reconstruction of society on the basis of the soci- 
 alistic ideal, No ! I do not believe that by any revolution, 
 
 * Art., "Kailway Influence in the Land Office," G. W. Jdian, "N. A. 
 Rev.," vol. 136, pp. 454-466. 
 
 t "Principles of Political Economy." William Kosclicr. Vol. ii, pp. 237- 
 240.
 
 DANGER OF VIOLENT OUTBREAK. 67 
 
 or by any evolution, the socialist state will ever have a thor- 
 ough trial. I do not believe that when intelligent working- 
 men themselves come to understand the fatal paralysis that 
 Socialism will fix upon industrial progress, they will give a 
 moment's support to its revolutionary demands. But Social- 
 ism is here. It finds favorable soil in many of the conditions 
 of our American life. Some criminal and riotous outbreak 
 may be its longed-for opportunity. Its encouragement to 
 crime, for the sake of freedom, may incite the already violent 
 to deeds of blood, and turn even peace-loving philosophers into 
 incarnate demons. Once summon the spirits of discord, and 
 set them on the work of wasting property, burning dwellings, 
 destroying institutions, and who shall call them off from 
 their terrible work ? Once unchain the tiger, and give him 
 taste of slaughter, and who shall slake his thirst for blood ? 
 Another 1877 may be the prelude to another 1793. Peril does 
 impend. Dangers do menace. Let us not be pessimists. Let 
 us not be croaking birds of ill-omen. Let us " believe in God, 
 the Father Almighty, Maker of heaven and earth." But any 
 thoughtful man is challenged to go into these dark forests of in- 
 dustrial agitation, all entangled as they are, with bad political 
 and social conditions, and to come out with his heart filled 
 with lightness, and his lips wreathed with smiles. Those were 
 sober words of Laveleye : " The enduring triumph of a vio- 
 lent Socialist revolution is impossible. Nevertheless, as Nihil- 
 ism, like burning lava, seethes throughout the underground 
 strata of society, and there keeps up a sort of diabolical de- 
 stroying rage, it is possible that in some crisis, where authority 
 is powerless, and repressive force paralyzed, the predictions of 
 Hegessippe Moreau and Maxime du Camp may be realized, and 
 we may see our capitals ravaged by dynamite and petroleum 
 in a more ruthless and more systematic manner than even 
 that which Paris experienced at the hands of the Commune."* 
 God rules. But even He has permitted a nation's ruin, to 
 be His judgment on a nation's sins. 
 
 What is to be done ? There are several ways in which we 
 may meet these urgent issues. We may use force. At the 
 first sign of violence we must use force. An iron hand for 
 
 * " Socialism of To-Day," p. xliv.
 
 68 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 the first invader of the public peace ! "They who take the 
 sword shall perish by the sword." But you will never uproot 
 this trouble by force. Says Mr. Thorold Rogers, "Force 
 could extinguish discontent for a tune, but the extinguisher 
 would have to be hired, and would in the end itself take fire." * 
 Bismarck tried force of legislation, and his answer was a large 
 increase of Socialistic delegates to the Reichstag. 
 
 We may meet the claims of discontent with harsh and 
 bitter words. We may say : ' ' Who are these fellows ; idle, 
 incapable, good-for-nothings ; what do they want ? Why 
 should they want anything ? Always trumping up some new 
 demand ; always airing some new grievance ! Out of my 
 way ! " Like the Roman Praetor, when the gladiator begged for 
 the body of his dead friend, we may draw back as if they were 
 pollution, and say sternly : "Let the carrion rot ! There are 
 no noble men but Romans." Like the haughty French peer, 
 when the cries for bread of the hungry populace rang in his 
 ears, we may say, " Let the cattle eat grass ! " But the method 
 is hardly safe, to say nothing of its inhumanity and Christ- 
 lessness. Not only does it hurt and wound men, but it angers 
 them justly so. It widens the breach. It alienates social 
 classes. It maddens men, makes them defiant, desperate, dan- 
 gerous. Nor ought we to forget that a disastrous servile in- 
 surrection followed the Praetor's insult to the gladiator ; and 
 that the French noble's head, with a blade of grass between 
 the teeth, was borne upon a pike as the banner of a sans- 
 culotte procession. 
 
 We may treat these matters with unconcern, refusing to 
 examine them and to discuss them, saying, " There is nothing 
 in them, they are only eddies in the current, not the sweep of 
 a tide." On the Mississippi River two steamers were racing. 
 One of them rapidly forged ahead of its competitor. The 
 spray flew from its prow. The water was churned by its re- 
 volving wheels. An officer in alarm rushed below and found 
 that the engineer had gone mad, had filled the furnaces with 
 rosin, and was bestriding the safety-valve, to keep it down ! 
 Indifference, refusal to discuss, the Philistinism that soothes 
 itself with the narcotic cry, " Peace, peace," when there is no 
 
 * " Work and Wages," p. 525.
 
 WHAT SHOULD BE DONE. 69 
 
 peace this is the stark lunatic that bestrides the valve of so- 
 cial safety, while other hands that well know what they do and 
 why they do it, are heaping all combustibles upon the furnace- 
 fires ! Peril ! Here indeed is peril ! " The chief danger," said 
 Dr. Newman Smyth, " is not that a few fiends let loose from 
 the hell of the sins of civilization shall suddenly blow up 
 the works of ages of progress. But it is, rather, that actual 
 wrongs shall be pent up beneath our civilization, and not ven- 
 tilated in open discussion ; and thus, what, if exposed to the 
 free air and sunlight might have been harmless, shall slowly 
 gather destructive energy and become a menace to our social 
 order."* Not force, not bitter, cruel words, not indifference ! 
 Nay ! nay ! These help nothing ! These increase disturb- 
 ance and portend disaster ! Eather let us inquire, study, dis- 
 cuss. If men have grievances, let us listen to them. If there 
 have been rank injustices, let us at least try to discover them 
 and seek to remove them. If there is a truth in Socialism, let 
 us grasp it for ourselves and turn it to the largest social advan- 
 tage. This is precisely what the Anarchists do not want. Says 
 " Truth" in 1884, speaking of the indiscriminate use of dyna- 
 mite : "Its effect would be directly reactionary. Either it 
 would induce repressive laws abrogating the rights we have 
 now, which permit us to spread our doctrines, or it would wring 
 from the fears of the bourgeoisie such ameliorative measures 
 as might postpone for centuries the work of complete emanci- 
 pation." Well, somehow, even for fear, yet better for love, let 
 us give ourselves to finding out what ameliorative measures are 
 needed. Believing in God, let us believe in men. Let us 
 help men to believe in each other. Let us open men's hearts 
 to each other. Beneath the fine linen or the rags, under the 
 clean skin of him who toils with his brain or the grimy fingers 
 of him who toils with his hands, let us find the real humanity, 
 the essential manhood of men, the manhood capable of all 
 love, of all nobleness, of all divine uplift. And 
 
 " Let us pray that come it may, 
 As come it will, for a' that, 
 That sense and worth, o'er a' the earth, 
 May bear the gree and a' that. 
 
 * " Social Problems," p. 6.
 
 70 STUDIES IX MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 For a' that, and a' that, 
 It's coming yet, for a' that, 
 That man to man the warld o'er 
 Shall brothers be, for a' that." * 
 
 Woe is unto those who invoke catastrophe in the hope of 
 accidental improvement ! Woe to those who with the foot of 
 violence shall set in motion the stone of revolution over the 
 precipice beneath which humanity is walking ! f Woe to 
 those who, as Mill has said, "have such a serene confidence 
 in their own wisdom and such a recklessness of other peo- 
 ple's sufferings which Robespierre and St. Just, hitherto the 
 only typical instances of those united attributes, scarcely 
 came up to that they play this game of revolution on their 
 own private opinion, unconfirmed as yet by any experimental 
 verification ! " But woe, woe, woe, will be also unto us to us 
 to whom have been given minds to think, hearts to feel, influ- 
 ence to exert if we fail to heed the beacon warnings that 
 flame along the hill-tops of history, from the days of Rome's 
 downfall to the Parisian Tophet-horrors of '93 ! 
 
 * Eobert Burns. 
 
 t" Principles and Fallacies of Socialism," by David J. Hill. Lo veil's 
 Library, No. 533, pp. 93, 96.
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 ERRORS IN SOCIALISM. 
 
 " Discontent accepts ludicrous and even suicidal paradoxes." James E. 
 Thorold Rogers. 
 
 " Socialists do not sufficiently realize that, in order to arrive at a better 
 order of things, the men who are called to establish and maintain it must 
 themselves be made better, and that the first step is to purify and elevate cur- 
 rent ideas as to duty and right." Smile de Laveleye. 
 
 WE have reached a point in these discussions where we 
 may put some searching questions to the giant of philosophic 
 and practical discontent, who has been looming up so frown- 
 ingly and dangerously before us. This giant has spoken for 
 himself. With his own words he has thundered forth his social 
 indictment, and in his chosen phrases he has formulated his 
 revolutionary demands. We have been patient listeners. If 
 Socialism is a peril, there is surely no harm, but advantage, in 
 knowing precisely what Socialism is, and precisely wherein 
 the peril consists. A danger concealed, and blindly opposed, 
 is not likely to be a danger wisely opposed or successfully 
 overcome. If, to some of you, it has seemed that too large a 
 place has been given to the Socialist's side of this controversy, 
 and that principles have been clearly stated around which, by 
 means of the statement, hitherto vague and ignorant discon- 
 tent may crystallize, you are reminded that if anybody has re- 
 ceived information, the Socialist has not. If anybody has been 
 surprised at thoughts presented, it has not been the Socialist. 
 He already knew these things. They are the substance of his 
 common literature. The phrases that may have startled you 
 are very familiar phrases in every Socialist club and many a 
 labor assembly. The assertion is ventured, without fear of
 
 72 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 contradiction, that if one thousand average workingmen and 
 an equal number from the so-called better educated classes are 
 compared, it will be found that those who have read, discussed 
 and formed very decided opinions on economic questions, will 
 be fifty per cent greater in number among the workingmen 
 than among the other class. The Socialist side of the case has 
 been presented in so full a manner, not only for the sake of 
 fairness in discussion, but for the sake of information to many, 
 not workingmen, who have given little thought to these mat- 
 ters and who are quite inadequately informed concerning 
 them. 
 
 We need information, not only that we may avoid danger, 
 but that we may do our duty. It will never do to presume 
 upon the ignorance of workingmen. In 1833, M. Persil, Pro- 
 cureur-General, of the Court of Paris, wrote, "It would be 
 risking everything if we were to let the workingmen realize 
 their own position." * The explosion in Paris, in 1848, re- 
 vealed to astonished France that the workingmen knew a 
 great deal more as to their own position than they had been 
 credited with knowing. There is one side of their case about 
 which we need not take special pains to inform them. The 
 special pains need to be taken to inform ourselves. 
 
 Well, here is this giant. We have given him fair and full 
 speech, but none too fair or too full, for his sake or for our 
 own. We now propose to dissect him ; to find out, if we can, 
 what he is made of. We propose to study his anatomy, his 
 bones, muscles, nerves. We must try to ascertain how much 
 of him is fiction and how much fact ; where he is made up of 
 a falsehood, where of half-truth, and where of whole truth. 
 It is to be hoped that our giant will be substantially spoiled by 
 this process, or rather, that he will be transformed into a be- 
 neficent force for wider and more wholesome social activity. 
 
 What, then, are some of the errors, fallacies, untruths, 
 half-truths, which, to our thinking, underlie all Socialistic in- 
 dictments and demands ? The chief occasion of error on the 
 part of the workingman's advocates has been that they have 
 followed too blindly the leading of the so-called orthodox 
 
 * See " Principles of Social Economy." Yves Guyot. London : W. Swan 
 Sonnenschein & Co., 1884, p. 181.
 
 THE LABOR-VALUE FALLACY. 73 
 
 school of political economy. And until within our own gen- 
 eration the majority of writers on economic questions have 
 pursued a method largely unscientific. Instead of inducing 
 their systems from the widest possible examination of all as- 
 certained facts, they have deduced their systems from assumed 
 principles. They have sought to shape facts hy the theory 
 instead of questioning the facts to get the theory. And these 
 theories, many of which have no foundation in fact, have been 
 borrowed and perverted, and sometimes badly twisted, and 
 repeated by writers like Marx, Lassalle and George, until it is 
 doubtful if the authors of the theories could recognize them. 
 Now, it certainly is not a wise method for reaching truth, to 
 start with an assumption, and then even to pervert the as- 
 sumption. Yet as the gross materialism of the young Hegelian 
 philosophy has been the hammer, and admitted evils in social 
 condition the fire with which the armorers of industrial agi- 
 tation have wrought, so the fallacies, or the misconceived and 
 misstated truths of the older political economists have been 
 the iron out of which have been forged the arrow-heads, the 
 spears and swords, which have been hurled with fiercest as- 
 sault against the entire structure of modern civilization. 
 
 Take that most fundamental assumption, on which the 
 entire philosophy of discontent is based, that "labor is the 
 creator of all wealth and all civilization." The argument is 
 this : ' ' All wealth is due to labor, therefore to the laborer all 
 wealth is due." The assumed premise is that all wealth is due 
 to labor, that all wealth is the creation of labor. Now, if by 
 labor is meant any sort of effort, mental or physical, by whose 
 forth-putting some want is satisfied, even then the proposition 
 would not be wholly true. But this is not the assumed defini- 
 tion of labor. By labor the workingman's advocate usually 
 means physical exertion, muscular effort, including only sucli 
 necessary mental force as is exerted by the same man who 
 makes the muscular effort. It is the intelligence, plus the 
 muscle, of the one man, whose brain and muscle combine in 
 physical force, that in this assumption defines labor. For this 
 narrow definition, Adam Smith and Ricardo are responsible. 
 To be sure, the Socialist reasoners carry this definition far 
 beyond the intention of its authors. What did these authors 
 really say ? Smith said, ' ' Labor was the first price, the origi- 
 4
 
 74: STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 nal purchase money which was paid for all things." * That is 
 true. He further said, "In that early and rude state of so- 
 ciety which precedes the accumulation of stock and the appro- 
 priation of land, the proportion between the quantities of labor 
 necessary for acquiring different objects seems to be the only 
 circumstance which can afford any rule for exchanging them 
 for one another. "f Now, mark the words, "the first price," 
 "that early and rude state of society." Undoubtedly Smith 
 would have recognized a wide distinction between barbarism 
 and civilization. But he blundered, as many economists have, 
 by trying to argue at all from what was true in a savage and 
 simple condition of society up to what is true in a civilized and 
 very complex condition of society. And even in savage con- 
 ditions, where the first labor must be with the hands, Smith's 
 definition is inadequate. Two men spend the day in hunting. 
 They are occupied the same number of hours, walk the same 
 number of miles, expend the same amount of physical energy. 
 One kills a rabbit, the other a deer. At night they meet for 
 barter. Will they trade even ? Will the man give the deer, 
 food for a week and clothing too, for the rabbit, which is 
 only food for a day and possibly a pair of mittens ? Yet the 
 labor-cost of the deer and the labor-cost of the rabbit are iden- 
 tical. Their value is far from identical. Clearly, then, even 
 in so simple a case, labor is not the sole creator of the wealth 
 represented by the deer, when that wealth is seven times 
 greater than the wealth represented by the rabbit wealth, 
 created at the very same labor-cost. { 
 
 Take Bicardo. He said, "Labor is the foundation of all 
 value." || But is there no difference between the foundation 
 and the building ? Because labor is foundation, is labor there- 
 
 * " An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations." 
 Adam Smith. London : Ward, Lock & Tyler, p. 23. 
 
 t " Wealth of Nations," p. 36. 
 
 J See " The Labor-Value Fallacy." M. L. Scudder, Jr. Chicago : Janscn, 
 McClurg & Co., 1884. " Elements of Economics." Henry Dunning McLeod. 
 Vol. ii, part 1. New York : D. Appleton & Co., 1886, p. 213. 
 
 | The works of David Eicardo, edited by J. E. McCulloch. London : 
 John Murray, 1846, p. 10. Eicardo's language is, " That this labor is 
 really the foundation of the exchangeable value of all things, excepting those 
 which can not be increased by human industry," etc.
 
 THE "LABOR-VALUE" FALLACY. 75 
 
 fore always superstructure ? And, if you limit the meaning of 
 labor to mere physical effort, is labor always even the founda- 
 tion of value ? A man writes a book. It is printed, bound, sold. 
 It becomes wealth. What is the foundation of that wealth ? 
 The hand-labor of printer and binder, or the brain-labor of 
 the author ? If the printer and binder make the wealth, why 
 is not the money value of a number of Patent-Office reports 
 equal to the money value of a corresponding number of Dick- 
 ens's novels on which equivalent physical labor has been ex- 
 pended ? Everybody knows that these values are not equal. 
 Then everybody ought to know that physical labor alone is 
 not even the foundation of value, much less the superstructure. 
 Labor is not the sole creator of value. The garrison at Fort 
 Sumter has lowered the national flag. All over the North 
 men spring to their feet with war in their eye. Tell them to 
 go to fighting. Tell them there is iron in the mines out of 
 which they may make guns and bullets. Tell them to find 
 guns and fight. Nay, you do not do this. You set your facto- 
 ries and your foundries to work. You organize transportation. 
 You form men into squads, companies, regiments, brigades, 
 divisions, army corps. You hunt up and set in position your 
 Thomases, Shermans, Sheridans, Grants. There is victory at 
 last slavery abolished, Union restored, nationality established. 
 Who did it ? Every man who fought in the field or who 
 counseled in the Cabinet helped to do it. But if you tell the 
 men who followed Grant to Appomattox, and who marched 
 with slow step and tear-filled eyes after his funeral car, that 
 the creation of this splendid wealth of national supremacy 
 was the sole work of army labor, they will indignantly repudi- 
 ate your claim and assert that, in making it possible for the 
 army to do its work, in organizing, in planning, in leading, in 
 creating conditions essential to success, the great commander 
 held a unique place, as the co-operant creator, with the army 
 of the final result, which wrought for him a place, a fame, a 
 reward peculiarly his own. Is any soldier poorer in honor 
 because Grant was so rich in honor ? * 
 
 Labor, physical labor, the sole creator of wealth ? No ! In 
 
 * u The Wages Question." Francis A. Walker. New York : Henry Holt 
 & Co., 1876, p. 246.
 
 Y6 STUDIES IX MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 our complex industry, there are manifold co-ordinate elements. 
 When you have poured into the witch's caldron of produc- 
 tion material, capital, land, invention, organization, over- 
 sight, physical labor, and have stirred them all up together 
 until they come forth finished product, who shall measure 
 accurately the exact proportion which each has contributed to 
 the final result ? * Is labor, physical labor, to say, " It is all 
 mine ; here or back through the ages, I, undirected, unorgan- 
 ized, spending all, and saving nothing, I created all capital, 
 all invention, all oversight ; all wealth is due to me, labor, 
 therefore to me, labor, all wealth is due ? " Shall labor say 
 this ? Labor has said this.f But to make such a claim is to 
 make a claim wholly irrational, fallacious, unjust. Working- 
 men ought to rid themselves of this fallacy. They ought to 
 distrust the men who make parrot-like reiteration of it. Labor 
 is essential to production ; physical labor is a necessary, in- 
 evitable factor in production. But capital, oversight, inven- 
 tion, all the work of head and heart that goes to improve 
 social conditions and make them intelligent and wholesome, 
 have their share in creation, and must have their full share in 
 the product. The rights of workmen are too real and too im- 
 portant to all social welfare for their assertion to be based 
 upon a falsehood. 
 
 Yet upon this notion that labor is the sole creator of wealth, 
 Karl Marx built up his whole theory of capital, and his whole 
 indictment against the capitalist classes, as the robbers of the 
 just rewards of labor. He said : In six hours the laborer can 
 earn all that he needs for his own sustenance. Every hour of 
 labor beyond that is so much toward the enrichment of the 
 master, who is a thief for taking such enrichment. "Look," 
 said he, ' ' at these homes of luxury, these carriages, these ma- 
 chines, these palaces of industry. These are yours. These are 
 the product of your unrequited toil. These are the things of 
 
 * " The State in Relation to Labor." "W. Stanley Jevons. London: 
 Macmillan & Co., 1882, p. 91. 
 
 t "Labor being the creator of all wealth and civilization, etc." Manifesto 
 of Socialistic Labor Party. Baltimore, 1883. 
 
 " All wealth is due to labor: therefore to the laborer all wealth is due." 
 "Socialism made plain." By II. M. Hyndman. Quoted in " Property and 
 Progress." By W. H. Mallock. London : John Murray, 1884, p. 98.
 
 THE RIGHTS OF CAPITAL. 77 
 
 which you have been fleeced." But look you, workingmen ! 
 I toil, earn, save. With the saved earnings which are mine, 
 I huy a lot ; with other saved earnings I have a shop built ; 
 with other earnings, or by my own labor, I set up machines. 
 You go by, one, a dozen of you. You inspect my shop. You 
 reason with yourselves. Here is an opportunity for us to earn, 
 by five or six hours' work, what we could not so well earn in 
 the way of food, clothes, shelter, and various comforts, by 
 twelve hours' work, in fishing the stream, or plowing the 
 ground, or tramping the woods. We will work here ! Yes, 
 but this is mine ! You are not beggars, are you ? You do 
 not expect me to give over to you the use of what is mine with- 
 out any compensation for that use ? You are not thieves, are 
 you ? You are not going to demand by stealth or by force 
 that I relinquish to your unremunerative control what is mine ? 
 Of course you are neither beggars nor thieves, but self-respect- 
 ing, honest men. You bargain with me. You say, for the 
 use of your land, house, machines, materials, your knowledge 
 and time in oversight and in the transfer of the product to the 
 consumer, we will give you so many hours of our work. That 
 is a square bargain, is it not ? I may take advantage of you, 
 to be sure. I may charge you too many hours' work for the 
 opportunity I grant you. But if I do I suffer in the long run, 
 somehow, either in purse or in character. But the principle 
 of an agreement to get from you in labor for me, some equiva- 
 lent for what I grant you in opportunity for yourselves, is not 
 a wrong principle, is it ? There is no robbery, no fleecing, no 
 exploiting in the principle ? Well, that principle, complicated 
 a thousand-fold, is the principle of the relation existing be- 
 tween employer and employed, and between what is techni- 
 cally called capital and what is technically called labor. 
 
 As things are, labor is not the sole creator of wealth. If a 
 man is not a savage, something besides his own labor enters 
 into the wealth that is produced and in which he is to have a 
 share. All honest dealing is giving something for something, 
 not getting something for nothing. If you do not complain 
 of the man who asks you twenty-five cents for a pound of but- 
 ter, or of the man who asks you a fair recompense for letting 
 you occupy a house which he has erected, why complain of 
 him who asks profits, or interest, or rent, or all combined, as
 
 78 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 his return for the opportunity he furnishes to you of earning 
 the wages by which you live ? We are not dealing now with 
 the abuses of this principle. We are not asking whether the 
 dividend of the joint product in profits is too great, or the 
 dividend in wages too small, or whether the workingman 
 never pays too much for the privilege. We only assert that 
 he must pay something, unless he be his own employer ; that 
 the combined product of capital and organizer and laborer 
 is not the product, the creation, of the laborer alone, and 
 therefore that this product does not belong to labor alone. 
 Profits are not robbery. Rent is not robbery. Interest is not 
 robbery. The sum total of them all is not fleecings from labor. 
 Capital, on the whole, does not grow by such fleecings. The 
 laborer is not the only working bee in the social hive on 
 whose gathered honey the employing drones and their hang- 
 ers-on grow fat, while the real honey-bee is shriveled with 
 starvation. All that distinguishes the industries and the toil- 
 ing masses of Europe and America from the barbarism of the 
 African Continent exists because of the existence of these 
 much-maligned drones. The sooner honest workingmen who 
 do not ask something for nothing desert the fallacious and 
 misleading and thieving standards of Proudhon and Marx the 
 better it will be for them and for society. All wealth is not 
 the creation of him who labors with his hands, nor in any 
 true sense the creation of any sort of labor standing alone, and 
 therefore to him who labors all wealth is not due.* 
 
 Take the so-called terrible "iron law of wages," formulated 
 by Ricardo, after Adam Smith, and used with such arousing 
 and vindictive fury by Lassalle. Now Lassalle did not under- 
 stand Ricardo, or if he did, he misrepresented his meaning. 
 Lassalle said : " According to Ricardo the average of wages is 
 fixed by the absolute necessaries of life." Ricardo did say : 
 "The natural price of labor depends on the price of food, ne- 
 cessaries and conveniences required for the support of the la- 
 borer and his family." "Necessaries and conveniences" is 
 quite a different thing from "the absolute necessaries of life." 
 
 * Much stress needs to be laid on this matter. It is a fallacy most danger- 
 ous because most fundamental. Several allusions will be made to it here- 
 after.
 
 THE "IRON LAW" OF WAGES. 79 
 
 But Ricardo further said : " It is not to be understood that the 
 natural price of labor, estimated by necessaries, is absolutely 
 fixed and constant. It varies at the same time in the same 
 country, and very naturally differs in different countries. It 
 essentially depends on the habits and customs of the people." 
 But Lassalle knew no variations, no exceptions. Down to the 
 lowest possible level the iron law was continually grinding 1 
 the worker. Such was his teaching. Now tha> fact is that 
 Ricardo's law itself is no law.* It is an assumption. Facts do 
 not confirm it. Even Marx confessed that the Ricardian law 
 was not a complete explanation of the phenomena of wages. 
 Yet unconscious sophist as he was, he continues, after such a 
 confession, to argue as if the law were a complete explanation. 
 If there were any such law, then those countries where wages 
 are the lowest in relation to subsistence, ought to be the coun- 
 tries where profits are the largest, and wealth the most ac- 
 cumulated. Is this a fact ? Is it not rather the fact that the 
 two richest countries of the world are England and America, 
 where workingmen are, on the whole, of all other working- 
 men, the best conditioned and the best remunerated ? f There 
 is no Ricardian law of wages except under certain bad condi- 
 tions which are in the direct control of the workingmen them- 
 selves. The law as stated is a fallacy. The true 1 units between 
 which wages play are, on the one hand, the most that the em- 
 ployer, considering all industrial conditions, can afford to 
 give, and on the other hand, the lowest that the laborer, con- 
 sidering his condition, can afford to take.}: Lassalle's fallacy, 
 based upon a partial statement of the Ricardian fallacy, must 
 
 * " No writer, in my opinion, is to a greater extent responsible for the fulse 
 methods which have denaturalized the treatment of political economy and 
 rendered it a horror to ordinary readers, than Eicardo." " The Economy of 
 Consumption." By Robert Scott Moffatt. London: C. Kcgan Paul & Co., 
 1878, p. 223. 
 
 t " This proposition of Eicardo is as false as the law of Malthus from 
 which it is derived (though Malthus refuted it). In basing his theory of 
 profits on the full of wages, he commits a manifest error ; for if his theory 
 were true, profits would rise in proportion to the poverty of laborers, and the 
 richest manufacturers would bo found in the poorest countries." Guyot's 
 " Principles of Social Economy," p. 174. 
 
 J Kac's " Contemporary Socialism," p. 337.
 
 80 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 be a very thorough fallacy indeed. Yet it is one of the chief 
 instruments of the Socialist agitator, for stirring up the work- 
 ingman's wrath against the so-called tyranny of capital. 
 
 Take the famous "law of rent !" O, the monster ! the 
 thief ! the highwayman ! Is he all that, this rent-taker ? 
 Some rent-takers may be all that, because they are thieves in 
 spirit, not because they are rent-takers. The taking of rent for 
 land is no more a robbery than is the taking of price for cloth- 
 ing and food a robbery. We can not argue this question at 
 length. In brief, Ricardo's theory of rent was a fallacy.* 
 Mill's notion that agricultural rents are always rising, while 
 production from land is always decreasing, is a very dangerous 
 and very erroneous notion. The premise of all these assump- 
 tions, that the most fertile land is first occupied, then the less 
 fertile, is a premise wholly reversed by the facts, f The most 
 accessible and available lands are first occupied. The most 
 fertile lands of the world are yet awaiting occupancy. I Rent 
 is no monopoly, no robbery. This is not to say that some 
 changes may not be expedient in the system of land tenure. 
 That is a question open to discussion. But the right of private 
 property in land is not a question open to discussion. To deny 
 this right is to deny the course of history. To forbid this right 
 would be robbery by revolution ; a robbery which honest peo- 
 ple, when intelligently informed, will not care to promote. 
 The landlord is not the monstrous oppressor of both capital 
 and labor that Mr. George accuses him of being. Landed 
 capital has not begun to rise in value in the same proportion 
 as have other forms of capital. In England, where land is 
 certainly held in some very oppressive forms, the gross income 
 from landed property in 1878 was 49,000,000, while for the 
 same year the gross income from industries and commerce 
 was 250,000,000. Between the years 1849 and 1878, the value 
 
 * " The theory was based on the supposition that the earth was created 
 solely for man's use, and that man had only to occupy it for it to bear him 
 what he wanted." Guyot's " Principles of Social Economy," p. 218. See 
 criticism of Eicardo's theory, R. S. Moffutt, " Economy of Consumption," pp. 
 229, etc. 
 
 t The first statement of the modern theory of rent was made in a pamphlet 
 by James Anderson, a Scotch farmer, entitled, " Inquiry into the Nature of the 
 Corn Laws." Edinburgh, 1777. J " Guyot," p. 219, 220.
 
 IMPROVED CONDITION OF WORKING-CLASSES. 81 
 
 of the gross income from landed property had increased twen- 
 ty-four per cent, while for the same period the value of gross 
 income from industries and commerce had increased two hun- 
 dred and nine per cent.* The right of a man to own land is 
 as essential to the existence and progress of the highest civili- 
 zation as is the right of a man to own the honest fruits of his 
 own personal toil. To deny this right would be to cut the 
 sinews of industry. The theories of Rousseau, Proudhon, 
 Marx, Lassalle, and George might work in a state of barba- 
 rism, but they are theories refuted and rejected by the verdict 
 of civilization. The facts are all against them. Had these 
 men been more intelligent historians, they would have been 
 wiser philosophers. Their theories are fallacies, built not even 
 upon shifting sands, but upon engulfing quicksands. 
 
 Or, take that most terrible of all the statements in the So- 
 cialists' indictment the statement of so-called economic fact, 
 on which Marx bases his assurance of successful revolution ; 
 the statement on which George rings the changes with fune- 
 real clangor of reiteration ; the statement that "the rich are 
 growing richer and fewer and the poor poorer and more nu- 
 merous. " Through the lengthened sweeps of history the work- 
 ing of no such law is visible. There is no such law. From 
 the days of ancient Rome, when in all the cities, and especially 
 in the capital, vast masses of proletaires were gathered, where 
 poverty, orphanage, abandonment of children, wide-spread 
 misery prevailed, where ten thousand citizens in the capital 
 owned all the property, where three hundred and twenty 
 thousand men were on the public lists, where was massed ab- 
 ject wretchedness, such as the world has never since seen t 
 from those days until our own the progress of humanity has 
 been, on the whole and in all civilized lands, the progress of 
 the masses of humanity. We need not follow the course of 
 history down through its long middle age reaches. If any 
 man, who knows what the days of slavery and feudalism 
 meant for the slaves and the churls, wants to go back either 
 to slavery or feudalism, he is welcome to go back if he can. 
 
 * " Guyot," p. 225. Mallock, " Property and Progress," p. 228. 
 t " Gesta Christi." Charles Loring Brace. New York: A. C. Armstrong 
 & Son, 1882, pp. 96, 97.
 
 82 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 But he shall not take humanity back with him. We face for- 
 ward for the true golden age. Take the last two hundred 
 years of the industrial condition of England. In 1688 the in- 
 come of the average laborer was habitually insufficient to 
 provide him with the necessaries of a decent living.* The 
 whole laboring class, except a few thousand skilled artisans, 
 was regarded as decreasing rather than as increasing the 
 wealth of the country. One sixth of the population were pau- 
 pers. To-day only one thirtieth of the population receive poor 
 law support. In 1688 the average income of a workman's 
 family was 12 12s. To-day the average income is 81. f 
 From that day to this, while the average income of the coun- 
 try has increased only five tunes, the average income of the 
 working class has increased six and a half tunes. Or take the 
 last one hundred years, since machinery and the factory sys- 
 tem supplanted hand tools and home labor. It has been the 
 fashion for agitators to cast a very poetic glamour over what 
 is called the domestic system. But what are the facts ? The 
 home was a hut, where the occupants divided their quarters 
 with their machines and their pigs ; where drunkenness, theft, 
 want, disorder, gross superstition, disease, uncleanliness, ren- 
 dered virtue almost impossible.! It is a fact that under this 
 system it required one fourth of the national income to keep 
 the paupers from starvation. It is a fact that whatever the 
 invention of machinery has not done, the work of Arkwright, 
 Watt, Hargreaves and Wedgewood did check the growth of 
 English pauperism. It is a fact that in the factory towns pau- 
 perism was, by the incoming of the factory, prevented from 
 becoming a danger. In France you may see these two sys- 
 tems side by side, and if any workman prefers the miscalled 
 freedom of the home toiler to the miscalled slavery of the 
 factory operative, he is welcome to the choice. But he de- 
 serves a keeper and a strait jacket for making such a choice. 
 It is a fact that machinery and collective occupation have in- 
 
 * Macaulay's "Hist, of England," Philadelphia, 1860, vol. i, pp. 123-126. 
 
 t Rae's " Contemporary Socialism," p. 328. 
 
 I " Report on the Factory System of the United States." Carroll D. 
 Wright. Department of Interior, 1884, p. 18. Pidgeon's " Old World Ques- 
 tions," etc., p. 133.
 
 IMPROVED CONDITION OF WORKING-CLASSES. 83 
 
 creased production, increased wages, increased the general 
 weal, and decreased the average cost of living. It is a fact 
 that hours of labor have been diminished, and that for twenty 
 per cent less labor-time, the English workman receives from 
 fifty to one hundred per cent more money-wages than even 
 fifty years ago, while the price of most of the articles that he 
 uses has decreased. 
 
 Mr. Eobert Giffen, President of the British Statistical So- 
 ciety, gives us the following result of his careful investiga- 
 tion : "The return to capital, and the return to what are 
 called the capitalist classes, has increased only about one hun- 
 dred per cent, although capital itself has increased over one 
 hundred and fifty per cent. At the same time the capitalist 
 classes themselves have greatly increased in number, so that 
 the amount of capital possessed among them per head has 
 only increased fifteen per cent, notwithstanding the great in- 
 crease in capital itself, and the average income per head can 
 hardly have increased at all. On the other hand, as the 
 masses of the nation, taking the United Kingdom altogether, 
 have only increased about thirty per cent since 1843, when 
 these income-tax figures began, while their average incomes 
 have increased one hundred and sixty per cent, it is explained 
 how these incomes have gained individually about one hun- 
 dred per cent, as against hardly any increase at all in the in- 
 comes, on the average, of what are called the capitalist classes. 
 Thus the rich have become more numerous, but not richer 
 individually ; the ' poor ' are, to some smaller extent, fewer ; 
 and those who remain ' poor ' are, individually, twice as well 
 off on the average as they were fifty years ago. The ' poor ' 
 have thus had almost all the benefit of the great material 
 advance of the last fifty years." * It is also a fact that Eng- 
 
 * " The Progress of the Working Classes in the Last Half Century," 
 Robert Giffen. New York : G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1885. It ought to be con- 
 ceded that Mr. Giffen' s accuracy has been seriously questioned by such 
 writers as Mr. Alfred Wallace; the author of "Class Interests"; and Mr. 
 Thorold Rogers. " Evil as the condition is of destitute and criminal London, 
 with its misery and recklessness, it is not, I am persuaded, so miserable and 
 hopeless as nearly all urban labor was sixty years ago." Rogers's " Work and 
 Wages," p. 555.
 
 84 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 lish workmen average by two years, and women by three 
 years and a half, longer lives than fifty years ago, showing 
 improved sanitary conditions, and more and better food. 
 
 Add to this that labor has its share in all the improved 
 conditions of public convenience. It enjoys to-day, at very 
 small cost to itself, public blessings and personal comforts, 
 which wealth, one hundred years ago, could not procure for 
 itself at any cost. Never in human history has the laborer 
 been in all respects so well conditioned, as is the average 
 laborer of England and America at this very hour. This is 
 not to say that his condition is satisfactory, that it is what it 
 ought to be. The workingman is not content. He ought not 
 to be content. We would not wish to have him content. 
 There are many things that ought to be different in his con- 
 dition. But he is not getting worse ; he is, on the whole, 
 getting better. He ought to be looking up, for he is coming 
 up. There is poverty enough. There are wrongs enough. 
 There is human misery enough in our civilization to make the 
 heart sick, and to incite all humane people to noblest toil 
 for the amelioration or the removal of this misery. But it 
 makes a great difference whether we regard these evils as 
 hopelessly increasing, or as hopefully diminishing. It makes 
 a great difference whether we are enabled to say, that in spite 
 of all drawbacks, progress has been made, or whether we must 
 say that in spite of all advantage only increasing ruin is pos- 
 sible. "The rich richer and fewer, and the poor poorer and 
 more numerous ! " Avaunt, the spectral falsehood ! The rich 
 are growing richer, but not less numerous. The middle class 
 are not dying out. The poor are not increasing but diminish- 
 ing. Let the workman look up. The rich, in this social 
 movement, are indeed advancing faster than he. But he, 
 too, is advancing. Who build our great cathedrals ? Hand- 
 workers, mostly. Could they have done it a century ago ? 
 Who are sending streams of gold across the ocean to aid in 
 Irish liberation ? Hand-workers mostly. Could they have 
 done it a century ago ? The working classes are, on the 
 whole, advancing. If other classes advance more rapidly 
 while the working classes advance slowly, since these ad- 
 vance, surely, with grudging, angry whine, they will not 
 complain of the rapid advance of others, when, by true eco-
 
 SOCIALISM NO REMEDY FOR SOCIAL DISEASES. 85 
 
 nomic law, this rapid advance is necessary in order to make 
 even their slow progress possible. Workmen will advance 
 more surely, and those who labor on their behalf can work 
 more heartily, when they and we know, that though they 
 may yet be lower down on the social and industrial grade 
 than we could wish, yet they are not being driven inevitably 
 toward the bottom, crowded and crushed by some infernal 
 law. Rather, they are coming up, slowly indeed, but surely, 
 impelled and aided by a beneficent and divine impulse. 
 Honest and fair-minded workmen will not lay the blame of 
 real evils on the wrong shoulders. Never thus will evils be 
 righted. Capital as such is not a tyrant ; nor is the employ- 
 ing class, nor competition, nor the law of supply and demand. 
 Neither rent, nor interest, nor profits, as such, are fleecers and 
 oppressors growing fat on stolen juices. Though men work 
 for wages they are not wages slaves. Labor is not the sole 
 creator of value. There is no iron law of wages. There is no 
 highwayman rent-grabber who lays increasing exaction upon 
 all industry. There is no inevitable evolution backward, 
 tumbling myriads, once comparatively competent, down into 
 the enlarging vortex of poverty, and making the poor a more 
 and more miserable and continually enlarging class. 
 
 Yet if the economic principles, and the so-called economic 
 fact of the Socialist's indictment were real principles and 
 actual fact, rather than the fallacies they are, even then the 
 Socialist's method would be a totally inadequate method. So- 
 cialism could neither cure existing disease, nor set right any 
 existing wrong. Why ? Because it takes things by the wrong 
 handle. It would begin on the wrong side. It would work 
 from outside inward, instead of from inside outward. It 
 would seek to change character by changing condition, in- 
 stead of changing condition by changing character. Here is 
 the root fallacy of the Socialist's demand. Against universal 
 experience he would make good condition the panacea for 
 moral ills, and as one of them naively expresses it, "thus 
 make life an eternal picnic." Not to dispute now the inade- 
 quacy of such a view of life, who does not discover, on reflec- 
 tion, the folly of the method ? If mere material well-being 
 is the source of happiness and virtue, then all virtue should 
 now be found in the better-conditioned social classes, and all
 
 86 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 vice in the worse conditioned. Is this found ? Is it not a 
 part of the Socialist's indictment that the vices of the ruling 
 classes have been the bane of society ? If there is any truth 
 in this indictment, and there is some truth in it, does it 
 not expose the weakness of the Socialist's logic of reform ? 
 His indictment contradicts his demand. I have seen men in 
 poverty, touched by a force within them, rise above their 
 conditions, changed from vice to virtue, from slovenliness to 
 neatness, from sloth to industry 
 
 " Plying their daily task with busier feet, 
 Because their secret souls a holy strain repeat." 
 
 I have seen men fall suddenly from riches to poverty, who were 
 not changed by the changed conditions, but were the same lov- 
 ing, noble, faithful men as before. To be sure, the evils of ab- 
 ject poverty do present special and fierce temptations. But 
 what sphere of life is above temptation ? It is no easy but an 
 always difficult thing to live a true and good life anywhere. 
 
 Socialism looks for universal happiness and universal mo- 
 rality in the wrong direction. What is the Socialist's hope ? 
 It is, that out of the throes of revolution, peaceable or vio- 
 lent, giving to the State the ownership of all land and capital 
 and instruments of production, a new humanity shall be born 
 in which every man shall be honest and truthful, unselfish 
 and trustworthy. The fiery bath of revolution is to be tha 
 Socialist's baptism unto moral regeneration. If this wholesale 
 method of conversion is feasible, it is surprising that the 
 power who governs the universe had not long ago tried the 
 experiment. Yet on the success of this experiment depends 
 the success of all the economic and administrative methods in- 
 cluded in the Socialist's demands. He needs, he must have at 
 the start, a perfect humanity. Otherwise his experiment will 
 repeat the lesson of all similar experiments. Has our Socialist 
 ever asked himself the question, whether, under his adminis- 
 tration, the work of organizing and supervising the collection 
 of materials, the adjustment of labor to its tasks, the care and 
 repair of machinery and buildings the thousand and one de- 
 tails which in our complicated systems of production and dis- 
 tribution are performed by the capitalist and employing 
 classes will be done as well and as cheaply, as these things
 
 SOCIALISM A REVERSAL OF HISTORY. 87 
 
 are now done by those whom society pays in rent and profit 
 and interest, for the services which it accepts at their hands ? * 
 Does he give us any shadow of proof or basis for reasonable 
 expectation that this will be the case ? Has he shown us how 
 undirected labor, left to itself, can secure progress ? Has he 
 settled how distribution of products is to be effected how cost 
 of product and cost of wages are to be determined, when the 
 laws of competition and supply and demand have been abol- 
 ished ? 
 
 Our Socialist reverses the course of history. He would roll 
 back the stream of tune. The world has already had Social- 
 ism in its essence. Original property was common property. 
 But as civilization grew, it outgrew common property. The 
 necessities of progress demanded individual ownership of land 
 and the instruments of production. There are common land- 
 ownerships existing even to-day, as the Russian Mir. But the 
 Russian peasant is ignorance itself, and his agricultural meth- 
 ods and results are, on the richest soil, two thousand years 
 behindhand. Socialism is an old skin that progressive nations 
 long ago outgrew and threw off. We talk of civilizing our 
 own Indian tribes. What do we demand for them as the first 
 step towards civilization ? Socialism ? They have it State 
 ownership of land and of the instruments of production. 
 Nay ! We demand for them land in severalty personal own- 
 ership as necessary to their uplift from Socialistic barbarism. 
 When the French "Socialist Review" said, in 1880, "You 
 may almost measure the degree of civilization by the extent to 
 which collective appropriation has taken place," it spoke in 
 the teeth of all history and of all fact. You* may rather meas- 
 ure human industrial progress by the extent to which collect- 
 ive ownership has been abandoned. As to land, Mr. Maine 
 affirms: "I believe I state the inference suggested by all 
 known legal history, when I say that there can be no material 
 advance in civilization, unless landed property is held by 
 groups, at least as small as families." 
 
 Our Socialist plants himself squarely across a law ordained 
 
 * On the difficulties of State management of industry, see article " Some 
 of the Remedies for Socialism," E. L. Godkin. " Internat. Rev.," June, 
 1879. Pp. 688-690.
 
 88 STUDIES IX MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 by the nature of things, the law of individualism, the law that 
 self-help is best help, the law that produced New England 
 men, and all the greatness and worth the world has ever seen. 
 Two forces in their mutual play must dominate real human 
 progress. Each of these forces is necessary to the completeness 
 of the other. One is individualism, the centrifugal force, the 
 sense of manhood, self-dependence, self -endeavor, self-control. 
 This, become excessive and absolutely dominant, is the planet 
 broken from its center, rushing from its orbit into destruction 
 of itself and of other men's rights. This is anarchy.* The 
 other force is the duty of social service, by which alone a true 
 individualism is attained the centripetal force. This, im- 
 posing itself violently from without, is again a planet rushing 
 from its orbit, but drawn now into the yawning vortex of the 
 central sun. This is Socialism the destruction of manhood. 
 Individualism is a force ordained by the nature of things. 
 As life advances, organs differentiate, and species become dis- 
 tinct. The higher the type the more marked the individual- 
 ity. Barbarians are hardly distinguishable in feature and 
 character. Civilized men are easily distinguishable. Yet So- 
 cialism would reverse this law of nature, and by that most 
 fateful of all tyrannies, the tyranny of a mass, would run all 
 these diversities, and their opportunity for free play, into a 
 single mold. In the fair Utopia, of which the Socialist 
 dreams, "poetry will sing her songs and art adorn with chisel 
 and pencil ! " Nay, history dispels that dream. The land of 
 ancient wealth, of poets, painters, sculptors, philosophers, was 
 Athens, with her individualism and her personal freedom, 
 not Sparta with the repressive barbarism of her Socialism. 
 Wealth, power, progress, the greatest good of the greatest 
 number, all material prosperity and intellectual vigor, are the 
 children of a true individualism. " The achievements of law, 
 literature, science, art, culture, the deeds of heroes, the lives 
 of saints, the deaths of martyrs," these are its fruits. Social- 
 ism is the negation of the possibility of such progress. It is 
 the securing of an unnatural equality by the destruction of all 
 real freedom. Socialism takes possession of the man. It settles 
 
 * On results of extreme individualism, see article " Socialist," R. T. 
 Ely, " Andover Review," vol. v, p. 162.
 
 NO LIGHT FOR WORKMEN FROM SOCIALISM. 89 
 
 everything for him. It counts him not a body, not a soul, 
 but part of a machine. This is not life. This is not liberty. 
 This is not progress. This is barbarism. " This is mummifi- 
 cation." But this is Socialism.* May we not well confront 
 our giant and bid him halt before he wave the wand of revo- 
 lution, to sweep away existing society as so much stage 
 scenery, when he has no better substitute than this to offer 
 us? 
 
 In this chapter the conclusions have been given with but 
 little indication as to the processes and proofs by which they 
 have been reached. But I believe they will stand the test of 
 honest argument, even as they surely agree with the verdict 
 of history. The path of the workingman's progress does not 
 lie in the direction of Socialism, ably and truly as it may have 
 formulated many of his reasonable complaints and his legiti- 
 mate demands. The road whither this giant leads is full of 
 pitfalls of fatal fallacy and is grim and frightful with Gorgon 
 horrors and chimeras dire. If Socialism could give, as it 
 never can, all the wealth of circumstance it promises, even 
 then it could not truly aid progress. Wealth of circumstance 
 is not progress. There is but one earthly factor in progress 
 man.f I know that awful truths in the Socialist's indictment 
 yet remain unchallenged. I am not blind to sights of sorrow, 
 or deaf to cries of misery that greet us at every turn. But I 
 am sure that the world is better than it has been. It is not 
 growing worse. There are no iron laws of existing economy 
 that inevitably crush men down to hopeless slavery. Dark as 
 the world is, it is moving upward into increasing light. We 
 are not to cure the ills we have by flying to others that we 
 know not of. Oh ye to whom life has brought constant labor 
 and little gain, look up ! Struggle up ! Ten thousand hands 
 are stretched out to help you. Ten thousand voices cheer you. 
 
 * " Workmen of spirit regard State Socialism DB the small-pox of servility. 
 Those unvaccinatcd with independence take it, and the abject have it badly." 
 GUOP^C Jacob Ilolyoake, " Nineteenth Century," June, 1879, p. 1119. 
 
 t " True progress must be the progress of man. I say, of man himself ; 
 us di.-tinct from the organization, appliances or embellishments of his life ; as 
 distinct, in short, from anything which is properly outside him." " Uni- 
 versity Sermons." By II. P. Liddon. Boston: E. P. Button & Co., 1868, 
 p. 44.
 
 90 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 Within the limits of existing social order with its capital, 
 rent, interest, profits, property, which are not robberies, but 
 rights as sacred as your own, and needful to the very exist- 
 ence of your own righteous changes, and a true social 
 evolution, shall usher in a brighter day for toiling mil- 
 lions.
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 TRUTHS IN SOCIALISM. 
 
 " We are members of one great body ; we are all akin by Nature, who hath 
 formed us of the same elements, and placed us here together for the same end. 
 She hath implanted in us mutual afiection, and made us sociable. She hath 
 commanded justice and equity. By her appointment it is more wretched to 
 do an injury than to suffer one. By her command the hand must be ever 
 ready to assist our brother." Seneca, Epistle 95. 
 
 " In the individual, in his isolation, the destiny of humanity is unrealized ; 
 the old words are verified, unus homo, nullus homo.' 1 '' E. Mulford. 
 
 IN recognizing truth in Socialism, we do not recognize So- 
 cialism as truth. In the movements of human thought it has 
 often happened that some widespread error has been the agen- 
 cy for restating, re-emphasizing, re-sphering some forgotten or 
 neglected truth. The histories of physical science and of Chris- 
 tian theology are full of illustrations of this fact. 
 
 All great truths are two-sided. By the mutual, balancing 
 inter-action of two opposite forces, the stars make music in 
 their courses, and human society advances toward its goal. 
 In the care which each member of the social body has had 
 for itself, it may be we have forgotten that there were other 
 members ; that there is a body ; that while we are units, we 
 are not units isolated, but units in essential relation to other 
 units ; all to realize their best personal development by their 
 co-operation with the higher unity. There are many mem- 
 bers. This most of us understand full well.- There is a body. 
 Do we understand and exemplify that as well ? There is a 
 body one body, society. This is the truth in Socialism. Yet 
 it is not a truth original with Socialism. The Socialist nei- 
 ther invented nor discovered it ; though to him must be given 
 much credit for re-emphasizing it. It is a human truth. Phi-
 
 92 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 losophers like Seneca recognized and recorded it. The Hebrew 
 prophets proclaimed it on the hills of Palestine. By the Lake 
 of Galilee, and in the streets and Temple of Jerusalem, this 
 human truth, this law for all men, was embodied, was taught, 
 was lived by Jesus Christ. Aided by the light which streams 
 from His cross, we are now to consider some social duties, and 
 some very unsocial facts. The truth that the body is one, 
 though the members are many, is a truth that makes de- 
 mands upon the personal and the social conscience, and pre- 
 sents indictments against many of the conditions of modern 
 industrial life. 
 
 During the last fifty year.3, and notably during the last 
 decade, a change has been coming over the method and the 
 spirit of political economy. It is becoming historic in its 
 method, searching the past and the present for facts, out of 
 which it may formulate principles, and so it is becoming sci- 
 entific. It is becoming moral in its spirit.* Formerly it was 
 immoral, or rather unmoral, in its spirit. It refused to admit 
 that morality was within its field. Even now, some of its 
 prominent teachers refuse to admit this. Says a leading 
 American writer : "This idea of obligation on which the sci- 
 ence of morals is founded, and the idea of value, on which the 
 science of economy is founded, are totally distinct ideas. 
 There is one word that marks and circumscribes the field of 
 morals. That word is Ought. There is one word that marks 
 and circumscribes the field of economy. That word is Value. 
 Political economy does not aspire to place its feet upon the 
 ponderous imperatives of moral obligation. It finds a solid 
 and adequate footing upon the expedient and the useful. As 
 a science it does and must discuss all questions upon economi- 
 cal grounds alone. As a science, it has no concern with ques- 
 tions of moral right. It favors honesty because honesty favors 
 exchange. It puts the seal of the market upon all the vir- 
 tues." f God help us if our virtues have no higher source and 
 no nobler seal than that of the market ! Is a man one being 
 or two ? Is the being who loves, and hopes, and chooses and 
 
 * See publications of American Economic Association, and p. 94, below, 
 t " Elements of Political Economy." Arthur Latham Perry, LL. D. New 
 York : Scribner, Armstrong & Co., 1878, p. 47.
 
 POLITICAL ECONOMY A MORAL SCIENCE. 93 
 
 prays, a separate being from the productive machine who toils 
 in the workshop or the counting-room ? Is there any conceiv- 
 able sphere of human action where, because the action is hu- 
 man, since it is an action chosen to be done by a human will 
 endowed with the power of choice, that human will should 
 not hearken to a divine "ought" impelling it to a righteous 
 choice ? Can it be that the part of life, which, as to time em- 
 ployed, is for most men the largest part, the part filled with 
 play of forces which both express and make character, shall 
 be the one part of life which does not aspire to place its feet 
 upon the ' ' ponderous imperatives of moral obligation ? " No 
 wonder that the fruits of such teaching have been frauds, 
 thieveries, oppressions, shabby work, vicious lives, awful mis- 
 eries, the breaking down of confidence between man and man. 
 Says another : " Science is colorless and impersonal. It in- 
 vestigates the force of gravity, and finds out the laws of that 
 force, and has nothing to do with the weal or the woe of men 
 under the operation of that law." * And then this writer pro- 
 ceeds to argue that political economy is such a science. If it 
 is such a science, then it is a science unscientific ; for it excludes 
 from its field the chief factor in industry, the will of man. Laws 
 of physical nature work relentlessly. Winds, storms, earth- 
 quakes, day and night, summer and winter, come and go. 
 We can not hinder or vary their movements. But economic 
 laws are no such laws. They move by human will. Where 
 they work hurtfully they may be varied, modified and made 
 to act healthfully.f Self-interest is an economic force, neces- 
 sary, divinely implanted. But it is not the only force. De- 
 stroy it, and you have destroyed progress. Make it para- 
 mount, refuse to temper and modify it by considerations of 
 duty to one's neighbors and to society, and you have inaugu- 
 rated the reign of universal selfishness the kingdom of Satan 
 
 * " What Social Classes Owe to Each Other." William Graham Sumncr. 
 New York: Harper and Brothers, 1883, p. 159. 
 
 t " Economists have failed to distinguish between laws of physical and 
 laws of social science. They refuse to see that while the former are inevitable 
 and eternal, the latter though some of them too, like that of ' diminishing re- 
 turns,' are immutable express for the most part facts of human nature, which 
 is capable of modification by self-conscious human endeavor." " The Indus- 
 trial Involution, etc." Arnold Toynbeo. London: Rivingtons, 1884, p. 22.
 
 94: STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 and not of Christ. The political economy that rejects the 
 moral from any true place in the science ; the producers, who 
 follow such teachings, and who ask first, what are the rights 
 of capital and the rights of labor, and never what are the du- 
 ties of capital and the duties of labor ; they who think that 
 all duty is in a man's care for himself, and that he owes 
 nothing to his fellows ; these all brand themselves with the 
 brand of Cain well called "The First Anarchist" who, 
 with a sneering rejection of all social obligation, asked, " Am 
 I my brother's keeper ? " No wonder that such an economy 
 which, with all its worth, was marred by such inhumanity 
 and immorality has been called "the dismal science," "the 
 grab-all science. " 
 
 But there is a better day dawning. Read this ! "We then 
 have the touch-stone, by the aid of which we may discover the 
 purity of economic doctrines. The false doctrines are those 
 which, when pushed to their extreme consequences, will lead 
 to immorality. The true doctrines are those which we find 
 absolutely conformable to the laws of morality. Considered 
 from this height, the study of this science becomes one of the 
 most honorable as well as one of the most useful employ- 
 ments of the human mind, and to describe it by a definition 
 worthy of its noble tendencies, it might perhaps be called 
 morality in its relation to labor." * Or this : "Even less than 
 law does political economy recognize any absolute proprie- 
 tary rights ; and in a higher ethical sense all our goods are 
 but intrusted to us, as stewards, to be used in promoting the 
 welfare of our fellow men, as well as our own and equally 
 with our own." f Or this : " The passing revolution in eco- 
 nomic thought will bring into the science the treatment of the 
 uses of wealth as well as the accumulation, distribution, and 
 exchange, and incite discussion upon the relations of labor 
 and capital on an ethical basis ; combining with the old ques- 
 tion the old school always asks, ' Will it pay ? ' another and 
 higher query, ' Is it right ? ' " \ All hail, then, to the new 
 
 * Article " Morality." Andrd Cochut. Lalor's u Cyclopaedia of Political 
 Science," etc., vol. ii, p. 907. 
 
 t Ely's "Eecent American Socialism," p. 11. 
 
 I " The Relation of Political Economy to the Labor Question." Carroll 
 D. Wright. Boston: A. Williams & Co., 1882, p. 16.
 
 THEORIES OF "THE STATE." 95 
 
 economy, the moral science, the social science, the science 
 whose aim is to treat of the production of individual and na- 
 tional and universal weal, rather than of individual and com- 
 mon wealth ! This science, sitting at the feet of the Divine 
 Teacher of Galilee, will recognize as the chief industrial motive, 
 not self-interest alone finding its true level by warring with 
 the self-interest of other men, but self-interest transfigured, 
 crowned by love and multiplied a thousand-fold in its indus- 
 trial potency by means of its transfiguration. This is the so- 
 cial economy of Christianity. For though we are many mem- 
 bers, yet we are one body and members one of another.* 
 
 The increase, in economic thought and in industrial action, 
 of this moral element, this spirit and principle of social law, 
 of mutual service, of self-sacrifice, of due regard for the rights 
 and needs of other men, will result in the granting of enlarged 
 functions to the State. By the State is meant the legislative, 
 judicial, executive embodiment of the will of organic society, 
 whether that society be a city, a township, a commonwealth, 
 or a nation. The State is the social body in organized action. 
 Two opposite views have been held as to the function of the 
 administrative State. One is called the "policeman theory," 
 which is that the only duty of the State is to defend persons 
 and property against the aggression of other persons and prop- 
 erty ; to see that everybody has an equal right to do the best 
 he can for himself. The other is the "paternal theory," that 
 the State must provide for its citizens. Each of these theories 
 has truth in it. But on the premises of the first, carrying the 
 notion of the least possible government to extremes, the An- 
 archist builds his notion of no government but individual self- 
 government. On the premises of the second, exaggerated, in 
 a monarchical State the Absolutist builds his despotism, and 
 in a Democratic state the Socialist builds his notion of the 
 State as a huge industrial monopoly. It is by the proper ad- 
 justment of the two notions that the best individual and social 
 progress will be secured. Certainly to teach men to look to 
 the State for support, to attribute every evil in personal or 
 social life to the failure of the State in its duty, would be to 
 
 * Consult article by Prof. Richard T. Ely. " Johns Hopkins University 
 Studies." Vol. ii. Baltimore, 1884, paper iii.
 
 96 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 enervate and pauperize the citizen, and to degrade and demor- 
 alize industry. This is what Rome did with her free shows 
 and her free bread. This is what England did with her poor 
 laws.* This is what all systems of Communism have done, 
 save where the existence of a free industrial life, side by side 
 with the commune, has modified the action of the commu- 
 nistic principle. True individualism must jealously watch and 
 steadfastly resist all encroachment upon the law that self-help 
 is the best help.f And yet, as Professor Wagner, of Berlin, 
 has so clearly pointed out, the growth of civilization has in- 
 volved an increase both extensively and intensively of the 
 functions of the administrative State. The State concerns itself 
 with more objects, and it attends to these objects with greater 
 variety and fineness of detail.! 
 
 With due regard to the greatest freedom of individual ac- 
 tion and due maintenance of the supreme value to social weal 
 of the hardness of intellectual and moral muscle wrought 
 
 * " A man who ekes out his wages with the public alms can afford to work 
 at a lower price than one who has only his own resources to reckon on. This 
 is what the English poor-rate has come to. Invented in the fourteenth cen- 
 tury, and systematized in the sixteenth, it has made pauperism a profession 
 maintained at the cost of those who labor. In attempting to succor the dis- 
 tressed, the State has created distress by depreciating the price of labor." 
 Guyot's "Prin. of Soc. Econ.," p. 186. 
 
 i " In giving this State-help, we make three conditions : first, the matter 
 must be one of primary social importance ; next, it must be proved to be prac- 
 ticable ; thirdly, the State interference must not diminish self-reliance." Toyn- 
 bee's "Indus. Eevol., etc.," p. 219. 
 
 \ " Whenever social aims can be attained only, or most advantageously, 
 through State action, that action is justified. The cases in which it can prop- 
 erly interfere must be determined separately, on their own merits, and in re- 
 lation to the stage of national development. It ought certainly to promote 
 intellectual and aesthetic culture. It ought to enforce provisions for public 
 health, and regulations for the proper conduct of production and transport. 
 It ought to protect the weaker members of society, especially women, chil- 
 dren, the aged and the destitute, at least in the absence of family maintenance 
 and guardianship. It ought to secure the laborer against the worst conse- 
 quences of personal injury not due to his own negligence ; to assist through 
 legal recognition and supervision, the efforts of the working-class for joint no 
 less than individual self-help ; and to guarantee the safety of their earnings 
 when intrusted to its care." J. K. Ingram. Art. "Polit. Econ." "Encycl. 
 Brit.," 9th ed., vol. xix, p. 406 b.
 
 TENDENCY TOWARD INCREASE OF STATE FUNCTIONS. 97 
 
 through conflict and self-assertion, and of the successes that 
 are best won by many a failure, it can not be said that the tend- 
 ency of increasing State function is, on the whole, an evil 
 tendency. Surely, if society is anything more than a mass of 
 unorganized units, and true society is much more than this ; 
 if we are a body, even though made up of many members, it 
 can not be wrong for the body hi all best ways to strive to pro- 
 mote its own weal and to promote thus the weal of each mem- 
 ber by its own administrative action, as well as by promoting 
 through such action the highest and freest action of each sepa- 
 rate member. 
 
 When we come to the practical application of this princi- 
 ple, differences of opinion will arise. Whether the State shall 
 loan money to its citizens for the building of houses or the 
 carrying on of industrial enterprises, such as either the build- 
 ing of railroads or the starting of co-operative factories ; 
 whether the State in its corporate function shall build, equip, 
 own, manage railroads, telegraphs, steamship lines, or shall 
 secure by right of eminent domain, and with proper compen- 
 sation, those that are already in operation these and similar 
 questions may possibly be open to debate ; * though in a de- 
 mocracy the peril of such State action and the immense diffi- 
 culties of administration are clearly apparent, f 
 
 * " If the State should take telegraphy out of the hands of a ' financial free- 
 booter,' who has secured good dividends on stock two thirds water, and should 
 furnish the people with telegraphing facilities at cost, a burden would be lifted 
 from the entire public, and business freedom would have a wider range under 
 better business conditions. Nobody would be hurt by such measures of gov- 
 ernmental interference or management, except the extortionist, and he has no 
 more right to exemption from the correcting hand of government than the rob- 
 ber or -the slave-monger." " Class Interests," p. 146. Read the whole of 
 Chapter VI in " Class Interests," on " Governmental Interference." The 
 entire work is an exceedingly valuable contribution to the discussion of the 
 social question. Also " Railways and the Republic," James F. Hudson. 
 New York : Harper and Brothers, 188G. 
 
 t The railroad controversies of the past few months ; the theft and at- 
 tempted wreck of the New York and New England Railroad by men who claim 
 to be respectable ; the fact that for every man the " opportunity to success in 
 business lies through the grace of the manager of a public highway" are 
 rapidly taking the expediency of Stale, ownership of railroads out of debatable 
 ground. When kings become tyrants, downtrodden subjects rebel. On the 
 5
 
 98 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 But there are matters of existing or of possible State action 
 concerning which some conclusions may be ventured. Take 
 education. The State claims the right to educate its future 
 citizens. No one disputes that right as to primary education, 
 except those who dispute it on religious grounds. Now the 
 right to educate at all involves both the right and the duty of 
 the best education. And the State ought so to organize its 
 educational system, and make the reception of the benefits of 
 that system so compulsory, that by reason of the breadth, 
 thoroughness, and sufficient length of the training, ignorance 
 and unskilled labor shall become impossible. From the Kin- 
 dergarten where the mobile fingers shall be taught such facile 
 movement as shall enable the future hand- workers to adjust 
 themselves, more easily than now, to the frequent changes in 
 industrial methods up to the technical school for some, and 
 the high-school or college for others, the State ought to secure 
 to every boy and girl an equal chance, and to every young 
 man and woman, whose capacities may warrant, and whose 
 circumstances permit it, an equal opportunity of adequate 
 equipment for the business of life. And this education ought 
 to be broadened in its scope. It ought to include hand-train- 
 ing as well as mind-training.* It ought to teach how to think, 
 and how to work, and how rightly to live. It ought to train 
 boys in knowledge of materials, and in the use of tools. It 
 ought to teach girls how to keep house, how to make and 
 mend garments, how to buy, prepare, cook and serve food, 
 and how to secure in the home that cleanliness and good order 
 which cost no more in cash, though more in care, than filth 
 and disorder. If it is objected that this would be a Spartan 
 and Socialist interference with parental right and duty, the 
 average parental incompetency to provide the required train- 
 ing is a sufficient answer. The same objection, if valid 
 here, would hold against any education by the State. The 
 question involved is not the right of the parent but the 
 
 probable results, on administrative methods, of State ownership of all modes 
 of transportation, see K. T. Ely's letter to Knights of Labor, " Civil Service 
 Reformer," Baltimore, April, 1886, p. 57. 
 
 * " Manual Training." C. H. Ham. New York : Harper and Brothers, 
 1886.
 
 LEGISLATION CONTROLLED BY MONOPOLIES. 99 
 
 right of the child, and the duty of the State to its future 
 citizens.* 
 
 Take legislation on industrial matters. And here we face 
 an ugly fact. Until within a comparatively recent period this 
 legislation in all countries has been avowedly one-sided and 
 wholly a class legislation, f Go over the history of our own 
 legislation, State and national. What has it been ? It has 
 been the passage of legislative acts, enabling by special privi- 
 lege some people to take money out of other people's pockets, 
 and to put it into their own. Look at the record. Look into 
 the faces of the men who make the compact, aggressive lobby 
 rings, that close tightly about your chosen representatives. 
 Who are these men? Read a Washington dispatch : "The 
 New Jersey members are mostly here. They are thoroughly 
 alive to one question, and united about that, which is that the 
 Baltimore and Ohio shall not get into New York by way of 
 Staten Island, if they can help it. They talk as if this was 
 the main question now before the country. It is evident that 
 
 * See article " The Child and the State." David Dudley Field. " The 
 Forum," April, 1886, pp. 105-113. 
 
 t " Meanwhile these very many millionaires, and these very gigantic 
 corporations, whose counsel are so eloquent upon the danger of over-legis- 
 lation, have climbed to their high prosperity by the helping hand of law 
 through legislation specially enacted to further their schemes. They never 
 could have been what they are, but for special legislation." Eev. Heber New- 
 ton. " Eeport of Senate Com. on Labor," vol. ii, pp. 563, 564. It ought to 
 arouse the indignation of honest men, to see how those who have hitherto se- 
 cured class legislation for their own class arc suddenly awakened to the sense 
 of the iniquity of class legislation, when any law is proposed in the interest of 
 classes whom former legislation has neglected or oppressed. To hear these 
 people talk, one would imagine that class legislation was some new thing 
 under the sun. Let a bill be proposed for the regulation of fines in factories, 
 or for the establishment of a Bureau of Labor Statistics, or for any object in 
 which the welfare of workmen is involved, and straightway from the very 
 quarter which has had all the legislation it asks for in its interest, comes the 
 cry, " Class legislation ! " Much class legislation is plainly needed to cure, on 
 tlic homoeopathic principle, the disease which class legislation has induced. 
 " Whenever the legislature attempts to regulate the difference between mas- 
 ters and their workmen, its counselors are always the masters. When the 
 regulation therefore is in favor of the workman, it is always just and equitable ; 
 but it is sometimes otherwise when in favor of the masters." Adam Smith, 
 " Wealth of Nations," p. 126, bk. i, chap, v, part 2.
 
 100 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 there is to be a large force here to prevent any action by Con- 
 gress giving the right to bridge the Kill van Kull." This 
 means that the lobby intend, if possible, to keep a monopoly 
 in the hands of the Pennsylvania Railroad. Now this whole 
 business of legislation, dictated by monopolist lobbies or pre- 
 vented by them, is shameful business. It is the sort of busi- 
 ness that has furnished Socialist agitators with much of the 
 ammunition which makes Socialism a peril. Until recently 
 there has been no attempt on the part of any American J3tate 
 at even a decent police protection of the just rights of labor. 
 There is much to be done by the States and the nation, both 
 in repealing mischiefs and in enacting good. 
 
 Few questions confront modern society, as represented by 
 the State, more perplexing than the question as to how to deal 
 with immense and increasing fortunes and with huge and 
 growing monopolies. A large fortune in single hands may 
 be a great blessing to the community. It may be a most 
 wholesome promoter of industry. A monopoly need not be, 
 in itself, a thing unjust. No one will question the large social 
 benefit of the genius possessed by Raphael or Bacon or Shake- 
 speare. They were monopolies of genius conferred by the 
 Creator, and money monopolies need not woi-k in different 
 fashion. Monopolies, or vast concentrations of capital, may 
 be the only possible means for carrying forward great indus- 
 trial enterprises. But money power, though in itself a neces- 
 sary and a beneficent force, tends, like all power, to become 
 arrogant, selfish, oppressive. It is a power needing to be con- 
 tinually watched and restrained. And the free action of con- 
 flicting self-interests is not sufficient for the needful watchful- 
 ness and restraint. The railroad pool may be, doubtless is, 
 essential to best transportation, but if it result in extortionate 
 freights, it is a tyranny which the State must prevent. Vested 
 interests ! We respect them so long as they respect them- 
 selves and social rights. But vested interests may become 
 vested oppressions. They break down commercial morality, 
 and set themselves to oppose and crush everything that stands 
 in their way. They may foster wide-spread discontent, fur- 
 nish fuel to incendiaries, threaten public weal. They may 
 corrupt politics and bribe legislators, and endanger all social 
 and political safety. Then vested interacts have become
 
 FINES IN FACTORIES. 101 
 
 vested nuisances ; and for the sake of public good, which is 
 everywhere paramount over private rights, the State must so 
 legislate that these vested nuisances shall be restrained or mod- 
 ified, or if need be, suppressed.* Society can not with safety 
 permit monopolist giants to tread ordinary men under their 
 heel, to lord it over all the industries of the land, to hold ir- 
 responsible despotism over the highways of the nation's inter- 
 course and traffic, t The warning uttered by Rev. Dr. Crosby, 
 of New York, is timely and worthy of loud and constant re- 
 iteration : "The community can not be plundered forever ; 
 combinations of capitalists and legislators to rob the poor for 
 the benefit of the rich will eventually meet with counter-com- 
 binations that will not stop with robbery. This is human 
 nature, as well as history."! 
 
 Consider the duty of the State in reference to a few matters 
 specially complained of by workingmen. Take the way in 
 which the "fine" system is sometimes administered in the 
 larger workshops and factories. Every large industry must 
 have order, organization, discipline, laws and penalties. But 
 when $500, $1,000, and more are, as fines, deducted each week, 
 in some factories, from the week's wages ; when workmen are 
 forbidden to measure their own work, and must always accept 
 the foreman's measure ; when fines are imposed for flaws in 
 work, which no workman can detect during the process of 
 production, for flaws in weaving due to defective spinning or 
 to imperfect machinery, and for some flaws which can only 
 be detected by the microscope ; when gangs of incompetent, 
 green hands, are hired at current wages, put to work without 
 instruction or special supervision, and fined at the end of the 
 week sometimes more than their total wages certainly there 
 
 * Simon Sterne, art. "Monopolies." Lalor's "Cycl. of Political Sci- 
 ence," etc., pp. 890-898, " Class Interests," chap. v. Art. by C. C. Nott, 
 "Internat. Rev.," i, p. 370. Art. " Effect of Monopolies on Value," A. C. 
 Bolles, " N. A. Rev.," 117, p. 319. 
 
 t " The coal barons must not be permitted to enrich themselves by com- 
 pelling miners to starve at one end of their lines and the operatives to freeze 
 at the other." Art. " Christianity and Wealth," Washington Gladden, 
 " Cent. Mag.," October, 1884, p. 907. See also " The Moncy-Makcrs." New 
 York: D. Appleton & Co., 1886. 
 
 J Article " The Dangerous Classes'," " N. A. Review," vol. 136, p. 350.
 
 102 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 is wrong somewhere. When workmen trading at a company 
 store, pay not only the average profit on the cost of articles, 
 but average profit calculated on ten per cent added to the cost, 
 injustice is certainly done.* Such wrongs are, it is hoped, ex- 
 ceptional in the dealings of employer with employed. But 
 they ought to he impossible wrongs. What business is it of 
 ours ? It is our business. It is the business of every man who 
 would promote social weal. It is society's business. It is the 
 State's business. Social public opinion and State administra- 
 tion have a right, in the interest of private justice and public 
 order, to put an end to these wrongs. 
 
 Then there is the matter of the employment of children in 
 factories. Matters have been greatly unproved in England since 
 Eobert Owen and the Earl of Shaftesbury began their labors to 
 prevent the "slaughter of the innocents." But both in Eng- 
 land and America there is room for large improvement. The 
 law, both in regard to age and to the attendance of the children 
 at school, is frequently violated. In 1886 there were 1,118,000 
 wages-receivers who were boys under sixteen and girls under 
 fifteen years of age. No child can get a proper schooling who, 
 from ten to fifteen, attends school only twenty weeks in each 
 school year. No child can attain a proper physical develop- 
 ment who goes into factory-work at ten years of age. Many 
 parents, urged by poverty, and some employers urged by 
 greed, combine to evade the law as it is. We are creating, 
 what past generations have created for England, a factory 
 class, a class that never ought to exist, a class that, in the not 
 distant future, will be pale, sallow, stunted, sickly, physical 
 and mental imbeciles. This is what our system of children's 
 labor is doing for our future. Public weal ought to dominate 
 parental need and employing greed, and at whatever cost of 
 present suffering wipe away this iniquity. The limit of age 
 ought to be raised to fourteen years, and the law ought to be 
 
 * "The Pittsburg Leader" of January 24, 1886, published the results of an 
 investigation into the relations between the miners and the "stores." It was 
 found that men were often paid in " orders " ; were discharged for not deal- 
 ing at the " stores " ; and that there was " an average of over sixty per cent 
 advance in price charged by the company stores over other stores." If this 
 is not robbery, oppression, outrage, by what more truthful terms shall such 
 high-handed villainy be described ?
 
 SOME REAL ROBBER CLASSES. 103 
 
 inexorably enforced. ' ' That State government must be one of 
 sublime stupidity in its conception of its functions which de- 
 clines, on the plea of non-interference, to deal in due time 
 with this critical problem this disintegration of the domestic 
 order, this play of silently working forces which -are daily re- 
 solving the adverse interests of industrial life more and more 
 into a treacherous struggle of factory versus family." * 
 Oh, the children ! 
 
 " They look up with their pale and sunken faces, 
 
 And their look is dread to see, 
 For they mind you of their angels in high places, 
 
 With eyes turned on Deity ! 
 ' How long,' they say, ' how long, cruel nation, 
 
 Will you stand, to move the world, on a child's heart 
 Stifle down with a mailed heel its palpitation, 
 
 And tread onward to your throne amid the mart ? 
 Our blood splashes upward, gold-heaper, 
 
 And your purple shows your path ! 
 But the child's sob in the silence curses deeper 
 
 Than the strong man in his wrath ! " f 
 
 Consider what should be the attitude of the State toward 
 some of the robbers of society. We have already looked at 
 monopolies become tyrannical. Look a little further ! Di- 
 rectorship in a railroad or other corporation is in itself a le- 
 gitimate and useful occupation. But here is a director who 
 circulates stories hostile to the good name of his corpora- 
 tion. Down goes the stock, down, down, down. Some of this 
 stock is the heritage of widows and orphans, some of it the 
 savings of the poor. These small owners are frightened and 
 sell, losing fifty or seventy-five per cent of their investment. 
 Mr. Director buys. He is glad to relieve the widow of her 
 burden. How anxious Mr. Director was, when placing the 
 stock, to get it into many hands 1 How anxious he now is to 
 
 * Art. " The Employment of Children," John F. Crowcll, " Andovcr 
 Rev.," vol. iv, July, 1885, pp. 42-55. 
 
 " Annual Rep. Inspect. Workshops and Factories of New Jersey," 1885. 
 Art. u The Child and the State," David Dudley Field, " The Forum," vol. 
 i, April, 1886, pp. 106-113. 
 
 t " The Cry of the Children," Mrs. E. B. Browning.
 
 104 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 get it into few hands, and these chiefly his own ! Up goes the 
 stock. What is this man, judged by his deed ? What is the 
 highwayman ? What is the burglar ? Some of the vast fort- 
 unes that now combine to control industries and to dictate 
 legislation represent this sort of work. Nothing earned, noth- 
 ing produced ; but millions stolen 1 
 
 Take our Boards of Trade, and our Stock and Produce Ex- 
 changes. These Boards and Exchanges are triumphs of com- 
 mercial organization. They are essentials to successful distri- 
 bution of products. To belong to them, to use them, are, in 
 themselves, transactions as legitimate and moral as transac- 
 tions over a counter. Speculation of a certain sort equalizes 
 prices. But every business man knows that there is specula- 
 tion and speculation, and that the difference between the two 
 is as the difference between light and darkness. A few men 
 meet, say, in a Chicago office. They consult. They have a 
 right to consult. As the result of the consultation, the price 
 of wheat, or corn, or pork, or beef rises. There is no economic 
 reason for the rise ; no failure of product, no increased de 
 mand. These men in Chicago have a corner in wheat or corn, 
 or pork or beef, that is all. Or two men agree, the one to 
 deliver what he does not possess, and never expects to possess, 
 and the other to receive what he does not want and never in- 
 tends to receive cotton or wheat or railroad stock. Each de- 
 posits in the hands of a third man, a wager, a "margin," a 
 forfeit for the keeping of the agreement. One man takes the 
 money, less the broker's commission. Nothing is bought, 
 nothing sold, except on paper ; nothing is produced, no more 
 real value is created, than is created by the throw of a dice- 
 box. But something is stolen. All values are disturbed. All 
 honest trade is injured. More paper products are dealt with 
 every day in our great exchanges than the combined indus- 
 tries of the world can furnish in real products.* This is rob- 
 
 * " A YEAR'S SPECULATIONS. Most people not familiar with the subject 
 will hardly believe that the total transactions on the four principal speculative 
 exchanges in New York City, last year, amounted to no less than fifteen thou- 
 sand millions of dollars. Yet this is found to be the case. Such a sum is al- 
 most beyond the power of human conception, and equals many times the value 
 of all the various articles dealt in that was in existence during the year. Yet 
 this list includes only four classes of all the articles dealt in on the specula-
 
 SPECULATIVE GAMBLERS IMPEACHED. 105 
 
 bery. The rich are robbed. The poor are robbed. This is to 
 make the producer take the least possible for what he sells, and 
 the consumer pay the most possible for what he buys. It is 
 against all moral principle and all economic law. It violates 
 the grand commercial law of mutual benefit and service. It 
 sets the men who carry on these transactions with a knife 
 against the throat of every other man.* In the name of all 
 honest production and trade whose values this gambling de- 
 ranges, and whose tasks it makes more burdensome ; in the 
 name of the vast army of toilers, whose comforts this gam- 
 bling despoils and from whose necessities it fleeces ; in the 
 name of society, whose morals this gambling corrupts, and 
 whose peace it seriously threatens ; in the name of the very 
 gamblers themselves, whose moral standards this gambling 
 degrades, and whose moral sense it paralyzes ; by authority 
 of every indisputable economic law ; by the Divine Book 
 these gamblers are impeached as robbers of capital, thieves of 
 profits, spoliators of wages. Acting not by the pressure of any 
 established law of capital, or competition, or exchange, but in 
 defiance of all principle and for the sake of indulging their 
 love of chance and luck and greed these gamblers are tyrants 
 of society. Against them are summoned the anger of labor, 
 the indignation of trade, the ban of society, the penalties of 
 legislation ; and upon them, and upon the righteousness of 
 this impeachment is solemnly invoked the discerning judg- 
 ment of the just God ! 
 
 Yet another tyrant and robber comes before us for im- 
 peachment. His robberies are confined to no class and to no 
 locality. He smites the rich man's home and sends forth his 
 
 tive market stock, grain, petroleum and cotton. Commodities, options and 
 futures arc the form in which these transactions arc conducted, and so com- 
 mon have such operations become that scarcely a branch of trade has not a 
 market where such dealings can be carried on." " Newark Advertiser." 
 
 * Articles " Agiotage," and '' Products on Paper," Lalor's " Cyclopaedia 
 of Political Science," etc. 
 
 Article " Three Dangers." "Washington Gladden, " Century Maga- 
 zine," August, 1884, p. 624 ; also Editor's " Topics for Times," p. 629. 
 
 Article " Making Bread Dear," Henry D. Lloyd, " North American 
 Review," 137, pp. 113-186. Also "Nineteenth Century," vol. x, p. 582. 
 
 " The Nation," vol. xxiii, p. 210.
 
 106 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 sons to squander fortunes, to seduce virtue, and to drivel at 
 last in the mad-house. He enters the poor man's dwelling, 
 filching clothing from his back and food from his table, and 
 sending often to the pawnshop the bed whereon a sick wife or 
 puny children have need to lie. He comes to the workshop and 
 workmen stagger sullenly to their tasks ; or lose wages, and 
 hinder production by idleness ; or waste material through in- 
 duced slovenliness and inefficiency. He stands at the alms- 
 house and welcomes three fourths of all who enter there as 
 his own progeny. He visits the prison, and on four fifths 
 of the inmates he fastens the shackles and turns the key 
 as on his own subjects. If murder is done, he chiefly 
 nerves the hand that takes a brother's blood. If riot makes 
 ravage, he often fires the hearts that work the ruin. Wher- 
 ever he sways his scepter, wages waste, and women weep, 
 and little children huddle in terror or pine in agony. This 
 tyrant controls caucuses, carries elections, governs cities. Po- 
 litical parties are afraid of him. He organizes obstinate re- 
 sistance to all laws which would restrict the spread of the 
 contagion of his infamies. A workmen's procession paraded 
 the streets of Chicago with a banner inscribed, ' ' Our Children 
 cry for Bread ! " But on the picnic-grounds that day these 
 workmen contributed $600 for the support of this tyrant. In 
 England each year the working-class pay 140,000,000 to help 
 this tyrant along, or enough in six years to cancel the whole 
 English debt, or to build a house worth 150 for every family 
 in the kingdom.* In America, bread for a year costs $505,- 
 000,000, meat costs $303,000,000, shoes cost $196,000,000. But 
 this tyrant oppresses and taxes the people of the nation direct- 
 ly, to say nothing of indirectly, $900,000,000, almost enough 
 to furnish bread and meat and shoes for the entire nation, t 
 The mass of the women of the country are against this tyrant. 
 The moral and religious sentiment of the country is against 
 him. The laws are in part against him. Every man's con- 
 science is against him. Yet this tyrant unrestrained, oppresses 
 labor, steals wages, deranges industry, weakens productive 
 
 * Walker, " The Wages Question," p. 349. 
 
 t " The Liquor Problem in all Ages," by Daniel Dorchester, D. D. New 
 York : Phillips & Hunt. Diagram XIII, p. 648.
 
 DANGERS TO THE STATE. 107 
 
 force, makes every one poorer by the wholesale brigand tax 
 that he levies, degrades manhood, soils womanhood, ruins 
 homes, breaks hearts, turns souls into hell ! O men, business 
 men, workingmen ! Brothers ! Is freedom dead ? Is con- 
 science dead ? Is sense of justice dead ? Is the liberty-loving 
 spirit frozen in our veins ; that we do cower and crouch like 
 belabored hounds beneath the lash of this greatest giant 
 among the giant monopolies that oppress us ; that, by public 
 opinion compelling legislation, and compelling its enforce- 
 ment, we do not rise up in the might of our manhood, and 
 chain and imprison and kill this monstrous oppressor, this 
 demon tyrant of the still and the grog-shop ? 
 
 Here are some of our actual tyrants ! Here are the real 
 robber classes, the slave-drivers, the exploiters. These are our 
 danger ! These are they whose past thieveries and whose 
 present fleecings make Socialism a peril. These are to be con- 
 fronted, fought with, destroyed. 
 
 Every man owes a duty to himself. But the man whose 
 self-interest is not dominated by love to his neighbor ; the man 
 who never finds his higher self by standing with reverent awe 
 before the Christ in his brother, and by serving that Christ in 
 serving his brother ; the man who recognizes no social law, 
 which it is his business in business to regard and obey this 
 man declares himself an outlaw. He is in society, but he is 
 not of it. He is a social sponge, a parasite, a cancer. 
 
 Society that refuses to conform to a moral order, that 
 knows itself only as an aggregate of units and not as an or- 
 ganic life, bound to conserve the weal of each unit and of the 
 whole, is a society disintegrating and doomed. 
 
 The State that by its social customs, its industrial arrange- 
 ment, its habits of trade, its State administration, gives license 
 to selfishness and fraud, and refuses to protect the weak against 
 the strong ; the State that forgets that all true economic law is 
 moral law whose violation brings its own swift retribution 
 such a State may discern a fiery hand on the walls of its 
 houses of legislation, its palaces of industry, and its banquet- 
 halls of pleasure, and may read : " Thou art weighed, thou 
 art found wanting ; thy kingdom is taken from thee and given 
 to another," as the lesson of its history and the verdict of 
 God.
 
 108 STUDIES IX MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 In questions so complex as those we are now considering 1 , 
 we need to make careful discrimination. When it is affirmed 
 that capital, profits, interest, rent, are not robberies, but are 
 economic facts and social and personal rights, upon whose just 
 maintenance all industrial weal is dependent, it is not thereby 
 denied that capitalists are sometimes tyrannical, profits ex- 
 cessive, interest usurious, and rent extortionate. That these 
 wrongs may exist does not, however, prove the facts of capi- 
 tal, etc. , unrighteous. They prove only that human nature is 
 not always at its best, and that some human natures are often 
 at their worst. Let us not be afraid to accept truth wherever 
 we find it. Wisdom learns even from enemies. Truth's mag- 
 net may draw materials from the iron mountain of error. 
 Socialism is a falsehood. But in the very name is the truth 
 that no man lives well who lives unto himself, since we are a 
 body and members one of another. Let us ask, Is what claims 
 to be a fact, really a fact, no matter who states it ? Let us ask, 
 Is what assumes to be a true principle, indeed a true principle, 
 no matter who asserts it ? Let us not overlook the righteous- 
 ness of property and capital because they have been abused, 
 nor refuse to regard the just claims of labor because some 
 agitators have been illogical, violent, and revolutionary. Let 
 us decide each claim upon its merits, and meet each issue, 
 as it arises, upon the ground of fairness and good sense. Let 
 us discriminate. 
 
 Let us also be patient. The heritage that the past has 
 transmitted to us has curses in it as well as blessings. The 
 spirit of Roman proletaires and slaves, the serfdoms and 
 churldoms of the middle ages, the pauper tendencies, the lazi- 
 ness, incapacities, ignorances, vices fostered by ages of mis- 
 government, and handed down by laws of descent from gen- 
 eration to generation all these tendencies are, it may be, in 
 our veins ; certainly they are in the veins of great masses of 
 mankind. And then, within a century, all methods of busi- 
 ness, and methods of trade, have been revolutionized. Rush- 
 ing forces pushing men into the eager competition of life, 
 have taxed thought and tune beyond anything ever known in 
 history, and have absorbed men's attention in care for them- 
 selves. The spread of materialistic philosophies has turned 
 away contemplation from the heights of spiritual grandeur,
 
 WHAT WE ARE TO DO. 109 
 
 and from the sanctities of moral law. What wonder that 
 there have been mischiefs, confusions, oppressions ? But now 
 God's providence cries "Halt!" Think on your duties as 
 well as on your rights I Consider, in the light of your duty, 
 the claims of other men's rights ! Not in an hour will these 
 mischiefs be undone. Only by years, long, long years of dif- 
 ficult, taxing, often disappointing toil, will the deep-set marks 
 of centuries of misrule and wrong-doing be effaced. We have 
 need of patience. To the exercise of that patience we are 
 called. 
 
 Let us give ourselves to hopeful service of our fellow-men. 
 There is a social order. We are all parts of it. There is a 
 social law. We are each under it. There is a social duty. 
 We are each to perform it. To promote kindliness of feeling 
 between man and man ; to help to make wrong things right, 
 and good things better ; to promote righteous public opinion, 
 that shall compel legislation to undo mischiefs and to enact, 
 not class benefits, but the largest public good ; to purify poli- 
 tics ; to make administration wise and administrators compe- 
 tent and clean ; to understand for ourselves, and to help others 
 to understand, the high moralities of true economic law ; to 
 be ourselves the noblest, truest souls we can be ; to attain to 
 that personal morality which is the fruit of loyal love to Jesus 
 Christ and of obedience to His will these are the supreme 
 interests which claim our consecrated service in this great cri- 
 sis hour. Such service may be hopeful. Jesus Christ lives. 
 He marks clearly the lines along which His kingdom moves. 
 No man may predict what future society will be. But as 
 Christ reigns, and as we do our duty, future society will be 
 not a mass of integers, nor yet an equality that has destroyed 
 freedom but a body, though made up of members, where 
 self-interest will be controlled by love. It will be a society 
 wherein, while each man will bear his own burden, with 
 manly self-respect and self-endeavor, each man will, by per- 
 sonal action and by common social action, bear his brother's 
 burden also, and thus fulfill the law of Christ. " Each for all, 
 and all for each " is the law of a true social order.
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 CONCERNING TRADES-UNIONS AND THE KNIGHTS OF LABOR. 
 
 " The first essential to success in any effort for the prevention of disputes, 
 is the possession of a conciliatory spirit and a ready disposition to consider 
 the rights and interests of both sides." Professor Fawcett. 
 
 THE spirit of association is the spirit of man. It is essential 
 to civilization. For ages men have been uniting, not only as 
 families and as society, but in special unions for worshiping or 
 feasting together, or for mutual help in sickness and poverty, 
 or for the promotion of some common object of trade and in- 
 dustry. The right of association was from the beginning a 
 recognized principle of Roman law. Numa encouraged the 
 formation of craft-guilds. During the Empire large numbers 
 of trade societies nourished at Rome and throughout Italy, 
 Gaul, and the East.* In Greece also, during the second and 
 third centuries B. C., there were numerous bodies of a similar 
 sort. The word guild meant a drinking-bout, at which money 
 (geld) was contributed for some common object. The word 
 was first used in connection with the Shoemakers' Union of 
 Magdeburg, in A. D. 1157. t During the middle ages guilds 
 nourished throughout all Europe. Such trades as masons and 
 stonecutters formed a system of lodges, with headquarters at 
 Strasbourg, which included all the masons and stonecutters of 
 Germany, France, England, the Netherlands, Spain, Portu- 
 gual, Italy, and Hungary. These middle age guilds soon be- 
 came aristocratic institutions, and all power was concentrated 
 
 * "Labor in Europe and America," Edward Young, pp. 57-60. 
 t " The Trade Guilds of Europe." Washington: Government Printing- 
 Office, 1885, p. 6.
 
 THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION. HI 
 
 in the hands of the masters. Yet these associations were the 
 historic ancestry of modern labor unions.* 
 
 It is to England, however, and to the beginnings of the 
 modern industrial revolution that we must look for the birth 
 and progress of trades-unions. For almost five centuries it 
 had been a crime in England for workingmen to combine to 
 bring their labor into the best market. " The motive for this 
 restrictive legislation was never concealed. It was designed 
 in order to increase rents and profits at the cost of wages, "f 
 Then came steam and machinery. The domestic system of 
 industry was broken up. Spinning-wheels and hand-looms 
 disappeared. Spinning-jennies and power-looms took their 
 places. Hundreds of workers were concentrated within the 
 same walls. I "Any attempt on the part of workmen," says 
 Mr. Rogers, "to combine for the purpose of selling their labor 
 at better rates was met with stern repression ; any overt act 
 with sharp punishment. The English workmen earned all the 
 wealth and bore nearly all the cost of the long Napoleonic 
 wars, on which the fortunes of manufacturers and land-own- 
 ers, and the glory of statesmen and generals, were founded. 
 High profits were extracted from the labor of little children, 
 and the race was starved and stunted, while mill-owners, 
 land-owners, and stock-jobbers collected their millions from 
 the wages of those whose toils they regulated and whose 
 strength they exhausted." | This sort of thing could not last. 
 The very conditions which furnished the opportunity for op- 
 pression, brought also the means of freedom. These hun- 
 dreds of men and women could not be long associated in daily 
 work without finding out that association was needful for im- 
 proving the condition of the workers. 
 
 Just when and how the movement originated we do not 
 know. But soon oppression began to meet with resistance. 
 To combine for this resistance was criminal. To combine for 
 advance in wages, or to object to their decrease, was criminal. 
 
 * Also of the order of Free and Accepted Masons, 
 t Rogers'* u Work and Wages," p. 439. 
 
 J Toynbee's "Industrial Revolution," etc. Argyll's "Reign of Law," 
 chap. vii. 
 
 | Rogers, p. 438.
 
 112 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 But stealthily gi-ew the spirit of revolt. Steadily grew the 
 workingmen's unions. The law, the Government, the em- 
 ployers, the nobility, the gentry, the press, all were against 
 them. Yet they grew. Strikes, violence, bloodshed, incen- 
 diarism, labor riots, destruction of machinery, became matters 
 of frequent occurrence. The attention of the Government 
 was aroused, and after a thorough parliamentary inquiry, the 
 repressive laws were repealed in 1824. The peaceable combi- 
 nation of workmen for legitimate ends was no longer a crime. 
 Many hindrances and vexatious oppressions were still enacted 
 by legislation. It was not until 1871 that the final act of 
 emancipation was passed by Parliament. But since 1824 the 
 cause of English trade-unionism has steadily advanced ; until 
 now organizations of workmen are legal corporations, " rami- 
 fying through every county, ensconced in every town, and 
 almost every trade " in the kingdom, and are rapidly reaching 
 a leading place among the institutions of the nation. 
 
 In the United States the work of labor organization has 
 proceeded with great rapidity, especially since 1860. To-day 
 almost all trades have some form of union. Some of these are 
 national, others international. What are called Central 
 Unions are composed of delegates of various unions in special 
 localities. There are also trade congresses, representing all 
 trades and all sections. These unions include only a portion 
 of the working classes. Many of the best workmen prefer to 
 remain independent. Many of the incompetent are refused 
 admission to the unions. But the very fact of organization 
 gives to these unions a power quite disproportionate to the 
 numbers concerned. The fact also that their numerical 
 strength is greatest in the centers of industry, while the ma- 
 jority of unorganized workmen belong to the rural districts 
 and smaller towns, largely increases the area of "union" in- 
 fluence. In Philadelphia, in 1869, the Knights of Labor were 
 organized. This was a secret, though, it is said, not an oath- 
 bound society. Its aim is broader than that of the trades- 
 unions. It believes that the interests of labor are common in- 
 terests, and that the alliance of one trade with other trades is 
 an alliance not entangling but helpful. It admits women to 
 membership. It excludes only lawyers, bankers, professional 
 gamblers, stock-jobbers, and those who, in whole or in part or
 
 ORGANIZED LABOR A FACT. 113 
 
 through any member of their family, make their living by the 
 manufacture or sale of intoxicants. It affiliates with labor 
 unions, and makes their cause its own, though it does not di- 
 rectly control them. Its National Assembly at the last two 
 sessions "contained delegates whose occupations embraced 
 medicine, the pulpit, journalism, teaching, manufacturing, 
 trading, and many of the skilled and prominent trades and 
 handicrafts." * It has assemblies in almost every State, in the 
 Canadas, in England, Scotland, Belgium, and France. The 
 window-glass workers of this country, England, and Belgium 
 are a constituent part of the Order. It has now more than 
 five thousand local assemblies in the United States. 
 
 Here, then, is this vast force of organized labor, not indeed 
 representing all labor, nor yet attaining the system and the 
 discipline of the English unions, but with a force sufficiently 
 gigantic and certain to be with us for many years to come. 
 What shall we say about this force ? How shall we deal with 
 it ? Some years ago I read Charles Eeade's " Put Yourself in 
 His Place," a novel based upon English labor disturbances. 
 A few years later I heard Anna Dickinson's lecture on " Trades 
 Unions." The novel and the lecture set me very .decidedly 
 against the working of the trades-union principle, as against 
 a thing wholly bad. Subsequent observation and reading 
 have removed that early prejudice. In Great Britain public 
 opinion on these matters is far more intelligent than public 
 opinion in America, and far in advance of it. It is well-nigh 
 impossible for the average middle-aged American, not of the 
 wage-earning class, to understand what right these unions 
 have to exist. They are wholly pestilential, he thinks. But 
 pestilential or not, here they are, and here they are likely 
 to stay. That a thing "is" does not necessarily make it 
 "right." Many things have come into our modern life, and 
 doubtless come to stay, which have no possible justification 
 beyond the fact of their existence, and that, of itself, justifies 
 nothing. But I claim that labor organizations do not belong 
 to the category of things whose only justification is in their 
 existence. Labor organization has reasons for existence. It 
 
 * Art. " American Labor Organizations," Richard J. Ilinton, " N. A. 
 Rev.," vol. cxl, p. 58.
 
 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 has a right to existence. It has reasons and a right founded 
 on the nature of man, on the nature of labor, on the condi- 
 tions of industry, on the law, not of force, but of justice. No 
 one, except the special pleader and the man determined not to 
 see, can study the industrial history of the world for the past 
 thousand years without reaching the conclusion that the or- 
 ganization of labor was essential to its very existence. 
 
 What is the spirit, the aim, the meaning of trades-unions ? 
 We let Mr. Howell, an English Trades Unionist, answer : "In 
 their essence trades-unions are voluntary associations of work- 
 men for mutual assistance in securing generally the most fa- 
 vorable conditions of labor. This is their primary and funda- 
 mental object, and includes all efforts to raise wages or resist 
 a reduction of wages ; to diminish the hours of labor, or resist 
 attempts to increase the working hours, and to regulate all 
 matters relating to methods of employment or discharge and 
 mode of working." * Is it wrong for men voluntarily to asso- 
 ciate to promote their own interests ; unless we conclude that 
 the promotion of one's own interest, with due regard to other 
 people's interests, is itself a wrong ? Is it wrong when a work- 
 man finds that, single-handed, he is at immense disadvantage 
 in getting the best market for his labor, if he shall join with 
 one, ten, a thousand other workmen, in trying to get the best 
 market ? Of course it is only a rude way of speaking when 
 we speak of a labor market. Labor is not properly a com- 
 modity in the sense in which wheat, cotton, shoes, are com- 
 modities. Labor differs from all these in some vital particu- 
 lars.! Yet since no more convenient phrases are at hand, 
 
 *" The Conflict of Labor and Capital." By George Howell. London: 
 Chatto & Windus, 1878, p. 147. 
 
 t " In order to an equal bargain for commodities, the parties must have 
 equal knowledge of the state of the market. This is not usually the fact in 
 the sale of labor. For an equal bargain, both parties must have a reserve 
 price. Labor usually has no such price for which it can standout; a pro- 
 longed bargaining over the sale of goods does not convulse the industrial sys- 
 tem, but a bargain about the price of labor involves the social condition of a 
 whole class. If two bargainers are on equal footing they have an equal indif- 
 ference to each other. But the laborer usually needs the employer more than 
 the employer needs the laborer." Condensed from Toynbee's " Industrial 
 Revolution," etc., pp. 169-171.
 
 LABOR-UNIONS A BENEFIT TO LABOR. H5 
 
 rude and inaccurate as are the phrases, we may speak of the 
 commodity labor and the labor market. One man offering 
 the use of his brain or his hands, or both, in exchange for 
 wages, is a retail labor market. A trade-union is a wholesale 
 labor market. The principle of wholesaling is not wrong. 
 You do not object to wholesale stores, to stock and produce 
 exchanges, to Boards of Trade, to railroad pools in themselves. 
 If honest competition or honest combination among merchants 
 and manufacturers, to regulate prices of goods, is not of itself 
 an iniquity to be denounced, why must trades-union commit- 
 tees, who act as brokers regulating the price of labor, be any 
 more denounced ? Labor unions, a right to be ? Yes, if labor 
 has any right to be. Senator Blair, of New Hampshire, Chair- 
 man of the Committee on Education and Labor of the United 
 States Senate, made this statement to a witness : ' ' That is the 
 point I want to bring out. I want to get clearly before the 
 country the position that the laborer occupies, and to let it 
 appear that, but for these labor organizations, which you tes- 
 tify to be, and which I believe to be, wholly within the law 
 and contemplating nothing but legal means, the workmen 
 would be helpless." * 
 
 The time has gone by in England, and it ought to go by 
 in America, when trades-unionism needs any apologist. Its 
 history is its vindication. It has won for workingmen what 
 ought to have been granted, but what, as things are, never 
 would have been won without it.f It has exposed the eco- 
 nomic fallacy of a " wages fund." It has raised wages with- 
 out increasing the cost of production. It has improved pro- 
 duction in quality and increased it in quantity. It has con- 
 tributed largely to secure the improvement in the condition 
 
 * "Report of Senate Com. on Labor," vol. i, p. 14. 
 
 t " Employers have constantly predicted that ruin would come on the great 
 industries of the country if workmen were better paid and better treated. 
 They resisted, and have resisted up to the present day, every demand which 
 workmen have made for the right of association, for the limitation of children's 
 and women's labor, for the shortening of hours, for the abolition of truck, for 
 the protection of the workmen's lives and limbs from preventable accidents, 
 and are now appealing to the doctrine of liberty of contract, after having for 
 centuries denied the liberty." Rogers's " Work and Wages," p. 506.
 
 116 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 of the working classes in England and America during the 
 last fifty years. 
 
 Oh, but the violence, the intimidation, the strikes, the ig- 
 norance, the prejudices, the fallacious theories, the outburst of 
 passion ! Yes ; but can not many of the same things be said 
 of the growth of other institutions which we regard as legiti- 
 mate and beneficial ? When we remember the history of the 
 Christian Church, the history of humanity, and by what ter- 
 rific throes good evolves itself out of and through evil, we 
 must not be too hard upon workingmen. Are we perfect ? Do 
 we commit no blunders ? Are we never carried away by pas- 
 sion ? Are we always able to balance with perfect accuracy 
 the conflicting interests of ourselves and our fellows ? " Put 
 yourself in his place." That is a good rule, when one wants 
 to judge honestly and fairly. Remember that the unusually 
 prosperous condition of English labor during the fifteenth 
 century was largely owing to the influence of the labor guilds 
 which English legislation, during that century, was unable 
 to suppress.* Remember how labor has been oppressed. Re- 
 member that, in the early period of the modern industrial 
 revolution, labor was being reduced to slavery. Remember 
 that these modern labor organizations, made necessary by bad 
 conditions, and made possible by the very causes which, un- 
 hindered, made the conditions bad, were repressed with pas- 
 sionate violence and obstructed by malignant watchfulness, 
 so long as repression and obstruction were possible. Remem- 
 ber that a thousand evil prophecies have been uttered against 
 them which have never been fulfilled. Remember that not 
 until 1824 could these unions exist openly, and that not until 
 1871 did they have a fully legalized and corporate existence in 
 England, while in this country they have never been adequately 
 organized, protected, and regulated by law. Remember that the 
 majority of those who composed these unions were men igno- 
 rant by necessity, suspicious as hunted animals are suspicious, 
 distrustful of advice because so often deceived by advice, with 
 many violent and vicious men among them. And then with 
 all the facts in mind ask yourself whether it is wonderful that 
 there have been mistakes, mischiefs, crimes, much folly in 
 
 * Bogers's " Work and Wages," p. 5G5.
 
 LABOR-UNIONS A SOCIAL BENEFIT. H7 
 
 principle, and much wrong in fact. Is it not rather the won- 
 der that there have not been many more of these characteris- 
 tics which arouse our complaints ? There have been unwise 
 restrictions, tyrannical regulations, vast aggressions, and hin- 
 drances to intelligent labor and to best production. Yes ! But 
 these are incidental. Many of the petty tyrannies, which are 
 quoted even now as characteristics of trades-unionism, belong 
 to the past. They have been outgrown. Many others will be 
 outgrown. The workingmen, in spite of all the blunders that 
 have been made, ought to be proud of their organized history. 
 I, as a man, sharing their common humanity am proud of 
 their history on their behalf. Notwithstanding the disadvan- 
 tages and the dangers of these institutions, I agree with the 
 conclusion of Mr. Rogers : "I confess to having at one time 
 viewed them suspiciously ; but a long study of the history of 
 labor has convinced me that they are not only the best friends 
 of the workman, but the best agency for the employer and the 
 public, and that to the extension of these associations political 
 economists and statesmen must look for the solution of some 
 of the most pressing and the most difficult problems of our 
 own time.' 1 * 
 
 The general public, as a rule, knows these labor unions 
 only by the more violent and aggressive incidents of their 
 history. But the general public knows little, and seems to 
 care less, for the quiet, steady, beneficent influences which 
 thase unions are exerting upon workingmen. Assistance in 
 sickness and misfortune ; practical sympathy in affliction ; the 
 growing sense of mutual dependence, which begets mutual 
 affection ; the influence of a strict, even if sometimes an op- 
 pressive and too exacting discipline, which trains in the virtues 
 of order and of obedience to law ; the education of the mind, 
 and the enlargement of the intelligence, by the struggle to- 
 ward organization, by the discussion of economic facts and 
 principles, and by the diffusion of industrial information 
 
 * " Work and Wages," p. 528. " Mr. F. A. Lange, the historian of ma- 
 terialism, who wrote on labor questions with a strong socialist leaning, said 
 to Brentano that his account of English trades-unions had entirely convcrtc-d 
 him from a V*lief that a socialistic experiment was necessary." " Tnidc.s- 
 UnionLsm in England," art. vii, " The Providence Journal," March 11, 1886.
 
 118 STUDIES IX MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 these things have characterized the history of labor unions, 
 and will characterize them more in the future. " I believe," 
 said Mr. Thornton, speaking of English unions, "I believe 
 that while hitherto, protection against material evil, and 
 acquisition of material good, have been their chief care, 
 higher objects are beginning to claim their attention, and 
 intellectual and moral improvement are coming in for a share 
 of solicitude." Mr. Thornton also tells us that in the lodges 
 of London bricklayers, drunkenness and swearing are ex- 
 prassly interdicted, and under the auspices of the Amalga- 
 mated Carpenters, industrial schools are being established. 
 "These, "he says, "are straws on the surface, showing how 
 the current of unionist opinion is flowing." * 
 
 Take, in illustration of the aims and methods of labor 
 unions, the wide-spread organization known as the "Knights of 
 Labor. As has been said, this body, though now international, 
 is of American origin. The first article of its preamble tells 
 us that it aims "to bring within the folds of organization 
 every department of productive industry, making knowledge 
 a standpoint for action, and industrial and moral worth, not 
 Avealth, the standard of individual and national greatness." 
 One could certainly forgive more errors in principle, and more 
 blunders in action, than there is need to forgive, for the sake 
 of this crystal foundation-stone, enunciating clearly a princi- 
 ple so true, so noble, so Christian, so akin to the spirit of Him 
 who said : "For a man's life consisteth not in the abundance 
 of the things which he possesseth." I have studied carefully 
 the declaration of principles issued by these Knights of Labor, 
 and the constitution by which they are governed. They spend 
 time in every session of their local assemblies in the discussion 
 of economic problems. Whenever the discussion arouses bad 
 temper, the presiding officer is obliged to dissolve the assem- 
 bly. It is hoped that they study good masters in economics ; 
 that they do not accept without searching inquiry many so- 
 called economic facts which make up much of their current 
 literature, and that their example as to economic studies, and 
 good temper in economic discipline, will be largely imitated 
 
 * " On Labor." By William Thomas Thornton. London : Macmillan & 
 Co., 1870, p. 356.
 
 PRINCIPLES OF THE KNIGHTS OF LABOR. 119 
 
 by the general public. From a few of their principles I am 
 obliged to dissent. I do not believe in what are known as 
 "Greenback "or " Fiat Money " theories of national finance. 
 
 These men and women ask that bureaus of labor statistics 
 be established. They seek by their own action the establish- 
 ment of co-operative institutions, productive and distributive. 
 They ask for the reservation of public lands for actual settlers, 
 with not another acre for railroads and speculators. They 
 seek the abrogation of all laws that do not bear equally upon 
 capital and labor ; and for removal of unjust technicalities 
 and delays and discriminations in the administration of jus- 
 tice ; * and for the adoption of measures for the health and 
 safety of workmen. They ask for weekly pay of wages in 
 lawful money, and not in truck or orders or promises ; and 
 for first liens on their own work for their full wages. They 
 ask for the abolition of the system of prison contracts and of 
 contracts on national, State, and municipal work. They ask 
 for the prohibition in mines, workshops, and factories, of the 
 labor of all children under fourteen years of age. They ask 
 for both sexes equal pay for equal work, and the reduction of 
 hours of labor, f Who can rightly gainsay the fact that these 
 demands are founded on private and social justice and on eco- 
 nomic common sense ? And when these workingmen further 
 and chiefly ask that to the toilers may be secured a proper 
 share of the wealth they help to create, \ certainly few honest 
 
 * " Help, master, help ! Here's a fish hangs in the net, like a poor man's 
 rights in the law ; 'twill hardly come out." Shakespeare, "Pericles," Act ii, 
 scene i. 
 
 t Paraphrased from Constitution of the General Assembly, etc., of the 
 Order of the Knights of Labor of America. Preamble, pp. 2-4. See also, Re- 
 port of Senate Committee on Labor, vol. i, p. 2. 
 
 Article, " Shall the Eight-Hour System bo Adopted?" George Gunton, 
 " The Forum," vol. i, April, 1886, pp. 136-148. 
 
 t The phrase " help to create" is not the one the workingman uses. Ho 
 says " create." Herein is a fallacy. Mr. Rogers has not escaped it, when ho 
 speaks of workingmen as earning all English wealth. A witness before the 
 Senate Committee on Labor did not escape it, when he said that the workmen 
 who created the wealth received little, while the idler secured almost all. Or- 
 dinary labor-discussions do not escape this fallacy. Technical " labor " is not 
 the sole creator of wealth. It is the workman's claim to a more just share of
 
 120 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 and fair-minded people will be found who will fail to discern 
 the strict justice of this claim, or will withhold their own ur- 
 gent insistence that a demand so reasonable shall meet with 
 equally reasonable regard and compliance. 
 
 But here comes an objector who tells us of intimidation, of 
 refusals to work with non-union men, of actual outrage and 
 violence. He will point us to Chinese massacres, to St. Louis 
 street-car dynamiters, to Hocking Valley and Pine Run riot- 
 ers. But corporations themselves have sometimes fomented 
 violence.* And then, alas! not all the virtues are found in 
 every workman. Some are ignorant, some are vicious, some 
 are brutal. The Chinese massacres were a blot on civilization 
 and a lasting shame, for the lack of fairness and manliness, to 
 all who participated in or encouraged them. But these out- 
 breaks are not the genuine spirit of organized labor ; they are 
 a total contradiction of that spirit. The Knights of Labor 
 reprobated the action of the members of their order in St. Louis. 
 They withdrew from the California Convention that had re- 
 solved on the banishment of the Chinese, f It is not fair to 
 judge the cause of labor by the excesses of some of its advo- 
 cates, any more than it is fair to judge that capitalists are op- 
 pressors and robbers, because some capitalists are tyrants and 
 thieves. Violence and oppression are to be condemned on 
 their own demerits. And the true spirit of labor condemns 
 them. 
 
 Mr. Ho well, a chief official of English trades-unions, may 
 well speak for his cause in words to which every workman ought 
 to give good heed, as to a guide to his own temper and con- 
 duct, and to which every employer ought to give fair hearing, 
 as to an official expression of the spirit of organized labor. 
 Says Mr. Howell : "That some of the aims of trades-unions, in 
 days gone by, were fully entitled to be called ' in restraint of 
 
 the total product, to whose value his labor has so largely contributed, that is 
 here indorsed. See above, chapter vi, pp. 73-78. 
 
 * Violence on the part of workmen or "looters" is sometimes incited 
 in the interest of stock-jobbing. See article, " Camden and Amboy Trans- 
 portation Company," "North American Review," 1867. 
 
 t They believe that the Chinese coolies " must go," and that no more ou^'ht 
 to come " under contract." But the clear heads and honest hearts among 
 them do not believe in violence.
 
 TRUE LABOR-UNIONISM NOT TYRANNY. 
 
 trade, ' can not be denied ; that there is a remnant of the old 
 spirit left in some unions can not be gainsaid ; but in general 
 the description does not now apply." " Those who denounce 
 injustice in others must be careful not to incur a like con- 
 demnation by their own departure from the principles of 
 equity." "Workmen must learn this salutary lesson, that no 
 man has a right to interfere with the freedom of another. 
 The man who attempts to do so commits a blunder greater 
 than he can estimate, as well as violates a law which it is to 
 the interest and duty of all to observe." "Personal inter- 
 ference with non-union workmen, by threats, obstructions, or 
 by any other coercive means, is manifestly unlawful and un- 
 justifiable. ... It is contrary alike to common sense and to 
 sound policy. ... It becomes an intolerable piece of tyranny 
 in those who clamor for just and equal law." "The refusal to 
 work with a non-unionist workman is one of the rocks of 
 trades-unions ; the practice can not be defended, either on so- 
 cial or political grounds, and the sooner it is altogether aban- 
 doned the better." " The more complete and compact the or- 
 ganization of labor, the more effectual is its discipline . . . 
 and the more will it exert an influence over the wildest and 
 most violent of its members, and repress, with an authority they 
 can not resist, any tendency toward lawlessness and revolt."* 
 Our objector will tell us of strikes. Strikes are declarations 
 of economic war, sometimes foolish, sometimes criminal, al- 
 ways costly, but not always inexpedient or unjust. Strikes 
 are economic war. They are a special application of the law 
 of supply and demand. They are monopolies, corners in the 
 wholesale labor market. Yet they may sometimes be neces- 
 sary. But well-organized labor has doubtless prevented more 
 strikes than it has caused. Workmen are coming to know the 
 economic limits of their power. The best trades-unions depre- 
 cate strikes. The Knights of Labor deprecate them. Says 
 Mr. Powderly, the Master Workman : "A strike is the weapon 
 of force, and ' who overcomes by force hath overcome but half 
 his foe.' I fail to see any lasting good in strikes."! 
 
 * George Howell, " Conflicts of Labor and Capital," pp. 320, 321, 341, 349, 
 366, etc. 
 
 t " N. A. Rev.," vol. 135, p. 123. Concerning the great .strikes on Western 
 6
 
 122 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 Our objector will tell us of the " boycott." Yes, " the boy- 
 cott " is here, the latest form of strike, the most terrible weap- 
 on of social warfare within the limits of law, if, indeed, it is 
 always within the limits of law. I do not believe in the boy- 
 cott. I can not find for it even the justification of necessity. 
 It violates a recognized principle of all warfare, the neutrality 
 of non-combatants. It compels an entire community to par- 
 ticipate in a conflict to which they are not parties. To fol- 
 low boycotted goods for a thousand miles, and say to men, you 
 shall not buy these at your peril, is unlawful interference with 
 the freedom of trade. It is paralysis of industry. It is putting 
 the grindstone against the wrong noses. It is a social terror. 
 It tends to alienate and to blind to real grievance that moral 
 public opinion which labor needs if it would peacefully secure 
 its legitimate claims.* 
 
 and Southwestern railroads, Mr. Powderly says: "If many of the men who 
 are striking would display a little more common sense and use a little more 
 patience, they would get all they are striking for and save their time and 
 money in the bargain. If they would exercise proper moderation in their nego- 
 tiations with employers and submit their claims, firmly made and properly 
 represented, to arbitration, I am free to say that I am sure that nine out often 
 cases which end in a strike could be as satisfactorily arranged without resort- 
 ing to such an extreme and generally doubtful expedient. Indeed, in the nine 
 cases there would be no necessity for a strike." From " The Providence 
 Journal," March 11, 1886. " Mr. Arthur, Chief of the Brotherhood of Loco- 
 motive Engineers, said in a recent interview : ' Our order is opposed to strikes. 
 "We believe that arbitration and peaceful methods will accomplish all that can 
 be asked if our cause is a just and right one. The strike is the last and des- 
 perate resort.' " "Providence Journal," March 20, 1886. 
 
 * The " boycott" is not a modern invention. In its present form it was 
 suggested by an American, and first carried into effect, in Ireland, against Cap- 
 tain Boycott from whom it takes its name. But it is an old method. The 
 ban of the Jews against lepers, the excommunication, bans against heretics 
 pronounced by the synagogues and the Church, the "tea-fight" of the Ameri- 
 can colonists, the " black lists" of manufacturers against workmen, were all, 
 in spirit, boycotts. In justification of the method the advocates of the boycott 
 affirm : That in a social conflict there can be no such thing as a non-combat- 
 ant. All are parties to the question at issue. They who patronize an op- 
 pressor of labor by the purchase of his goods are furnishing him with the sm- 
 ews of war. The boycott is often the only method of educating the commu- 
 nity as to the necessity for arbitration as the true means of preventing strikes. 
 In a contest where power of wealth and influence is all on one side, and only 
 power of numbers on the other, some strong weapon must be seized by those
 
 DUTY OF EMPLOYERS. 123 
 
 Here, then, is this great force. What will you do with it ? 
 This is a question for business men to answer. Your own wel- 
 fare, the welfare of workmen, the welfare of society, are in- 
 volved in the answer. These questions are imminent ques- 
 tions. You must answer them wisely, or anarchy impends. 
 You may refuse to answer. You may say, This is none of our 
 business. You may resent, as a supreme impertinence, the 
 existence of these organizations. You may assail them with 
 sophistries or with lock-outs. But you only make workmen 
 believe more firmly in the worth of organization. You em- 
 bitter them. Of course, if this method is politic, humane, 
 Christian, you had better pursue it. But surely this method 
 is not humane. It is not Christian. There is a far nobler and 
 safer way. 
 
 Business men ! These workingmen are, before the eye of 
 God, your equals as to human right. As American citizens, 
 most of them are your political peers. In the large partner- 
 ship of industrial production, they are in a real sense your col : 
 leagues. You lose no dignity and no possible advantage by 
 dealing with them as equals and colleagues. You can not 
 afford to deal with them in any other way. Counsel with 
 them. Set before them in fullest manner, without conceal- 
 ment, your side of the case. Listen patiently and respectfully 
 to their side. Put yourselves in their places. Be fair and 
 frank with them. Most mischiefs come from misunderstand- 
 ing. The men of the plate-glass industry never strike, because 
 their employers keep them always informed of the conditions 
 of the trade. If you and your men fail to agree, then arbi- 
 trate. 
 
 whoso strength is only in their numbers and in the righteousness of their 
 cause. The tendency and the design of the boycott is to end boycotts and strikes 
 by putting arbitration in their place. Even in the face of such an apparently 
 reasonable plea, I can not modify my strictures. The boycott is a sword that 
 cuts both ways. It allows the aggrieved party to be judge, jury, prosecuting 
 attorney, executioner, all in one, and calls upon a whole community to indorse 
 the verdict, and participate in the execution. It is often as unjust and op- 
 pressive toward workingrnen as it is toward employers. It is a weapon whereby 
 workmen and unions may be used as tools by employers or corporations for 
 the damage or destruction of a rival. It is a right only as revolution is a right. 
 For it is revolution, not evolution.
 
 124: STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 The leading trades-unions seek arbitration as a remedy for 
 strikes. The Knights of Labor proclaim arbitration arbitra- 
 tion to avoid a strike, arbitration to end it as a cardinal doc- 
 trine of their creed. All honor to the horny hands that thus 
 stretch out the olive-branch, and that have flung forth into 
 the smoke of war the white banner of the "Truce of God " ! 
 
 Arbitrate ? Not I. My business is my own ; I will man- 
 age it in my own way, and will brook no interference. True 
 enough, your business is your own, but not wholly to manage 
 as you please. You can not become a public nuisance without 
 becoming an object of public concern. Every business man is 
 a public servant. And when a public servant, by obstinacy 
 or inordinate pride, refuses a fair method of avoiding a dis- 
 turbance of industrial peace, society may have somewhat to 
 say unto that servant. Sirs, if you, employing partners, can 
 not agree with your employed partners, or they will not agree 
 with you, then voluntarily, or by methods established by law, 
 arbitrate. For arbitrate you must, since, somehow, society 
 must have peace. War is barbarous. Arbitration is civilized 
 and humane. War is likely to become devilish. Arbitration 
 is Christian. 
 
 I have confidence in the fair-mindedness and good inten- 
 tion and kindly spirit of the average employer. I have confi- 
 dence in the fair-mindedness of the average workman. I be- 
 lieve that what Mr. Rogers says of the English workman is 
 largely true of our own : "He has never dreamed of making 
 war upon capital and capitalists. In his most combative tem- 
 per he has simply desired to come to terms with capital, and 
 to gain a benefit by the harmonious working of a binding 
 treaty between himself and his employer."* 
 
 The history of industrial conciliation and arbitration in 
 France, where the legal system was established in 1806 by Na- 
 poleon I, and of the voluntary system introduced into Eng- 
 land in 1860 by Rupert Kettle and A. P. Mundella, and which 
 for many industrial localities has abolished strikes, are histo- 
 ries which every American ought to study, and which all in- 
 dustrial forces ought to reproduce, t Why may not the day 
 
 * Eogers's " Work and Wages," p. 491. 
 
 t Art. " Industrial Arbitration and Conciliation." By Joseph D. Weeks,
 
 APPEAL TO KNIGHTS OF LABOR. 125 
 
 come when honest business men and intelligent workingmen 
 shall know the needs and the burdens that becloud each other's 
 lives, shall have the light of each other's experience, and shall 
 stand shoulder to shoulder in their productive tasks, warring 
 in joint array against the robber classes who hamper the pros- 
 perity of the one, and against the ignorance and fanaticism 
 that injure the thrift and the welfare of the other ? Ye cap- 
 tains of industry ! For wise policy's sake, for fair profit's 
 sake, for the sake of humanity and social order, for His sake 
 whose gracious rule brings peace, let arbitration take the place 
 of strife and end it. 
 
 In closing this chapter, it may not be amiss if I address a 
 few sentences to any Knights of Labor who may read these 
 pages. I have given such emphatic indorsement to the gen- 
 eral conservatism of the spirit, and to the moral and economic 
 fairness of most of the specific aims of your order, that I am 
 sure you will not take unkindly a few words of caution. You 
 may have among you men whose views are very radical and 
 possibly absurd. Such people are found in every social class. 
 Leaflets have gone into my scrap-basket, written by those who 
 claim to represent you men whose stock of economic philos- 
 ophy consists of a few half-truths, a few real facts, and a host 
 of things quite otherwise than real and true. Let your intelli- 
 gence refuse to be guided and let your passions become incapa- 
 ble of arousal by such would-be leaders. They are Will-o'-the 
 wisps, that will beguile you into marshes ; not true lights that 
 will point you to safe harbor. Do not misuse your power. 
 You are a power a vast power for good or for ill. Ill to so- 
 ciety, from you, means inevitable ill to yourselves. Men in 
 masses do strange things sometimes. All power is a tempta- 
 tion to tyranny. But no tyranny in others can justify tyran- 
 ny in you. "It is noble to have a giant's strength, but it is 
 brutal to use it like a giant." Do not count all capitalists 
 knaves, nor all employers oppressors. Study true economic 
 
 "Lalor'sCycl.," vol. ii, p. 503. Toynbee's " Industrial Revolution, etc.," 
 p. 198. "Industrial Conciliation and Arbitration." By Carroll D. Wright. 
 Boston: Rand, Avery & Co., 1881. "Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics of 
 Labor," 1881, pp. 1-75. " Corporations, Employe's, and the Public," " N. A. 
 Rev.," vol. cxl, pp. 101-119.
 
 126 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 principles and all current economic conditions, that you may 
 know whether your demands are rational, possible, or just. 
 Regard other men's rights and your duties, as well as other 
 men's duties and your rights. Do not waste much time in 
 moping over the wrongs you may suffer. Put them on record ; 
 summarize them in statistics ; let society know them. Be sure 
 society will at last judge them rightly. But do not make your 
 assemblies hospitals for the exposure of running sores. And 
 remember that a wise physician will never let a patient feel 
 too often of his own pulse. 
 
 You call yourselves Knights ; a noble name. You know 
 its meaning servants ; servants of labor ; servants of a social 
 weal through labor. Your name embodies a Christian prin- 
 ciple ; for by true service all worthy greatness is attained, and 
 all best power is wielded by humility. One, the Christ, is 
 Lord of all, because He became servant of all. Be His serv- 
 ants, His knights. Maintain all knightly honor in the fur- 
 therance of your common aims. Knighthood should be in- 
 telligent, honest, open, fair. It should war against ignorance, 
 untruth, malice. It should set itself against sloth, slander, 
 foul talk, unclean thought, unchaste action. It should put its 
 lance in rest against shabby, scamp and incompetent work, 
 and against poor and false materials, and against whatever 
 tarnishes the honor of labor, whether done by employers or 
 fellow-workmen. May God give you for your personal war- 
 fare as men and women, and for your organized conflict 
 against every real wrong, the panoply of a very divine right- 
 eousness. As Joseph Arch, President of the English Agricult- 
 ural Labor Union, said to his comrades, so I say to you : " Let 
 peace and moderation mark all your meetings. Let courtesy, 
 fairness and firmness characterize your demands. Be united 
 and you will be strong. Be temperate and you will be re- 
 spected."
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 INDUSTRIAL CO-OPERATION. 
 
 " As the power of self-existence in Nature includes all other attributes, so 
 self-help in the people includes all the conditions of progress. Co-operation 
 is organized self-help that is what the complexion of the future will be." 
 George Jacob Holyoake. 
 
 THE mystery of the incarnation of Jesus, regarded as of 
 divine purpose, is a purpose of infinite scope and eternal reach ; 
 regarded as a fact in human history, it is a fact of wide and 
 various meanings. And surely in the purpose and amid the 
 meanings we may clearly discern this purpose and meaning, 
 that God became man in Jesus Christ that men might know 
 the worth of personal manhood and the value of human 
 brotherhood. It was the whole race of men, yet the separate 
 souls of men as men, that God so loved that He gave His Son. 
 Poverty was the outward condition of Christ's human life, yet 
 in His veins flowed the blood of kings. He sat at rich men's 
 tables, yet His proud hosts knew that it was not because they 
 were rich, but because they were men, that He sought their 
 company. He entered poor men's homes, but every poor man 
 knew that Christ's honor was paid not to his poverty but to 
 his manhood. 
 
 Since Jesus Christ brought God to man that He might lift 
 up men to God, the greatest thing in all the world is man 
 man without accidents of ignorance, or knowledge of poverty 
 or riches a man, as a man. But this manhood never finds 
 its highest meaning in isolation, whether of solitariness or 
 of selfishness. True individualism needs, for its complete- 
 ness, social action ; even as the best social progress demands 
 unhampered individualism. The law of love which Christ 
 taught and illustrated Is law disobeyed, unless the fact of per-
 
 128 STUDIES IN MODERX SOCIALISM. 
 
 sonal manhood is correlated and completed by the fact of 
 social brotherhood. 
 
 In the midst of an industrial war, when organization is 
 not only the right but the necessity and the duty of both par- 
 ties to the conflict, may not the very fact of organization be 
 invoked to teach these contending factions the lesson of 
 peace ? Certainly we can not regard with complacency the 
 division of the industrial forces into the two watchful and 
 warring camps, of capitalist and workmen, as a permanent 
 condition. Even arbitration, far better than actual war, is at 
 best only a truce, not a peace. While the force of capital is 
 largely in one set of hands and the force of labor in another 
 set of hands, there will be no permanent peace. These inter- 
 ests must somehow become common, not only as ideal eco- 
 nomic truths, but as actual economic condition. The fair lass 
 of the white rose House of York Capital must somehow 
 give herself in marriage to the sturdy lad of the red rose House 
 of Lancaster Labor. Then the civil feud that drains the best 
 blood of both will end. How the laborer may become a capi- 
 talist is the problem now before us. 
 
 While great wealth in some hands is not of itself a social 
 ill, but is, on the whole, a social good, yet a wider distribution 
 of wealth, more of it in many hands, is an acknowledged and 
 an imperative social necessity.* How shall this necessity be 
 met? 
 
 All forms of socialism and communism have their answers 
 for this question. But these answers we have seen to be, in 
 their essence, a reversal of the tides of history. If there are 
 those who choose to waste time with the communist in dream- 
 ing of a day when the vast wealth of this nation will be 
 equally divided among the entire population, let them con- 
 tinue to dream their dreams. Meanwhile practical people, 
 who honestly object to every sort of robbery, but who are not 
 content with existing conditions, are striving after some more 
 moral, more Christian, more adequate solution. One at- 
 tempted solution is known as co-operation. 
 
 * " Free institutions run continual risk of shipwreck when power is the 
 possession of the many, but property from whatever cause the enjoyment 
 of the few." Rae's " Contemporary Socialism," p. 27.
 
 THE CO-OPERATIVE PRINCIPLE. 129 
 
 Co-operation is working together. The members of the 
 physical body are co-operant factors in the body's weal. Co- 
 operation is one of the laws of things. Without it nature 
 would be not a cosmos, a beautiful order, but a chaos, a repul- 
 sive disorder. Without it there could be no Church, no State, 
 no society, no industry. Division of labor more and more 
 minute demands co-operation in labor more and more com- 
 plete. The whole trend of modern production is toward some 
 form of co-operation. Private enterprise is becoming asso- 
 ciated enterprise. 
 
 Corporation and co-operation have diff erent roots, but com- 
 mon meanings. Corporation means a body. But a body is 
 made up of members co-operating. Mills, factories, railroads, 
 telegraphs are built, owned, managed by corporations. Small 
 streams of capital flow together into one large stream of capi- 
 tal, and the wheels of vast industries revolve. Although the 
 combination of large or small capitalists in a corporation is a 
 true co-operative enterprise, yet it is a union of workingmen, 
 not capitalists, in an endeavor to become, in a sense, capital- 
 ists, to which the word co-operation is technically applied.* 
 There is a form of co-operation known as profit-sharing, where 
 the employer takes the initiative in an endeavor after a wider 
 distribution of products, which will be treated in the follow- 
 ing chapter. For the present, we consider only that form of 
 co-operation, where the joint industry is the result of the 
 efforts, the sacrifices, the management of workingmen. 
 
 Co-operation, as an economic principle, is 'the union of 
 workingmen for the production and distribution of wealth. 
 When consistent with its own principle, it leaves out of the dis- 
 tribution nobody who helps in the production. Its eulogist 
 and historian says of it : "It touches no man's fortune ; it 
 seeks no plunder ; it gives no trouble to statesmen ; it contem- 
 plates no violence ; it subverts no order ; it envies no dignity ; 
 it accepts no gift nor asks any favor ; it keeps no terms with 
 the idle, and will break no faith with the industrious. It is 
 neither mendicant, servile, nor offensive ; it has its hand in 
 
 * " Capital, the hitherto unmanageable mother of progress, co-operation pro- 
 poses to acquire for itself and to control its uses by equity." George J. Holy- 
 oake, article " State Socialism," " Nineteenth Century," June, 1879, p. 1119.
 
 130 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 no man's pocket, and does not mean that any hands shall re- 
 main long or comfortably in its own. It means self-help, self- 
 dependence, and such share of the common competence as 
 labor can earn, or thought can win. And this it intends to 
 have, but by means which shall leave every other person an 
 equal share of the same good." * As a principle, co-operation 
 is quite distinct from Socialism or Communism. Says a writer 
 in the "Encyclopaedia Britannica": "It takes its departure 
 from Communism at a very definite and significant point. 
 While the latter would extinguish the motive of individual 
 gain and possession in the sentiment of universal happiness 
 or good, and remodel all the existing rights, laws, and ar- 
 rangements of society on a basis deemed consonant to this end, 
 co-operation seeks, in consistency with the fundamental insti- 
 tutes of society as hitherto developed, to ameliorate the social 
 condition by a concurrence of an increasing number of asso- 
 ciates in a common interest." t 
 
 True co-operation has no thought of stealing capital from 
 those who have amassed it. Rather, by employment of co-op- 
 erative economy it seeks to save, or by entering into indus- 
 trial partnership it strives to earn its own capital. The co-op- 
 erative principle had been known and practically illustrated 
 before Robert Owen, capitalist, manufacturer, philanthropist, 
 had, in 1821, issued his "Economist" newspaper. The lead- 
 miners of Cornwall, the British whalemen, the American 
 China traders, the Greek merchant sailors of the Mediterra- 
 nean, had all been practically co-operators. But it was Owen 
 who, in the first issue of the "Economist," introduced the 
 term into industrial literature. 
 
 Owen's theory of co-operation was really a form of com- 
 munism. He showed his faith in it by expending a large 
 fortune in its promotion, and by establishing at New Lanark 
 in Scotland, and at New Harmony in America, communities 
 which he hoped would be models for the imitation of the 
 world. With all Owen's fallacies of principle, he accom- 
 
 * " The History of Co-operation in England," by George Jacob Holyoake. 
 London : Trubner & Co., 1875, vol. i, p. 6. 
 
 t R. Somers, article " Co-operation," " Encyclopaedia Britannica," ninth 
 edition, vol. vi, p. 301, a.
 
 PIONEERS OF CO-OPERATION. 131 
 
 plished a great work for social weal. He was the founder of 
 the English primary-school system. He was the first to short- 
 en hours of labor, and was a zealous advocate of factory legis- 
 lation. He was the real author of the co-operative movement. 
 For more than twenty years, the history of co-operation in 
 England was a history of experiments ending only in disaster. 
 The communistic element in the principle prevented it from 
 making much headway against practical English common 
 sense. There was great enthusiasm. The land was flooded 
 with pamphlets and periodicals. Orators were everywhere 
 discoursing. Societies were everywhere organized. But no 
 practical results followed. The principle must work itself 
 clear of its incumbrances.* 
 
 At length, in Rochdale, in 1844, a new experiment was 
 tried. The story of the Rochdale pioneers is a hackneyed one. 
 Everybody who has taken the slightest glance at the literature 
 of co-operation is familiar with it. Yet it is a story that can 
 
 * These experimental movements, and especially the missionary and edu- 
 cational work done by co-operators, had a large share in securing the final re- 
 sult. In 1829, twenty-five workmen began a night-school in two small rooms 
 in Salford, Manchester. They kept school on Sunday also. Visitors came 
 from far and near. Botany, chemistry, mechanics, drawing, were taught. 
 Co-operation was preached. Opposition was excited. The clergy charged the 
 movement with atheistic tendencies. In 1830, the " Manchester Times " said : 
 " The people who favor these reforms are a set of visionary fools, and have not 
 their equals in either ancient or modern history. Who ever conceived the idea 
 of public parks, of public free libraries for factory-people, of shorter hours of 
 labor, of museums for the people? Why, it is absurd! " The small rooms 
 were outgrown. A large hall was offered by one of the members, and fitted 
 up as class-rooms, lecture-hall, and kitchen. The lecture-hall would seat one 
 thousand people. A missionary corps was organized, after the style of the 
 Methodists. In 1835, a new hall was built, seating two thousand. This was 
 crowded on Sundays. Missionaries pushed out to surrounding towns. Among 
 other places regularly visited was Rochdale. Rochdale workmen began to at- 
 tend the school at Manchester. Six weavers determined to try co-operation. 
 They contributed four cents a week until they had saved five dollars. Tea 
 and oatmeal were purchased in Manchester and distributed in the room of one 
 of the weavers. The net profit was sixty cents. The Toad Lane experiment 
 soon followed. 
 
 These facts were communicated to mo by Mr. John W. Ashton, one of the 
 first workers in the Salford school in 1829. Mr. Ashton afterward gave the 
 facts to a reporter for " The People," of Providence, R. I., and they were pub- 
 lished in the issues of that journal, January 2 and January 9, 1886.
 
 132 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 not be told too often. Twenty-eight journeymen, most of them 
 flannel- weavers, subscribe two or three pence a week until at 
 last each man has 1 of paid-up stock, the total shares amount- 
 ing to 28. Some sacks of flour, one of oatmeal, a hundred- 
 weight of sugar, and a firkin of butter are bought. A store 
 is hired in one of the by-streets of the town. The co-operators 
 are ready for business. They assemble in their little shop, 
 ashamed to open it. At last one man has the courage to take 
 the shutters down. All Toad Lane rings with shouts of de- 
 rision. This Toad Lane rabble had not read history. No man 
 who reads history, no man whose heart bends with reverence 
 over the manger at Bethlehem, where God's Christ is cradled 
 in poverty and lowliness, will despise the day of small things. 
 These Rochdale weavers had made a discovery in economic 
 principle. They had discovered that if capital, management, 
 and hand-labor are the factors in wealth produced, desire for 
 an object in the mind of a purchaser is an element in such a 
 distribution of wealth, that the distribution makes possible 
 further production. They had discovered that wealth needs 
 purchasers as well as producers in order to make it wealth, 
 and that the customer, as well as the maker and the trades- 
 man, is himself a producer of wealth. And so these Eochdale 
 men said : Our customers, whether shareholders or not, help 
 to make our profits. They shall have a part of the profits. 
 We will sell at market rates. Out of our profits we will give 
 to capital its portion ; we will set aside part for a reserve fund 
 and part for an educational fund ; the remainder we will di- 
 vide either in stock or in cash among our customers. It was a 
 new thing under the sun. It taught men the value of savings. 
 It made savings possible. It secured savings without the spe- 
 cial effort of saving. The ridicule soon ceased. When, after 
 twenty years, a new central store had been erected, with gro- 
 cery and butcher's and draper's shop and general store, with 
 news-room and library ; when the membership had increased 
 to 4,747 and the capital to 62,105, and the annual sales to 
 174,937 and the annual profits to 22,717, it was the turn of 
 the co-operators to laugh.* 
 
 *Holyoake's "Hist, of Co-op.," vol. ii, pp. 44-66. Thornton on "La- 
 bor," pp. 399-401.
 
 SPREAD OF CO-OPERATIVE ENTERPRISES. 133 
 
 The success of the Rochdale experiment speedily produced 
 imitators all over the kingdom ; associations were formed, and 
 a wholesale society was organized. In 1883 the whole number 
 of societies in the United Kingdom was 1,304, with a member- 
 ship of 680,165. From 1862 to 1883 the total sales amounted 
 to 303,326,024. The total net profits, which represented capital 
 saved to the members by this mode of trading, amounted to 24,- 
 084,113. In 1883 these societies had over 4,000,000 invested 
 in provident societies and other sources than trade, and in that 
 year devoted over 14,000 of profits to educational purposes. 
 
 It will be evident to all who study the history and methods 
 of these associations that they are not industrial societies, and 
 that they are not in the strict sense co-operative. They are 
 distributers, not producers. Their only co-operative feature 
 is that customers share in the profits. The Scottish Wholesale 
 Society, and some local societies, admit employes, not share- 
 holders, to a participation in the profits. This is true co-op- 
 eration. But the application of this feature is limited in ex- 
 tent. And yet these stores are a natural outgrowth of the 
 co-operative principle. They are the foundation on which co- 
 operative production must build. They furnish the capital 
 and the special training necessary to industrial enterprise. 
 They are the harbingers of a wider and more perfect applica- 
 tion of the principle. 
 
 Early in the history of the Rochdale Pioneers, various 
 forms of productive industry were found to be needful and 
 practicable as investments for surplus capital and as sources 
 of supply for the store. In 1883 there were thirty-four pro- 
 ductive societies, composed of workingmen, in England, Scot- 
 land, and Wales. 
 
 On the Continent, co-operation has also borne fruit. In 
 Germany it has taken chiefly the form of people's banks ; 
 though there are numerous agricultural societies, societies fqr 
 the sale of raw material to workmen, and depots for the sale 
 of the goods produced by the members. In France there are 
 large establishments controlled by workmen, chiefly in Paris, 
 where seventy societies for co-operative industry exist. Simi- 
 lar associations both for distribution and production are found 
 in Austria-Hungary, Denmark, Sweden, Switzerland, Italy, 
 the Netherlands, and Australia.
 
 134: STUDIES IX MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 Co-operation in the United States has had too brief a his- 
 tory to furnish us with many reliable statistics. Many labor 
 organizations, as the Sovereigns of Industry, the Patrons of 
 Husbandry, and the Knights of Labor, proclaim co-operation 
 as part of their creed, and have made some successful attempts 
 to put the creed into practice. In Texas a wholesale society 
 and about one hundred and fifty retail stores exist in connec- 
 tion with the Patrons of Husbandry. There are various pro- 
 ductive enterprises, especially among the printers. In Law- 
 rence, Mass., a distributive association began business Septem- 
 ber 15, 1884. At the close of its first fiscal year it had used an 
 average capital of $3,320, had turned over its capital eleven 
 times, made gross sales of over $38,000, expended nearly $4,000 
 in interest, salaries and other necessary expenses, and had 
 earned in net profts over $2,000, or nearly seventy-four per 
 cent on the capital.* 
 
 The success of co-operation, both distributive and produc- 
 tive, has been shown to be possible. There are many work- 
 ingmen who ridicule it. There are many economists who 
 have no faith in it. But Professor Fawcett did not hesitate to 
 write: "Co-operation may be more confidently relied upon 
 than any other economic agency to effect a marked and per- 
 manent improvement in the social and industrial condition of 
 the country." And that clear-headed statesman, Earl Derby, 
 said : "I believe it co-operation is tbe best, the surest rem- 
 edy for the antagonism of labor and capital, for it is not neces- 
 sary to successful co-operation that the capitalist should be 
 turned out of the concern. I am well aware, " he continued, 
 ' ' that such a state of things as I have pointed out can not be 
 brought about in a day. It is quite probable that there are 
 some trades, some kinds of business, where it can not be 
 
 * " Mass. Bureau of Statistics of Labor," 1877. " Manual of Distributive 
 Co-operation." Carroll D. "Wright. Boston, 1885. " Beport of Mass. Bu- 
 reau Statistics of Labor," 1886. "Report of Senate Com. on Labor," vol. i, 
 pp. 5, 33 ; vol. ii, p. 541. The most complete treatment yet given to the 
 history of co-operation in America including profit-sharing has been 
 given by Prof. E. T. Ely, in five articles in " The Congregationalism," Bos- 
 ton, Mass., from February 11 to March 11, 1886. Prof. Ely, in what he 
 calls " a rash guess," estimates the amount of business annually transacted by 
 distributive co-operators at $20,000,000.
 
 MORAL RESULTS OF CO-OPERATION. 135 
 
 brought about at all. But it seems to me that it is in this 
 direction that the efforts of the best workers and the ideas of 
 the best thinkers are tending ; and we are not to be disheart- 
 ened by a few failures, or disappointed because we do not at 
 once hit on the best way of doing what has never been done 
 before." 
 
 Co-operation has been beset with difficulties. It has com- 
 mitted grave errors. It has been subjected to many failures. 
 In the sphere of production it has scarcely stirred a ripple on 
 the great tidal waves of industry ; though in its efforts at dis- 
 tribution it has aroused many a wail loud and prolonged, and 
 many an appeal to Parliament from the British shopkeepers, 
 who have feared that their trade might be destroyed. But 
 the principle is sound at the core ; for it is a Christian princi- 
 ple, and is therefore destined to live and nourish. Already in 
 its history it has accomplished much for its promoters. It 
 has inculcated honesty ; for it has married interest and duty. 
 Mr. Holyoake's enthusiasm is warranted when he affirms : 
 "The whole atmosphere of a co-operative store is honest. In 
 that market there is no distrust and no deception, no adultera- 
 tion and no second prices. Buyer and seller meet as friends. 
 There is no overreaching on one side, and no suspicion on the 
 other. Those who serve neither hurry, finesse, nor flatter. 
 They have no interest in chicanery. Their sole duty is to give 
 fair measure, full weight, and pure quality to men who never 
 knew before what it was to have a wholesome meal, whose 
 shoes let in water a month too soon, whose waistcoats shone 
 with devil's dust and whose wives wore calico that would not 
 wash. When a child," adds Mr. Holyoake, " is sent to a shop, 
 it is usual, as children can be put off with anything, to caution 
 him to go to some particular man the one with gray whiskers 
 and black hair, for instance and to be sure and ask him for 
 the best butter. But in a store that is co-operative, all the men 
 have gray whiskers and black hair ; the child can not go to 
 the wrong man, and the best butter is sure to be given without 
 being asked for, because no bad is kept." * 
 
 Co-operation has incited to prudence, and rewarded the 
 
 Holyoake's " Self- Help." Quoted from Thornton on "Labor," pp. 
 407, 408.
 
 136 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 prudence to which it incites. It has cured poverty of its reck- 
 lessness. It has furnished motives for saving afforded the 
 opportunity and formed and cherished the habit. By return- 
 ing to the purchaser, in dividends, what other traders would 
 have retained in profits, it has made true the quaint Lanca- 
 shire paradox, "The more they eaten, the more they geten." 
 
 Co-operation has given to a just pride and a generous aspi- 
 ration the places once held by dullness and despair. It has 
 fostered cleanliness, sobriety, and self-respect. It has pro- 
 moted the Christian sentiment of peace and good-will. The 
 arbitrators appointed to settle internal difficulties have never 
 had a case brought before them, and are said to be somewhat 
 discontented because nobody has quarreled. 
 
 Co-operation has taught other than these strictly moral les- 
 sons. From the very difficulties which have surrounded it, 
 from the mistakes it has made, and from the failures which 
 have often accompanied its experiments, its advocates have 
 learned valuable truths of economic principle. The whole 
 history of co-operation has been an economic education to the 
 workingmen, who have been the actors in its modest but stir- 
 ring scenes. They have learned the necessity of the existence 
 of capital, as a force distinct from the labor that originally 
 produced it, and that whatever may be said against capital 
 when it overleaps its true functions and becomes a tyrant, 
 nothing is to be said against it, but all things in its favor, so 
 long as it is a useful servant. They have learned that capital, 
 as a distinct force, is like other servants worthy of its hire, 
 even though that hire be called interest. 
 
 Co-operators have learned, or many of them are learning, 
 that even when co-operative enterprises shall become general 
 they can not wholly abolish, though they may transform, the 
 principle of competition. For, in spite of the numberless and 
 shameful ways by which it has been abused, in spite of the 
 savage crush and the heartless grind by which it has been 
 often applied, competition is, so far as we know, a necessary 
 factor in social and industrial order. Most of the complaints 
 that have been made against competition have been due not to 
 competition, but to interference with its freedom.* Co-opera- 
 
 * " The masters tried to forbid the journeyman the freedom of his craft.
 
 ECONOMIC TEACHING OF CO-OPERATION. 137 
 
 tion and competition are the forces of true socialism, and true 
 individualism, not forces mutually destructive, but doing each 
 their best work when they work not apart, but together. No 
 divine wisdom has yet revealed, no human genius has yet dis- 
 covered a principle, other than competition, that will regulate 
 and organize and control the numberless elements of the eco- 
 nomic world, fixing just price for every product of brain and 
 hand. 
 
 Co-operators are learning, from their history, the neces- 
 sary uses and the commercial value of the organizing, man- 
 aging, employing talent. Co-operation is democracy applied 
 to labor. But like all democracy, its successful application 
 depends upon the moral habits and intelligence of the citizen, 
 and upon the joint wisdom displayed in the choice of admin- 
 istrators. Many co-operative schemes have failed for want of 
 management. You can no more carry on a business, than 
 you can carry on the State, by simply counting heads. Many 
 voices may determine what shall be done, and what man shall 
 be chosen to do it. But the man chosen to do the determined 
 thing, must be left unhindered by democratic dictation in his 
 methods of administration. This is a hard lesson for working- 
 men to learn but some of them are learning it. They are 
 learning, too, that the talent of successful management is one 
 of the rarest of all talents ; that it is a talent which involves 
 natural endowment and the prolonged discipline of experi- 
 ence. Mastership of endless details, capacity for small econo- 
 mies, prudence, firmness, quickness in emergency, courtesy, 
 consummate tact these qualities must all combine in the suc- 
 cessful manager. Many a workman, who angrily begrudged, 
 as a robbery of his own wages, the payment of $20,000 or 
 $50,000 as profits or salary to the competent manager or em- 
 ployer, on whose competency his own wages were dependent, 
 when he saw his shares in a co-operative society taking to them- 
 selves wings because of a failure to secure competent manage- 
 ment, has learned, as he could not otherwise have learned, to 
 
 Existing companies try to prevent the consumer from buying cheap the arti- 
 cles they sell dear. There never was a monopoly which was not to the advan- 
 tage of the strong and the detriment of the weak." Guyot's " Principles of 
 Social Economy," p. 232.
 
 138 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 appreciate and respect, and rightly measure the pecuniary 
 value of large administrative ability.* The future progress of 
 co-operative production will depend, in great part, on the abil- 
 ity of co-operators to apply this lesson, and either to find such 
 talent in their own ranks, and to compensate it adequately 
 when found, or to follow the example of capital and hire such 
 talent wherever they can find it. 
 
 The history of co-operation has given to those engaged in 
 it an increasing perception of the practical difficulties of all 
 business enterprise, and hence a sympathy for those who are 
 exclusively business men. Co-operators are learning that 
 amid the varied forces of the industrial world, the men who 
 seek to supply human need, and who must know the state of 
 markets, the varying cost of materials, the shifting currents 
 of trade, the influences of good or bad harvests, of changing 
 fashions, of new inventions, of increased or diminished taxa- 
 tion, of the counsels of cabinets, of the robberies inflicted 
 upon legitimate trade by the plottings of gambling specu- 
 lators co-operators know that such business men lie upon no 
 beds of roses and sleep no painless sleep of luxurious idleness. 
 They know that successful business activity, even in a modest 
 way, demands days full of busy work and nights made wake- 
 ful by anxious care. 
 
 The history of co-operation has taught co-operators the 
 need of a more thorough education for workingmen, educa- 
 tion of the hand, the head, the conscience, the heart ; educa- 
 tion that shall begin in earliest childhood, and not cease on 
 earth until the pulses have ceased their throbbings. None 
 among workingmen are better informed than co-operators of 
 the fact that a part of the responsibility for any bad conditions 
 of labor rests upon labor' j own shoulders. I say, a part of the 
 responsibility. For the whole of the responsibility does not 
 rest there. We are insane if we try to rest it all there. Part 
 of it is there. And co-operators, who have tried to unite 
 workingmen in some common endeavor looking to bettered 
 conditions, know full well that many co-operative failures 
 have been due, not alone to the lack of competent general- 
 
 * One of the English wholesale companies now pays a salary of 5,000 to 
 its chief buyer.
 
 CO-OPERATION HAS A FUTURE. 139 
 
 ship, but .to the ignorance, the incompetence, the shiftless- 
 ness, the vices, the jealousies and suspicions and distrusts, the 
 unwillingness to submit to discipline, on the part of working- 
 men themselves. Co-operators know that any reconstruction 
 of society, imposed from without, would end in hopeless col- 
 lapse, so long as the intellectual and moral character of 
 masses of workingmen remained unimproved by change and 
 uplift from within. And these co-operative societies have 
 done much to foster such education. The very self-surrender 
 which they involve is itself moral training. Their demand 
 for honest work ; their libraries, reading-rooms, debates, lect- 
 ures, have broadened their intellectual outlook and toughened 
 their moral fiber in right tendencies. Great and enlarging 
 opportunities are in their hands, even as great demands are 
 laid upon them for yet further educating their fellows in all 
 the qualities of capable workmanship and in all the elements 
 of good citizenship. 
 
 Has the principle of co-operation, in the narrow sense in 
 which we have considered it, a future ? I believe it has a 
 future. It is a divine principle. The drift of events, the 
 currents of enterprise, are pushing to the front many forms of 
 this principle. The tendency to unity is the characteristic of 
 the century ; unity in science, philosophy, industry, religious 
 feeling and endeavor. The co-operation of workingmen, to 
 become themselves capitalists, in however small a way, is not 
 indeed a panacea for the ills of labor. It is not likely to 
 supersede private enterprise. Yet in spite of its many past 
 failures, and its comparative present weakness, may we not 
 say with the Rev. R. Heber Newton, " No one can study the 
 history of the movement without becoming persuaded that 
 there is a moral development carried on, which will in some 
 way, as not yet seen to us, lead up the organization of 
 these societies into some higher generalization securing har- 
 mony" ?* No Christian, no philanthropist, can afford, or will 
 be disposed to withhold from these societies his warmest sym- 
 pathies, and his words and deeds of good cheer. They are 
 growing barriers against the threatening, thundering wave- 
 crests of violent revolution. Holding yet the moral aim of 
 
 * "Report of Senate Committee on Labor," vol. ii, p. 542.
 
 140 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 Owen, their founder, these societies have abandoned their 
 founder's method. He would have taught men brotherhood 
 by gathering them into small isolated groups. These teach 
 men brotherhood, while allowing them to remain in society, 
 by training them to perform all social duty. Co-operators 
 know that self-help is best help. They look for no Hercules 
 to undertake the cleansing of society's Augean stables. They 
 make no violent appeals to legislation in their solitary in- 
 terest. They are not beggars at the public crib. They respect 
 themselves. They know that the social regeneration of labor 
 must come largely from labor. They know that the divine 
 law, "Work out your own salvation," is a law, not for the 
 spiritual life alone, but for the whole of life, and that they 
 can work successfully, even amid frequent failure, because 
 the spirit and providence of God are working in them and 
 with them. There is a future for workingmen's co-operation. 
 The treasuries of trades-unions expending many thousands on 
 strikes ; the more than $800,000,000 in the United States, de- 
 posited in savings-banks, mainly the savings of workingmen ; 
 the millions that may be snatched from the demon tyrant of 
 strong drink, as temperance reform, so grandly fostered by 
 trades-unions and co-operative societies, shall gather working- 
 men within its clean-lipped, clear-eyed ranks are facts which 
 show the workingman's capacity for supplying his own capital 
 and turning it, if he will, into productive and profitably distrib- 
 utive channels. The organizing talent, exhibited so surpris- 
 ingly by the existence of organized labor, as a militant factor 
 in our social order, indicates the workingman's power to fur- 
 nish his own leaders and managers for the beneficent strife 
 of peaceful industry. 
 
 There is a future for co-operation. We bid it God-speed. 
 We hear in it, feeble as may now be its voice, a re-echo of the 
 angels' carol, "On earth peace, good- will to men." We hail 
 it as a harbinger of social progress and individual weal. Do 
 we dream when we foresee a day when this gospel, which co- 
 operation is preaching in the workshop and the market, shall 
 join with the same gospel of human brotherhood preached in 
 the sanctuary, and shall be hearkened to and believed in, and 
 practiced ; and when this schism in the social body shall 
 cease ; when the members shall have the same care one for
 
 THE CO-OPERATIVE IDEAL. 14-1 
 
 another ; and when workmen shall he capitalists and capital- 
 ists workmen, and all men brothers, striving together for the 
 noblest end ? If this he dreaming let us be dreamers. For 
 we dream with Christ. We dream with Paul. We dream 
 with the saintliest souls of all ages.* 
 
 Good-will to men ! The angels sang it. The manger pro- 
 claimed it. The cross on Calvary re-emphasized and made it 
 the central power of history. Good-will to men, from the 
 glory of God in the highest ! These divine facts, which have 
 already wrought for humanity so many unselfish lives and so 
 much co-operant helpfulness, are not "such stuff as dreams 
 are made of." These are realities that have shaped history, 
 and that shall yet govern the world. 
 
 * " Lectures on Social Questions." By J. H. Rylance, D. D. New York : 
 Thomas Whittaker, 1880, p. 103.
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 CAPTAINS OF INDUSTRY. 
 
 " The Leaders of Industry, if Industry is ever to be led, are virtually the 
 Captains of the world; if there is no nobleness in them, there will never be 
 an aristocracy more." Carlyle. 
 
 " The rule now commonly acted on is that business must be cared for and 
 men must care for themselves. The principle of action in the end must be 
 that men must be cared for, and business must be subservient to this great 
 work." President Chadbourne. 
 
 THE idea of order, or organization, or co-operation, in- 
 volves variety, diversity not sameness of endowments, but 
 distinction of endowments. The famous phrase of Louis 
 Blanc, " The organization of labor," would be a meaningless 
 phrase if all were heads or all were hands, and if the heads 
 were not allowed to direct, and the hands were not gladly 
 willing to be directed. Even democracy can not get along 
 without rulership. Government by the people, for the peo- 
 ple, is yet government. Government demands executive 
 functions. Executive functions demand men who exercise 
 these functions. The exercise of function by one part of a 
 body demands submission to such exercise of function by 
 other parts of the body. 
 
 What executive officers are in the State, what pastors, 
 deacons, teachers, superintendents are in the Church, what 
 generals, colonels, captains are in the army servants, indeed, 
 who shall sway no tyrannous scepter over their brothers, but 
 true rulers, leaders, directors also, if any good service is faith- 
 fully rendered, any good work to be worthily done such are 
 the organizers, the leaders of our industrial forces. Whether 
 we use the French word to describe these men and call them 
 entrepreneurs, or, in Carlyle's phrase, entitle them "Captains
 
 TIIE "ENTREPRENEUR." 143 
 
 of Industry," they are certainly to be regarded as men of 
 special rank, apportioned to a special function in the indus- 
 trial body. They are men who for the performance of their 
 special function have been endowed with special and signifi- 
 cant gifts, and who by reason of the special gifts are called to 
 the diligent exercise of the special function. 
 
 "Captains of Industry" what is their place ? What are 
 their duties, their responsibilities, their opportunities ? 
 
 This industrial captain, though he uses capital, his own or 
 that of other men, is not technically a capitalist. Though he 
 be a worker engaged during more hours and consuming 
 more nerve force than any one of all the army that he 
 leads he is not technically a workman. Neither capitalist, 
 though using capital, nor workman, though himself a worker, 
 he stands between capital and labor, brings them together, 
 organizes both. If he be a true and faithful Captain, he 
 organizes both, not only to his own advantage, but to the 
 advantage of both. 
 
 In an early and crude stage of industry, this man could 
 not have been. There was no need of him. But when indus- 
 try has become complex, when no longer one man or a few 
 men but a thousand men are at work for the completion of a 
 single product, then there is demand for this Captain, and he 
 appears. Only within a few years have economic writers be- 
 gun to regard him as having any separate function, and as 
 entitled to distinct economic treatment. 
 
 Clear ideas as to the nature of any force are essential to a 
 clear conception of what that force can do in itself, and what 
 it can accomplish when combined with other forces. You 
 will not make much headway in the solution of economic 
 problems if you confuse this Captain of Industry either with 
 the capital which he uses, or with the labor which he directs. 
 You will make as little headway thus as you will by confus- 
 ing capital and labor. Now, the original fact and factor in 
 all industry is undoubtedly labor. Without it coal and gold 
 would be unmined and fields untilled, the earth a waste, and 
 all men, if there were any men, barbarians. It is true that 
 lubor is the mother of capital. But it is not true that the son 
 once born and grown to manhood, is, while he lives and acts, 
 identical with his mother. And it, is not true that any just
 
 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 reward rendered for the separate social service of the product 
 force, is a robbery of the just reward that may be rendered 
 for the continued social service of the originally producing 
 force. 
 
 The Captain of Industry is indeed the product of the com- 
 bined forces of capital and labor. It is the demand furnished 
 by the needs of these, and the opportunities furnished by the 
 complex modern conditions under which these exist and act, 
 that make him both possible and necessary. But when once 
 he comes into being, he has a place and a function quite dis- 
 tinct from the forces that produced him, and a sphere of 
 enterprise that is peculiarly his own. 
 
 Here on the one side is capital. It is in various hands. 
 Wards in chancery, widows, clerks, teachers, editors, work- 
 ing people, own it. Whether these owners possess large or 
 small sums, estates inherited or savings-bank deposits, the 
 most of those who possess capital would not care to risk its 
 loss on the possible results of their own endeavor. Capital 
 unused rots ; and those owners of capital are in the main 
 without the necessary qualities to make their own use success- 
 ful in reproduction. Here on the other hand is labor the 
 very labor that capital needs, the very labor that needs this 
 capital. But this labor needs more than capital, in food, 
 shelter, materials, tools. It needs directive skill, administra- 
 tive headship. It is well enough to say that if all existing 
 capital were destroyed, labor could reproduce it. Possibly : 
 but only after centuries of difficult endeavor, and then only 
 as labor of administration became an integrant part of the 
 labor force. The brawny arms and skilled fingers of a thou- 
 sand men, each doing his special part in a common industry, 
 whose final result no one among them all could fully foresee 
 or clearly comprehend, would not quickly reproduce de- 
 stroyed capital nor wisely use existing capital. Here they 
 are, the capital and the labor, each calling for the other's 
 help, yet each largely incompetent to move toward the other 
 without some directing force, which neither, in and of itself, 
 possesses. And they both call loudly for the director, the 
 organizer, the entrepreneur, the industrial captain. He comes 
 at their call. With one hand he touches the well-laden treas- 
 ury-chest, and barracks, camp equipage, arms, ammunition,
 
 THE INDUSTRIAL CAPTAIN. 145 
 
 commissary stores exist. With the other hand he touches a 
 mob of men, and squads, companies, battalions, regiments, 
 are formed and drilled. Each man knows his own place. 
 Each does his own work. The fruits of past labor become the 
 food of the present, and the seed of the future, and an army 
 is organized and led in the peaceful conquests of industry. 
 
 Who is this man ? What is the quality of his endow- 
 ments ? He has business talent and practical skill. He can 
 detect what the community needs, and how to satisfy the 
 need. He can even awaken desires where these do not ex- 
 ist. He has, to quote a French writer, "judgment, good 
 sense, boldness, decision, a measuring power cool and calm, 
 an intelligence frank and vigilant, little imagination, great 
 memory and great application."* This man has a sort of 
 subtle instinct that often directs his movements. He can not 
 always tell you why he does this or does not do that. Per- 
 haps he does not always himself know why. But he acts, 
 and succeeds. Capital trusts this man. Credit comes to him. 
 Labor yields to his control. Social loads are laid upon him. 
 If he fails, capital wastes and labor suffers. He may be 
 manufacturer, banker, merchant, steamship or railroad man- 
 ager. But whatever his special sphere, his rank is captain 
 and his function organization and industrial leadership. 
 
 This man is a modern product. He belongs to a time he 
 can only be possible in a time of mills, factories, railroads ; 
 an age whose chief industrial characteristics are the divis- 
 ion of labor and the constant tendency to enterprises on an 
 enlarging scale. But such an age makes this man a social 
 necessity, and, if he exercises well his powers of command, a 
 social blessing. 
 
 No greater blunder can be made by the workers whom this 
 Captain organizes and leads than that they should regard him 
 with suspicion and envy and hate, as if his successes and re- 
 wards were somehow acquired at the expense of their wages, 
 and by wanton robbery of their rights. Some Captains may 
 
 * M. Courcelle-Seneuil, " Operations do Banquc," quoted from Walker 
 on " Waycs," p. 252. Mr. Walker has done more than any other American 
 economist to put the entrepreneur function in its true place. Consult also 
 Joseph Garnier's art., " Entrepreneur," Lalor's " Cycl.," vol. ii, p. 104.
 
 146 STUDIES IX MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 so acquire their rewards, but they do it, not in virtue of their 
 functions as Captains, but because they are thieves. For if 
 all that contributes to the production of value is entitled to a 
 share in the final product, surely this Captain is entitled to a 
 share. He has contributed to the production a determinable 
 element, an element that has created a value, without which 
 the value as it now exists never would have been. He could 
 have done little without capital and less without labor. But 
 without him and his work capital would not have secured so 
 good, if any, interest, nor labor earned so good, if any, wages. 
 And when capital has received its share of the product in in- 
 terest, and labor its share in wages, the rates both of interest 
 and wages determined by forces over which neither treasure- 
 chest, nor captain nor soldiers have any direct control is it 
 unfair that the captain should receive in profits a due reward 
 for that element, contributed to the creation of value, which 
 is peculiarly his own ? 
 
 These captains of industry are not a numerous class.* 
 Men with the needful endowments are rare. They often 
 spring from the industrial ranks. They force their way up by 
 the native powers within them. They are forced up by the 
 need which society has for them. The numerous difficulties 
 that environ business life test the qualities of those who 
 would enter the arena. If the aspirants can not endure the 
 test, the environment of difficulty thrusts them aside and puts 
 them where they belong. These experiments are costly ones. 
 They are like the experiments tried by our nation before 
 Grant, Sherman, Sheridan, Thomas were found and set to the 
 task of leading our armies. The incompetent employer, man- 
 ager, captain, is, in industry, what the incompetent general is 
 in war a source of incalculable wastes and mischiefs. Such 
 men continue a business career at great damage to society, 
 and at special damage to the workmen. And there are work- 
 men who recognize this fact. They know the truth of Prof. 
 Walker's statement, that "bad business management is the 
 heaviest possible tax on production, and, while the incapable 
 employer gets little for himself, the laborer loses heavily in 
 the rate or the regularity of his wages. "t "Arbitration," 
 
 * Walker on " Wages," p. 252. t Ibid., p. 255.
 
 THE VALUE OF ADMINISTRATIVE ABILITY. 147 
 
 said a workman, "should require that this (incompetent) 
 manufacturer, if he is desirous of procuring contracts or the 
 production of goods at lower rates than other manufacturers 
 would produce them for, and desires to draw his profits out of 
 the laborer, that such a man, out of regard to both the honest 
 manufacturer and to the laborer, ought to be crushed out of 
 the business." * This seems a hard rule. It seems hard when 
 those who have worn stars or bars upon their shoulders fall 
 back into the ranks. There is individual hardship, indeed. 
 But it is for the best welfare of society that her industrial 
 forces should have the leadership of the most competent men. 
 And when such men are found, no fair profits are too large a 
 payment for the rarity of the talents exhibited or for the high 
 social service of which these profits are at once both a token 
 and a recompense. Says Guyot : "Objectors would deny to 
 administrative ability any claim to remuneration, and yet 
 there is no other element of production of equal value with 
 this, inventive ability excepted. . . . An invention is com- 
 pleted so far, so good ; but it has to be set working. Here 
 comes in the need of administrative ability. How many in- 
 ventions have been long held back for want of the men fitted 
 to put them into operation ; what millions of money wasted 
 for want of intelligence in employing them ! At this mo- 
 ment there is available capital in England, in France, in 
 Belgium, in Holland, in the United States the whole world 
 is there to fertilize and yet to what miserable uses the money 
 is often applied for want of administrative capacity in its pos- 
 sessors ! And this incapacity is nowhere more marked than 
 in the administration of national affairs. Look at the states- 
 men who have succeeded each other at the head of the nations 
 for centuries past ! By the harm they have done, and the 
 good they have not done, we may estimate the value of ad- 
 ministrative capacity. Administrative capacity must, then, 
 receive remuneration, and large remuneration, in virtue of its 
 rareness and of its production of utilities.''! 
 
 * " Rep. of Senate Com. on Labor," vol. ii, p. 878. 
 
 t " Prin. of Soc. Econ.," pp. 175, 176. " I think every man, who is con- 
 versant with affairs, will admit that in every field of activity, in all branches 
 of trade and commerce, in manufactures, in transportation by sea and land,
 
 148 STUDIES IX MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 What relation does this industrial captain sustain, or, rath- 
 er, what relation ought he to sustain toward the company, or 
 regiment, or army of workers whom he organizes and directs ? 
 The tune was when the workman was property. He was a 
 slave. He owed his master obedience and service. His mas- 
 ter owed him guidance, control, maintenance. Then came 
 feudalism, a system of modified slavery. These systems, that 
 had in them many beauties and suitabilities, as well as many 
 brutalities, have gone forever. The age of Democracy has 
 come. There are many who resent its coming. There are 
 many who do not realize that it has come. But let who will, 
 resent ; or let who will, be ignorant ; the age of Democracy is 
 here. The total revolution in industrial methods within the 
 century is no more certain than is the total revolution in 
 social conditions. We have not yet seen the end of either 
 revolution. But we know, or we ought to know, that not 
 more necessary is the existence and service of the captain of 
 industry, in the present stage of industrial progress, than it is 
 a necessity that this captain should stand to his workers in a 
 relation whose basis is democracy. Carlyle, pleading on be- 
 half of workingmen, would have the old feudal relation re- 
 stored, and the rich govern and protect and provide for the 
 workingmen, as they did in the past. But this can not be. 
 The employing classes will not grant this protection. The 
 employed classes will not consent to receive it. All industrial 
 conditions, the division of labor, the mobility of labor, the 
 freedom of labor, are against the restoration of such a rela- 
 tion. All modern social conditions are against it. A man is 
 now a man, not any more a master or a slave, not any longer 
 a lord or a churl. 
 
 There is surely a significance in the historic providence 
 that has speeded a dual revolution, industrial and social, 
 which, while transforming the domestic system of labor into 
 the factory system of labor, was also transforming the serf 
 into a free citizen. We can not go back to the middle ages. 
 
 in the army, in the navy, and in everything in which direction or superin- 
 tendence is needed, the demand for presidents, managers, generals, and cap- 
 tains, for high executive officers of all kinds, is deplorably greater than the 
 supply." E. L. Godkin, "Internal. Keview," June, 18T9, p. 688.
 
 DEMOCRACY IN INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS. 149 
 
 We can no more replace the method of feudalism in industry, 
 than we can re-enthrone the method of absolutism in govern- 
 ment. The drift of events and you can no more hinder it 
 than you can hinder the stars in their courses is toward 
 equality, equality conditioned by justice and liberty, but 
 equality not an equality of wealth or intellect or inherent 
 powers, but an equality of individual rights and freedom. No 
 sane man will wish to hinder these drifts. He will seek to 
 adjust himself to them, and to direct them for best, safest, and 
 surest social progress. 
 
 First and foremost, then, in this democratic era, the cap- 
 tain of industry must recognize the true democracy of all 
 labor, his own and other men's. He can not compel men to 
 labor for him, since he does not own men. His relation to the 
 workers who submit to his direction is a relation of free con- 
 tract, based upon equal rights of manhood. This does not 
 imply that there are no distinctions of rank in industry. Di- 
 vision of labor, skilled and unskilled labor, foremanships, 
 superintendencies, captaincies all necessary to any wise la- 
 bor imply distinctions of rank. A citizen soldiery is not a 
 mob, but an officered army, if any real soldiering is to be 
 done. Yet free contract between equals in essential manhood 
 and before the law, is the only condition on which employ- 
 ment can now be offered and received. The captain may en- 
 list his men singly or in squads. He may deal with them as 
 to matters of wages and hours and conditions of work, as indi- 
 viduals, or as represented by trades-union committees. If he 
 refuses to any man the right of dealing through an attorney, 
 or a committee, or a broker, and declares, "I will deal only 
 with men singly," he is talking like a feudal lord, not like a 
 modern captain. You can not afford to be feudalists in the 
 nineteenth century. If you do not decline to deal with repre- 
 sentatives of a cotton, or coal, or railroad corporation, how, on 
 any basis of democracy, can you refuse to deal with the repre- 
 sentatives of those corporations of labor, which labor has a 
 right to form, believing that these give to the laborer a better 
 opportunity for that equality which it is his right to assert in 
 dealing with you ? 
 
 The old union between leader and men, a union based on 
 the working-man's dependence, has gone. The opportunity for
 
 150 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 new union, based on the workingman's independence, has 
 come. The possibilities of the new union are deeper, broader, 
 every way nobler than those of the old one. For as Arnold 
 Toynbee said, ' ' Democracy, to be praised for many things, is 
 most to be praised for this that it has made it possible, without 
 shame and without reluctance, to preach the gospel of duty 
 to the whole people." * 
 
 Here, then, you are, you captains confronting your sol- 
 diers, or rather standing in line with them ; they with their 
 plain blue blouses, you with your insignia of industrial rank ; 
 yet both you and they, equal citizens of a free State. You 
 have entered into contract. They agree to furnish work. You 
 promise to pay wages. You provide tools and materials. They 
 agree to use tools skillfully, and materials prudently, and time 
 industriously, for the transformation of material into product. 
 They agree to be directed ; you to direct. When you have 
 paid fair market wages, when you have furnished material, 
 tools, direction, is your duty done ? On the surface, yes ; by 
 the letter of the contract, yes ; by the mere nomination of the 
 bond, yes ; otherwise, no. Democracy is equality, free con- 
 tract. But Democracy is not laissez-faire, let alone, every man 
 for himself. Satanic democracy, the democracy of the sons of 
 Cain, may be that ; but Christian democracy is not that. 
 Christian democracy involves the gospel of duty to be believed 
 gladly, and willingly obeyed. 
 
 But, it will be said : " The gospel of duty is one thing, eco- 
 nomic law is quite another thing." Not another thing in any 
 world which a righteous God governs ! The democratic prin- 
 ciple of free contract is no more carried out in its spirit by the 
 payment of wages, than the law of citizenship is fulfilled by 
 the payment of taxes. No man in his economic relations can 
 violate moral obligations without doing economic damage. 
 Morality in both you and your workman is, as we shall see 
 hereafter, a very actual, industrial force. Your contract to 
 give so much wages for so much work does not, when you 
 have kept that contract, release you from your obligation as 
 men. Rather, the very existence of such a relation as that of 
 wage-payer to wage-earner, the director to the directed, im- 
 
 * "Industrial Eevolution," etc., p. 200.
 
 DUTIES OF INDUSTRIAL CAPTAINS. 151 
 
 poses upon you special and weighty obligations toward those 
 whom you pay and direct. For the sake of the economic ends 
 you are associated to promote, these special and weighty obli- 
 gations are due from you to them. And whatever be the spe- 
 cial obligations due from them to you, beyond the diligent 
 performance of their appointed tasks, yours are the higher ob- 
 ligations, by as much as your power is greater and your op- 
 portunities larger than theirs. 
 
 What, then, are some of your duties under the new demo- 
 cratic conditions of labor, and in your relation as captain to 
 your soldiers of industry ? Of course, you are to be a wise, 
 diligent, alert leader. You are to make your business success- 
 ful. This must be done, not for your own sake alone, not, 
 least of all things, for the sake of so much money, but for 
 the sake of your soldiers, and for the sake of society. Your 
 workmen have committed their fortunes to the sagacity of your 
 leadership, as well as to the strength of their arms, and the 
 skill of their toil. In all honest ways you must strive to suc- 
 ceed. In dishonest ways you will not long succeed. If you 
 must be dishonest, or think you must be, you are incompetent 
 and weak, and some industrial mutiny or some fierce commer- 
 cial battle will depose you from command. 
 
 The proper influence of your duty to succeed, will lead to 
 the recognition of some other duties, as essential to success. 
 You will pay good wages, the best the conditions of trade will 
 allow, and you will pay them in such manner as will enable 
 the workman to make the best outlay of his wages. You are 
 not hampered by any fallacy of a wages-fund. You know that 
 though capital may make advance for wages, the final pay- 
 ment of wages is made out of the total results of the joint pro- 
 duction. You know that low wages are not identical with low 
 cost of production, nor high wages with high cost, but often 
 the reverse. You know that labor underfed, half clad, badly 
 housed, is labor inefficient, uneconomical. You know that 
 ignorance, discontent, sullenness, shiftlessness are fatal to best 
 production. For the sake of business success, to say nothing 
 now of humanity and Christianity, you will do what you can 
 to reduce these evils to the lowest level. To this end you will 
 not only pay good wages, the best you can afford, while guar- 
 anteeing the success and permanence of your enterprise, but
 
 152 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 you will make all the conditions of your work the "best possi- 
 ble conditions. Good light, wholesome air, every safeguard 
 against dangerous machinery, cleanliness, neatness, attractive- 
 ness, will characterize your workshops. If your industrial 
 camp is in a village over which you have a large control, you 
 will take care that the homes of your workers be healthy, con- 
 venient, pleasant, furnishing all the needful conditions of 
 wholesome and moral domestic life. Knowing that ignorance 
 is the twin sister, if not the mother, of vice, you will at least 
 try to banish ignorance by technical training in the shop, and 
 outside of the shop, by means of the lecture, the library, the 
 school, the church. 
 
 You will do these things, not only as philanthropists, but 
 as Captains of Industry, as men of business, who in these 
 ways, by uplifting the morale and the industrial spirit and 
 capacity of your forces, will best insure the success of your 
 enterprise. Ay, more, you will do these things in strict 
 justice to your workers. You know that the rate of wages, 
 determined by supply and demand, by public opinion, by the 
 interacting pressure of trades-unions and manufacturers' asso- 
 ciations, is not always a just equivalent for service rendered, 
 nor a fair division of the final product. Supply and demand 
 is the only known methoft of fixing the rate of wages. But it 
 is an imperfect method at best, and ought, in strict justice, as 
 well as for the sake of best conditions of production, to be sup- 
 plemented by some other forms of distribution. 
 
 There have been Captains of Industry who have recognized 
 these obligations. There are yet many such men. There are 
 those who know that wages alone will not secure the best 
 work, and that other motives must make appeal to the work- 
 ers if they are to be led as marshaled and enthusiastic hosts 
 in the most triumphant campaigns of industry. Robert Owen 
 was such a captain. Going, in 1800, from the management of 
 the Chorlton Twist Company, of Manchester, to the manage- 
 ment and part ownership of the New Lanark mills, in Scot- 
 land, he found a working force of two thousand people, in- 
 cluding five hundred children, most of the latter brought, at 
 the age of five or six years, from the poorhouses of Glasgow 
 and Edinburgh. He found the very lowest of the population ; 
 long hours and demoralizing drudgery ; theft, drunkenness,
 
 TRUE CAPTAINS OF INDUSTRY. 153 
 
 and other vices prevalent ; education and sanitation entirely 
 neglected ; most families living in one room. Owen improved 
 the houses ; trained the people to cleanliness, order, thrift ; 
 established schools ; brought beauty and discipline out of 
 chaos and industrial mutiny ; diffused happiness ; paid large 
 dividends ; and became the leading and most prosperous cot- 
 ton manufacturer in the kingdom. Sir Thomas Brassey was 
 such a man. Dealing through a long and laborious life with 
 hundreds of thousands of workmen in Great Britain, Italy, 
 Canada, Australia, the Argentine Republic, Moldavia, India 
 he won their hearts, commanded their confidence, secured 
 their obedient work. Sir Joseph Whitworth was such a man. 
 It was to him that Carlyle wrote, concerning his schemes for 
 the benefit of his workmen, "Would to Heaven that all or 
 many of the Captains of Industry in England had such a soul 
 in them as yours, and could do as you have done, or could 
 still further co-operate with you in works and plans to the like 
 effect ! . . . Two things are pretty sure to me : The first is 
 that capital and labor never can or will agree together, till 
 they both, first of all, decide on doing their work faithfully 
 throughout, and like men of conscience and honor, whose 
 highest aim is to behave like faithful citizens of the universe, 
 and obey the eternal commandmerit of Almighty God who 
 made them."* Sir Titus Salt, of England, the Krupps of Es- 
 sen, in Prussia, the MM. Godin of Guise, in France, were such 
 men.f America has such men, who, in the spirit of economic 
 wisdom, as well as of philanthropy, have promoted morality, 
 intelligence, comfort, convenience, health, cheerfulness, hope 
 among their workers, as essential conditions of best work. 
 The Willimantic Thread Company, the Cheney Brothers, the 
 Cranes of Dalton, the Waterbury Watch and Clock Compa- 
 nies, the Lonsdale Company, and the Richmond Manufactur- 
 ing Company, of Rhode Island, G. W. Childs, of Philadel- 
 phia, R. H. White & Co., Macullar, Parker & Co., of Boston 
 
 * " The Creators of the Age of Steel." By W. T. Jeans. London : Chap- 
 man & Hall, 1884, p. 26V. 
 
 t " Social Studies in England." Sarah K. Bolton. Pp. 155-174. Article, 
 " The Familistere at Guise, France." Edward Rowland. " Harper's Maga- 
 zine," November, 1885.
 
 154: STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 these are but representatives of a large class of industrial 
 leaders who, as individuals or as corporations, are convincing 
 their employes that they are part of the establishment, and 
 are getting a fair share of the prosperity they help to promote. 
 " Statistics will prove," said Colonel Wright, " that wherever 
 the best intelligence and the best morality prevail there will 
 be found the best material prosperity. Right doing is only 
 another name for in fact, the best definition of righteous- 
 ness. And the endeavors of some of the large-hearted manu- 
 facturers, we know, to build up righteousness are really con- 
 verting their counting-rooms into pulpits." 
 
 I, for one, believe that, unnamed by the public press, there 
 are hosts of such leaders. I believe that the average employer 
 is honestly desirous of promoting the best weal of his workers. 
 Would that all were such ! Would that there were no men 
 who were tyrants in the workshop and misers out of it ! 
 Would that there were no leaders whose camps of industry 
 had an uninviting, cheerless air as if the prevailing policy 
 were the penny wise and pound foolish one of getting the 
 most work for the lowest returns ! Would that there were no 
 centers of contagion whence, by contact of ill-used with well- 
 used workmen, have spread into otherwise healthful atmos- 
 pheres the spirit of discontent and unjust suspicion toward 
 the entire class of employers ! Would that the innocent, the 
 noble-minded did not so often have to suffer for the sins of 
 their guilty and petty-minded compeers ! 
 
 Among the many methods that, within our century, have 
 been proposed for ameliorating the acknowledged evils under 
 which many among the working classes suffer ; for removing 
 legitimate or groundless discontent ; for securing a wider dis- 
 tribution of products ; and so for promoting larger and better 
 industrial results few methods are more worthy the intelli- 
 gent study of our American Captains of Industry than the 
 form of co-operation known as profit-sharing. In 1834 Charles 
 Babbage had remarked of what importance it would be "if in 
 every large establishment the mode of paying the different 
 persons employed could be so arranged that each could derive 
 advantage from the success of the whole, and the profits of 
 individuals should advance as the factory itself produced 
 profits, without the necessity of making any change in the
 
 LA MAISON LECLAIRE. 155 
 
 wages agreed upon."* In 1843 Carlyle wrote : "A question 
 arises here : Whether in some ulterior, perhaps some not far 
 distant stage of this 'Chivalry of Labor,' your master-worker 
 may not find it possible and needful to grant to his workers 
 permanent interest in his enterprise and theirs, so that it be- 
 come, in practical result, what in essential fact and justice it 
 ever is, a joint enterprise ; all men, from the chief master 
 down to the lowest overseer and operative, economically as 
 well as loyally, concerned for it." t In 1842 the Parisian house 
 decorator, Leclaire, attempted Babbage's suggestion, and began 
 to answer Carlyle's question. 
 
 The inspiration of the French experiment came from a Mi 
 Fregier, who, in 1835, told Leclaire, that he saw no way of 
 getting rid of the antagonism between master and workman 
 except the participation of the workman in the profits of the 
 master. On February 15, 1842, Leclaire announced his inten- 
 tion of dividing among a certain number of his workmen and 
 employes a part of his profits. The police, the press, a portion 
 of the workmen opposed the scheme and suspected the motive. 
 But when Leclaire collected forty-four participants, and throw- 
 ing on the table a bag of gold, distributed over $50 to each 
 man as his share, hesitation gave way to unbounded confi- 
 dence. In 1848 a mutual-aid society was established, into 
 whose treasury a portion of the profits is turned. In 1871 all 
 the employes, even those who had worked but a few days, 
 were admitted to participation. The mutual-aid society, inde- 
 pendent in management, has become a silent partner or capi- 
 tal owner in the business house. The house has survived the 
 death of its founder. The annual profits are distributed as 
 follows : " The two managing partners receive 240 each as 
 salaries for superintendence. Interest at five per cent is paid 
 to them and to the aid society on their respective capitals. Of 
 the remaining net profit, one quarter goes to the managing 
 partners jointly, and another quarter to the funds of the soci- 
 ety ; the remaining half is divided among all the workmen 
 arid others, in sums proportionate to the amounts which they 
 have respectively earned in wages, paid at the ordinary mar- 
 
 * Quoted from Thornton on " Labor," p. 867. 
 
 t " Past and Present." London: Chapman & Hall, p. 289.
 
 156 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 ket rate, during the year for which the division is being made." 
 In 1882, nine hundred and ninety-eight participants received 
 an advance in bonuses of twenty-two per cent over their actual 
 wages.* Leclaire's example has been followed in France, 
 England, and Germany, and in some instances in America. 
 At Peace Dale, Rhode Island, since January, 1880, over $19,000 
 have been distributed to the workers. And though for two 
 years there have been no profits to divide, and though the 
 method of division is not as thorough as it may be made, the 
 company are satisfied with the results of their experiment, 
 and few better industrial communities can be found to-day 
 than is found at Peace Dale.f 
 
 What are the advantages of such a system to both em- 
 ployers and workmen ? According to the testimony of both 
 masters and men, it induces thrift, industry, lessened waste of 
 material and of time, lessened friction in the spirit of work, 
 lessened cost of supervision, for each man supervises himself 
 and his fellows. It promotes larger production, with the same 
 expenditure of forces. As to actual income, the masters are 
 as well off and the workmen better off. In a lithographic 
 house in Paris, one workman said to another, who had care- 
 lessly broken a stone : " Don't do that again ; that costs us 6 
 francs." On the Paris and Orleans Fiailway, a profit-sharing 
 company, one employe rebuked another for the careless hand- 
 ling of a passenger's luggage, saying : " What are you about ? 
 You will shorten our dividend." M. Chaix, of the profit-shar- 
 ing Maison Chaix, of Paris, writes : " Among all the systems 
 which have been devised in order to restore the old union of 
 interests without impairing the liberties newly conquered, 
 participation is assuredly one of the best." 
 
 * " Profit-sharing." By Sedley Taylor. London : Kegan Paul, Trench & 
 Co., 1884. 
 
 "Inaugural Address at Sixteenth Annual Co-operative Congress." By 
 Sedley Taylor. Manchester, 1884. 
 
 Thornton on " Labor," p. 364, etc. 
 
 t Among other establishments in which some form of profit-sharing is 
 practiced, may be mentioned, the Philadelphia "Ledger," G. "W. Chikls, 
 proprietor; the "National Baptist," H. L. Wayland, proprietor; the Walter 
 A. Wood Mowing and Reaping Machine Co., Hoosac Falls, N. Y. ; the 
 "\Valtham Watch Co. ; the Pillsbury Mills, Minneapolis, Minn.
 
 RESULTS OF PROFIT-SHARING. 157 
 
 Profit-sharing teaches men economy, makes them thrifty, 
 inspires them with hope, joins self-interest with common in- 
 terest, lifts them to higher planes of intelligence and morality. 
 M. Victor Bohmert, head of the Statistical Department in Sax- 
 ony, after a careful inquiry into one hundred and twenty es- 
 tablishments in different countries, under different conditions 
 and representing different industries, concludes that ' ' the par- 
 ticipation in profits works well in almost all cases, and raises 
 both the material and moral condition of the men. The sys- 
 tem," he continues, "can not be preached as a panacea for 
 social maladies, or as a concession to absolute justice ; it is 
 simply a thoroughly understood system of wages, the adoption 
 of which, hi the majority of cases, and according to the na- 
 ture of the employment, may become as profitable to those 
 who find the direction as to those who find the labor." * 
 
 Captains of Industry, here is a field for great exploits ! 
 Study carefully Sedley Taylor's book, and, in the face of 
 gravest issues, ask Almighty God to give you the wisdom to 
 know and the grace to do your duty. Your duty ? Nay, 
 rather seek grace to rise to the height of a magnificent oppor- 
 tunity. For, if the workingman's future is largely in his own 
 hands, it is largely, also, in your hands. And you can not 
 separate his future from your own. No easy task, but a hard 
 one, this task of evolving industrial order out of chaos, and 
 out of strife bringing peace. But all noblest work is hardest 
 work ; all worthiest work the most difficult. You are bearing 
 heavy burdens. Many of you are perplexed in your con- 
 science, and sick at heart. Much business has been done by 
 you during these years of depression at absolute loss, because 
 you were unwilling to see your armies suffer from hunger, f 
 
 * Quoted from Guyot's " Principles of Social Economy," p. 209. 
 
 " Stock-owning by workmen with a participation in management one 
 form of profit-sharing gives a training in prudence, economy and business 
 utl'uirs. It changes the whole current of the worker's thought and feeling, and 
 economic conduct. He ceases to think of himself as a worker standing over 
 against the capitalist employer in an antagonistic relation. He thinks of him- 
 self always as a proprietor, and dignifies himself as such, and as such puts 
 new zest into his work." " Massachusetts Bureau of Labor." Report, 1886, 
 p. 234. 
 
 t Mills arc, indeed, often run when no profits are made, as a matter of
 
 158 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 God forbid that any word of mine should increase your bur- 
 dens or add to your perplexity ! But there are new tasks to be 
 assumed, and new questions to be faced and solved as to the 
 methods of old tasks. Because you are called to be captains 
 you are called to be burden-bearers. May I quote to you 
 Guyot's true and weighty words : " Employers have too long 
 regarded the workmen as their debtors. Already the reduction 
 of the rate of interest, the difficulty of finding profitable invest- 
 ments, and the losses to which their ventures have exposed 
 them, have shown them that if they mean to go on producing 
 they must allow a larger share to the other contracting party. 
 Their own interest compels them to see that solidarity is no 
 empty word."* Of course those Captains of Industry whose 
 only aim is to become as rich as possible, whose only measure 
 of business success is the amount of money stored in their 
 own coffers, such will ' ' devote their lives to the getting and 
 keeping of other men's earnings," they will care little about 
 "other men's wants, or sufferings, or disappointments," they 
 will never mind it ''if their great wealth involves many 
 others' poverty."! If there are those who still believe in in- 
 dustrial aristocracy, who would play the part of feudal lords 
 and kings, forgetting the return service that lordships and 
 kingships imply, such will shut their eyes to all existing facts, 
 and to all emergent duty. But I do not believe the majority 
 of captains are such men. 
 
 It is often discouraging work you are called to do. There 
 will be dark moments when you will bitterly complain of 
 your workers. You will say, ' ' We do everything we can for 
 them, and they give us no credit for it. They are an ungrate- 
 ful lot." Ah ! But have you never read of Him who came to 
 do noblest service to men, yet who was murdered for the sake 
 of the very service He rendered, and who prayed for His mur- 
 derers, saying, "Father, forgive them, for they know not 
 
 business economy. " The rust of inaction is a greater harm to fine machinery 
 than the wear of action. ... If a mill can pay running expenses, there is less 
 loss in paying wages than by rust and taxation." Article, "The Problem of 
 the Manufacturing Town," " Andovcr Ecview," vol. v, p. 120. 
 
 * " Principles of Social Economy," p. 207. 
 
 t Quoted in " Working People and their Employers." By Washington 
 Gladden. New York: Funk & Wagnalls, 1885, p. 183.
 
 APPEAL TO CAPTAINS OF INDUSTRY. 159 
 
 what they do " ? Have you not known how the living Christ 
 is pouring His bounties into men's lives, only to be treated 
 with scorn and neglect, yet only with infinite patience to en- 
 large His blessings that so He might lift men at last into a 
 diviner life ? Have not you yourselves, intelligent and well- 
 to-do, received countless mercies, which have been repaid only 
 by neglect of thanks, or by the raising of your disloyal arms 
 in blind and foolish mutiny ? The serving Christ, rejected, 
 yet still patiently serving, is to be your model and your lead- 
 er. Again I quote Yves Guyot : " In the first place the effort'' 
 made to help the workingmen " is not collective, it is iso- 
 lated ; and, secondly, it is the tendency of the workmen to see 
 but one thing the difference between the gains of capital in 
 a thriving industry, and the wages of their own labor ; and 
 they overlook the fact that, if their wages were suddenly 
 raised, in however slight a proportion, the gain might soon 
 turn to loss. Besides, they do not consider the risk. They see 
 the immense profits made at a given moment, but they can 
 not calculate the average profit, allowing for a fluctuation of 
 prices. Sometimes they run up the cost price ' raw material, 
 so much ; my labor, so much ' and think they have made a 
 very close calculation ; but if the master's reckoning had been 
 no closer, the works would long ago have been closed. The 
 workman's ingratitude is not ingratitude, but ignorance."* 
 
 Captains of Industry, the task of elevating, and enlighten- 
 ing, and blessing your armies, and securing for them a wider 
 distribution of your joint production, is difficult, often disap- 
 pointing, but not impossible. You can suggest a thousand 
 questions. You can raise a thousand objections. But never, 
 in this way, will you meet current issues. When enough men 
 among you see what is right, and true, and just, and resolve 
 that whatever is thus right, and true, and just, shall be done, 
 though mountains of difficulty stand in your path, this will 
 be done. t "Your gallant battle-hosts and work-hosts," says 
 
 * "Principles of Social Economy," p. 206. 
 
 t " To pay labor according to profit, by whatever method that may be ac- 
 complished, is to recognize the true relationship between capitalists and labor- 
 ers, which is that of common partnership." Professor Henry C. Adams. 
 Quoted from article, " Christianity and Wealth," " Century Magazine," Octo- 
 ber, 1884, p. 911.
 
 160 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 Carlyle, ' ' will need to be made loyally yours ; they must and 
 will be regulated, methodically secured in their just share of 
 conquest under you ; joined with you in veritable brotherhood 
 by quite other and deeper ties than those of temporary day's 
 wages f" And again : " God knows the task will be hard, but 
 no noble task was ever easy." And again : " Let the Captains 
 of Industry retire into their own hearts, and ask solemnly if 
 there is nothing but vulturous hunger for fine wines, valet 
 reputations, and gilt carriages discoverable there ? And thou 
 who feelest aught of a godlike stirring in thee, follow it, I 
 conjure thee ! Arise, save thyself ; .be one of those that save 
 the country ! " * 
 
 Men of business ! Yours is the privilege of winning a 
 right royal manhood for yourselves and your fellows. Never 
 might such lives be lived as may be lived by you in this day 
 of grace. Yours is the privilege of sweetening by justice and 
 by courtesy many a cup now full of bitterness, of lightening 
 many a heavy lot, of transforming irksome and degrading 
 toil into pleasant and ennobling work. " Your money-mills 
 of to-day may be 'mills of God' to-morrow, "t wherein you 
 may, not grind up, but produce manhood. Your captain- 
 ship is conferred for social weal. Your rulership, if well and 
 diligently exerted, is for all largest service. For He who is 
 our only rightful Lord and Master has said, "Whosoever will 
 be chief among you, let him l5e your servant." 
 
 * Carlyle's " Past and Present." 
 
 t Pidgeon's "Old World Questions and New World Answers," p. 139.
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 THE RESPONSIBILITIES OF WEALTH. 
 
 " If we command our wealth, we shall be rich and free ; if our wealth com- 
 mands us, we are poor indeed." Edmund Eurke. 
 
 " They should own who can administer ; not they who hoard and conceal ; 
 not they who, the greater proprietors they are, are only the greater beggars, 
 but they whose work carves out work for more, opens a path for all." R. W, 
 Emerson. 
 
 " Let the man 
 
 Whose eye regards not his illustrious pomp 
 And ample store, but as indulgent streams 
 To cheer the barren soil and spread the fruits 
 Of joy let him by juster measures fix 
 The price of riches and the end of power." Akenside. 
 
 To speak of the "responsibilities of wealth," is hut to 
 speak, in briefer form, of the responsibilities of people who 
 possess wealth. For wealth is a mere thing, while responsi- 
 bility pertains only to persons or to a community of persons. 
 If the phrase "The responsibilities of wealth," or of the 
 wealthy, has in it the statement of actual facts, then the 
 phrase itself involves some important particulars. The word 
 responsibility brings us at once within the sphere of the con- 
 science, of the instincts of right and wrong, of duty, of a 
 standard of righteousness, of moral law. It brings us face to 
 face with God, the supreme standard of righteousness, the 
 source of moral law and the final and only authoritative 
 judge of our fulfillment of our obligations or of our failure to 
 fulfill them. To say that those who possess wealth have, be- 
 cause of this possession, special responsibilities, is to class 
 economic action as moral action, and all that is worthy to be 
 called economic science as moral science, and to build all
 
 162 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 action concerned in the having, the getting, the using of 
 wealth, firmly and squarely ' ' upon the ponderous imperatives 
 of moral obligation." 
 
 To speak of the responsibilities of wealth is to bring wealth 
 into the same category with conscience. And to bring wealth 
 and conscience into the same category is to affirm that, of it- 
 self, the possession of wealth is not incompatible with the pos- 
 session and the healthy action of a conscience. For if the 
 possession of wealth and the possession of a conscience are the 
 possession of things that are incompatible with one another, 
 then a man's first duty is to rid himself of his wealth, since it 
 is his chief duty to maintain his conscience. In themselves, 
 wealth and conscience, wealth and obedience to the supremest 
 law of duty, wealth and the worthiest, saintliest character are 
 not incompatible. 
 
 This is no unimportant conclusion. For in much of the 
 thought of our time there is a notion that the Gospel of Jesus 
 Christ puts a premium on poverty, and that 110 man can obey 
 that Gospel and be rich. On one hand, it is said, the Gospel 
 is true ; the Gospel condemns riches ; therefore no man can 
 be a Christian and be rich. This is the fallacy of many re- 
 ligious enthusiasts. On the other hand, it is said, wealth is a 
 necessity to human progress ; the Gospel condemns wealth ; 
 therefore the Gospel does not meet human need ; it is a foe to 
 progress, and therefore it is not true. This is the fallacy of 
 many skeptics and materialists. But the Gospel does not con- 
 demn wealth as such. Wealth and responsibility, therefore 
 wealth and conscience, therefore wealth and highest duty, 
 therefore wealth and Christ may co-exist. Otherwise, our 
 phrase, "The responsibilities of wealth," is emptied of all 
 meaning. 
 
 Wealth, as an economic word, is the sum of all the objects 
 of value which a man possesses ; so that the man who owns 
 but the scantiest furniture of a hovel has wealth. In popular 
 usage the word means the possession of such a sum of articles 
 of value, especially of money, or that which represents or has 
 the power of money, as is above the sum of values possessed 
 by the average man. Such usage is, of course, comparative 
 and indeterminate. Every man, whether he has much or lit- 
 tle, is responsible for the right use of what he has. But it is
 
 TO WHOM WE ARE RESPONSIBLE. 163 
 
 with those who belong to the five talents and ten talents rank, 
 rather than with those of the one talent, that we have now to 
 deal. " For to whom much is given, of him shall much be 
 required." This is the law of all obligation. The greater the 
 power the higher is the responsibility. 
 
 And first of all, the possession of wealth carries with it the 
 duty of clearly recognizing a responsibility for its righteous 
 use. Responsible to whom ? To men ? to society ? Yes : in 
 a very real sense. Wealth is a social good. It is only possi- 
 ble where society exists. Robinson Crusoe had many utilities 
 on his island, but no values, no wealth. Society is a factor in 
 the creation of wealth.* Therefore it is a judge as to how 
 wealth shall be used. It may enforce this judgment in the way 
 of laws. It does so in all forms of taxation. It may assert this 
 judgment by the power of public opinion. Society has the 
 right to assert such judgment. It has the right to say that 
 one use of wealth is mean and another generous, one use ty- 
 rannical and another noble, one use economically wasteful 
 and hurtful, and another economically thrifty and helpful. 
 And public opinion has power. It has again and again inter- 
 fered to prevent the grinding of the so-called iron laws of rent 
 and wages. It has forced men to a considerate regard for so- 
 cial claims and social duties, f 
 
 But there is a higher and larger responsibility. Whence 
 came your wealth ? From your own efforts ? From the efforts 
 of your ancestors ? Yes. But who gave the strength, the 
 skill, the opportunity, the material ? God. He made all 
 things. He owns all things. The earth is His. The plow- 
 man who breaks the soil, and the seed which the sower sows 
 therein, the rain that feeds the grain, and the sun that ripens 
 it, the forests on the hill-sides, the coal and gold in the mines, 
 all are God's. He made them all. The strength to toil, the 
 genius to invent, the capacity to organize, the very physical 
 and mental needs under whose pressure labor is demanded, 
 and thrift becomes an instinct, are God's endowments. So 
 He has made us. 
 
 * " The value of a dollar is social, as it is created by society." R. W. 
 Emerson. 
 
 t Walker on " Wages," p. 363.
 
 164 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 Socialism affirms that the earth belongs to humanity, to 
 society. But Christianity goes farther and affirms that " the 
 earth is the Lord's and the fullness thereof." And when we 
 have recognized the fact that the first title to ownership is 
 vested neither in individuals nor society, but in God, then we 
 may ask ourselves whether God's will, as it is revealed in 
 Scripture and in human history, is best served by such indi- 
 vidual trusteeship as shall both develop personal manhood 
 and promote social weal, or by a social ownership, such as 
 dwarfs manhood and refuses recognition to any diviner will 
 than the will of its own social order. God is the owner of all 
 wealth.* 
 
 Whether wealth is lodged in the trustee hands of those 
 who regard or disregard the monitions of conscience, all 
 wealth exists side by side with a conscience, because it exists 
 as the endowment of a man. And wherever a man is, there a 
 conscience is. And wherever a conscience is, there a witness 
 for God is ; there God's supreme law is, there an inalienable, 
 divine sovereignty of ownership is. This is the teaching of 
 the New Testament as to the right of property. It is a derived 
 right. It is an intrusted right. It is a right under God. This 
 is the teaching of all true ethical and economical philosophy. 
 A German defined the distinction between Communism and 
 Christianity thus: "Communism says, 'What is thine is 
 mine' ; Christianity says, 'What is mine is thine.' " This is 
 not the distinction. To quote an English writer, "Christian- 
 ity really teaches us to say, ' What seems thine is not thine ; 
 what seems mine is not mine ; whatever thou hast belongs to 
 God, and whatever I have belongs to God ; you and I must 
 use what we have according to God's will. ' " t Ah ! this truth 
 gives real meaning to the phrase, " the sacredness of proper- 
 ty. " Here is actual sacredness ; the sacredness of a right to 
 possess securely ; the sacredness of a duty to use wisely ; both 
 inhering in the supreme right and will of God. 
 
 A very visionary theory some will call this a theory that 
 will network amid the complex interests and activities of pro- 
 
 * C. H. Parkhurst in " New Princeton Review," January, 18S6, p. 34. 
 t " Laws of Christ for Common Life." E. W. Dale, LL. D. London : 
 Hodder & Stoughton, 1885, p. 35.
 
 WEALTH NOT THE CHIEF END OF MAN. 165 
 
 duction and exchange. Well, we read that when Jesus Christ 
 taught this theory of property, "the Pharisees, who were lov- 
 ers of money, heard all these things, and they scoffed at Him." 
 And we may scoff, too, and be Pharisees in our money greed. 
 But let us remember that it was against these scoffers that 
 Christ uttered the warning parable of "The rich man and 
 Lazarus. " And Christ tells us, in that solemn word-picture, 
 that against a rich man, whose only crime was that he thought 
 his wealth was his own to spend as he pleased, the Infinite 
 Love, raised to the white heat of indignation, flashed out in 
 intolerable displeasure as against a breach of good faith, a 
 default of trust, a criminal violence committed against the 
 indefeasible divine right of ownership and control. The pos- 
 sessors of wealth are responsible for their uses of wealth, first 
 to God, and then, under God, to society. And their chief 
 duty is to recognize this responsibility. 
 
 Again, the possessors of wealth are responsible for promot- 
 ing by precept and by example, in their own social circles, 
 and throughout all social circles, a conviction, fixed and 
 strong, against the notion that the gaining of material wealth 
 is the chief end of man. Material wealth is a good, both great 
 and necessary. Man's adaptation to secure it, indicated alike 
 by his needs, his capacities and his opportunities, and by the 
 very structure of the earth in its relation to man, is a token of 
 the Divine will as to his duty to secure it. Even large wealth, 
 in faithful hands, is a social blessing. But the acquirement 
 of wealth is not the highest social good. And when it is made 
 such highest good, to be sought at the expense, and even by 
 the sacrifice, of all other good, it becomes a social curse. It is 
 an economic blunder and fallacy that has regarded the per- 
 sonal, self-interested gaining of wealth as the single, or even 
 always the dominant motive for the best economic and indus- 
 trial action. And the more careful study of economic history 
 and a wider generalization of economic facts are exposing this 
 fallacy. The truer political economy of to-day is not what 
 Mr. Mill defined it, concerned with man "solely as a being 
 who desires to possess wealth, and who is capable of judging 
 of the comparative efficacy of means for obtaining that end." * 
 
 * Walker on " Wages," p. 174.
 
 1G6 STUDIES IX MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 Yet there is probably no country of the world where more 
 than in our own, this economic fallacy holds the principal 
 place as economic motive and where there is such a debasing 
 idolatry of wealth. 
 
 On the 23d of June, 1883, before the class of 1853, in the 
 chapel of Yale College, President Andrew D. White delivered 
 an address on " The Message of the Nineteenth Century to the 
 Twentieth."* He quoted Guizot's law of historical develop- 
 ment. Guizot affirms that "in consequence of the domina- 
 tion of a single element each of the ancient civilizations either 
 sank into immobility as in Egypt and India, or was devel- 
 oped with astonishing rapidity and brilliancy, only to decline 
 and decay as rapidly, as in Greece and the commercial com- 
 munities of the Mediterranean." With this principle as a 
 basis, Mr. White shows that in contrast with England, Ger- 
 many, Italy, France, where several ideas have been dominant, 
 our own American civilization has been controlled by a single 
 idea what he calls ' ' the mercantile spirit, " the desire for 
 gain-getting. This spirit has produced our rapid and brilliant 
 progress, but if unchecked " it must also bring on afterward 
 rapid decline and final sterility." 
 
 Already in the spheres of patriotism, politics, education, 
 literature, art, religion, even of industry itself, has this spirit 
 begun to do its disintegrating work. It has put United States 
 Senatorships on sale.f It has created our oppressive monopo- 
 lies. It has given us the wasteful and costly misgovernment 
 of our cities. It has created a class of men in whom all finer 
 traits of character are extinguished, whose aspirations are 
 dwarfed, whose sympathies are destroyed ; men benumbed in 
 conscience, brutalized in feeling, highwaymen and bucca- 
 neers, whose right is might and who know no law but the law 
 of their own audacity. It has set up a school where the phi- 
 losophy of the Gradgrinds is taught, a philosophy ' ' whose 
 fundamental principle was that everything was to be paid for. 
 
 * " The Irving Library." New York : John B. Alden, December 26, 1883. 
 
 t " Formerly the United States Senate was regarded as conservative in the 
 best sense ; now it is coming to be regarded more and more as the bulwark of 
 plutocratic bias. More and more are very wealthy men or their attorneys 
 securing seats in the Senate, and in some instances by means that are suspect." 
 "Class Interests," p. 33.
 
 PROTEST AGAINST MERCANTILISM. 167 
 
 that every inch of the existence of mankind from birth to 
 death was to be a bargain across a counter, and that if we 
 didn't get to heaven in that way it was not a politico-economi- 
 cal place, and we had no business there." * 
 
 This spirit has controlled in the choice of occupations. It 
 has put educational short-cuts at a premium. It has made a 
 scarcity of best men in the learned professions. Mr. White 
 tells us that "the greatest and most wealthy churches in the 
 United States are beginning to supply their pulpits from other 
 countries. I can see various reasons for this," he adds, "but 
 among these I see that the business spirit, the mercantile 
 spirit, is drawing our strongest young men to professions sim- 
 ply lucrative, "f Against this spirit the wealthy class should 
 set themselves, even as some among workingmen have set 
 themselves all honor to them for it. For the sake of coun- 
 try, art, literature, religion, humanity, this debasing Mammon- 
 ite spirit, this love and pursuit of mere gainfulness ought to 
 be controlled. 
 
 None can exercise this control, or influence others to exer- 
 cise it, better than wealth-owners. So live, so act, so speak, 
 that your children and your neighbors' children shall cease to 
 believe what too many are taught to believe that wealth, 
 not social service and moral worth, is the chief good and the 
 chief duty, and that a man's life consists in the abundance of 
 the things that he possesseth. Believe rather, and act on the 
 belief of the truth of Mr. White's words : " The greatest work 
 which the coming century has to do is to build up an aristoc- 
 racy of thought and feeling which shall hold its own against 
 the aristocracy of mercantilism. I would have more and 
 more the appeal made to every young man who feels within 
 him the ability for great and good work in any of these higher 
 fields, to devote his powers to them as a sacred duty, no mat- 
 ter how strongly the mercantile spirit may draw him. I 
 would have the idea preached early and late, that the man 
 who has powers fitted for this higher service, for the discovery 
 or proclamation of religious truth or scientific truth, for litera- 
 ture, for science, for art, is false to himself and false to his 
 
 * Charles Dickens, " Hard Times." 
 t " Address," p. 17.
 
 168 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 country if he deliberately puts his talents at the service of the 
 mercantile spirit."* Men and women of wealth ! Make this 
 public opinion that shall help to save our nation and our 
 manhood. Let no man's money, alone, be the passport to your 
 social recognition or your personal friendship. Put the crown 
 of your social honor on character, on thought, on intelligence, 
 on moral refinement, on any good work nobly done. Let the 
 plain fustian of the chosen, or compelled poverty of much of 
 the worthiest manhood, stand conspicuous for acknowledg- 
 ment amid the silks and broadcloths of your better pecuniary 
 conditions. Seek for your children careers that shall develop 
 and express character. Save the nation from the reproach 
 and the degradation of becoming a nation of mere shopkeep- 
 ers and money-makers. If God has given to you other ca- 
 pacity than merely to get or to care for wealth, exercise that 
 capacity. 
 
 For, again, the possessors of wealth are responsible for all 
 service of society, service for which the wealth furnishes op- 
 portunity and to which it gives power. The claims of this 
 responsibility are not fully met by the mere use of wealth 
 itself for service. Even the man who invests his money in 
 industrial enterprise under other people's management, is 
 doing a social service, though he lives on the interest of his 
 investment. He is not an idler and a drone. Society is com- 
 pensated for the living it gives him. 
 
 But other forms of service, personal service, are now in 
 our thought. Wealth-owners, by the leisure which wealth 
 affords, are responsible for using their leisure for public weal. 
 Literary studies, historical investigations, scientific researches, 
 these, if the knowledge and the culture does not end with the 
 man who gains them, but if they are devoted to the increase 
 of common knowledge and culture, are noble services. They 
 who follow these pursuits are workers. It is a crime to treat 
 them as drones.* And what better work can be done for 
 society than that those to whom God has given capacity, and 
 
 *" Address," p. 19. 
 
 t " Without a class free from the immediate care of material maintenance, 
 all the other higher concerns of society, art, science, and education, would 
 languish or perish." Mofiat, "Economy of Consumption," p. 489.
 
 THE USE OF WEALTH AS CAPITAL. 
 
 through wealth has given leisure, should devote themselves 
 to some of the social and economic and political questions 
 wherein light and the comparison of facts, and the weighing 
 of principles, and the molding of public opinion are so greatly 
 needed, lest in our blind ignorance, or our selfish indifference, 
 the cross-currents of these unsolved or wrongly solved pressing 
 questions, whirl us into the vortex of violent and ruinous revo- 
 lution ? 
 
 Then, too, there is work to be done in lines of moral, social, 
 and political reform, and philanthropic endeavor work which 
 shall take the workers out of the library, into the rush of pub- 
 lic conflict and into scenes of suffering and shame work to 
 which people of wealth may reasonably devote themselves. 
 When the late Prof. George I. Chace, of Brown University, 
 relinquished the toils of his college workshop, he did not" go 
 into a luxurious idleness. He gave the strength of his ripened 
 powers and the wisdom of his matured experience to the care 
 of the sick, the rescue of the vicious, and the reform of the 
 criminal. The heir to large possessions, who leaves the pro- 
 ductive management of his estate to other hands, and gives 
 his gratuitous labor to securing justice for the red man, as the 
 Secretary of the Indian Rights Association, is not a social 
 sponge, but a producer of moral weal, whose example may 
 well inspire the emulation of other rich young men. 
 
 Again, the possessors of wealth are responsible not only 
 for rendering to society such personal service as their wealth 
 specially fits them to render, but also for rightly using the 
 wealth itself. The use of wealth as capital is, in itself, a pub- 
 lic service, if the results of the use be a social good. There 
 are some workingmen who declaim against capital and capi- 
 talists. But intelligent workingmen do not join in such 
 declamation. They know that the amount of capital seeking 
 employment, and the demand for labor seeking opportunity, 
 are in very essential relations. Bank balances, savings-bank 
 deposits, all forms of wealth that can be turned to productive 
 use, are in themselves the helpers of labor. That the monop- 
 olist may borrow the savings of the workman, and turn them 
 into an instrument for his oppression, and for unduly raising 
 the prices of the necessaries of life, is an incidental mischief, 
 not any true economic element in the relation between capi- 
 
 8
 
 170 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 tal and labor. That capital often grasps an undue share of 
 the joint product is a wrong to be righted not any real part 
 of the lawful function of capital itself. 
 
 The man who, by his use of capital, either in large or small 
 sums, either under his own management or the management 
 of some chosen captain of industry, turns all possible wealth 
 into some form of productive capital, and who thus fosters 
 enterprise, stimulates production, enlarges the demand for 
 labor, and increases its reward, both in the increase of nomi- 
 nal wages and in the advance of the purchasing power of 
 wages, by the cheapening of the cost of necessaries such a 
 man is a useful public servant. In other respects he may be a 
 tyrant and a curse, but in this respect he is a benefactor. If 
 for the average needy man, the best of all charity is such help 
 as will enable him to supply his own needs, then he who aids 
 production by his use of capital even when that use brings 
 gain to the user is performing the, in itself, noble service 
 of furnishing to needy men the opportunity for self-help. 
 And when we know the relations of wealth as capital to the 
 material, and even to higher forms of social advantage, we 
 are sure that by both moral and economic principle this 
 method of using wealth is one of the chief ways of meeting 
 the responsibilities of wealth. 
 
 This responsibility implies that personal consumption of 
 wealth shall not diminish needlessly the productive power of 
 wealth. Take what is called dead capital. There are huge 
 dwellings, piles of brick and timbers, out of all proportion to 
 the possible occupancy of the present or any future owners 
 dead capital, that when it has once fed and clothed the work- 
 men who constructed the dwellings has ceased to be of pro- 
 ductive service. There are vast areas of vacant land, earning 
 no income, growing no crops, hindrances to communal pros- 
 perity, making all land more costly, rendering healthy homes 
 for the less fortunate classes impossible or too costly, keeping 
 out of productive use the money for which the land would 
 sell or lease dead capital, and quite stenchful, too, in the 
 nostrils of all sound economic principle.* There is extrava- 
 
 * Holding city lots for speculative purposes oufjht to be prevented by the 
 str.te. In Neufchatel, the city has taken possession of the ground, and leases
 
 ON LUXURIOUS EXPENDITURE. 
 
 gant expenditure for costly jewels and dress, and equipage 
 and entertainments, extravagance arising out of vanity, or 
 sensuality, or love of adornment, resulting in dead or squan- 
 dered capital. We are not ascetics. We are not called to live 
 in cells, to wear serge shirts, to eat black bread and broth. 
 The instinct of beauty is a divinely given instinct. When a 
 man can surround himself with such attractive forms of house- 
 hold and personal adornment as shall develop the inward 
 beauty of his life, and render him a better servant to humanity, 
 he has the right and the duty of such surroundings. Sumptu- 
 ary laws have always been a failure. Human nature can not 
 endure them. We would not seek their enactment. But when 
 we condemn the wasteful vanity of Cleopatra for drinking 
 pearls, or of Heliogabalus for feasting upon nightingales' 
 tongues, are we sure that we are not under the same condem- 
 nation ? Social festivity has its true place in our life. But 
 can there not be as much real social festivity at our inexpen- 
 sive afternoon teas blessed be the inventor of them ! as at an 
 all-night entertainment that costs thousands of dollars, " and 
 leaves nothing but withered flowers, rumpled vanities, de- 
 ranged stomachs and overtaxed nerves ? " It will be said, all 
 these things furnish work. Yes ; so does a conflagration. An 
 uncle of J. B. Say, the French economist, broke his wine-glass 
 after dining, remarking "The world must live." Say won- 
 dered " why he did not break the rest of his furniture for the 
 benefit of the world's workmen. " That a product wears out 
 prematurely, and must be replaced, is no industrial benefit ; no 
 more is extravagant expenditure. It furnishes immediate em- 
 ployment. But it stops there.* If the mere furnishing of 
 work, without reference to the continued productiveness of 
 that work, be an end to be sought, then Nero fiddling while 
 Home was burning, and the cow kicking over the lantern in 
 the Chicago shed and setting the city ablaze, were inspired by 
 true economical principles. "The real question to be consid- 
 
 it, on penalty of forfeiture, only on condition that buildings shall be erected 
 on it. 
 
 * Even in furnishing immediate employment there is only a transfer of em- 
 ployment. The money that replaces, through labor, a broken pane of glass, 
 would be more beneficial to labor at large if expended in purchasing a pair of 
 shoes. Needless labor lu social loss.
 
 172 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 ered in discussing the ethics of luxury," said Laveleye, "is, is 
 it useful ? " " We may consider luxury," he continues, "from 
 three points of view : First, from the moral point, as concern- 
 ing the individual : within what limit is the perfect satisfac- 
 tion of wants useful in the normal development of the human 
 faculties ? Second, from the economical point : to what ex- 
 tent is luxury a help or hindrance to the increase of weath ? 
 Third, from the point of right and justice : is luxury com- 
 patible with the equitable division of products and with the 
 general principle, that the remuneration of each person ought 
 to be proportional to the amount of useful labor he has per- 
 formed ? " * No wealth-owner has a moral or an economic 
 right to slay or to consume more than is needful for the health- 
 ful satisfaction of reasonable wants. For he is bound so to 
 use his total wealth as to lift up to higher levels the capacity 
 of average men to procure not only the necessaries, but some 
 of the finer gratifications of life. 
 
 Again : beyond the responsibility for promoting produc- 
 tion, and for refraining from euch a burial or destruction of 
 wealth as will prevent it from continuing as capital, the pos- 
 sessors of great wealth are responsible for the philanthropic 
 use of wealth in the promotion of general social weal. What- 
 ever enlarges intelligence and morality, enlarges manhood. 
 Whatever enlarges manhood, enlarges industrial power and 
 productive results. Schools, colleges, free libraries, free lect- 
 ures, rational amusements, playgrounds for children, churches 
 as schools for moral training, enlarge manhood by enlarg- 
 ing intelligence and morality, and so enlarge productive re- 
 sults. And these industrial results in turn, rightly distributed, 
 furnish enlarging conditions for enlarging manhood. Much 
 as we may and should increase the functions and the duties of 
 the State in reference to all these interests except as regards 
 the work of the Church a great field will yet remain for pri- 
 vate enterprise, both individual and combined. Are there no 
 men and women whose duty it is to endow chairs in our acad- 
 emies and colleges? Are there none who, while the State lags, 
 can establish schools where boys can be taught trades, and 
 
 * Himile de Laveleye, Art. "Luxury." "Popular Science Monthly," 
 March, 1881, p. 676.
 
 THE PHILANTHROPIC USE OF WEALTH. 173 
 
 girls both trades and the art of housekeeping ? Are there no 
 men or women who can build noble monuments for them- 
 selves, and render vast social service, even to yet unborn 
 myriads, by establishing and equipping public libraries, or by 
 providing Young Men's Christian Associations with perma- 
 nent homes ? Are there none who will do what Peter Cooper 
 did for New York, and Enoch Pratt for Baltimore, and what 
 George Peabody did for a multitude of cities in this country 
 and in Europe ? Do God, and righteousness, and honest con- 
 sciences rule among our people of wealth ? Or do Mammon, 
 the devil, selfishness, debauched consciences rule among too 
 many of them ? No man may dictate to its possessors as to 
 the special methods for the philanthropic use of wealth. There 
 is impertinent assumption, often displayed by those who, repre- 
 senting public schemes, stand at rich men's doors with an air 
 that says : Your wealth is bound to be put at our disposal. 
 But every rich man is under obligation, social and divine, to 
 be a philanthropist as well as a producer, and to guide his 
 philanthropic as well as his productive action by the soundest 
 economic and moral principles. There is division of labor 
 here as well as elsewhere, and every man must decide on his 
 own conscience and before God how he may most usefully be- 
 stow his wealth. But he ought to decide, and he ought to 
 bestow according to his ability. Art galleries may be erected 
 and furnished. The Cleveland experiment,* of providing the 
 people with wholesome amusement and with attractive in- 
 struction, overcoming, by good, the evil of frivolous and debas- 
 ing amusement, may be repeated in all our cities. Companies 
 can be organized that shall provide, for workmen, decent 
 homes at moderate rentals ; or that may aid, with counsel and 
 capital, co-operative enterprises which workmen direct. Here 
 are fields where surplus wealth may produce large social har- 
 vests. In these directions the perplexing question as to lucra- 
 tive investments may find solution. 
 
 The world has had men who have done such noble deeds. 
 It has to-day very many who are doing them. Poor men pass 
 their elegant homes with never a throb of envy. Mountains 
 they are in the social world. Round their heads no terrors 
 
 * "Century Magazine," January, 1885, p. 390.
 
 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 flash. Down their sides no avalanches thunder. They are 
 to adapt Raskin's words pure and white hills near to the 
 heavens, and sources of good to earth, the appointed memo- 
 rials of that light of God's mercy that fell, snow-like, on the 
 Mount of Transfiguration.* Would that all were such ! Would 
 that there were none who are, or are growing rich, and who 
 are, or are growing mean ! Would that there were none who, 
 surrounded by huge sepulchres full of dead capital emphasiz- 
 ing and manifesting, by their wasteful and demonstrative ex- 
 travagances, the vast gulf between those who have and those 
 who have not are feeding the flames of Socialism and mak- 
 ing it an increasing power and peril ! Would that there were 
 none who, like Silas Marner, the weaver, have forgotten the 
 purpose of wealth, and have come to love it for its own sake ! 
 "The weaver's hand had known the touch of hard-won money 
 even before the palm had grown to its full breadth. For 
 twenty years mysterious money had stood to him as the sym- 
 bol of earthly good and the immediate object of toil. He had 
 seemed to love it little in the years when every penny had its 
 purpose for him ; for he loved the purpose then. But now, 
 when all purpose was gone, that habit of looking toward the 
 money and grasping it with a sense of fulfilled effort, made 
 a loam that was deep enough for the seeds of desire ; and as 
 Silas walked homeward across the fields, in the twilight, he 
 drew out the money and thought it was brighter in the gath- 
 ering gloom. "t Would that there were none like him, men 
 for whom money has ceased to have a noble purpose or for 
 whom it never had such purpose ! Would that there were 
 none who were moral Saharas, sucking into their absorbing 
 sands all social sunshine and rain, but returning only the blis- 
 tering simooms of their desolating greed! 
 
 Brave and true were the words spoken by President White 
 concerning such as these : "I might remind you that nothing 
 is so sure to bring on social disintegration as the senseless lux- 
 ury or crude selfishness of great millionaires. The only thing 
 that makes great millionaires tolerable in society is the noble 
 
 * " Modern Painters." New York : Wiley & Halstead, 1858, vol. iv, p. 
 375. 
 
 t George Eliot's " Silas Marner."
 
 WHEN WEALTH IS A SOCIAL DANGER. 1Y5 
 
 expenditure of their money. Millionaires who simply accu- 
 mulate to the end of their days are mere fatty tumors on the 
 body-politic ; millionaires who set an example of senseless 
 luxury are simply cancers." * What ! Cancers ? Why, is it 
 not true that, unless a man makes his capital dead capital, or 
 huries it in the ground, taking out from time to time enough 
 to live upon, he must render to society at least some form of 
 productive service ? Yes, this is true.f But it is also true that 
 this service may be rendered, not for the sake of the service, 
 but exclusively for the sake of winning the reward in pe- 
 cuniary gain which such service brings. And while society 
 must have, and is benefited by, the service, it is the motive 
 which prompts to the service that ennobles or degrades the 
 man who renders it. And degradation of the servant means 
 degradation of those who are served. No man of large wealth 
 can satisfy a generous nature or an honest conscience by mere 
 service in production. If the exigencies of business will not 
 permit any withdrawal of capital for philanthropic enterprise, 
 then let him curtail luxurious personal expenditure for the 
 sake of such enterprise. No man, without leaving a stain 
 upon his memory, can die rich, unless he has, either during 
 his life or by will at his death, benefited society in other than 
 industrial ways. No man can hope to escape the awful perils 
 of greed and oppression, and all low trickeries and dishonest- 
 ies which compass the path of the getting and the care of 
 wealth, except by putting himself strongly, by means of his 
 money, into the moral, intellectual, spiritual life of his com- 
 munity and his time. 
 
 "Charge them," said the inspired Paul, "charge them 
 that are rich in this world, that their trust be not in wealth, 
 but in God, and that they do good, that they communi- 
 cate that is, have large sympathies that heart and hand 
 alike train wealth to noble, social, human uses ! " J It is 
 for you and such as you this broad land over, to say whether 
 
 " Address," p. 13. 
 
 f There is a use of capital that seems productive while it Is really destruc- 
 tive. The world would have been richer if some capitalists of this sort had 
 never existed. These men are enemies of all social weal. No sanction is 
 given to their use of capital. 
 
 J Paraphrased from 1 Timothy, vi. 17-19.
 
 176 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 increasing 1 wealth shall curse or bless us, degrade or ele- 
 vate us. It is for you to say whether the stains of injus- 
 tice and oppression shall he taken from your capitalism ; 
 whether selfishness shall he turned into an enlightened self- 
 love, sweetened and made tender and righteous by a Christian 
 regard for others' rights and a Christian sympathy for others' 
 needs ; whether education, art, morality, religion, and a wider 
 distribution of all industrial benefits shall raise the masses of 
 humanity to higher levels of character and condition ! What 
 will you say ? What will you do ? How will you treat your 
 noble trust ? How will you meet your supreme responsibility 
 to society and to God ? 
 
 You can not meet this responsibility by communistic dis- 
 tribution. Neither God nor best social interest call you to 
 that. That is the coward's refuge, when he dare not face the 
 world and duty. You can not meet your responsibility by 
 miserliness or misanthropy. Only a devil in your hearts will 
 summon you to that. You can meet responsibility only by an 
 honest administration of your wealth as a trust given you for 
 the worthiest social ends. 
 
 Hear a Chicago business man, Mr. Franklin McVeagh, 
 speaking to his fellows at the Commercial Club, of Boston : 
 u Democracy, after all, is not more a governmental revolution 
 than it is a social revolution. The greatest concession, it 
 seems to me, that will be demanded of wealth by democracy 
 a concession that will answer the demands of progress as well 
 will be the frank acknowledgment of a moral trusteeship, of 
 a moral obligation to freely use surplus wealth for the general 
 good. Happy the necessity, beneficent the tyranny that will 
 thus rule trade and wealth to their own glorious enfranchise- 
 ment! . . . Once inspire trade with such an aim, free wealth 
 from its spiritual bondage through this great ideal, give to all 
 the pursuits of business such a right royal sanction, that they 
 shall take rank and dignity with all the work that is done for 
 humanity in its best estate, with poetry, with every form of 
 literature, with every form of art, with statesmanship, with 
 apostleship Crcesus hugging his millions to his bosom as his 
 own, in the narrow sense of ownership, rejecting the idea of 
 trusteeship, will be overwhelmed in the rush of the current of 
 modern ideas. Croesus accepting the idea of trusteeship will
 
 THE RESPONSIBILITIES OF WEALTH. 177 
 
 be the new force in civilization for which the world is wait- 
 ing."* Are not such words an echo of the New Testament 
 teaching ? Are they not rays from Jesus Christ, the light 
 of men ? Well says the editor of the "Century," "such a 
 recognition of moral trusteeship will pluck the sting from 
 Socialism and save to the world the fruits of enterprise."! 
 Thus only, O men of wealth, can you meet your responsibil- 
 ity, by rendering unto God, through rendering unto society, 
 proportionate return for the benefits you have received and for 
 the talents with which you have been intrusted. 
 
 * Quoted from the " Century Magazine," December, 1885, p. 38. 
 t December, 1885, p. 38.
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 PERSONAL MORALITY AN INDUSTRIAL FORCE. 
 
 " Godliness is profitable unto all things, having promise of the life that 
 now is, and of that -which is to come." The Apostle Paul* 
 
 " Think'st thou there is no tyranny but that 
 Of blood and chains ? The despotism of vice 
 The weakness and the wickedness of luxury 
 The negligence the apathy the evils 
 Of sensual sloth produce ten thousand tyrants 
 Whose delegated cruelty surpasses 
 The worst acts of one energetic master 
 However harsh and hard in his own bearing." 
 
 Byron? " Sardanapalus." 
 
 " Just try for a day or so to think of all the odd jobs, as to be done well 
 and truly in God's sight, not just slurred over anyhow, and you'll go through 
 them twice as cheerfully, and more efficiently." Mrs. Gaskell. 
 
 WE consider godliness as it is related to our earthly life. 
 We consider it as still further limited in its relation to some 
 of the industrial features of the earthly life. Though the 
 principles presented concern all who have any part in the 
 world's work, these principles are especially addressed to 
 workingmen, distinctively so called. Godliness means liter- 
 ally piety or reverence for God. But without doing violence 
 to this literal sense, we may take godliness as meaning the 
 sum of all right moral actions, among which reverence for 
 God is the highest action and the ground motive for all other 
 right action. For this English word godliness is really God- 
 likeness. A goodly man is a Godlike man that is, a man 
 who, under his conditions and relations, acts in a way most 
 
 * 1 Timothy, iv, 8.
 
 MORALITY DEFINED. 179 
 
 like that in which God acts under his conditions and rela- 
 tions. Godliness is righteousness that is, it is the highest 
 morality. There is a sense in which we use the word mo- 
 rality considered apart from religion and God, and I shall so 
 use it in this chapter. But this sense is always really related 
 to God. If moral action is not hased on religion, it always 
 feels the influence of religion in the moral standard which re- 
 ligion has set up in the common social conscience a standard 
 by which even the irreligious personal conscience judges it 
 self and is itself judged by others. 
 
 Of all highest morality, God is the source and sanction. 
 He is the source and sanction of anything other than the 
 highest that is worthy to be called morality, even though the 
 doer of the act may neither recognize nor regard God. An 
 action is not right because it is useful ; it is useful because it 
 is right. It is right for you to do this, it is wrong for you to 
 do that, because by virtue of the eternal principle of righteous- 
 ness which is the character of God for you here, now, in your 
 present circumstance, this is right and that is wrong. That 
 God is the source and sanction of all true moral action, is a 
 fact assumed and affirmed, rather than a fact now to be 
 argued. 
 
 Whether God be recognized or not in the action, whether 
 morality finds in piety both its root and its fruit, or sustains 
 no relation to piety ; all moral action is, so far as it is moral 
 action, righteous, and like God, and the man in respect to 
 that action is godly. Moral action, that does not regard God, 
 is, however, not entitled to be regarded as godly in any but 
 an inferior and accommodated sense. 
 
 Morality, whether determined by the public opinion that is 
 dominated by the thought of God, or by the personal con- 
 science controlled by reverence for God, has promise of the 
 life that now is. And the degree in which the promise Is 
 realized Is in proportion to the degree in which the morality 
 of action is attained. This does not mean that the most moral 
 man will be the richest man ; but that the man who, accord- 
 ing to his capacity and in his relations, acts according to the 
 highest principles of moral obligation, will, on the whole, ac- 
 complish the most with his capacity and do the best that is 
 possible in his relations. How can it be otherwise ? The uni-
 
 180 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 verse is not split in twain. There are not two sets of laws, 
 one for the visible, the other for the unseen universe ; one for 
 the life that now is, the other for that which is to come. 
 There is one set of laws ordained out of the one changeless 
 character of the one God. Wherever man, a moral being, 
 with a conscience, a will, a responsibility, comes into relation 
 to the material world and its laws, his action on the material 
 world is moral as well as material action, because it is the 
 action of a being who is under moral law. Hence an inten- 
 tional violation of known physical law is also a violation of 
 moral law, because it is the act of a personal will against the 
 protests of a personal conscience. It must be, then, that 
 moral law has much to do with man's action in his relation to 
 the material world, and with the results of that action both 
 upon the actor and upon society. 
 
 In claiming that the best industrial results are, in the 
 nature of things, essentially related to the best morality, we 
 must not claim too much for morality. Morality can not 
 make weak men strong, nor foolish men wise. It can not re- 
 verse the laws of nature. In a community largely unmoral, 
 or where the standards of business and industry are degraded, 
 and business and industrial methods and practices are rotten 
 with all trickeries and gross dishonesties, the personal mo- 
 ralities of individuals can not secure in personal industrial 
 results what might be secured if the common standard were 
 less immoral. Though every workingman were honest, while 
 every employer was dishonest, the total social result of indus- 
 trial action would not be so large and so noble as if both 
 workmen and employers had been honest. 
 
 We can not always test our principle by individual cases, 
 and by short reaches of history. Some men do wrong and 
 seem to prosper ; others do right and seem to fail. The old 
 problem that troubled the Psalmist when he saw the wicked 
 flourish, often perplexes men, even to-day. We must take a 
 large aggregate of individual instances and study history in 
 its sweep of vast spaces, if we would find full confirmation of 
 our principle. Many elements enter into the final industrial 
 result, such as government, climate, soil, location, intelligence, 
 natural industrial aptitudes. But among these elements, mo- 
 rality must have a chief place. No morality can secure a high
 
 THE ADULTERATION OF GOODS. 181 
 
 industrial civilization in Kamtchatka. But no form of gov- 
 ernment, fertility of soil, rivers, harbors, mines, inventive 
 genius, powers of productive organization, can hinder, in the 
 long run, industrial deterioration, commercial disaster and 
 social ruin in England, France and America, if the workers, 
 the leaders or the led, are degraded by personal and industrial 
 immoralities. 
 
 For look you ! The chief factor in industry is not capital, 
 in material, or money or machinery ; not directing skill or 
 labor force. These are essential factors, but not the chief one. 
 The chief factor is man, and the industrial action of man, and 
 the total results of that action, depend upon the totality of the 
 manhood, the character of man as a moral being, obedient or 
 disobedient to moral law. The largest manhood, other con- 
 ditions being equal, means the most socially serviceable pro- 
 duction. And the most morality, other conditions being equal, 
 means the most manhood. The most industrially prosperous 
 nations of the world are those that, with equal conditions, are 
 the most moral nations. The most prosperous men are on the 
 whole those who, with conditions of intelligence and skill and 
 opportunity equal to others of the same class, are on the whole 
 the most moral men. Certain it is that immorality in per- 
 sonal life, resulting in failure of conscience in industrial life, 
 will bring degradation to the worker and the work, and loss 
 to society. 
 
 A few years ago English cotton cloth would not wash. 
 When the clay and the starch were rinsed out, the cotton was 
 left a mere rag. A friend told me how, on opening a bale of 
 English goods, the dust, from the clay with which the cloth 
 had been adulterated, filled the room and choked the occu- 
 pants. What was the result ? American cotton goods were 
 sold in Manchester and London. India raised cotton, manu- 
 factured goods and captured the markets of India, China and 
 Australia. Did want of morality have a good or bad indus- 
 trial result ? Said Mr. Mellor, M. P., in denouncing the de- 
 ceptions of manufacturers, "They seem to believe that the 
 consuming inhabitants of the globe are all fools except them- 
 selves." He mentioned the case of an engineer who in cross- 
 ing the Indian Ocean was decorating his turban with muslin. 
 "Is that English ? " he was asked. "No, it is from Switzer-
 
 182 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 land. The English makes my fingers stick ; it is gummy."* 
 Let such deceptions extend to all branches of trade, and what 
 will become of trade ? 
 
 Suppose, on the contrary, that all Captains of Industry 
 were not only honest in the quality and uses of their material, 
 but that they were faithfully meeting those obligations per- 
 taining to their rank, which have been here urged upon them ; 
 all acting, as many of them are acting, as citizens of the king- 
 dom of God, every one of them an Owen, or a Titus Salt, or a 
 Fairbanks, or a Cheney ; suppose that all men and women of 
 wealth were doing what some are doing, meeting to the full 
 the responsibilities of wealth, living as moral beings, with 
 consciences void of offense toward God and toward their fel- 
 lows : can any one who reads history, and who understands 
 the first principles of economic and ethical philosophy, doubt 
 what would be the result on industrial and social prosperity ? 
 Morality, then, has essential relation to general industrial 
 well-being. 
 
 When we study carefully the unhappy and hostile attitude 
 that those who represent capital and those who represent 
 labor, are at present maintaining, each toward the other, we 
 find deep-seated moral causes at the basis of this attitude, and 
 at the basis of the conditions out of which the attitude has 
 arisen. The growth of democracy, and the ignorance of that 
 growth, or the contempt of it, will not wholly explain this 
 attitude. Capital has been grasping, grinding, harsh. Men 
 have been in haste to be rich, and in their wild eagerness have 
 not only pierced themselves through with many sorrows, soil- 
 ing the fair face of their conscience so that it reflected no 
 light of God, but they have trampled with ruthless heel on 
 the hearts and lives of their fellow-men. Riotous speculation 
 turning our exchanges into gambling hells, and into arenas 
 where veritable bulls and bears have tossed and crushed each 
 other in a conflict of savage beastliness has robbed honest 
 capital of its profits, and labor of its wages and its bread. 
 Oppressive taxation has despoiled industry of its fruits, be- 
 
 * " Duty." Samuel Smiles. Franklin Square Library, p. 9. 
 
 " Bad Times." Alfred Eussel Wallace. London : Macmillan & Co., p. 77. 
 
 " Encyclopaedia Britannica," ninth edition. Art. "Adulteration."
 
 MORALITY INFLUENCES CONDITIONS. 183 
 
 cause the contents of the public purse have been openly squan- 
 dered or stealthily stolen. Forgeries, defalcations, bank-rob- 
 beries, breaches of trust, have added to the general confusion, 
 turned property out of productive channels, and scattered to 
 the winds the hard-earned savings of the poor. Here are im- 
 moralities that manifestly affect the conditions of industry, 
 and render more difficult the solution of the labor problem, 
 because rendering the burdens of labor more difficult to bear. 
 
 Yet even if these conditions could all be changed ; if capi- 
 tal were wholly just ; if financial crimes could be repressed ; 
 if gambling speculation could be abolished ; if taxation could 
 be reduced to the lowest point ; if, for instance, municipal ad- 
 ministration in New York city could be made as cheap and as 
 effective as it is in Berlin even then the day of labor's re- 
 demption would not have been reached. For the industrial 
 redemption of labor depends largely upon the moral condi- 
 tions of labor. So long as labor itself fails to reach the high- 
 est moral standards, so long will the best industrial results be 
 unattained either by the laborer or by society. No immoral 
 laborer is a good or useful factor in industry. That the condi- 
 tion of labor is by no means what, on the whole, it ought to 
 be, is due in part to the moral failure of labor itself. 
 
 Do not misunderstand these statements. There are condi- 
 tions of labor for which the present generation of working- 
 men are in no wise responsible. Their own ancestry are 
 responsible. The whole ancestral race of capitalists is re- 
 sponsible. Society, past and present, is responsible. While 
 conditions remain unchanged there are some things that even 
 morality can not do. But morality tends to change many 
 conditions. Morality will make better work, and sweeter life, 
 and happier hearts, even with some conditions unchanged. 
 Lack of morality has made some of the conditions, and ren- 
 dered others more difficult of removal. 
 
 Again, do not misunderstand. It Is not said that there is 
 not as much honesty, truthfulness, purity, faithfulness among 
 workingmen, as among any other equal number of men. It 
 is not said that the vices of workingmen are more hurtful to 
 social good, and more obstructive to industrial progress than 
 the vices of those regarded as of higher social rank. They 
 are not so hurtful. The molten lava of pernicious influence
 
 18i STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 that pours from a social volcano, and that wastes the fertility 
 of its own slopes and of the valleys at its feet, is more destruc- 
 tive than the miasma that lurks in the valleys. What society 
 wants is, to abolish both the lava and the miasma. But the 
 abolition of miasma is a task that the dwellers in the valley 
 must take, in the main, upon their own shoulders. 
 
 The real morality among workingmen is itself conscious of 
 the immorality around it. It yearns for improvement in the 
 condition of its fellows. It works for that improvement. 
 And it is not to find fault, not to bring charges, but to deepen 
 conviction, to intensify yearnings, to co-operate with all noble 
 workmen in all noble work that these words are written. 
 
 As far as the redemption of labor involves improved mo- 
 rality in the ranks of labor, so far labor's redemption is in 
 labor's own hands. Take ignorance. It is not always the 
 fault of society or the State that there are ignorant workmen. 
 There is no man with any sort of mental capacity who need 
 remain ignorant. If he listen to his conscience, he will not 
 remain ignorant. He will not remain ignorant of the things 
 which he must know to perform his allotted tasks in the best 
 way. Intelligence is a duty. The failure to be intelligent, 
 within the sphere of one's own life and work, unless capacity 
 to know be wanting, is more than intellectual lack ; it is moral 
 default of duty. Moral motives must be felt in all their ur- 
 gency, compelling a man by his own endeavor to supply his 
 defects in intelligence, which society or the State, through 
 their failures in duty, may have put upon him. 
 
 Take the duty of justice. Every man wants justice done 
 by others to himself. But men are not always careful to do 
 justice to others. You workingmen ask justice from your em- 
 ployer, as you ought to ask it. But do you always do justice 
 to him ? A London builder once inquired of a young man 
 where he was going. ' ' Oh, I am going to Mr. So-and-so's to 
 work. " "At the pace you are going you will not get there 
 until it is time to leave off." " I am very sorry, sir," was the 
 man's apology, " but we are not allowed to sweat ourselves if 
 we are walking in your time." Was that honest ? Was it an 
 encouragement of justice on the part of the Union, whose 
 then existing rules required such action ? Perhaps it had not 
 occurred to the man or to his fellows, that there was no moral
 
 MORAL FRICTIONS IN INDUSTRY. 185 
 
 difference between stealing money from a man's purse and 
 stealing money by waste, in needless loitering, of the labor- 
 time that money had paid for. Was this good industrial 
 morality ? Was it even wise self-interest ? Could such 
 injustice fail to react in damage both to wages and to char- 
 acter ? 
 
 There are wastes of material, by indifference and careless- 
 ness. This is no insignificant item in the expenses of many 
 large establishments. Of course, accidents will happen. But 
 reckless waste is immorality. It is a defect of justice. " This 
 is the employer's property, not mine. It is not my business to 
 take utmost care." It is your business. You would not wish 
 another to treat your material thus. And what you would 
 not wish another to do with that which is yours, you ought 
 not to do with that which is another's. The golden rule, the 
 law of justice, is violated by all negligent waste. And waste- 
 ful production is extra-costly production ; and extra-costly 
 production means, in the long run, production unprofitable to 
 all who are concerned in it, to workmen no less than to em- 
 ployers. 
 
 Springing from injustice there are moral frictions in in- 
 dustry even more hurtful than material ones. Unless a man 
 has proved himself unworthy of trust, trust is his right, and a 
 withholding of trust is a robbery of his right. The employer 
 who looks with suspicion upon his men, who counts them as 
 his mortal enemies, who is always watching against cheating, 
 and guarding against outbreaks, is arousing a spirit of sus- 
 picion in those who serve him ; is making the very condition 
 against which he stands in fear ; and is creating an atmos- 
 phere which renders best work impossible. Workmen may 
 also create such an atmosphere. Suspicion toward your 
 mates, toward overseers, toward employers, envy, jealousy, 
 hate often groundless, often exaggerated even when there is 
 just ground, resentment of any advance of kindness or sym- 
 pathy or practical help, as if the very fact that one is an em- 
 ployer, always sets some sinister motive lurking behind every 
 action that had a righteous front or a humane face this takes 
 hope, energy, faithfulness, honesty, out of the workers and 
 the work. " Trust, confidence between man and man," said a 
 Knight of Labor to me "this is what is wanted every-
 
 183 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 where.''* This is what is wanted, and for this, morality, 
 sense of justice, is wanted. Trust and honor not low- 
 browed, surly suspicion are every man's due from every 
 other man, until he has clearly forfeited that right. When 
 all men learn the lesson ; when all men render the justice 
 due ; when every employer regards his men as men, and 
 treats them as men worthy of sympathy and fair dealing and 
 kindly help ; when every workman shall refuse to use the 
 language of the English collier, concerning his master, ' ' All 
 coal-masters is devils, and Briggs is the prince of devils" ; 
 when the many nohle employers, who earnestly seek from 
 God grace to aid them in making their business a means of 
 blessing to their men, shall no longer be hindered and har- 
 assed, and driven to sore discouragement by the suspicious 
 and rebellious spirit that refuses to believe in their fairness, 
 and their humane and just intent ; when the root of injustice 
 in the want of reverence for a man as a man, shall be plucked 
 out ; when men everywhere shall believe that Jesus Christ 
 has revealed the awful greatness of a man as a man, high or 
 low, rich or poor, commanding or commanded ; when we 
 shall feel that to invade any man's right is to commit the 
 crime of sacrilegious profanation against the supreme Lord- 
 ship of Christ then, indeed, will the hour of labor's redemp- 
 tion be drawing nigh. They who clamor for a recognition of 
 their own rights, and a rendering of justice to themselves, 
 and who clamor none too loudly, ought to see to it that they 
 regard others' rights, and that they do not, by waste of time 
 and materials, and by blind and unworthy suspicion, fail to 
 render that exact justice to others which they rightly, in the 
 name of humanity, demand for themselves. 
 
 Take the morality of conversation. Reference is not made 
 now to gossiping and lying talk though this influences in- 
 dustrial action but rather to profane and vulgar talk. A 
 German Socialist, whom I Vas glad to welcome to my study, 
 and from whom I learned many things, told me that when he 
 
 * "Would you make men trustworthy? Trust them. "Would you make 
 them true? Believe them. . . . When the crews of the fleet of Britain, knew 
 that they were expected to do their duty, they did their duty." " Sermons." 
 By Frederick W. Kobertson. Boston : Ticknor & Fields, 1857. First series, 
 p. 285.
 
 DEMAND FOE PERSONAL PURITY. 187 
 
 came to America he was shocked and disgusted at the talk he 
 heard in the shops. So low, ribald, profane, foul was it, that 
 he could not work well for very faintness of heart and revolt 
 of feeling. It is hoped that his experience is rare, and that 
 such things are not common. " For out of the abundance of 
 the heart the mouth speaketh." Foul speech means a foul 
 heart, and makes a foul heart. The man is more than the 
 worker. But the worker is as the man. And bad speech is 
 bad character, and means a bad worker and inefficient work. 
 Moral ventilation in the workshop is as essential as atmos- 
 pheric ventilation to most successful work, and should equally 
 with this receive the attention of the workers. 
 
 Or again : take personal purity. What has this to do with 
 work ? Much every way, for it has much to do with manhood. 
 No wholesome manhood is possible without it. Sins against 
 purity reduce physical energy, paralyze brain-force, enfeeble 
 will, pervert conscience. They involve untruth and injustice, 
 and a gross defilement of at least two temples in which the 
 Spirit of God might dwell. They involve flagrant dishonest- 
 ies. They touch, with their corruption, character at every 
 point, and make probable a surrender to temptation to dis- 
 honesty in other forms. Our systems of modern industry 
 afford special opportunities for these sins. And these sins 
 degrade the worker and the work. If the nature of the sub- 
 ject did not forbid further discussion, it could be shown, and 
 any man who thinks can follow the matter to its conclusions, 
 that such noisome facts as were lately uncovered in English 
 society, and some manifest failures to secure best moral influ- 
 ences in our own society, have a very appreciable effect upon 
 the rate of wages, and upon all the moral incentives to most 
 profitable industry. 
 
 On behalf of the womanhood of their own class, and of all 
 womanhood, on behalf of noblest manhood and most effective 
 work, workingmen ought to keep themselves pure. They 
 ought to frown upon and protest against the men who commit 
 these crimes. If any of their fellows are such men, if any 
 employers are guilty of such acts, or for the sake of low wages 
 connive at such deeds by others, self-respecting workers ought 
 to refuse to work with such men and for such employers. 
 Strike against these ruthless invasions of the sweetest sancti-
 
 188 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 ties of life ! If you will use the boycott put it in force here. 
 Noble manhood is noble work. Impure manhood is personal, 
 social, industrial degradation. 
 
 Take morality in the family relation. Happy marriage if; 
 the natural condition of grown men and women. But mar- 
 riage entered into -blunderingly, blindly, without reflection, 
 will be a man's misery and a woman's shame. It is no man's 
 duty to marry a woman who can not manage a home, who is 
 shiftless and slattern, whose disorder and dirt, and badly- 
 cooked food, and general worthlessness and incompetence, will 
 make home a hell, and the saloon a welcome paradise beside it. 
 It is no man's duty or his right to make marriage a drain and 
 an incubus upon his industry. The right to marriage does 
 not exist, except there be the ability to meet the responsibili- 
 ties of marriage. No man ought to marry who has not a rea- 
 sonable expectation that he can support a family in a good 
 degree of comfort, according to the standards of living in his 
 own sphere. While too many men delay marriage, setting 
 their standard of comfort too high, too many workmen rush 
 into marriage without the slightest thought of their ability to 
 conform to any standard. Much of the existing misery and 
 poverty, and of the inability to meet the exigencies of commer- 
 cial crises and of the conflicts often needful for getting the 
 labor into the best market, are due to thoughtless or mismatecl 
 marriages. The secret of one of the advantages which capital 
 has hi its conflict with labor is in this very burden, which la- 
 bor lays upon its own shoulders. No man ought to expect so- 
 ciety to provide for his household. No man ought to offer to 
 society a larger household than his own good health, tough 
 muscle, honest work, can rear and train for good social service. 
 If, as our medical men tell us, and as statistics show, there is in 
 some ranks of society a criminal and murderous rejection of 
 the blessed crown of motherhood, there is in other ranks a 
 disregard of personal justice, a want of economic foresight, a 
 thoughtlessness as to social facts and laws, that are equally 
 criminal. It is only when labor is thus recklessly improvident 
 that Ricardo's iron law of wages has any reality of crush- 
 ing force. A happy home life, thrift, the best conditions 
 of industry, the future of the children, depend very much 
 upon the intelligent recognition and practice by every work-
 
 INDUSTRIAL EFFECTS OF INTEMPERANCE. 189 
 
 ingman of this essential morality that underlies the family 
 relation. 
 
 Again : take the matter of the use of strong drink. You 
 do not need to be told the facts. You know that the enormous 
 tax upon all industry which intemperance imposes, the waste 
 of capital which might be used in profitable production, the 
 support of prisons and poorhouses, and police and criminal 
 courts, which intemperance makes necessary, are all a tax 
 upon the wage-worker. You know that the nation would be 
 industrially, morally, and in every other conceiyable way, 
 richer if the hundreds of millions of dollars which are each 
 year offered in tribute to the demon of strong drink, were 
 rather cast into the depths of the sea. You know that drink 
 consumes muscular energy and brain-force, wastes time, spoils 
 material, detracts from the value of the work done, and lessens 
 the wages earned. You have heard of Sir Thomas Brassey's 
 gang of navvies on the Great Northern Railroad, who did 
 more work and earned more wages in a day than any other 
 gang, who always quit work half an hour earlier than others, 
 and who to a man were teetotalers. You know that more 
 money is spent for drink by the working classes than by any 
 other classes. Have you thought what this money, thus 
 squandered, in that which reduces physical and moral tone 
 and makes incompetent workers and inefficient work, might 
 do, if it were turned into wage-earning and capital-earning 
 power, and were spent for food, clothes, books, pictures, 
 homes ; or were put into savings-banks, or, even better, into 
 the stock of a relief, a life-insurance, a co-operative society ? 
 Do you not know that the poverty, vice, filth, incapacity, 
 ignorance, crime, which curses the homes and lives of so many 
 workers is due, in large measure, directly or indirectly, to 
 allegiance to the drink tyrant ? 
 
 I do not forget that poverty, unhealthy or unhappy homes, 
 the foul air in which many men must work, the darkness that 
 shrouds so many lives, the lack of interest and of opportuni- 
 ties for clean and elevating social amusement which pertains 
 to these lives, have much to do with fostering this drink-pas- 
 sion and with furnishing temptations to its indulgence. I do 
 not forget that moral reformers, who recognize the facts of 
 human nature, and are not blinded by the theories of enthusi-
 
 190 STUDIES IN 7 MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 asts, might do well to turn some of their energy toward re- 
 moving the fuel as well as toward fighting the flame, and 
 might and ought to arouse a philanthropic opinion and action, 
 that shall concern itself with better homes and better pleasures 
 for the workers. But the passion for drink is one of the prime 
 creators of the conditions which, in turn, strengthen the mon- 
 strous despotism of their creator. The passion is in the man. 
 Even with unchanged conditions it may be rooted out of the 
 man, and so change the conditions. It will be rooted out of 
 the man only as he gives himself, with all available divine 
 and social helps, to the rooting out of the passion. Intemper- 
 ance is personal immorality. Abstinence is personal morality. 
 The man himself who would be moral must himself do the 
 moral action.* Honor to the labor organizations that have 
 set temperance among their corner-stone principles ! t When 
 all members of labor organizations come to dislike to work 
 with the intemperate as much as they dislike to work with 
 scabs ; when employers refuse employment to the intemper- 
 ate ; when the consciences of all workmen are fully aroused 
 to the essential relation between best morality and best indus- 
 try, the temperance problem will have its solution, and a 
 long stride will be made toward the solution of the labor 
 problem. 
 
 Or take the principle that all work, worthy to be done, is 
 service to humanity. This is fundamental morality. This is 
 motive that may link itself with Christ. Service of humani- 
 ty ! In this every worker is engaged, whether he thinks of it 
 or not. The masons who lay the foundations, and the brick- 
 layers, and carpenters, and gas-fitters, and decorators, who rear 
 the superstructures of our homes ; the gardeners and farmers 
 who supply our food ; the factory operatives who weave the 
 material for our garments, and the tailors and sewing-women 
 who make them ; the transportation agents who deliver the 
 goods at our doors all are doing us service. No home is so 
 humble, no table so scant, no back so thinly clad, as not to 
 
 * " Who would be free himself must strike the blow." Motto of Denver 
 " Labor Enquirer." 
 
 t On co-operation as a promoter of temperance, read the brilliant and pow- 
 erful passage in Holyoake's "History of Co-operation," vol. i, pp. 265-268.
 
 LABOR REGARDED AS SERVICE. 191 
 
 represent the service rendered by a multitude of toiling- hands. 
 Of course, in the beginning- men were urged to labor by the 
 necessity for supplying their own needs. But as society has 
 advanced, few men supply their own needs by the direct fruits 
 of their own labor. Each man sets his own labor for the sup- 
 ply of others' needs over against other men's labor for the sup- 
 ply of his needs. It is an economic fact, as well as the state- 
 ment of a Christian law, that "no man liveth to himself." 
 Now suppose men inspired by the high moral principle that 
 worthy work is service for others, as well as service for self, 
 suppose they could even reach the Christian ideal and pxit the 
 thought of service first ; what would happen ? * The bitter, 
 hopeless drudgery would be taken out of toil. Pattering feet 
 and cheery laughter of little children, voices of fair women 
 and strong men would mingle with the rattle of looms and 
 the stroke of hammers, as the workers thought of the many 
 lives into which the results of their own toil were to go with 
 messages of help and good- will. Faithfulness would be put 
 into work. For though some labor may not be a virtue ; when 
 labor is for service then shirking is a vice, and slovenly, slack, 
 inefficient workmanship is a crime. The law may take no 
 note of such crimes ; but conscience on her judgment-seat and 
 God upon His throne will take note of them. Slovenly work ; 
 and clothing wears out too soon, and the purchaser is robbed. 
 Slovenly work ; and it has to be done over and paid for twice, 
 and money that might have gone into other production is 
 squandered. Slovenly work ; and anchor-chains break, and 
 vessels, cargoes, men, go down. Slovenly work ! It is impos- 
 sible when work is thought of as service. 
 
 It was the grand aim of those true, mediaeval Knights of 
 Labor that they should finish their work with uttermost per- 
 fection. That will be the aim when work is service, when the 
 supreme responsibility that attaches to the workman's call- 
 ing is felt and responded to by him. " Oh, but my wages will 
 not be increased if I work more diligently and more carefully ; 
 if I am as painstaking when the overseer is at the other end of 
 the shop as when he is by my side. " Your wages ; perhaps 
 
 *"The Kingdom of Christ." Samuel Harris. Andover: Warren F. 
 Draper, 1874, pp. 151-15;.
 
 192 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 not. But social gain and comfort will be increased, your 
 own conscience satisfied, your own manhood uplifted. 
 
 You workmen tell your employers, in your true gospel of 
 labor, that mere self-interest is not to be the chief economic 
 motive. And you are right, though you often give a meaning 
 to self-interest that no economic law gives to it ; and you deny 
 to it the place that Christ allows and commands it to hold in 
 social life and economic action. But your gospel, in its spirit, 
 is true. Yet you preachers of this gospel will shrink from 
 practicing it, because its practice will have no immediate and 
 appreciable effect on wages. I do not believe in taking away 
 the motive of self-interest from before the minds of the work- 
 ers. Distributive and industrial co-operation hold out such a 
 motive. So does profit-sharing. And I believe in these meth- 
 ods, both for inciting to faithfulness and for remunerating it. 
 But I believe also in your gospel, that every man should serve 
 every other man. I believe in it as a gospel for employers, 
 for capitalists, for workmen, for everybody. Preach, then, 
 your gospel by practicing it. Put into action the power of 
 the great moral principle of service. Under the eyes of selfish 
 men, act the law of love, and do best work for work's own 
 sake and for humanity's sake, to whom best work is most serv- 
 iceable work. Only thus can best industrial results be as- 
 sured. Only thus can you render yourself a necessity in your 
 industrial position. Only thus can you ever advance in indus- 
 trial rank. Only thus will universal good work increase the 
 real purchasing power of wages, because increasing the wear- 
 ing qualities of products that are not immediately consumed. 
 Only thus will you do your part toward wiping away the re- 
 proach upon all industry which Carlyle growled forth, with 
 much exaggeration doubtless, against the English workmen 
 of his day: "Now, all England, shopkeepers, workmen, all 
 manner of competing laborers, awaken as if to an unspoken 
 and heart-felt prayer to Beelzebub. ' O help us, thou great lord 
 of shoddy, adulteration, and malfeasance, to do our work with 
 a maximum of slimness, swiftness, profit, and mendacity, for 
 the devil's sake, amen.' "* 
 
 * Thomaa Carlyle's letter to Sir Joseph Whitworth, " The Age of Steel," 
 p. 268.
 
 EMPLOYERS MAY PROMOTE MORALITY. 193 
 
 Workingmen ! While labor has often been oppressed by 
 capital, by monopolies, by legislation, by an accumulated her- 
 itage of bad social customs, and evil social conditions, yet 
 labor has been its own oppressor. " Every man is his own 
 worst enemy." By the facts of history it is true that the 
 vices of labor have been degradation of labor. The eleva- 
 tion of labor must come from labor itself, by the eleva- 
 tion of morality. High wages and shorter hours, though 
 these are, on the whole, a great gain, will do little for men 
 whose wages are squandered in drink, and whose leisure is 
 wasted in idleness. Justice, treating another's time and ma- 
 terial as if it were your own ; justice, giving to all men 
 confidence and reverence rather than suspicion and con- 
 tempt ; clean speech, pure life, wholesome and thrifty homes, 
 temperance in all things, the spirit and aim of true labor 
 that ennobles toil and transfigures it into service of men 
 all this surely must mean for labor better products, fairer 
 distribution, growing intelligence, higher honor, increasing 
 competence. 
 
 Employers may do much in furthering this moral improve- 
 ment. Many are doing it. They put their sympathy, as well 
 as their capital and their skill, into the workshop and into the 
 lives of the workers. They strive, in all possible ways, to 
 bring back into work the human interest and zest which ma- 
 chinery has stolen from it. They counsel and guide their 
 men. Not a rare specimen, I am sure, was that employer of 
 whom Rev. R. Heber Newton testifies : ' ' From the start he 
 established personal, human, living relationships with his 
 men. He taught them by deed, rather than by word, to con- 
 sider him their friend. He was in the habit of calling in upon 
 their families in a social and respecting way. In all their 
 troubles and adversity he trained them to counsel with 
 him, and gave them the advantage of his riper judgment 
 and larger vision. In cases of exigency his means were 
 at their disposal, in the way of loans to tide them over 
 hard times. His friends have seen, more than once, hard- 
 fisted men of toil coming from his office with tears stream- 
 ing down their faces. He had called them into his office 
 on hearing of certain bad habits into which they had fallen, 
 and so impressive had been his talk with them that they left 
 9
 
 194: STUDIES IX MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 his presence with the most earnest resolves to do better in the 
 future."* 
 
 Yet after all that others may do, the chief effort must 
 be your own. Morality is the quality of a personal soul. 
 Justice, cleanness of speech and conduct, prudence, temper- 
 ance, serviceableness and their miserable, criminal opposites, 
 are elements of personal character and conduct. And what 
 you are affects all that you do, and all the results of what 
 you do. 
 
 I would not offend your consciences by appealing to you to 
 be and to do right for the sake of better wages, better product, 
 or any industrial gain. I appeal to you, rather, to be and to 
 do right for the sake of right, and character, and humanity, 
 and God. But I have the privilege of declaring to you that 
 bad morals have an essential relation to bad work, and to 
 degraded social condition, while good morals stand in essen- 
 tial relation to good work and to improved social condition. 
 Only in the progressive intelligence, thrift and morality of 
 labor, is there any certain promise of unproved conditions for 
 labor. With these, other conditions must combine and keep 
 pace. But these are essential. Let a workman speak to you. 
 Mr. W. C. Jones, before a club of co-operators, said : "It be- 
 hooves the workingman, above all things, to comprehend that 
 high material results must be accompanied by high moral re- 
 sults ; and that this combination can be secured only by the 
 introduction and operation of higher modes of thought among 
 his class." f Add to this the testimony of Prof. Alfred Wal- 
 lace : "In every case in which we have traced out the effi- 
 cient causes of the present depression, we have found it to 
 originate in customs, laws, and modes of action which are 
 ethically unsound if not positively immoral. . . . Whenever 
 we depart from the great principles of truth and honesty, of 
 equal freedom and justice to all men, whether in our relations 
 to other States or in our dealings with our fellow-men, the 
 evil that we do surely comes back to us, and the suffering, 
 poverty, and crime of which we are the direct or indirect 
 causes help to impoverish ourselves." t 
 
 * " Report of Senate Committee on Labor," vol. ii, p. 553. 
 
 t Quoted from an English newspaper. J " Bad Times," jx 117.
 
 THE RESULTS OF MORALITY. 195 
 
 I rejoice to believe that you workingmen are coining to un- 
 derstand these principles and more and more and more to act 
 upon them, and that a reformation promoted by workingmen is 
 going on in the ranks of labor. Your labor organizations and 
 co-operative associations are teaching you great moral lessons. 
 You are learning the meaning of justice, truth, confidence, 
 sympathy, obedience, self-denial, service. All the influences 
 with which your calling as workingmen surround your lives 
 are opposed to an exaggerated individualism. Your very 
 selfishness is "of a corporate character, which requires the 
 good of the individual to be subordinated to the good of his 
 class, and is only distinctly selfish in its action toward other 
 classes."* Drop even this class selfishness. Let your em- 
 ployers, and those who rank with them, share, equally with 
 your mates, in your justice and sympathy and service. This 
 is the only real morality. 
 
 All men have claims upon your duty. If you would re- 
 ceive respect, honor, justice yield them. So humanity shall 
 be knit in its true co-operation of mutual helpfulness and 
 fairly distributed industrial results. Be the most just, and 
 pure, and temperate, and faithful men you can be. Your 
 reward shall come. It shall come in an approving con- 
 science, in an honoring public sentiment, in better social 
 and industrial condition. Sure as God is God, this shall be. 
 And if the struggle is hard, if the inward battle oft goes 
 against you, if out of the depths of a vast soul-hunger for a 
 nobler life, you cry, " Oh, wretched man that I am, who shall 
 deliver me ? " then come to the personal and living Christ, the 
 Lord and Redeemer of men, the only standard and the source 
 and inspiration of human strength for the attainment of that 
 worthiest godlikeness, which not only has the promise of the 
 life that now is, but of that which is to come. 
 
 * "Work among Workingmen," Ellico Hopkins. London: Kegan Paul, 
 Trench & Co., 1882, p. 182.
 
 CHAPTEE XIII. 
 
 THE CHURCH AND THE WORKINGMAN. 
 
 "And He came to Nazareth, where lie had been brought up; and, as His 
 custom was, He went into the synagogue on the Sabbath-day and stood up for 
 to read." The Gospel according to Luke.* 
 
 HE was in a workingman's garb. His hands were calloused 
 by years of toil. Those who sat about knew Him. at once as 
 Jesus the carpenter. Strange things had happened to Him 
 during His absence from Nazareth. His baptism in the Jor- 
 dan, His anointing by the power of the Spirit, His fierce con- 
 flict with temptation in the wilderness, and his victory over 
 the tempter, all had awakened Him to the full consciousness of 
 His mission for the world's redemption. Behind Him was his 
 old life, the boyhood and youth of preparation ; before Him 
 the new life, the short manhood of struggle, and service, and 
 sacrifice. "What could a nature at that height," said James 
 Martineau, "have to do with any sacred inclosure of time and 
 space ? And yet at ' Nazareth, where he had been brought up, 
 He went, as His custom was, into the synagogue on the Sab- 
 bath-day.' . . . To nothing newer or higher does He turn, but 
 to the village sanctuary on the stated day of rest, to the place 
 and on the day that had been sacred to the fathers before 
 Him."f 
 
 May not Christ's example well be followed by us all ? Was 
 
 * Luke iv, 16. 
 
 t " Hours of Thought on Sacred Things." By James Martineau, LL. D. 
 First Series. Boston: Boberts Brothers, 1876, pp. 8, 4.
 
 THE CHURCH ESSENTIAL TO SOCIAL PROGRESS. 197 
 
 He not, when standing there in the synagogue, standing in the 
 current of humanity's deepest needs ? Does not humanity 
 need God ; the inflow of His life, the strengthening of His 
 grace ? Is not humanity to find God, not only amid the soli- 
 tudes of personal communion, and in the righteousness of 
 daily action, but in the social worship through which God 
 makes His voice audible, and in the social fellowship through 
 which He reveals and illustrates His law of love ? The work- 
 ingman, of all men, should not disregard the example of 
 Jesus, the carpenter, whose reverent and accustomed treat- 
 ment of God's sanctuary and God's book, was a recogni- 
 tion of a universal human need, and a universal human 
 duty. 
 
 In considering the relation between the church and the 
 workingman, we use the word church with broad meaning. 
 By the church we mean the divinely appointed institutions, 
 that as human agencies, by the use of divine facts and truths 
 and a divine life, have wrought the marvelous changes in 
 men and society, that have redeemed souls, uplifted character, 
 and secured all that is truest and best in our modern civiliza- 
 tion. 
 
 A distinction is clearly recognized between Christianity as 
 a supernatural truth and fact, and the human agency through 
 which it has chiefly worked out its progress. It is not claimed 
 that all best morality, that all Christianity even, is limited to 
 the church. It is not claimed that apart from the church 
 there are no social agencies for the promotion of righteousness. 
 Due credit must be given to the State, the school, the press, 
 the fraternity, for useful and needful work in the develop- 
 ment of the Kingdom of God among men. But it is claimed 
 that the church, loyal to its heavenly truths reaching up, 
 however fallibly, toward its great ideals proclaiming as 
 clearly as it may its gospel of redemption by Christ, consum- 
 mated in an attained righteousness of character symbolizing 
 by its social order the brotherhood of men, the community of 
 all human interests, the common dependence of all humanity 
 upon God it is claimed that such a church is an essential 
 force in the promotion of all personal morality, and in the 
 defense and maintenance of all that contributes to the safest 
 social progress and the highest social good. It is further
 
 198 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 claimed that if the time shall come when our sanctuaries shall 
 be deserted, our pulpits silenced, our Bibles banished to the 
 top shelves of our libraries, the thought of God will then grow 
 dim and powerless in the minds of men. It is claimed that a 
 morality which is no longer the supreme flower of an inward 
 divine life, a morality whose principles are not grounded in 
 the nature of man and in the eternal character of God, but 
 only in a mere social and temporary expediency, will be a 
 morality which will rob life of its sweetness, duty of its sig- 
 nificance, conscience of its authority, brotherhood of its mean- 
 ing, and which will turn press and school and State into in- 
 struments of confusion since they will have lost the supreme 
 inspiration to all noble endeavor and which will sink society 
 into the hopelessness of chaotic anarchy. It is further claimed 
 that the real moralities found in men who reject the church, 
 and the Christ, and even the Supreme God, are themselves 
 possible, only, because of the influence upon the personal and 
 public conscience, of the Book, the worships, the activities, of 
 this despised church of Jesus Christ. Once let a stone-blind 
 materialism or a purblind indifferentism pull down this cen- 
 tral column, that sustains humanity in its highest moral ac- 
 tion, and the temple of all worthy social order will tumble 
 into ruins. 
 
 In considering the relation of the church and the working- 
 man, no special emphasis is given to the fact that the work- 
 ingman represents a class. The church, true to its mission, 
 has nothing to do with classes, but with men. The working- 
 man is a man. It has sometimes seemed as if the church had 
 forgotten this fact. It has sometimes seemed as if the work- 
 ingman himself had forgotten it. By as much as the very 
 condition of a workingman makes his temptations fiercer, his 
 sorrows heavier, his path rougher, his lot harder than in the 
 case of other men, by so much is his need of the church the 
 greater, and his claim upon the church for instruction, and 
 sympathy, and defense, the more urgent. But our theme re- 
 gards him chiefly as a man. His condition as a wage-earner 
 is an incidental matter. His manhood is the essential matter. 
 He is a man. Like other men, he is God's child, and is called 
 to recognize God's fatherhood. He is a member of a race lost, 
 but for Christ's redemption ; a soul himself lost, but by ac-
 
 THE AGE OF DEMOCRACY. 199 
 
 ceptance of the Divine love extended to save him. He is 
 called to a personal faith in the Saviour. He has a personal 
 life to be lived, and he needs for himself all the influences 
 that tend to make any life wholesome. He has a personal 
 calling to fulfill, and he needs whatever forces will most help 
 toward a righteous fulfillment of that calling. He is a man. 
 Sorrows, trials, bitternesses, pains, such as come to others, 
 come to him. He needs as others need, the rest, the balm, the 
 solace, the comfort, that from God and from all Divine agen- 
 cies for grace and peace can come to any man. He is a man. 
 He represents a numerically very large class of men. He 
 represents a socially important class of men. He calls him- 
 self one of the people. In so styling himself he may forget 
 that all men belong to the people ; that his rich neighbor is as 
 really one of the people as he himself is. But he is one of the 
 people. He is a vast social factor to-day. The name which 
 he claims for himself characterizes the chief social and politi- 
 cal tendency of our era. This is the people's era, the era of 
 democracy. Never before in history did the single fact of 
 manhood mean so much. 
 
 You are familiar with those brilliant pages introductory to 
 De Tocqueville's " Democracy in America." You know the 
 course of events there traced ; all things in the lapse of seven 
 hundred years turning to the advantage of manhood : the 
 crusades, decimating the ranks and impoverishing the for- 
 tunes of the feudal nobles ; the birth of the communes, intro- 
 ducing democratic liberty into the bosom of monarchy ; the 
 invention of fire-arms, putting serfs and knights on common 
 fighting footing ; the invention of printing opening the pos- 
 sibilities of education and intelligence to all minds ; the refor- 
 mation teaching every man his common priesthood before 
 God, his common responsibility to Him, and his free personal 
 access to Jesus Christ for all righteousness in this life and for 
 all blessedness in the life to come ; the discovery of America, 
 offering a thousand new fields to fortune, " and placing riches 
 and power within the reach of the adventurous and obscure." 
 These and events like these have brought the age of democra- 
 cy. " The first duty imposed at this tune by those who direct 
 our affairs Is to educate the democracy, to warm its faith ; to 
 purify its morals ; to direct its energies ; to substitute a knowl-
 
 200 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 edge of business for its inexperience, and an acquaintance with 
 its true interests for its blind propensities." * 
 
 If the church has any place as the educator of men ; if 
 best morality must have divine sanctions, and if permanently 
 best morality must have the supports and incentives of Chris- 
 tian truth, religious worship, and all the instruments of spirit- 
 ual culture, then surely, for the sake of social order no less 
 than for the sake of saved souls and Christ's glory and a peo- 
 pled heaven the church can not refuse to this workingman 
 the man of the people her most self-denying and earnest 
 service. This workingman, for the most part, has a con- 
 science. He has some "enthusiasm of humanity." He de- 
 sires social progress and the social uplifting of all men, in 
 peaceful and orderly ways. He, for the most part, recognizes 
 the relation of the best morality to the best industry and its 
 best fruits. And this workingman ought to ask himself : Is it 
 true that the only real morality is based on divine sanction ; 
 that right action comes from right character ; that right char- 
 acter is the product of the inward life ; that this inward life is 
 God's gift through personal faith in His Son ; that this inward 
 life is nurtured, not only by daily faithfulness and justice, and 
 by personal communion with God, but by common and social 
 religious worship and action ? This workingman ought to 
 read history and see if it be not true that the church, its teach- 
 ings, its worships, and the divine inspirations it has put into 
 noblest lives have been essential elements in the progress of 
 humanity. The workingman, for the sake of his work, his 
 fellows, industrial progress, social order, no less than for the 
 sake of his soul, can not afford to stand aside from the church. 
 And the church, for the sake of society, can not afford to have 
 this workingman stand apart from her spirit, her aims, and 
 her activities. 
 
 Are there any existing facts which would seem to indicate 
 neglected duty on the one side, and alienated feeling and 
 neglected opportunity on the other ? We do not join the cry, 
 grieved or joyous, according to the quarter whence it comes, 
 that either Christianity or the churches are losing their hold 
 
 * " Democracy in America," Alexis De Tocqucville. New York : J. & II. 
 G. Langley, 1843, vol. i, pp. 4, 5.
 
 SOCIALISM ANTI-CHRISTIAN. 201 
 
 upon the minds of men. The facts are against the truthful- 
 ness of this cry.* Nor is it true that among those who remain 
 outside of all Christian and church influence a proportionately 
 greater number will be found among the laboring classes than 
 among the well-to-do classes. Indeed, few more serious or 
 perplexing problems confront the churches of to-day than 
 how to reach the godless well-to-do, those who mistake out- 
 ward competence for inward blessedness, who say, "We are 
 rich and increased in goods and have need of nothing, but who 
 know not that they are wretched and miserable, and poor, and 
 blind, and naked." Yet making all due allowance for truths 
 as against rumors, the exaggerations of timidity, the prema- 
 ture boasts of thf enemies of righteousness, there are some 
 facts that call for our earnest thought. Socialism, as a politi- 
 cal and industrial system, whether of State or Anarchist type, 
 is avowedly anti-Christian and largely Atheistic. This is 
 affirmed, not now to condemn Socialism, but only to charac- 
 terize it. This is not said as characterizing all who call them- 
 selves Socialists. But in the sense in which we have hereto- 
 fore denned Socialism, this statement is true of Socialism in 
 its philosophic basis, in its predominate tone, and as judged 
 by the utterances and the practices of its recognized leaders.! 
 Socialism regards the church as the French Revolutionists re- 
 garded it an instrument for the oppression of the masses, for 
 the soothing of conscience, for the lulling into quietude of all 
 manly discontent ; a thing so entangled with those institutions 
 which democracy assails that it is compelled "to reject the 
 equality which it professes to love, and to curse, as a foe, that 
 cause of liberty which it might hallow by its alliance. '' J ' 4 We 
 want no church," cries the typical Socialist. Down with the 
 church ! Away with Christianity ! The priests, the preach- 
 ers, are worse than drones in society. They are deceivers. 
 They are oppressors. They are the allies of the money tyrants, 
 growing fat upon the blood and toil of the poor. They are 
 the hired defenders of the accursed system of wages slavery. 
 
 * Article, " Church Attendance," " North American Review," vol. 187, 
 pp. 76-97. 
 
 t " The Aim of Socialism," Kev. John H. Oertcr, " New York Tribune," 
 June 1, 1878. 
 
 I " Democracy in America," vol. i, p. 10.
 
 202 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 At a large religious conference in Berlin, Dr. Rocholl, of Co- 
 logne, in a paper on "What does the Social Democracy 
 Preach to the Church?" said: "Social Democracy is irre- 
 ligious ; it wants to abolish God, and to retain Christ only as 
 the first social Democrat."* No Socialist leader has contra- 
 dicted this statement. In a discussion in Berlin between 
 Christian Socialists and Social Democrats, one of the latter, 
 now a noisy propagandist in America, said : " The Social De- 
 mocracy will not recede ; it will pursue its course and accom- 
 plish its design, even though all priestdom should rise against 
 it, like a cloud of locusts thick enough to darken the sun. 
 The Social Democracy knows that the days of Christianity are 
 numbered, and that the time is not far distant when we shall 
 say to its priests, ' Settle your account with Heaven, for your 
 hour is come.' " A woman speaker said : "My religion is So- 
 cialism, and it alone is truth, morality, justice, and brother- 
 hood. Down with the priests of every robe and every hue ! 
 The first reform to be accomplished is to change all churches 
 into good habitations for workingmen." t There is no mistak- 
 ing the meaning of this language. This is hostility. This is 
 the attitude toward the church of large numbers of working- 
 men in Europe, and of no insignificant number in America. 
 
 Again : it is said by those who claim to know the minds of 
 workingmen, that in our largest cities, like Chicago and New 
 York, not only does a very small minority attend church, but 
 that, Roman Catholics aside, only a small minority have any 
 concern for Christianity. Mr. John S win ton, in a letter to 
 the " Homiletic Monthly," declared, " I do not think that one 
 tenth of the wage-earning classes in New York believe in 
 Christianity at all." } If such statements are true, which I do 
 not for a moment admit, then the prospect for the future of 
 the working classes is a dismal and hopeless one. 
 
 It is said, that the workingman "finds a substitute for the 
 religious ideas that his forefathers had, in turning his atten- 
 
 * Quoted from Prof. J. H. W. Stuckenberg, article, " Social Democracy," 
 "The Homiletic Keview." New York: Funk & W agnails, January, 1886, 
 p. 93. 
 
 t Laveleye's " Socialism," pp. 107, 108. 
 
 I " Ilomiletic Monthly," Funk & Wagnalls, August, 18S4, p. 649.
 
 ALIENATION FROM THE CHURCHES. 203 
 
 tion to the remedying of social evils, to the uplifting of his 
 own class, and those beneath him, and to the righting of the 
 injustice which is sustained by the working people, and which 
 is the result of many social conditions and influences. And 
 this result is produced in his mind, to some extent, by his ina- 
 bility to understand why the theory that is taught in the 
 churches produces the practice that he sees among church- 
 members." " One of the reasons why the workingman does 
 not attend church is his inability, if he has a family, to come 
 up to the social requirements of church-membership in dress 
 and in contribution to the various objects that the church car- 
 ries along with it." "I find, too, that we have had of late 
 years, and still have, an increased ratio of church societies 
 composed almost exclusively of the aristocracy ; that the 
 church edifices are becoming another symbol of that peculiar- 
 ity on which I have already remarked as a product of the 
 time, the division of our people into marked classes. " * A 
 workingman writes in a personal letter that, though a be- 
 liever in Christianity, he can not join any church because of 
 the injustice, the aristocratic spirit, the mammon worship that 
 so largely prevails among church-members. Others, still, join 
 with the Socialists in affirming that the church is the tool of 
 the rich ; that ministers are the slaves of the pews rather than 
 the servants of Christ ; that they dare not preach the Gospel 
 as Jesus and Paul preached it ; that they preach down rather 
 than up, rebuking the poor rather than appealing to the con- 
 science of the wealthy, that they deal with theological ab- 
 stractions rather than with the facts of life and daily duty ; 
 that in the church the workingman misses a " living voice and 
 guidance in the difficulties which the world presents to him ; 
 any keen sense even of the problems which he is so often blun- 
 deringly endeavoring to solve, and which press so heavily 
 upon him."f Whether these statements be false or true or 
 even partly true, is not now questioned. The statements are 
 quoted that we may know how some workingmen feel and 
 talk. 
 
 There are statements to be made from the other side. Mr. 
 
 * " Rep. of Senate Com. on Labor," vol. i, p. 50. 
 
 t " Work among Workingraen." Ellice Hopkins, p. 188.
 
 204: STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 John Jarrett, President of the Amalgamated Association of 
 Iron and Steel Workers, himself a Congregationalist, testified 
 before the Senate Committee on Labor: "Our object in our 
 organization is to bring into actual operation Christian influ- 
 ences and Christian principles as taught by the Christian re- 
 ligion." He was asked : "To what extent do what we call 
 evangelical Bible influences dominate or obtain in the rituals 
 of trades-unions and in the moral lessons and principles which 
 they inculcate ? Are they antagonistic to the drift of evangel- 
 ical doctrines generally ? " Mr. Jarrett replied : "As far as our 
 organization is concerned they are in perfect accord. We had 
 a convention in Philadelphia a few weeks ago, and I would 
 venture to assert that of the one hundred and eighty-six 
 delegates who were present, representing lodges from Port- 
 land, Me., to Oakland, Cal., seven eighths were men who 
 were connected with Christian churches." * I asked a friend 
 who has a large acquaintance among workingmen, and ex- 
 ceptional advantages for meeting them, to inquire of those 
 whom he regarded as non-church-goers the reasons for their 
 conduct. He gave me these results of his inquiry : Seventy- 
 five per cent refused to admit that they did not attend church. 
 They did attend, not regularly, but very frequently. Of the 
 remainder, a few said : We do not believe in these things. 
 The most said : We are too tired ; we have no special inter- 
 est ; we prefer to give our Sundays to rest and recreation. 
 
 I have been pastor of three churches. The first was com- 
 posed largely of working people. It has not changed its 
 character in more than twenty years, and has abundantly 
 prospered. Many came into that church almost paupers, ig- 
 norant, rude, to find themselves straightway started on a path 
 leading to improved social and industrial conditions. The 
 first definite lessons I learned as to the relations between 
 Christian morality and good industry, thrift and increasing 
 competency, were learned amid those early pastoral experi- 
 ences with mechanics, clerks, longshoremen and sewing-girls. 
 The other two churches have had workingmen and their fam- 
 ilies in the congregations, and the majority of the members are 
 people of limited means. The questions of dress, pew-rent, 
 
 * "Kep. of Senate Com.," vol. i, p. 1160.
 
 THE CHURCH FOR ALL CLASSES. 205 
 
 benevolent contributions, never have troubled us. No poor 
 man or woman has ever been elbowed or made to feel out of 
 place. In the church, there has been brotherhood, no matter 
 what social distinction may have existed outside the church. 
 There may have been exceptional action on the part of indi- 
 viduals. But the whole spirit of the churches has been against 
 such exceptional action. I have never known of a man who 
 was asked to give beyond his ability, or who was not left 
 to his own judgment as to the measure of his ability. I 
 never knew social or financial status to be made directly or 
 most remotely a test of membership or of good standing. 
 Poor men and women have found warm welcome and Chris- 
 tian sympathy and kindly counsel and practical help. I have 
 talked to audiences composed largely of working people, and 
 I found it impossible, except in rare instances, to distinguish by 
 dress workingmen and their families from business men and 
 their families. And in these rare instances the disordered 
 dress was not the badge of labor, but the sign of personal care- 
 lessness or slovenliness. And what is true of the churches I 
 have had the honor to serve is, I am confident, true of the 
 vast majority of churches. I do not know of a church from 
 which the badge of honest labor will exclude a man. I do 
 not know of a church, that does not open its doors, and that 
 is not eagerly reaching out its hands to those who wear these 
 badges.* To be sure, in large cities there are what are called 
 the churches of the rich. This is a misfortune. A class 
 church, whether of rich or poor, is so far as it is a class church 
 something less than a Christian church. There is one reason, 
 however, for the fact that so many churches are composed, 
 mainly, of the well-to-do or rich, to which the workingmen 
 ought to give good heed. "The Christian is temperate, is 
 regular and frugal in his habits. Start such a man, or a com- 
 munity composed of such men, poor, and riches will be apt to 
 be overtaken. Hence it is very natural that the wealth of the 
 world after these centuries should belong to the Christian 
 
 * This is only ray experience. A good many testimonies have reached me, 
 which constrain to a sad modification of these statements. It is to be feared 
 that there are too many churches where the Nazarcne carpenter would receive 
 anything hut cordial welcome.
 
 206 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 nations. Let Five Points, New York, become thoroughly 
 Christian, and Murray Hill thoroughly wicked ; in a century 
 the children's children of the two neighborhoods will have 
 changed abodes." * 
 
 Far be it from me to relieve the Christian churches of all 
 blame and to say that no responsibilities attach to them for 
 any alienation that may exist among the working classes from 
 the Gospel or from the church. There is blame. There is re- 
 sponsibility. The church is a human institution through 
 which a divine life is working. That divine life conditions 
 itself by the humanity through which it works. The ideal 
 has never been reached. The finished product of which Chris- 
 tianity is capable has not yet appeared. In the name of re- 
 ligion crimes have been committed. In the garb of religion 
 hypocrisies have been cloaked. With the stamp of religion 
 base coin has had social circulation. Even when men have 
 tried to do their duty there has been a tendency to lose sight 
 of primal Christian principles, until some great crisis has 
 aroused the church to a feassertion of principles, and to a 
 reformation of conduct based upon these principles. The 
 truths, and worships, and social forces of the church have not 
 always succeeded in producing the noblest types of character. 
 A religion of mere creed, or a religion of mere sentiment, has 
 emasculated conscience and failed to hold the soul up to a life 
 of steadfast righteousness of action, as under the eye and ac- 
 cording to the will of God. The Gospel of Christ has been 
 often faultily conceived and faultily presented by its commis- 
 sioned teachers. And even when truth has been preached 
 not as a scheme of mere life-insurance, but as the Divine pow- 
 er for such redeemed character as should find in personal sal- 
 vation only the means for pouring itself out in service for the 
 good of others even then the truth lias fallen on trodden 
 wayside to be devoured by birds, or on rock to be sun-dried, or 
 among thorns that have choked its growth, and only some of 
 it has found lodgment in good soil, and brought forth fruit. 
 What wonder if there have been men in the churches who, in 
 spite of the gospel of love, have grown great in their selfish- 
 
 * "The Gospel and the Poor in our Cities," art., "Homilctic Monthly," 
 December, 1883, p. 168.
 
 WHAT THE CHURCHES OUGHT TO LEARN. 207 
 
 ness ; and who, in spite of the gospel of service, have become 
 cruel in their tyrannies; and who, in spite of the gospel of 
 brotherhood, have by some word, or deed, or sneer of brutal 
 scorn, blindly mistaken as representing the spirit of the 
 church, turned away the poor man, wounded in his just pride 
 of humanity, often from the sanctuary and sometimes from 
 Christ ! If all in the church who are leaders in the world's 
 affairs had so gained and used wealth and social influence as 
 many have gained and used them, the false Socialism of our 
 modern time could have had neither an origin nor an argu- 
 ment. The churches are not wholly blameless. 
 
 And the churches have yet to learn more clearly and to 
 practice more consistently the lessons which the gospel teach- 
 es. They have yet to learn what large meanings are in the 
 words manhood, brotherhood, society. They have yet to 
 learn the significance of the phrases, " the kingdom of God," 
 " a redeemed humanity," a " city of God," a divine commu- 
 nism " come down from God out of heaven." They have yet 
 to learn what winsome power there is in the gracious smile, 
 the kindly word, the fraternal hand-grasp, the many nameless 
 ways of Christlike courtesy offered to the most ill-clad and 
 crusty stranger who enters their sanctuary. They have yet to 
 learn the evangelistic power there is in a just and true charac- 
 ter, and in a serviceable, honorable, noble life. They have 
 yet to learn far more thoroughly than they have ever learned 
 that the gospel is for man as a citizen of this world ; that it is 
 not a peeping, muttering, self-circumscribed thing, with all 
 thin and vague sentimentalities, wasting itself in vapid emo- 
 tions, but that it is a robust and vital thing, grandly heroic, 
 full of strong passions, and destined to shape characters large 
 with all righteousness. They have yet to learn the meaning 
 of their own Lord's Prayer : "Thy will be done on earth as it 
 is in heaven." "Thy will be done on earth"; not in the 
 sanctuary alone, but in the family, on the farm, hi the work- 
 shop, the mine, the market, the counting-room, in honest 
 work, and equitable division of profits, in buying and selling, 
 in the lawyer's office and the editor's sanctum, in cabinets, 
 and congresses, and legislatures, and court-rooms! "Thy 
 will be done on earth"; as deeds of righteousness, justice, 
 charity, sacrifice, and service are done ! The churches must
 
 208 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 learn that to be a Christian anywhere, one must be a Christian 
 everywhere. And they must believe, and teach, and act the 
 truth, that this great social order, with its intellectual activi- 
 ties, its industrial agencies, its material wealth, is an order for 
 God's world ; and that if the devil has usurped control of vast 
 acres in this order and turned them into fields of unjust disor- 
 der, it is the work of Christian men to drive the usurper out 
 and win God's order back again. There is a robust, business- 
 like, work-day manliness in Christ's gospel. And the church- 
 es must throw off all traces of a monastic, etherealized pietism, 
 and come back to the large, strong manliness of Jesus Christ. 
 And yet, all drawbacks and exceptions aside, the churches 
 of Jesus Christ have been the strongest force in the production 
 of whatever is best and worthiest in our modern civilization. 
 Again, no exclusive claim is made. It is not forgotten that 
 what has called itself the church has often, in history, been 
 against Christ, freedom, humanity, progress. It is not forgot- 
 ten that Christianity is diffusive, and that the rains of heaven 
 are stored for man's use in other reservoirs than the central 
 ones. But it is true that the people, who have given Christian 
 force to other agencies for social order and progress, have been, 
 on the whole, identified with the religious life and worship of 
 Christian churches. And what has Christianity, conveyed 
 through the channels of the church into all departments of 
 social action, done for society ? What good thing has it not 
 done ? What has it not done for the workman and his class ? 
 It has abolished slavery, emancipated childhood, uplifted 
 womanhood. It has fought all battles for human freedom 
 and the rights of man. Infidelity and false philosophies have 
 borrowed its standards, its weapons, and its watchwords. All 
 that distinguishes the workingman of America and Europe 
 from the Chinese coolie, the Hindoo pariah, the Egyptian 
 fellah, and the proUtaire of ancient Eome is due to Chris- 
 tianity.* Christianity has been the mother of science, the 
 nurse of art, the promoter of invention. In the report of the 
 French Commission on the World's Exposition of 1851 we 
 read : "The exhibition has demonstrated to the whole world 
 what the manufacturers and shippers knew, viz. , that industry " 
 
 * " Gesta Christi," Charles Loring Brace.
 
 THE BIBLE AND THE WORKMAN. 209 
 
 the great industry of steam and electricity, which defy time 
 and space "does not exist except in Christian lands." * Noth- 
 ing but Christianity asserts clearly the brotherhood of man 
 and puts on an enduring foundation the relation of all men to 
 the Father God, revealed in the divine human Sonship of Je- 
 sus Christ. Let me quote the words of an English essayist : 
 ' ' His teaching that a service done to the least of His brethren 
 is done to Him, and that one refused to the least of His breth- 
 ren is refused to Him ; that the love of men for each other is 
 nothing but the poor sign and meager taint of that love of 
 God for men which is destined to produce infinitely richer and 
 better fruit ; that it is the divinp life which feeds the sense of 
 human brotherhood ; that unity in him is the only security 
 for that true democracy, which is but a transformed theocracy 
 formed on the inward and intense type to which Christ gives 
 us the key this teaching it is which is the fountain-head of 
 the gospel of fraternity, and which alone ennobles and justi- 
 fies it."f Workingmen, brothers of the workingman, Jesus 
 Christ ! Here, in Christianity alone, is the charter of your 
 freedom and the guarantee of your rights. 
 
 If there is a book in all literature which the workman may 
 claim as his own it is the Bible. As no other book it is God's 
 Book. But it is humanity's Book. It is especially the work- 
 ingman's Book. Here the son of a brickmaking slave in- 
 scribes his laws. Here the shepherd David sings his songs. 
 Here the herdsman Amos utters his prophecy. Here Peter 
 and John, the fishermen, and Paul, the tent-maker, preach 
 and write. Here, above all else, are the wondrous words and 
 the story of the life and death, for humanity, of the carpenter of 
 Nazareth. Nowhere, as in this Book, is the dignity of labor and 
 the manly independence of honest work so clearly set forth. 
 Yet this is the Church's Book. Its truths are the truths she 
 teaches. Its words are the vehicle of her prayers and the in- 
 spiration of her songs. By it she appeals to men's consciences 
 for highest integrity of conduct. Its pages she scatters broad- 
 
 * Quoted from " The Christ," by Ernest Naville. Edinburgh : T. & T. 
 Clark, 1880, p. 51. 
 
 t " Essays Theological and Literary," by Eichard Holt Ilutton. London : 
 Daldy, Isbister & Co., 1877, p. xxix.
 
 210 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 cast on the world, true leaves from the tree of life that are for 
 the healing of the nations. Her Book is your Book, and you 
 and the Church ought to stand in the harmony of a common 
 interest and ownership. 
 
 It is Christianity that has promoted the growth of those in- 
 dividual and corporate enterprises which have brought to the 
 workingman such increased share in the common good of ad- 
 vancing civilization as he to-day enjoys. Wherever men are 
 found who recognize their responsibility for all righteous and 
 humane uses of wealth, there, in the main, Christian con- 
 sciences will be found. Wherever there are noble captains of 
 industry, who exercise their prerogative of command as a 
 trust for largest social service, there, in the main, will be 
 found men who acknowledge the supreme captaincy of Jesus 
 Christ. They who have promoted education, established hos- 
 pitals, endowed free libraries in towns, cities, factories, pro- 
 moted reforms in the construction of workingmen's homes, 
 introduced kindness instead of brutality into prison discipline, 
 fought against obscene literature, gambling, and all forms of 
 vice and on behalf of humanity toward children and dumb 
 animals, are, ninety-nine per cent of them, men and women 
 who are either themselves Christians and in active church life, 
 or they in whose veins flows the blood and about whose youth 
 have clustered the influences of a Christ-inspired and church- 
 trained ancestry. 
 
 What but the gospel, the gospel which the Bible and the 
 church proclaim to humanity, has any proffer of hope or help 
 for men who are down, and who are struggling to rise ? What 
 have naturalism or materialism to say to those who are weak, 
 who are encumbered by evil heritage or unfavoring surround- 
 ings ? What have Strauss, or Darwin, or Spencer to tell 
 them but that the strongest survive ; that might makes right ; 
 that natural laws must be allowed to work unhindered ; that 
 laissez faire is the only true principle for the guidance of per- 
 sonal and social action ; that " in this enormous machine of 
 the universe, amid the incessant whirl and hiss of its jagged 
 iron wheels, amid the deafening crash of its ponderous stamps 
 and hammers, man finds himself placed helpless and defense- 
 less, not secure for a moment, that on some unforeseen motion 
 a wheel may not seize and rend him, or a hammer crush him
 
 THE CHURCH FOR THE PEOPLE. 211 
 
 to powder ? " * Such a gospel ! Where is its good news ? 
 Where is its hand to lift men ? Yet this is the message of 
 materialism, of all Atheistic Socialism to the workingman. 
 "It is impossible to understand," said Laveleye, "by what 
 strange blindness Socialists adopt Darwinian theories, which 
 condemn their claims of equality, while at the same tune they 
 reject Christianity, whence these claims have issued and 
 whence their justification may be found." t The gospel alone 
 brings hope. It says to the weakest, poorest, obscurest man, 
 you are a man, God's child, Christ's brother ! Look up ! Rise 
 up ! All Divine forces are with you ! Workingman, one of 
 the people, where will you find a voice that so speaks to man 
 as man, as the voice of Jesus of Nazareth, the Son of Man, the 
 Son of God, the people's friend, the one being foretold in 
 prophecy and revealed in history, as set to be " the leader and 
 commander of the people " ? 
 
 It is this Christ and His gospel that the churches are bring- 
 ing to the people. Yes, to the people ! Never in modern 
 times has this statement been truer than it is to-day. The 
 church for the rich ! It is a slander contradicted by facts. 
 The church is for men. Sanctuary doors can not stand open 
 more widely. The Gospel has never, since its birth century, 
 been carried more earnestly into the homes and hearts and 
 lives of the people. There is much to be done ; much that 
 may be done in better ways. But the church is learning. Her 
 views of the commission of her Lord are broadening. She is 
 honestly trying to do her Master's work, in having God's will 
 done on earth even as it is done in heaven. 
 
 In accomplishing her mission, the church asks the confi- 
 dence, the sympathy, the co-operation of workingmen the 
 people. She asks no man's patronage. She will cater to no 
 man's prejudices or preconceptions. She is too much assured 
 of the divineness of her calling, and of the greatness of the 
 spiritual graces and the social forces she holds in trust for hu- 
 manity, to allow her to be the partisan of any social class. 
 She can not assert and defend the claims of workingmen as 
 such, or the claims of rich men as such. She can and will 
 
 * Strauss, " The Old Faith and the New." 
 t Laveleye' s " Socialism," p. 20.
 
 212 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 assert, in the name of God and humanity, the righteous claims 
 and the righteous duties of all men as men, the brothers of 
 her Lord. In her public teachings every man's complaint 
 shall have a hearing, every man's difficulties fair considera- 
 tion, every man's needs the supply, and his sorrows the solace 
 of the Gospel. The economic solution of the relation between 
 capital and labor will be found when men regard themselves 
 no longer as capitalists or laborers, but as men ; each man, 
 under the golden law of Christ, using his capital or his labor 
 for the rendering of equal and exact justice to each other 
 man. 
 
 Workingmen ! You need the church ; not alone for the 
 sake of your souls ; nor alone for the sake of that sweet light 
 that comes from Heaven to cheer you in your hours of dark- 
 ness and bereavement. Because best morality is best industry 
 and best social progress ; because best morality is Christian 
 morality ; because Christian morality is not moral principle 
 only, but a force of spiritual motive, and the inward power of 
 a spiritual life ; because morality divorced from religion is 
 cold expediency, and religion divorced from morality is fruit- 
 less superstition ; because best morality involves the supreme 
 sanctions of the righteousness of God, the eternal lawgiver 
 and Father, and the supreme constraints of the cross and the 
 love of the redeeming Christ ; because the weight of these 
 sanctions and the power of these constraints are best fostered 
 not merely by daily practice of righteousness, but by this prac- 
 tice united with the worships and teachings and fellowships of 
 the Christian sanctuary, where the powers of the world to 
 come put their ennobling impulses into all the channels of our 
 daily toil ; therefore, for the sake of best industry you need 
 the church. 
 
 Nothing can take the place of the church, or do for you the 
 work that it can do not lodges, fraternities, orders, clubs. 
 You may have these. You have a right to these for social, 
 business ends ; even for partisan and class ends. You may 
 learn through these morality and brotherhood, yet not the 
 highest morality nor the largest brotherhood. Class brother- 
 hood, whether in exclusive rich churches, or in labor unions, is 
 not the broad, fair, universal brotherhood taught by Christ. 
 Society is more than a class. The body is larger than the
 
 WORKMEN NEED TEE CEURCE. 213 
 
 head or hand or any memher. Lawyers always consorting 
 with lawyers, preachers with preachers, members of any trade 
 or profession always consorting together, are of necessity men 
 narrowed and so far degraded. A trades-union may develop 
 the spirit of brotherhood ; beautiful as far as it goes, but class 
 brotherhood after all, and so, in the highest sense, neither so- 
 cial, nor human, nor Christian. Not in mere consort with 
 men of your own rank, not alone by consort with men of 
 other ranks in the activities of life, not alone by consort of 
 employers with employed at council boards of arbitration, will 
 men learn so well the dear Christ-lesson of brotherhood as in 
 the Christian sanctuary, where, with common wants and com- 
 mon aspirations, joining in common praise and prayer to a 
 common Father, rich and poor meet together in the presence 
 of the Lord, who is the Maker of them all. 
 
 You need the church. You need a particular church. 
 Some sanctuary ought to be your spiritual home, and with 
 loving reverence you ought to frequent its courts. I know 
 that some workingmen are suspicious of the church. I know 
 that some are doubtful of the good intentions of any Chris- 
 tian pastor who seeks to touch the problems of their lives, un- 
 less he will consent to be a partisan and a demagogue, the 
 sort of man that no fair-minded, honest pastor can ever be. 
 But these do not understand us. They do not know the ear- 
 nest, prayerful, pained longing of the hearts, that by as much 
 as they have the spirit of Christ are yearning to do them 
 good. They do not know from what vantage-ground we 
 study their lives and seek to impart to them the personal pow- 
 ers and the social forces that have thus far molded history, 
 and that will bring to large, safe issues in the future the con- 
 flicts of the hour. Workingmen, repel not the hands that for 
 loving service would grasp and hold your own. For the sake 
 of society, civilization, progress, industry, lives every way bet- 
 tered in condition, your own souls and the souls of your chil- 
 dren, do not regard the churches of Christ with contempt, 
 indifference, alienation, neglect. I speak for myself and my 
 people, for many of my brother pastors and their flocks, when 
 I declare to you that the doors of our sanctuaries are open to 
 you ; that what courtesy we can show, what sympathy we can 
 give, what instruction we can offer, what comfort, and peace, ,
 
 214 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 and inspiration for all worthy living we can furnish in the 
 Gospel all are at your disposal. They are not ours, but our 
 Master's. In His name we offer them. In humanity's name, 
 accept and use them. Come in your working garb, if you 
 have no other. Come to forget your scant clothing in the 
 thought of Christ, and to lose for the hour the sense of all sor- 
 row and wrong in the presence of His great love. Come to 
 feel our hearts and His, and to learn the lesson of brother- 
 hood at His feet.
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 A SURVEY OF THE FIELD : REVIEW AND OUTLOOK. 
 
 " The power that broke their prison-bar 
 
 And set the dusky millions free, 
 And welded in the flame of war 
 
 The Union fast to Liberty, 
 Shall it not deal with other ills, 
 
 Eedress the red man's grievance, break 
 The Circean cup which shames and kills, 
 
 And Labor full requital make ? 
 
 Give every child his right of school, 
 
 Merge private greed in public good, 
 And spare a treasury overfull 
 
 The tax upon a poor man's food ? " Whittier. 
 
 IT was a wild niglit in winter. I sat before a glowing 
 grate, thinking of the multitude of people who were cold and 
 hungry. Up into the study came a weird and awful wail ; a 
 wail of anger too ; a sound of mingled hopelessness and hate, 
 the discordant music swept by fierce heart-passion from the 
 untuned or broken strings of a wounded life. The wail came 
 in the shape of a letter. The letter told of a struggle, baffled 
 and in vain. It voiced the anguish not of one unfortunate 
 alone, but of thousands those for whom society seems to have 
 little need and less care ; the broken-down merchants, the 
 lawyers, physicians, preachers, musicians, who are not want- 
 ed ; who are told with that wicked waste we make of some of 
 our best resources, you are too old ; who can get nothing to do 
 that they are able to do ; who have sunk like broken bubbles 
 beneath the waves of social knowledge and help, and who 
 shiver and starve in the depths and the darkness. As deep
 
 216 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 calling unto deep sounded out that awful wail, seeming to 
 mingle with the wind that dashed the snow-flakes against the 
 windows, and to whirl fiercely upon my ear the mocking re- 
 frain of distrust, "Where is now thy God?" Yet at last, 
 above all the noises of the storm and the cries of wrecked or 
 struggling men, came the words of one over whom water- 
 spouts had broken and who had fed day and night on tears, 
 " Why cast down ? Why disquieted ? Hope in God ! " Here 
 on the fact, that at the heart of all discords is the eternal har- 
 mony, the righteous God, we take our stand and rest. For 
 here all noblest, truest men have stood the reformers, mar- 
 tyrs, heroes of the ages. Here have stood the Isaiahs, Pauls, 
 Wycliffes, Savonarolas, Luthers of the church, the Galileos, 
 Newtons, Agassizs of science, the Cromwells, Washingtons, 
 Clarksons, Garrisons, Lincolns of the State ; their enthusiasm 
 fanned, their patience rendered inexhaustible by this eternal 
 fact, God. 
 
 " Count me o'er earth's chosen heroes they were souls that stood alone 
 While the men they agonized for hurled the contumelious stone, 
 Stood serene, and down the future saw the golden beam incline 
 To the side of perfect justice, mastered by their faith divine, 
 By one man's plain truth to manhood and to God's supreme design." * 
 
 They stood alone, but they stood with God, believing that 
 whatever things are right, and true, and just, shall, be ut 
 last, because God is right, and true, and just ; and that be- 
 cause God is and rules, all the stars in their courses fight for 
 right, and truth, and justice, against the blind and warring 
 hosts on all earth's battle-fields. With any adequate knowl- 
 edge of existing social facts, only the thought of God can give 
 faith in the present or hope for the future. Only as we can 
 discover where God and the eternal principles of his justice 
 are, can we discern where the real right and the lines of our 
 duty are, and can, with the courage of divine conviction, "dare 
 to take the side that seems wrong to man's blindfold eye. " 
 
 It has been a long and tortuous path we have traversed to- 
 gether a path filled with rocks and thorns, with precipices 
 and narrow defiles, and rugged ascents of difficulty and dan- 
 
 * " The Present Crisis," James Rus.-ell Lowell.
 
 SOCIAL PROBLEMS DIFFICULT. 217 
 
 ger. There have been difficulties in the very nature of the 
 questions considered. Economic problems are not easy even 
 of intellectual solution. Economic principles are not all capa- 
 ble of brief and simple statement. The problems are intri- 
 cate. The principles are many-sided. They must be looked 
 under and over, and around and through. They must be 
 stated with conditions, exceptions, modifications. The area to 
 be traversed is vast. The relations of all social facts, the one 
 to the other, are far-reaching. We have only entered the 
 edge of the thicket. We have only blazed a few prominent 
 trees, indicating the direction one must follow to come at last 
 upon open country and clear skies. There are grave problems 
 lying close to the central ones, questions such as land tenure, 
 banking, coinage, tariffs, that have not been touched. 
 
 There have been difficulties in the relation of the questions 
 discussed to the supposed personal interests of all social classes. 
 The pocket is a very sensitive place for most people ; whether 
 the pocket be a full or an empty one. And a sensitive pocket 
 easily spares a piece of its inclosing cloth to be twisted into a 
 blindfolding bandage for intelligence, judgment, heart, con- 
 science, while the eye of supposed self-interest is wide open 
 and watchful. Labor is sensitive, lest all its asserted principles 
 should not be fully declared, and lest all its claimed rights 
 should not be clearly recognized. Capital is sensitive, lest its 
 " vested interests" should not be amply conserved. Care has 
 been taken, as far as the limitations of time and strength and 
 natural capacity would admit, to get at truth of facts, to com- 
 prehend truth of principle, and to secure truth of statement. 
 Care has been taken, not to gratify any class or to pander to 
 any interest, but only to satisfy an intelligence seeking truth, 
 and a conscience striving to meet its supreme accountability 
 to God, and then, by manifestation of the truth, to commend 
 ourselves to every man's conscience in the sight of God. 
 
 Look back, then, for a moment, over this rock-strewn, 
 thorn-beset path we have traversed together. We have seen 
 Socialism of various types springing from an abstract philoso- 
 phy, and growing into a concrete danger. We have tracked 
 the lines of its history ; listened to the terrible indictment 
 with which it assails modern civilization ; heard the revolu- 
 tionary demands which it seeks to enforce upon society as the 
 
 10
 
 218 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 only just and possible remedy for existing ills. Full credit 
 has been given to the honest intent, the humaneness, the 
 moral seriousness of the average Socialist. It was from the 
 historic and economic points of view, rather than from a mere- 
 ly moral one, that we ventured to criticise him. I wholly dis- 
 sent from the common estimate of the man's motives. I can 
 not for a moment agree with the words of an able reviewer, 
 who, classing all revolutionary Socialisms under the name of 
 Communism, says: "The average Communist has not one 
 picayune's worth of interest in the State as such. Communism 
 is a wholesome name, which he prostitutes to cloak a dirty am- 
 bition. All the talk about the corporate rights of society is so 
 much ruse to divert attention from his tricky and rascally at- 
 tempt to make the general weal pay taxes to his own individ- 
 ual advantage. From beginning to end it is with him a mat- 
 ter of public pap." * I do not believe that. That may be true 
 of some Socialists. That is true as regards the practical results 
 of Socialism, t But that is not true as to the moral intent of 
 the Socialist. 
 
 I have tried to make careful discrimination between Social- 
 ism and the larger and more wholesome movement on behalf 
 of improved conditions of labor. These movements have some 
 things in common, but they are totally distinct. Socialist 
 agitation has done harm to the labor movement. It has done 
 harm by causing fright. It has done harm by its very advo- 
 cacy of labor principles, causing it to be classed by many 
 minds as identical with these principles. But you must not 
 hurt a good cause by branding it with a name which its trusted 
 leaders and the vast hosts of its trusty followers repudiate. 
 Ignorant workmen are indeed mellow soil for nurturing So- 
 cialist seed. But the great majority of intelligent workmen 
 are not Socialists. And the leading labor organizations, while 
 Socialists are in their ranks, reject and condemn Socialist 
 principles, and contest their spread. 
 
 * C. H. Parkhurst, in "New Princeton Review," January, 1886, p. 38. 
 
 t This applies, of course, only to Anarchist or State Socialism, as treated 
 in chapters ii, iv, v, and vi. It does not apply to the large number of people 
 who believe that society is more than the individual ; to men like the Apostle 
 Paul, Charles Kingsley, Thomas Hughes.
 
 REVIEW AND OUTLOOK. 219 
 
 We have seen the errors of the Socialist's indictment ; the 
 economic fallacies on which it builds its philosophy ; and the 
 exaggeration of social conditions with which it fires its own 
 enthusiasm and makes its social appeal. We have seen how 
 inadequate are its fundamental demands to remedy the real 
 evils that exist in society. Socialism clamors for progress, but 
 it cuts the very social sinews by whose movement progress is 
 possible. 
 
 We have seen, too, some truths in Socialism. It has a 
 message for us. Balaam though on the whole we may regard 
 it, it has a voice of prophecy that, under all its errors, may be 
 the voice of God. Society is more than the individual. Social 
 rights are higher than personal rights. " Private claims are 
 founded in public sufferance." When individual rights, 
 whose maintenance society has asserted, as by the verdict of 
 all history essential to its own best interests, are so asserted as 
 to become social wrong and harm, then by every principle of 
 the Gospel of Christ, and by every law of the Kingdom of 
 God, social rights are dominant over private ones, and private 
 rights must give way. 
 
 We have studied the rise and growth of the organ ization of 
 labor ; the spread of the principle of co-operation in distribu- 
 tive, productive and profit-sharing forms ; the need, the func- 
 tions and the duties of industrial captains ; the responsibili- 
 ties of wealth for largest social service ; and the place of high- 
 est morality in all industrial action and its productive results. 
 While we have been discussing these matters the history of 
 the social problem has been in process of rapid formation. 
 New facts have constantly appeared ; new phases of move- 
 ment have been daily presented ; changes in lines of battle 
 have been taking place. One needs the eyes of Argus to keep 
 all parts of the field clearly in view. Here a picket skirmish, 
 there a cavalry charge, yonder an artillery duel. While 
 more and more, through smoke and noise and mutual recrimi- 
 nation, flags of truce are flying, the harbingers of armistice 
 and arbitration, and, let us hope, of peace. 
 
 Looking at this field, so full of stir and complication, look- 
 ing at it in such light of ascertained principles as these discus- 
 sions may be able to cast upon it, what are the indications 
 which may well make us downcast and disquieted, if these be
 
 220 STUDIES IX MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 all that is visible ? What also, if any, are the -signs of God's 
 presence which may reinspire courage and quicken hope ? 
 
 As to dangers. On the one hand it is to be feared that the 
 feudal spirit is not quite dead. There are men, too many of 
 them, in whom individualism has gone to seed, and in whom 
 the new crop of conduct springing from that seed is anything 
 but wholesome. They do not seem aware that within fifty 
 years there has been a revolution in industry ; that the rela- 
 tions which existed, and the methods in vogue, and the tradi- 
 tions of a thousand years, as to personal prerogative and pri- 
 vate interest, still alive when they or their fathers began busi- 
 ness, are not now alive, but dead and of the past. Surliness, 
 a standing upon abstract right and dignity on the part of some 
 employers are dangers. According to the testimony of many 
 of our best economists, numerous strikes have been due to a 
 want of tact on the part of the master, and sometimes to his 
 total lack of gentlemanly and humane instincts.* Men are 
 not willing in these days to be treated as if they were ma- 
 chines or brutes. A master may say : I refuse to be interfered 
 with ; I will manage my business for myself ; I will command 
 in my own affairs. Well, he ought to command ; but as a 
 man over men, not as a man over machines ; as a captain in 
 rank over equals in right, not as a tyrant over slaves. Work- 
 men affirm that many a strike is inaugurated and continued, 
 resulting in waste of capital and loss of wages, not chiefly out 
 of regard to increase of wages, but because of the brutal way 
 in which their demands were treated. A master may shut 
 down his works, lock up his factory, turn his workmen adrift 
 to find other employment or to starve. No human law can 
 hinder him. A jackass may be harnessed with a blooded colt 
 sixteenth-century feudalism of mastership with nineteenth- 
 century democracy of labor. No external law can hinder the 
 jackass from refusing to pull, because he dislikes the upstart 
 antics of the colt ; nor from kicking to pieces the cart and 
 
 * Strikes are often instigated by employers for selfish purposes ; to dis- 
 credit organized labor, to increase demand for goods on hand, to weaken a 
 rival, to secure the destruction by rioters of worn-out buildings and machinery, 
 in order that these may be replaced at the expense of the public. See p. 120, 
 note.
 
 SOME SOCIAL DANGERS. 221 
 
 wasting his yoke-fellow's fodder, and his own. But it is ques- 
 tionable whether such behavior is good morals or even good 
 policy behavior such as conduces to the safe and sure prog- 
 ress of the social cart. The patriarchal age, the slave-owning 
 age, the feudal age of industry are gone. No sentimental 
 dreamings, no fond clinging to traditional methods and rela- 
 tions can give them a resurrection. Captains of industry, 
 who stand on their prerogatives ; who refuse to reason, to con- 
 sult, to conciliate ; who regard their business as entirely an 
 affair of private ownership, and its management as solely a 
 matter for their private determination, rather than as, in some 
 real way, a social partnership in which the other partners have 
 a claim to at least some voice these are obstructives, dangers, 
 moral dynamiters. They foster discontent, prolong strife, 
 promote hatred, hinder amicable adjustment, misrepresent the 
 more humane and just spirit of the employing classes, and 
 prevent that spirit from fully asserting itself. 
 
 On the other hand, there is danger that workmen will be 
 rash and headstrong ; going faster in right directions than 
 the conditions of social safety will admit ; going blindly in 
 wrong directions, in defiance of all economic principles and 
 of all historic precedents. Great numbers of strikes occur for 
 reasons most trivial ; many in assertion of supposed rights 
 that have no human or economic foundation. There is dan- 
 ger that workmen, flushed with temporary victory, will mis- 
 take that for the presage of final triumph, and will risk the 
 fruits of victory by unwise use of their advantage. There is 
 danger that just assertion of the rights of partnership in in- 
 dustry will degenerate into a meddlesomeness that offends 
 and irritates, and that drives to lockouts and to a withdrawal 
 of capital and managing capacity from active enterprise. In 
 the eager pursuit of justice to be done to them there Is danger 
 that workmen will forget the duty of justice to be done by 
 thorn. No wrong rights a wrong. No injustice promotes 
 justice. The workman's rights and his righteousness rise or 
 fall, triumph or fail together. 
 
 There is danger that the workman may mistake the tokens 
 of his employer's kindly feeling for signs of weakness and 
 cowardice ; that he may fail to respond to these, as he ought 
 to respond to them, by reciprocal good-will ; that he may mis-
 
 222 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 interpret the meaning of all the sanitary, educational, human- 
 izing endeavors of employers as being a merely charitable 
 concession to the unfortunate, and a money-saving substitute 
 for a f airer division of products. No wonder some employers 
 are discouraged, and many hesitate as to any movement for 
 the benefit of their workmen, when their righteous deeds are 
 often flung back in their faces with the sneer, "We want 
 justice, not charity ! " Ay, justice, not mere charity is want- 
 ed. * But I can never believe that the Salts, the Krupps, the 
 Godins of the Old World, or the Childses, the Cheneys, the 
 Hazards of the New, are mere charity-mongers who, forget- 
 ting justice, are doling back to their workmen in libraries, 
 schools, hospitals, pensions, houses, a few pence of the pounds 
 unjustly stolen from wages. I do not believe that charity and 
 justice, either in God's character or man's action, lie any fur- 
 ther apart than the arteries and veins that receive and give 
 back the blood of the one central, vitalizing heart of love. 
 Nay, it is these so-called charity-mongers who are your most 
 just and successful commanders. It is they out of whose 
 ranks your profit-sharing experimenters have come. It is 
 they and such like men who will lead in the reconstructed in- 
 dustrial order of the future. There is danger if the workman 
 acts upon any misunderstanding of these principles. There is 
 danger lest he fail to see that every rash and needless strike is 
 a destruction of his own capital, and of so much possibility 
 of capital as by co-operation might transfer him the sooner 
 from the rank of a mere wage-worker to that of a capitalist- 
 worker. 
 
 There is danger from the ignorance of too many workmen. 
 Do not misunderstand. Ignorance is used as no term of con- 
 tempt. God forbid that any term of contempt should be pos- 
 sible! It is not forgotten that many of these workmen are 
 just emerging from beneath the cruel wrongs of ages. It is 
 not forgotten that ignorance is no more blinding to the work- 
 
 * " We think of the poor in the way of charity, for to deal out charity 
 gratifies not only benevolence but pride ; we think much of them in the way 
 of charity, but we think little of them in the way of justice. Justice, how- 
 ever, ranks before charity, and they would need less charity if they had more 
 justice." An " Essay on the Free Examination of the Laws of England," by 
 Leman Thomas Rede.
 
 SOME SOCIAL DANGERS. 223 
 
 man than is educated selfishness and traditional pride of mas- 
 tership blinding to the employer. But workmen themselves 
 will concede the large ignorance existing among the workers. 
 And ignorance is danger. Ignorance, especially on the line 
 of one's supposed self-interest, becomes the easy dupe of dema- 
 gogues. Ignorance is likely to be suspicious, headstrong, rash, 
 impatient, irrational, and to count immediate gain more desir- 
 able than promised boon. I have confidence in the wisdom, 
 conservatism, far-sightedness, and broad social aims of many 
 of the leaders of labor. Yet none know better than they the 
 inflammable character of much of the material with which 
 they have to deal. 
 
 There is danger that some workmen may forget that, strong 
 as is organized labor as against organized capital, there is a 
 larger public opinion that is stronger than either. Numerical 
 majorities, even, can not settle moral and social issues. The 
 intelligence in the workmen's ranks, and the intelligence out- 
 side of the ranks of either technical capital or technical labor, 
 must be in harmonious accord if the just rights of labor are to 
 have guaranteed recognition. It is a most short-sighted and 
 dangerous policy for workmen to oppose, or alienate, or fail to 
 measure the necessary value of this larger public opinion.* 
 
 Then, too, the political aspects of our country are not a little 
 
 * The history of the strikes on the Gould railway system, of the May 
 strikes for eight hours, and the various industrial disorders, Chicago anarch- 
 ism and all the rest, have too largely turned many of the above statements 
 into prophecies fulfilled. The cause of lahor has been badly hurt. Public 
 opinion, favorable to many of the just claims of labor, has been alienated. 
 Too many ill-judging people identify the blunders made by the advocates of 
 a cause with the cause itself. The demand for discrimination and a careful 
 study of principles is greater now than it ever was. 1 have not yet ceased to 
 hope that the second, sober thought of both employers and workmen will 
 promote measures which will conserve the welfare of both. The triumph of 
 righteousness ought to be the aim of all good men. The disintegration of the 
 Knights of Labor, either by internal dissensions or by external hostility, 
 would be a social misfortune. They have many things to learn. But, abuse 
 heaped upon them will not instruct them. I, for one, am not ready to with- 
 dniw from them an indorsement of the general correctness of their principles, 
 or faith in the conservative spirit of their now recognized leaders. But they 
 ought to heed the lessons of the last few months. See article, " A Word of 
 Sympathy and Caution," " Century Magazine," June, 1886, p. 819.
 
 224 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 discouraging. Social, industrial, political interests and affairs 
 are so essentially intermingled that unsoundness anywhere 
 means unsoundness everywhere. Political reform must go 
 hand in hand with industrial reform. The enlarged functions 
 to be committed to the State, with due regard to the conserv- 
 ing of private right and the best promotion of personal action, 
 for which modern economists are pleading, can not, with popu- 
 lar consent, be assumed by the State until the State does more 
 wisely and economically, and for higher social welfare, what 
 it already has to do. Political reform, from caucus to Con- 
 gress and Cabinet, is a very urgent need. And a large Her- 
 cules, with a large broom, would find his task of cleansing 
 quite a discouraging one, even should he begin it not many 
 miles from our own doors. 
 
 But let us turn to the more hopeful outlook. Is there such 
 an outlook ? Are there tokens, on the wild field of strife, of 
 approaching peace ? Are there voices that bid us believe that 
 God is on the field, even when he is most invisible ? There 
 are such signs, tokens, voices. The fact of the organization of 
 labor is such a sign. For labor disorganized was labor hope- 
 less. Labor disorganized was labor inviting oppression and 
 tempting injustice, and so bringing degradation alike to op- 
 pressor and oppressed. Machinery, division of labor, enter- 
 prises on extending scale, exchanges and boards of trade, the 
 era of Democracy, all demanded labor exchanges, boards of 
 labor, organization of labor, the dealing of labor with capital 
 on equal terms ; or else the Helotizing, the re-enslaving of 
 labor was inevitable. Organization means for labor what 
 imion meant for the American colonies warfare for a while, 
 but in the end prosperity and peace. Organization of labor 
 means the education of laborers. It means increasing moral- 
 ity, technical training, better work. It means strikes, indeed, 
 but strikes decreasing in number and refraining from vio- 
 lence. It means a firm battle-front for its own conception of 
 justice. But it does not mean Socialism or revolution. 
 
 Capital is organizing ; that, too, is a sign for good. For 
 disorganized capital means isolation, increasing selfishness, 
 cut-throat competition, ruinous to wholesome industry. These 
 manufacturers' associations mean the sense of brotherhood 
 and common class interest in which capital has been hitherto
 
 ORGANIZATION OF CAPITAL. 225 
 
 lacking. Out of this class brotherhood may grow a larger 
 human brotherhood. Organized capital means a firm battle- 
 front for the just rights of capital, as against organized labor. 
 It ought to mean that. It will thus learn an increased respect 
 for the opposing battle-line. It will learn increased honorable 
 chivalry of warfare and treatment. But organized capital 
 means more than this. It means a more scientific employ- 
 ment of the forces of production ; and overstocked or under- 
 stocked markets becoming more and more impossible. It 
 means that nineteenth-century captains of industry will, in 
 their club-rooms, have opportunity for pushing the gospel of 
 righteousness and fairness, and manliness and common sense, 
 and highest economic self-interest, into the dull heads and the 
 obtuse consciences of sixteenth-century feudalist captains of 
 industry. It means enlarged opportunity for promoting arbi- 
 tration and conciliation, and the recognition of workmen and 
 workmen's associations as equals. It means opportunity for 
 the study and practical promotion of wise schemes of profit- 
 sharing and co-operation and sliding scales of wages. It 
 means a cry to the workman to move cautiously, and not to 
 endanger his own cause, and all social weal, by unjustifiable 
 demands, by petty meddlesomeness, by rashness and reckless- 
 ness. It means a call to employer and employed to look into 
 each other's faces, feel each other's hearts, know each other's 
 thoughts, listen patiently to each other's tale of wrong, respect 
 each other's rights, put each himself in the other's place, and 
 to learn that shoulder-straps or plain blue blouses are but ac- 
 cidental endowments that may easily change places, temporal 
 disguisings of the common and immortal humanity that each 
 in the other may discern. 
 
 This double battle-line of capital and labor, in intelligent 
 and manly and honorable conflict, implies the victory of both, 
 and so the attainment of the greatest social good. The su- 
 preme triumph of capital over labor would be the restoration 
 of the ancient regime, prolonged misery to labor, and the de- 
 humanizing of capital. The supreme triumph of labor over 
 capital would be French Revolution horrors for capital, the de- 
 monization of labor, and Napoleonic absolutism as the final 
 outcome. Capital and labor, well matched in strength and 
 organization, alike controlled by intelligence and Christian
 
 226 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 morality, will relieve, by arbitration, their warfare of its ter- 
 rors and its disasters ; will see the mutual path where justice 
 lies ; will promote industrial partnerships and co-operations ; 
 and, under the leadings of God's providence and truth, will 
 construct, within the limits of the present social order, the 
 Christian, democratic commonwealth, wherein each factor in 
 production, in personal competence, and in sharing the gen- 
 eral well-being, may receive the just reward of his toil. 
 
 To this happy consummation many signs are pointing. 
 Not the least significant sign is the fact that so many are 
 thinking, reading, talking about these problems. The thought 
 is not all wise, the talk not all sensible. But any sort of think- 
 ing is better than mental stagnation, any sort of talk more 
 promising than stolid indifference. Christian teachers and 
 Christian churches are taking up these questions.* The Chi- 
 cago pastors invited a Socialist of the extremest type to pre- 
 sent to them his views. The evangelical clergy of Boston 
 were addressed on the labor question by a pastor and a Knight 
 of Labor. The Episcopal Church Congress, the Baptist Autum- 
 nal Conference, the Congress of Churches, and the Andover 
 Alumni Association have discussed these matters in their 
 sessions. Many of the Episcopal clergy are far in advance of 
 their brethren of other Christian churches, both in their well- 
 informed intelligence and the boldness of their utterances. 
 Pastors of wealthy churches, as Dr. Howard Crosby and Dr. 
 C. H. Parkhurst, of New York, are stirring the consciences of 
 their parishioners with gospel ethics of trade and gospel prin- 
 ciples for a true social order, that but a while ago would have 
 been deemed most fanatical and revolutionary. The world 
 moves, and God is in its movement. 
 
 Another token of hope is the increased interest in the care- 
 ful study of economical principles and problems. Not only is 
 political economy studied more widely, but also more wisely. 
 It is basing its principles on ascertained facts, and not tortur- 
 ing its facts to fit its principles. It is coming to clearer recog- 
 
 * " Century Magazine," May, 1886, p. 163. 
 
 " The Labor Problem : Plain Questions and Practical Answers." Edited 
 by W. E. Barnes, New York, 1886. 
 
 " Public Opinion," May 8, 1886, p. 67. 
 
 " The Clergy and the Labor Question." " NewPrin. Rev.," vol. ii, p. 48.
 
 AMERICAN ECONOMIC ASSOCIATION. 227 
 
 nition of the truth that human action in work, as well as in 
 worship, is moral action, and that ethics and economics have 
 an essential relation. One of the signs of the times is the 
 formation, at Saratoga, in September, 1885, of the American 
 Economic Association.* The object of this association is to in- 
 vestigate economic problems, and to diffuse economic knowl- 
 edge. Students, professors, financiers, business men, are in 
 its membership. It is capable of large usefulness. There are 
 many economic problems yet unsolved. They will not be 
 solved by mass-meetings. No employer or workman may 
 dogmatize about them except at grave social peril. The final 
 word has not been spoken concerning them, either by manu- 
 facturers' associations or in the resolves of labor-unions. A 
 lockout or a strike, based upon their absolute certainty, is the 
 height of madness. Only patient and prolonged investiga- 
 tion, and the contributed light of many minds, flashing forth 
 increasing light by the friction and the concentration of the 
 various rays, can solve these problems. Every business man 
 ought to have a copy of the constitution of this association, 
 and seek, at least by his membership, to further its aims. The 
 Knights of Labor would do well to secure for their District 
 Master Workmen admission to its ranks. Manufacturers' 
 clubs would confer benefit upon themselves, and the indus- 
 trial interests they represent, by offering, through this asso- 
 ciation, prizes for the best papers on some yet unsolved eco- 
 nomic problem. 
 
 Another token of hope is the increase of State bureaus of 
 statistics of trade and labor. Light is helpful to everybody ; 
 only darkness harms. The day has gone by for star-chamber 
 proceedings in industry. To be sure, men shrink from inquisi- 
 tions as to their business matters. But there are some things 
 which, for the sake of large public interests that override pri- 
 vate rights, the public have a right to know concerning all 
 the business, whose only warrant for existence is that it is for 
 public service, even while it is for private gain. If informa- 
 tion as to the relations of capital, and expenses, and profits 
 will damage a man with his competitors, so much the worse 
 
 * Prof. Richard T. Ely, Secretary. Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, 
 Md.
 
 228 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM, 
 
 for competition. When the information is furnished by all 
 competitors, one has no advantage over another. If the giv- 
 ing of accurate information will affect a man's credit, he is 
 sailing under false colors, and the sooner the ship is scuttled 
 and sunk the better for society.* It would be to the advan- 
 tage of employers to make some concessions willingly, rather 
 than to be compelled to yield them. King John would have 
 better won the respect and confidence of his barons, and 
 shown himself a nobler king, had he conceded Magna Charta 
 from his own instincts of justice, instead of waiting to have 
 it wrung from him by force. Bureaus of labor are full of 
 promise for all industry. They will promote intelligent ac- 
 tion. They will tend to equalize -production and consump- 
 tion. They will reveal the conditions of trade. They will pre- 
 vent excessive demand in one section of the labor market and 
 excessive supply in another. The facts they furnish, the prin- 
 ciples they promulgate, will sweep the cobwebs of economic 
 fallacy and the dust of discontent from the minds of work- 
 men, and will remove the cumbersome fossils of feudalism 
 from the minds of employers. 
 
 Another token of hope is the increasing number of em- 
 ployers wlio seek to be just to their workmen and to promote 
 their best welfare ; and in the increasing number of co-opera- 
 tive and profit-sharing enterprises. We are a slower people 
 than we are willing to think. Europe is far ahead of us in 
 these matters. But we are learning. Already we have many 
 a garden -spot of industry. The day will come when our 
 American Tangyes, and Perrys, and Mundellas,t our Bouci- 
 caults and Leclaires will not be the exceptions, but the rule. 
 Co-operative production by workmen, and profit-sharing be- 
 tween employers and employed, will be the prevailing forms 
 of future industrial organization.} In the name of justice, and 
 humanity, and God, this is to be. Labor shall have, as now, 
 
 * The history of the Life-insurance Companies of the State of New York, 
 the opposition of the companies to the law establishing the office of Insurance 
 Commissioner, and the present satisfaction of all the strong companies with 
 the working of the Commission plan, is a case in point. 
 
 t " Social Studies in England," Sarah K. Bolton, pp. 155-166. 
 
 t "Century Magazine," May, 1886, p. 1G3. 
 
 " The Labor Problem : Plain Questions and Practical Answers."
 
 SOCIAL CLEAVAGE OF THE FUTURE. 220 
 
 its hire ; and capital, as now, its interest ; and management, 
 as now, its recompense. But the acquired skill, the painstak- 
 ing, the thrift in time, the watchfulness against waste, for 
 which the market-price hire of labor does not pay, shall also 
 have its reward. Competition will not be abolished. Just 
 competition is an economic necessity.* It is a sound ethical 
 principle. But to make and keep it just it must be balanced 
 by co-operation. Even as a true self-interest, which is not 
 selfishness, and a true self-sacrifice, which is not asceticism, 
 nor a maudlin sentimentality, nor a hurtful philanthropy, 
 must, by Christ's own command, conjoin in best moral life ; 
 even as a true individualism and a true socialism must ever 
 interact in the worthiest social order ; so just competition and 
 wise co-operation must have reciprocal play in the most pro- 
 ductive and serviceable industrial organization. The social 
 cleavage of the future, whatever cleavage may be found in a 
 close-knit brotherhood, will be, as Professor Jevons has de- 
 clared, "not horizontal but perpendicular"; not between 
 heads and hands, but between the conjoined heads and hands 
 of one industrial enterprise, and the alike conjoined heads and 
 hands of another industrial enterprise. Instead of as now, 
 on one side, a host of mutinous soldiers contending with their 
 leaders for the wages of work, and with each other for tho 
 privilege of work ; and on the other side a squad of captains 
 contending fiercely with each other, and only uniting in con- 
 test against their mutinous soldiers, there shall be solid regi- 
 ments, under respected and honored leaders, each striving 
 with the rest in friendliest rivalry for the honor of bearing in 
 advance the standards of noblest social service and of most 
 widely diffused industrial prosperity. This is God's promise. 
 Toward this end His providence, all true economic tenden- 
 cies, all social ferments are surely working. There will be 
 struggles, battles, wounds, waste. But God is just. Truth 
 and right shall triumph, because God is true and righteous, 
 and because His kingdom, so long prayed and toiled for, shall 
 
 * " Competition we now recognize to be a tiling neither good nor bad ; we 
 look upon it as resembling a great physical force, which can not be destroyed, 
 but may be controlled and modified." Toynbee's " Industrial Revolution," 
 pp. 19, 20.
 
 230 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 come at last, and His will in justice and love shall be done on 
 earth. Looking out over the vast field, all murky with thick 
 clouds of battle-smoke, and filled with many an occasion for 
 downcasting and disquietude, we hope, because we hope and 
 believe in God. 
 
 We hope, we bid each other be of good courage. Yet how 
 much toil, anxiety, and disturbance have yet to be faced ! 
 What intricate questions remain to be solved, what taxing 
 tasks to be performed ! The school must scatter the mists of 
 ignorance and loosen the shackles of inaptness and lack of 
 skill. The State must purify its administration and assume 
 larger tasks. It must prevent monopolies, and set some limits 
 to the indefinite increase of personal wealth. It must hinder 
 land-grabbing and non-resident landlordism, and the absorp- 
 tion of the public domain by large corporations. It must re- 
 construct on a sound basis of ethical economics the entire 
 system of land-tenure. It must defend in the workshop, as 
 well as on the street, the lives, health, safety, liberties of all 
 its citizens. It must secure economical administration, and 
 the equal and rational adjustment of the public burdens. It 
 must discover some method of preventing the mean evasions, 
 the dishonest subterfuges, the barefaced falsehoods and knav- 
 eries by which not a few rich men escape an equitable share of 
 taxation. It must, in the interest of absolute justice, fence 
 about the action " of the avaricious and the strong, even at the 
 expense of technical justice." * It must not forget the lesson 
 of history, that "when the oppressions of the rich, and the 
 powerful, and the fortunate reach a certain point, the op- 
 pressed multitude turn, like hunted beasts at bay, and destroy 
 both their oppressors and the social fabric." t 
 
 The church must preach the gospel more earnestly, live it 
 more faithfully, and impress its facts and precepts upon the 
 consciences and lives of men. Not education alone, not legis- 
 lation alone, not wiser economics alone, not mutual conces- 
 sions and adjustments of contending factions alone, not even 
 all these together, but the gospel of the living God securing 
 
 * " The Freedom of Faith," by Theodore T. Munger. Boston : Hough- 
 ton, Mifflin & Co., 1883, p. 188. 
 t Ibid.
 
 THINGS TO BE LEARNED. 231 
 
 personal faith in its Christ, and personal renewal by its Spirit, 
 and the control of the personal conscience and conduct by the 
 supreme motives, and sanctions, and principles of its divine 
 and eternal ethics ; this gospel, pervading society with the 
 powers of the world to come, dominating education, crystal- 
 lized in legislation, inducing the wisest economic action be- 
 cause securing the highest moral action ; this is the power, 
 the only power for insuring a race of souls, a city and king- 
 dom of humanity redeemed. 
 
 And under the impulses of this gospel we must all give 
 ourselves to securing for ourselves, our community, the na- 
 tion, the world the practical realization of righteousness. 
 Men must learn that God governs the universe, and that 
 "penalty dogs sin," whether the sin be personal or corporate. 
 We must learn to set our individual and class interests aside 
 as we study the problems that affect the general weal. We 
 must learn that no bargain is an honest bargain, whether in 
 paying or receiving wages, or in buying or selling goods, 
 which does not involve mutual and equal advantage. We 
 must learn that justice in business does not mean to get the 
 most for the least or something for nothing, or to wring plun- 
 der out of men's emergencies or gain out of their ignorance 
 and weakness. We must learn to look, "each man not on 
 his own things alone, but each man also on the things of 
 others." 
 
 We must learn that "the life is more than meat and the 
 body than raiment." While it is right for a man to get the 
 most he can out of this world, and to desire the best outward 
 conditions of life, yet this is not the chief end for which we 
 are born into this world. Poverty is not a good. No man is 
 asked to be content with it. But poverty is better than a 
 mean spirit, or low aims, or unrighteous action. ' ' Honor and 
 shame from no condition rise." A man may be poor, but he 
 may think noblest thoughts, speak truest speech, have clean- 
 est lips, lead most serviceable life, share the companionship of 
 the wisest thinkers and the largest souls of all agas, entertain 
 God the Father, Son and Holy Spirit as constant guests in the 
 home of his heart, and be in all ways a worthier, larger, rich- 
 er soul than any rich man who is empty of goodness and 
 grovels in sin. If I had to change places with anybody, I
 
 232 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 would rather, as a friend suggested, change places with old 
 Epictetus, lame, and a slave, whipped and bruised, than to 
 change places with Epictetus's master, the freedman and the 
 sycophant of Nero. 
 
 We must learn that all labor that serves society is worthy 
 of honor and due reward. We must give the honor and pay 
 the reward. Degradation of labor ! Nay, laziness degrades. 
 Willful idleness dishonors. Work unserviceable, socially 
 hurtful, faithlessly, shabbily done, brings shame. Real labor, 
 with brain or hand, with pen or pick, in counting-room or 
 shop or ditch, is an ensign of social rank, a coronet of personal 
 nobility. The true aristocracy is the aristocracy of socially 
 serviceable work. And we must learn to be patient, to do our 
 duty and to wait. " Haste makes waste." God's "increasing 
 purpose widens with the process of the suns," but it never 
 hurries, for all our pitiful impatience. 
 
 In this era of industrial revolution no easy task devolves 
 upon the possessors of wealth and the captains of industry. 
 They are called, not to clearer vision of their own prerogative, 
 but to clearer vision of the principle of just action for them- 
 selves and all men. To guide public opinion safely through the 
 whirlpool of social change, amid eddies of angry passion, and 
 rocks of dying traditions and dead privileges, is a work that 
 may well baffle their best human wisdom and dismay their 
 stoutest hearts. But this is the crisis which shall test the sort 
 of moral stuff that they and all of us are made of. Out in the 
 broad plain of our modern civilization the Nebuchadnezzar of 
 the hoary past has erected a golden image no true, solid gold, 
 but plate, and tinsel, and sham the image of the Mammon 
 god. Anon, the trumpets sound ; and, by the decree of the 
 king of tradition and familiar habit, we are summoned to bow 
 down and worship ! Worship that ! Or be true to justice, to 
 humanity, and to the one and only Lord God, the Eternal 
 Justice and the Father of humanity ! This is the testing- 
 tune, for rich and poor, for captains and soldiers ; the time 
 for deciding whether with sleek conformity we will follow the 
 ways of the easy-going devotees of Mammon, or whether, 
 with a courage born of faith in God, we will endure the flames 
 of self-denying service, in a furnace wherein the Son of God 
 himself walks, and whence, without even the smell of fire on
 
 CONCLUSION. 233 
 
 our garments, we shall emerge into the God-honoring life of 
 the new industrial era. 
 
 Here our discussions end. It has been their aim to arouse 
 thought, to discover the places where justice dwells, and to 
 indicate some of the lines along which may be found safe, be- 
 cause righteous, solution of our social problem. We have 
 tried to induce kindlier spirit between those who differ ; to 
 help men to feel the thrill of a common brotherhood, and to 
 face these questions of difficulty as men rather than as classes. 
 We have hoped to promote in the action of employers an in- 
 creasing practical concern for the welfare and the rights of 
 workmen ; and in the action of workmen an increasing faith- 
 fulness in work and a respectful regard for the good inten- 
 tions and the rights of their employers. We have dealt chief- 
 ly with principles with facts only as illustrating and enforc- 
 ing principles. For principles govern the world and shape 
 history. A principle wrought freedom for the American colo- 
 nies. A principle sharpened the axe of the guillotine in the 
 Place de la Concorde. A principle true, though grotesque 
 and monstrous by perversion, is the power of Socialism. If I 
 have awakened in the mind of any reader of these pages the 
 conviction that justice must be done by him as employer or as 
 workman, then he will seek the path of justice. And justice 
 will be done, for God will show the path and help to walk 
 in it.
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SUBJECTS 
 DISCUSSED IN FOREGOING CHAPTERS. 
 
 Thanks are due to William F. Poole, Esq., for his courteous permission to make 
 free use of his " Index to Periodical Literature," from which the references 
 to English and American periodicals up to 1882 have been taken. Valuable 
 assistance is gratefully acknowledged from George E. McNeil, Esq., Secre- 
 tary of the Knights of Labor of Massachusetts ; from Prof. Benjamin I. 
 Wheeler, of Cornell University ; and from James L. Whitney, Esq., of the 
 Boston Public Library. 
 
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 kleines Grundeigenthum angef ttkrt werden. 1848. 
 
 Blanqui, Jgrome Adolphe. History of polit. econ. N. Y., 1880. 
 
 Bowen, Francis. American polit. econ. N. Y., 1870. 
 
 Bowker, R. R. Economics for the people. N. Y., 1886. 
 
 Cairnes, John E. Essays in polit. econ., theoretical and applied. London, 1873. 
 Some leading principles of polit. econ. newly expounded. London, 1874. 
 Character and logical method of polit. econ. London and N. Y. 
 
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 Colton, Calvin. Public Economy for the United States. N. Y., 1848. 
 
 Cossa, Luigi. Guide to study of polit. econ. London, 1880.
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SUBJECTS. 235 
 
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 econ. Dublin, 1883. 
 
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 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SUBJECTS. 237 
 
 PERIODICAL LITERATCRE. 
 
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 Christianity and wages. (O. A. Kingsbury) New Engl., n. s., 41 : 548. 
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 Baptist congress, proceedings of fourth ; socialism false and true. New York, 
 1885. 
 
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 til unt sdi 1 i, J. K. The theory of the state. London, 1885.
 
 238 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 Bonne, L. Ch. La misfire, ses causes et moyens <Ty remdier. Paris, 1877. 
 
 Booth, Arthur John. Robert Owen, the founder of socialism in England. Lon- 
 don, 1869. 
 
 Saint Simon and Saint Simonism. London, 1871. 
 Chapter in the history of socialism in France. 
 
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 Brissot tie Warbille. Recherches philosophiques sur le droit propriete et sur 
 le vol consider^ dans sa nature. 
 
 Buonarrotti, Filippo. Histoire de la conspiration de Babeuf. Eng. trans, by 
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 Burton, John Hill. Polit. and social econ. ; its practical applications. Edinb., 
 1849. 
 
 Cabet, Etienne. Voyage en Icarie. 
 
 Cherbuliez, Antoine Elisee. Le socialisme c'est la barbaric ; examen des 
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 1848. 
 
 Cherouny, H. Socialism and Christianity. 1882. 
 
 Cicero. De republica. 
 
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 Fragen. Jaurg. 7, Heft 108. Volkswirthschaftliche Aufsatze. Stuttgart, 
 1882. 
 
 Collins, T. \V. The Eden of labor ; or the Christian Utopia. 
 
 Cook, Joseph. Socialism. Boston, 1880. 
 
 Coutzen, H. Geschichte der socialen Frage von den altesten Zeiten bis zur Ge- 
 genwart. 
 
 Cronin, David E. The equal distribution of wealth. Binghamton, N. Y., 1872. 
 
 Cunningham, D. Conditions of social well-being ; or, inquiries into the mate- 
 rial and moral positions of the populations of Europe and America. 
 
 Dameth, Claude Marie Henri. Le mouvement socialiste et 1'econ. polit. Paris, 
 1869. 
 
 Democracy in the old world and the new. London, 1884. 
 
 Demos : a story of English socialism. N. Y.. 1886. 
 
 Donoso Cort6s, Juan, Marqu6s de Valdegamas. Essays on Catholicism, liber- 
 alism, and socialism., trans, from Spanish by William McDonald. Dublin, 
 1874. 
 
 Dowling, George T. The wreckers : a social study. Phila., 1886. 
 
 Duehring, Eugen Carl. Kritische Geschichte der Nationalokonomie und des 
 Socialismus. Leipzig, 1879. 
 
 Engels, Friedrich. Die Lage der arbeitenden Klassen in England. 1845. 
 
 Elder, William. Questions of the day, econ. and social. Phila., 1871. 
 
 Ely, R. T. Hist, of French and German socialism. N. Y., 1883. 
 Recent American socialism. Bait., 1885. 
 
 Fauconnier, E. La question sociale : rente, intfiret, society de 1'avenir. Peris, 
 1878. 
 
 Fawcett, Henry and Millicent G. Modern socialism ; chapt. in essays and lect. 
 on social and polit. subjects. London, 1872.
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SUBJECTS. 239 
 
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 1850. 
 Fliscard, Dom. La propriety et la communaute' des biens depuis I'antiquitS jus- 
 
 qu'& nos jours. 
 
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 Gasparin, Agfinor Etienne, compte de. L'ennemi de la famille. Paris, 1874. 
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 George, Henry. Progress and poverty. N. Y., 1880. 
 
 Social problems. N. Y., 1883. 
 Graud, P. L'unitfiism : religion universelle. Traite d'organisation sociale, r6- 
 
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 cialisme en action. 
 Gouvareff, Demetrius. Renovation sociale bastie sur les lois de la nature. La 
 
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 1 1 oiioir, Wilhelm. Protestant ismus und Socialismus. Padeborn, 1881. 
 
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 Hyde, E. Religion and policy. 
 
 Hyndman, Henry M. and Morris, William. A summary of the principles of so- 
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 Methods of social reform and other papers. 
 
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 Kaufmaiin, Moritz. Socialism and communism in their practical application. 
 London, 1883.
 
 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 Kaufmann, Moritz. Socialism : its nature, its dangers, its remedies. London,, 
 
 1874. 
 Utopias : or schemes of social improvement from Sir Thomas More to Karl 
 
 Marx. London, 1879. 
 Ketteler, Willhelm Emanuel von. Die Arbeiterfrage und das Christenthum. 
 
 Mainz, 1864. 
 
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 Lacombe, F. Etudes sur les soeialistes. 1866. 
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 1863. 2. Auflage. Hamburg, 1878. 
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 Die Kathedersocialisten und die statistischen Congresse. Berlin, 1875. 
 Laveleye, Ernile Louis Victor de. Primitive property. London, 1878. 
 
 The socialism of to-day, trans, into English by Goddard H. Orpen. London, 1884. 
 Iieroy-Beaulieu, Paul Pierre. Le collectivisme. Examen critique du nouveau 
 
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 Lilienfeld, P. von. Gedanken iiber die Social-Wissenschaft der Zukunft. 1873- 
 
 187!). 
 Liiitz, Heinrich. Entwurf einer Geschichte der Rechtsphilosophie mit beson- 
 
 derer Riicksicht auf Socialismus und Communismus. Danzig, 1846. 
 Maine, Henry S. Village communities. London, 1871. 
 Early history of institutions. London and N. Y., 1875. 
 Ancient law, chap. viii. N. Y., 1878. 
 
 Malon, B. Exposfi des ecoles soeialistes franchises, 2d ed. Paris, 1872. 
 Mallock, W. H. Property and progress. London, 1884. 
 Marclial, Charles. Le socialisme en Russie. Paris, 1860. 
 Mario, Karl (nom de p.). System der Weltoekonomie, oder Untersuchungen 
 
 iiber die Organisation der Arbeit. 1849. 
 
 Martenseii, H. Christian ethics (social), pp. 113-167. Edinb. 
 Marx, Karl. Das Kapital. 1867, 2d ed. Hamburg, 1872. 
 Masseron, Isid. Danger et necessitS du socialisme. Paris, 18S3. 
 Mather, Joseph. Socialism exposed. London. 
 Maxse, Frederic A. The causes of social revolt. London, 1872. 
 Mazel, A. E. De rindividualisme considers dans son priiicipe. Toulouse. 1862. 
 Mazzini, G. The duties of man (life and writings, v. 5). 
 Mehring, Franz. Die deutsche Social-Demokratie. Bremen, 3. Aufl., 1879 ; 1. 
 
 Aufl., 1877. 
 Meyer, Rudolph. Die neueste Literatur zur socialen Frage. Berlin, 1873. 
 
 Der Emancipationskampf des vierten Standes in Deutschland. Berlin, 1874. 
 Michelet, J. Le peuple. 
 Mill, J. S. Socialism. Toronto, 1879. 
 More, Thomas. Utopia. 
 
 Morel, Jules. La question economique. Paris, 1873. 
 Morgan, John Winter. Hampden in the 19th century ; or colloquies on the 
 
 errors and improvement of society. London, 1834. 
 Mulford, E. The nation. N. Y., 1870. 
 
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 Nadaud, Martin. Les societes ouvrieres.
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SUBJECTS. 241 
 
 Nash, Simeon. Morality and the state. Chicago, 1859. 
 
 Nordoff, C. Communistic societies of the United States. N. Y., 1876. 
 
 Noyes, J. H. History of American socialisms. Phila., 1870. 
 
 Owen, Robert. New view of society. Report on the poor law. Book of the new 
 
 moral world. Revolution in the mind and practice of the human race. Life 
 
 of R. Owen, written by himself. London, 1857. 
 Socialism. Five pamphlets. London, 1825-'30. 
 Peek, Francis. Social wreckage : a review of the laws of England as they affect 
 
 the poor. London, 1883. 
 
 Pgy, Alexandra. L'Allemagne d'aujourd'hui, 1862-1882. Paris, 1883. 
 Pellarin, Ch. Fourier, sa vie et sa theorie. 1849. 
 Plato. The republic. The dialogues of Plato. By B. Jowett Vol. ii. N. Y., 
 
 1871. 
 Proudhon, Pierre Joseph. Qu'est-ce que la propri6t6 ? 1840. In v. i, ceuvres 
 
 completes. Paris, 1873. Translated by Benj. R. Tucker, Boston. 
 Rae, John. Contemporary socialism. London, 1884. 
 Rational communism ; the present and future republic of North America. By a 
 
 capitalist. N. Y., 1885. 
 
 lii'i-1 us, E. An anarchist on anarchy. Boston. 
 Reply to R D. Hitchcock on socialism. By a socialist. N. Y., 1879. 
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 Keybaud, Louis. Etudes sur les r6formateurs contemporaines ou socialises 
 
 modernes. Paris, 1841. 
 Bibot, Paul. Expos6 critique des doctrines sociales de M. Le Play. Paris, 
 
 1882. 
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 1842. 
 
 Elucidation of the social question. Berlin, 1875. 
 The normal labor-day. Berlin, 1871. 
 
 Open letter to the committee of the German laborers' union. Leipzig, 1863. 
 An explanation of the necessity of credit to land owners and proposal of meas- 
 ures to assist them. 2 v., 1868-'69. 
 
 Romang, J. P. Die Bedeutung des Communismus. Berne, 1847. 
 Roiix, Xavier. Les utopies et les rfialitees de la question sociale, pr6c6d6es d'une 
 
 lettre de F. Le Play. Paris, 1876. 
 
 Rylance, J. H. Lectures on social questions. N. Y., 1880. 
 Saint-Simon, Claude Henri de. Catechisme industrial. Paris, 1824. 
 
 Nouveau Christianisme. Paris, 1825. 
 Sampler, Adolph. Sociallehre. 
 
 Sargant, W. L. Life of Robert Owen. London, 1860. 
 Sargent. Social innovators. 1859. 
 
 Say, Jean Baptiste Leon. Le socialisms d'etat. Paris, 1884. 
 Schaeffle, Albert Eberhard Friedrich. Bau und Leben des socialen Kflrpers. 4 
 
 v. TUbingen, 1875- '78. 
 Kapitalismus und Socialismus. (3d vol. of above.) Die Quintessenz des Socialte- 
 
 mus. Gotha, 1879. 
 
 Die Aussiehtelosigkeit der Social-Demokratie. TUbingen, 1885. 
 Das gesellschaf tliche System der menschlichen Wirthschaft. 3d ed. 1878. 
 Scheel, H. von. Die Theorie der socialen Frage. Jena, 1871. 
 
 Die sociale Frage. Vortrag am 3. Dez. 1872. Berne, 1873. 
 Schmidt, C. The social results of early Christianity. Trans, by Mrs. Thorpe. 
 
 London, 1885. 
 
 11
 
 242 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 Schmoller, Gustav. Ueber einige Grundfragen des Rechts und der Volkswirth- 
 schaft. Jena, 1875. 
 
 Schonberg, Gustav. Arbeitsamter : eine Aufgabe des deutschen Reichs. 1871. 
 
 Schulze-Delitzscli. Social Rechte und Pflichten. 
 
 Scudder, M. L., Jr. The labor- value fallacy. Chicago, 1884. 
 
 Semler, H. Geschichte des Socialismus und Communismus in Nordamerika. 
 1880. 
 
 Shaw, Albert. Iscaria. N. Y., 1884. 
 
 Smith, G. False hopes. N. Y., 1883. 
 
 Social architecture ; or reasons and means for the demolition and reconstruction 
 of the social edifice. By an exile from France. 
 
 Sociale Fragen und Antworten. Nordwestdeutscher Volksschriften-Verlag. Bre- 
 men, 1878, u. ff. 
 
 Socialistic labor party. Convention Dec., 1879. Detroit, 1880. 
 
 Southwell, Charles. Socialism made easy. A plain exposition of Mr. Owen's 
 views. London, 1840. 
 
 Spencer, Herbert. Principles of sociology. 3 v. N. Y., 1884. 
 The man versus the state. London, 1884. 
 
 Starkweather, A. J., and Wilson, Robert. Socialism (internationalism). N. Y., 
 1884. 
 
 Statham, F. Reginald. The social growths of the 19th century. London, 1872. 
 
 Stem. Socialismus und Communismus des heutigen Frankreichs. 1848. 
 
 Stern, Alfred. Die Socialisten der Reformationszeit. Berlin, 1883. 
 
 Stickney, A. A true republic. N. Y., 1879. 
 
 Sudre, Alfred. Histoire du communisme ou refutation historique des utopies 
 socialistes. Paris, 1856. 
 
 Sybel, Heinrich von. Die Lehren des heutigen Socialismus und Communismus. 
 Bonn, 1872. 
 
 Talbot, Charles J. C., 19th earl of Shrewsbury, editor. Meliora ; or better tunes 
 to come. 2 v., 1852- '53. 
 
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 posed by H. George and others. 
 
 Thouissen, Jean Joseph. Encyclopedic populaire. Le socialisme et ses pro- 
 messes. Bruxelles, 1849. 
 
 Encyclopedic populaire. Le socialisme dans le passe 1 . Bruxelles. 1850. 
 Le socialisme depuis TantiquittS jusqu'S, la constitution franchise du 14 Janvier 
 1852. Louvain, 1852. 
 
 Todt, Rudolf. Der radikale deutsche Socialismus und die christliche Gesell- 
 schaft, Wittenberg, 1878. 
 
 Touuissoux. Question sociale et bourgeoisie. Paris, 1882. 
 
 Trauson, Abel Louis Etienne. Fourier's theory of society. N. Y., 1884. 
 
 Treitschke, Heinrich G. von. Der Socialismus und seine Gonner. Berlin. 1875. 
 
 Villari, Pasquale. Le lettre meridionali ed altri scritti sulla questione sociale in 
 Italia. Firenze, 1878. 
 
 Villegardelle, Francois. Histoire des id6es sociales avant la revolution fran- 
 Qaise ; ou les socialistes modernes devances et depasses par les anciens pen- 
 seurs et philosophes. Paris, 1846. 
 
 Ward, L. F. Dynamic sociology. 2 vols. 
 
 Wagner, Adolf. Rede iiber die Social-Frage. Berlin, 1872. 
 
 Wallace, D. Mackenzie. Russia. N. Y., 1878. 
 
 Weitling, W. Des seligen Schneider Weitling's Lehre vom Socialismus u. Com- 
 munismus.
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SUBJECTS. 243 
 
 Wild, C. Das neueste iiber die Socialderaokratie. Berlin, 1878. 
 
 \Virth, M. Die Social-Frage. 
 
 Woolsey, Theodore Dwight. Communism and socialism in their history and 
 
 theory. N. Y., 1880. 
 Modern socialism. (In polit. science, vol. i, chap, vii.) 
 
 PERIODICAL LITERATURE. 
 
 Anarchism defined by an anarchist. (C. L. James) No. Am., 143 : 101. 
 
 An anarchist on anarchy. (Elisfie Reclus) Contemp., 45 : 627. 
 
 Anarchists, shall we muzzle them ? (J. H. Seelye) Forum, 1 : 468. 
 
 Association. Chamb. J., 40 : 65. (G. Combe) Peop. J., 4 : 22. 
 
 Association or Fourierism. (H. N. Hudson) Am. .Whig R., 5 : 492. (J. A. Mc- 
 Master) Am. Whig R., 7 : 632. (T. Lewis) Meth. Q., 8 : 29. (J. N. Tarbox), 
 New Eng., 4 : 56. (S. Osgood) Chr. Exam., 45 : 194. (D. W. Clark) Meth. Q., 
 5 : 545. Dem. R., 10 : 30 et seq. ; 8 : 451. (O. A. Brownson) 11 : 481 ; 12 : 129 ; 
 16 : 17. (A. Brisbane) 18 : 142. (O. A. Brownson) Brownson, 1 : 450 ; 5 : 71. 
 Am. Eel., 4 : 91 ; New York R., 7 : 525. (J. F. Clarke) Chr. Exam., 37 : 57. 
 
 Association, French, theory of. Peop. J., 1 : 150, 213. 
 
 Brook farm community. Dial, 4 : 351. 
 
 Home life of. Atlan., 42 : 458, 556. 
 
 Plan of. (E. P. Peabody) Dial, 2 : 361. 
 
 Reminiscences of. O. and N., 3 : 175, 425 ; 4 : 347 ; 5 : 517. 
 
 Visit to. (G. B. Kirby) Overland, 5:9. 
 
 Communities, equitable villages in America. (W. Pare) J. Statis. Soc., 19 : 127. 
 
 Recent American. (C. Barnby) Peop. J., 3 : 196. 
 
 Religious. (S. B. Smith) Am. Cath. Q., 3 : 235. 
 
 Village. (E. Nasse) Contemp., 19 : 739. 
 
 Communities, primitive. (W. F. Allen) Science, 3 : 786. 
 Community, Ebenezer, in New York. (P. Godwin) Peop. J.. 4 : 218. 
 Community of property, apostolic. Theo. and Lit. J., 11 : 675. 
 Community, village. Nation, 38 : 78. 
 Communal property. (E. de Laveleye) Fortn., 43 : 831. 
 
 Communism. Prosp. R., 4 : 351. (T. B. Browning) Canad. Mo., 13 : 478, 577. (W. 
 W. Crane, Jr.) Overland, 14 : 232. 
 
 and commune. (J. A. de Cespedes) Galaxy, 18 : 522. 
 
 and socialism. (J. T. Hecker) Cath. World, 28 : 808. 
 
 Christian. Cong., 2 : 278. 
 
 Duties of rich in reference to. (A. F. Hewitt) Cath. World, 14 : 578. 
 How to deal with. (J. B. Clark) New Eng., 87 : 533. 
 
 in Russia. (R. E. Thompson) Penn Mo., 5 : 791. 
 
 in the U. S. (A. Bierbrower) Lippinc., 20: 501. <J. Crawford) Ref. Q., 26: 
 
 367. (E. L. Godkin) Nation, 26 : 802. 
 
 Lecture on. (J. L. Davies) Good Words, 13 : 84. 
 
 Political. CD. H. Wheeler) Lakeside, 6 : 26. 
 
 early American. (R. T. Ely) J. H. Univ. Studies, 3 : 239. 
 
 Defeat of, in France. Spec., 58 : 1363. 
 
 in land. Sat. R., 59 : 71 , 75. 
 
 in the U. S. (A. Winchell) No. Am., 136 : 454. 
 
 primitive. (A. G. Sedgwick) Allan., 42 : 337. 
 
 sources of. (E. L. Godkin) Nation, 26 : 318. 
 
 Communisms of the Old World. (R. E. Thompson) Penn Mo., 5 : 12, 567.
 
 244 STUDIES IX MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 Communistic societies, Nordhoff on. (H. James, Jr.) Nation, 20 : 26. 
 
 Communist and the railway. (W. M. Grosvenor) Internat. R., 4 : 585. 
 
 Communist, an English. (J. H. Friswell) Dark Blue, 2 : 185. 
 
 Communist convicts in New Caledonia. Month. 2T : 312. 
 
 Communist's baby. (J. P. Widney) Overland, li : :38. 
 
 Communists and capitalists : a tale. (O. Thanet) Lippinc., 22 : 485. 
 
 Communists, sentence of. (A. Langel) Nation, 12 : 413. 
 
 Democracy and Darwinism. (W. S. Lilly) Fortn., 45 : 34. 
 
 Fourier, Charles. (A. J. Booth) Fortn., 18 : 530, 673. Ev. Sat., 13 : 638, 049 ; 14 : 23, 
 
 44. Tait, n. s., 15 : 700. 
 Fourier, Charles, and his philosophy. (H. Doherty) Peop. J., 3 : 262. Chr. Rem., 
 
 5: 15. 
 Fourierism and the church. .Brownson, 6 : 91. 
 
 and communism. (J. Mazzini) Peop. J., 3 : 345. 
 
 and similar schemes. (H. Ballou, 2d) Univ. Q., 2 : 52. 
 
 and the socialist. Dial. 3 : 86. 
 
 W. H. Channing on. Brownson, 6 : 438. 
 
 (J. F. Clarke) Chr. Exam. , 37 : 57. (D. W. Clark) Meth. Q., 5 : 545. Dial, 4 : 473. 
 
 Prosp. R., 4 : 366. (A. Brisbane) Bost. Q., 4 : 494 ; 5 : 183. 
 Government telegraphy. (Cyrus W. Field) No. Am., 142 : 227. 
 Land nationalization. Edin. Rev., 157 : 263. 
 
 why and how ? (A. R. Wallace) Macmil., 48 : 357. 
 
 question in America. (A. J. Desmond) No. Am., 142, 151. 
 
 Land, free. (Lord Hobhouse) Cont., 49 : 195, 355. 
 Landlordism in America. (T. P. Gill) No. Am., 142 : 52. 
 
 (Henry Strong and David B. King) No. Am., 142 : 246. 
 
 (Henry George) No. Am., 142 : 387. 
 
 Liberty, individual, limits of. (S. Alexander) Acad., 27 : 199. 
 . Spec., 58 : 313. 
 
 Middle classes ? what has become of the. Blackw., 138 : 175. 
 Oneida communism. (W. P. Garrison) Nation, 29 : 154, 173. 
 
 community, and American socialism. (G. Smith) Canad. Mo., 6 : 425. 
 
 Mutual criticism at. Galaxy, 22 : 815. 
 
 Owen, Robert. (O. B. Frothingham) Nation, 2 : 310. 
 
 Owen, Robert, and socialism. Tait, n. s., 7 : 545. (J. H. Burton) No. Brit., 12 : 86. 
 
 Books of the new moral world. Mo. R., 141 : 61. 
 
 Life of. Westm., 74 : 354. 
 
 Plan for relieving national distress. Ed. R., 32 : 450. 
 
 System of. Fraser, 2 : 354. 
 
 Views of society. U. S. Lit. Gaz., 2 : 61. 
 
 Owen, and factory population. (R. D. Owen) Am. J. Educ., 26 : 403. 
 Owen and his social philosophy. Dub. Univ., 56 : 732. 
 Owen and social reconstruction. Tait, n. s., 27 : 329. 
 Progress and poverty, George on. Quart., 155 : 35. 
 
 Progress and poverty, reply to Argyll on. (H. George) 19th Cent., 26 : 134. 
 Radicalism, English, and reality. (Norman Pearson) National, 3 : 836. 
 Revolution, are we in danger of ? (J. L. Spalding) Forum, 1 : 405. 
 Riots, recurrence of. (F. G. Matthews ; F. G. Mather) And. R., 5 : 277. 
 Shaker, autobiography of a. (F. W. Evans) Atlan., 23 : 415, 593. 
 
 village. (W. D. Howells) Atlan., 37 : 699. 
 
 Shakeress, fifteen years a. Galaxy, 13 : 29, 460. 
 Shakerism in the U. S. Westm., 87 : 401.
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SUBJECTS. 245 
 
 Shakers. (C. D. Warner) Serib., 18 : 549. (C. E. Hopley) St. James, 30 : 329. (A. 
 
 Hyde) O. and N., 3 : 706. (E. Everett) No. Am., 16 : 76. (B. Silliman) Chr. 
 
 Mo. Spec., 6 : 351. Niles's Reg., 23 : 37 ; 37 : 58. Portfol. (Dem.), 8 : 329. 
 
 Penny M., 6 : 445. (S. J. Hancock) N. Eel., 7 : 482, 521. 
 Shakers and Elder Evans. Ev. Sat., 11 : 295. 
 
 at Lebanon, N. Y. (B. J. Lossing) Harper, 15 : 164. 
 
 Day among. Once a Week, 6 : 610. Dial, 4 : 165. 
 
 in Hampshire, visit to. Irish Mo., 6 : 555. 
 
 Sabbath with. (H. Greeley) Knick., 11 : 532. 
 
 Social classes, Sumner on mutual obligations of. (R. Hazzard) And. R., 1 : 159. 
 
 dangers, three. (W. Gladden) Century, 28 : 620. 
 
 experiment at New Harmony. (R. D. Owen) Allan., 32 : 224. 
 
 palace at Guise. (E. Howland) Harper, 44 : 701. 
 forces in U. S. (E. E. Hale) No. Am., 137 : 403. 
 
 reform in Great Britain. (S. Smith) 19th Cent., 13 : 896. 
 
 studies. I. The railway problem. (J. T. Ely) Harper, 73 : 250. 
 
 wreckage and the laws in England. (D. Hopkins) Contemp., 44 : 94. 
 
 Socialism anarchic. (E. K. Rawson) New Eng., 43 : 113. 
 
 The coming slavery. (H. Spencer) Pop. Sci. Mo., 24 : 721. 
 
 and democracy. (G. C. Broderick) 19th Cent., 15 : 626. 
 
 and conservatism. (W. H. Mallock) National, 2 : 695. 
 
 and land nationalization. (H. Fawcett) Macmil., 48 : 182. 
 
 and liberty. (Earl of Pembroke) National, 1 : 336. 
 
 as government. (H. A. Taine) Contemp., 46 : 507. 
 
 Christian, theory of. (M. Kaufmann) Brit. Q., 80 : 316. 
 
 and rent appropriation. (H. George ; H. M. Hyndman) 19th Cent., 17 : 369. 
 
 in 1885. (J. E. T. Rogers) Contemp., 47 : 51. 
 
 revival of, in Europe. (J. McCarthy) Am. Cath. Q., 10 : 116. 
 
 atheistic. Sat. R., 59 : 754. 
 
 Review of Theo. D. Woolsey on. Westm., 118 : 175. 
 
 Moralities of. Church Q., 20 : 394. 
 
 Ely on recent American. (A. Shaw) Dial (Ch.), 6 : 72. 
 
 Social democrats in Reichstag. (E. A. Curley) Harper's, 71 ; 343. 
 
 and its diversions. (H. R. Fox Bourne) Gent. Mag., n. s., 35 : 447. 
 
 and legislation. Westm., 125 : 1. 
 
 and liberty. Month., 35 : 15. 
 
 Danger ahead. (L. Abbott) Cent., 31 : 51. 
 
 Contemporary. Spec., 58 : 1297. 
 
 English radicals and. (H. M. Hyndman) 19th Cent., 18 : 833. 
 
 Reply to Fox Bourne. (E. B. Bay) Gent. Mag., n. s., 35 : 600. 
 
 (R. T. Ely) And. R., 5 : 146. 
 
 State. Sat. Rev., 60 : 446. 
 
 and the church. (J. H. W. Stuckenberg) Homiletic R., 11 : 401. 
 strength and weakness of. (W. Gladden) Cent., 31 : 737. 
 
 Owen's plan of. Blackw., 18 : 338. 
 
 Present aspects of, 1878. (D. Ker) Nat. Q., 37 : 336. 
 
 Progress of, in England. (W. Cunningham) Contemp., 34 : 245. 
 
 Recent aspects of, 1850. Brit. Q., 11 : 467. 
 
 Seditious meetings, 1839. Quar., 05 : 153. 
 
 Some remedies of. (E. L. Godkin) Internat. R., : 676. 
 
 State. (G. J. Holyoake) 19th Cent., 5 : 1114. 
 
 War upon society. De Bow, 22 : 088.
 
 216 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 Socialism, nature of true. (J. B. Clark) New Eng., 38 : 565. 
 
 of Karl Marx and the Young Hegelians. (J. Rae) Contemp., 40 : 585. 
 
 of the present day. (A. J. Thebaud) Am. Cath. Q., 4 : 431. 
 
 Origin and first manifestation of. (A. J. Thebaud) Am. Cath. Q., 5 : 39. 
 
 Orthodox, in Germany, (E. Laveleye) New Eng., 38 : 748. 
 
 in the U. S., weapons against. (B. Murphy) Cath. World, 31 : 721. 
 
 Kaufmann on. Victoria, 24 : 279. 
 
 List of works on. Unita. B., 16 : 531. 
 
 Modern. (J. H. Fyfe) Good Words, 16 : 172. (H. E. P. Platt) Dark Blue, 1 : 
 
 446. 
 Modern and primitive property. Ed. R., 148 : 146. 
 
 in Europe. (A. Bierbower) O. and N., 8 : 422, 525. 
 in France. Broadw., 8 : 451. 
 
 in Great Britain. Chamb. J., 30 : 99. 
 
 in Great Britain, and Robert Owen. (J. W. Burton) No. Brit., 12 : 86. 
 
 hi the United States. Am. Church R., 15 : 520. (J. Crawford) Ref. Q., 26 : 311. 
 
 W T estm., 87 : 401. (H. Fawcett) Sup. Pop. Sci. Mo., 4 : 97. Fraser, 91 : 511. 
 
 German, and Karl Marx. (J. MacDonnell) Fortn., 23 : 382. 
 
 German, in America. No. Am., 128 : 372, 481. 
 
 German, of the 16th century. All the Year, 43 : 464. 
 
 German, suppression of. (E. L. Godkin) Nation, 27 : 207. 
 
 to China. Chamb. J., 24 : 93. 
 
 English, and communistic associations. (W. R. Greg) Ed. R., 93 : 1. 
 
 French. Westm., 57 : 460. 
 
 French anti-social publication. Colburn, 86 : 171. 
 
 German. No. Brit., 11 : 406. (W. Brown) Atlan., 44 : 521. (F. Knapp) Nation, 
 
 27 : 81, 95, 114. (J. W. Bell) Canad. Mo., 19 : 37. (P. Girard) Cath. World, 27 : 
 
 433. (C. W. Ernst) Radical R., 1 : 25. 
 
 Co-operative. (G. J. Holyoake) Contemp., 28 : 444. 
 
 Current revolution. (R. E. Thompson) Penn Mo., 1 : 121. 
 
 Development of, in Germany and the U. S. (H. Fawcett) Fortn., 30 : 605. 
 
 Different systems of. Hunt, 41 : 403, 529, 659 ; 42 : 19, 275, 532 ; 43 : 19, 659 ; 44 : 
 
 275. 
 
 and science. (O. Schmidt) Pop. Sci. Mo., 14 : 577. 
 
 and social science. (T. Appel) Mercersb., 17 : 242. 
 
 Anti -social publications, French. Eel. M., 17 : 545. 
 
 W. H. Channing on. Brownson, 6 : 438. 
 
 Chapters on. (J. S. Mill) Fortn., 31 : 217, 373, 513. 
 
 and imperialism. (F. Seebohm) 19th Cent., 7 : 726. 
 
 and Abb6 Lamennais. Brit. Q., 9 : 501. 
 
 and liberalism. Brownson, 12 : 183. 
 
 and priestcraft. Eel. R., 71 : 559. 
 
 and protection. Pop. Sci. Mo., 14 : 389. 
 
 and the church. Brownson, 6 : 91. 
 
 and communism on the independent. (J. T. Hecker) Cath. World, 28 : 808. 
 
 and communistic associations. English. Ed. R., 93 : 1. 
 
 and economics in England. Chr. Rem., 22 : 182. 
 
 . Quar., 65 : 484. (W. G. Sumner) Scrib., 16 : 887. (H. C. Adams) Penn Mo., 
 
 10 : 285. Tait, n. s., 7 : 545. (J. T. Redfield) Am. Church R., 2 : 491. 
 
 American. (Goldwin Smith) Canad. Mo., 6 : 425. 
 
 and centralization. De Bow, 20 : 692. 
 
 and Christianity. (S. Osgood) Chr. Exam., 45: 194.
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SUBJECTS. 247 
 
 Socialism : the European terror, (E. de Laveleye) Fortn., 39 : 548. 
 
 Christian, in Germany. (John Rae) Contemp., 41 : 88. 
 
 Practicable. (S. A. Barnett) 19th Cent., 13 : 554. 
 
 Progress of. (E. de Laveleye) Contemp., 43 : 561. 
 
 recent American. (J. T. Ely) J. H. Univ. Studies, 3 : 231. 
 
 strength of revolutionary. (J. T. Ely) J. H. Univ. Studies, 3 : 283. 
 
 and atheism. (M. Kaufmann) Contemp., 47 : 823. 
 
 Socialisms in the U. S. Westm., 93 : 364. Noyes's history of. (W. P. Garrison 1 ! 
 
 Nation, 11 : 140. 
 Socialism in England. (J. Bryce) Nation, 36 : 528. 
 
 in America. (R. T. Ely) No. Am., 142 : 519. 
 
 academic. (H. Tuttle) Atlan., 52 : 200. 
 
 Russian, rationale of. (E. K. Rawson) And. R., 2 : 246. 
 
 contemporary, English. (G. P. Macdonnell) Acad., 26 : 103. 
 
 German. (M. Kaufmann) Fortn., 42 : 768. 
 
 Socialistic communism la the U. S. (G. D. Wolff) Am. Cath. Q., 3 : 522. 
 Socialistic labor party. (R. T. Ely) J. H. Univ. Studies, 3 : 276. 
 Socialist and communist theories. Prosp. R., 4 : 351. 
 
 experiments in America, Month, 14 : 466. 
 
 idea. (B. Murphy) Cath. World, 27 : 391. 
 
 party hi France, 1849. No. Brit., 10 : 261. 
 
 Socialists, communists, and red republica s. Am. Whig. R., 10 : 401. 
 
 English. (R. J. Hinton) Radical, 6 : 327. 
 
 French. Black w., 56 : 588. 
 
 in a German university. (W. Brown) Atlant., 48 : 801. 
 
 of the chair. (J. Rae) Contemp., 39 : 232. (R. E. Thompson) Penn Mo., 7 : 
 
 393. 
 
 and the London police. Spec., 58 : 1255. 
 
 State, Man versus the, Spencer on. (E. de Laveleye and H. Spencer) Contemp., 
 
 47 : 485. The same, Pop. Sci. Mo., 27 : 165, 188. 
 purchase of railways, Leon Say on. (F. R. Conder) Fraser, n. s., 25 : 426. 
 
 control of railways. (S. Laing and Joseph Parsloe) Fortu., 45 : 649. 
 State, duty of the, its rules and limits. Dub. Rev., 52 : 245. 
 
 the, and the unemployed. Brit. Q. R., 83 : 257. 
 
 the, as an economic factor. E. J. James ; F. W. Taussig) Science, 7 : 485. 
 "To-day. Mo. Mag. of Sci. Socialism." London, 1884. 
 
 Wealth, the people's share in. (E. G. Clark) No. Am., 143 : 54. 
 
 ARTICLES IN REVUE DBS PEUX MONDES. 
 
 Les socialistes modernes. (L. Reybaud) I. Les Saint-Simoniens, 1 aout 1836. II. 
 
 Charles Fourier, 15 novein. 1837. m. Robert Owen, 1 avril 1838. 
 Des idees et des sectes communistes. 1 jul. 1842. 
 
 La societ et le socialisme. La statisque, la philosophic, le roman. 1 mars 1843. 
 Le liberalisme [socialiste, les ecrits de M. Proudhon. (L. de Lavergne) 13 juin 
 
 1841. 
 La guerre du socialisme. (E. Forcade) I. La philosophic revolutionnaire et soci 
 
 ale. MM. de Lamennais et Proudhon. 1 decem. 1848. n. L'6conomie poli- 
 
 tique r6volutionnaire et sociale. 15 decem. 1848. 
 De la guerre sociale. (Chasles, Philarete) 1 aout 1848. 
 Le communisme jug par Thistoire, par M. Franck. (Michel Chevalier) 15 mars 
 
 1849. 
 Le socialisme et les socialistes en province. (E. Mont gut) 1 septem. 1849.
 
 28 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 Les questions politiques et sociales. (Michel Chevalier) I. L'assistance et la pr6- 
 voyance publiques, 15 mars 1850. II. Des conditions de la paix sociale, 1 
 avril 1850. III. D'un socialisme offlciel au conseil general du commerce, etc., 
 15 juin 1850. IV. Des moyens de diminuer la misere, 15 jul. 1850. 
 
 La veritable cause de la crise sociale (E. Mont6gut), 15 oct. 1851. 
 
 Proudhon et ses ceuvres completes. (E. Pelletan) 15 Jan. 1866. 
 
 Le sociah'sme contemporaine. (J. Clav6) 15 avril 1870. 
 
 Les d6crets et les doctrines de la commune de Paris. (C. Lavolle'e) 15 decem. 1871. 
 
 Le progres social. (E. Caro) I. Les metamorphoses de Tidee de progres dans la 
 science contemporaine, 15 oct. 187'3. II. Les lois et les limites du progres 
 dans la science, dans la morale, et dans Tart, 1 novem. 1873. 
 
 Le socialisme et les greves. (Paul Leroy-Beaulieu) 1 mars 1870. 
 
 La commune, l'6glise et l'6tat dans leurs rapports avec les classes laborieuses, par 
 M. F. B6chard. (Anonyme) 15 mars 1850. 
 
 Un voyage d'exploration chez les societes communistes aux Etats-Unis. (Th. 
 Bentzon) 1 aout 1875. 
 
 La democratic devaut la morale de Tavenir. (E. Caro) 1 novem. 1875. 
 
 Le fondateur du socialisme moderne. Saint-Simon. (Paul Janet) 15 avril 1876. 
 
 Uu euquete morale sur Tiudustrie. M. Louis Reybaud. (H. Baudrillart) 15 juin 
 1876. 
 
 Le socialisme contemporaine en Allemagne. (E. de Laveleye) 1 septem. 1876. 
 
 Le socialisme moderne. L'ecole Saint-Simonienne, Bazard et Enfantin. (Paul 
 Janet) 1 oct. 1876. 
 
 Le socialisme contemporaine en Allemagne. F. Lassalle. (E. de Laveleye) lj de- 
 cem. 1876. 
 
 Le parti socialiste en Allemagne. (G. Valbert) 1 avril 1878. 
 
 L'iuvasion chinois et le socialisme aux Etats-Unis. (C. de Varigny) 1 oct. 1878. 
 
 Le socialisme contemporaine en Allemagne. Les socialistes catholiques. (E. de 
 Laveleye) 15 novem. 1878. 
 
 Les socialistes conservateurs et les socialistes evangSliques. 1 fev. 1879. 
 
 Le socialisme agraire et le regime de la propri6t6 en Europe. (Anatole Leroy- 
 Beaulieu) 1 mars 1879. 
 
 Le socialisme au xix e siecle. Charles Fourier. (Paul Janet) 1 oct. 1879. 
 
 Uiie Edition nouvelle de Saint-Simon. (Gaston Boissier) 1 fev. 1880. 
 
 Uu socialiste chinois au xi e siecle. (C. de Varigny) 15 fev. 1880. 
 
 Les origines du socialisme contemporaine. Le socialisme re>olutionnaire. (Paul 
 Janet) 15 jul. 1880. Le communisme au xviii 6 siecle. 1 aout 1880. 
 
 Le socialisme de M. de Bismarck et le nouveau Reichstag. (N. G. Valbert) 1 de- 
 cem. 1881. 
 
 La solidarit6 humaine et les droits de Tindividu. (Alfred Fouillee) 15 aout 1883. 
 
 Les 6tudes rScentes sur la propriety. (C. Lavollee) 15 juiu 1884. 
 
 Le combat centre la misere. I. Les corporations et les syndicates mixtes. (Le 
 compte de'Haussonville) 1 mars 1885. II. La prevoyance et la mutuality, 
 1 jul. 1885. III. La cooperation et la participation aux benefices, la charit6, 
 15 decem. 1885. 
 
 Le socialisme anglo-saxon et son nouveau prophete, H. George. (Louis Waurin) 
 1 avril 1886. 
 
 Des conditions de Tor sociale. (A. E. Cherbuliez) Bib. Univ. et Rev. Suisse, 4 s. v. 
 
 3, 1846, p. 64. 
 Socialisme et sociability. (J. Cherbuliez) Bib. Univ. et Rev. Suisse, 4 s. v. 8, 
 
 1848, p. 384.
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SUBJECTS. 249 
 
 Une question sociale. (A. J. Bost) Bib. Univ. et Rev. Suisse, v. 57. 
 
 De llnfluence du libre arbitre de Thomme sur le fails sociaux. (P. de Decker) 
 
 Bruxelles Acad. Nouv. Mem., v. 21, 1848. 
 Socialisme, etudes sur le. (A. Franck) Instit. de France, Acad. Sci. Mor., Comptes 
 
 Rendus, v. 14, 1848, p. 187. 
 Socialisme dans la republique de 1848. (A. Granier de Cassagnac) Rev. Contemp. 
 
 1856. v. 4 : 61. 
 Socialisme en Orient, sur le. (J. Freiherr von Hammer-Purgstall) Jour. Asiat., 4 
 
 s. v. 16, 1850, p. 344. 
 
 ARTICLES IN THE DEUTSCHE RUNDSCHAU. 
 
 Socialdemokratie und Darwinismus. (O. Schmidt.) 17 : 278. 
 
 Deutschland und der Socialismus. (L. Bamberger.) 14 : 234, 395. 
 
 Die Anfange des Socialismus in Frankreich (1830-1848). (K. Hillebrand.) 17 : 368. 
 
 Eine gebeime Denkschrift ttber die nihilistischen Umtriebe vom J. 1875. 27 : 351. 
 
 Sociale und politische Zustande in den vereinigten Staaten von Nordamerika. R. 
 
 Schleiden. 8 : 298. 
 
 Wohlthatigkeit und Armenpflege. (A. Lammers.) 28:198. 
 Orientalischer Socialismus. (T. Noldeke.) 18 : 284. 
 Ferdinand Lassalle vor der Agitation. (G. Brandes.) 2 : 276. 
 Michael Bakunin und der Radicalismus. ... 11 : 293 ; 12 : 214. 
 
 ARTICLES IN THE DEUTSCHE REVUE. 
 
 Der christliche Staatssocialismus. (Von der Goltz.) n, 3 : 322. 
 Das Christenthum und die sociale Frage. (D. Schenkel.) Ill, 2 : 46. 
 Ueber das deutsche Socialistengesetz. in, 1 : 414. 
 Die Phasen der Socialreform. (A. Lammers.) LX, 2 : 366. 
 
 Begriff der sittlichen Gemeinschaft. (K. Bayer) Zeits. f. Philos., v. 13, 1844, p. 69. 
 Das Eigenthum in seiner socialen Bedeutung. (F. von Baerenbach) Unsere Zeit, 
 
 1880, 2 : 303. 
 
 Das System der sittlichen Gemeinschaften. Ib., v. 18, 1847, p. 47. 
 Die communistischen Gemeinden Nordamerikas. Unsere Zeit, 1879, 1 : 801 ; 
 
 2 : 200, 751. 
 Fichte. Lassalle und der Socialismus. (J. B. Meyer) Deutsche Zeit- und Streit- 
 
 Fragen. Jahrg. 7, Heft 110-111. Berlin, 1878. 
 Ueber die Bedeutung der socialistischen Ideen fur unser Zeitalter und seine Wis- 
 
 senschaft. (A. R. K. Fortlage) Zeits. f. Philos., v. 26, 1855, p. 192. 
 Zur Geschichte des russischen Socialismus. (K. Walcker) Unsere Zeit, 1877, 
 
 1:709. 
 Zur innern Geschichte des Socialismus. (W. H. Riehl) Historiches Taschenbuch, 
 
 Jahrg. 50, pp. 263-315. Leipzig, 1880. 
 
 INTERNATIONAL WORKINGMEN 1 S ASSOCIATION. 
 
 Dixon, W. H. Secret history of "The International Workingmen's Associa- 
 tion." London, 1872. 
 
 Internationale, L\ Karl Marx, Mazzini, et Bakounisme. Bruxelles, 1871. 
 
 Les mysteres de 1'internationale, son origine, son but, ses chefs, ses moyens d'ac- 
 tion, son role sous la commune. Paris, 1871. 
 
 Le livre noir de la commune de Paris. Bruxelles, 1871. 
 
 Stances, Les, omcielles de 1'internationale a Paris pendant le siege et pendant 
 la commune. Paris, 1872.
 
 250 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 Schuler. Der Socialismus uud die Internationale. Leipzig, 1875. 
 
 Testut, Oscar. L'internationale et le jacobinism au baa de 1'Europe. Paris, 
 
 1872. 
 
 L'internationale, son origin, etc. Paris, 1871. 
 The civil war in France. (Karl Marx.) London, 1871. 
 Villetard de Prunieres, Charles Edmond. History of the international. 
 
 Trans, by Susan M. Day. New Haven, 1874. 
 Yorke, Onslow. Secret history of "The International. 1 " London, 1872. 
 
 PERIODICAL LITERATURE. 
 
 (E. S. Beesly) Fortn., 14 : 517. (J. Mazzini) Contemp., 20 : 155, 567. (O. A. Brown- 
 son) Oath. World, 14:694. (C. F. Dunbar) O. and N., 5 : 311. Broadw., 
 8:451. Dub. R., 69:447. Ev. Sat., 11:026. Fraser, 92:72, 181, 300; 
 Lippinc., 8 : 466. Quar., 141 : 549. 
 
 Grandeur et decadence de rinternational. (E. de Laveleye) Revue des Deux 
 
 Mondes, 15 mars 1880. 
 L'apotre de la destruction universelle, Bakounine. 1 juin 1880. 
 
 L'association Internationale des travailleurs. (Reybaud, L.) Rev. des Deux 
 
 Mondes, 15 jul. 1868. 
 
 Les agitations ouvrieres et Tassociation Internationale. Rev. des Deux Mondes, 
 15 juin 1869. 
 
 International, the, and its influence on English politics. (P. Bagenal) National, 
 2:422. 
 
 CAPITAL AND LABOR AND THE LABORING CLASSES. 
 
 About, Edmond. A. B. C. du travailleur. Paris, 1868. 
 
 Abriat, P. P. Etudes economiques : Du credit et des institutions de credit dans 
 
 leur rapports avec le travail et le bien-etre des classes peu aisses. Paris, 
 
 1883. 
 
 Aiken, John. Labor and Wages. Lowell, 1849. 
 Aldemann, Georg. Ueber die Krankheiten der Kiinstler und Handworker in 
 
 Wiirzburg von den Jahren 1786 bis 1802. WUrzburg, 1803. 
 Appleton, N. Labor : its relations in Europe and America compared. Boston, 
 
 1844. 
 Arrivabene, Giovanni, conte. Considerations sur les principaux moyens d'amS- 
 
 liorer le sort des classes ouvrieres. Bruxelles, 1832. 
 Atkinson, Edward. Labor and capital allies, not enemies. N. Y., 1879. 
 
 Distribution of products. N. Y , 1885. 
 
 Audigaime, Arnaud. Memoires d'un ouvrier de Paris, 1871-72. Paris, 1873. 
 Bagehot, W. Transferability of labor. (In his economic studies, 1880.) 
 Bamberger, Ludwig. Die Arbeiterfrage unter dem Gesichtspunkte des Ver- 
 
 einsrechtes. Stuttgart, 1873. 
 
 Barnes, W. E. Editor. The labor problem : plain questions and practical an- 
 swers. With introduction by Richard T. Ely. N. Y., 1886. 
 Barry, P. The workman's wrongs and the workman's rights. London, 1871. 
 Baudrillart, Henri Joseph L6on. Luxe et travail. Paris, 1866. 
 Bayly, Mrs. M. Workmen and their difficulties. London, 1861. 
 Bgchard, Ferdinand. La commune, Teglise et 1'etat dans leurs rapports avec 
 
 les classes laborieuses. Paris, 1851. 
 
 Blakie, G. G. Better days for the working people. London. 
 Blakie, W. G. Heads and hands in the world of labor.
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SUBJECTS. 251 
 
 Blanc (Jean Joseph), Louis. Organisation du travail. Paris, 1848. 
 
 English trans. London, 1848. 
 Boehmert, Carl Victor. Die praktischen Versuche zur Losung der socialen 
 
 Probleme. Berlin, 1883. 
 
 Bolles, A. 8. Conflict between labor and capital. Philadelphia. 
 Boyer, Adolphe. Ueber den Zustand der Arbeiter, und wie man ihn verbessern 
 
 konnte durch organisation der Arbeit. Strassburg, 1884. 
 Brassey, Thomas. Work and wages practically illustrated. London, 1872. 
 Lectures on the labor question. London, 1878. 
 Foreign work and English wages considered with reference to the depression of 
 
 trade. London, 1879. 
 
 Brauii-Wiesbaden, Carl. Der Staat und die Volkswirthschaft. Berlin, 1879. 
 Bray, J. F. Labor's wrongs and labor's remedy. 
 Brentano, Lujo. Das Arbeitsverhaltniss gemass dem heutigen Recht. Berlin, 
 
 1877. 
 Die Arbeitsversicherung gemass der heutigen Wirthschaftsordnung. Berlin, 
 
 1879. 
 Der Arbeiter- Versicherungszwang, seine Voraussetzungen und seine Folgeii. 
 
 Berlin, 1881. 
 
 Brown, J. Essay on workingmen in America. London. 
 Brown, L. Rights of labor. 
 
 Brown, William. The labor question. Thoughts on paper currency and lend- 
 ing on interest. Phila., 1872. 
 
 Buecher, Carl. Die Aufstande der unfreien Arbeiter, 143-129, v. chr. 
 California bureau of labor statistics. Biennial report. 1883-'84. 
 Carey, Henry C. (Various publications.) 
 
 Carey, M. Address to the wealthy on the working classes. Phila., 1831. 
 Cassagnac, Adolphe Granier de. History of the working and burgher classes. 
 
 Trans, by Benjamin E. Green. Phila., 1871. 
 
 Chamberliii, Edwin M. Life and labor. Address, May 28. Boston, 1872. 
 Chaiiuing, William Ellery. Lectures on elevation of laboring portion of thij 
 
 community. Works, p. 36. 
 
 Clierouny, H. Historical development of the labor question. N Y., 1885. 
 Chevalier, Michel. Question des travailleurs. Paris, 1848. 
 <<>i-iii:iii , H. On labor ; address at the annual cattle show of the Worcester 
 
 agricultural society, October, 1838. Boston, 1839. 
 
 Clayton, Arthur. The revolt of the field r rise and progress of English agricult- 
 ural labor-union. London, 1874. 
 
 Cobbett, William. A legacy to laborers. London, 1872. 
 Coltoii, Calvin. Rights of labor. N. Y., 1846. 
 Connecticut bureau of labor statistics. Annual report. 1885. 
 Cook, Joseph. Labor. Boston, 1880. 
 Cooper, Sir A. A. (Earl of Shaftesbury). Speeches having reference to the claims 
 
 and interests of the laboring classes. 
 
 Speech on the education of the working classes. London, 1843. 
 Diu-iis, J. A. Annals of the great strikes of 1H77. Chicago, 1877. 
 DeHeilligiiy, A. P. De I'inttuence (! r.'cluiMti. >n sur la moralitfi et le biwi etre 
 
 des classes laborieuses. 
 
 Douai, Adolf. Better times 1 Chicago, 1877. 
 Duppo, B. F. Statistical inquiries of the Central society. Inquiry into the social 
 
 condition of the working classes. In Cent. Soc. Edu., v. 1, 1837. 
 Eliot, G. Relief of labor. (In Amer. Soc. Sci. ABSOC. Journal, No. 4, 1871.)
 
 252 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 Ely, Richard T. The labor movement in America. N. Y., 1886. 
 
 Fawcett, Henry. Labor and wages (H. F. Polit. Econ.) ; economic position of 
 the British laborer. London. 
 
 Fawcett, Henry and Millicent G. Essays and lectures on social and political 
 subjects. London, 1872. 
 
 Gaskell, P. Prospects of industry ; brief exposition of the past and present 
 conditions of the working classes. London, 1835. 
 
 George, Henry. Free trade and protection. N. Y. 
 
 Giffen, Robert. Progress of the working classes in the last half -century. N. Y., 
 1885. 
 
 Gladden, Washington. Working people and their employers. N. Y., 1876. 
 
 Godin, Alexis. Solutions sociales. Paris, 1871. 
 
 Gostiok, J. Trade-unions and the relations of capital and labor. 1872. 
 
 Great Britain : Parliament session papers. Report from select committee on the 
 factory acts extension and hours of labor regulation bills. House of Com- 
 mons. 1867 (429), ix, 575. 
 Reports of commissioners appointed to inquire into the working of the masters 1 
 
 and servants' acts, etc. 1874, xxiv, 392. 1875, xxx, 35. 
 Reports of commissioners appointed to inquire into the working of the factory 
 
 and workshop acts. 1876, xxix, 1. 1876, xxx, 1. 
 
 Reports of commissioners appointed to inquire into friendly and benefit build- 
 ing societies. 1871, xxxv, 1. 1872, xxvi, 1, 101, 745. 1873, xxii, 285-291. 
 1874, xxiii, part i, 1, part ii. 
 
 Greeley, Horace. The laboring class ; its rights, interests, duties, and needs. In 
 his essays on polit. econ., 1870. 
 
 Greene, B. E. Irrepressible conflict between labor and capital. Philad., 1871. 
 
 Greg, William Rathbone. Rocks ahead ; or the warnings of Cassandra. Lon- 
 don, 1875. 
 Mistaken aims and attainable ideas of the artisan class. London, 1876. 
 
 Hague, William. Duties of employers and employed. N. Y., 1849. 
 
 Harrison, Jonathan B. Certain dangerous tendencies in American life. Bos- 
 ton, 1880. 
 
 Hawley, Frederick B. Capital and population. N. Y., 1882. 
 
 Hazard, R. G. Finance and hours of labor. 
 
 Hewitt, Abram Stevens. The mutual relations of capital and labor. Proceed- 
 ings of church congress. Cincin., Oct. 18, 1878. 
 
 Hinckley, Frederic A. The just demand of labor : a more equitable distribu- 
 tion of wealth. Boston, 1871. 
 
 Hirschberg, Ernst. Die Selbsthiilf e 'des Arbeiterstandes als Grundlage seiner 
 Versicherung. Berlin, 1883. (Deutsche Zeit- und Streit-Fragen. Jahrg. 12, 
 Heft 189.) 
 
 Hirt, Ludwig. Die Krankhsiten der Arbeiter. Leipzig, 1873-78. 
 
 Hopkins, Ellice. Work among workingmen. London, 1882. 
 
 Horton, R. W. Lecture on statistical and polit. econ. as affecting the laboring 
 classes. London, 1831. 
 
 Howe, John B. Monetary and industrial fallacies. Boston, 1878. 
 
 Hughes, T., and others. Working classes in Europe. N. Y., 1877. 
 
 Hutton, R. H. The political character of the working classes. In essays on re- 
 form. 1867. 
 
 Illinois bureau of labor statistics. Biennial reports. ISSO-'SS. 
 Statistics of coal production in Illinois ; a supplemental report of the State bu- 
 reau of labor statistics. 1883.
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SUBJECTS. 253 
 
 Illinois. Statistics of coal in Illinois ; a supplemental report of the State bureau 
 
 of labor statistics. 1885. 
 
 Indiana bureau of statistics. Annual reports. 1879-'84. 
 Industrial remuneration conference, Prince's Hall, Piccadilly. London, 1885. 
 Iowa bureau of labor statistics. Biennial report. 1885. 
 Jameson, A. Communion of labor. In essays on reform. 1867. 
 Jenkin, F. Graphic representation of the laws of supply and demand, and their 
 
 application to labor. In Sir A. Grant. 1870. 
 
 Jervis, John Bloomfleld. The question of labor and capital. N. Y., 1877. 
 Jcvoiis, William S. The state in relation to labor. London, 1882. 
 Johnson, S. Labor parties and labor reform. In his lectures. 1883. 
 Jones, D. R. Conflict between capital and labor. 1880. 
 Jones, R. Lectures on labor and capital. In his literary remains. 1859. 
 Jourdan, Alfred, Epargne et capital ; ou du meilleur emploi de la richesse. 
 
 Aix, 1879. 
 
 Kansas bureau of labor and industrial statistics. Annual report. 1885. 
 Kay, J. P. Moral and physical condition of the working classes employed in the 
 
 cotton manuf . in Manchester. London, 1832. 
 Kellogg, E. Labor and capital. N. Y., 1883. 
 Knies, Karl. Die Eisenbahnen und ilire Wirkungen. 1853. 
 Labor in Europe. Letter from U. S. Sec. of State. Wash., 1885. 
 Labor in foreign countries in 1884. U. S. consular reports. 3 vols. Wash., 1885. 
 Lange, Friedrich Albert. Die Arbeiterfrage : ihre Bedeutung filr Gegenwart 
 
 und Zukunft. 1879. 
 
 Lamed, J. Talks about labor. N. Y., 1876. 
 Lassalle, Ferdinand. Die indirecte Steuer, und die Lage der arbeitenden Klas- 
 
 sen. Zurich, 1863. 
 La Saussaye, R. de. De 1'extinction du pauperism et de 1'avenir du travail 
 
 dans les soci6ti6s modernes. Paris, 1870. 
 
 Lavol6e, Ren6. Les classes ouvrieres en Europe. Paris, 1882. 
 Lawrence, A. Remarks on the protection of American labor at the convention 
 
 of shoe and leather dealers. Boston, 1842. 
 Lefort, Joseph. Etudes sur la moralisation et le bien-etre des classes ouvritires. 
 
 Intemperance et misfire. Paris, 1875. 
 
 !Le Play, F. The organization of labor. Trans, by G. Emerson. Phil., 1872. 
 Leroy-Beaulien, Paul. La question ouvrifire au xix siecle. Paris, 1872. 
 Levl, Leone. Wages and earnings of the working classes. London, 1867-'85. 
 
 Work and pay. London, 1877. 
 
 Lleber, Francis. Essays on property and labor. N. Y., 1842. 
 Ludlow, John M. Progress of the working class. 1832-'67. 
 The master engineers and their workmen. London, 1852. 
 Ludlow, J. M., and Lloyd, Jones. Progress of the working classes. London. 
 Luther, S. Address on the state of education and the condition of the producing 
 
 classes in Europe and America. Boston, 1832. 
 
 Marshall, Alfred, and Mary Paley. The economics of industry. London, 1879. 
 Martin, M61iton. Le travail humain ; son analyse,.ses lois, son 6volution. Paris, 
 
 1878. 
 
 Massachusetts bureau of statistics of labor. Annual reports. 1870- '86. 
 Pamphlets : History of the bureau of statistics of labor. 1876. 
 Labor legislation in Massachusetts, 1855- '79. 1879. 
 Labor laws of the commonwealth of Massachusetts. 1882. 
 Industrial conciliation and arbitration. 1881.
 
 254 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 Ma t rat , Paul. L'avenir de Touvrier. Travail et prfivoyance : expos6 des moyens 
 
 de se garantir de la misere. Paris, 1884. 
 
 Michigan bureau of labor and industrial statistics. Annual reports. 1884-'86. 
 Mill, J. S. Thornton on labor and its claims. In his diss. and discussions, vol. iv. 
 
 1875. 
 
 The claims of labor. In his diss., vol. ii. 1859. 
 Millies, R. M., Lord Houghton. Admission of the working classes as part of our 
 
 society ; and their recognition for all purposes as part of the nation. In 
 
 essays on reform. 1867. 
 
 Missouri bureau of labor statistics and inspection. Annual reports. 1879-'85. 
 Molinari, Gustave de. Le mouvement socialiste et les reunions publiques avant la 
 
 resolution du 4 septembre 1870, suivi de la pacification des rapports du capi- 
 tal et du travail. Paris, 1872. 
 
 Mony, Stephane. Etude sur le travail. Paris, 1877. 
 Moody, Wm. G. Our labor difficulties. Boston, 1878. 
 
 Laud and labor in the U. S. N. Y., 1883. 
 Mozeley, J. B. St. Paul's exaltation of labor. Occasional sermoms, p. 222. N. Y., 
 
 1879. 
 
 Nash, Joseph. The relations between capital and labor in the U. S. Boston, 1878. 
 Newcomb, Simon. The A B C of finance ; or the money and labor questions 
 
 familiarly explained. N. Y., 1878. 
 
 New Jersey bureau of statistics of labor and industries. Annual reports. 1878-'85. 
 New York bureau of labor statistics. Annual reports. 1883- '85. 
 Nicholson, J. B. Effects of machinery on wages. London, 1866. 
 Ohio bureau of labor statistics. Annual reports. 1877-'84. 
 Oppenheim, S. Die Natur des Capitals und des Credits. 
 Owen, Robert Dale. Labor, its history and prospects. N. Y., 1851. 
 Palacio, Ramon Miguel. Discurso economico-politico en defensa del trabigo 
 
 mec&nico de los menestrales. Madrid, 1778. 
 Patterson, J. S. Reforms ; their difficulties and possibilities. N. Y., 1884. 
 
 Class interests ; their relation to each other and to government. N. Y., 1886. 
 Pennsylvania bureau of industrial statistics. Annual reports. 1872- '84. 
 Phillips, W. Relations of capital and labor. Boston, 1884. 
 Phillips, W. A. Land, labor, and law. N. Y., 1886. 
 
 Pidgeon, Daniel. Old- World questions and New- World answers. N. Y., 1885. 
 Pilon, M. R. A day's work ; or the base and balance of a fair trade. N. Y., 
 
 1876. 
 
 Powers, F. P. Labor-making machinery ; essay read before the Chicago phi- 
 losophical society, April 12, 1879. N. Y., 1880. 
 Power, D. On the responsibilities of employers. London, 1849. 
 Proudhon, Pierre Joseph. Le droit au travail et le droit de propri6t6. Paris, 
 
 1850. 
 
 De la capacity politique des classes ouvrieres. Otivres posthumes. 
 Report of commissioners of the State bureau of labor statistics on the industrial, 
 
 social, and economic conditions of Pullman, 111. 
 
 Report of Massachusetts commissioners on the hours of labor. 1867, 1886. 
 Reports of proceedings of the national conventions of chiefs and commissioners 
 
 of the various bureaus of statistics of labor in the United States. ISSS-'SS. 
 Reybaud, Louis. L'industrie en Europe. Paris, 1856. 
 Etude sur le regime des manufactures. Condition des ouvrieres en soie. Paris, 
 
 1859. 
 Rogers, J. E. T. Six centuries of work and wages. N. Y., 1884.
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SUBJECTS. 255 
 
 Kuskin, John. Fors clavigera : letters to workmen and laborers. N. Y. 
 The crown of wild olive ; on work. N. Y., 1866. 
 Letters to the workingmen of Great Britain. 6 v. London, 1871-76. 
 Time and tide ; lectures on the laws of work. London, 1867. 
 Twenty-five letters to a workingman on the laws of work. N. Y., 1883. 
 Kuys, G. Open brief aan den heer Dr. E. van Voorthuysen, naan aanleiding sij- 
 
 ner voorlezing over werkverschaffing. Utrecht, 1857. 
 Samuelson, J. The German workingman, his institutions for self -culture, and 
 
 his unions for material progress. London, 1869. 
 Sauvage, P. C. M. Le travail et Tindustrie de la construction. R6cherches et 
 
 considerations sur leur conditions economiques dans le pass6, le present et 
 
 1'avenir. Paris, 1875. 
 Schoenhoff, J. Wages and trade in manufacturing industries in America and 
 
 Europe. N. Y., 1884. 
 The industrial situation. N. Y., 1885. 
 Schmoller, Gustav. Zur Geschichte der deutschen Kleingewerbe im 19.. Jahrh. 
 
 1870. 
 Schurz, C. Honest money and labor. N. Y., 1879. (Econ. monographs, No. 
 
 11.) 
 Senior, N. W. Provision for the poor ; condition of the laboring classes in 
 
 America and Europe. London, 1835. 
 
 Combinations and strikes. (In his hist, and philos. essays, v. 2, 1865.) 
 Smith, G. The labor movement. (In his lectures and essays, 1881.) 
 Stahl, Friedrich Wilhelm. Die Arbeiterfrage sonst und jetzt. Berlin, 1872. 
 
 (Deutsche Zeit- und Streit-Fragen. Jahrg. 1, Heft 6.) 
 Stubbs, Charles William. Village politics. Addresses and sermons on labor 
 
 question. London, 1878. 
 
 Tallon, Eugene. La vie morale et intellectuelle des ouvrieres. Paris, 1877. 
 Thompson, J. P. The workman : his false and true friends. N. Y., 1879. 
 Thornton, W. J. Thoughts on labor, capital, etc. Bait., 1864. 
 Thornton, W. T. On labor. London, 1870. 
 
 Toui m. La social question et le congres ouvriere de Paris. Paris, 1877. 
 United States bureau of labor. Annual report. 1886. 
 Report of the committee on education and labor of the United States Senate upon 
 
 the relations between labor and capital, 5 volumes. 1885. 
 Investigation by a select committee of the House of Representatives relative to the 
 
 causes of the general depression in labor and business, and as to Chinese 
 
 immigration. 45th Congress, 3d session. Mis. Doc. No. 29, 1879. 
 Investigation by a select committee of the House of Representatives relative to the 
 
 causes of the general depression in labor and business, etc. 46th Congress, 
 
 2d session. Mis. Doc. No. 5. 1879. 
 Report of the committee on education and labor of the United States Senate upon 
 
 H. R. 2,550, entitled " An act to prohibit the importation and migration of 
 
 foreigners and aliens under contract," etc. 48th Congress, 1st session. Re- 
 port No. 820. 1884. 
 Villorme, Louis Ren6. Tableau de l'6tat physique et moral des ouvrieres em- 
 
 ploye's dans les manufactures de colon, de laine et de sole. Paris, 1840. 
 Vlgaiio, Francesco. La fraternit6 humaine. Trad, de Mad. Jules Favre. Paris, 
 
 1880. 
 
 Wade, John. History of the middle and working classes. London, 1835. 
 Walker, Francis Amasa. The wages question. N. Y., 1876. 
 Ward, J. Workmen and wages at home and abroad. London, 1868.
 
 256 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 Weeden, WiUiam B. The social law of labor. Boston, 1882. 
 
 William's workingman and his representative ; account of an experience of an 
 " Amateur Workingman." London, 1874. 
 
 Wisconsin bureau of labor statistics. Biennial report. 1883-'84. 
 
 Workingmen and women. By a Workingman. London, 1879. 
 
 Wright, Carroll D. The factory system as an element in civilization. Bos- 
 ton, 1882. 
 Report on factory system. United States census. Wash., 1884. (See p. 73 for 
 
 bibliography on factory system.) 
 Relation of political economy to the labor question. Boston, 1882. 
 
 Wright, T. Our new masters. 1873. 
 
 Wunter, A. Curiosities of toil, and other papers. London, 1870. 
 
 Wylie, Alexander. Labor, leisure, and luxury. London, 1884. 
 
 Young, Edward. Labor in Europe and America. Phila., 1875. 
 
 Young, J. S. Address to Congress on the protection of American labor. Ports- 
 mouth, 1849. 
 
 PERIODICAL LITERATURE. 
 
 Boycott, the evolution of the. (W. A. Hammond) Forum, 1 : 369. 
 
 Boycotting, two kinds of. Century, 32 : 320. 
 
 Capital, ratio of, to consumption. (F. B. Hawley) Nat., 2 : 39, 95. 
 
 rights of. (W. T. Thornton) Fortn., 8 : 592. 
 
 withdrawal of, from trade ; failures, 1857-75. (W. M. Grosvenor) Nation, 
 
 21 : 81. 
 
 Workiugman's view of. (E. L. Godkin) Nation, 8 : 85. 
 Organization of. (E. L. Godkin) Nation, 18 : 37. 
 
 Origin, growth, and uses of. Bank. M. (N. Y.), 14 : 147. 
 
 Poverty and crime. (E. Roscoe) Victoria, 21 : 561. 
 
 Protection of. O. and N., 3 : 467. 
 
 Emancipation of. (S. S. Hibbard) Univ. Q., 31 : 133. 
 Fixed and floating. Bank. M. (N. Y.), 3 : 115. 
 
 Future of. (E. L. Godkin) Nation, 12 : 429. 
 
 Invisible. Blackw., 98 : 701. 
 
 J. S. Mill on. (A. Musgrave) Contemp., 24 : 728. 
 
 and population. (G. R. Richards) De Bow, 21 : 217. 
 
 Association of.' Bank. M. (N. Y.), 10 : 1. 
 
 Depreciation of. Bank. M. (N. Y.), 32 : 89. 
 
 Economy of. (R. H. Patterson) Blackw., 95 : 300. 
 
 Labor and wages. Republic, 2 : 114. 
 
 and labor, future of. (G. Potter) Contemp., 16 : 437. 
 
 and labor, union of. Bank. M. (N. Y.), 27 : 802. 
 
 and its use. Chamb. J., 36 : 209. 
 
 Labor and profit. (J. E. T. Rogers) Fraser, 81 ; 500. 
 
 and labor. (P. Girard) Cath. World, 28 : 230. (E. L. Godkin) Nation, 8 : 249, 
 
 277. (W. T. Moore) Chr. Q., 7 : 526. (R. Sulley) Hunt, 26 : 488, 578 ; 56 : 249. 
 
 Bost. Q., 3 : 209. Brit. Q., 67 ; 116. De Bow, 22 : 249. Dem. R., 25 : 385 ; 
 
 33 : 193. Bank M. (N. Y.), 3 : 151. Potter Am. Mo., 9 : 229, 313. 
 
 World's demand for. Bank M. (N. Y.), 35 : 51. 
 
 encroachments of. (J. V. Campbell) No. Am., 139 : 101. 
 
 wages, and rich men. (J. S. Patterson) Pop. Sci. Mo., 25 : 788. 
 
 use and abuse of. (N. Smyth) And. Rev., 3 : 423. 
 
 Competition and combination. (A. T. Hadley) And. Rev., 2 : 445.
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SUBJECTS. 257 
 
 De la condition des classes dependantes au moyen age. (E. Secretan) Bibliot. et 
 
 Rev. Suisse, n. per. v. 20. 1864, p. 381. 
 
 Early-closing movement. (Lord Brabazon) 19th Cent., 12 : 517. 
 Eight-hour system. (A. Gunton) Forum, 1 : 136. 
 Factories, depreciation of value of. Sat. Rev., 60 : 421. 
 Industrial organization and competition. (R. S. Moffat) National, 5 : 842. 
 Industrial spirit, demand of the. (C. D. Warner) No. Am., 139 : 209. 
 Iron city, an, beside the Ruhr f Essen]. (M. D. Conway) Harper's, 72 : 495. 
 Labor. What determines the price of ? (W. T. Thornton) Fortn., 7 : 551. 
 
 contests in England. (W. R. Greg) 19th Cent., 5 : 434. 
 wages, combination, etc. Broadw., 7 : 377. 
 
 wages, fair day's. (L. H. Courtney) Fortn., 31 : 417. 
 
 wages-fund theory. (H. Sidgwick) Fortn., 32 : 401. 
 
 what banks do for. (G. Walker) Bank. M. (N. Y.), 33 : 161. 
 
 surplus. Fraser, 7 : 282, 377. 
 
 tribute to. West. J., 7 : 271. 
 thoughts on. Dial, 1 : 497. 
 
 vs. commodities. (G. H. Darwin) Contemp., 22 : 689. 
 
 wages and food, 1852. Brit. Q., 7 : 377. 
 skilled. (G. W. Powers) O. and N., 8 : 154. 
 
 source of. Pop. Sci. Mo., 1 : 40. 
 
 spirit and fruits of, (F. D. Huntington) Mo. Rel. M., 16 : 231. 
 
 strikes, short hours, poor-laws, and laissez faire. (W. R. Greg) Fraser, 
 
 86:265. 
 
 relief of. (S. Eliot) Am. So. Sci. J., 4 : 133. 
 
 representation of. Bank. M. (L.), 33 : 923. 
 
 rest, recreation. (J. dimming) Ex. H. Lee., 10 : 39. 
 
 right to. So. Q., 16 : 115. 
 
 rights of. (C. S. Drewry) Victoria, 25 : 920. 
 
 Sheffield a battle-field of English. (M. D. Conway) Harper, 36 : 481, 594. 
 Labor. So. Q., 11 : 77. 
 
 and association. Brownson, 5 : 71. 
 
 Labor crisis, 1867. (E. L. Godkin) Nation, 4 : 334. 
 
 Dollar. (S. P. Andrews) Radical R., 1 : 287. 
 Labor movement. (Gold win Smith) Contemp., 21 : 226. 
 
 in 1850. Eel. R., 93 : 66. 
 
 in 1870. (E. L. Godkin) Nation, 10 : 298. 
 in 1874, Quar., 137 : 159. 
 
 views of. (O. A. Brownson) Cath. World, 10 : 784. 
 
 Labor parties and labor reform. (S. Johnson) Radical, 9 : 241. 
 Labor question, thoughts on. (D. O. Kellogg) Penn Mo., 10 : 761. 
 
 and the clergy. (Henry W. Farnham) New Princ. Rev., 2 : 48. 
 
 Workingmen's congress. (E. L. Godkin) Nation, 7 : 244. 
 
 workingmen's ideal society. (E. L. Godkin) Nation, 9 : 286. 
 
 in Europe. (E. Gryzanowski) No. Am., 114 : 309. 
 
 hi Massachusetts. (C. F. Adams, Jr.) No. Am., 114 : 147. (E. Atkinson) Na- 
 
 tion, 12 : 433. (J. B. Hodgskin) Nation, 12 : 398. 
 
 moral bearings of. (W. Silsbee) Unita. R., 10 : 482. 
 
 Thornton on. Brit. Q., 50 : 448. 
 
 in 1870. Ev. Sat., 9 : 738. 
 
 in 1872. (E. L. Godkin) Nation, 14 : 5. 
 in California. (J. Hayes) Overland, 6 : 140.
 
 258 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 Labor question in England. (W. E. Forster) J. Statis. Soc., 36 : 494. (E. L. Godkin) 
 Nation, 13 : 284. Fraser, 87 : 597. 
 
 Brown on. Dub. Univ., 83 : 639. 
 
 from labor side. (J. H. Jones) Internat. R., 9 : 51. 
 
 in 1808. (C. A. Cummings) O v and N., 5 : 409. 
 
 in 1852. (A. P. Peabody) No. Am., 74 : 445. 
 
 Labor and land in England. Once a Week, 28 : 9. (E. L. Godkin) Nation, 15 : 197- 
 
 and literature. No. Brit., 14 : 382. 
 
 and national interest. (D. A. Gorton) Nat. Q., 36 : 1. 
 
 and politics. (E. L. Godkin) Nation, 14 : 386. 
 
 Labor, question of. (E. L. Godkin) No. Am., 105 : 177. (R. G. Eccles) Pop. Sci. Mo., 
 11 : 605. (A. S. Bolles) Bank. M. (N. Y.), 28 : 841. Bank. M. (N. Y.), 30 : 32. 
 Brit. Q., 14 : 67. Dub. R., 72 : 48. (Pere Hyacinthe) Cath. World, 6 : 472. Am. 
 Cath. Q., 3 : 721. Nation, 8 : 85, 290. (H. James, Jr.) Nation, 11 : 132. (E. L. 
 Godkin) Nation, 13 : 397 ; 15 : 148. (J. H. Morrison) Unita. R., 8 : 440. (C. Ben- 
 son) Galaxy, 15 : 312. (C. C. P. Clark) Putnam, 13 : 141. Dub. Univ., 78 : 389. 
 
 poets of. Irish Q., 5 : 48. 
 
 Product of, and value of human life. Niles's Reg., 22 : 83. 
 
 Products and checks of. Niles's Reg., 16 : 385. 
 
 pauperism, and crime. (C. D. Wright) Unita. R., 10 : 170. 
 
 pay-roll of Christendom. (S. Osgood) Harper, 44 : 4:34. 
 Mental division of. Penny M., 11 : 2. 
 
 Migration of. Westm., 97 : 417. 
 
 Misapplied. Penny M., 2 : 438. 
 
 Mission of. (J. P. Thompson) New Eng., 6 : 473. 
 Juvenile and female. (W. R. Greg) Ed. R., 79 : 130. 
 
 Law of, and law of love. (H. Stowell) Ex. H. Lee., 14 : 333. 
 
 Letters on. (W. Howitt) Peop. J., 1 : 208, 353. 
 
 lightened not lost. (J. Miller) Ex. H. Lee., 11 : 105. 
 Manual. Nation, 9 ; 226, 269, 337. 
 
 in the U. S. and Europe compared. (N. Appleton) Hunt., 11 : 217. Republic, 
 
 5 : 375 ; 6 : 47. Cath. World, 23 : 59. 
 
 industrial self-help. 1864. (J. Plummer) Victoria, 3 : 209. 
 
 Infant. (Lord Ashley) Quar., 67 : 171. 
 
 is it a curse ? Galaxy, 6 : 537. 
 
 in Great Britain. Pamp., 23 : 495. 
 
 in Massachusetts. (C. F. Adams. Jr.) No. Am., 115 : 210. Ev. Sat., 11 : 2. 
 
 in the U. S. (W. N. Nelson) So. Mo., 10 : 653. 
 
 in the U. S., and the Chinese. (F. H. Norton) Scrib., 2 : 61. 
 in England, history of. (E. Brooks) No. Am., Ill : 52. 
 
 in England, price of. (T. Brassey) Internat. R., 3 : 577. 
 
 in England and in America, price of. (N. Sheppard) Temp. Bar, 36 : 343. 
 in the Fiji islands. (Earl of Pembroke) Temp. Bar, 36 : 22. 
 
 Hours of, nine hours by statute. Con temp., 20 : 184. 
 
 Hours of, nine-hour movement. (H. Stevens) Canad. Mo., 1 : 423. 
 
 Improved condition of, 1855. (C. M. Weston) Hunt., 34 : 403. 
 
 Future of. (J. L. Whittle) Fraser, 82 : 373. Irish Q., 4 : 793. 
 
 Grotto's gospel of. (S. Colvin) Sup. Pop. Sci. Mo., 1 : 87. 
 
 Hours of. (R. G. Hazard) No. Am., 102 : 195. (E. Hartness) O. and N., 5 : 751. 
 
 hours of, legal interference with. (A. Walker) Lippinc., 2 : 527. 
 
 English gang. Land we Love, 5 : 316. 
 
 Ethics of. (D. A. Gorton) Nat. Q., 33 : 28.
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SUBJECTS. 259 
 
 Labor, ethics of, Walker's. Tait, n. s., 23 : 639. 
 
 evils of piecework. (W. Lattimer) 19th Cent., 5 : 547. 
 
 Distribution of, in England. Chamb. J., 22 : 229. 
 Division of. (W. T. Harris) No. Am., 127 : 261. 
 
 effects of protracted. (T. Hughes) Ex. H. Lee., 2 : 31. 
 
 Efficiency of English and foreign, compared. (T. Brassey) Good Words, 
 
 20: 352. 
 
 Crisis. (Henry Clews. Rufus Hatch, S. B. Elkins) No. Am., 142 : 519. 
 
 Cry of : what answer ? (P. A. Chadbourne) Internal. R., 5 : 577. 
 
 Demand for. Fraser, 79 : 403. 
 
 Dignity of. (N. Hall) Ex. H. Lee., 10 : 393. (J. S. Blackie) Good Words, 20 : 
 
 837. Chamb. J., 25 : 212. 
 
 Claims of, and its rights. (W. T. Thornton) Fortn., 8 : 477. 
 
 Claims of, Thornton on. (J. S. Mill) Fortn,, 11 : 505, 680. 
 
 Communion of. (S. P. Ford) Mo. Rel. M., 16 : 405. (A. Jameson) Am. J. 
 
 Educ., 3 : 495. 
 
 Christian doctrine of. (S. Harris) New Eng., 24 : 243. 
 
 The church and. (P. Girard) Cath. World, 28 : 659. 
 
 Claims of. (J. S. Mill) Ed. R., 81 : 498. Dub. Univ., 25 : 45. (W. R. Greg) 
 
 West., 43 : 445. Chamb. J., 3 : 26. 
 
 as it used to be. Chamb. J., 44 : 435. 
 
 bills on, Mr. Cross's. (W. A. Hunter) Fortn., 24 : 217. 
 Louis Blanc's organization of. Chamb. J., 9 : 330. 
 
 British and foreign reciprocity. Blackw., 69 : 112. 
 and wages. (J. M. Sturtevant) New Eng., 13 : 161. 
 
 and wages in England. (J. E. T. Rogers) Princ., n. s., 4 : 1. 
 and wages in the U. S. Republic, 6 : 307. 
 
 and wages, a laborer on. No. Am., 125 : 322. 
 
 and the poor. Fraser, 41 : 1. 
 and recreation. Tinsley, 14 : 424. 
 
 and skill. West. J., 1 : 177. 
 
 and study, union of. (J. Hough) Am. Q. Reg., 3 : 166. 
 and subsistence. Niles's Reg., 31 : 49, 112. 
 
 and cheap money. (J. Butts) No. Am., 116 : 56. 
 
 and law. Lond. Q., 26 : 316. 
 
 and life. Tait, n. s., 23 : 385. 
 
 and money. Bank. M. (N. Y.), 23 : 157, 661. 
 
 and natural forces. (C. C. Coffin) Atlant., 43 : 553. 
 
 and capital ; parliamentary reform. Fraser, 75 : 1. 
 
 and capital ; reducing wages to maintain profit. (J. E. Curran) New Eng., 
 
 38:263. 
 
 and capital, relations between. Ed. R., 100 : 168. 
 
 and capital, struggles of. Bank. M. (N. Y.), 33 : 85. 
 
 and capital in 1877. (A. B. Mason) Nation, 25 : 119. 
 
 and capital in manufactures. (A. Walker) Scrib., 4 : 460. 
 
 and capital ; lesson of the colliers' strike, 1864. (M. D. Conway) Chr. Ex., 
 
 78 ; 241. 
 
 and capital ; masters and workmen. (T. Hughes) Macmil., 4 : 494. 
 
 and capital. (E. B. Bigton) Atlan., 42 : 475. (8. Newcomb) No. Am., Ill : 122. 
 
 (R. Sulley) Hunt, 27 : 51, 178. (G. Gardwell) Hunt, 18 : 65. (E. Kellog) Hunt, 
 18 : 625. Chamb. J., 22 : 158. (C. 8. Derar) Month, 25 : 156, 333, 485. (H. N. 
 Stone) Radical, 3 : 711 ; 10 : 96.
 
 260 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 Labor reform. (H. H. Barber) Unita. R., 10 : 675. 
 
 What it means. (A. G. Sedgwick) Nation, 9 : 453. 
 
 Labor reform party. (F. Lockley) Lakeside, 4 : 356. 
 
 schools. (E. D. Cheney) Radical, 9:1. 
 
 Labor strike, 1877. (E. Stan wood) Radical R., 1 : 553. (Goldwin Smith) Contemp., 
 30: 529. 
 
 strikes in England. Am Arch., 2 : 383. 
 
 troubles. Am. Arch., 3 : 38, 62. 
 
 Utopias and economic fallacies. Quar., 131 : 229. 
 
 Labor, the festival of. (Marie Rowland) Overland, n. s., 1 : 304. 
 
 problem of our time. (A. Lefflngwell) Internal. R., 14 : 353. 
 
 progress of, in Great Britain. (F. Harrison) Contemp., 44 : 477. 
 
 is it a commodity ? (\V. Gladden) Forum, 1 : 468. 
 
 convict, and the labor reformers. (A. S. Myrick) Princ., n. s., 11 : 196. 
 
 and capital, before the law. (T. M. Cooley) No. Am., 139 : 503. 
 
 hours of. (E. Atkinson) No. Am., 142 : 507. 
 
 organizations in America. (R. J. Hinton) No. Am., 140 : 48. 
 
 question, and employer's view of. (A. Carnegie) Forum, 1 : 114. 
 
 problem, a consideration of the. (W. C. Blackwood) Overland, n. s., 3 : 449. 
 
 Rogers's six centuries of work and wages. (.C. I. Elton) Acad., 25 : 287 ; Na- 
 tion, 39 : 77. 
 
 army of the discontented. (T. V. Powderly) No. Am., 140 : 369. 
 
 claims of. (N. Smyth) And. Rev., 3 : 302. 
 
 - remuneration of, in England. (F. R. Conder) National, 5 : 547. 
 
 party, socialistic. (R. T. Ely) J. H. Univ. Studies, 3 : 276. 
 
 contract, system in N. Y. State. Nation, 40 : 194. 
 
 statistics of Mass. Science, 6 : 389. 
 
 Laborers. Workingmen's college, London. (E. E. Hale) Allan., 8 : 30. 
 
 factory. (A. Woodbury) Chr. Exam., 59 : 354. 
 
 in cities and towns. Fraser, 9 : 72. 
 
 of Europe. Penny M., 1 : 142, 329 ; 2 : 3, 485 ; 3 : 90, 106. 
 
 Power of. (J. C. Cox) Fortn., 22 : 120. 
 
 Tenements of, in England. Penny M., 11 : 437. 
 
 and the vote. (J. Arch ; G. Potter) 19th Cent., 3 : 48. 
 
 Condition of. Chr. Rem., 16 : 315. Colburn, 38 : 46. 
 
 Cottages of. (T. James) Quar., 107 : 207. 
 
 Economy of educated. Chamb. J.. 6 : 307. 
 
 Laborer and his hire. Chamb. J., 29 : 6. 
 
 and the statesman. (E. P. Rowsell) Colburn, 106 : 449. 
 
 Laborer's daily life. (R. Jeffries) Fraser, 90 : 654. 
 
 home. (M. Gillies) Howitt, 1 : 61. 
 
 leisure. (K. Cook) Dub. Univ., 90 : 174. 
 
 Laborers, what rights have they ? (W. A. Croffut, F. L. Post) Forum, 1 : 294. 
 what they want. (F. S. Stevenson) Fortn., 45 : 635. 
 
 and the laud. Brit. Q. R., as : 257. 
 
 Laboring classes, state of. Fraser, 2 : 572. 
 
 vs. machinery. (F. Arago) Ed. New Philos. J., 27 : 297. 
 
 of Sheffield. Westm., 40 : 460. 
 
 - Promotion of knowledge among. Ed. R., 41 : 96. Selec. Ed. R., 3 : 401. 
 
 Rights and duties of. De Bow, 22 : 486. 
 
 Sanitary condition of. Quar., 71 : 417. 
 
 of England, dwellings and food of. Chr. Rem., 50 : 15.
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SUBJECTS. 261 
 
 Laboring classes of England, future of. (A. J. H. Crespie) Colburn, 153 : 58. 
 of England ; John Smith's shanty. (R. Jeffries) Fraser, 89 : 135. 
 
 of England, Nadaud on. (C. E. Maurice) Contemp., 21 : 111. 
 in Europe (E. Washburn) No. Am., 41 : 348. 
 
 hi the U. S. (R. Coningsby) Liv. Age, 102 : 763, 815. 
 
 legislation for. Ed. R., 83 : 64. 
 
 of England, condition of. (C. E. Norton) No. Am., 109 : 122. 
 free trade and. Blackw., 27 : 553, 
 
 Health of. Quar. R., 71 : 417. 
 
 Hand-loom inquiry. (W. Willis) Westm., 36 : 87. Brit, and For. R., 13 : 111. 
 
 Improvement of. Dub. Univ., 55 : 617. Penny M., 6 : 318. 
 
 Discontent of. Blackw., 43 : 421. 
 Dorsetshire laborers. Westm., 21 : 52. 
 
 Education of. (T. Parker) Am. Inst. of Instruc., 1841 : 65. 
 
 Elevation of. Dem. R., 7 : 529 ; 8 : 51. (J. H. Morrison) Mo. Rel. M., 46 : 214. 
 
 Brit. Q., 3 : 358, 420. 
 and the chivalry. Bost. Q., 4 : 183. 
 
 Causes for complaint of. O. and N., 6 : 572. 
 
 The church and. Am. Church R., 24 : 1. (C. Kingsley) Mo. Rel. M. , 9 : 60. 
 
 Condition of. Westm., 18 : 380. 
 
 . (W. E. Hickson) Westm., 34 : 383 ; 37 : 216. (W. R. Greg) Westm., 38 : 391 ; 
 40 : 460. Meth. Q., 1 : 92. Blackw., 27 : 90. New York R., 7 : 514. Fraser, 
 30 : 624 Quar., 41 : .359 ; 46 : 346. (T. Wright) Contemp., 19 : 82. Mo. R., 
 126 : 507. Mus., 9 : 231. 
 
 Laboring classes and radicalism. (W. H. Mallock) National, 2 : 129. 
 
 of England, condition of. (C. S. Walker) New Eng., 41 : 695. 
 
 Laboring poor of London. All the year, 17 : 414. 
 
 of England. Temp. Bar, 7 : 55. 
 
 Spiritual problem in manufacturing towns. (W. W. Adams) And. R., 5 : 117, 341. 
 
 Wages and Christianity. (O. A. Kingsbury) New Eng., n. s., 41 : 548. 
 
 Working classes. (P. Greg) National, 1 : 701. 
 
 Progress of, in last half -century. (R. Giffen) Pop Sci. Mo., 25 : 22. 
 
 English condition and prospects of. (I. G. Hutchinson) 19th Cent., 16 : 630. 
 
 Working-class insurance. Westm., 117 : 88. 
 
 Workingmen and the churches. Nation, 40 : 416. 
 
 Workingmen, grievances of. (W. G. Moody and J. L. Laughlin) No. Am., 138 : 502. 
 
 ARTICLES IN REVUE DBS DEUX MONDES. 
 
 Du sort des classes laborieuses. (A. Cochut) 1 oct. 1842. 
 
 Du travail et des classes laborieuses dans 1'ancient France. (Ch. Louandre) 1 de- 
 
 cem. 1850. 
 De 1'agitation mdustrielle et de Torganisation du travail. (A. Audiganne) 1 mars 
 
 1846. 
 Question des travailleurs, Tamglioration du sort des ouvriers, Torganisation du 
 
 travail. (Michel Chevalier) 15 mars 1848. 
 Les ouvriers. (J.-J. Baude) 1 mai 1848. 
 Des travailleurs dans nos grandes villes. (Mai. Bugeaud) 1 juin 1848. 
 
 Les socialistes et le travail en commun. 15 jul. 1848. 
 
 Lettres sur Torganisation du travail, par M. Chevalier. (Anonyme) 1 aoflt 1848. 
 Histoire de 1'idee du travail. (Saint-Marc Giradin) 15 aout 1848. 
 Les ouvriers europeens, par M. Le Play. (L. de Lavergne) 1 fev. 1856. 
 Le travail organist et le travail libre. (Jules Simon) 1 sept. 1859.
 
 262 STUDIES IX MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 L'ficonomie politique et le travail. (C. Lavollee) 1 fev, 1867. 
 
 L'Sconomie politique et la politique des ouvriers. (L. Reybaud) premiere partie, 
 
 1 novem. 1866. II. Du patronage dans Tindustrie, 1 avril 1867. 
 Le role de la bourgeoisie dans la production. (Paul Leroy-Beaulieu) 15 jul. 1870. 
 
 Les aspirations des ouvriers. 1 jul. 1875. 
 La crise economique. (Maurice Block) 15 mars 1879. 
 
 ARTICLES IN DEUTSCHE RUNDSCHAU. 
 
 Die Krise in "Welthandel und Weltindustrie. (Neumann-Spallart.) 10, 419. 
 
 Die Arbeiterbewegung in Berlin. (F. Holzerland.) 52, 95. 
 
 Die Bedeutung der Latifundienwirthschaft, insbesondere f iir Deutschland. (Von 
 
 der Goltz.) Deutsche Revue, vi, 3, 7 ff. 
 Zur Arbeiterfrage. (H. von Pflugk-Harttung.) ix, 4, 3C2. 
 
 Das Recht auf Arbeit. (H. von Scheel.) Unsere Zeit, 1885, 2 : 89. 
 
 Die Arbeiterfrage sonst und jetzt. (F. W. Stahl) Deutsche Zeit- und Streit-Fragen. 
 
 Jahrg. 1, Heft 6, 1872. 
 Die Selbsthiilfe des Arbeiterstandes als Grundlage seiner Versicherung. (E. 
 
 Hirschberg) Deutsche Zeit- und Streit-Fragen. Jahrg. 12, Heft 189, 1883. 
 Die Arbeiterfrage in Kaufmannstande. (Beuchner, Carl.) Deutsche Zeit- und 
 
 Streit-Fragen. Jahrg. 12. Heft 181. 
 
 TRADES-UNIONS. 
 
 Brentano, Lujo. Origin of trades-unions. On the history and development of 
 
 guilds. London, 1870. 
 Die Arbeiter-Gilden der Gegenwart. ISTl-VS. 
 
 Brownson, O. A. Labor and association. (In his works, v. 10, 1884.) 
 
 Carlyle, Thomas. Last words on trades-unions, promoterism, and the signs of 
 the times. Edinb., 1882. 
 
 Cobden club essays. 2d ser., 1871- 1 72. London, 1872. 
 
 Cumming-Bruce, Baron Thurlow. Trades-unions abroad and hints for home 
 legislation. London, 1870. 
 
 Englaender, Sigismund. Geschichte der franzosischen Arbeiter-Associationen. 
 Hamburg, 1864. 
 
 Great Britain. Parliamentary sessional papers. Reports of commissioners ap- 
 pointed to inquire into the organization and rules of trades-unions, etc. 
 House of Commons ; 1867, xxxii, 1 ; 1867-'68, xxxix, 1 ; 1868-'69, xxxi, 235, 
 363. 
 
 Greg, W. R. Intrinsic vice of trades-unions. (In his political problems, 1870.) 
 
 Gross, Charles. Gilda mercatoria. Gottingen, 1883. 
 
 Grosvenor, William Mason. Trades-unions investigated in the light of common 
 sense. N. Y., 1885. 
 
 Honeyman, John. Trades-unions, the blight on British industries and com- 
 merce. Glasgow, 1877. 
 
 Howell, George. The conflict of capital and labor ; a history and review of the 
 trades-unions of Great Britain. London, 1878. 
 
 Jevons, W. S. Trades societies ; then- objects and policy. (In his methods. 
 
 Jones, Lloyd. Trades-unions ; two lectures. London, 1877. 
 Lexis, W. Gewerkvereine und Unternehmerverbande in Frankreich. Ein Bel- 
 trag zur Kenntniss der socialen Bewegung. Leipzig, 1879.
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SUBJECTS. 263 
 
 laishington, G. Workingmen and trades-unions. (In questions for a reformed 
 Parliament. 1867.) 
 
 National association for the promotion of social science. Trades societies and 
 strikes ; report of the committee. London, 1860. 
 
 Orleans, d', L. P. A., Compte de Paris. The trades-unions in England. Lon- 
 don, 1869. 
 
 Schanz, Georg. Zur Geschichte der deutschen Gesellen-VerbSnde. Leipzig, 1877. 
 
 Somers, Robert. The trades-unions ; an appeal to the working classes and their 
 friends. Edin., 1876. 
 
 Stirling, J. Mr. Mill on trades-unions ; a criticism. (In Grant, Sir A. Recess 
 Studies, 1870.) 
 
 Thornton, W. T. On labor. (Chapters on trades-unions, pp. 187-360.) Lon- 
 don, 1868. 
 
 Thurlow, T. J. H. Trades-unions abroad and movements for home legislation. 
 London, 1870. 
 
 Trade-guilds of Europe. Wash., 1885. 
 
 Trant, William. Trades-unions ; their origin and objects, influence and effi- 
 cacy. London, 1884. 
 
 Walterhausen, S. von. Die Nord-Amerikanischen Gewerkschaften. 
 
 PERIODICAL LITERATURE. 
 
 Labor organizations ; guilds. (M. B. Willard) Lakeside, 8 : 121. 
 
 organization of. (R. J. Hinton) Atlan., 27 : 544. (S. Newcomb) Princ. n. s., 
 
 5:393; 6:231. (L. Blanc) Hogg, 1:356. (L. Blanc) Howitt, 3:258. (T. 
 
 Hunt) Peop. J., 1 : 13. (J. Bowme) Peop. J., 1 : 41. O. and N., 9 : 311. 
 
 association and trades-unions. Ed. R., 130 : 390. Chamb. J., 8 : 344. 
 
 associations, functions of. (W. B. Weeden) Pop. Sci. Mo., 8 : 586. 
 
 Les trades-unions et 1'association Internationale des travailleurs. (Paul Leroy- 
 
 Beaulieu) Rev. des Deux Mondes, 15 avril 1870. 
 
 Les socifites ouvrieres. (C. Lavolle'e) Rev. des Deux Mondes, 15 fev. 1884. 
 Society of carpenters. (E. S. Beesly) Fortn., 7 : 319. 
 Trades-union, a prosperous. Chamb. J., 41 : 218. 
 
 Ed. R., 110:525. Quar., 123:351. No. Brit, 48 : 1. (G. Howell) Contemp., 
 
 30 : 833, (G. Howell) Fraser, 99 : 22. (R. J. Hinton) O. and N., 11 : 69 ; Brit. 
 
 Q., 46 : 505. New York R., 2 : 5. Blackw., 35 : 331 ; 43 : 281 ; 102 : 487 ; 
 
 107 : 554, 744. Colburn, 41 : 207. Tait, 4 : 389. Tail, n. s., 1 : 278. St. Paul's, 
 
 4:217. (M. B. Willard) Lakeside, 8 : 185. Mo. R., 133 :532. 
 
 and the government. Colburn, 39 : 475. 
 
 and the social science association. (J. M. Ludlow) Macmil., 3 : 313, 362. 
 
 and strikes. Ed. R., 59:341; 67:209. Brit. Q., 19:160; 56:145. Blackw., 
 
 101 : 718. (S. B. Hunt) Hours at Home, 9 : 485. 
 
 striki s and co-operation. (T. Hughes) Macmil., 13 : 75. 
 
 Congress, address before. (J. Morley) Fortn., 80 : 547. 
 
 commission. (E. S. Beesly) Fortn., 8:1. 
 
 commission, report of, 1869. St. James, 24 : 257. 
 
 Trades-unions, origin of. (W. T. Thornton) Fortn.. 8 : 688. 
 
 policy of. No. Brit., 46 : 1. 
 
 ways and means of. (W. T. Thornton) Fortn., 9 : 437, 520. 
 
 English. Ed. R., 126:415. (G. Potter) Contemp., 14:404. (J. H. A. Bone) 
 
 Atlant., 39 : 278. (F. Stephen) Nation, 5 : 93. 
 
 English, Comte de Paris on. O. and N., 1 : 555. 
 
 genealogy of. (F. B. Perkins) O. and N., 3 : 210.
 
 264 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 Trades-unions, growth of. No. Brit., 53 : 59. 
 
 strikes and lockouts. (S. Fothergill)Contemp., 17 : 107. (G. Potter) Contemp., 
 
 17 : 525. 
 
 and their remedy. Chamb. J., 44 : 180. 
 
 bill on. (F. Harrison) Fortn., 12 : 30. 
 
 despotism of the future. Quar., 136 : 179. 
 
 ethics of. St. Paul's, 1 : 47. 
 
 in France, law of. (F. D. Lange) Fortn., 8 : 210, 296. 
 
 intimidation and picketing by. (G. Howell) Contemp., 30 : 598. 
 
 objects and necessity of. (E. S. Beesly) Westm., 76 : 510. 
 
 of capitalists. Pract. M., 3 : 50. 
 Trades-unionism, ends of. (W. T. Thornton) Fortn., 9 : 77. 
 
 good and evil of. (F. Harrison) Fortn., 9 : 77. 
 
 in India. (W. Trant) Fortn., 32 : 261. 
 
 Trade brotherhoods, past and present. (W. Seton) Cath. R., 43 : 304. 
 Trades-unionism in England. (T. Hughes) Cent., 28 : 127. 
 Trades-unions, financial condition of. (G. Howell) 19th Cent., 12 : 481. 
 
 INDUSTRIAL CO-OPERATION AND PROFIT-SHARING. 
 
 [See especially the list of publications of the Central Co-operative Board, E. 
 
 Vansittart Neale, Secretary, Manchester, England.] 
 
 Bulletin de la participation aux benefices. Publie par la society formee pour fa- 
 ciliter l'6tude pratique des diverses mfithodes de participation du personnel 
 dans les benefices de Penterprise. 7 me annge. Part I re , Paris, 1885. 
 
 Oodln. Mutuality sociale et association du capital et travail, ou extinction du 
 pauperisme par la consecration du droit naturel des faibles au ngcessaire, 
 et du droit des travailleurs & participer aux benefices de la production. 
 
 Jahresbericht fiir 1883, iiber die auf Selbsthulfe gegriindeten deutschen Erwerbs- 
 und Wirthschafts-Genossenschaften. Von F. Schenck, An wait des allge- 
 meinen deutschen Genossenschafts-Verbandes. Leipzig, 1884. 
 
 Kabbeno, Ugo. La co-operazione in Inghilterra. Saggio di sociologia econo- 
 mica. Milano, 1885. 
 
 Ackland, Arthur H. D., and Jones, Benj. Workingmen co-operators. London, 
 1884. 
 
 A. M. Co-operation in land tillage. London, 1881. 
 
 Baudrillart, Henri J. L. Le salariat et Tassociation. Paris, 1867. 
 
 Barnard, Charles. Co-operation as a business. N. Y., 1881. 
 
 Hoi ton, Sarah K. Social studies in England. Boston, 18S6. 
 
 Bontemps, G. Extinction du pauperisme par Tassociation du capital et du tra- 
 vail. 
 
 Brisbane, Albert. Association and reorganization of industry. Phila., 1840. A 
 concise exposition of the doctrine of association. N. Y., 1843. 
 
 Burton, Hazen J., Jr., and George, S. Distributive co-operation. Boston, 1875. 
 
 Chamberlin, E. M. Sovereigns of industry. Boston. 
 
 Combe, Abram. The sphere for joint-stock companies, with act of establish- 
 ment at Orbiston in Lanarkshire. Edin., 1825. 
 
 Congres scientific international des institutions de prevoyance. Paris, 1881. 
 
 l>orge, Eugene. Etudes sociales. La famille, la charite et la prevoyance. Paris, 
 1876. 
 
 Duval, J. Les soci6t4s cooperatives de consumption et le production. 2 vols.
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SUBJECTS. 265 
 
 Gautier (de Dol) Toussaint. Dictionnaire des confreries et corporations d'arts 
 
 et metiers. Paris, 1854. 
 
 Herbert, William. A visit to the colony of Harmony, in Indiana. London, 1825. 
 Holyoake, G. J. History of co-operation in England, vol. i. London, 1875. 
 
 Vol. ii. London, 1879. 
 Hubert- Vallerome, Paul. Les associations cooperatives en France et & Petran- 
 
 ger. Paris, 1884. 
 
 Leavitt, L. Peacemaker Grange : or co-operative living and working. 1881. 
 Owen, Robert. Pveport of public meeting in Dublin, with statement of opinions 
 
 and arrangements at New Lanark. Dublin, 1823. 
 
 Pierce, Melusina Fay. Co-operative housekeeping. A study in sociology. Bos- 
 ton, 1884. 
 Quincy, Josiah. A plea for the incorporation of co-operative loan and building 
 
 associations. Boston, 1875. 
 
 Klchter, E. Co-operative stores ; history, organization, and management. N. Y. 
 Robert, Charles F. Le partage des fruits du travail. Paris, 1873. 
 Koulllet, Antony. Des associations cooperatives de consommation. Paris, 1876. 
 Schaeffle, A. E. F. Das gesellschaftliche System der menschlichen Wirthschaft. 
 
 Tubingen, 1873. 
 
 Stubbs, Charles W. The land and the laborers. London, 1884. 
 Taylor, Sedley. Profit-sharing between capital and labor. London, 1884. 
 Thornton, W. T. On labor. Chapters on co-operation and profit-sharing, pp. 
 
 363-459 ; pp. 469-499. London, 1868. 
 
 Villermfi, Louis R. Des associations ouvrieres. Paris, 1849. 
 Wright, C. D. Manual of distributive co-operation. Boston, 1885. 
 
 PERIODICAL LITERATURE. 
 
 Co-operation, industrial, Leclaire's system of. (S. Taylor) 19th Cent., 8 : 370 ; 
 9:802. 
 
 industrial, its rise and progress in England. Westm., 81 : 857. 
 
 Plate-locks and Paisley shawls. (C. Barnard) Scrib., 14 : 370. 
 
 position and prospects of. (H. Fawcett) Fortn., 21 : 190. 
 
 progress of. Chamb. J., 29 : 70. Good Words, 5 : 660. 
 
 wages against. (E. L. Godkin) Nation, 5 : 111. 
 
 in the slate-quarries of North Wales. (J. E. Cairnes) Macmil., 11 : 181. 
 
 industrial. Chr. Rem., 27 : 457. Ev. Sat., 11 : 578. Penny M., 1 : 327. Am. 
 
 Arch., 8 : 54. St. James, 22 : 719. (F. Harrison) Fortn., 3 : 477. (G. J. Holy- 
 oake), 19th Cent., 4 : 494. 
 industrial, forms of. (J. M. Ludlow) Good Words, 8 : 240. 
 
 (A. H. Clough) No. Am., 77 : 106. (R. J. Hinton) O. and N., 11 : 69. (Marquis 
 
 of Ripon) Month., 36 : 369. Chamb. J., 81 : 190. Hunt, 58 : 249. Victoria, 
 11:50,147. 
 
 and competition. Victoria, 8 : 215. 
 
 experiments in. (C. Barnard) Scrib., 12 : 99, 242. 
 
 In England. (G. lies) Pop. Sci. Mo., 17 : 742. (J. Samuelson) Am. J. Soc. Sci., 
 
 11 : 118. 
 
 or spoliation. Westm., 121 : 305. 
 
 future of industrial. (C. Waring) Fortn., 42 : 609. 
 
 atOldham. Spec., 58 : 669. 
 
 industrial. Westm., 124 : 309. 
 
 Co-operative stores ; shopkeepers' rejoinder. (T. Lord) 19th Cent., 5 : 733. 
 
 trading. Chamb. J., 19 : 843. 
 
 12
 
 266 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 Co-operative trouble, beginning of. (G. J. Holyoake) Contemp., 26 : 269. 
 
 societies, visit to. Chamb. J., 32 : 305. 
 
 stores. (E. L. Godkin) No. Am., 106 : 150. Chamb. J., 14 : 346 ; 51 : 7. Corah., 
 
 28:835. 
 
 stores, common sense and. (W. L. Blackley) Contemp., 34 : 553. 
 
 stores ; reply to the shopkeepers. (J. H. Lawson) 19th Cent., 5 : 362. 
 
 societies in England. (J. Plummer) Once a Week, 7,: 554. 
 
 societies in Russia. (E. Schuyler) Nation, 7 : 287. 
 
 societies, notes on. Bank. M. (N. Y.), 24 : 689. 
 
 societies, trading and burial, and post-office insurance. (A. J. Wilson) Fraser, 
 
 90: 541. 
 
 . Republic, 4 : 289. 
 
 societies. (H. Fawcett) Macmil., 2 : 434. (W. P. Garrison) Nation, 2 : 360. 
 
 (E. W. Brabrook) J. Statis. Soc., 38 : 185. (M. Rowland) Galaxy, 3 : 197. O. 
 
 and N., 1 : 701. Quar., 114 : 418. 
 . societies, German. (B. S. Blyth) Once a Week, 10 : 457. 
 
 societies in 1864. Ed. R. , 120 : 407. 
 
 housekeeping, practical side of. (R. Fisher) 19th Cent., 2 : 283. 
 
 land movement. (E. W. Brabrook) J. Statis. Soc., 37 : 337. 
 
 life in America. (H. Greeley) Peop. J., 4 : 167. 
 
 production. (T. Brassey) Contemp., 24 : 212. 
 
 credit unions, German. (R. T. Ely) Atlan., 47 : 207. 
 
 distribution. (W. A. Hovey) Am. J. Soc. Sci., 11 : 106. 
 
 flour-mill at Leeds. Chamb. J., 22 : 401. 
 
 housekeeping. Chamb. J., 46 : 177. 
 
 apartment-houses. Am. Arch., 9 : 88. 
 
 associations. (W. Howitt) Peop. J., 1 : 311. 
 building. O. and N., 5 : 505. 
 
 feature of building associations. (E. Wrigley) Penn Mo., 7 : 497. 
 
 community. Chamb. J., 53 : 600. 
 
 agricultural societies. Chamb. J.. 46 : 97. 
 
 agriculture. (A. Church) Contemp., 16 : 71. 
 
 agriculture, three experiments in. Fraser, 91 : 529. 
 
 agriculture, at Ralahine. (W. P. Garrison) Nation, 12 : 341. 
 
 agriculture, Lawson's. (G. E. Waring, Jr.) Nation, 20 : 245. 
 
 Co-operative stores. Nation, 36 : 7. 
 
 De la concurrence et du principe du association. (J. A. Blanquin) Inst. de France, 
 Acad. Sci. Moral, compte rendu, 1846, v. 1, p. 407. 
 
 Die catholischen Gesellvereine in Deutschland. (Paul Dehu) Deutsche Zeit- und 
 Streit-Fragen. Jahrg. 11, Heft 170, 1882. 
 
 Des associations ouvriers. (L. R. Villerme) Inst. de France, Acad. Sci. Moral. 
 Mem., 2 s. v. 7, 1850, p. 485. 
 
 Le mouvement cooperatif et la loi franchise. (A. D'Indy) Correspondant, v. 73, 
 1868, p. 632. 
 
 Labor and capital and industrial partnerships. Westm., 92 : 80. 
 
 Scottish loaf factory. (C. Barnard) Scrib., 13 : 60. 
 
 Sur les associations entre ouvriers ou entre patrons et ouvriers. (M. R. L. Rey- 
 baud) Inst. de France, Acad. Sci. Moral. Mem., 2 s. v. 9, 1855, p. 809. 
 
 Rochdale, co-operative society. All the Year, 19 : 274. New Eng., 38 : 325. Fra- 
 ser, 61 : 861. 
 
 visit to, Lav. Age, 64 : 190. 
 
 distribution. (.R. H. Newton) No. Am., 137 : 327.
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SUBJECTS. 267 
 
 Rochdale shirt-making, eight years of. (E. Simcox) 19th Cent., 15 : 1037. 
 
 Toad Lane, Rochdale, England. (C. Barnard) Scrib., 13 : 203. 
 
 Une soci6t6 cooperatif ouvriers dans les montagnes du Bugey. (A. Audiganne) 
 
 Correspondant, v. 68, 1866, p. 27. 
 Village improvement associations. (G. E. Waring, Jr.) Scrib., 14 : 97. 
 
 ARTICLES IN REVUE DES DEUX MONDES. 
 
 Les socie'te's cooperatives en France et en Angleterre. (Jules Simon) 1 Jan. 1866. 
 
 Les associations ouvrieres, la cooperation. (C. Lavollfie) 1 avril 1866. 
 
 Les systfimes d'association et la participation aux b6n6fices. (Paul Leroy-Beau- 
 
 lieu) 15 mai 1870. 
 
 La familistere de Guise et son historian, M. Godin. (L. Reybaud) 15 fev. 1872. 
 La cooperation et la participation aux benefices, la charit6. (Le comte d'Haus- 
 
 sonville) 15 decem. 1885. 
 
 INDUSTRIAL CONCILIATION AND ARBITRATION. 
 
 Crompton, Henry. Industrial conciliation. London, 1876. 
 
 Kettle, Rupert. Strikes and arbitrations. London, 1866. 
 
 Memorandum forwarded from the board of trade to the home department, re- 
 specting conseils des Prud'hommes in France and Belgium. House of Com- 
 mons. 1854-'55. (526) L. 371. 
 
 Speeches of Hons. Martin A. Foran, of Ohio ; N. J. Hammond, of Georgia ; J. W. 
 Daniel, of Virginia ; W. C. P. Breckenridge, of Kentucky ; A. S. Hewitt, of 
 New York ; and J. H. Rogers, of Arkansas, on " Labor Arbitration," com- 
 bined in one pamphlet. 
 
 PERIODICAL LITERATURE. 
 
 Arbitration. Nation, 40 : 377. 
 
 and boards of conciliation. (Eckley B. Obxe) Penn Mo., 2 : 109. 
 
 between capital and labor. Pract. M., 5 : 119. 
 
 Strikes and lockouts. (G. M. Powell) Cent., 31 : 946, 
 and strikes. (T. V. Powderly) No. Am., 142 : 502. 
 
 in labor disputes. (T. M. Cooley) Forum, 1 : 369. 
 
 Conseils des Prud'hommes. (W. H. S. Aubrey) Contemp., 43 : 528. 
 
 INDUSTRIAL EDUCATION. 
 
 Bollman, Lewis. The industrial colleges. Wash., 1884. 
 
 Brace, Charles L. Address on industrial schools. N. Y., 1868. 
 
 Clark, John S. Industrial education a necessary part of public education. Bos- 
 ton, 1883. 
 
 Gallaudet, Peter W. A system of education on the principle of connecting 
 science with useful labor. Wash., 1838. 
 
 Ham, C. H. Manual training. N. Y., 1886. 
 
 Lammers, A. Hand-Bildung und Hausfleiss. Berlin, 1881. (Deutsche Zeit- und 
 Streit-Fragen. Jahrg. 10.) 
 
 Mac Arthur, Arthur. Education in its relation to manual industry. N. Y., 
 1884. 
 
 Paris Universal Exposition. Report of U. S. Commissioners. Vol. II, page 181, 
 Washington, 1880.
 
 268 STUDIES IN MODERN SOCIALISM. 
 
 Playfair, Lyon. Industrial education. Phlla., 1852. 
 
 Kunkle, John D. The manual element in education. 41st an. rep. Mass, board 
 of education. Boston, 1877. 
 
 Wiseman, N. P. S., Cardinal. The identification of the artisan and the artist. 
 With essay on Froebel's reform of primary education. By Eliza P. Pea- 
 body. Boston, 1869. 
 
 PERIODICAL LITERATURE. 
 
 Industrial education. (J. Hayes) Overland, 12 : 338. (J. S. Clarke) J. Frankl. 
 Inst., 112:218. Brit. Q., 16:133. No. Brit., 24 : 1. (S. P. Thompson) Con- 
 temp., 38 : 472. Same art., Pop. Sci. Mo., 18 : 26, 202. Dub. Univ., 42 : 295. 
 Penn Mo., 6 : 414. Unita. R., 1 : 263 ; 2 : 191. 
 
 Industrial schools. (W. B. McMurrich) Canad. Mo., 2 : 424. Peop. J., 2 : 192 ; 
 213 : 262 ; 3 : 86. (J. Williams) O. and N., 7 : 624. De Bow, 18 : 265. 
 
 for girls, Lancaster, Mass. Am. J. Educ., 16 : 652. 
 
 for poor children. Fraser, 40 : 437. 
 
 Italian. Victoria, 11 : 481. 
 
 plan of. (W. Petty) Am. J. Educ., 22 : 199. 
 
 London, 1647. (W. Petty) Am. J. Educ., 11 : 197. 
 
 Education of industrial classes. (J. N. Lockyer) Nature, 27 : 248. 
 
 Technical education in Europe. Science, 3 : 789. 
 
 Workingman's school, N. Y. (F. H. North) Pop. Sci. Mo., 26 : 632. 
 
 Industrial training of destitute children. (S. Smith) Education, 6 : 130. 
 
 Handwork for children. (Mrs. Jebb) 19th Cent., 12 : 602. 
 
 Relations of science to the public weal. (Lyon Playfair) Pop. Sci. Mo., 28 : 37, 236. 
 
 Manual training. (C. H. Ham) Harper's, 72 : 404.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Adulteration of goods, 180. 
 Anarchist and labor -socialist con- 
 trasted, 49. 
 his platform, 45. 
 on revolution, 54, 60. 
 on the State, 47. 
 specimen utterances, 59-61. 
 wants revolution, not amelioration, 
 
 69. 
 
 Arbitration, 124. 
 Aristocracy as defined by socialists, 
 
 32. 
 Ashton, John W., quoted on pioneers 
 
 of co-operation, 131 ; note. 
 Association, right of, in Rome and 
 
 Greece, 110. 
 Atkinson, Edward, quoted, 12. 
 
 Babbage, Charles, suggestion of profit- 
 sharing, 154. 
 
 Babceuf, on property, 22. 
 
 Bakunin, Michel, 26. 
 
 Bible, the, and the workman, 209. 
 
 Blackie, John Stuart, quoted, 9. 
 
 Blanqui, Auguste, 26. 
 
 Bohmert, Victor, on profit-sharing, 
 157. 
 
 Bourgeoisie, as defined by socialists, 
 32. 
 
 Boycott, the, 122, and note. 
 
 Brassey, Sir Thomas, as a captain of 
 industry, 153. 
 
 Brissot on property, 22. 
 
 Capital, as defined by socialist., 32. 
 
 dead, 170. 
 
 Marx on creation of, 76 ; criticised, 
 77. 
 
 organization of, hopefulness of, 224. 
 
 true theory of, 77. 
 
 Capital and labor, allies or enemies? 
 12. 
 
 antagonism of, moral basis of, 182. 
 
 relation of, 143. 
 
 relation of, illustrated, 77. 
 
 Siamese twins I 36. 
 
 Captain of industry, a creator of value, 
 146. 
 
 a modern product, 143, 145. 
 
 aud Christianity, 210. 
 
 Carlyle on, 159, 160. 
 
 duty to recognize trades - unions, 
 149. 
 
 to succeed, 151. 
 
 to pay good wages, 151. 
 
 to furnish best conditions of work, 
 152. 
 
 Guyot on, 147. 
 
 his rarity, 146. 
 
 mental endowments of, 137, 145. 
 
 not identical with capitalists, 143. 
 
 rewarded by profits, 146, 147. 
 
 responsibility in present crisis, 232, 
 
 when dangerous, 221. 
 Carlyle, Thomas, letter to Sir J. Whit- 
 worth, 153. 
 
 on captains of industry, 159, 160. 
 
 on English workmen. 192. 
 
 suggestion of profit-sharing, 155. 
 Charity and justice, relation of, 222. 
 Children, "cry of tie," 103. 
 
 in factories, 102. 
 Christ, the only reconciler of social 
 
 differences, 18. 
 Christianity and captains of industry, 
 
 and Darwinism, Laveleye on, 211. 
 distinguished from communism, 
 
 164. 
 
 what it does for men, 15. 
 Church, the, a promoter of morality, 
 
 200. 
 essential to social progress, 197, 198, 
 
 208. 
 
 its duty, 280. 
 meaning of, 1 97. 
 not a class partisan. 211. 
 present attitude of, toward social 
 
 question, 226. 
 responsibility of, for workman's 
 
 alienation, 206. 
 teaching universal brotherhood, 212.
 
 270 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Church, what it ought to learn, 207. 
 
 workman's alienation from, 200, et 
 
 seq. 
 
 Cochut, Andre", quoted, 94. 
 Coleridge, Samuel Taylor, quoted, 35. 
 Communism among first Christians, 
 20. 
 
 distinguished from socialism, 21. 
 
 distinguished from Christianity, 
 164. 
 
 of first Virginia charter, 21. 
 
 of early Pilgrims, 21. 
 
 in history 01 the Church, 20, 21. 
 Competition, a necessary industrial 
 
 factor, 136 229. 
 
 Conscience and wealth, 162, 164. 
 Conversation, morality in, 186. 
 Co-operation, defined, 129, 130. 
 
 Derby on, 134. 
 
 Fawcett on, 134. 
 
 in industry of future, 228. 
 
 in United States, 134. 
 
 its economic teaching, 136-138. 
 
 moral results of, 135. 
 
 Owen's theory of, 130. 
 
 'oncers of, 131 ; and note. 
 ochdale experiment, 131. 
 spread of principle, 133. 
 Crosby, Howard, quoted, 101. 
 Cry u out of the depths," 215. 
 
 Danger, from feudal spirit of employ- 
 ers, 220. 
 
 from workman's ignorance, 222. 
 from workmr.n's misjudgment of 
 
 employer's motives, 221. 
 from workman's rashness, 221. 
 socialism a, from American politi- 
 cal and moral conditions, 64-66. 
 Darwinism and Christianity, Lave- 
 
 leye on, 211. 
 Democracy, era of, 199. 
 era of, De Tocqueville on, 199. 
 in relation to industry, 148. 
 Democratic Socialist party in Ger- 
 many, origin of, 25. 
 Derby, Earl, on co-operation, 134. 
 Discontent, prevalence of, 11. 
 Distrust between employers and em- 
 ployed, 185. 
 
 Domestic system, contrast with fac- 
 tory, 82. 
 
 Economic Association, American, 227. 
 
 Education by the State, 98. 
 
 Eliot, George, " Silas Marner " 
 
 o/uoted, 174. 
 
 Ely, Richard T., quoted, 58, 94. 
 Employers and employed, distrust 
 
 between, 185. 
 relation of, to morality of labor, 193. 
 
 England, Christian socialists in, 25. 
 Entrepreneur. See CAPTAIN OF LNDUS- 
 
 Factory system, contrast with domes- 
 tic, 82. 
 
 Factories, children in, 102. 
 fines in, 101. 
 
 Family relation, morality in the, 188. 
 
 Fawcett, Henry, on co-operation, 
 134. 
 
 Feudal relations in industry extinct, 
 148. 
 
 Feucrbach, his philosophy, 23. 
 
 Fines in factories, 101. 
 
 Footman, Henry, quoted, 17. 
 
 France, socialism in ? 26. 
 
 Fregier, M., suggestion of profit-shar- 
 ing, 155. 
 
 Gambetta, M., on the social ques- 
 tion, 9. 
 
 Gambling, speculative, 104, 105. 
 
 Gautier, Emile, 26. 
 
 George, Henry, his " Progress and 
 
 Poverty," 29. 
 quoted, 33. 
 
 Germany, forms of socialism in, 26. 
 
 Giffen, Robert, on progress of work- 
 ing classes, 83. 
 
 Godkin, E. L., on value of adminis- 
 trative talent, 147, note. 
 
 Godliness, defined, 178. 
 
 Gronlund, Laurence, his " cakes," 37. 
 on " Vril" (dynamite), 62. 
 
 Guilds, meaning of, 110 ; in middle 
 ageSj 110. 
 
 Guyot, "i ves, on value of administra- 
 tive talent, 147. 
 on workmen's ignorance, 159. 
 
 Hegel, G. F., at Jena, 19 ; the philo- 
 sophic "head" of socialism, 20. 
 philosopher of socialism, 23. 
 
 Hood, Thomas, " Song of the Shirt," 
 quoted, 33. 
 
 Howell, George, on aim of trades- 
 unions, 114 ; against tyranny and 
 intimidation, 120, 121. 
 
 Hughes, Thomas, a Christian social- 
 ist, 25. 
 
 Ignorance. See WORKMEN. 
 Individualism, true and false, 88. 
 Industrial organization of the future, 
 
 229. 
 Industry, affected by personal purity, 
 
 187. 
 
 chief factor in, 181. 
 efifects of intemperance on, 189. 
 Injustice, the root of, 186.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Intemperance, a social tyrant, 105- 
 
 107. 
 
 effects of, on industry, 189. 
 
 International, America represented 
 
 in, 27. 
 
 origin of, 27. 
 rupture of, 28 ; seat transferred to 
 
 New York, 28. 
 
 International Working-people's Asso- 
 ciation, what it demands, 45. 
 Internationalist. See ANABCHIST. 
 
 Jena, battle of, and Hegel, 19. 
 Justice and charity, relation of, 222. 
 Jones, W. C., on morality and labor, 
 194. 
 
 Kingsley, Charles, a Christian social- 
 ist, 25. 
 
 "Alton Locke" quoted, 34. 
 
 " Three Fishers " quoted, 25. 
 Krapotkine, Prince, 26. 
 Knights of Labor, appeal to, 125. 
 
 origin and membership, 112, 113. 
 
 principles of, 118, 119. 
 
 Labor, a commodity, in what sense, 
 114, and note. 
 
 Adam Smith on, 73. 
 
 and morality, 194. 
 
 as social service, 190-192. 
 
 defined, 73. 
 
 its own oppressor. 193. 
 
 Knights of. See KNIGHTS OF LABOR. 
 
 one factor in production ; 76. 
 
 organization of, a sign of hope, 224 ; 
 the right of, 114, 115; economic 
 teachings of, 115 ; difficulties un- 
 der which it advances, 116. 
 
 organizations, moral results of, 195. 
 
 redemption of, moral condition of, 
 183. 
 
 the true aristocracy, 232. 
 
 Ricardo on. 74 ; criticised, 75. 
 
 source of all wealth, statement and 
 
 criticism, 73-76. 
 
 Labor and capital, allies or enemies? 
 12. 
 
 antagonism, moral basis of, 182. 
 
 relation of, 143. 
 
 relation of, illustrated, 77. 
 
 Siamese twins, 36. 
 Labor-check system, illustrated, 47. 
 Labor movement and socialism dis- 
 criminated, 218. 
 
 Labor socialist and anarchist con- 
 trasted, 49. 
 
 economic methods of, 51. 
 
 manifesto of, 48. 
 
 method of exchange, 51. 
 
 method of State administration, 52. 
 
 Labor socialist, not an architect, 50. 
 view of revolution, 55, 62. 
 view of State, 49. 
 Labor statistics, bureaus of, 227. 
 Land, against holding, for specula- 
 tion, 170. 
 
 Langton, Stephen, grave of, an illus- 
 tration. 16. 
 Lassalle, Ferdinand, compared with 
 
 Marx, 24. 
 
 on iron law of wages, 40. 
 summary of life of, 24. 
 Law, iron, of wages. Lassalle on, 40. 
 of rent, stated, and socialist view of, 
 
 40. 
 
 Lawyers, socialist view of, 38. 
 Laveleye, Emile de, on origin of In- 
 ternational, 27. 
 
 on Darwinism and Christianity, 211. 
 quoted, 11, 13. 
 
 Leclaire, M., experiment in profit- 
 sharing, 155. 
 Legislation, class, 99. 
 Lowell, James Russell, " The Present 
 
 Crisis" quoted, 216. 
 Luxury, on, 171 ; Laveleye on, 172. 
 
 Macaulay, Lord, letter to an Ameri 
 
 can, 9. 
 
 Martineau, James, quoted, 196. 
 Marx, Karl, compared with Lassalle, 
 
 24. 
 on creation of capital, 76 ; criticised, 
 
 77. 
 
 on head and heart of " emancipa- 
 tion," 23. 
 
 on origin of capital, 39. 
 summary of life of, 24. 
 Maurice, F. D., a Christian socialist, 
 
 25. 
 
 Maverick, Augustus, on relation be- 
 tween American labor movements 
 and International, 28. 
 McVeagh, Franklin, on moral trus- 
 teeship of wealth, 176. 
 Mercantilism, Andrew D. White on, 
 
 166; results of, 166. 
 Military class, socialist view of, 88. 
 Mill, J. S., on reckless revolutionists, 
 
 70. 
 
 Monopolies, 100. 
 
 control of land-office, etc., by, 66. 
 control of legislation, 99. 
 Montigny, quoted, 11. 
 Morality and labor ; 194. 
 Morality and political economy. See 
 
 POLITICAL ECONOMY. 
 defined, 179. 
 in conversation, 186. 
 in the family relation, 188. 
 More, Thomas, Utopia, 21.
 
 272 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Most, Herr, quoted, 60. 
 Mulhall, M. G., quoted, 9. 
 
 
 Newton, R. Heber, on promotion of 
 
 morality by employers, 193. 
 Nihilism, 26. 
 
 Organization of labor. See LABOR. 
 Origin of capital, socialist view of, 39. 
 Ortnodox economy. See POLITICAL 
 
 ECONOMY. 
 Owen, Robert, as captain of industry, 
 
 152. 
 
 philanthropic influence of, 131. 
 theory of co-operation, 130. 
 
 Pandora, an emissary of capitalism, 33. 
 Paternal theory of State, 95. 
 Peace Dale, experiment in profit- 
 sharing, 156. 
 
 Perry, Arthur Latham, quoted, 92. 
 Persil, M., quoted, 72. 
 Pittsburg platform (Internationalist), 
 
 45. 
 
 Plato's Republic, communism in, 20. 
 Policeman theory of State ; 95. 
 Political conditions, American, a cause 
 
 of danger from socialism, 64-66, 
 
 223. 
 Political economy, laws of, modified 
 
 by human will, 93. 
 orthodox, lacking in moral element, 
 
 92. 
 
 orthodox, mistaken method^ 73. 
 Political economy and morality, 92- 
 
 94, 150, 180, 227. 
 Poor poorer, 41. 
 "Poor poorer, rich richer," criticised, 
 
 81-84. 
 
 Poverty not the worst evil, 231. 
 Powderly, T. V., on strikes, 121, and 
 
 note. 
 
 Press, socialist view of, 37. 
 Production, factors in, 76. 
 Profits, as defined by socialist, 33. 
 
 how they_ arise. 146, 147. 
 Profit-sharing, advantages of, 156. 
 Bohmert on, 157. 
 in America, 156, note. 
 in industry of future, 228. 
 Leclaire's experiment, 155. 
 Peace Dale experiment, 156. 
 suggested by Babbage, 154 ; by 
 
 Carlyle, 155 ; by Fregier, 155. 
 " Progress and Poverty," 29. 
 Progress, essential factor of, 89. 
 Progress of working classes, 81-84; 
 
 not from socialism, 89. 
 Proletariat, as defined by socialists, 32. 
 Property, right of, New Testament 
 
 teaching as to, 165. 
 
 Proudhon, definition of socialism, 21. 
 on property, 22. 
 
 Public opinion, must not be alienated 
 by workmen, 223. 
 
 Pulpit, socialist view of, 37. 
 
 Purity, personal, as affecting indus- 
 try, 187. 
 
 Railroads, etc., State ownership of, 
 97. 
 
 Reclus, Elis^e, 26. 
 
 Referendum, 53. 
 
 Rent, law or. criticised, 80. 
 stated, and socialist view of, 41. 
 
 Resume" of discussion, 217. 
 
 Ricardo, David, on labor, 74; criti- 
 cised, 75. 
 
 on law of wages, quoted, 78 ; criti- 
 cised, 79. 
 
 Rich richer, 41. 
 
 " Rich richer, poor poorer," criticised, 
 81-84. 
 
 Rochdale, experiment. See CO-OPEB- 
 ATION. 
 
 Rogers, J. E. T., on trades-unions, 
 117. 
 
 Roscher, "William, on conditions which 
 promote socialism, 66. 
 
 Rousseau on property, 22. 
 
 Saint-Just on property, 22. 
 School, the, its duty, 230. 
 Self-interest, an economic force, 93- 
 
 95, 192. 
 
 Service, law of, in labor, 190-192. 
 Slave-drivers, socialist view of, 38. 
 Smith, Adam, on labor, 73, 74. 
 Smyth, Newman, quoted, 17, 68. 
 Socialism, a peril. See DANGEB. 
 
 a source of its peril, 64. 
 
 and labor movement discriminated, 
 218. 
 
 atheistic bias, 30, 201, 202. 
 
 conditions which promote, 66. 
 
 defined, 22. 
 
 distinguished from communism, 21. 
 
 forms of, in France, 26. 
 
 forms of, in Germany, 26. 
 
 not remedied by force, 67 ; or bitter 
 words, or unconcern, 68. 
 
 of American Indians, 87. 
 
 origin of, in America, 28. 
 
 temper of. 58. 
 
 the truth in, 219. 
 Socialist, demand, summary of, 54. 
 
 dream dispelled, by history, 88. 
 
 his expectation, 86. 
 
 his missionary enthusiasm, 63. 
 
 his re-emphasis of true social law, 
 91. 
 
 his Utopia, 55.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 273 
 
 Socialist remedy inadequate, 85-89 ; 
 reversal of history, 87. 
 
 view of family, 54. 
 
 view of land-grabbing and rent, 40. 
 
 view of lawyers, military class, and 
 slave-drivers, 38. 
 
 view of modern society, 38. 
 
 of press and pulpit, 37. 
 
 what he is not, 29, 218. 
 Socialist, Labor. See LABOB- SOCIAL- 
 IST. 
 Socialists, American, divided, 28. 
 
 Christian, in England, 25. 
 
 of the chair, 26. 
 Stock-gambling, 103, 104. 
 Sumner, William G., quoted, 93. 
 Supply and demand, in relation to 
 
 wages, 152. 
 
 Swinton, John, on workman's aliena- 
 tion from the Church, 202. 
 
 quoted, 60. 
 
 Social classes of the future, 229. 
 Social facts in American life, 12, 13. 
 Social law, the true, by whom pro- 
 claimed, 92. 
 
 Social question, difficulties in discuss- 
 ing, 217. 
 
 Gambetta on the, 9. 
 
 in America, importance of, 14. 
 
 propriety of discussing in the sanc- 
 tuary, 14. 
 
 rapid changes in history of, 219. 
 Society, modern, socialist view of, 38. 
 Speculation, gambling, indictment of, 
 105. 
 
 in land, againstj 170. 
 State, the, anarchist view of, 47. 
 
 denned, 95 ; theories of, 95. 
 
 education by, 98. 
 
 interference, danger from, 96. 
 
 its duty, 280. 
 
 labor-socialist's view of, 49. 
 
 ownership of railroads, etc., 97. 
 Statistics or Labor, Bureaus of, 227. 
 Strikes, economic war, 13. 
 
 121 ; Powderly on, 121, and note. 
 
 some causes for, 220. 
 
 Time as measuring value, 47. 
 Thornton, W. T., on trades-unions, 
 
 118. 
 Tocqueville, M. de, "Democracy in 
 
 America" quoted, 199. 
 Todt, Herr, epigram of, quotedj 14. 
 Trades-unions, duty of captains of 
 
 industry to recognize, 149. 
 
 Trades-unions, George Howell on aim 
 of, 114 ; G. Howell against tyr- 
 anny and intimidation, 120, 121. 
 
 in United States, 112. 
 
 legal recognition of, in England. 
 112. 
 
 origin of, 111. 
 
 Kogers on, 117. 
 
 Thornton on, 118. 
 
 wholesale labor market, 115. 
 
 Wages, iron law of, 40. 
 iron law of, criticised, 78, 79. 
 relation to supply and demand, 
 
 Xv& 
 
 Walker, George Leon, quoted, 15. 
 Wallace, Alfred, on morality and in- 
 dustrial results, 394. 
 Waste of material, immoral, 185. 
 Wealth, "all, due to labor," 39. 
 all, due to labor, statement and 
 
 criticism, 73-76. 
 and conscience, 162, 164. 
 defined, 162. 
 
 not the chief end of man, 165. 
 rapid increase of, in Europe and 
 
 America, 10. 
 responsible to society, 163 : to God, 
 
 163. 
 
 responsibility of, for use of its lei- 
 sure, 168 ;" for use of wealth as 
 capital, 169. 
 
 responsibility of, McVeagh on, 176. 
 philanthropic use of, 172-174. 
 Wnite, Andrew D.. on mercantilism, 
 
 166, 167. 
 
 Whitworth, Sir Joseph, Carlyle's let- 
 ter to, 153. 
 Willett, J., letter to "Christian 
 
 Union," quoted, 84. 
 letter, quoted, on the pulpit, 87. 
 Workmen,alienation from the Church, 
 200, et seq. ; grounds of, 203 ; re- 
 sponsibility for, 206. 
 and the Bible, 209. 
 ignorance among, Guyot on, 159 ; a 
 
 danger, 222. 
 responsibility for, 184. 
 justice to be done by, 184. 
 no hope from materialism, 210. 
 rash, a danger, 221. 
 Working classes, progress of, 81-84. 
 
 progress of, not from socialism, 89. 
 Wright, Carroll D., on righteousness 
 
 in industry, 154. 
 quoted, 94. 
 
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