THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES THE DESTITUTE ALIEN IN GREAT BRITAIN THE DESTITUTE ALIEN IN GREAT BRITAIN g. Scvics of |)apcrs gcaling imih iln Subject of JforetcfiT pauper Immiciration AREAXC-ED AND EPITED BY ARNOLD AVHITE ilontion SWAN SONNENSCHEIN & CO. New Yoek: CHAELES SCEIBNEE'S SONS 1892 BrTi.Kii ,i Taxner, TUE SeLWOOI) PlilNTIXG WoKKS, Fkome, axd Loxdox. URL ^^ , or 5 A FUTURE volume will deal with the economical bear- -^ ing, American example, and medical and sanitary aspect of Free Immigration ; also with the Jewish question and recent events in Russia. ^ Illness and compulsory absence from England have ^ rendered it impossible for me to complete the ar- cj rangements for bringing out the work as a whole within the limits of time prescribed by expediency. I have to thank my friend Mr. C. 13. Shaw for ^ his good offices in seeing this volnme through the 2 press. A. W. :i8H<^2H CONTENTS. PAGE I. LxTRODucTOKY. By Amold White ... 1 II. The Huguenot and Flemish Lwasiox. Bj C. B, Shaw 5 III. Should Goverxjiext Ixtegeere ? By Monta- gue Crackanthorpe, G.C 39 I\^ The Moral Aspect. By the Rev. G. S. Eeaney 71 V. Statutoky axd Oeeictal Piiovisioxs. By C. J. Follett, C.B 100 VI. Tjie liiPEKiAL Aspect. By W. A. McArthur, M-P m VII. The Italiax Aspect. By W. H. Wilkins . . 146 VIIT Foreign- Pauper Ijiiiigratiox. By S. H. Jeyes 1(58 THE DESTITUTE ALIEN IN GREAT BRITAIN INTRODUCTOIIY. BY ARNOLD WHITE. The grow til of population and the pressure of existence within these islands have occasioned, for some con- siderable time past, anxiety on the part of those in search of remedies for the evil conditions under which so many of our fellow-subjects are compelled to toil. Among the causes that have not yet received adequate and dispassionate examination, is the flow of foreign labour to our great towns, with its moral, physical, and economical effects on the native population. Throughout the civilized, and in parts of the un- civilized world, a strange movement is taking place towards the crystallization of national life from native elements only, and the rejection of those alien con- stituents which, since the fall of Rome, have generally been considered desirable for the creation of perfect national existence. This movement is no less marked in the United States of America than in Russia, or even in Arabia itself. The increased and increasing stringency of the conditions under which Castle B THE DESTITUTE A J.I EN IX GREAT BRITAIN. Garden permits the entry of the Irish^ Hungarian or Italian proletariat, finds a parallel in the renais- sance of orthodoxy in Russia. The disfav'our into which heterodox faiths have there fallen, under the iron hand and strong convictions of the Attorney- General of the Holy Synod, and the consequent alliance of those forces of ignorance and of strength that have hitherto occupied a dominant position in the history of modern Russia, are proiluci ng much the same effects as the anti-alienism of the United States. In Mahommedan countries too, this note of national revival is no less dominant than in lands where faith is less effectual to stir the harmonies of nationalism than self-interest, as in the case of the United States; ambition, as in France; or the memory of a glorious but vanished past, as in Portugal. Arabia, and a large part of Central Africa, have recently become the scene of a violent insurrection against the foreign element, and a consequent drawing nigh of those who hold undimmed the original doctrine of I^Eohammed. England, thanks to the Huguenots, Mr. Cobden, the Slave Trade, the Jews, and an inherent capacity for taking lai'ge views of grave national questions, has been the last country in all the world to question, or even to examine, the doctrine that uninteri'upted ingress for men, v/omon, and merchandise o£ other nations, is essential to and advantageous to her national life. There are, however, no longer wanting INTRODUCTION. signs that tlie reign of this dogma is not to continue without challenge. Two phenomena combine to render a critical examination of the effects of the doctrine of free entry of all human beings not only inevitable but indispensable. The first of these phenomena is the attitude of the citizens of the United States towards the whole subject of immigration^ and the other is, the revival in Russia of the Middle-Age methods of dealing with the Jewish question. The first of these phenomena has set men thinking how far a policy of free immigration that is bad for the United States, with its vast and but partially occupied territory, can be good for the United Kingdom with its daily increasing population and diminishing capa- city for the production of its own food. The second is the recent Russian practice of harrying the poor Jews until they fly their country in sheer despair, thus creating a centrifugal force for the distribution of needy and unskilled workers, which has already affected Great Britain, and cannot fail to affect her in the future to a still greater extent. So far as Great Britain is concerned, the question is unlikely to be settled without a more thorough examination into the facts than has yet been made. The House of Commons Committee on Immigration touched but the fringe of the subject, and seemed more interested in demonstrating that those who wished to restrict and regulate immigration desired THE DESTITUTE ALIEN hX GREAT nRJlAlK. to attack the civil and religious liberty now happily accorded to the Jews, than in bringing out the true physical, moral and economical results of the system as now followed in England. The Sweating Committee of the Ilonse of Lords refused to accept direct evidence bearing on the sub- ject, for fear of trenching on the rights and privileges of tlie Commons Committee, which was concurrently occupied in tlie ostensible examination of the immi- gration question. The consequence is lliat while the country thinks the subject has been fairly considered, nothing has taken place but a fruitless wrangle on the Jewish question, which has nothing whatever to do with the matter. Accordingly, it is my intention to endeavour to place before the public practical information provided by experts on the various points from which the whole subject may be regarded. The present volume is but an instalment of the whole work. TtlE HUGUENOT AND FLEMISH INVASION. By C. B. Shaw. TtiB discovery of printing", with the impulse thereby given to religious and politica,! thought^ although in the end of incalculable advantage to mankind, was, by strange contrast with the blessings it conferred, a principal factor in the persecutions inflicted on the Protestants throughout Europe in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. During the long night of the middle ages science and letters had fallen into decay, and the Church, far from struggling against the mental darkness pre- vailing, had done its best to maintain it. The austere and penitential devotions of the early Christians had been gradually succeeded by perverted doctrines, sacerdotal tyranny, and ceremonials strangely allied to pagan rites; and while the mass of the people were the slaves of the Church in mind and body, the clergy themselves were so degraded that purity of manners and ecclesiastical rules were alike dis- regarded. A large proportion of the laud was in the hands of the Church, exempt from any corre- sponding duty or obligation to the State; yet so THE DESTITUTE ALIEN IN GREAT BRITAIN. insatiable was tlie greed of tliat Sacred Institution that it would soon have absorbed the whole wealth of Europe had not the secular governments interposed. In the pulpit preachers confined their exhortations to alms-giving, pilgrimages^ and the obtaining of religious indulgences, the traffic in the latter being carried to such a pitch that papal pardons were sold in parts of Christendom openly in the streets and to the sound of the drum. Seminaries of learning, widely scattered, and manuscripts, costly and difficult to obtain, were the only resources of literary culture ; the voices of the few pious and enlightened souls who laboured for letters in the retirement of cloister or study being inaudible to the masses for want of proper channels of communication. False traditions in history, amazing superstitions in religion, universal belief in astrology, and barbarous punishment for heresy — even for offences against the Church un- intentionally committed — marked the degradation of the age. Such, then, was the condition of France — which, like the rest of Europe, had lain for centuries mute and despairing before the impassable barrier of bigotry and ignorance — when the wooden blocks of Laurence Coster, and the metal types of Gutenberg and his fellow workmen, proclaimed to the world, at first in the reserved and doubtful language of experiment, but finally in the bold and confident voice of assured THE HUGUENOT AND ELEMISIl JNl'ASION. EuccesSj the dawn of laodera liberty and the emanci- pation of the human mind. The efforts of the printers were at first slow and laborious^ the Mazarin Bible taking some seven or eight years to finish; but copies of the Scriptures and ancient authors were in course of time widely distributed and eagerly read. Luther, Zwingle, and other ardent spirits began to preach the doctrines of the Eeformation, including the Supremacy of the Written Word — now brought within the reach of all, and the Church of Rome, jealous of the new crusade, commenced its onslaught against preachers, printers, and books alike. In spite, however, of persecutions and prohibitions, books multiplied, and the reformers gained numberless converts. The ranks of the Lutherans were swelled not merely by the poor and lowly, but members of princely houses, nobles, priests, and earnest sup- poi'ters of the Catholic hierarchy rallied to their standard. So electrical were the effects of the religions reform, that at length the very foundations of the Papacy be- gan to totter. The more politic men of the day, alive to the signs of the approaching storm, tried to allay it by recalling the Church to a sense of its own position, and by urging the introduction of timely re- formsj but without avail. The Holy See, either from stupidity or incorrigible pride, turned a deaf ear to niE DESTITUTE ALIEN IN GREAT BRITAIN. the counsel of its friends^ aud betook itself to those measures whicli were soon to make its name a terror and a reproach to humanity. Meaux^ from its proximity to tlie then Flemish frontier^ and other circumstances that favoured the transmission of influences from the north^ was the first town in France to respond to the new movement. Guillaume Brigonnet, the Bishop of the Meaux, joined heartily in it_, and by offering the pulpits of his absentee clergy to Lefevre, Farcl^ and other discij^les of Luther, and distributing copies of the Bible among the workshops, soon made his diocese a centre of dissent. Other places followed the lead of Meaux, and as the conversions spread, attendances at mass naturally fell off and Church revenues declined. The Sorbonue — -the Faculty of Theology at Paris, and the inspiring author of many a cruel edict — there- upon petitioned Parliament to interpose its authority, with the result that partisans of the pernicious doctrines were persecuted wherever found, those who were unable to save themselves by flight being burnt alive. The execution of the Placardists and the butchery of the A'audois were farther instances of the Church's '^ discipline ; ^^ but towards the end of the reign of Francis I., says Do Felice, '"the movement had made such extended strides that it was impossible to follow its course in all its wind- ings . . . there was in the minds aud hearts of THE HUGUENOT AND FLEMISH INVASION. \Yni\\y even in the air tliey breathed^ au overwhelming desire for religious reform.'' The term '^llugueuot/' wliatevcv its origin^ soon became the distinctive appellation of the advocates of the new propaganda^ who, for the next hundred years at least, were destined to play so important a part in French history. The elements of order were intro- duced into their hitherto defective organization, and Calvin took the place of Luther as the apostle of French Protestantism. AVithin the limits prescribed me it is only possible briefly to sketch the chain of circumstances that eventually led to the exodus of the French Protes- tants. No impartial writer, however, can touch upon the history of that period without observing that in the course of their bitter struggle, they were moved by political as well as by religious considerations. Many men of great influence, who were disaff'ected towards the Government, or jealous of the court fac- tion, joined the Huguenots in the hope of furthering political aims ; indeed, so iiumerous and important were the accessions to their ranks, from one cause and another, that for a time it looked as if the supremo authority wero likely to fall into their hands — a fact which goes I'ar to explaiu, although it does not excuse, the part played both by Church and State in the measures adopted to destroy them. The royal decree of 1 5G2, guaranteeing liberty of lo THE DESTITUIE ALIEX EV GREAT BRITAEX. worship to IVotestants^ having been openly set at de- fiance by the Catholics, and the massacre of Vassy, followed by the destruction of Protestant Churches, having provoked reprisals, France became for a time the theatre of civil war. Sheer exhaustion on both sides at len!2:th brouofht the conflict to an end, and the treaty of St. Germains was signed; but the peace proved of short duration. The Queen Mother, Catherine do ]\Iedecis, laying aside her terapoi'izing policy, now went entirely over to the Guise party, and, with the assistance of foreign counsellors, fresh schemes were devised for the ex- tirpation of heretics. The marriage of Henry of Navarre became the occasion of the treacherous assassination of Admiral Coligny and the oft-recounted Massacre of Saint Bartholomew. For four days the streets of Paris ran with the blood of those who were bidden to Catherine's hideous /e^^/o. But this was not enough : the provinces also were made to contribute their share to the blood-offering ; for six weeks simi- lar scenes were enacted throughout the length and breadth of France, and a hundi'ed thousand Huguenots paid the penalty of heresy. To commemorate the event a medal was struck, wliich bore the strange device, "Piety has awakened justice." The wars of the League which followed these bar- barous acts were only terminated on the accession of Henry of Navarre to the throne, and in lOOH the pro- THE HUGUENOT AND ELEMISH INVASION. ii mulgatiou of the Edict of Nautes onco more accorded to Protestants liberty of conscience and of worship. The freedom they enjoyed was^ however, but short- Hved; for, on the assassination of the king, religious discord again broke loose, and for years the Huguenots were the victims of ever varying acts of persecution. After the siege of Rochclle, Avhere the English twice iguominiously failed to relievo their Protestant allies, the Huguenots ceased to exist as an armed force or a political party. Being treated in a more tolerant spirit by Cardinals Richelieu and Mazarin, they showed a wise discretion, stood resolutely aloof from civil broils, and if they took up arms at all, it was, as has been acknowledged, almost in- variably on the side of loyalty. Colbert, the enlight- ened minister of Louis XIV., also protected them as far as he dared ; and, although daring his lifetime they were subject to disabilities and indignities against which he frequently protested, it was not till after his death, and mainly under the evil influences of the triumvirate consisting of Pero la Chaise, Prime Minister Louvois, and Madame de Maintenon, that those persecutions were renewed which crushed them in countless numbers, and denuded France of the flower of her population. Had the Huguenots been treated with leniency they would have remained loyal and industrious subjects of the crown, and France would not have 12 THE DESTITUTE ALIEN IN GREAT BRITAIN. had occasion to bewail the loss to her commerce, industries, and wealth, to which their dispersion con- demned her. Bat the persecutions directed against them after the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, in 1G85, passed the bounds of human endurance. Pro- hibition of all forms of Protestant worship, destruction of churches, abduction of children, wholesale con- versions at the point of the sword, dragonnades which spared neither sex nor ago, dungeons for the men, convent prisons for the women, every means that subtlety could devise or tyranny caiTy out, were adopted by the " Great Monarch " and his Christian agents to stamp out heresy and make Franco the untainted rival of Catholic Spain. Before the Pevocatiou, Colbert cautioned Louis against the effects of his insane policy. '^ I am sorry to say it," he observed, ^'but too many of your Majesty's subjects are already among your neighbours as footmen and valets for their daily bread ; many of the artisans, too, are lied from the severity of your collectors, and arc at this time improving the manu- factures of your enemies " — ^tho J'juglish to wit. Penalties were now enacted, against which " con- version " was the only door of escape to those who wished to remain in Prance ; but the spirit of the Huguenot rebelled against so mean an evasion. He would suffer death, or serve in the galleys, he would leave his kindred, his wealth, even the country of his THE HUGUENOT AND ELEMfSII INVASION. i' birth — wliich to a Frenclimixn has ever been the symbol of his adoration, his devout conception of God's choicest work — all these he would renounce with manly resignation, but betray his conscience he would not. It was the same in Flanders. Causes similar to those that brought about the flight of the Huguenots, and which are fully described in the brilliant pages of Motley, induced the Flemings who professed the l^rotestant faith to leave their country and seek in Holland, Germany and England that liberty of wor- ship and personal freedom which were denied them at home. The Church of liome, acting in concert with the civil rulers, had adopted the same infamous processes against the Protestants in the Flemish tlominions of Philip IT. (with the added terrors of the Holy Inquisition) as characterized the persecution of the Reformed Church in France ; and the results were in the two countries almost identical. Antwerp, which is said to have done more business in one month than Venice in two years when at the very height of her grandeur, became deserted ; Bruges and Ghent, abandoned by their respectable citizens. Catholic as well as Protestant, became crowded with thieves and paupers, and the whole trade of Flanders was ruined. As in the case of the Huguenots the Flemish Protestants carried to the countries which gave them asylum, England among the number, the 14 THE DESTITUTE ALIEN IN GREAT BRITAIN. skill, tlie intelligence and the industry that liad made their own country rich and prosperous. Whilst the capitulation of Hochelle sealed the fate of the Iluguenots as a political party, the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes put an end to such vestiges of religious freedom as the dragoons of Louis XIV., and the tender regard of the Jesuits for their spiritual welfare, liad failed to confiscate. Many men of dis- tinction fled to Holland, among others Jurieu, the professor of Hebrew and Theology at the Protestant University of Sedan, and Iluyghens, the Astronomer and Mathematician. Some few, for the sake of ser- vices rendered to tlieir country, were exceptionally favoured by being freely permitted to leave it and settle elsewhere. Among these were Marshal Schora- berg, a man of distinguished family and high military capacity, who subsequently served under William, Prince of Orange, and was killed at the ])attle of the Boyne, also the Marquis de Puvigny, whose son entered the English service and became Earl of Galway. Admiral Duquesnc, '^ the first sailor in Erance," was, in consequence of his groat age, allowed to end his days in his native country. His two sons went to Holland. Bnt means of escape became daily more difficult. The sea-coast and inland frontiers were jealously guarded, and those who were captured by the king's scouts were treated with the- ntmost barbarity. The THE IlUGUEXOr AXD FLEMISH INVASION. 15 men, old and young, were condemned to instant death, or to the galleys for life. Servants who aided and abetted the escape of their masters were flogged and branded Avith the fleur-de-lis, the emblem of French Sovereignty ; magistrates, merchants, pastors, peasants, all alike were forced to make long marches, sometimes in chains, and in the company of thieves and cut-throats, and were urged along, did they but falter by the way, with blows and imprecations ; women were torn from their husbands, and children from their mothers' breasts. It is a relief to read that in many instances the priests themselves revolted against the unnecessary cruelties the Protestants were made to suffer, and endeavoured to assuage their lot. The women, even those who had been bred in luxury and refinement, faced hardship, and resorted to every conceivable disguise in attempting to escape. They cut off their hair, disfigured their faces with juices and d^'es that coloured and blistered their skins, dressed themselves like men, assumed the character of lackeys or peasants, drew wheel- barrovrs, carried manure, walked hundreds of miles through snow and mud, enduring with unmurmuring fortitude hunger and thirst, every imaginable priva- tion, rather than abjure their faith or submit to the tyranny of their oppressors. Those who were dis- covered and arrested were thrown into prison or immured in convents. Persons of gentle birth, 1 6 THE DESTITUTE ALIEN ]N GREAT BRITAIN. pregnant women, old men, cliildren and invalids, many ^Yho liad "never seen the sea before, braved its perils, and entrusted themselves in open boats in their eagerness to escape. They fled in French, English and Dutch merchant vessels, hidden under bales of goods, heaps of coals, and in empty casks. Other instances might bo mentioned of courage and fortitude, of dangers faced and hardships undergone by Protestants of both sexes and all ages in their efforts to escape rather than endure tlie ignominy of conversion, or the debasing terms on wliicli im- munity from persecution was to be purchased; but enough has been said to show the spirit of our foreign settlers. That the Huguenots were loyal when treated with clemency is shown by their conduct^ during the wars of the Fronde, by their refusal to assist the Duke of Montmorency in his endeavour to excite rebellion in Languedoc, and by their action at Kochellc when they supported the licgent against their own governor. Louis XIV., too, had actually thanked them at the beginning of his reign "for the consistent manner in which they had supported the royal authority." '^riiat they were laborious, honest and enterprising is shown by the condition of Franco before and after their flight. ]jouis Blanc says of them that " they made France an industrial power," and that the term Protestant was ^^ synonymous with wealth." To be THE HUGUENOT AND FLEMISH INVASION. 17 '^lonest as a Huguenot/' moreover, became a pro- verb. Being excluded from civil and political offices on account of their religion, the Huguenots had devoted themselves to industrial pursuits, and were the best farmers, wine-growers, merchants and man- ufacturers in France. The heaviest crops were to be found on Huguenot farms, the finest woollen cloth was of their manufacture, and so, also, were many other articles largely exported to England and Holland. Their paper mills were the best in Europe, and the steel and iron industries of Sedan were known far and wide. "If the Nimes merchants are bad Catholics, at any rate they have not ceased to bo good traders,^' once wrote one of their bitterest persecutors. Smiles attributes much of their success in business to the fact that their time"_ was less broken into by feast and fast days than in the case of the Catholics, and that they were therefore able to work more con- tinuously. It is probable that the training of their schools, some of which had obtained a European re- putation, contributed materially to their acknowledged superiority in most walks of life. The recognised fairness and ability displayed in their business deal- ings, also gave them to an enormous extent the command of foreign trade ; the great centres of French commerce, such as Bordeaux, Rouen and Caen, being almost entirely governed by Huguenot merchants. Jurieu, writing on the subject, remarked iS THE DESTITUTE ALIEN TV GREAT BRITAIN. that " the Protestants have carried commerce with them into exile ; '^ and the Catholic merchants of Metz also complained that '' it was impossible to recover the connection with foreign markets which the flight of tlio most considerable traders of the town had broken/^ Poole qtiotes several instances, both from the point of view of population and trade, as typical of the injury resulting from the flight of the Protestants. lie observes, "tliat Lyons, which had emplo3-ed 18,000 silk looms, had but 1,000 remain- ing at the end of the ceutur}'. Tours, with the same interest, had had 800 mills, 80,000 looms and 40,000 workpeople, and in 1727, only 70 mills, 1,200 looms and perhaps !-,000 workpeople. Of its 3,000 ribbon- factories only 00 remained. Equally significant was the ruin of the woollen trade of PoitoU; the drugget manufactures of Coulonges, the serge and bombazine manufactures of Thenars and Chataigneraie, and the export trade to Canada, by way of Piochelle.''^ Xor- mandy, Brittany, Picardy, Burgundy, Lorraine, Lan- guedoc, every part of Prance which had prospered owing to the sterling character and incessant industry of its Protestant iidiabitants, felt the paralysing effects of the general exodus, and it required all the ellbrts of her subsequent rulers, all the fertility of her soil, all the resource and versatility of her suns, to enable her to recover from the desolation and ruin which the baleful policy of Louis and his Catholic advisers had wrought. THE HUGUENOT AND FLEMISH INVASION. 19 The injury to Frauce iu tlio uuitter of population is reckoned by different writers at from oOO^OOO to 500,000 ; but both in this respect, and as regards the distribution of the exiles throughout the different countries which afforded^ them shelter, reliable statis- tics are difficult to obtain. Taking the registers of the French churches in England, where the refugees naturally reported themselves on arrival, Weiss esti- mates that 85,000 landed here in the ten years preced- ing and following the Revocation, But this number is as likely to be under as over the mark; for the same writer admits that the consistories never furnished complete lists to the English authorities, for fear of inspiring the jealousy of tlie inhabitants, and closiug: the door to future immis^rants. Just as unreliable are the statistics which bear on the mone- tary loss to France. Poole, however, gives an excel- lent illustration of the damage suffered by that country in this respect. Citing authorities, he ob- serves that the rate of interest on the Amsterdam Exchange, in 1684-, went from o| to 3 per cent, and to 2 per cent, in 1687, owing to the influx of specie from abroad, whilst at the same time the French Exchequer had to make up the -loss by the universal use of paper currency. The effects of the cruel and stupid policy, pursued through so many successive generations and culmin- ating in the revocation of the Edict of Xantes, becanie 20 THE DESTITUTE A LI EX IX GREAT BRITAIX. in course of time as visible in the moral as in the material condition of France. AVith a ruined trade and a credit exhausted by war, the population soon became mutinous, and openly defied the authority of the government. The horrors of Saint Bartholomew and the Dragonnades also taught their lesson. Those who had been among the most bigoted persecutors of the Protestants revolted against their own leaders ; the principles of the Encyclopedists became the gospel of the people; and the majesty of the Church fell into contempt. Long pent up feelings of resentment {igainst tyranny and privilege at length broke through all barriers of restraint, and the atrocities of the Kevocation found their Nemesis in the excesses of the Iievolution. It is generally conceded that the English were originally a purely pastoral and agricultural people, who were dependent upon foreign markets for many articles of clothing and manufacture which could not be produced by their ordinary domestic industries. Large quantities of wool, it is true, were produced here and exported to foreign countries; but the skilled workmen of Germany, l^'rance, and Flanders dyed and wove it into cloth for our use as well as their own. An outbreak of war, therefurc, occasiuued great dis- tress on both sides of tlie channel. ^Ve in that case had THE HUGUEXOT AND FLEMISH IXVASIOX. 21 no market for our fleeces, aud those who were depen- dent upon us for their supply were driven to despair, for want of tlio raw material with which to keep their looms going. Smiles says that when hostilities broke out, and communication between the two shores was interrupted, as much distress was occasioned in Flanders as in our own day was experienced in Lan- cashire by the stoppage of the supply of cotton from the United States. The inconvenience of having to send abroad for our cloth was so much felt, that as early as the reigu of Edward III. large numbers of Flemish weavers came over, at the invitation of the king, induced by the high wages and ample employ mout offered, and settled in London, Kent, Yorkshire, Lancashire, and other places. Successive English kings, down to the time of Henry VIII., pursued a like policy and encouraged the immigration of skilled artisans of all classes, such as armourers, cutlers, brewers, miners, and ship-builders, the principal workmen employed by the Court being Flemings and Germans. When Edward VI. came to the throne, it was no longer necessary to hold out inducements for foreign workmen, persecuted for their faith, to come and settle here; the sympathy had been established, and skilled labour flowed to England of its own accord. Latimer's wish that valuable persons might l)o induced to settle in this country as a means of '"'insuring its pros- 22 THE DESTITUTE ALIEX JN GREAT BRITAIX. perlty " was realized ; for foreigners were soon to be found in nearly every important town in England '^ diligently pursuing their sevei'al callings." The in- flux of Flemings, however^ at length became so con- siderable that the native population petitioned the authorities to put a stop to it^ and an estimate was ordered to be made of the foreigners in London. In the reign of Elizabeth persecuted Protestants arrived in still larger numbers^ landing naturally on those parts of the coast nearest to France and Flan- aers^ namely^ at Dover_, Deal^ Sandwich, Harwich, and Yarmouth. iVIaidstone^ Canterbury and Norwich also offered them shelter. The Queen immediately gave them her countenance and protection, writing to the Mayor and Commonalty of one of the places named, strongly recommending them as likely greatly to benefit the town by teaching the inhabitants knowledge in " sundry handycrafts " ; and she specially instances the trades the foreigners were to carry on, such as the " makingo of says, bays, and other cloth which hath not been used to be made in this our realme of Englondc.^^ Immediately the refugees landed they began to pursue their various industries under the protection of the local authorities ; from all of which it would seem that England was not in those days the great market of the world for those textile manufac- tures in which she now excels. Again we read that, the vcar after the Flemings THE HUGUENOT AND FLEMISH LYVASION. came to Sandwich^ aud for several years ia succession, numbers of French pooplo; of all ages and sexes, flee- ing from their country, arrived at Uye, on the Sussex coast, some in open boats, and in mid- winter. The Mayor of Kye, writing to Lord Burleigh iu 1572, states that "between the 27th of August and the 4th of November no fewer than 041 had landed." It- would appear from the records existing that the re- fugees were of all sorts and conditions : private gentlemen, doctors, ministers of religion, students, schoolmasters, tradesmen, mariners, mechanics, and labourers. Being more or less destitute, collections were made for them throughout England, the poor Flemings who had previously landed at Sandwich giving from their own slender resources lielp to the destitute Frenchmen in their need. As the persecutions increased in severity in France and Flanders, those who fled for safety continued to arrive iu still larger numbers, — cloth makers from Antwerp and Bruges, lace makers from Valenciennes, cambric makers from Cambray, and glass makers from Paris, who as they landed were despatched to different parts of England, where they maintained themselves by their diiferent trades. Facilities were also given them for observing their own forms of worship, and as early as the reign of Edward A' I. churches were set apart for them in London, Norwich, Southampton, and Canterbury. Throughout their wanderings they 24 THE DESTITUTE ALIEN IN GREAT BRITAIN. seem to have preserved the settled purpose of worship- ping God in their own way, and their fasts and thanks- givings generally had reference to events that had occurred abroad^ or that marked periods of calamity or deliverance in their history. The records of " God's House" at Southampton, which was resorted to from an early date both by French and Flemings, contain many interesting entries ; services, for example^ re- lating to the persecutions by the Duke of Alva, the defeat of the Prince of Condu at the battle of Jarnac, the ravages of the plague, the shock of an earthquake, the appearance of a comet, the defeat of the Spanish Armada. The last-mentioned event seems to have filled the hearts of the little congregation with joy, and they united in public thanksgiving for the wonderful dispersion of the Spanish Fleet and the protection of this kingdom from the tyranny of the Pope. A few days later another fast was held for the purpose of beseeching a blessing upon the English navy for putting the Armada to flight. Another interesting memento of the foreign exiles exists to the present day in the Walloon or French chapel situate in the undercroft of Canterbury Cathedral, whore, with the permission of the liberal-minded Archbisliop Parker, the '"^ gentle and profitable strangers," as he termed them, were permitted to conduct their worship in their own language, teach their children, and even set up their looms and carry on their trades. THE HUGUENOT AND FLEMISH INVASION. When the Flemings first settled at Sandwich, the town, which had originally been one of considerable importance, had fallen into decay, and the inhabitants were in great distress. Immediately on tlieir arrival, however, it began to wear a more thriving aspect ; looms were started for the manufacture of different kinds of cloth, and bi-weekly markets, which were resorted to by London merchants, were established. Other branches of industry were also promoted; wind- mills were erected for the first time near the town, and smiths, brewers, hat-makers, carpenters, shipwrights, and potters began busily to labour at their different callings. All these trades the native population learned of the strangers, and general prosporit}- ensued. Gardening, which had become a lost art in England, was re-introduced, the vegetables grown by the Flemings being so much in demand in London that many of them removed from Sandwich to the neigh- bourhood of the metropolis, where they started the market gardens of Battersea, Bermondsey, and Wands- worth. Before they arrived here the people of the l;0w Countries had been noted for their horticulture; it is even said that Katherinc, the Queen of Henry YIIL, used to send to Flanders for her salads, not being able to procure one in the whole of England. Whether this be true or not, it is admitted by writers of the time that in the sixteenth century nearly all vegetables were 26 THE DESTITUTE ALIEN IX GREAT BRITAIX. imported from abroad^ and were veiy dear and a great luxury. Smiles, quoting from Hartlib, says that in 1C50 an old man then living remembered '''the first gardener who came into Surrey to plant cabbages and cauliflowers, and to sow turnips, carrots, parsnips, and early pease, all of which at that time ^Yere great won- ders, we havinof few or none in England but what came from Holland or Flanders/^ The introduction of the hop plant into Kent has also been attributed to the Protestant Walloons. Many refugees also settled in London, where they carried on their different trades. The Borgeny, or Petty Bergundy, in the district of Bermondsey, took its name from its foreign residents, as did Joiner's Street, in the same vicinity, from the skilled Flemish carpenters who worked there. In Bermondscy the Flemings also started breweries and tanneries and the manufacture of felt hats. The free school of St. Olave's, in Southwavk, owes its foundation to the benevolence of one Henry Leek, or Hoek, a brewer from A\"esel. The famous dye works at Bow were established by Peter do Croix and Dr. Kepler, the white cloth of Enofland havin"- previously been sent abroad to be dyed, and when re-imported sold as Flemish. The making of brass plates for kitchen utensils, of pendulum or Dutch clocks, arras, tapestry, printed paper hangings, articles of jewellery, cutlei'y, and mathematical instruments was introduced bv the THE HUGUENOT AND TLEMfSh LYVASIOA'. 27 French and Flemish workmen, who settled iu Mort- hake, Fulliam, and diflferent parts of London. A French refugee named Briot, wlio had been chief engraver of moneys coined during tlie reign of Louis XIII. of France, was the first to introduce the coin- ing-press into Enghmd, and in or about 1G33 was appointed Chief Engraver to the Mint. Foreign merchants also settled in the city, where they infused new life and enterprise into commercial undertakings. Want of space precludes me from mentioning the names of many leading foreign merchants who in Queen Elizabeth's time acquired great weight and influence in London; but their wealth may be judged from the fact that to a voluntary loan raised by the Queen the}- largely subscribed in sums of €100 and upwards. Although the jealousy of the native population was frequently directed against the refugees, they con- tinued to come over in increasing numbers. From a census taken in 1G21 it would appear that 10,000 had already settled in London alone, where they carried on 121 different trades and occupations. So as not to interfere too much with each other, the foreigners availed themselves of the royal license, and settled in different parts of the country. Norwich is a remarkable instance of the beneficial results arising from the importation of foreign enter- prise and methods of manufacture, as well as of the 28 THE DESTITUTE ALIEN IN GREAT BRITAIN. narrow spirit which from time to time sought to re- strict the strangers in the free exercise of the very industries they liad originally taught the inhabitants. Although the commercial importance of this city was mainly owing to the energy and example of the l*rotestant settlers, the local guilds passed such stria- gent rules against foreign labour, that the Flemings at last left Norwich and went to Leeds, Wakefield, and other places where they were allowed to prosecute their trades without molestation. When they had gone the industries o£ Norwich gradually fell into decay, the population diminished, houses stood un- occupied, riots occurred among the workpeople, and it was even proposed in Parliament to raze the place to the ground. To put an end to so disastrous a state of things the Mayor and Corporation, accom- panied by the principal citizens, went in deputation to the Duke of Norfolk, urging him to use his influ- ence to procure a fresh settlement of foreign artisans, in the place of those who had left. The Duke suc- ceeded in inducing 300 families, Dutch and AValloon, who were followed by others, to establish tliemselves at his charge, upon which the manufacture of says, bays, serges, arras, raouchado, bombazines, flowered silks, damasks, and other articles of foreign importation was begun. The cultivation of garden produce was introduced, employment was found for the people, food became cheap, trade remunerative, and the city rilE HUGUENOT AND FLEMISH INVASION. 29 shortly regained its former prosperity, Bisliop Park- hurst stating as his conviction '^ that these blessings from God have happened by reason of the godly exiles who were here so kindly harboured/"" Later on the townsfolk again became jealous of foreigners, but Queen Elizabeth and the local authorities inter- fered, and the settlers were allowed to pursue their occupations in peace. As regards the material wealth — apart from in- dustrial knowledge and enterprise — which the French and Flemish refugees brought into this country, it is difficult to form a correct estimate ; but if we take into consideration the fact that Phillip of Spain derived for several years many millions of dollars annually from property left behind by the Protestants of the Low Countries, and that both there and in France many of the merchants and others delayed their departure until they were able, in a measure, to realize their fortunes, it is not unreasonable to assume that their aggregate wealth was considerable, althougli some were so poor that they brought with them " no other goods but their children/^ Throughout England the industrious strangers from France and Flanders communicated their skill and knowledge to the native inhabitants, and everywhere new branches of trade were started. In the west Flem- ish weavers set up their looms at Worcester, Evesham, Droitwich, Kidderminster, Stroud, and Grlastonbury. p THE DESTITUTE ALIEN IN GREAT BRITAIN. Ill the east they also established themselv^es at Col- chestei'j Hertford aud Stamford^ and at Manchester, Bolton_, Halifax and Kendal in the north. Thus addi- tional sources of employment and fresh branches of in- dustry were opened up to the people of this country, who, instead of being dependent upon foreign countries for their supply of cloth and the finer articles of manufac- ture, began in their turn to make and export them. In this way we learned the art of thread and lace- making, thread spun from flax being still known at Maidstone as ^' Dutch ^\^ork." Lace-makers from Alencon and A^aleucienncs settled at Buckingham, Stoney-Stratford, and Newport-Pagnel, and in the counties of Bedford, Oxford, Xorthampton, and Cam- brid ere. The trade iu bone lacs at Honiton and other parts of Devonshire was first initiated by exiles from Antwerp. Foreign immigrants set on foot other industries also, in Vv'hich they were more adept than ourselves, such as working in metals, salt-making and fish-curing. Newcastle -on-Tyne became noted for swords, edge-tools and steel implements, the manu- facture of which had been introduced by the exiles from Liege. Sheffield, now so famous for its steel and iron industries, owes its reputation to the exquisite skill of Fieiiiish workmen. Yarmouth and many other places are also indebted for their knowledge of fislxing and hcrriug-curing to tlie sailors of ilia Low Countries v/ho fled to Eniriaad, the fish THE HUGUENOT AND FLEMISH INVASION. sold iu Euglisli markets Laving been previously caught and cured Ly the Dutch. The refugees made their way, moreover, into Irehiud and Scotland, where they introduced such industries as the conditions of those countries permitted. In 1G09 we find a num- ber of Flemings settled in the Canongate o£ Edin- burgh, " making, dressing, and litting of stuffis, giving great licht and knowledge of their calling to the country people." Akhough a large number of Huguenot fugitives, after the lievocation, sought asylum in Germany, Switzerland and Holland, it is estimated that at least ]20,0U0 manufacturers and workmen, principally from Xormandy and the northern towns of France and Brittan}', took refuge here, and introduced the trades they had practised at home. They were manufactur- ers of fine linen from Xantes, liennes, and ]\Iorlaix; cloth workers from Amiens, Abbeville, and DouUens; gauze and lace- makers from Lille and V'alenciennes, and workmen belonging to various crates from towns and cities in the interior. Some of the refugees were persons of raux, others were physicians, lawyers, and ministers of religion, but the larger proportion were artisans and workmen. A Relief Committee was appointed, and the new-comers were distributed and provided for according to their capabilities. Some were placed in commercial houses, others in the army, others again, for ^Yhom employment could not be foutid 32 THE DESTITUTE ALIEN IN GREAT BRITAIN. here, were despatched to America; but most of theui, being artisans, were provided with tools a.ud employed iu English manufactories. They also formed benefit societies for the help of their poorer countrymen, and started workshops of their own, where those who were able to earn a living helped such of their fellows as were unemployed or incapacitated. Smiles remarks that their mutual aid societies wore probably, although unacknowledged, the examples from which the Lodges and Benefit Societies of our own labouring classes have since sprung. AMiole colonies were founded by the Huguenot refugees in London, where they set up their schools, workshops, factories, and churches. Several districts in the metropolis were almost entirely occupied by them, as, for instance, Spitalfields, Bethnal Green, and Soho. Others distributed themselves in the neighbourhood of the Guildhall, Temple Bar, Long Acre, and the Strand, where they began the manufac- ture of goods they excelled iu making, such as cutlery, surgical and mathematical instruments, watches, clocks, and articles of jewellery and vertu. AVell-to- do people in London had previously sent to Paris for things requiring taste and delicate workmanship. We had before that period also imported from France, velvets, satins, silks, gloves, laces, buttons, serges, paper of all sorts, beaver and felt hats, ironmongery, cutlery, linen, salt, soap, pins, needles, combs, and a variety of commodities fur household use, some of which are THE IIUGUEXOT AND F J. KM IS II IXl'ASIOX. y^ in our day again iniportcd from that country ; but wlica the French artisans settled here, they induced money " to flow into Eng-laud instead of out of it ; '' articles previously imported we began to make for ourselves and export abroad, and in many respects the advan- tage we then derived has remained with us to this day. Of all the new industries and sources of wealth in- troduced into this country by the Huguenot refugees, none is more worthy of note than the silk ti'ade estab- lished by the workmen from Lyons and Tours, first of all at Canterbury and Blackfriars, and afterwards at Spitalfields. 1'he latter place finally became the head- quarters of the silk industry, and from thence it was extended to other parts of England. The Huguenots devoted themselves to this trade in all its branches, introducing new or improving old methods in the manufacture of brocades, satins, velvets and silks of all kinds of texture and quality, by which means we became endowed with a knowledge and skill that we had formerly envied in our neighbours, and tried in vain to imitate. Both Elizabeth and James I. had endeavoured to foster in this country an industry which had contributed so largely to the prosperity of France, but it was not until the woi"kmenof Tours and Lyons had transferred their valuable talents to Spitalfields that t really took root and became an important branch of English trade. It is worth mentioning, as showing the progress we made in this particular business, that 34 THE DESTITUTE A LI EX IN GREAT BRITAIN. according to Keysler, who travelled through Europe in 1730, merchants wishing to sell their silk hose in the kingdom of Naples invariably protested that they were "right English." Not only did we now make silk goods for ourselves, and export to places hitherto sup- plied by France^ but in a comparatively short time our woollen trade enormously increased with those countries from which we had to import raw silk for our looms. Canterbury and Ipswich also profited considerably by the transfer to our shores of the artistic produc- tions of the French Protestants, and the linen and lace industries which had been introduced by previous refugees were greatly improved. Other useful articles of manufacture, too numerous to describe, were also developed or improved by them. The paper made in England before the Revocation was a common yellow or brown kind, all the finer sorts being im- ported from France. AVhcn the refugees came hero they started paper-mills in London, Maidstone, Laver- stoke, and other parts of England, and we were soon able to turn out as good paper — even that required for bank notes — as could be bought elsewhere. In the manufacture of glass we had also made little pro- gress, but the glass-nuikers from Paris, who settled in the Strand, quickly established a reputation, which this country has never lost, for some of the most beautiful productions in glass and crystal. THE HUGUENOT AND FLEMISH INVASION. 35 The llagueuots likewise founded colonies in Scot- land. In Edinburt^li, where tliey began the mami- factui-e of linen, a district near Leith Walk is still called after them ; aud Glasgow owes the first paper- mill ever erected there to a Huguenot who escaped from Franco with his little daughter, and managed in the first days of his exile to earn a hare subsistence by picking up rags in the street. Ireland, too, is indebted to the French Protestants for some of the most important industries which now flourish in that country. They settled in Dublin, AVaterford, Cork, Kilkenny, Lisburne, and Portarling- ton, where thoy introduced their different crafts and industries. The Irish are noted for their beautiful linen goods; but few people are aware that it was to the Huguenots they were indebted for the cultivation of flax, in all its stages, and the methods originally em- ployed in its manufacture, or that the mixed material known as '^ Irish poplin ^^ was originally the endow- ment of foreign immigrants. It is principally in the north of Ireland, however, that the Huguenots have left the most durable record. There the busy industries of Belfast testify to the generous return made by the talented and enterprising refugees to whoever received them with hospitality, aud were willing to profit by their teaching. If we are tempted to assume vrith insular self-com- placency that the rapid growth of our industries, after 36 THE DESTITUTE ALIEN IN GREAT BRITAIN. the arrival of the foreign fugitives, was chiefly attri- butable to our own receptive qualities and inherent aptitude, we have but to turn to the pages of Weiss to learn that in whatever other countries the Huguenots settled, the same beneficial results are to be traced. In Brandenburg, the cradle of modern I'russia, in Switzerland, Holland, Denmark, and America — even in Russia and the Cape of Good Hope — wherever the exiles were driven to seek refuge, they communicated to the people who welcomed them their native skill and enterprise, and in each case there ensued a marked improvement in the material condition of the countries of their adoption. It must not be supposed, however, that the influence of the Huguenots was confined to our industries alone ; nearly every walk and profession in life was enriched by the high and steadfast qualities of our foreign guests. In the annals of literature and science they have left an enduring record ; and many and distin- guished are the names of foreign refugees and their decendants, which are to be found on the registers of the ]{oyal Society and the muster-rolls of our Universities. On our own Protestant institutions, too, the strenuous exertions of the French reformers at homo in their struggles against Catholicism were not without elfect ; neither was the example set by their numerous churches in this country, before the Pluguenots became finally absorbed within the Angli- THE HUGUENOT AND FLEMISH INVASION. 37 can community in creed as well as in language and nationality. Of the many important services rendered by the Huguenots to this country^ not the least notable was the part they played under William, Prince of Orange, in the English rebellion of 1G88. AVhen that Prince's intended expedition was made known, large numbers of Huguenots flocked to his standard, and he was able to raise three regiments of infantry and a squadron of cavalry almost entirely from veteran troops who had fought under Schomberg, Tui'enne, and Conde, Seven hundred Protestant gentlemen of French birth also served as officers in his other regiments. Schom- berg himself, an ex-marshal of France, commanded the expedition under the Prince, with secret powers in case his leader should fall; and it was to his politic advice and vast experience that the success of the en- terprise, which rid this country of its unconstitutional monarch, was largely due. In his subsequent cam- paigns in Ireland and elsewhere, ^Yilliam the Third's refugee soldiers and sailors bore themselves with the valour of their chivalrous race, and on many a hard fought field added not only to the laurels of Coutras and Ivry, l)ut also to the fame of British arms. From the earliest times this country has been sub- ject to a variety of incursions, of which some have left ineffaceable traces on the character and temperament of its inhabitants, whilst others, as in the cases of the 38 THE DESTITUTE ALIEN L\ GREAT BRITAIN. Danish and Eoman occupations^ are so completely forgotten that it would almost require tlio microscopic eye of tlie archaeologist to discov^er any evidences remaining. But neither the Saxon settlement, which contributed so materially to the constituent elements of our race and language, nor the Norman conquest, to which we are indebted for our inclusion within the circle of civilized nations, was pregnant with nior momentous consequences to this country, from th? point of view of material prosperity, tli:in the advent (-f the busy, quick-witted and cultivated strangers who enriched us with their rare skill and novel indus- tries. Any excess of description in dealing with so interesting a theme is to be condemned ; it would detract from the merits of the picture and injure the impression it is sought to convey. But when we com^ pare the commanding position our country now enjoys as an essentially industrial and trading power, with that which it occupied in this respect when France and Spain drove from their miclst the flower of their population, it is surely no exaggeration to say that the friendly invasion of the Huguenots and llemings ma}" be regarded as one of the most eventful incidents in our national historv. SHOULD GOVERNMENT INTERFERE? Bv MoxTAOL'E Crackanthorpe. The Preliminary Report of the recent census has been awaited with impatience by all who take an interest in the Social Problems of the day. What we have been anxious to learn with certainty is — (1) the mode in which our population is distributed throughout the country; (2) its rate of annual increase calculated on the average of the last ten years. The returns have now been sufficiently analysed to furnish this inform- ation, and to enable us to deduce several conclusions of very great importance. The population of England and Wales, which at the end of the reign of Elizabeth was under five millions, is now twenfy-nine millions. Its rate of increase — ■ meaning by this the excess of births over deaths — calculated on the average of the last ten years, is about 300,000 per annum. j\[r. Mundella stated a short time ago that we were "growingr a Birminofham a year." As the population of Birmingham is nearly 400,000, it would have been more correct to say that we grow three Birininghams in four years. It is true that, owing to causes which will be indicated pre- sently, the actual population falls short of the esti- mate made by tlio Pogistrar- General by 800,000, the 40 TldE DKSTITUTE A LI EX IX GREAT PKITAIX. rate of increase liaving diminislied of lato. Thus in 1871-81 it was 1 l-GG per cent., whereas in 1881-91 it was ll'G-3. Again, in 1890, the natural increase of the population by excess of births over deaths Avas 303/2G7, while the average increase in the five preced- ing years was 300,013. This is so far satisfactory. But as the numbers accumulate on the principle on which money accumulates when invested at com- pound interest, the rapidity of growth is enormous. If, indeed, the twenty-nine millions were all ])ro- vided with food, clothes, and lodging, there would be no cause for uneasiness. But, unfortunately, this is far from being the case. A large proportion is com- posed of those who are either unable to support them- selves or have no desire to do so. Here are a few facts. In 1890, no less than 011,000 of the inhabitants of England and Wales were in receipt of poor law relief, 179,000 being assisted in the workhouse and •b)2,000 out of it. Taking the average of the first quarter of the present year, the number of these paupers had increased to 700,520, of whom 180,337 were receiving indoor and oil,! 89 outdoor relief. Tliis amounts to 23"o per 1,000 of the population. Again, take another test, as supplied by the Begister of Deaths. In the last quarter of 1890^ out of the total deaths registered in England and AVales, 11 in every T'O occurred in workhouses, hospitals, and public lunatic asylums. After making allowance for the fact that many SHOULD GOVERNMENT INTERFERED 41 persons not belonging- to the pauper class may be found in public hospitals, wo may safely infer that one in every ten of the above 1 1 per cent, was depen- dent either on the bounty of the State or on that of pi'ivate individuals. When we come to consider the condition of the Metropolis, the figures are still more instructive. First, take Inner London — that is to say, the London which embraces the area of the administrative county of London, and also the ''City" or municipal Lon- don. This Inner London, we may remark in passing, is the same as the London of the Registrar-General (otherwise termed Registration London), provided the small hamlet of Penge, which lies outside " Registra- tion London" but inside the '^ county of London," is excepted from it. Now, the population of this Inner London, which covers 77,410 acres, was, as enumerated last April, i, 2 11,05(3. In 1881 it was 3,816, 18^3, showing an increase in ten 3'ears of 39 1,573, or about 10 per cent. All round Inner London lies what is conveniently cnlled the Outer Ring, compris- ing ]']nrield, Staines, Uxbridgo, Edgware, Harrow, Watford, Hendon, Chipping Barnet, Totteridge, Ches- hunt, East Ham, Walthamstow, Erith, Farnborough, the Grays, Chiselhui'st, Carshalton, Epsom, Kingston- on-TIiames, Richmond, Hampton, IlanwelK This vast area covers 370,921 acres, and contained, in 1881, a population oE 950,178. That population had grown 42 THE DESTITUTE ALIEN IN GREAT BK ITALY. last April to ];422,276j an increase in the ten years of 472^098. The Inner and the Outer Rings, which taken together constitute ^' Greater London/' showed on the last census night a population of 5jGo3_,o32. In 1881 this population was 4,7GG,GG1 ; so that^ compar- ing one census with another^ the total increase of "Greater London^'' in the last ten years has been 8G6;G71; or at the rate of over 18 per cent. The growth of the districts immediately contiguous to the iMetropolis has been truly surprising. It will be sufficient to give a few instances. The popula- tion of Plaistow and Tottenham has considerably more than doubled since 18S1. In Tottenham the actual rise has been from IG.OOO to 97/300. Hornsey has increased by 21,000 during the same period, Willesden by nearly 34,000, Croydon by 27,000. A like expansion has been going on at the same time in our large provincial towns. Cardiff has grown by 5G per cent., Newcastle by 28 per cent., Portsmouth by 24, Leeds by nearly 19, Birkenhead and Oldham by rather more than 18. In fact, town growth has been the almost universal rule. The one remarkable excep- tion has been Liverpool, the population of which has decreased. This is probably to be exphiined by the fact that the area of official enumeration does not coincide with that of the extended district. Kow let us look at the statistics of the pauperism of London coi'responding to those already given for the SHOULD GOVERXMEXT IXTERFERE? 43 wliole of England and Wales. Inside the Metro- politan area 5/J0(> able-bodied men are "relieved"' every day, at a cost to tlio Metropolitan ratepayers of £188^000 a year. This is the testimony of tlie living. Let us now listen to that of the dead. In 1890 the number of deaths recorded in " Ptcgistratiou London '' was 91/24o. Of these ol were caused by sheer starva- tion, and of the rest 21,881, or 24 per cent., occurred in institutions supported by the rates or by voluntary contributions. Tliis 21 per cent was made up thus : 12o per cent., or 1 in every 8, died in workhouses; 8'5 per cent., or 1 in every 12, died in general hos- pitals; 2'1 per cent, or 1 in every 18, died in lunatic and imbecile asylums; and the remaining LI percent., or 1 in every 90, died in the hospitals for infectious diseases under control of the Metropolitan Asylums Board. The last returns to hand as we v>'rite are as follows. In the first week of August, 1691, the num- ber of Metropolitan paupers (exclusive of vagrants and lunatics in asylums) was — indoor, 53,827; outdoor, •30,851 ; total, 8 Iv,ri78. A record of poverty^ this, for the hot season of the year, that mny well sot all Londoners a-thinking ! When a viral organ of the body is overcharged and its active functions are suspended in consequence, doctors are in tlie habit of saying that the patient is suffering from congestion of that organ. A similar malady prevails in England at the present moment. 44 THE DESTITUTE ALIEN IN GREAT BRITAIN. London is the heart of England^ and the above figures show that London is congested. If it were not, there would be no overcrowding such as we see in the poorer districts of the Metropolis, and there would be no sweating such as disgraces its Eastern quarter. How does a physician in the case of the human body seek to relieve the congested part? First, by studying the causes of the flow to it, and next by endeavouring to arrest this flow by every means in his power. The Social Reformer proceeds on the same lines in dealing with the population problem. Having ascertained the yearly rate of increase, he proceeds to ask himself two questions : (1) To what is this rate of inci'ease due ? (2) Can any means be suggested, consistently with religion and sound morality, for keeping it within moderate bounds ? Tiie answers to these questions are not far to seek. Assuming the death and oraig-ration rates to remain the same, increase of population is obviously due either to growth from within or to influx from without. Now, growth from within, or, in other words, the num- ber of fresh births, varies very considerably in differ- ent grades of society. It is a curious but established fact that the half-starved and the destitute multiply far more rapidly than the well-nourished and the well- to-do. So frequently has this been noticed, that able writers — for instance, Mr. Thomas Doubleday, in his ''True Law of Population ^' (1841)— have ascribed the SHOULD GOVERNMENT INTERFERE? 45 phenomeuon to physiological causes. Mr. Herbert Spencer, in liis "Principles of Biology " (vol. ii. part (5), maintains, however, that this is an error, and in contradiction to the course of nature as observed in the animal kingdom. Wo do not care to enter into this controversy now. Assuming Mr. Spencer to be right and Mr. Doubleday wrong, the relative infer- tility of the comfortable classes is only the more sig- nificant. It points to the exercise of prudence and forethought on their part. It shows also that every- thing that tends to raise the standard of living tends also to diminish abnormal rapidity of growth. It shows, further, that everything which, like the sweat- ing system, tends to keep down wages, and therefore to lower the standard of living, must tend in the opposite direction. The practical importance of this last conclusion will appear later on. Before leaving this point there is one other observa- tion to be made. 'J^he State cannot, it is true, control the number of births, but it can directly encourage their increase. At present it does this in a mischie- vous way. In England we have an absurd law by which boys of the age of twelve and girls of the age of four- teen are permitted to contract a valid marriage. That this license is largely availed of, the marriages at our East End churches show. In France the marriageable age is eighteen in the case of males and fifteen in tlie case of females. Again, in England the consent of 46 THE DESTITUTE ALIEN IN GREAT BRITAIN. tliG parents of minors is not necessary to validate a marriage. In France^ no male under twentj^-five and no female under twenty-one can marry without tlie con- sent of both parents, or of the survivor of them if only one be living. It is an obvious, and would be a salu- tary, reform to raise the age of marriage in England to sixteen in the case of girls, and to eighteen in the case of young men. Education and a just sense of parental responsibility must be trusted to do the rest. The labourer, both in town and country, must learn that ho has no right to bring children into the world whom he has no prospect of maintaining. This, as wo have said, is the maxim of the upper and middle classes, as well as of the best of our artisans. In fact, its general acceptance amongst these is the true cause of the decline of the birth rate during the last ten years to which we adverted at the opening of this paper. The teaching which has long influenced the hig-lier social strata has now to be extended to the strata belov*^, until at length it permeates the entire community. The second cause of increase — influx from without — is of a twofold kind. It is caused either by migra- tion from the provinces to London and other large towns, or by immigration from abroad. The rush to the towns from the country is due, in part, to the fact that hand-labour has been largely superseded by machinery ; in part, to the fact that the agricultural SHOULD GOVERNMENT INTERFERE^ 47 labourer lias, owing' to enclosures and the consolidation of small holdings^ become divorced from the soil ; in part; also; to the improvements in locomotion^ to the attraction of the higher wages of the town, and to the love of change and excitement which is innate in the human breast. We cannot put back the clock of time, or divert a stream of tendency by any legislative enactment, but we can enhance the attractiveness of our rural districts by facilitating the acquisition of land by the labourer, so as to relieve the monotony of his toil. The Allotment Acts, of which the earliest dates as far back as 1815, and the latest is in 1890, were passed with this view. The later Acts have been attended with most satisfactory results; the number of allotments having been 210,000 in 1873; in 1880, 357,000; and in 1890, 454,000. The Small Holdings Bill of Mr, Jesse Ceilings is a further step in the same direction, doing on a small scale for the Eno-lisli peasant wdiat the Ashbourne Act has already done for the Irish. The stimulus given to technical instruction in agriculture, by the appropriations to that purpose recently voted by County Councils out of their share of the £743,000 transferred from the Imperial ex- chequer under the Act of 1890^ will greatly aid the new occupying owners to make the most of their land wdien they get it. These measures have been sorely wanted, as will appear from the following fact. The total number of males and females engaged in aofri- 00 O 4S TIJE ])ESTirUTE ALIEN LV GREAT JiRITAhV. cultural work auJ food production at tlio present day is one and a half millions^ being barely oae-half of" the number so engaged a century ago. In 1709^ Arthur Young estimated that out of a total population of 8,500,000 the agricultnral class numbered 2,800,000, a proportion of one in every three. With our existing population of 21) millions, the proportion is only one in every nineteen. In considering the increase of population due to immigration from abroad, we propose to leave open the question whether the influx of pauper foreigners has, or has not, been of such magnitude during the last ten years as to displace large bodies of British workmen or materially reduce wages. At present, one set of persons appears to be engaged in minimising, another set in maximising, the figures. It is by no means an easy task to strike the balance between them. It will be sufficient for the present purpose to refer to the report of the Secretary of the Commercial Depart- ment of the Board of Trade, issued last March. " I see no reason to doubt," says Mr. Giffen, a thoroughly impartial witness, and one whom the minimisers con- stantly quote, '' that there has Ijeen a substantial in- crease in the immigration of aliens into London in 1890, and an increase of that special immigration which has attracted so much attention of late years — ■ that of Polish Jews, many of whom are in a state of great povert}^, and some of actual destitution." It is SHOULD GOVERNMENT INTER EERE? 49 bej'ond dispute that the arrivals in London in 1890 of aliens of every description were about 4,000 more than in 1889, the total number of the former arrivals being placed at about 9,000 by the Chief Commissioner of Police of the Metropolis. But 1890 is hardly a safe criterion by which to gauge 1891, owing to the recent action of the Czar and of the Government of the United States. The imperial ukase issued a few months ago for the expulsion of the Jews from Russia has, according to authentic accounts, brought about a veritable exodus to the South. Tliey were reported recently as leaving Moscow at the rate of 100 to 150 a week. Thousands were then preparing to quit Kieff; and the arrivals of these unhappy refugees at the port of Hamburg and on the frontiers of Austria were lie- coming more frequent day by day. Now, what is the destination of all these exiles, many of whom are wholly without money and ignorant of any trade ? 'I'hey can no longer make their way to New York, for the law of March last excludes from the United States '' all paupers or persons who are likely to become a public charge." They are equally excluded by statute law from Canada and most of our Australian colonies— e.(/., Victoria, South Australia, 'l^asmania, and New Zealand ; the only colonies in which there are no prohibitive immigration statutes being New South Wales, Queensland, Western Aus- tralia, Cape Colony, and Natal. These, we may be ^o THE DESTITUTE ALIEN IN GREA T BRITAIN. sure^ will quickly follow tlie example set tliem by tlie restj and if England alone remains passive_, she may soon find herself exposed to an invasion from the East of Europe of an alarming, albeit peaceful^ character. What is her duty in these circumstances, and what are her rights ? It can hardly be disputed that every civilized State is entitled to make what regulations it pleases both as to emigration from, and immigration into, its territory. Every such State may, for instance, on the breaking out of hostilities with another State, refuse to allow any resident in it, whether permanent or tem- porary, to depart beyond its boundaries if his services are desired for homo defence. It may also refuse to allow any person to cross its frontier or land upon its shores whom it regards as likely to be dangerous to its internal peace. Witness the Alien Expulsion Acts passed by us in 170;J, 1815, and 1818. On the same principle it may decline, as the United States Government has declined, to admit any one who is likely to become a public or private charge by reason of any defect, physical or mental, disabling him from performing the duties of citizenship. Thus much will be conceded as a matter of international law. ^ ' See Llie recent case, before tlie Privy Coniici!, of 'Mas- grove v. Clnin Teeovcj Ton (1891) App. Cas. 27'2, and auLbor- ities there cited. SHOULD GOVERNMENT INTERFERE? 51 Let lis now push the argiiineut a little fiirthoi', with the help of one or two illustrations from life. An Italian padrone arrives in England with some forty or fifty children. Tliese childro!i he has hireJ, or rather bought, from their parents in the picturesque but squalid villages of Calabria at a very low figure. They are brought by him over here to earn money in the streets of our towns, in order that their master may end his days in his native land as a country gentleman of independent means. All of us have seen such children in different parts of London, though, unless we have lived in the neighbourhood of Ilatton Garden, we shall probably know nothing of their cufrqirenenr. That this business exists and flourishes was affirmed not long ago by Signer Righetti, the Secretary of the Italian Benevolent Society. As the nationality of the imported foreigner is only an acci- dent, take another illustration from the far East of Europe. A party of Syrian Arabs was despatched from Marseilles (by whom it is not known, nor is it at all material), with their passages paid to New York. They had with them no money to speak of, and they had no prospects of earning any. They were carried through to Havre, and thence to Liverpool, but when they reached New York they were refused permission to land by the American authorities. The American vessel which took them out had to bring tl;em back to Havre, where they wore kept at the public expense THE DESTITUTE AI.IEX TV GREAT BkllAIX. for about six week?. At the end of that time the Havre people coaxed a captain of a British vessel to bring them again to Liverpool, the Liverpool authorities having, as the law now stands, no right to reject them. In Liverpool they remained for several months as pauper inmates of the workhouse there, until at last a subscription was got up to send them to their own country. This case was vouched for by the vestry clerk of Liverpool in his evidence before the Committee of the House of Commons on Foreign Immigration in May, 18S9. "Will any one deny that it would have been better, not only for the Lancashire I'atepayers, but for these Oriental paupers themselves, if the British authorities had been armed with power to refuse them access here in the first instance, and to compel the skipper of the ship that brought them to take them away to their place of embarkation at his own cost and charges ? Now, let us take the otlier class of case referred to a few pages back, and which occurs on the average twice a week in the East End of our metropolis. A number of Bussian and Polish Jews — the religion is not of the essence, any more than the nationality- reach the port of London from Hamburg. Their pro- perty consists of a bit of dry bread and a piece of mouldy cheese, with possibly a herring or two tied up in a cotton handkerchief. The purpose of their comii;g is to compote for employrar'nt in the English SHOULD GOVEKiYMENT INIERFERE '! 53 labour market. Their standard of living being ex- cessively low^ they are able to do this with advantage. Many of them are agriculfcural labourers j others have some little skill in tailoring, in making boots, shoes, and slippers, and in a kind of light carpentering, which turns out cheap furniture and knick-knacks. The foul air of the sweater's den does not tell on their constitutions, already enured to greater hardships in the overstocked and plague-stricken towns and villages in South Russia from which they have just emerged. Ou^-ht the British Government to decline to receive them ? This question is a more complex one than the preceding, and to answer it satisfactorily wo must look into the case a little more closely. And, first, let us remark that any one who desires to satisfy himself of the characteristics of these '^ greeners '' should pay a visit some Sunday morning to Goulston Street, Whitechapel. He will there find specimens of them standing at the street corner, on the look-out for some one to hire them. The ear may recognise them at once by their use of the Jiidisch language, and the eye by their top boots, which pro- bably have never left their feet during the whole of the journey to Tjondon. If we inquire wliat are their antecedents, and why they have come so far on so unpromising an errand, we shall probably find it is not by their own fault. Since the days of Catherine II. the Itussian laws have been veiy severe on the 54 THE DESTITUTE A LI EX IX GREAT BRITATV Jews. Some six millions of them remain cageJ up within the pale of settlement in Southern Russia, the boundaries of which are prescribed by imperial edict. In most parts of the pale they are reported, by those who have made it their business to ascertain the facts, to be treated, not as men, but as lower animals, or even insects. In BerditschefF, in the government of Kieff, the official statistics state, apparently without a twinge of conscience, that they are huddled together more like salted herrings than human beiugs. Tens of thousands of them are devoid of any constant means of subsistence, living from hand to mouth. Several families are often crowded into one or two rooms of a dilapidated hut, so that at night there is absolutely no space whatever between the sleepers. The lodgers turn their rooms into workshops in the daytime, refiniog wax therein, making tallow candles, tanning leather, and doing other like unsavoury things. Whole families live, work, sleep, and eat together in that fetid atmosphere, with theii- tools and materials lying around on all sides. Again, the Moscow Gaxclic, speaking of the same town, says : — '■ The streets of the Jewish quarter are not more than four feet "wide. On eitiier side of tlicnx the tumlde-down old houses seem ready to fall to pieces. Children are lying before the houses iu the street in a state of almost complete nudity, wallowing in the slough, tlie mothers of these children SHOULD GOVERNMENT INTERFERE? 55 sleeping in tlie mid>,t of tlioiu, stretched out sideways and longways uudor the rays of the burning sun." ' We do not; of coursOj meau to afliriu that all^ or any, of the Kussiaii Jews who arrive here in search of work come from this town of Berditscheff. It does not matter to the argument whether they do or not^ provided we assume, as it is conceived we may, that Berditscheff furnishes a fair average specimen of the native condition of the chiss to which these immi- grants belong. Neither is it alleged that every such immi<)fraut arrives here without a farthinof iq his pocket. But at the best their store is a s:anty one, and, in spite of police precautions, it often fulls into the hands of unscrupulous crimps, who are in the pay of the low lodging-house keeper, or of the master sweater. An accurate description of the mode in which these miserable folk live in London was given by Mr. Lakemau^ one of our Factory Inspectors, in his evidence before the Sweating Commission. •■ Tlie Iiabits of these peojile arc very, very dirty ; they seem almost to revel in dirt, rather than in cleanliness. Going into some workshops, you find a filthy bed. on which garments wliich are made are laid, children perfectly naked lying about the floor and on tlie beds; frying-pans and all sorts of thirty utensils, witli food of various descriptions, on the ^ See the interesting article on the Jews in Eussia, signed "E. 11. Lanin," in the FortnighUy Review, October, lb90. 56 THE DESTITUTE ALIEN IN GREA T BRITAIN. bed, under the bed, over the bed — everywhere ; clothes liaug- ing on a line, with a large gas stove to dry them, the ashes all falling about, and tlie atmosphere so den^e that you get ill after a night's work there. The temperature as tested by me was found to be !I0'." The ecouomical efl'ect of the introductiou of large batches of meu who can exist under such conditions as these is obvious: (I) Thej drive out of employ- ment a corresponding number of Englishmen. (2) They lower the standard of living all rounds and by this means reduce the wage-rate, which is determined by the local standard of living, and not by an imagin- ary wages fund. (3) They give direct encourage- ment to the system of sweating, by which unscrupulous sub-contractors contrive to grind the faces of the poor. (1) They breed great discontent in the localities where the foreign immigrants are found, tending to foster international and even inter-religious hatred. Here is the experience of Mr. Freak, the Secretary of the Shoemakers' Society, when (ptestiuned by the Immigration Committee. •■ I know that at the time when I first came to London any one could get work at the middle or common class of goods, and now the price is I'educed ^-o low that to work single- handed a man cannot get a living, lie has to sweat his children and his wife, and if a man and his wife and children do not want anything more than Just bread and cheese and sleep, then they ma\- get a living out of it. because some of these Jews that come over will not come out of the house for a whole week ; they will sleep in the same place where they SHOULD GOVERNMENT INTERFERE? 57 work daj- after da\', and lliey simply get food aud the barest raiment to cover them, aud that is all they get for their work."' As long as we permit the East End of London and our other large centres of industry to be invaded with impunity by people of this class, it is waste of energy to attempt to restrict our numbers in the towns, either by raising the age of marriage, or by schemes for settling the agricultural labourer on the land. Our efforts in the cause of emigration, are, for the same reason, both senseless and abortive. What is the use of empowering Guardians of the Poor and County Councils to raise money on the rates for trans- planting our native paupers elsewhere, if for every destitute Englishman we send out of the country we let a destitute foreigner in ? Of what avail are our thirty-seven Emigration Societies — there are, at least, six of them in London alone — if their work of deple- tion is to be undone at one end as soon as it is begun at the other. One might as well try to empty a reser- voir by opening a waste pipe at the bottom of it with- out shutting oil: the pipe ofc' inflow at the top. It is the old fable of the Danaids' sieve, with blood passing through it instead of water. But we arc told by the sentimentalists that con- sistency is, after all, a poor business, and that to pass any restrictive measure would be a grave breach of hospitality, and an infraction of the 58 THE DESTITUTE ALIEN TV GREAT BRTTA/X. moral law. This argument involves a slight con- fusion of thought. A political asylum is one thing ; a refuge for the destitute is another. It is not pro- poseJ in any way to inferfere with the immunity which England has long secured to those who fly to it to escape persecution in their own country on account of their political or religious convictions, and who are not charged with any ordinary crime known to the English Courts. But a State is not bound to admit the foreign pauper who can only thrive at the cost of the independence of its own citizens, any more than it is bound to give shelter and sanctuary to the foreign fugitive from justice. Just as the surrender of the one is a duty prescriijed by international law, the breach of which would be a violation of the moral obligations binding on civilized countries, so the exclusion of the other is a duty which the luition owes to itself, the breach of which would be an act of national suicide. Besides, it is an entire mistake to suppose that this right of asylum for political offences is peculiar to Englaml, and that in this re- spect we have a character to keep up whicli places us on a pinnacle among the nations. It is now exactly half a century since a French ^Minister of Justice issued a famous State paper, in wliich, after coi-roctly stating the ])rinciples on which the practice of ex- tradition rests, ho laid it down that offences of a political character formed an important exce])tion to the "feneral rule : — SHOULD GOVERNMENT INTERFERE ! 59 '"Lcs crimes ])olLtiquc.s s'accouiplirisaut diuis des circou- stauces si clililicil.es ;"i apprecier, ils jiaisseut do passions si ardentes, qui souvent sont lour excuse, que La France main- tient le principe que I'extradition »e doit pas avoir lieu pouv fait politique. C'est une regie qu'elle met son honneur a souteuir. EUo a tou.jours refuse, djpuis 1830, de pareilles extraditions; clle ii'cn demandera jamais."' Another argumoab soiiictitaes urged against ex- cluding the pauper foreigner is that to do so would be rank Protectiou^ and directly contrary to the principles of Free Trade. The answer to this may be o-iveu in a sentence. Livin«; human bodies are not commodities^ and in the presence of the sweaters' dens free competition is a delusion and a snare. The Polish Jew drives the British workman out of the labour market just as a base currency drives a pure currency out of circulation. The British workman is as capable as the foreigner of manufacturing slop clothing, bub he cannot compete successfully with the latter unless ho is willing to work for merely nominal wages and under insanitary conditions revolting even to road of. Nor is it merely a question of numbers. As Mr. Hobson well puts it in his '^ Problems of Poverty" (Methuen & Co., 1891) : " Where work is slack and difficult to get, a very small addition of low living foreigners will cause a perceptible fall in the entire wages of the neighbourhood in the employment which their competition affects." lb is true that the -Jew 6o THE DESrriUTE ALIEN IN GREAT BRITAIN. does not long continue working on starvation wages^ and that he often rises by his industry and skill to the position of a master sweater or the dignity of a petty tradesman. But this is of no avail so long as when one intruder quits the ranks another forthwith enlists. Herein lies the gist of the nuisance. It is not the mere fact of foreign immigration that damages us. It is its pei'sistent and increasing flow. But, it may be asked, Is it not the fact that England has in modern times greatly benefited by the introduction of foreign labour ? Undoubtedly it is, as, for instance, when the Flemings came over here in the reign of Edward III., and again in still greater numbers after the sacking of Antwerp in 1585. The same is true of the Huguenots who were driven to our shores exactly a century later by the revocation of the Edict of Nantes (1()85). But the circumstances were wholly different. The Flemings, by introducing a finer kind of weaving, and the Huguenots, by estab- lishing new branches of the silk, glass, and paper manufacture, conferred a direct and positive benefit upon English commerce. Both alike brought with them considerable capital, and neither entered into ruinous competition with our own working classes. There is as much resemblance between these immi- grants and the Polish Jew as there is between the art of painting and the manufacture of garments from shoddy cloth. SHOULD GOVERNMENT INrF.RFERE? 6i If precedents for State interference are asked for, we may refer to what took place some years ago on the western seaboard of the United States, when the Chinese were swarming into California. It was then urged on behalf of the new immigrants that they had created a trade in the country which they had adopted as their home. For example, that they made cigars, and that no cigars had been made in California before. That they also made shoes and built railroads, and re- claimed swamp lands, none of which things had the native settler cared to do so long as the population had remained scattered and scanty. The answer of the United States Commissioners was complete. Circum- stances had altered since then, '^ The Chinaman had begun to displace the white man. If Chinese im- migration concentrated in cities where it threatened public order, or //' /7 confined itsplf fo localities ivJtere it was an injnrij to the interests of the American ])eoi-)le, the Government of the United States had no hesita- tion in taking steps to prevent its continuance." If we alter " American " to '' English, ^^ the contingency which wo have placed in italics has alread}' been real- ized in Whitechapel and several of our northern towns. •K- ^ ^ ;f- >}; One or two practical suggestions, in conclusion, as to what ought to be done. The first and obvious step is to collect inore precise information than we at 62 THE DESTITUTE ALIEN IN GREAT BRITAIN. present possess us regards tlio nationalities of these pauper immigrants^ wliere tliey have last come from^ and whither they are bound. Tlie machinery for this is ready to our hand. In 183G was passed the last of the series of Acts known as the Alien Acts, the history of which is given in detail in another part of this volume. Tliis Act (Gth and 7th, William 17., chap. 11) provides tliat ^'' all masters of vessels coming from foreign ports shall declare what aliens are on board or have been landed." It further requires that all aliens on their arrival from abroad shall declare tlieir name and description. This declaration it is the duty of the officer of customs to register, and to transmit a copy of it to one of the principal Secretaries of kState. ^Iho object of the Act, as explained by Lord John Russell when introducing the bill, was not to impose any re- strictions on foreigners, but merely to enable the Government to ascertain how many foreigners were in the kingdom at any one time. ''It wa^,'^ said Lord John, ''far less vexatious to rccpiiro a man entering this country to say Vvdiere he came from, and where he was going to, than to be knocking at a person's door, and taking a census of his whole family.^' Unfortunately, the intention of the author of the Act has not been carried out in practice. An inspection of the form of report which the master has to make, and which is set out in the schedule to the SHOULD GOVERNMENT LNTERFEKEl 63 Customs Law Consolidation Act, 1876; sliows that the mastei- is not required to state where the alien intends to (jn, and that all he has to report is the number of alien passengers on board. Moreover, the practice of numbering* aliens under the Act soon fell into general disuse. During the last two years indeed, the Customs House authorities have been making an elTort to revive it, but the lists are still very inipei-fect, and cannot be relied on for statistical purposes. The inquiry should be conducted in much more stringent fashion. The master\s report should give full particulars, not only of the number of the alien passengers in his ship, but of their nationality, occupation, and destination. This information, how- ever, need only be procured in the case of the great immigrant ships which put in at Hull, Harwich, and Tilbur}'. No inconvenience need be inflicted on the rest of the continental traffic. The American arrange- ments for inspection of immigrants are very complete, and may serve as a useful guide. ]*]vcry immigrant ship is visited six miles from the port of New York by oflicers of health, and any who may be sick and diseased are removed to hospitals under the care of the Commissioners of Emigration or the Quarantine Commissioiiers. Tlic others are landed at Castle Garden, where there is a large rotunda capable of accommodating 4,000 persons. Inside this depot the immediate wants of the immigrants are supplied, 64 THE DESTITUTE ALIEN IN GREAI BRITAIN. special care being taken to prevent tlieir falling into bad hands and being victimised by the crimps. Once we are satisfied that there is a case for State interference, it is easy to suggest ways of keeping the pauper alien from our shores. The indirect method is to make the domestic workshop amenable to State inspection, and so bring the sweater's den (the only industrial opening which awaits the pauper on his first arrival here) within the reach of the penal law. The Factory and Workshop Bill now before Parlia- ment seeks to accomplish this desirable object, and we wish it Godspeed. The direct method is to pass an Alien Exclusion Act, adapted from the legislation of the United States, abstracted at the end of this paper, so as to suit the special circumstances. The indirect benefits flowing from such a measure would be hardly less than the direct. For long before its prohibitory clauses were enforced, it would have checked the operations of the traffickers in human flesh and blood who are at present pursuing that Tiefarious trade for their own pecuniary ends. Hostile critics, and there will be such, must not charge us with exaggeration, for we have been careful rather to understate than to overstate the case. Nor do we suppose that we have done more than touch the fringe of the population problem. The lively discussion on the Polish Jew which has been going on in public for the last few weeks, valuable as it SHOULD GOVERXMENT LKTERFERE? 65 lias been 011 its own account, has been more so for tlie reflections to wliicli it has given rise. Men are beginning" to see that the present discontent can only bo partial!}^ healed by endeavours on the part of the New Unionism to organize the unskilled -workers, or by the "Fabian" policy of an eight-hours day. The true remedy must, it is felt, come in the long run from within. State-aided and State-enforced educa- tion have already done much for the vast multitudes whose stock-in-trade is the labour of their hands. But it has yet much to do. It has to impress on the toiling millions those elementary economic laws, without the knowledge and observance of which it is hopeless to expect that their material jn-ospects can be perma- nently improved. In vain does the Social Demo- cratic Federation insist that the State ought to cap- ture the land, the mill, and every other instrument of production, if we are to assume tliat the numbers who will share in the fruits of all this State-owned capital are lialjle to be indefinitely added to. Get rid of the struggle for existence to-morrow, and provided this assumption holds, the last state of this country would in a few decades have become worse than the first. Self-respect and self-control are two mainstays of human happiness, and where these qualities are want- ing no State redistribution of worldly goods can per- manently benefit mankind. That end will best be compassed by less lofty methods. Abstention from 66 THE DESTITUTE ALIEN IN GREAT BRITAIN. improvident marriages^ and from immoderately large families^ has^ we repeat, long been practised by all possessors of property, and by the more intelligent of our artisans. Moral, just, and reasonable in itself, there is still one class with which it has hitherto failed to find favour — namely, the unskilled and unendowed masses, whose low industrial condition is a barrier to their upward progress. These, unhappily, are just the men to whom the modern theories of social plunder are preached with most effect. It would be well if these preachers, instead of stimulating the predatory instincts of their audience, were to insist now and then on the obvious truth that no one who is labouring hard to gain a competency should habitually act as if he had nothing to lose. The gospel of moderation is not only for the rich. It has to be proclaimed to the poor also. All classes alike must be taught to recognise the fact that the brute creation alone is without responsibility in this matter — without re- sponsibility because without reason. Here, then, is a field of missionary labour upon which those who have the interests of humanity at heart may be invited to enter boldly. The work is of great and pressing importance. We commend it especially to the energetic followers of Karl Marx and Henry George, who rank, in llyde Park and else- where^ as prophets and guides of THE PEOPLE. SHOULD GOVERNMENT INlEREEREi 67 APPENDIX {sec pp. 49 and 64). I. An Act approved by Congress to prohibit the im- portation and migration of foreigners and aliens under contract or agreement to perform hibour in the United States of America^ Feb. 26th_, 1885. Section 1. — It is unlawful for auy person, company, etc., in any manner to prepay tlie transportation, or in any waj' to assist or encourage the importation or migration, of foreigners and aliens under contract or agreement to perform labour made previous to tlie importation or migration. Section 2. — Provides that all agreements, etc., made be- tween people to perform labour, etc., in the United States of America shall be void. Section 3. — The penalty for each violation of Section 1 is a fine of 1,000 dollars for each and every ofience. Section 4. — Any master of a vessel knowingly bringing any such immigrant labourer into the United States of America is guilty of a misdemeanour, and -will bo fined 500 dollars for each labourer or G months im- prisonment or both. Section 5. — Foreigners living temporarily in the United States of America may engage other foreigners as private secretaries, servants, etc. Skilled workmen may be engaged to carry out anj^ new industry which is not already established in the. United States of America. II. An Act approved by Congress, Feb. 23rd, 1887, to amend the Act of Feb. 26th, 1885 : — 6S THE DESTITUTE ALIEN IN GREAT BRITAIN. Section G (aiUed to tlie above Act).— Provides for tlie examination of sliips and for the non-landini>' of pro- hibited persons. Section 8.— Proliibited persons are to be returned by any Boards of Charities wliich maj' be designated by the Secretary of the Treasury, wliich Board sliall be com- pensated by Government. Tlie expense of return to be borne by the owners of vessels bringing such prohibited persons; vessels re- fusing to pay such expenses shall not land at nor clear from anj' port. III. An Act to prohibit the importation or mic^ration of foreigners or aliens^ whicli was approved by Congress of the United States on March 3rd, 1891. Section 1. — The following classes of aliens shall Ije ex- cluded from admission into the United States in accordance Avith the existing Acts regulating immi- gration other than those concerning Chinese labottrers : — All idiots, insane persons, paupers or persons who are likely to become a ptiblic charge, persons stiffering from a loathsome or contagiotis disease, persons "wlio have been convicted of a felony or infamotis crime or misdemeanour involving moral turpi tttde, polygamists, and anj^ other persons whose tickets or jiassages have been paid for with the money of others or who are assisted to come by others, unless it is affirmatively and satisfactoril}- shown on special inquiry that such person does not belong to one of the foregoing ex- cluded classes or contract labourers excltided bj- the Act of Feb. 2Gth, 1885. Bttt this section does not pre- cltide persons living in the United States from sending SFIOULD GOVERNMENT INTERFERE! 6c, out for a relativG or friend who is not one of the ox- cluded classes. And the Act is not construed to apply to exclude persons convicted of a political offence. Sectidx .->. — It is a violation of the Act of Feb. 26th, 1885, to assist or encourage importation or migration of any alien by promises of employment through advertise- ments printed and juiblished in any foreign country; and any alien coming to the United States in conse- quence of such advertisement shall be treated as coming under a contract as contemplated by such Act. Section 4. — Xo steamship company or owners of vessels shall directly or through their agents, either b^- writing, printing, or oral rcpresentat'ous, solicit, invite, or encourage the immigration of any alien into the United States of America, except by ordinary letters, circulars, and advertisements, or oral rejn-e- sentations, stating the sailing of their vessels and terms and facilities of transi^ortation therein. Penalty under this section is a fine of 1,000 dollars for every oflence. Section G. — Any person who brings or lands in the United States of America b\' vessel or otherwise, or who shall aid any alien not lawfully entitled to land, shall be fined 1.000 dollars or one \ear's imprisonment or both. Sectiox 8. —Captains of vessels must give tiie name, nationality, last residence, and destination of each alien before landing. Thoy will be inspected on board. Section 10. — All aliens who unlawfully come into the United States of America shall, if I'n'acticablo, be im- mediately sent back on the vessel by which t]ie\- were l)rought; the cost of maintenance on land and the expense of their return shall Ije borne by the owners of the vessels on which the aliens came; if the owner, master, agent, or consignee shall refuse or neglect to 70 THE DESTITUTE ALIEN IN GREAT BRITAIN. return tliem to tlie port from wliich they came lie shall be fined 300 dollars for each and every offence, and the vessel shall have no clearance from any port till the fine is paid. Section 11. — Aliens can he retvirned within one year at the expense of the owners of the vessel bringing them ; if that cannot be done, then they are to be returned at Government exi)ense. Any alien who becomes a jmblic charge within one year after ariival, from causes existing prior to his landing, Avill be returned. THE MORAL ASPECT. By the Rev. G. S. Reaney. No apology is needed for tlic inclusion in this symj^oslum of a sliort essay upon the moral aspects of Alien Pauper Immigration. The ethical side of all public questions looms largo at the present moment. Political partisanship and political economy have their place, doubtless, amongst the forces and facts of our very complex national life ; and it were most foolish for any one who thinks, writes, or works, in regard to what are called " the problems of the day/' to ignore such potent influences. But, on the other hand, the ^' moral side " of all thinfvs with which this restless age concerns itself must not, cannot, be ignored. The fiercest political partisans may rave and rant at the " fanatics," as they are pleased to dub the '' Moralists "-, and the driest and most indifferent '' economists '^ may add their less irate contribution to the blatant abuse so largely poured out, in the press and on platforms, upon the men who give conscience the first place iu public affairs : yet the fact remains, beyond dispute, that the English people will not con- sider such questions as the " state of the poor " apart 71 72 rilE DESTirUTE ALIEX LY GREAT BRITAEY. from tlicir moral bearing's aud etliical issues. So deeply itidcod has this '' hig-hor aspect ^^ of all puljlic and national affairs forced itself into the common mind, that it has become a powerful factor in both political and commercial life. The "character of political leaders/^ and the "conditions of labour/' are no mere sentimental sentences, culled from the random rhetoric of excited philanthropists; they are sober words, full of force and meaning, and big with prac- tical results in the two worlds of statesmanship and trade. The subject which has given the occasion for, and forms the matter of, this book is a part of the larger question, " the state of the poor.''' That question, in its broad outlines, has filled a big place in the press, and in the public mind aud imagination, during the last 'iQw years, and it has forced its way to the front of all political, social, and religious discussions. At first it looked so large, and presented such enormous, not to say, monstrous, proportions, that the biggest brains failed to comprehend it, and the most generous hearts faik'd fully to feel it. IJut with the practical good sense and the real sympathy so chai'acteristic of the English people, the great problem is now in the course of being taken to pieces and considered in detail; and as the result of that sensible endeavour to master tl:e matter, the " immigration of ]^auper aliens" has been made the subject of ofiicial iii(|uiry. THE MORAL ASPECT. 73 and bids fair to bccomo oiio of tlio questions wliicli, ill the near future^ will engage the attention of Parlia- ment. In order to nuderstand tlie moral beariugs of the subject of Alien Ininiigration, it will bo needful^ in the first place, that we recall to our minds some indisput- able facts connected with the condition of the poor in the great cities and centres of Faigland. Much has, doubtless, been said in regard to the poor, which has erred on the side of rhetoric and sentiment. Poverty, in all ages and in all countries, has been the shadow of riches. In an age phenomenally wealthy, and in cities splendidly rich, poverty is sure to be found ; and, by the law of contrast, its miseries and its sins will seem more deeply dark and more densely sad, because of the "life of wealth^' with which it lies in close contiguity, and with which it compares with an intensity that nothing seems to mitigate or hide. But in the interest of those for whom these pages are written, it is of first importance that there be no indulgence in exaggeration, and no overstatement of fact. Vol' such exaggeration there is no need, and I'or such overstatement of fact there is little oppor- tunit}'. AVriters upon "the poverty" and the "East i'hids '^ of our great cities are uneler no necessity to do more than let the light of verification fall upon the dark alleys, the dirty streets, the overcrowded '•'homes" (!) and the laborious and sorrowful life of 74 THE DESTITUTE ALIEN IN GREAT BRITAIN. the city poor, to prove that a condition of tilings exists that calls for careful, vigorous, and practical treatment at the hands of Parliament, and at the cost of the English people. Let the normal state of many a city " East End '^ be remembered. Poverty is there — whatever be its cause — poverty of work, of wages, of comfort, of re- source, of opportunity, of character, and of life. I will not attempt to describe it. But a most truthful, yet restrained description of the condition of the '' poor " of many a city is given in the report of the " Sweating Committee '^ (1800, p. cxxxv), in which the ''ineffi- ciency of the workers, early marriages, and the ten- dency of the residuum of the population in large towns to form a helpless community, together with a low standard of life, and the excessive supply of "un- skilled labour,'' are said to be the chief '' factors in producing sweating." No more accurate description of the cities of the poorest of the poor could be penned. But let it be not be forgotten that the poor, of which this dcsci'iption is given, are just those into whose midst in London, Leeds, Manchester, etc., the turbid streams of alien pauper immigration are con- stantly flowing, deepening and broadening the area of that community which, in the expressive words of the Sweating Committee's report is ''helpless"! We start with a condition of things as miserable as it is menacing. And yet into that area of '•' helplessness" THE MORAL ASPECT. 75 we permit to pass every day a dirty, alien, and yet more helpless inflow of humanity, cominc^ from the far off cities of Russia, Hungary, and Poland ; and bringing with it poverty, ignorance, and the vices common to the deeper depths of continental cities ! On the face of it, it looks as if the practice of laisser faire was not the height of wisdom or the depth of statesmanship. It might be thought that something could be suggested to remedy a state of things for which the most profound political, economic, and moral justification must be found, if it is to continue after the revelations made of late before Parliamentary Committees as to the condition of the poor in those parts of London, Leeds, and Manchester to which the alien pauper immigrants come by hundreds, and under the force of attractions which, when once understood, make their advent both a mystery and an addition to the misery already too prevalent in the East Ends of great cities. I know it will bo said, " There has been inquiry, and one result of that inquiry is set forth in a sentence in the report of the Committee on Sweating, in which the opinion is stated that too much stress had been laid upon the injurious effects on wages caused by foreign immigration."' But let it be added that farther on in the report this statement is some- what modified, and wo learn that certain trades are undoubtedly affected by the presence of poor for- 76 THE DESTITUTE ALIEN IN GREAT BRITAJN. eigners. Now if trades be affected, all else is affected — sanitation, social habits, homo life, manners, and morals. The normal condition of largo areas of English cities is sad enough and bad enough. All the moral evils that follow poverty, overcrowding, physical depression, the fierce temptation to the over- tried and helpless of vice, drink, and idleaess, are there with a breadth and a depth that make good, men despair and bad men grow cynical. So deeply is it felfc that the '''conditions of life^' in city East Ends must be bettered before the people will be "' better,'^ that strenuous efiTorts are made to '' lift " men and women out of these '^ submerged areas " into happier condi- tions, where decency is possible, and where life may find a fairer chance of being worth the living, and childhood may bo sweet, love pure, and humanity human. Yet, how strange ! down at the " Docks " there may be seen a crowd of emigrants standing on the deck of some outward-bound steamer, and looking their last farewell — half sad and half glad — to their old home and fatherland, and steaming away to the AVcst, where they may begin again, under brighter con- ditions, 'Mife's fight that is ever fierce," but, while fierce, need not always fail. And then, yet more strange ! just on the other side of the '^ Dock " there pours out from the decks of some continental ship a bigger mass of alien, dirty, miserable immigrants. THE MORAL ASPECT. 77 bt'onglifc over to crowd into tho very cities^ streets, worksliops and houses from wliicli the emigrants have just steamed away. Now this anomaly, strange as it seems, goes on weekly. It has its economic side, and it has its moral parable. At homo we want more room, more air, more work, more wages, and more decent houses. We can only get much of this by emigration. And yet side by side w^th emigration is this immigration, making the physical, trade, social, and moral conditions of our cities graver, more menac- ing, and more difficult in every sense. On all hands we hear the cry from the city to the country folk, " Don't come up ; we are too many." And every worker in city slums knows right well that they are too many for health, for wages, for honest work, for home life, for childhood, for decency, for chastity and faith. And yet we are to stand aside, and let the alien pauper in — with all that he carries on his face, in his clothes, and in his person ; ay, let him in with a hearty welcome from the sentimentalist and tho capitalist ! Were not another word written, this seems plain. On moral grounds, with jvima facie evidence of the character, aims, and habits of the alien pauper immi- grant, he is just the one person who ought not to be admitted to bring himself, his belongings, his poverty, and his habits into the overcrowded East Ends of English cities and towns. 78 THE DESTITUTE ALIEN IN GREAT BRITAIN. But we are met at once with the rejoinder^ " The alien pauper immigrant is the modern political and religious refugee to whom England has always given a welcome, protection, and a home." The moral argu- ment, we are told, is all in favour of our alien friend. Of course this statement is made with perfect good faith. Now, whatever it is worth, it is somewhat limited in the area of its influence. The political refugee and the rehgious exile are chiefly Semitics, driven out of Russia, and perhaps in a few cases exiled from Germany. If it is demanded of those who oppose the present method and manner of alien immigration that they give up contending for its modification, restraint, and, in some phases of it cessation, just because some one says that the Jews are being expelled from Russia because they are Jews, and on grounds purely political and religious, it is but natural that we should ask for some very definite proof of that statement. AVith the most profound appreciation of the ability of "our own correspondent," it is asking too much that the alien pauper shall be allowed to " come in his thousands," on the bare statement made by himself, his co- religionists, and gentlemen of the press, often hard up for good copy, that he is a political exile or a religious refugee ! Certainly England has aforetime w'elcomed the victims of Spanish persecution, of French religious bigotry, and in doing so she has in trade, in liberty, THE MORAL ASPECT. 79 and in faith received an ample reward. The people who crowd Hattou Gai'den, swarm in Soho^ aud possess the very " gate of their enemies " in White- chapel^ may be men to whom the sale of horrible spirits to the Russian peasants, the lending of money on monstrous usury^ and the gradual and utter de- moralization of thousands of Russian communes are things quite unknown; but before we are prepared to receive the motley multitude that comes from over the sea^ and across the vast plains of Russia^ with open arms, as political exiles, and as religious refugees, suffering for high, noble, and exalted virtues, for faithfulness to the faith of their fathers and to their God, we must know more about them, and we must assure ourselves that the only reason for their expulsion from Russia is because they are so pure and saintly and true to the best traditions of the remarkable race to which they belong. Further. Before Englishmen are asked to accept the very lofty character given to these immigrants, it might surely be granted that some such estimate should, ere this, have been formed concerning them by their co-religionists, both on the Continent and in England. The great Semitic race includes within its unique area the poorest and the richest, the alien pauper and the naturalized millionaire. Now no one can say that any very remarkable excitement or action has taken place amongst the big people of So THE DESTITUTE ALIEN IN GREAT BRITAIN. modern Israel in regard to tlie persecution in Kussia and elsewliere of tlieir poor brethren. If the perse- cution lias been real, if it has been because of tlie Israelite religion, and if it has been as severe and undeserved as wo are told it is, why, in the name of ''•'kith and kin/^ ''faith and fathers," have not the emperors of the European bourses brought the for ever borrowing emperor of the North to book ? If these immigrants arc political exiles or religious refugees, it is rather hard upon the poor of ^Miite- chapel that they arc to make room for them to come in, and make the fight for bread fiercer in order that these hungry and hunted Semitics may find house, home and liberty in England. ^Vhy have not the big-pursed men, who hold the secret, not of all the creeds, but of all the stock-markets and bori'owing houses in Europe, ])layed a nobler pai-t, and biought the persecuting Czar to his marrow-bones, and so saved the exile and the refugee from his long flight and sad escape from political tyranny to find himself the slave of the East End sweater? There is ample justification fur the use of much salt in regard to the whole story of the interesting but not overclean 'Apolitical exiles,'^ and the uncouth and not over devout '''religious refugees" from which the East End of London suflfers so much. But supposing that the lot of the alien pauper when at home is hard, does it follow that it is playing the THE MORAL ASPECT. 8i part of a frieud to liim to entice or welcome him to the East End of London, or to Strangeways in Manchester ? This is a question of the highest moral- ity, for it appeals in no sense either to our fears or our hopes. It is put purely in the interest of the alien himself. Of course it may be said, '^ No one entices these immigrants. They come, and we feel bound to welcome them when they come.^' It is not the place to discuss the means and methods by which the pauper foreigners are attracted to our shores. A full inquiry might however disclose some remark- able facts. Let that pass. Would it not be kind to let the pilgrims of the new exodus know what sorb of "^promised land'' a^v'aits them here? Nay, might it not be even more kind to make the path of that pilgrimage more difficult, not to say impassable ? Will some of the readers of this book take a stroll in Hatton Garden, Soho, "Whitechapcl, and some of the slums of Manchester ? And lot such think of meu, women, and children brought over in scores and hundreds, and just pitched down in an alien land, ignorant of its language, ignorant of its trade customs, wages, work, civic rights, and religion, and left to make the best of it under conditions in- tolerable to the native-born Englishman. There is no need to accept the rhetorical description of the Paris correspondent of the Times about a Sunday slave-market in Whitechapel. But there is need to G 82 rilE DESTITUTE ALIEN IN GREAT BRITAIN. read the pages of the evidence laid before the Sweat- ing: Committee as to the conditions of life to the '' Greener '^ down East. There is need to go and see for oneself what life is behind Aldgato, in Beth- nal Green^ and where the Semitic face pushes out the " flat-nosed " Saxon^ and the weird names of He- brew sound and foreign phrase spread themselves street by street in Whitechapel^ and the language of the pavement is not even the English oath or the brutal Cockney jestj but a speech that comes from over the sea. Before we hear so much about the ^' exile^s home^' and the ^^ refugee's refuge/^ it might be well to know what sort of a haven they will find who seek our shores. There are moments^ it must be admitted^ when those who live and labour in the great East End feel hot and angry at the sight of the faces so uu-Euglish^ and the sound of the speech so utterly foreign^ which crowd pavement and road on "White- chapel wastO; about the Miuories^ and all away down Commercial Street and Bethnal Green. But anger soon passes into pity when the thought comes into the heart — -the thought of these poor wretcheSj landless^ homelesSj and helpless — ■ the victims of imperial tyranny, say some, of their own wrong- doing and greed, say others — for years the victims of trade cus- toms so cruel, of sweating so brutal, and of circum- stance and social conditions so debasing, that the only thing in their life that makes it bearable is THE MORAL ASPECT. S3 the compaiiiousliip of thousands like unto them- selves. If these mcu aud women are political exiles and religious refugees^ and we, in England, are bound in conscience, iu faith, and in fealty to the splendid tra- dition of onr freedom and our power, to give them protection, safety and home, then let us do it, as in the sight of God, with some thouglitfulness, some wisdom, and some care. It is the sheerest hypocrisy in the world for any one to talk of " protecting the political exile from imperial wrath, and of guarding the religious refugee from the bigotry of an ignorant Greek priesthood,^' when all that we do is to let these exiles and refugees crowd into the dense, dark, debased and horrible areas of our city East Ends ! Do the defenders of this cheap heroism realize what it all means to the very poor wretches over whom they are so sweetly sentimental and so selfishly indifferent ? Let such " dcfeudei'S of Euglaud's noble name'' take a lodging down iu Whitechapol ; let them spend days and weeks iu studying the " labour market," the ^' lodging-houses," the '• food markets," the clothes fairs, the Semitic Sundays, and the '^ sweater's shop." The result will bo everything but agreeable to the amour propre of those friends of the exile and the refugee. The Jjrlcufi'Ads of Ely increases the vc)lumo of dirt and degradation to be resisted. An evil somewhat of the same kind has been at the door of (Ireat Pritain always, and (^specially in the last century with its easy sea^ passage — in the larg(^ influx of labour from Ireland. STATUTORY A .YD OFFICIAL PROVISIOyS. 105 There was, tlience, an influx of sturdy, quiclc-witteil labour, but witli considerably lower conceptions of subsistence than in this country, and lower demand for the power to purchase. The introduction of this totally different labour, with lower tastes and habits, would have been a most threatening evil to the labourers of Great Britain, and to society, if strenu- ous efforts had not been made to raise the standard (still unfortunately much too low) of Irish labour, on the one hand, and, on the other, to facilitate its emi- gration to younger lands. What, however, we may do on our owu territory we cannot do on foreign soil. Wc can only face the evil, if it is one, now threatened, by consideration of how to treat it when it reaches our waters. Can, then, anything be done ? Is it right to do anything ? Even if it were just to blame, it would bo most diflicult to control, the use of this cheap labour by employers. Competition, so keen whore trade is free, so essentially part of free trade, puts interference here, practically, out of court. It is certain that cheap labour will be seized on by some to undersell others ; and this means that it must, if, and so long as, it is available, be commonly used where it appropriately meets requirements. It is labour, not of the factory, open to inspection, but of the garret, the solitary candle, and the midnight hours. Nothing, probably, but sumptuary laws, for Avhich io6 THE DESTITUTE ALIEN IN GREAT BRITAIN. WO aro not yet prepared^ can stop this. Tho remedy must be sougdit elsewhere. I know tliat there is a variety of opinion as to the extent of this evil of foreign immisration ; and that able statistics liavo been put forward to show that it is not so formidable as some suppose; that the increase is not great, and that it is^ to a large extent, au in- crease only in transit. I have no desire^ and^ indeed^ no power to argue this point ; but I recognise the well-known fact that a small element of undersellino- is stror.o: in reducino- price ; and I feel bound to regard as the most authori- tative view^ the licport of the Select Conimittee of tho House of Commons on the subject;, in 1880, wliich announced as its conclusion that the evil was a grow- ing one of serious dimensions, and that before long tho wisdom of the nation would have, of necessity, to gi'apple with ir, and find a remedy. Ill writing tliis paper I am not putting myself for- ward as an advocate, strongly, of any particular remedy. I do not know enough to do so. I am n(;t in a position to do it if I did. I am merely, at request, patting down some points for consideration on what I find suggested. The prominent suggestion — indeed, the Select Com- mittee itself n.amed it: as tho only elfectual one — is a prohibition agaiur^t tho ini]iortatiou of this cheap labour; and it calls for a great deal of rellection. S'J'ATUTORY AND OFFICIAL PROVISIONS. 107 As a merely abstract point; proliibition of importa- tiou is not an i;iiknowu entity amongst us. Wo prohibit various things — piratical books^ false coinSj indecent works of any kind^ false trade marks or indications^ disease in human beings, and in special shapes in animals, products dangerous to life, such as explosives, or adulterated provisions ; besides various other things touching our revenue. Prohibition, there- fore, per ,"":>, would be no innovation. It would be new only, if adopted in this matter, in the extended pur- view in a fresh direction. At present, our proliibitions may bo put under the following categories : — Protection of mere life from disease or acci- dent ; Protection from disease in the means of sub- sistence, and the adulteration of them ; Protection from falseness in the medium of pur- ch;ise of subsistence ; Protection of public morals, and of honesty in trade. To go beyond these in the direction suggested would be the doing of two things more : viz. — beyond mere life, the protection of our habits of life, so as to prevent their deterioration — to say not oidy, '^ You sha'n-'t come in to kill us," but, furthei-, " You shahi't come in to lower our mode of life ; " and, in doing this, to make use of the powers of the Government, io8 THE DESTITUTE ALIEN IV GREAT BE ITALY. not only to prevent trade bein^ dishonest, bat to secure its financial tone, and its scale of remunera- tion. This is the change which the suggestion meanSj or, at least, which it would effect as regards advance in prohibition. Perhaps it may be further than strict political economy would authorize us to go. I am not sure of this when it is a question of human beings starving out other human being's from their natural riofhts. But take it so j and yet we have it on tlio highest authority that the philosophy of political economy may be banrshed, with safety, to Jupiter or Saturn, when national urgency demands its expulsion. There are, however (and the question should be treated with complete frankness), reasons, besides political economy, why we should, at first, shrink from the stop of prohibition, and Unit notwithstanding the example of other countries. Many of these unfortunate beings are flying not merely from poverty, but from persecution ; from death and cruelty, to the merest patch of life in peace. The shores of England are supposed to bo the free haven for any suffering, sorrow, or distress that chooses to seek them. It is one of our glories. AVe would not willingly turn from it, though it may exist to our own hindrance. Pity, wonder what else can possibly become of the poor things, would restrain us STATUTORY AND OFFICIAL PROVISIONS. 109 unless duty, where duty most is due, imperatively points otherwise. Theu, again, the free ingress of foreign element is, as an abstract rule, a benefit to the nations. This has always been so in the dissemination of arts and industries ; and, although, at times, in the history of the world, it has led to a lessening of physical strength, it has scarcely ever failed in the increase of civilization. '' Grcecla cnpta feriun vldorem ceplt." The arts and culture of conquered Greece took captive the conquer- ing, but merely physical, force of Home by the influx of Greeks over the lloman provinces. The circumstances of the world now render no longer dangerous to us the cultivation which emascu- lated the liomau ; and the various immigrations wliicli religious persecutions and other upheavals have thrown on our shores, only taught us useful and artistic improvements. They have never weakened, they have always strengthened us. The country in Europe which has been most free to forcii^'uers — the Netherlands — has Ion"; been marked as one of the richest and most self-reliant. Reluctance, therefore, to exclude a foreign element is part both of our feelings, our history, and our self- interest; and the question whether we have a sufficient reason for exclusion, in this instance, is, consequently, one to bo approached with great care; but I think that the consideration of it may, possibly, be helped by no THE DESTJTUTE ALIE.V IN GREAT BRITAEV. a short statement of how, as regards arrival, and free- dom to trade and work, and other political necessities, our law and historj' has tre'ited aliens, and treats thotn now. Some of these provisions may, in qaotin;r, seem to be but obsolete enactments of a system t',* which wo have bid farewell — a system of interfering paternal govern- ment, inconsistent with the present elevation of indi- vidual freedom. Vyat he would bo a bold man who would allirm that the battle between individualism and socialism has left the ring. It would be safer to allege that the concluding '"round" has yet to bo fought out, on thoroughly iloubtful odds. The extremes of such a combat raise their voices. On one side, there are ardent politicians who would elevate the individual to such ;i pedestal as not even to tax him without his pers')nal consent. On the other hand, there are prophets of socialism who fore- cast all human life controlled in eveiy action of state, of commerce, and of property, by rules for commuua benefit. AVho can positively say that we may not yet search, for instructive guidance, the less individual legislation of our ancestors? AVho ca.n tell that society may not yet [)lace itself, with commoii acceptance, in leading strings even tighter than any which guided it in the (l;i\s at v/hicli wo arc r.ow Ji-posed to smile with suiMTior comna'_)• simple Proclatnation she ordered expulsion of Roots. 120 THE DESTITUTE ALIEN IN GREAI BRITAIN. dynasty ;, and despite pretensions to the Throne^ no special Alien Act appears to Lave been contemplated. Bat, with the great upheaval of foreign thought and foreign Government which convulsed the end of the last century, a new consideration of the question of aliens came upon this countiy, namely, that of deep political aud moral danger. The provisions as to aliens in the Geoi'gian and A^ictorian eras are of three kinds, which may be classified as follows : — ('0 AVar Alien Acts. (/y) I'eaco Alien Acts. (r) liegistration Acts — these last of two degrees of stringency. The Alien Acts contain regulations (varying be- tween peace time and war time) for expulsion of aliens if the State requires it. In all of them power of expulsion is conferred on the central authority. In war time it is more stringent. All these Acts contain also provisions as to registration. The chronological history of these Acts, put bi'ieily, is as follows : — • In 1 70o, in the throes of the French devolution, there was the iirst Alien Act, which, being of a stringent character, became the model ^' A\'ar Alien Act.^' This continued, with amendments, until the i'eace of ^Vmiens, in Isijj. Then, for a year, thei'e was a Peace Alien Act, followed, in the succeeding STATUTORY AND OI-'TICIAL PROI'JSIOXS. year, by a "War Alien Act, when the Peninsular AVar began. AVith the first French Eestoration there was in 1S11-, a ]?eaco Alien Act, followed again, in the year ensuiug^ by a War Alien Act, with the temporary restoration of the Treuch h]iupire ; and, again, by a Peace Alien Act, when the power of Napoleon was tiually crushed. This last statute was renewed, by biennial coutiuu- auce Acts, until, in 1S2G, the expulsion clauses were entirely removed, and registration only remained. This registration was modified by the Act of G and 7 William W. c. 11 (b^oG), the present Alien Act, and the only disturbance of its free and generous ti'eatment has been the temporary Chartist Act ol: 1818, II tK: \'l of the Queen c. i!0, which was an Expulsi(m Act, })assed for one year. This is the oscillating history of these Acts, grow- ing from that first passed in 179o. Describin": them cfencrallv, their force was this : — • In the war times, aliens were liable to expulsion at the entire discretion of the Government, and also to various other restrictions as to movemerits in the country and otherwise. In peace, to expulsion only on more special grounds. P)efore 1 8-jG, registration was required to be made by the alien himself on landing, and also, at stated intervals, afterwards to an " Alien Oflice." By the Act of that Year, registration, so far as the alien him- 122 THE DESTITUTE ALT EN IX GREAT B RITA IX. self was couceniotl^ was limited to a landing statement to bo rendered to tlio customs oHicor. That absolved tlio alien; all tlie rest was ofricial. And this is the law that at present stands in the statute book. It will thus bo seen that the great epochs as to alien expulsion in the last hundred years were : — The lieign of Terror; the outbreak of war after the Peace of Amiens; the Hundred Days' Eeign; and the Chartist and Revolutionary Upheaval of 181-3. The Eestriction Acts of these epochs did not^ how- ever, as is well known^ pass into law without strong opposition ; and the debates which accompanied them are not the least memorable in our history^ cither in forensic ability or dram itic effect. The Bills were introduced by Governments of varying party politics. T!ie first was moved by Mr. Pitt's Government, su])ported by Mr. Burke, and opposed by Mr. Pox. Tliat in 18 IG was moved by Lord Castlereagh, and opposed by Lord (then Mr.) Brougham. That in IS IS was introduced by the Governn:cnt of Jjord (then Lord John) Pussell, and opposed by Sir A\'illiam ]\[olesu'orth, Mr. Joscpli Uume, and ~Sli'. Bright. Both great pai-ties of the State^ when in office, deemed such Acts neccssai'v, and carried them by large iiiajorities. Pur right or for wrong, sucli was the fact. No doubt great impulses at those epochs swayed STATUTORY AND Ol-'l'ICIAL TROVISIONS. \2 the country. It was in supporting tlio Bill of 1 793 that VLw BurkCj in a speech of iinpassioncd oratory, denouncing '• the French murderers and atheists/^ and urging the absolute necessity of keeping them out of those realms^ drew from his breast tlie dagger whicli he had kept concealed there, and " in frenzied dechimation ^' threw it on the floor of the House. " I warn my countrymen," he said, *''' to beware of these execrable philosophers"; ''"///c ]utji'v c^l , Junic fa Fiorniinc caret o." The oratory of statesnion, however, on one side or the other, is not so sure a guide as the calm study of history, and the dry legislative results which indicate rightly enough, in the main, the wish and policy of the nation. The vigorous statements in opposition — In 1703, that '■' the proposed measure was in direct violation of the law and the Con- stitution," and " would be an illegal sus- pension of the laws of the land." In 1S15 and 181(3, that '"'to the Constitution such a measure was unknown, as the Con- stitution allowed free ingress and egress to all foreigners without restriction;" that ^'' it was an innovati>:)n upon the laws of the land and the principles of the Constitution." arc not borne out by the legislative histoiy of the Plantaircuct and cirlv Tudor reiiicns. 124 THE DESTITUTE ALIEN IN GREAT BRITAIN. Nor tliatj ill ISiS, that "it liad boeu the privilege of Euglaud ill all times to afford unrestricted hospi- tality to the unfortunates of all countries in the world, and that not only by law, but from the natural inclina- tion of the national mind and character/^ History rather justifies the words of Sir George Grey, in introducing the Bill : " The grounds on which it is proposed are simply those which this country has always maintained, and has every right to maintain, namely, that of self-protection.'' ' The Act of l(Sj-8 soon expired. An Act for a similar purpose now, when the naturalization of foreigners is so easy, would have to be either pro- hibitory of admission, or to extend to naturalized subjects. The Itegistration Act of & 7 William W . c. oO is now, therefore, the last Act standing on the Statute Book on this subject, and ic is the one generally spoken of now as "' the Alien Act." ' 111 all t]ic>o (lel)atL'S considiTalilc (liscussiou took iilaro as to the nieanini;- of the words in the Gi'oat Cliartor. "■unless ihe\- were openly iiroliihited before"' f///.s'/ auiiui jmhllci'' i>ru- hihijl). Did this reserve a royal ]irero_n'ati\'e. or only a stiitutory power y or what, if anything ])recise, did it ]ioint to? So far, liowevcr. as aliens themselves are concerned it is of little moment to them l)y what special branch of the governmental machinery the law adverse to them becomes law. The point is only interesting as indicating how far and in wliat ilireclion expulsion was in the consiitiition, some- where, a reserved right. STATUTORY AND OFFICIAL PROVISIONS. It provides, in section 2, for a report l)y tlie master of every arriving sliip, showing tlio number of aliens on board or lauded, with penalties for non-compliance. In section 3 for a declaration by the aliens themselves of their names and country and other particulars. In sections A- and 5, for registration of these declara- tion?:, and transmission of a copy to the Secretary ot State. For the first of these requirements special provision is made in the form of ship's '■' Report '' prescribed by the Customs Acts, which has a heading, '' Number of Alien Passengers, if any." Bub the enactment generally has, of late years, and probably with intent and from feelings of confidence, been but loosely observed. The crudesconce of the present question, and the desire expressed for more accurate statistics, have led to a more strict revival of section 1 in the ports esp(^cially affected. At the ports of rapid channel transit close observance is not attainable ; but those ports are not the inlets of destitute poverty. In brief sketch this is the history of our law and statutes as to aliens. It shows a great leaning on the part of our country to generous hospitality. From the Great Charter downwards this has never been wholly forgotten, even in the hardest and most selfish times. On tlie other hand, it is impossible to affirm, with truth, that it lias ever been the fixed policy of our 126 THE DESTITUTE ALIEX T\ GREAT BRTTALX. country to hold itself bound to tliis view against proved national interests. Taking the statutory history from first to last^ and giving it close study, the conclusion it leads to is rather that; while hospitality; free and unfettered; is loved and wished for; if it can bo properly concedoil, national interests arC; and ever have been in the history of our country; deemed the superior call. Is therC; theU; this superior call in the present subject-matter? Docs an influx which; unassimi- lating as it iS; threatens a progressive lowering of wage-earning in our working-classeS; constitute such a call ? Tlie evil is in our lowest class. Tliat is true. Bat the lowest class can least defend themselves; and the lowest pricO; moreover; rules the higher markets. Previous legislation rested on exceptiontd circum- stances; and found opposed acceptance only on that "•round. Is the present an exceptional circumstance as serious as political and moral danger ? Views on this may differ; but; compared with the position under which the previous legislation obtained, the circumstances arc certainly; in one sense, utterly exceptional. Rapid communication which; in tlio>;c dayS; has changed the world, force on us new and exceptional views. The evolutions of science may evolve a new political STATUTORY AND OFTICL-IL PROVISIOXS. 127 economy, and establisii^ by tiicir own force, accepted by the rest of tbo world, a supei'ior call, where, in onr spirit and our sentiment, we slionld, in the abstract, least desire it. 13ut, grant it to be a superior call, then comes the last question. Is it practicable for us to do it ? A call, however imperative, is limited by practicability. Some of our cobjuies and various other countries have adopted plans of proldbition — notably the legis- lation of the Luited States. Xo aliens are admitted there without proof of some standing, and some means of supporting themselves without detriment to the community. Without this proof they are sent back as '•' returned empties.''' It does not, however, necessarily follow that such steps can be ado]:ited here. There is no traditional history to tie the hands of these younger countries. Their examples are not necessarily appropriate to these isles of ours, where trade is freer and inspection less close. Our country is the centre and depot of the world's traeie and intercourse; while transit to our nearest ports is over a vei-y small silvery streak. AVe have therefore in this, as in other things, our speci^d diiliculties to face. But I am sufficiently optimistic to believe that if our country once decided that this was an evil which must bo met, the precise method of facing it w^ould work itself out, as most thino-s do with us. I.?S THE DESriTUTE ALIEN IM GREAT llR ITALY. If WG arrive at the conclusion of tlic old Greek cliornSj -yjryjcfit^ojiieu rl Spdv, " we are decided that sometliing mast bo done/' I feel it impossible to doubt that the wisdom of oar administrators Avould find some means, not inconsistent ^Yith our history and our policy, to check an evil to the community at large, and to our great centres of population especially, "London, the needy villains' t!,'0ucrnl lionic ; The common sewer of Paris and of ]lome, Condemned by fortune and resistless fate, Sucks in tlie dre.^-s of cacli corruj)ted State." (Such are the words which, in one of the great alien debates in 18'i8, were quoted as to our vast metropolis. A^ast it was then ; it is now — it seems almost fabulous to state it — twice as vast. It lias sprung from two and a half to nearly five millions in those four decades. It has advanced also in beauiy, in enlarg(Hl thoi'ough- fares, in magnificent streets, in grand open spaces, in great sanitary vv'orks, in multiplied opportunities of liealth, and enjoyment for the masses. Are we to say that in the extrinsic debasement of its lowest class we are powerless to mend it ? (^ueen EHzabeth, in 151):], thought that London had grown large enough for the proper management of any congregation of Imman beings. In that year she passed an Act which, reciting that Ijondon " doih daily grow and increase by reason of the pestering of STATrrOKY AXD OFFICIAL PKOJ'IS/OXS. 129 houses with divers hunih'es^ and the harbouring of iumates, Avhereby great infection of sickness and dearth of victuals and fuel hatli grown and increased/' enacted that "' no person or persons shouhl from thenceforth make or erect any new building or build- ingSj house or houses for habitation or dwelling, within three miles of the gates of the city/' London contained then only 150,000 inhabitants — not very much more than its now annual increase. This remarkable Act remained on our Statute Book until its repeal only three years ago. It is almost to be regretted that it has disappeared, and that so curious an historical fossil has been thus obliterated. ^Moreover, although it has not, as events have shown, been strictly observed ! it was not without its effect on the shape of the growth and the configuration of London; nor is the interest of it altogether past. The dangers then apprehended were, in their pre- cise form, nnct bravely, boldly grappled with, and surmounted; and we can justly afford to smile at some of the fears and the views of those days. And yet the underlvino: current- of them is with us still. It is still London which '• sucks in the dregs of each corrupted State ; "■" still there is amongst us " the pestering of houses Avitji divers families," and thereby the " infection of sickness and the dearth of victuals and fuel," as in the days of the great 'J'ndor Queen. Are we to touch this disease in its most feverish I30 THE DRSTiri'TE ALIEN IX GREAT BRITAIX. development ? Aud if sO; how far and in what way is it wise ? how far and in what way is it riglit^ national, jnst, and benevolent, that we should touch it in these more experienced days of a still greater Qneen ? That is the question ! THE niPERIAL ASPECT. By AV. a. Mc Arthur. Thk average Eng-lisliman is vei'y proiul of his oiiipire — perliap?^ at tinies, oven a little arrogant. ITo is never tired of telling the world how the sun never sets on his flag. lie is always declaring liis cheerful willing- ness to die for the empire at a moment's notice. He loves the poems which talk of the flag which has l)raved the storms of every sea_, and which never lloats over a slave. The unity of the empire has been a most successful electioneering cry. A new society has sprung into being, under most distinguished patronage, to forward the movement for the I'ederation of the empire. J''iVorybody joins it. Speakers find in the empire matter for glowing perorations — it is a safe subject for a leading artich?. Yjven among the politicians in tlie House of Commons, who have long since lost belief in most things, thoro may be found some who still hold to their faith in the empire. All this indeed is to the good. Xo one who lias seen with an intelligent eye the countries which make up the British Empire, can i'ail to return to England stirred to the very soul with a sense of the enormous 132 rilE DRSTTTUTR ALIEN 7X GREAT BRITALW. possibilities wliicli lie l)oroi'e those vast tei'ritories, which tlie coni'ago and ontci'priso of Englishmoii ]i;ivo ji(hlo(l to their ciiipii'o. And no impartial observer can fail to sec that on the whole the onipire of fhig- land is a factor in the world which makes for right- eousness. AVherever onr Hag is planted there follow the arts of peace. And there follows also the spirit of fair l^lny and of just dealings with native races which lias made our government always tolerated, and in most cases welcomed by peoples the most diverse in race and religion and character. All this is true, and it is well that the original John Bull at home should appreciate it, and bo proud of it, and be always ready to cheer for his empii'(\ But his testing time has yet to come. Up to the present he has had nothing to do for his eni.pire but to cheer and to pay the bill. And this, to do him justice, he has always done cheerfully enough. Jhit the world moves fast, and in matters of opinion it moves faster in the English world outside J'higland than it does in ]']nf>:laud itself. And John Bull will find out tluit, if he is to realize his dream of a federation of the empire, he must do more than cheer for his colonies and pay some of their bills. It is good that he should cheer, and also, within limits, that he shoidd pay. But he must ;dso do violence to some of his opinions. Ho must give up some of his pet prejudices. lie mu:,t lie C(>nt(Mit to sink, to some (extent, his own THE JMI'ERIAL ASPEC'/: iadiviJaality. He cau no longer pose as the all- powetfal father, lie must take his place as the wise elder brothei' of the English family. And ho must admit that tliere are some tilings which his younger brothers can teach ev'en him, and ia which their experience may be a useful guide to him. This is a hard saying for John 15ull. No one, on the whole, has such uscl'ul prejudices as the good John. And he has found many of them serve him so well in the past that he clings to them with a dogged desperation which has become almost a part of his religion. A\'e lay violent hands on the very Ark of the Covenant when we assail John Bull on any of these dear beliefs of his. And yet, if we are to make any progress with tlie subject of which this book treats, we shall have to attack John Bull on two of his most cherished illusions. lie believes in Free Ti'ade as he does in the Thirty- nine Articles. He probably does not cpiito understand either, but he is convinced they are necessary for salvation. Protection he will not have in any shape. And for England itself no doubt he is right. Pro- bably, alsi^, for most of her colonies, though many oi tluMU have taken a dillerent view, being under dif- iei'ent conditions. Ihit his belief in Eree Trade, like all the beliefs he holds strongly, becomes to him a sort of fetish. He has blindly worshipped it so long and so ardently that, like Mr. Dick, who found it impos- 134 THE DESTITUTE ALIEN IN GREAT BRITAIN. siblo to keep tlie head of Charles I. out of his memoirs, our good John finds an attack on Free Trade iu every proposal for legislative interference with anybody or anything which comes into this country. He jumps to the conclusion that we are tampering with his most cherished principles in trying to exclude the pauper foreigner. But if he would learn from one of the most flourishing of his colonies, that of Xew South Wales, which is a free trade colony, he would find that she has long ago, despite her almost pedantic devotion to free trade, taken very strong steps indeed to shut out such immigrants from other countries as have seemed to her undesirable. I am not now referring to the Chinese. They are practically ex- cluded from Australia also, though for a different reason, and I will return to their case later on. But I am referring now to instances in which Aus- tralia has refused to admit English subjects, natives of these islands, for reasons that have seemed to her to be sufficient. And, indeed, so strong has been her determination to keep her people free from moral contamination, that she has at times refused admission to English -born subjects even without the authority of a law to back her. "When the Irish informers, after the trial of the Phoenix Park nnirderers, attempted to land in Australia, neither Xew South AVales nor Vic- toria would receive them. Their action was grossly illeiral. It had no Icofal sanction. And vet tlie Homo THE IMPERIAL ASPECI'. Goverumeut had no clioice but to acquiesce iu tlic decision of tlio Colonial Govcrnmentj it bciug felt to be an impossible thing to attempt to coerce a great colony into receiving scoundrels of this class. Most of the colonies have also taken steps to pre- vent the introduction of persons likely to become a charge upon the public or upon charitable institutions. And in so doing they have only followed the general practice of the world outside the British Isles. The whole weight of colonial opinion and experience is in the direction of imposiug reasonable restrictions on the introduction of undesirable elements into their society. They acted in the case of the Irish informers upon moral grounds. They are acting in tlie case of the Chinese upon material as well as moral grounds. The Cliinamau has about as low a standard of comfort as can be imagined. It is a standard which apparently cannot be raised to our level ; at all events, not iu Australia. And therefore they have been practically excluded from these colonies^ in absolute defiance of treaties between England and China. I should like to see the English Colonial Secretary who would at this time of day attempt to interfere with the Anti- Chinese legislation of Australia. Sir Henry l^irkes, the premier of New Soulh AVales, when charged with bavins' broken the laws of the land in excludius the Chinese; replied; '' 1 care nothing about your cobweb ^j{ technical law; i am obeying a law fir superior i;6 THE DESriTUTE ALIEN EV GEE AT BRITAEY. to any hiw wliicli issued those permits, namely, the law of the prcservatiou of society in Xew South AVales." That this is the right attitude no one who knows the habits of the Ciiinese can doubt. It is, of course, an attitude which shocks the pedantic free trader. It is an attitude which is not for the benefit of the consumer. If the be-all and end-all of govern- ment is to obtain unrestricted competition at the price of public morality and of decency of life, then no doubt Australia is wrong. But if it be a good thing to risk paying a shade more for a natiou\s goods, in order to exclude a moral plague which may turn a great city into a modern Sodom, then there is no friend of his kind who will not approve Sir Henry Parkes^ declarati'.)n^ aiid the action of the Xew South AVales and other Australian governments. I am justi- fied in saying that the Imperial view — that is the view of almost the whole of the empire outside of England — is in favour of the restrictions we are seeking to obtain in England. Is it not a strong thing for England absolutely to refuse to listen to the teachings of the experience of almost every J'higlish-speaking com- munity in the world except herself '" And how, in face of her }ier.-istent defiance of English opinion outside Jhigland, can she hope to succeed with her pet })roject of Imperial Eederation ? There can be no such federation ^vithe■ut some kind of mutual give and take. Indeed, on this point of THE fMPERIAl. ASPECT. ij; Chinese imtnigi-ution^ ]\[r. Gillies^ tlio then premier of Victoria, declared that lie was not aware of the exact nature and extent of the obh'gations of the Im- perial Ciovernment to China; and went on to argue that as the colonies had had no voice in the making of these treaties their governments could not be held to be bound to receive Cliinesc immigration to an indeilnite extent. This is one of the points^ and a most important point too^ upon which John Bull must be content to sink his prejudices and learn from his younger brothers before he can convince them of the benefit of a closer union with him. This Australian determination to preserve them- selves from moral contamination is no new thing; nor has it sprung into being over the recent dispute about Chinese immigration. The feeling on that subject, as 1 have already shown^ is so strong in A-Ustraliaj that the Chinese are now practically excluded from Aus- tralia in absolute defiance of the treaties made between ]higland and China^ which gi\'e citizens of the Cliinese Empire the right to go to Australia^ or to any other part of the Hritish EmpirCj if they please. The same restriction is ap[)lied to Chinamen who are actually Jilngli.sh subjects, and colonial feeling is so strong u})on this point, and so general throughout all classes of the community, that, illegal as it may be — • in total disregard of treaty-rights as it is — no English government has yet been fuund courageous enough to mS the DES'I rJVTE ALIEN I.V GREAT UK 17 A IX. disregard wliat is practically a unanimous colonial opinion. 1 venture to propbesy that wo sball never witness ihe intervention of tlio Imperial government in order to compel ]''nglisli subjects in Australia to carry out the treaty-rights which England has provided for the Chinese^ or that such intervention will ever be used to compel Australia to receive Chinese immigrants who may even be actually British subjects. I said just now that the Australian action against undesirable immigration v.'as no new thing ! Between ISlO and 1850 Victoria was prepared to prevent, by force if necessary, the landing of British convicts at Melbourne. They passed in J >'o2 the " Convicts Prevention Act/' which prevented convicts who Avere pardoned, or whose time had expired, or who had received tickets-of-leave, authorising them to go where they pleased in Australia, from landing in A'ictoria; and which imposed heavy fines upon ihe captains of ships attempting to introduce such pas- sengers. I do not think that in Australia these laws are dictated by any race-hatred, or by any religious preju- dice. There is no desire, so far as I have ever experi- enced, to shut'"out Cliinese 7"'' Chinese — or to shut out any other kind of itnniigi-ant solely because it may be tliouglit that he is likely to add tu the cumpe- THE IMPERIAL ASrECT. 139 titiou wliich prevails already in the colonial labour market — or because lie is of a different religion to the bulk of the coniuiunity. Australian opinion usually puts the case against Chinese^ against ex-convicts, and against undesirable immigration generally, upon high moral grounds — upon the grounds that the Aus- tralians have a now country, with an educated, intelli- gent, and moral papulation, and that they are not willing to run the chance of seeing that population corrupted by the introduction of a horde of immi- grants, whose habits of life, whose notions of morality, and whose standard of comfort, ai'c far below that of the existing population. Nor is the agitation against the Chinese connected with any movement in favour of protection. Sir Henry Parkes, whose words I have already quoted, is premier of a free-trade cabinet in the free- trade colony of New South Wales. The Hon. Air. Mc Millan is his colonial treasurer — also a very strong fi'cc-trader, and one of the most prominent leaders in the recent struggle between free-traders and protec- tionists in New South Wales. lie says to the electors of East Sydney, '^' A\ e have decided, although per- haps in a precipitate manner, that our virgin soil shall not be contaminated l)y hordes of an alien and uumixable race." In one of his speeches u])on this subject, Sir Henry I'arkes takes up the veiy^ strung ground that the un- 140 THE DESTITUTE ALIEN IN GREAT BRITAIN. restricted introduction of Chiueso into Australia would absolutely cliange tlic whole character of the Australian people. Abaudoninf]^ for a moment the aro-umeut on the ground of public moralitVj he declares that '' they are a superior set of people belonging to a nation of an old and deep-rooted civilization. A\'e know the beautiful results of many of their luandicrafC; Ave know how wonderful are their powers of in:iaglnationj their endurance^ and their patient labour. ]t is for these qualities that I do not want them to come here. The influx of a few million of Chinese here would entirely change the character of this young Austi'a- lian commonwealth. It is^ then^ because I believe the Cliinese to be a powerful race^ capable of taking a great hold upon the countr\', and because I wish to preserve the type of my own nation in these fair countries^ that I am^ and always liave been_, opposed to the influx of Chinese. ^^ Now I am not aryuino- here in favour of racc-anti- pathies, or of religious hatred ; and I am far from advocating that anybody should break the law. I am only using the Australian example, which shows their feeling to be so strong that they have even risked the defiance of treatv-riiifhts, and the breakiiiu" of i'hi2-lish law, in order to keep out what they regard as beiiig undesirable immigrants, and in order to preserve the type of their own race, to prove how strong is colonial IIIE IMPERIAL ASIRCT. \ \\ opinion upon those; points, and how vitally nocossaiy for tlio wclFai-c of tlieir country tlu^y believe to Ijb tlio poAvoi'S which tlu'V hav(> taken for the exclusion of sucli people from their shoi'( s. Is it notj then, a strange thing- for I'highiinl to refuse to learn lessons wliich are the result of the experierice of ^'Xqy^^ other ]']nglisli-speaking nation in the woild ? For it must not be forgotten that the United States also have found the burden of undesir- able immigrants intolerable. Twenty years ago America was inclined to be proud of the number of lier immigrants, but within, comparatively speaking, the last few years, they have begun to pour in npon her in ssvarms from all parts of Europe, until she lias bccon^ic saturated, so to say, with vei'y much the same class of immigrant whom we arc seeking to exclude from fhigland. These immigrants — many of them — do not speak English, and do not assimilate with the population as do immigrants of the Scandinavian, German, and even Irish type. They bring with them a low standard of morals, and a low standard of physical comfort, and they therefore compete unfairly with existing labour in America, which has, for the most part, attained tlio enjoyment of a wage which enables it to live in tolerable comfort. Tiiere serious troubles have recently arisen from this vei-y cause, '^i'hey find that the lower class of foreign immigrants liave secret 142 THE DESTirUTR AJ.IRN IN GREAT BRITAEX. societies of their owu, with objects which are not compatible with the obhgations of respectable citizen- ship. Some of these evils have recently come to light in the most marked manner daring the !Mafia Riots in New Orleans ; and although the lynching of the Italians in New Orleans, whom the American citizens regarded as having been acquitted, owing to the terrorising or bribing of the jury by a secret Italian murder society^ was no doubt grossly illegal, and ought to be repudiated in the name of law and ordei-, yet there is not the slightest doubt that the entire current of American unofficial opinion is very strongly with tlio citizens of New Orleans, who are regarded as having on the whole taken the ordy course open to them to free themselves from the burden of an intoler- able foreign tyranny. The presentment of the grand jury of New Orleans points out that there is no f[ues- tion more intimately connected with the subject matter of their investigation than immigration, and records its opinion '^ that the time has past when tliis country (America) can be made the dumping-ground for the worthless and depraved of every nation." Amongst the foreign miners in America there is also a grievous trouble. The Russian and Italian miners are in open and armed revolt against the law, and so strong is the public opinion which has been stirred up in the face of all these facts, that it is very probable indeed that the I'nited States will pass THE. IMrERLir. ASPECT. 1-43 logislatiou excluding from their country all immi- grants — pauper or otherwise — ^excepting English, German, Scandinavian, and perhaps the Swiss. In the face of all the experience of other English- speaking races it seems to me impossible that Eng- land can stand still. Ainerica lias an area of some three million square miles with a population of be- tween sixty and seventy millions. Australia has about the same area of country with a population of between four and five millions. If these young coun- tries, with a practically boundless supply of land, and so comparatively sparse a population, find it expedient to exclude the pauper foreigner — nay, more, regard it as so vital to their interests to do so that they are willing to run the I'isk of European complication in the one case, and of infringing treaty rights and breaking th.e law in the other, in order to accom- plish their object — ^how much the more necessary is it for us ':* Wc possess in I'higland one hundred and twenty thousand square miles, as against three million, with a population of, say, thirty millions of souls. Neither America nor Australia, with an infinitely smaller ratio of inhabitants to their acreage, can afford to allow free entry to all comers. Nor, L think, can we. It is surely time that our old counti-y should wake out of her sleep and set herself resolutely to v/ork to purge herself of lier dangerous foreign elements wdiile there is vet time. 144 THE DESTITl'TE ALIEN IX GREAT BRITAIN. The other nro'iimeiifc which sorely oppresses John Bull is the argument in connection with political refugees. lie fears that if leg-islation of this kind be passed^ lie may be found some d;iy handing over conti- nental political prisoners to the tender mercies of des- potic governments. It is a fear which does him credit, but which, I think, is not well founded. ]\Iean3 might very well bo devised to shield the political refugee. To begin with, very few' of them come here as paupers, and still fewer come who arc totally un- known, and whose cases could not therefore be eu- qnired into before they were sent back. Fiuall}^ I think John Bull shonld reflect that he owes a duty to his children. AVe believe the Anglo- Saxon race to be the finest of the world. I'^very Ihiglisliman, at home or abroad, or in America, is proud of his race, of his language, of his traditions, and of the great Anglo-Saxon stock from which he sprung. Kingsley has told us the touching story of the old w\arrior AVulf, who, on the point of submitting liimself to Christian baptism, suddenly bethought him to inquire from the ofiiciating bishop wdiero were the souls of his heathen ancestors. "Jn hell!''' re- plied the bishop. And ^Vulf drew back from the font. '^ He would prefer, if Adolf had no objection, to go to his own people.'^ So, I think, say wo all. AVe prefer our own people and our own race. Let us see to it that we preserve THE IMPEKIAL ASPECT. 145 its vigour and its noblo cliaractoristics, so that oul- colonial ofFspi'ing may still boar themselves proudly when they think of the parent race from which they came, liot us be wise while yet there is time^ lest in years to come our children should despise us. Surelj' they must despise us if they see us heedless alike of our own race traditions and of the experience with which they themselves have furnished us. Till-] ITALIAN ASPECT. J5v W. 11. AVjlkixs. f lAr.v, fiiic of Xaliire's cfarcleiis, a land teouiiuk'' wilh ixlics of the nu'gliry piist^ rich iu treasures of literature and art; a country great in natural resoui'ce.s with .some of the very best staple products^ io yet one of the worst as r^'gards her economic condition. Iler exports are varied and rich ; but over-populated^ and with an internal system ^vh!ch does not ]irovide iy) keep her pour employed, her surplus populatiuJi drifts from homo to wurk^ to beg. or to starve iu other lauds. For mari_y years the influx of Italians into this country has been very lai-go and increasing. Italv would seem to show a partiality for England over all other countries, except perhaps America, in sending to its shores her illiterate masses, Eon^hjin, and many of our large provincial cities, are cro vded with a class of Italians, who are, Ibr the most part, ion-producers. .Vbliorrino- agric'.lture, and in fact a:i\- settiCil occupa- tion or trade, they cling to our large C'.'ntres of popu- lation, and eke out an oxi.-teuce by means of the most de^"'a-adini;' purc^uits. biitre art-, of course, notable THE ITALIAN ASPECT. 147 exceptions. 1 do not include in this category that numerous chxss of Italiaiis who^ upon theii- arrival in J'Jngland, take up some definite trade or employment, such as confectioners, cooks, and waiters. These are in no sense an evil, for thoy supply a felt want. They come to us as skilled workmen, and are decent and cleanU' in their habits and mode of life. Gradually they are absorbed into our national life, and become good and usefid niombers of the community. Unfortunately, the great mass of Italian emigrants differ widely from such as these. They are, for the most part, the idle, the vicious, and the destitute, the off-scouring of their own country, who, forbidden or hampered by the drastic laws now enforced in Italy against Viigrancy and mendicancy, drift over to England, and here endeavour to pursue that nefarious mode of life which is denied them in the laud of their birth. Aliny Italians arrive in this country in an absolutely destitute condition, knowing no trade and having neither friends nor money. They apply for relief at once, and very often upon arrival go straight from the railway station to the Italian Consulate, and beg for tdms. They are ignorant of the country, of its lan- guage, of its laws, and being thus unamenable to any good iniluenees which may exist, they quickly fall into baa hands. It is one more lUnsEration of the truth of Dr. Waits^ old riKixim, that miichief is always found 148 TUB DESTrjU'J-E ALIEN IN GREAT BR I IAIN. " for idle hands to do."'' rrofessional bc"'""ars lav in wait for theiiij and tcacli tlieni liow to approach with success the different charitable societies, or, worse stilly they fall an easy prey to one of the secret socialistic ci" revolutionary leagues which abound in the uietro- } olis. I am informed upon trustworthy authority that the number of foreign revolutionists in this country has very largely increased duiing the last thi-ee years^ and with the object-lesson which the Mafia in New Orleans has recently presented to us, there can be no doubt that in this rapid increase of foreign revolu- tionary societies lurk the elements of a very grave and serious social danger. As an instance of tliisj the Italian lienevolent Society quite recently befriended an Italian on his arrival here, 1)y providing him with the implements of his occupation, that of a cook in a re- staui'ant. lie was dischai'gcd from his situation after repeated trials, because of his dirl\', filthy liabits, and because he absolutely refused to work. When with- out employment, he fell in with some gang of foreign sociLdists, whoso evil iullueuce (piiekly counteracted all the good the I'onevolent Society had attempted to do for him. lie wotdd do anything i-athcr than work, and came again and again to the Society, begging lor alms. At length he became such a nuisance, and was so insolent, demanding as a right that to which he had no right at all, that he had to be fureibly ejeeted from the oilices of the Societv. Another ease is that oi' a THE ITALIAN' ASTECT. 149 inan who lias boon twicer sent, ])ack to Italy at tho Society's expense, and each time lias found liis way back agaia to London, One more very recent instance Avill suffice. As I am indebted for tins to Signor B.eglietti, the secretary of tho Italian Benevolent Society, I will give it in his own words. Ho writes in a letter dated from the Italian Consulate, April 27th, 1891 :— '' On. Friday last, a man arrived by steamer from Genoa, with the avowed purpose of begging. lie had fifty fra)ii'.'< at Genoa, which ho paid for his passage, and from the dock ho came at once to the Consulate, perfectly penniless. lie asked for help, and how to get a license to go out begging on account of being deprived of four (uigers off one liand ! Similar cases often oceui"." The Italians, of whom these three cases are fair specimens, mostly come from Naples and the vicinity, where they live in pauperism, filth and vice, with no higher ambition than to get cheap food enough to keep them alive. Uneducated and slovenly when they come, they never improve, and despite all efforts to restnun them, they persist in following here tho same mode of living which they practised at home. They are ineradicably bad, and only the fear of the law's punishment, of which they have a lively dread, keeps them in any wny disciplined. Tlie degraded habits of this class of immigrants, innate and lasting as they ai'C, i.-^o TIIF. ]^>rsri'l r I R AI.IKX IX CI^EAT URIJ'AIK. stamp tliom a.s a most inidesirablo ,s(M-, wliose aftiiiatioii with our own pcioplo must in time work great injiiiy. One of tlie most serious aspects of this question of the immigration of the destitute^ and by far the saddest and most pathetic, is tliat which relates to the disgrace- ful traffic in Italian children carried on under the auspices of the Fadroi/i. The employment of a large number of Italian chihlren in England as vagi-ants and itinerant musicians, is a matter wliich has for a long time exercised the minds of philanthropic persons ; but i'ew, save tlioso who liave made tiiis cjuestion an especial study, liave any conception of its increase and extent. The traffic is carried on in this wisi; : — Tiie children are brought ov(M" from tlieir native country by men who obtain tliem from their parents for a very small sum, for a few ducats annually — a ducat equals 3.S'. G'l. — and npnn uiidei'taking t*) clothe and to feed tliem. The heartless parents who thus dispose of their offspriiig arCj for the most part, very poor peasants living in Calabria and the South of Italy ; Caserta, in the South of Italy, is one of the pi'incipal places from which tliese vagrant children come. The land around Caserta is very pooi-, yit^lding scarcely sufficient sus- tenance to keep the ])eople who dwell npon it alive, and the conditions of existence ai'o nocossai'ily hai-d in th{> exti-eme. This, perhaps, accounts to some extent for the nnnatinvd ahicritv which tliese })arenls THK ITAr.IAX ASPECT. 151 sliow in ]iai'ting' witli tlioir cliildKMi. Their desire to get lid of jiareiital ros])onsibility is i:() doubt stimu- lated bv the oflowinoc tale of .1'] no-land's fabled wealth which the piidrone unfolds to them^ and bj the way in wliicli he dwells npon the rich and prosperous future which is open to the children. lias he not himself been once as they are? Is he not now rich, as rich as the village usurer or the sindaco ? So drugging their consciences to sleep — if, indeed^ they can be said to have any conscience at all — the parents surrender their childreii, a)id a few coins change hands. The childre?i are sold into what is a veritabh^ slavery without any heed being takc^i of their future, and the parents are glad to 1)e I'f'lieved of the present responsibility by their maintenance and education. It is not always the iiadroni though^ who bring the children to England. Sometimes they ai"e consigned to relatives^ and sometimes the parents bring them themselves ; but whether they come under the care of the parents, or the care of the pailroni, the evil effects of the system remain the same. The padroni, that is tlie masters, having thus oljtained possession of the children, they bring them by circuitous routes to England. How these slave- drivers — for they are little better — manage to evade the new Italian law against their traflic it is not easy to say ; but when they have once got clear of the fi'ontier, their course is plain. Some travel by rail- 152 THE DESTITUTE ALIEX T\' GREAT TRITALW. Avay ; but many of tlicm actuary Jonniey on foot^ from town to town^ and village to village, all tlio way up to Dieppe or Calais, from thence crossing over to our shores. Once arrived in England, these poor children ai'o compelled to begin their sad career of degradation, vagi'ancy and hardships. They are, in fact, imported simply for the purpose of following one or the other of the vagrant professions in the streets of London, and througliout the countr}'. AVe are all familiar with the little dark-eyed southerner who plays with sucli pathetic patience upon his whee/y accordion, and thaidvs us for our pence in a broken tongue. Early in the morning they arc sent out with an accordiun, concertina, or other instrument, and told to sing ov play before houses, and there to wait for money. As a rule, they do not openly beg for alms, as this would bring them within i-each of the law ; ])ut they just stand and wait, and charitably disposed persons, attracted by their ])icturestj,ue appearance, and moved to compassion, give them money, ignorant or forget- ful of tlic fact that this money benefits them personally n()t at all, but the j'ft'7/'o//e whose property they are. The ptnlrvnl ai-e cruel and pitiless masters, and treat the children just like slaves. If the little ones do not bring home a suflicient sum, they arc cruelly Ix'aten an.d ill-treated, kept without fuod or nourisli- ment, and sent hungry to bed. Aery often these poor THE ITALIAN ASTECT. cliildrou do not got liomo from tlieir weary rounds till ])ast midnight, and arc often found ut terly worn out and fast asleep under an areliway or on a doorstep. The cff(}cts of this evil system upon its victims are necessarily very Ijad. They do not go to school, they become very idle, and begin early to drink, smoke, and take to all kinds of vices. They are habitually over- worked and underfed, their staple food being much the same as that to which they are accustomed in tlieir native country, such as maccaroni, rice, and so forth. fjut the climate is so much more rigorous in England, the fogs of smoky London so different from the warm clear air of sunny Italy, that they cannot live propei'ly on such diet, even if they had enough of it to cat, which is very seldom the case. They suffer cspecialls' fi-om the diseases of the throat and pulmonary affec- tions brought on by this underfeeding, and by being- exposed to all kinds of weather. The mortality from these causes is, of necessity, considerable. Every year many die. ]jut the lot of those who survive is sadder still. They grow up immoral, illiterate, vicious, and low, a degraded class, exercising the most undesirable iniluonce upon those with whom tlioy come in contact. 'Jdiey are wretchedly lodged, huddled together, four or five sleeping in a bed, when they have one to sleep in at all. Ik-ing private houses, tlieir lodgings are not in any way open to inspection. To them the word '■' home," so sacred to English cars, has no meaning 15 1 TIIF. DES'JlTrTE ALIEX IX GREAT EKiTAlX. al;- \\\\, and witli thcin (lecciicy, cl('aiiliiu\ faet that in the exei'cisf^ of tlieii- vagi'ant calling, they are often sent into low drinkiiig-sh'')ps, ])ublic-hou--es, rilF. JTAIJAN ASPECT. and siiiiihir places wliPi'O l);ul {'liaracters abound. The boys, when tliey grow up, beconiG beg'gars by pro- fession, and always remain so, for they learn no other trade, and can neitiier read nor write. Some remain in England, but many go over to Italy and bfing back children themselves. Sometimes, when they are seventeen or eighteen 3'ears old, they run away from \.\\Q 'padfonl and set up ou tlieir own account. 'V\\Q pailroul are men utterly witliout principle, and morally bad in every way. I will sketch the career of one of thom, who is, I believe, not a wit more infamous than many of liis f(dlows. T am not permitt(^d in this instance to give the pi'eciso soui'C(> of my iiiformntinii, but it is absolutely trustworthy. Guiseppe Delicato, for such is this man's name, is a ijadronr., who foi* many years has carried on his infamous traflic in Birmingham. Ilis business would seem to be a very extensive one, since, in addition to the ostablisliment at Birmingham, ho has also similar houses in l^ho^uix Street, Plymouth, and ^Mtirsh Street, Hanley, for the purpose of plying his trade in those places as well. He is a nat^ive of Rosanico Contrado, in the province of Attina, and would seem to bo a man of some standing in his native couutiy, since ho is well acquainted with Signor Bernardo >\Ianciiu, ]\Iayor of Attina, with whom ho is in the habit of frefjueiiily coi-responding in reference to his business mattei-s. Delicato ha- nvie]ievolent Society for assistance, representing them- selves as being in such a destitute condition that they cannot afford to buy tlieni. The irathc is most lucrative, and the gains which ijS THE DESTITUTE ALIEN IN GREAT BRITAIN. tlie 2VMJro)u', more especially^ make out of these cliildren, are very large; so much so^ that after a few years they ;ire able to retire to sanuy Italy, and to live as jiropridari, or country gentlemen. Some- times the children will bring home as much as ten shillings in a day, and as^ often, one jxidronc has as many as fifty children under his care, spread about in companies in London and the country, under the supervision of his confederates, it will be seen that the total amount of the number of small sums accumu- lating daily nmst be very large. Of course, sometimes the children bring hojue very little, and sometimes nothing at all, but as the ])enalty in this case is a beating, and being kept without food, fear stimulates their efforts, and they seldom return empty-handed. Many efforts have been made to put a stop to this disgraceful trafhc. The Italian Benevolent Society, established in London — a Society which might serve as a model for others, both from its admirably organ- ized system of relief, and for the efforts it makes to discourage these people from coming to England — has been especially energetic in the matter. Lender its auspices, several petitions have been made to the English Government, one to the Kome Secretary, to bring the matter before him vrith the aid of the I^mbassy. So long ago as 1S77 an inquiry into this question vras instituted by the Charity Organization Societv, and a depuration waited on the Home '1 IjR riAI IAN ASl LCr. 139 Secretary; then Sir Kicliard Cross^ with the result that H circular was addressed to the police magistrates^ asking them to help in dealing with these children, so that where it was possible they should be returned to Italy. The Italian Benevolent Society can only deal with the children when they are handed over by the magistrates. The Society has returned a great many in this way to Italy, but as a rule they come back again. If the children are taken from the p'i'Ji-niii, the parents often bring them themselves, and then, of course, they cannr.t be taken away from their parents. 'J"he only visible efl'ect has been to reduce slight!}' the number of p'i'h''>iii, and to increase the number of parents; but, as i have said beibre, the parents are so unnatural; that whether the children are brought ln.'re by them or by the jin'/ri.ni i, the evil effects of the system remain the same. In 1:^7') the Italian .Benev(dent Society went on a deputation to tlie London Scliool Buard, and it vras decided to com])el those children to go to school in the same way as if they had been English children, and an Italitin School Board oHicer was appointed for the purpose. The consequence was that many were compelled to go to school, chiefly to the schools connected with the Roman I'ath'jlic Ciiureh (jf St. Peter, in ilatton (jardtm, v/hi.jh; wiih the adjoiiuug portions of SatTron Hill and Xew lijiebery Avenue^ forms the principal Iraiian quarter m London. There, 100 rilE DESTITUTK ALIEN IX GREAT BKITAIX. ill stuuted streets and in narrow courts clioked with ice-cream barrows, vendors of hot chestnuts, and sucli- like delicacies, will be found not only a large colon}- of these imported itiueraiit musician?, but also a young Italy which has never been further abroad than (lie sunny slopes of Clerkeuwell Gi'cen. JJut to return to the action of the School Board. The jiinlnnic was equ;d to the occasion. ]^eaviug his beloved haunts f line and imprisonment; in case of bad usage and illireat- ment, the punishment is three years' imprisonment, aud if the childreu have been entrap})cd or kidnapped by violence, the penalty is seven years. In Italy this Act has produced most beneficial rc-ults, but it does not appear to have in any way lessened the evil traffic in England, where all eilbrts, Icgishitive or otherwise, have hitherto lalieu short of the uuirk. tSeveral suggestions have b-cen made Ijy which the existing state of affaiis may be remedied, all worthy of consideration. One i^ to increa.-.e the limit of age laid down by the Children's Protection Act to eightee years of age in the case of persons of both sexes. This vrould bring the Act still closer in accord with tlie law of Italy. The limit of age at present fixed by the law is too low, and fur this reason. Directly the children leave school, at about fourteen years of ai:e — I speak here of those resident in Loudon, wLo arc under tlie supervision of the Italian School Board n THE ITAl.TAN ASPECT. i6: ofiiccr — tlioy arc put on to the strccls to ply the mct^titre. It is an impressionable age. All the good they learn at school is quickly undone, and tiie law is powerless to touch theni; whereas, if the limit of age were fixed at ei":liteen, the uu/sfirrc could not lonty be followed, and the ])arents would provide them with some definite occii])ation, or put them to learn some proper trade, so that their time would notice wasted. Another sugge.-tii)n is that there should be a general tightening of the compulsoi'y method by the h^chool Jioards all o\-er the country. J^et the pa-lrunr know that in e\'ei'v J'hi<;'li^li t(jwn his siuyiiiiif l;(i\-s and playing girls will be hurried off to school by the .School Board Oiliccr, he \vill scon find his i^'aius dtci'crise. If only the children coiild be compelled to live laborious days in school, the occupation of the /jitilronc would be gone, and his dream of retui-niug to ho beJU ItaVi'j , to live there as a country gentleman, v>-ould vanish for ever, it is ilhgical that the com- pulsory action of the »Schoul Hoard should be en- forced in Lyjiidou, and allowed tu rcuiain idle in the provinces, 'J'ho third and most dra-^tic remedy, and by far the most effective, vrould be to adopt the American plan, and stop the children at the p.jrts of arrival when they come to England, and send them back at once to their own country; and nut the chiidren only, but the whole class of destitute, idle, and useless irnmi- 1 64 THE DESTrrUTi: AIJEX IN GREAT BE IT A EX. grants who attempt to land upon our shores. Signor Tiighetti, who has gone into this C[U_estion of Italian immigration more thorouglily than any one eUe, is especially emphatic in declaring that this is the only efficacious way iii which the evil can be eradicated. At present^ however^ wo have no laws on the subject of foreign immigration^ and though doubtless before long some sucli restrictions as those recently enforced by the United States Government will have to bo adopted here^ yet it is idle to deny, Jiaving regard to the present state of public business and public feeling, that any legislation of this kind must of necessity be taril\-. In the meantimOj what is to be done ? For ;i nation which was foremost in abolishing the slave trade to tamely tolerate in its midst an inhuman traffic such as this, is something worse than an anachr(jnisni. It is a blut and a re- proach up'''n our ^'aunted civilizaliMU, 'I'hc Chiklren's Protection Act is declartMl to lie insufficient to cope with this evil. \ ery energetic measures are needed against the masters and parents of these p'.or children. At present the punishment is far too mihl. A fine or a few weeks' imprisonment counts as nothing to them in comparison to the gains thev make. As an instance of this a magistrate once made a 'i>odr"nc deposit 12C) ^vit1l the Italian Benevo- lent Societv a^ a guarjintee that he W'jukl take S'lmo children back to it;ilv. out liie '.'1^' still remain^ in THE ITArJAy ASPECT. 165 the liauds of the Socicfy, and tlio man did not go, saying, as lie quitted, the court, " Wliat is tlio money to us ? VsG can soon mako it over again ! ^' If a child is left an orphan there is ahvavs a great rusli for it among the padroni. They will promise any- thing, however extravagant, if they think they can gain possession of it to use it for their own infamous purposes. One remedy, at least, can be put into force at once, and that independently of all legislation. It is simply for the English public to refrain from giving the children money. The misplaced generosity of charit- able persons is the cause of so many of these little ones being brought over here to lead a life of degra- dation and ruin. 'J'he public should bear in mind that neither directly nor indirectly do the children beneiit by the alms so thoughtlessly given. On the contrary, the money goes to swell the ill-gotten gains of the parents and j^iadroiii, and to encourage and foster a system fraught with evil consequences, not only to the recipients of their bounty, but to the com- munity at hu'ge. The great thing is to lose no opportunity of bring- ing this truth before the notice of the public. Some little time since the Tiim-.s', commenting upon a letter which I, at the request of the Italian Benevolent Society, had written for their columns, condemned in no measured terms this dis":raceful traffic. The i66 THE DESrirUTE ALIEN IX GREAT BEITALW inattor was taken up wrirni'y b}' the provincial papers, and by tlie Press of Ita.ly, and for a time ic really seemed that some good might be done. For a time only, and then some new sensation arose, and the iniquities of the padroue, and the sulTerings of his poor little victims, were tlirust aside and forgotten. In fact, instead of the Press usiu"' its great influence to stamp out the evil, one portion of it — some of the children's papers — liave unwittingly encouraged it. Only the other day T came across, in a paper for chil- di'en's reading, a picture of an Italian organ-grindei', with an t'xpi'ossion of unusual amiability on his swai'thy face, and by his side was standing a little child Inohing np in niute appeal for alms, whih^ nnderneath the legend ran : '' (live something to the jn'ctty little Italian chihl, who comes from the sunny south, and is so {)Oor, and yet sings hapjjily all the day.'^ A pretty illusion indetd ; but the veriest fable that was ever invented by the imagination of man ! The legend sliould rathcn' have run : " Have merin' on the poor little Italian child, who comes fi'oin the foul dens of Saffron Hill, who is half-starved, cruelly beaten, and roljbed of every penny of its earnings, and who sings in mortal terror of the bi'utal master, who grows rich n])on its sufferings." A good deal of anxious ihonglit has of late been cx})ended ()n the snbj(^ct of black slavery in Africa. Would it not I)e well that some attention slionld be THE I TALI AX ASPECT. i^,; given to tliis form of wliito slavery at homo ? On a superficial aspect of the life of these youthful vagrants, the idea of slavery is probably the last which would occur to one iu connection with them. They are apparently free and listless as the air they breathe, and as lightly tasked as any children in the land. It is only when we come to look beneath the surface, and examine the conditions of this seemingly careless existence, that its cruelty, hardship, and injustice become manifest. I have shown that many succumb to the miseries of their lot, and go down unheeded to an early grave. But what of those who survive, who gr-o'w up to manhood and to woman- hood amid the contamination of these corrupt sur- roundings ? Is not their lot sadder still ? Can nothing be done to rescue these worse than orphans from their life of moral and physical ruin ? The problem is not an easy one, I admit, but surely some attempt might be made to solve it, some organized effort on the part of 'charitable and philanthropic persons, bearing in mind the w'ords of One who made little children His especial care : ''" Inasmuch as ye have d approxinuite estimate oC the total Jewish population. But it is well known that infant mortality constitutes a largo ])ercentage of the death-rate, and there are but i^\^ infants among those immigrants, for reasons I70 rilE DESrrj'UTE ALIEN IN GREAT BRITAIN. which are sufficiently olnioiis. Again, •\vo niay look at tlie returns of Jewish children in the Elementary Schools, and adopting the method of the Education Department, multiply by six to find the total colony. But these Jews are notori'^usly and unhappily prolific ; their multiplying capacity cannot he estimated on a Gentile basis. Finall}", we may resort to the Alien Lists which are supposed to be drawn out 1)y captains of sliips entering the poi't of fjondon. They ai'c enjoined by the Alien Act of AVilliam I\". — which is not obsoh^te, but merely disr(>gardeil. '"'The lisis are still handcMl in/' W\\ liooth says, ^'^and filed at, tlu^ Home Office, but they ai'e never chec-ked, and are, so loosely made out that a whole family is often returned as only one person.'' Xor can we expect that the ngents and servants of the steamship companies will go out of their way to call public attention to the magnitude of a traffic on -which they subsist and thrive. 'bhere is no reason to accuse anybody of systematic evasion or wilful deception ; but we are entitled to make a very considerable addition to any figui'(>s which might lie reached by a study of the Alien In.-t-, documents so generally ignored that (aUhough they have been summarised since 1888 and the results jnil)- lishecl) on June 22nd a mendjcr of l^vrliament felt himself justified in asking the Home Secretary whether the Act under which they werc^ re ([uirinl was ^till in ( xistence ! V\'V tli(> i)i(sent, until tliov have FORKIGN PAUPER IMMIGRATION. 171 been strictly enforced and a return published^ we are coinpelled abnosfc to ignore tliein and to make our computation, sucli as it is, upon the otlier data men- tioned by Mr. Booth. Using* these he reckoned that in 1889 the Jewish population numbered some- where between 60,000 and 70,000. lie put the gross annual influx between 1881 and 1889 at an average of about 4,000, '' falling from about 5,000 or 0,000 in the earlier years, to 2,000 or 3,000 in the lator years. ^' From these confessedly rougli calculations, ]\Ir. Booth was justified in writing the sentences quoted at the beginning of this article. The alarm, he said, was all over tlien — at least for ihe irre-'^ont. If e did well to add that final proviso, ^riie tide had not turned, though it seemed for a brief period to be slackening. We were very soon undeceived. Let us turn to the official reports for the following year, the " Statistical Tables relating to Emigration and Immi- gration from and into the United Kingdom in the year 1890, and report to the Board of Trade thereon.'^ These were published last March, and their accuracy, so far as they go, is attested by the namie of ^Ir. Robert Giifen. Without giving the total number of Jewish immigrants in any year, the following table is confined to those persons who fall under the title of destitute aliens. When they arrived in England, or soon afterwards, they were compelled to ask for assist- ance from their charitable co-religionists here; — 172 THE DESTITUTE ALIEN IX GREAT B RITA IX. XUMBKR OF Al'l'lJCATKjNS yoK RkLIKF TO 'JlIK JeAVISH BoAKD OF GlAKUrANS, XUMliEll OF CaSFS liKLl F VKI), AM) >.'U-\I- F>ER OF Xew Cases IiElieved by the JJoaku ix ea( ii of TlfE UXFU:U.MENTI0.\E1) YEAKS. Year. Xumber of Ajipli- cations for Relief Xumbei" of Cases Relieved. Xumher of Xc^ Case- onl.w (Cases). 1876 . . 1,903 1,851 606' 1877 . . 2,296 2,242 862 1 1878 . . 2,471 2,410 873' 1879 . . 2,639 2,557 1,003' 1880 . . 2,583 2,441 945 ' 1881 . . 2,629 2,380 981' 1882 . . 2,953 2,775 1,306' 1883 . . 2,882 2,737 1,103 ' 1884 . . 3,313 3,054 1,368 1885 . . 3,586 3,408 1,536 1886 . . 4,497 4,139 1,9 i4 1887 . . 3,415 3,313 1,203 1838 . . 3,719 3,513 1,318 1889 . . 3.131 2,980 923 1890 . . 3,569 3,351 ! 1,319 Ijut these f]g'ure.s are even iiioi-e forinulaLlo than they appear to he. No statement is made ou the point; ]jut we are reasonably entitled to assume that a very great proportion, and perhaps a majority, of these "xlpplications for Kelief " stand^ not for so many individuals, but for so many families — perhaps largo families. It has already been hinted that the plague or (shall we say ?) the embarrassment caused by these destitute aliens is not confined to London. ' Up to 1883 the ligures in this column include case-; rel'asctl as well as cases relieved, but the numbers are small. FOREIGN PAUPER IMMIGRATION. 173 Just to bring out this very important^ but often ignored^ part of the problem^ it may be useful to quote the case of ]\[anchester : — Statistks of Rkj.ikk by the ?^rAN( iikstki; .Ii.wisii J5()Ai;n Of rivAKDrw.s IX j:a( II of tiik ixdkkmf.ntioxkd Yeahs. [Compiled from tlie Tloport of: the Manclicstcr JcAvisli Boiird of (uiurdiiii'.s.^ Casuals Fixed weekly cascr 18SO-90. 8651 1,085 1 95 1838-89. l».S7-88. Number of applicants . . Kuniber of applications Applications refused . . 843 '^ 1,0942 112 1,109 1,3.S7 178 Eelieved : — llesidrnts 888 1 756- 995 183 372 196 39 G 219 389 Total Number of times relieved 1,443 4,511 1,348- 4,3G5 2 1,603 4,7t;5 It lias already been explained why the Alien Lists cannot be accepted as containing any near approach to the actual numbers of foreigners landing at the port of London. Yet^ in ^Nlr. Giffen's words, they show '^ a notable increase/' especially as regards arrivals from Jlamlnirgj the point from which most ' To compare 1889-90, when holidays occurred in April, Septem- ber, and October, witlr 1583-89, when holidays occurred only in September, and no Passover relief v.-as given — Passover having occurred twice daring tlie financial year 1837-88— deduct 70. - To con:paie 1863-S'.t with 1587-S3, add 170. 174 THE DESJ7TUTE ALIEN EV GREAT BRITAIN. of the superfluous Jews of the Continent are passed on to the United Kingdom^ or perhaps to America — - no matter which^ so long as they do not stay on the European Continent. The number of aliens entered in these Lists (where one person's name frcrjiiently stands for those of a whole family^ fe^ii: I\Ir. Charles Booth), rose from 0,,sl.tj in 1339 to 1 1/2 02 in 1^00 — an increase of 4.11 o. It is not; however^ to foreigners as such that we make objection^ but to those of tliem who are destitute or on the verge of destitution. For these we must particularly look to the immigrants from Hamburg. And we find with less surprise tliau concern that the number of arrivals from this port alone rose from .j;073 in '\'6^^.) to 0/3 :j 1 in IdOO— an increase of '■\,6~v\. Xot all are destitute^ not all stay with us ; but those who go away are just those whom, if we had to choose^ we should prefer to remain : those with some money iu their pockets, some vigour in their bodies^ some enterprise in their hearts. The Continent shoots its outcasts on these devoted islands: they are sifted hero by natural selectiun : and we keep the refuse. According to the Chief Commissioner of the !Metro- politan Police; by one line which trades between Hamburg and London^ no loss than -J-/JOO aliens were landed here last year_, of whom chjldij fier cent, aiipearcd fo he qiuft! ilestitnf': ; the total aJ.difiojiul number of sue 'a immigrants was from l/'OO to -'i.O'JU ; and. FOREIGN PAUPER RUMIGRAPWy. 175 fililifjiigli sumo were merely passing tlirough London on tliL'ir way to Ainerica^ the uinjuritij came to settle licro. Tho Chief Constable ut Manchester reports that of- tho Jo.OOU or lO/KHj Jews in that city not less than scvent}^ per cent, are believed to be Eussian PuleS; and that the Jewish population there has very largely increased during the last few years. The Chief Constable at LeoilSj on the authority of tho local Jewish i5uard of Guardians^ says that the uumber of Jewish immigrants arriving at that town last year was ;ibout 2; opinion that v/o should impose some legislative restriction upon the free immigration of destitute aliens is naturally strongest among the working classes of the great towns, who find the rate of wages for Unskilled Labour sensibly reduced by the conipe- iSo THE DESTirUTE A I.J EX EV GREAT EK'/TAIX. titiou of foreigners more frugal and certainly more sober tLan tlieraselves. On tlie face of it, that is a selfisli and almost an ignoble motive. But we must remember^ in tlie first place, that we have made tlie working-men our masters, and tlnit through their parliamentaiy lepresentatives, whom they are able to treat as mere delegates, tliey have the power of giving efTect to their views. Already we find that a con- siderable number o£ ^lembers of Parliament, in rs.^c and in ijossc, are prepared to vote for regulations here sucli as are in force in Germany and the United States. Amongst them are men who are above the suspicion of mere popularity-hunting, and who have achieved a certain position in politics, such as 1s\y. Darling, Q.C., JM.P. for Deptford, and .Air. P. G. Webster, ]\I.P. fur i-'iast St. Pancras, and Mr. L. J. Jennings, ]\r. 1*. for Stockport -not to mention Lord Dunraven, who has no votes to court, in the present demoralized state of politics it is easy to suggest doubts about this man's honesty and that man's ear- nestness ; we are not concerned, however, witli the inner woi'kings of the parliamentary conscience, but with the reasons which nnderlic what is certainly a powerful sentiment in man}' populous constituencies. 'J'o begin with, the dislike for alien competition is not purely selfish : it proceeds not from individual avarice, but a feeling of corporate loyalty. Ivnglishnien who be- long to the Siime trad*' h;iveanoti"n that the\' ought to FOREIGN VAUPKR IMMIGKATION. i8i st;uid by ouo unother iu tlie interests of all ; they de- spise those whom they regard as traitors to the common cause. That is why, iu a strike, decent and generally amiable men will bully and maltreat the " blacklegs ^^ and the '' kuobsticks ^^ and the '^scallywags.'" The motive does not justify, but it does explain, conduct which ought to be vigilantly exposed and sternly punished by law. Now these resident aliens in Lon- don are the " blacklegs " aud the '' knobsticks ^' and the " scallywngs ^^ of tlie Unskilled Labour market. They will do more work for less Avages than their English rivals j they submit without grumbling to the petty tyrannies of the overseer and the mean exac- tions of the sweater; they joiu no Trade Union ; mauy of them, perhaps most, do not speak Euglish, and they mix very little with Luglislimen; they marry and give in marriage amongst their owu peo]ile ; in their virtues as in their vices they are a race apart. Under no circumstances would they bo popular here ; but siuce they succeed, if not in taking the bread out of English mouths, at least in reducing the margin of wages which might be spent on beer and gin, they are naturally and not cpiito unfairly detested. Li line, they are believed, rightly or wrongly, to be respon- sible for that bundle of abuses and misfortunes which are lumped together under the name of the Sweating System. If we are ever to abolish or modify that system, we J'lIE DESIfJUT]: A 1. 1 EM IX GKKAT BRfTAJX. must control^ not tho much-abused Sweater^ but Lis mucb-piticd victims tlie sweated workers. The sweater is generally an industrious and often a decent fellow ; he takes his share iu the job that is going" on in. his place, supervising and stimulating, sometimes with encouragement and sometimes with curses. 11 is functions ai'e to find out trustworthy workmen and keep them up to the mark — a business which must be learned and practised by somebody. If it were not done under the sub-contracfc or '•' sweating ^^ sys- tem, it would have to be undertaken by paid agents of the great trading houses^ and there is nothing to show that it would be carried out with more humanity or greater generosity. Lot us look the facts in the face and admit that every producer who is working for a profit in days of free and open competition is bound to cut down expenses to the lowest possible figure. Turn and twist the principle how we may, this comes to grinding the faces of the poor. We should not eradicate or even mitigate the practice by abolishing the middleman or "^ sweater/^ and replacing him by the paid agent or departmental supervisor employed by the principal. The money now taken as the middleman's profits would then be absorbed iu the supervisor's salaiy and percentage. Ilo, if we wish to see better wages paid, we must go io the workman direct, and induce him to insist on a moi'o a(le(|uate remunera^tion. 'J'o such an exhortation Ihi'^lish uork- FOREfGN PAUPER IMMIGRATION. 183 meu give a roudy aiid^ perhaps^ too ready rcspouse ; but tliesG })auperj or nearly paujDer^ aliens arc deaf to it. Our own coimtrymeu liave a higher standard of comfort ; rather than accept wages which fall below it they will go on strike^ if they have a Unicni at their backs; and^ if tliey have not, they will resort to the workhouse or, more likely, pick up a precarious but not fatiguing livelihood as corner-men, street-loafers, cas^lty labourers or occasional criminals. It is be- cause the pauper aliens prefer to go on workiug for a regular pittance (and even save money on it, so penur- ious arc their habits) that they reduce the rate of wages in the Unskilled Ijjdjour market, and, in fact, make possilde the Sweating System which we all deplore. It Would be impossible here to cover tin; vast and rather shifting tt)pics discussed in the evidence and report of the Lords' Committee on the Sweating System. liut one or two points may be touched upon. Mr. Arnold White made the remarkable state- ment that if there icere no iKior foreijners there ivonld be no siceathuj ,^;i/slerit — a statement which he subse(piently modified and cfjnfined to iho special case of the boot- making trade. The origiiud statement v/as, of course, ti) ) bruad ; vre i;uist t;d\:e accounr, nut oidy of the poor foreigners, but also of the poor J*higlis;hwomen, wliose competition with male labour has a luweriug tendency on the general rate of wages. Jiut it is iS4 THE DESTITUTE ALIEN IN GREAT BRITAIN. cci'tain that, if \yg could remove '^ the gi-ecners '' from the slums of our groat towns, we should unfailingly strike at one of the two taproots of the Sweating System. And our own women, under the tutelage of agitators and philanthropists^ would very soon learu the useful and necessaryj if occasionally inconvenient^ lesson how to start and carry on a strike for better wages. The principle of human advancement is '^ progressive desire'" — that is, the amiable side I'f incessant discontent. At present our underj)aid women are too sensible to refuse work at the current rate of wages. The money would go to the " greener/"'' and they would be so much the worse off. JJut take awav the "' fxreener," ami tliev would very soon form 'J'rade Unions, and extort inore reasonable wages. ]t is said on behalf of the "'greener" that he dues not absorb the money hitherto earned by English ])ersons, but introduces new trades, and accepts work which our own couutrynien reject. That is true to some extent : the lower branches of tailoring and boot- making are almost his specialities. lUit what is the result ? 'J'hat the better work of our (jwn country- men is beaten out of the held. Ju the mania for cheapness which has demoi'ali/.ed many branches of J'higlish industry, jH-uple look to the outward form of an article, not to its genuine (jualities. A coat is a coat if it covers a Ijack, and a ]i:iir of boots is a pair of boots if thev will go on the I'eet. FOREIGN PAUPER LUMJGRAE/LW. 1S5 Some of tliG most moderate, least prejudiced, and most trustworthy evidence taken before the Sweating Committee was given by Dr. ]3illing, now Bishop of Bedford, but then Bector of Spitalfields. He dechired that, withiu his immediate observation of East Lon- don, the "greeners'^ have '^ very largely displaced native labour,^^ and that under stress of the competi- tion our own people are being driven into pauperism, casual labour, or emigration ; that Jews and Gentiles '' very seldom work together " (a point in which ho was to some degree contradicted by the evidence of Doctor Adler, the late Chief Babbi) ; that during the past few years (licre confirming Mr. Charles Booth's statement already quoted) whole streets had become entirely populated by foreign Jews " where there was not a Jew before" ; that manv of those who, havino- come in search of work and failed to find it, had been charitably assisted home, only returned a second time; and, finally, that ho was prepared to refuse to admit by the law of England men fiyiug from persecution abroad. " They are flying/' he said, ^' from one great evil to another, and producing an intolerable evil here." As a rule, it should be admitted that these foreign Jews do not become a direct charge upon the Boor Bates. But they drive our own people into the workhouse or, still worse, into vagabondage; so that in giving asylum to them we are turning Englishmen out of their own homes. It is pretty to talk about our 1 86 HIE DESTITUTE ALTEN IN GREAT BK/TA/N. national hospitality, but are wo prepared to practise it on these terms ? Will the working classes permit us to continue it at such a sacrifice ? There is no proposal to exclude here, as the United States exclude, persons who come under contract of labour; though it might hereafter bo advisable thus to extend our Icffislatiou if we found that it was beinof violated by colourable evasions and bogus engage- ments. At present it will be sufficient to turn back all immigrants without visible means of subsistence, and to send them away in the vessel which had attempted to land them — thus throwing the expense on the persons responsible for the mischief. In the United States a money penalty and a term of im- prisonment are further provided to meet the case of any captain or agent who succeeds in unlawfully landing a contraband human cai'go, and some such provision would, perhaps, have to be adopted here. J5ut it would not be necessary, in all proljability, to inake it here, ai in the United States, a punishable offence to solicit or encourage immigration. AVe should probably eifect our object — English officials as a rule not being venal — if we made the business risky at all times, and generall}^ futile. Tiie provisions of the United States Act of 1885 were mainly directed iigalnst the unrestricted im- migration of Chinese cheap labour. And this brings us to an incidental diplomatic advantage which we FOREIGN PAUPER IMMfGRATIOiY. 187 sliould secure by aJoptiug similar legislation. It is well known tliat one of the points wherein we are not (juite at harmony with the Australian colonists is as to the feasibility of regulating- Chinese immigration. The colonists insist upon doing so; and it may some day become so urgent a domestic question with them that we shall have to concede them an unlimited dis- cretion. This ^vill be highly offensive at Pekin, and ^ve have the strongest Imperial reasons for wishing to remain on cordial terms with China — the great Iilastern counterpoise of Russia and the not uncon- cerned spectator of her ambitions in Asia. The sting of our refusal to permit Chinese iiiimigratiou into Australia would be taken away if we could show that restrictions imposed on a particular nation in a par- ticular quarter of the globe were but ])art of a general Imperial policy — a policy so like the Chinese tradition ol exclusiveness that it would not lie in the mouth of Pekin statesmen to protest against it. 'i'me^ they might retort; if they cared for a barren dialectical triumpli; by threatening altogether to close China against British capital and British enterprise. But they will exclude or admit our merchants and en- gineers according as they \vant or do not want them. \\Q :?hall enter when our presence is required ; not a d;iy sijonci', not a day later. it has been said that '" cver\' nation has the Jew wliom it deserves.^' ^Ve have, then, our native En^-- iSS 'J'lIE J)ESrnUTE ALIKX IX GKKAT Ji RITA IX. lisli Jews — a better^ a sturdier stocky a more desirable body of fellow-citizeiiSj it would not be easy to find. They have tlieir faults^ but tliey are English to the core. lu patriot'.siu tliey are not inferior to any of us Gentiles. But the Jews who are cotuinf^'' to us from liussia and Poland have all the vices which are generated by many centuries of systematic oppression varied with occasional outbursts of violent persecution. It is absurd, of course^ to pretend that the morals of our ]vist Ihid will be corrupted b}- Oriental vices. In the first place^ tlie Jews there do not mix freely with the Gentiles; in the second place, they will com- pare favourably in many respects with our native countr\'mcn. IJut — such as they are or have been made — the}' are politically unfit to be suddenly trans- planted into those democratic institutions for which we have adajited ourselves, or partially adapted our- selves, by a long course ol self-governing liljert\'. 'J'hcir advent might be welc(jnied, or at least tolerated, if the (pialities which they brought wore such as would reinforce the weakened fibres of our own town-bred population. If they were a martial r;ice, we might be glad of them. If their tastes and gifts l;iy towai'ds pastond and agricultural pursuits, we could find a place for thorn or their children in the depopulated vibages. If the same penurious content and the same untiring indu.-try which they show in the slopshops and sweating-dens were devoted to the work of farm FOR R 1(1 M PArPER IMMIGRATIOy. 1S9 luboui'Ci's — which iiuisfc always be uiiJerpaiJj aiul therefore unattractive to Eaglislimcn, so long* as wo import cheap corn — we iniglit utiliso the new strain of blood, ]5at tlic foreign Jews do not coine to man our Army and Navy (many of them have fled to avoid the conscription at home) ; they do not come to till the soil (they never keep to farm work if they can find the meanest opening in trade) ; they come simply to swell the swollen tide of immigration into the towns, to reduce the rate of wages there, and therefore to strengthen that spirit of discontent and disorder on which the agitators live and batten, and which in time may pollute the ancient constitutional liberalism of Ihigland witli the visionary violence of Contincnt:d Socialism. That would be a disaster not to this or that party, l)ut to the -whole i;ation. At present it has not seriously sliovt'ii itself, for tiic very good reason that the foreignei's as a body take little part in our public life. V>\\t it would bo seen and felt as soon as they began to amalgamate with our own people : it is certain that any measure of success which might be obtained in Anglicising these resident aliens would be badly compensated by the concurrent process of Continentalising the native Englishmen. One word more. It is frequently asserted that the immigration into England is roughly balanced by the emigration. That is partially true. But it is not true (ns is shown by the oHici;il i'(>jK)i-ts of the Police IQO 77//: DESTirUTF. AI.IKX IX GRjiAT HhTJ'.l/X. Commissioners^ and as is known by all who have any thorough acqn:iintanco v.'ith the slams (A our (,n"cat towns) that anytliing approachinc^ such a balance is struck amono'st tlie aliens who come to our [rreat poi'ts. l^crhaps the mnj'^i'ity, and certaiidy one-half^ como to stay with u-. And tlic emigration lists are swollen with the names of Englishmen prevented from making a worthy Hving in their own Lmd. A\ e are turning away the phickiest^ the most enterprising, i\\e most valuable of our ordinary workmen^ in order to find room for the least progressive and the least desirable natives of other countries. AVe are ex- changing the pick of our m.anual workmen for the residuum of foreign states. ]\rost of us are vaisi enough to think that Englishmen are worth retaining at home ; that England should be kept for English- men, and tlio British Empire for the I'ritish people. Let the politicians look to this question. The agitators have taken it up : the strike-leaders are discussing it. At present it is a managealde problem ; but if it were neglected much longei"; we may witness in civilized Enfdand scenes not fjrcatlv unlike those outlMirsts o\' popular persecution which have ircently shocked u^ in the Ionian Islands — followed, at n^, distant date, by summary measures of similar aim with those riuw adopted by the Iiussian Clovcrnment. That would not be so much a disgrace to our civilization as a reproach to our short-sighted legislators. If wc would J-OKKIGX PAUPER LMMIGKATJON. 19 1 go on doing our duty by tliosc uliens wliom wo have too freely admitted to our citizonsliip, wo must pre- vent them from growing into a body at once more noxious and more disliked than they ai-e at present. iMr. liurns and ls\v. Tillett and Mr. ^Nlann eould raise a Judenlict/o to-n)orrow if they lilced to do it. It is for the prudent statesman to eut away the ground under their feet. ^Ve cannot go on keeping open house for the paupers of all the world. [Eeprinted by vjermission from tlio FuriahjhUij Picrieir of .Julv. 1891.1 l'.utlei i r;u:i;tr 'Wc strUA^od iTii.l.ii.i.' W i^rLs Frv^me, aiul l-ouauu. SOCIAL SCIENCE SERIES. SCARLET CLOTIT, EACH 2s. (id. 1. Work and Wages. Prof. J. E. Thoiiole Eoger3. " Nothing that Professor Rogers writes can fail to be of interest to thoughtf al people. " — A ihenceum. 2. Civilisation : its Cause and Cure. Edw.^rd Cabpenteb, " No passing piece of polemics, but a permanent possession."— Sco(hj^ Review. 8. Quintessence of Socialism. Dr. Schaffle. " Precisely the manual needed. Brief, lucid, fair and ■wiae."—BritUh Wttkly. 4. Darwinism and Politics. T). G. Ritchie, M.A. (Oxon.). New Edition, with two additional Essays on Human Evolution. " One of the most suggestive books we have met with." — Literary World. 5. Religion of Socialism. E. Belfort Bax. 6. Ethics of Socialism. E. Bklfort Bax. " Mr. Bax is by far the ablest of the English exponents of Socialism."— lFej(min«t«r 7. The Drink Question. Dr. Kate Mitchell. " Plenty of interesting matter for reflection. '—Graphic. B. Promotion of General Happiness. Prof. M. Macmillan. " A reasoned account of the most advanced and most enlightened utilitarian doc- trine in a clear and readable form." — Scotsman. 9. England's Ideal, &c. Edward Carfenter. " The literary power is unmistakable, their freshness of style, their humour, and their enthusiasm."— Pa^i Mall Gazette. 10. Socialism In England. Sidney Webb, LL.B, " The best general view of the subject from the modern Socialist side." — Athenceum. 11. Prince Bismarck and State Socialism. W. H. Dawson. " A succinct, well-digested review of German social and economic legislation since Wa."—Saturday Review. 12. Godwin's Political Justice (On Property). Edited by H. S. Salt. "Show.s (ioihvin at his best ; with an interesting and informing introduction "— Glasgow Herald. 13. The Story of the French Revolution. E. Bf.lkokt Bax. " A trustworthy outline." — Scotsman. 11 The Co-Operative Commonwealth. Laurence Gronlund. " .\n independent exposition of the Socialism of the Marx school." — Contemporary Revieic. 15. Essays and Addresses, Bern.uid Bosanquet, M.A. (Oxon.). " Ought to be in the hands of every student of the Nineteenth Century spirit."— Echo. " No one can complain of not being able to understand what Mr. Bosanquet means."— Prt/i Mall Gazette. 16. Charity Organisation. C. S. Loch, Secretary to Charity Organisation Society. " A perfect little manual." — Atkenceum. " Deserves a wide circulation."— Sco^jman. 17. Thoreau's Anti-Slavery and Reform Papers. Edited by H. S. Salt. " An iiiterestiiig collection of es,sa.ys."— Literary World. IS. Self-Help a Hundred Years Ago. G. J. Holyoakb. " Will he stnilied with much benefit by all who are interested in the amelioration of the conditiun of the poor." — Morning Post. 19» The New York State Reformatory at Elmlra. Alexander Winter. With Preface by IIavelock Ellis, " A valuaVile contribution to the literature of penologv." — Black and White. SOCIAL SCIENCE SERIES— [Conlinued). 20. Common Sense about Women. T. W. Higginson, "An admirable collectiun of papers, advocating in the most liberal spirit the euiancipatioi) of \voi:;«!i." — Wouhmi's Herald. 2i. The Unearned Increment. W. H. Dawson. "A ciiucise but comprehensive volume." — Echo. 22. Our Destiny. L.\unENCE Gbonlund. "A veiy vigorous little book, dealinf; with the influence of Socialism on morals and reliKion." — Daih.' Chronicle. E3. The Working-Class Movement in America. Dr. EDW.A.BD aud E. 'Mav.x Avelin-o. " Will give a good idea of the condition of tlie working ela.s.ses in Au.crica, and of th« various organisations which they have formed." — Scots Leader. S4. Luxury. Prof. E.mile de Lavei.eyb, "An eloquent plea on moral and economical grounds for simplicity of life."— Acad'siriy. 2-^. The Land and the Labourers. Rev. C. vr. Stubbs, M.A. "This admiralde book sliould be circulated in every vilU-.ge in r'la country."— HanclitiUr Guardian. if\ The Evolution of Property. Paul L.4f.\bqub. "Will prove intere-stin:; and prtilitable to all students of ecL.r.omic h.istnry." — ScotstiMn. p. Crime and its Causes. W. T>o\:QLk?, Mokp.isos. " Can hardly fail to suggest to all readers several new and pregnant reflections on the subject." — Anli-Jaeotna. 16. Principles of State Interference. D. G. PaicHiE, M.A. " An interesting contribution to the controversy on the functi nvi of the State." — Gla.?'juic Herald. n.O. German Socialism and F. Lassalle. "W. 11. D.4wson. " As a biographical history of German Socialistic movements during this century it may be accepted as complete."— iJ/'iiii/i. W'tckly. »K). The Purse and the Conscience. II. M. Tko.'i-pson, E.A. (Cantab.). " Shows C'lniiaon sense and fairness in hia argmiients." — Scots., :o.;i. 81. Origin of Property in Land. Fustel de Coulanges. lidited, with an Introductory Chapter on the ?]nglish Manor, by Prof. W. J. A-:.iiLEV, M.A. "His views are clearly stated, and are worth reading."— .S.^iurJa,/ K-.rUi!^. 82. The English Republic. "SV. J. Lixton. Edited by Kineto;, PaK!CE3, " Characterised by that vigorous intellectuality which has ma:k • i !as long h:"e of literary and artistic activity."— 6!'.!sjo!« Herald. 83. The Co-Operative Movement. Uj-.a. trite Putter. " Without doubt the ablest and most philosopliical analysis of the Co-Uperativ*' Slovement wliich has yet been protiuced." — ifieaktr. 84. Ktighbourhood Guilds. Dr. r^TA.sTGX CoiT, "A most susi'^tive little book to anyone interested in th./ sv'.a c;nestion." — Pall Mail (V-;:'.;. 85. Modern Humanists. •'■ ••>'• Pvobertson. "Mr. ]{o!ii;son's style is excellent— nay, eveii brilliant— and ':i.-> rurely literary critiei.^ms bear the mark of much acumen.'— ii'-J. 8G. Outlooks from the New Standpoint. E. ijiiEOKT Bas "Mr. l!ax is a verv acute and accorapHshe i stu.b'nt of hi-toiy arid ecenomica ' 87. Distributing Co-Operative Societies. Dr. Luioi Pizz.iMifiLiu. Edited b> F. J. S>:£Li.: " Pr. Piz-/:nni-Iio has tics, aiid lliey sp-; ik for l!leln^eives."— .-■.■'■>'■. 38. Collectivism and Socialism. By A. ^'Ac-.^fET. Edited by Y\'. IJkafok*. " An admirable criticism by a well-known French politician of t'.s New .Socialism of Marx and Lav-idle " -Daily Chruniclt. SOCIAL SCIENCE SERIES— {Co7itirmed). 39, The London Programme. Sidney Webb, LL.B. " Briiarul of excellent ideas." — Anti-Jacohin. 40. The Modern State. Paul Lekoy Beaulieu. "A most interesting book; well worth a place in the library of every social inquirer." — .V. II. Etonoraiat. U. The Condition of Labour. Henry George. " Written with striking ability, and sure to attract attention."— i\'ewcas(^t; Chronicle. 42. The Revolutionary Spirit preceding the French Revolution. Felix Kocquain. With a Preface bj' Professor Huxley. " The student of t}ie French Revolution will find in it an excellent introduction to the .study of tliat catastrophe." — Scotsman. 43. The Student's Marx. Edward Aveling, D.So. " One 01 the most practically useful of any in the Series."— e/as^o?.5 Herald. 44. A Short History of Parliament. 13. C. Skoxtowe, M.A. (Oxon.). " Deals very carefully and completely with this side of constitutional history."— Spectvtor. 4-5. Poverty : Its Genesis and Exc^'us. J. G. Godxkd. " lie states the problems witn great force and clearness." — JV. B. Economist. 46. The Trade Policy of Imperial Federation. Maukice H. Hebvey. "An interesting contribution to the discussion."— Pu&:';i't«rs' Cvrcular. 47. The Dawn of Padicalism. J. Bowles Daly, LL.D. " Forms an admirable picture of an epoch more pregnant, perhaps, with political instrnction than any other in the world's history." — Daily Tcle'jrai.h. 48. The Destitute Alien in Great Britain. Arnold White; IIontague Crackan- THOKPE, Q.G.; W. A. M'Arthur, M.P._; W. H. Wilkins, &c. "Sluch valuable information concerning a burning question of the day." — Times. 49. Illegitimacy and the Influence of Seasons on Conduct. xVlbert Leffingwell, M.D. "AVehave not often seen a work based on statistics which ia m.jre continuously interesting." — WestminKter Rm'-^u-. 50. Commercial Crises of the Nineteenth Century. H. M. Hyndman. " Oiie of the best and most permanently useful volumes of the Series." — Literary Opiriioa. 51. The State and Pensions in Old Age. J. A. Spender and .Vkthur Acland, M.P. " A careful and cautious e.xamination of the question. '—y'tj/iri'. 52. The Fallacy of Saving. John il. Kobertson. " A plea for the reorganisation of our social and industrial syatem."— Speaker. 53. The Irish Peasant. Anon. "A real contribution to the Irish Problem by a close, patient and dispassionate investi;.;ator."— Z)fn7// Chronicle. 54. The Effects of Machinery on Wages. Prof, J. S. NirnoLSON, D.Sc. "Ably reasoned, clearly stated, impartially written." — Lilirary V-'cr'.d. £•5. The Social Horizon. Anon, "A really admirable little book, bright, clear, and unconventional." — Daily Chronicle. 66. Socialism, Utopian and Scientific. Fkederick Engels. " Tlie body of the book is still fresh and striking." — Daily Chronkie. 57. LaJid Nationalisation. A. R. Wallace. " The most instructive and convincing of the popular works on the subject." — National Reforimr. 58. The Ethic of Usury and Interest. Eev, W. Blissakd. "The work is marked by genuine ability." — North BHtish AgricuUura'ist. 59. The Emancipation of Women. Adele Crepaz. "By far the niost comprehensive, luminous, a.nd penetrating work oa this question that i have yet met \s\i\i."— Extraxt frorn, Mr. Gladstone's J'n/ace. 60. The Eight Hours' Question. John M. Robertson "A very co:;ent and sustained arcument on what is at present the unpopular s;de."~Ti»if.-'." 61 Drunkenness. Geokge R. Wilson, M.B. " Well written, carefully reasoned, free from cant, and full of sound sense."— Natirmal Observer. 62. The New Reformation. R.wsden Balmforth. " A striking presentation of the nascent religion, how best to realize the personal and social ideal." — Westminster Rtvieic. 63. The Agricultural Labourer. T. E. Kebpel. "A short summary uf his position, with appendices on wages, education, allot ments, etc., etc." ei. Ferdinand Lassalle as a Social Reformer. E. Bernstein, " A wortliy addition to the bociuJ Science .-M;iie?."— JVor^A British flconomist. 6.,. o _ ^LEY. " Full of valuable information, careiuuj v>uii.p..v,«. ^ j C6. Theory and Policy of Labour Protection. Dr. Schaffle. " An attempt to systematize a conservative programme of reform." — Man. Guard. 67. History of Rochdale Pioneers. G. J. Uolyoake. " Brought down from 1844 to the Rochdale Congress of 1892."— Co-Op. News. 68. Rights of Women. M. Ostragorski. " An admirable .storehouse of precedents, conveniently arranged." — Daily Chron. 69. Dwellings of the People. Locke Worthingto.v. "A valuable contribution to one of the most pressing problems of the day." — Daily Chron. 70. Hours, Wages, and Production. Dr. Brentaxo. " Characterised by all Professor Brentano's clearness of style." — Economic Review. 71. Rise of Modern Democracy. Cn. Borgeaud. "A very useful little volume, characterised by exact research." — Daily Chron. 72. Land Systems of Australasia. Wm. Epi's. "Exceedingly valuable at the present time of depression and difficulty." — Scots. Mag, 73. The Tyranny of Socialism. Yves Gt:yot. Pref. by .T. H. Levy. " M. Guyot is smart, lively, trenchant, and interesting." — Daily Chronicle. 74. Population and the Social System. Dr. Xixn. " A very valuable work of an Italian economist." — Tl't.'if. Eev. 75. The Labour Question. T. G. Spyers. "Will be found extremely useful." — Timen. 76. British Freewomen. C. 0. Stoi'es. " The most coini)lcte study of the Women's Suffrage question." — English Worn. Rev. 77. Suicide and Insanity. Dr. J. K. Strahan. " An interesting monograph ilealing exhaustively with the subject." — Times. 78. A History of Tithes. Ilev. H. W. Clarke. "May be recommended to all who desire an accurate idea of the subject." — D. Chron.. 79. Three Months in a Workshop. P. Goiire, with Pref. by Prof. Ely. "A vivid I'icture f)f the state of mind of German workmen." — Manch. Guard. 80. Darwinism and Race Progress. Prof. J. B. Haycraft. "An interesting subject treated in an attractive fasliion," — Glasgow Herald. DOUBLE VOLUMES, Each 3s. 6d. 1. Life of Robert Owen. Lloyd Joxes. "A wortliy record of a life of noljle activities." — Manclicsicr E.'fnniner. 2. The Impossibility of Social Democracy ; a Second Part of " The Quintes- sence (jf Socialism." Dr. A. Sciiaffle. " Extremely valua!)le as a criticism of Social Democracy." — Inter. J. of Ethics. '■;. The Condition of the Working Class in England in 1844. Fredk. Engels. "A translation of a work written in 1S15, witli a preface written in 1892." 4. The Principles of Social Economy. Yves Gl'yot. "An interesting and suggestive work." — Spcctalor. '). Social Peace. Dr. Sciiulze-Gaevernitz. Edited by Graham- Wallas. " A study by a competent observer of the iutlustrial movement." — Timts. SWAN SOXXENSCHEIN & CO., LONDON". XFAV YOJIK: CHARLES SCEIBXEE'S SONS. UC SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY AA 000 101863 9 3 1158 00840 1522