SOME MATERIALS FOR A HISTORY PARISH OF THOMPSON. omt llateiials for a l)i PARISH OF THOMPSON IN THE COUNTY OF NOEFOLK. AZ. ARMS OF AZ. SHARDELOW. AZ. GEOiUxE CEABBE, B.A., Eector of Merton, 1882. Edited, with Preface and Introductory Notes, by Augusttcs Jessopp, D.D. NORWICH: PRINTED BY AGAS H. GOOSE, RAMPANT HORSE STREET. 1892. @ontcnte. Preface, by the Eev. Augustus .Tessopp, D.D. Note on Eana esculenta, by Lord Walsingham Addenda .... Introduction, by the Rev. George Crabbo, B..V. Of the name Thompson Of the Early Land-owners in Thompson Of the Succession in the Manors The Inhabitants of Thompson in the Fourteenth Century The Poll Taxes Thompson in the Sixteenth Century Some Account of Thompson College Masters of the College Patent Roll, ICth Richard IT. (1392) Surrender Charter of Thompson College Appendix of Documents relating to the College Pedigrees and portions of Pedigrees : — Shardelow Knevett of Ashwellthorpe Futter of Thompson . Tooke of Thompson College Botetourt of Norfolk . Manning of Bury Hall Spring of Lavenham De Grey of Merton [a.d. 1-190— lG2:i] Barker of Thompson [a.d. IGIO— 17o7] D'Eye of Scoulton and Barker of Shropham [a.d. 1573—18 Some Account of the Manor of Thompson " Nuper Collcgii" Note A, — Conveyance of Lands to the Do Greys Note B.— "Will of William Bale Note C— On the title " Sir " . Licence to Sir John Mayster Note D. — Lords of the Manor of Thompson nuper CoUegii Some Account of the Manor of Boutctorts or Botours llall Lords of the Manor of Botours Hall The Manor of Thompson and Bcducres 3] Vagi i xvi xvii 1 3 4 9 14 16 21 25 32 34 35 36 12 42 47 5.5 G3 70 71 92 102 103 41 56 67 58 59 60 62 70 73 G1704 1 11 CONTENTS. Tho Manor of Waterhoaso and Churchhouso iu Thompsou Lords of tho Manor . Ancient Names of Places iu Thompson Names of some of the Copyhold Tenants in Thompsi Tho Church and Churchyard Inventories of Church Goods . Certificate of Church Goods sold Inventory of Church Goods, Gth Edward VI. The Patronage of the Church and its officiating Clergy The Eectory and Parish Property The Eegisters The Barkers of Thompson Index Nominum Index Locorum Index Eerum Page 74 74 7(i 77 78 83 83 84 87 89 91 1(10 107 112 114 "^iixx^ixaixow^. Thompson Church — Six Plans by Herbert J. Green, Esq. Map of the Parish of Thompson, reduced from a Survey drawn up iu 1723 Seal of Thompson College ..... Map of tho Parish of Thompson, reduced fi'om tho Ordnance Map Facsimiles from the Sketch-book of the late Eev. F. H. Sutton, Prebendary of The Font in Thompson Church Eing Plate on South Door The Eood Screen Leather Case in the Parish Chest Stencilled Diaper on lower part of Thompson Screen Lincoln :- in separate folio to face p. i . p. xiii to face p. 1 to face p. 78 p. 79 to face p. 80 to face p. 82 p. 81 -^S; ThOMPSO^tMaP dare 1725? SHEWING OPEN FIELDS Sc ReA DvUcd l.ttie FarishBountl'tn- Re£L LlJies Cutbjus ctCpfn Fields Hhtc I rrrr? nn m^ Waterrcur^' ^ YelUw Lines - [hllisJi Read Map of TH E Par I S H O F ThO M P S on reduced from a Survej drawn up u, J72JW ^xcface. flllE History of oiir Norfolk Parishes begins, for the most part, ■with the brief notices which occur in the famous record usually spoken of as the Domesday Book; for by history men ordinarily understand such a presentment of the past as can be compiled from authentic written materials, more or less contemporary with the events narrated or the persons named. Accordingly, Mr. Crabbe's History starts by utilizing those notices of the Parish of Thompson which are to be foimd in the Record of the great Survey of I08G, and does not concern itself with the darkness or the twilight of pre-historic ages. It may be thought by some that, to go back eight hundred years, might be enough to satisfy most enquirers ; and that, having firm ground to stand on in the reports delivered to the Conqueror by his Commissioners, we might spare ourselves the attempt to push our researches any further back. But there is in most of us an irrepressible longing to wrench from the past those secrets which are hidden from us ; an irrepressible curiosity to discern that which the lapse of time has concealed ; an impatient reluctance to leave unsolved the riddles which have come down to us from our remote ancestors, and which we cannot help hoping contain some hints of their ways of life, their beliefs, or their institutions. Of late years the triumphs of U PREFACE. Archoeological Science in all directions have been so many and so startling that the taste for prc-historic research has rapidly increased among us. We have, indeed, gradually escaped from the period of mere guesswork or mere conjecture founded upon insufficient data, and Ave have learnt to accept some conclusions which the scientific method has arrived at, as almost as certain and irrefragable as any conclusions which can plead for their acceptance the evidence of written records. Can we get behind the facts handed down in the great Survey ? If so, how far can we get back? What are the hints and footprints, the faint traces of men's handiwork, which the little geographical area of Thompson supply, and which may help us to see, if only a little way, into the mists that we would fain penetrate ? That there were organised communities — we may A'enture even to say civilized communities — inhabiting East Anglia long before the Christian era is certain. It is sufficient to point to the gold and silver coinage of the Iceni — of which specimens are forthcoming, dating prior to, contemporary with, and a generation or two after the beginning of our era — in support and in proof of- this statement. Such coins have been found within a few miles of Thompson, at Thetford, at Brettenham, at Bressingham, and elsewhere. We have moreover some faint indications of the existence of a settled population within the limits of the parish at a time earlier than any which these coins carry us back to. The reader may observe in the Parish Map, about half-way between Eedbrick Farm and Merton Hall, a plantation laid down, which is marked as Earth Holes Plantation, from which the land slopes down gradually to the level of Thompson Water at the extreme southern corner. Does this name indicate that in this spot, where now the trees are growiug, there were at one time discernible a cluster of those cup-like depressions which are to be found in many parts of Norfolk — notably on Mousehold Heath, on the outskirts of Norwich — which served as the primitive dwellings of a race long since extinct, and whose existence was a matter of little more than tradition even twenty centuries ago ? ' The question is worth asking, though no answer may be forthcoming, and though the absence of a reply to it may be tantalizing to an enquirer. But there are other and much clearer "footprints in the sands of time" to be found not far off. The westernmost corner of the parish is dignified in the map with the name • See, on this subject, Mr. C. J. Elton's Origins of English Hislory, second edition, p. 131. PREFACE. lU of Sparrow Hill.^ On this high ground stand three tumuli, the burial places probably of some long-forgotten dead. Across this low ridge it is said with confidence that the Peddars Way may still be traced — that mysterious road which ran its straight course for at least fifty miles through Norfolk from the coast near Hunstanton, and crossing the Nar at Castle Acre, continuing straight as a line till it reached this very Sparrow Hill, at the junction of the parishes of Mertou and Thompson, and (if I am rightly informed) just at this point taking its first slight bend away to the westward again in the direction of Ixning in Suffolk, beyond which hitherto no traces of it have been found. "What was this Peddars' Way? No one has ventured to maintain that it could have been constructed later than Roman times. But, how much earlier is it than the Roman invasion ? is the real question ; and, who were they who laid it down ? The Peddars' Way still remains the great crux for Norfolk antiquaries. He who shall throw light upon that curious problem will deserve, and will receive, the honour that belongs to a discoverer. Till that light comes, all we can say is, that there were settlers and inhabitants dwelling in our little Thompson many ages before the Norman Conquest ; that Angles and Danes, Celts and Belgae, Romans and Iceni passed that way and passed on ; passed away and have almost passed out of remembrance. What did the Norman invader find when he came, more than a millennium after the days of Tasciovanus whose coins were dropped here and there upon the Peddars' Way ? To this question we can offer an unhesitating reply. We find that there wore in Thompson, in the year 1086, so many acres of land under cultivation, and that these acres belonged to five different owners. Who the tillers of the soil may have been, how many and what sort of men they were we know not, nor their names. Who can read the meagre record without wishing to knoAV more about these people and their way of life, about their method of culture and their habits, and a hundred other matters which concerned the place and its inhabitants? (i.) To begin with, it is clear that, at the time of the Conquest, there were in such a parish as this, and in hundreds of others elsewhere, none of those large estates which grew up in the aftertime and which resulted in a single great landowner being the paramount personage in the village community. There were four landlords in Thompson, whom it is the fashion ^ Lord Walsingliam tells me that it is locally known as The Sparrow Hilh, probably a corruption of the Barrow Hills, so called from these very tumuli. IV PREFACE. to call owners of " lordships," on the assumption that each of their estates was a 7nanor over which the "lord" was a petty king, his tenants being in the position of subjects and owing to liim certain payments in money and in services. That assumption may be true ; but if it be, the conclusion in this case is that there were four such miniature kings independent of each other, and at least one of them holding his estate of a greater than himself, to whom it might in certain circumstances revert as his own in fee simple. (ii.) It is clear that no one of these landowners was resident at Thompson. They all held "lordships" elsewhere, larger and more valuable than those in Thompson, which as a place of residence must have been at this time eminently unattractive. (iii.) It is clear that the inhabitants of the parish, whose number we have no means of estimating even by a warrantable guess, were of different grades. Eight are described as free men ; two are called hordarii. That there must have been others of the rank of v/'llani, i.e. men of the ville who were in a condition of serfage — and so tied to the soil and bound to remain upon it as agricultural labourers — can hardly be doubted. All held some patches of land to which they had a certain right, and from which they could not be dispossessed as long as they paid their quit-rents and rendered to their "lord" that specified assistance in tilling such portion of the estate as he retained in his own hands and managed by a bailiff bound to render an account yearly of the income and the outgoings. I am inclined to suspect that in this instance the land of William de Warrenne, and probably too, the land of Isaac and of Roger Bigot, was let to mere tenant-farmers, who are here called liberi homines, and that the manorial dues, such as they were, were levied at the jieriodical courts by visiting bailiffs. (iv.) Of tlie five landlords, one almost certainly was a Jew, Isaac by name. He not only held five "lordships'' in Norfolk, but he had five other such estates in Suffolk. Tiie Suffolk estates were all in the neighbourhood of Needham Market or Ipswich, three of the Norfolk estates lay in the Hundred of Loddon, and it looks as if the possession of these lands had come to him as the result of some money dealings with the traders in the towns. That he was a grasping man who snatched at all he could get is indicated by the fact that he had managed to dispossess a poor mm of a little plot of four acres in Seething, which seem to have been certainly Ik rs of right, but which the Jew claimed as part of his holding and managed to keep in spite of lier. The Jews swarmed in PREFACE. V East Anglia at this period ; ' and in the next century they began to have a hard time of it. (v.) "When we come to inquire how the land was cultivated eight centuries ago in Thompson we have not much to help us in arriving at an answer to the question. There appears to have been little or no wood in the parish ; at any rate no mention is made of plantations or any right of pannage for swine. Nor again do we hear of any cattle, sheep, or horses ; while, in the adjoining parishes of Morton and Tottington, we find there were extensive woods, in which hundreds of hogs had the right of feeding on the mast. Tottington seems to have been a place where horses were bred, and there were flocks of sheep and goats ; while Merton was evidently a village of some consideration, and was perhaps more thickly inhabited than it is now. It is always dangerous to argue from what a record like this we are referring to does noi say; but, comparing the notices of Thompson with those of the adjoining parishes, the impression conveyed is tliat it was a poor little desolate place, bare and uninviting, with no one above the status of a small farmer living within its boundaries, and not more than a third of the parish under any kind of cultivation. This view of the case is confirmed by some collateral evidence which remains to be examined. When we refer to the map of the parish which my friend Miss Bateson has carefully reduced from the original one, drawn up from actual survey in 1723, and now among the muniments at Merton Hall, we find that prior to the enclosure, three streamlets — one issuing from a source in the parish of Merton called Broadflash, and trickling in a south-easterly direction ; one running from a spring called Bunting Well in the parish of Griston a little to the north of east ; and the third running in an easterly direction from what is now called Sparrow Hill — converged at a point called Low Common Farm, and, uniting their waters, flowed on as one stream to tlie east of the church and Butters' Hall, then, sweeping round to the south-west, almost lost itself in a swamp at Thompson Carr, and broadening out in another depression (which, since those days, has been skilfully turned into a large mere bearing the name of Thompson Water), passed from thence, to continue its course till it emptied ' See Vestiges of the Hiatoric Anglo-Hehrew in East Anglia, by Eev. M. Margoliouth, ll.d., Longmans, 1870. b VI PREFACE. itself into tlic AVissey or Stoke Eiver at Buckenbam Tofts, between Igl)urgli and Langford. It seems that, before the history of the parish begins — i.e., before the Norman Conquest — all the land under tillage was to be found on the riglit bank of this stream, and that it was comprised within an area of large open fields divided into small strips, some of them cultivated by the tenants of the several manors holding such strips of the "lords" of those manors on what is now called copy- hold tenure. A portion of the land under tillage was held in demesne, as the term was: that is it was cultivated for the advantage of the "lord" by the tenants, they being bound to plough, hoe, mow, reap, and harvest the lord's land as a condition of their retaining the right to cultivate their own portion.* That each and all of the several strips could have been cultivated by spade labour is quite inconceivable. Equally inconceivable is it that there could have been any appreciable number of the tenants who possessed horses, bullocks or plows : the conclusion seems to point to the tenants having a sort of claim upon the implements and beasts of burden of the "lord." Having turned up the land in demesne, Ihcy were probably allowed to prepare their own for the reception of the seed ; when the lord's harvest was stored, then, and not till then, the tenants might gather in their own. Though among these villagers there was a close solidarity, the land was by no means held in common or ciiltivated in common in the sense that private property was unknown. So far from it, each watched most jealously over his own interests, clung tenaciously to his own little patch, asserted his own rights against lord or tenant as the case might be, and claimed his privileges, which were not inconsiderable, over that portion of the parish which was not under the plow, which lay outside the arable land and as it were enclosed it round with a broad fringe of heath, marsh, scrub, and sheep-run. Over this untillod land the "tenants," equally with the "lords" (though, of course, not in an equal degree), had their rights and their claims. It will be sufficient, without going further into this matter (which is surrounded with difficulties), to say that over this common land, outside the limits of the open fields, the lords of the several manors had certain rights of pasturage, the liberty of keeping a limited number of sheep, and the right of setting up a fold iu which the flock was penned ; while ' Tho position and boundaries of all those littlo strips are carefully marked down upon the original map ; but I have not thought it worth while to indicate them, except in the case of the Hall Field. PREFACE. VU the tenunts had the right of digging turf, cutting the gorse, aud in some cases lopping and topping some of the trees for fuel. A favoured few held tlieir lands with the privilege of turning out here and there a heifer or a cow, though the number of such animals was always strictly defined ; and the charter of liberties of the community was the Manorial Extent^ or the Rolls of the Manor Court, which could be referred to and were frequently referred to when any dispute arose. Such a community as this was in its nature eminently conservative; yet changes would necessarily be going on, however slowly. In the earliest records of such parishes or manors we find continual notices of petty encroachments {purprestura is the technical term) made sometimes upon the land of another, sometimes upon the paths or dividing balks that separated one patch from another, sometimes upon the common land or heath. Such encroachments continued to be made, and we may be sure that in many cases they were either connived at or were condoned. Moreover, as time went on aud the towns grew to be important centres of trade, there woidd always be some of the more adventurous spirits froni the villages who would drift in the direction of the profitable life of the streets ; and if these young men prospered, they would inevitably in those days yearn to get back to their birth-place, wherever it was, bringing with them their savings and something like new ideas aud new habits. If the returning wanderer were only a small capitalist he could buy up this or that needy man's plot, paying besides the value of the tenant-right to the occupier, an additional "fine" to the lord of the manor for admission to the holding, and frequently building a better house than his neighbours were accustomed to. Not unfrequently, and especially if the lord of the manor were a non-resident, he would build that house upon the edge of the common or waste, inclosing and reclaiming as much as he could safely appropriate and taking care to make his arrangements with the lord's steward when the court was held. If, on tlie other liand. the "lord" of the manor grew rich, he would be tempted to build a mansion, such as it was, and, in doing that, he too would be likely to plant it, not among the open fields, but as near them as he couveuieutly could, and inclosing convenient portions of the waste land, the heath, or the common, of which he was the lord. In any case, the houses of the lords or the tenants were, as a rule, outside the boundary of the open fields; and if the land under tillage increased in its area the additional clearances would be outside the bounds of wliat Mr. Seebohm has aptly called the shell of the b 2 VUl PREFACE. little community.' "We find evidences of this extension of the area of cultivation going on continually by a system of squatting upon the common land, in the frequent occurrence of such names as John At-the-town's-end, William Of-the-water-house, Edward By-the-carr, and other similar designations, which all indicate that these persons or their fathers had gradually managed to appropriate to themselves some portions of the land not held in severalty of the "lord" as the strips were, but portions of the waste on which the tenants had their rights already alluded to but which these squatters had contrived to appropriate and enclose. The 1723 map supports this view of the case. The course of the stream which served as the natural boundary of the "open fields'' on the east, seems to have widened out into a mere morass from Butters' Ilall to what is now Thompson "Water ; but from the point where the Mill Way crossed the stream on the north, to the point where the Caston and Breccles roads converging crossed it by a bridge on the south, there are unmistakeable signs of the existence of habitations dotted along the sides of the little brook, and shewing that in tlie middle ages it was here that the population was chiefly settled. The same indications exist at what may be called the central point of the shell — where now Eedbrick Farm and Hall Field Farm stand — where those ineffaceable traces of man's handiwork (the remains of ancient ponds or marl pits) are to be found in considerable numbers. There is another fact which this map illustrates in a remarkable manner. It is generally supposed by those who have never given their attention to such subjects that the open fields of every parish were "open" to any one and everyone who choose to make his way over them. So far from it, nothing is more common in the earlier convcj'ances of the tinj' little pieces of land which were always changing hands, than the clause which provides that the purchaser shall have with the possession of the land, " free entrance to and free exit from the said land, and liberty of using the ways paths and by-roads and all other easements over which the men of the township have a common right." Nor was this all. It seems that the men of the town could be and frequently were called upon to keep up the fence which surrounded the little territory, and were required to contribute in monej' or service to the maintenance of this hedge, or bank or ditch as the case might be. So far from there ' The shell, that is, in -which the active life of the community was carried on ; not, I think, the shell in which the inhabitants made their dwellings. PREFACE. IX having been a liberty of going to and fro through the length and breadth of the land in those early times, it is nearer the truth to say that each of these village communities regarded its own area as a fortress which it held as against all outsiders with exceeding jealousy.' An intruder was looked upon with the utmost suspicion : he was regarded as a probable enemy in disguise or a spy who came to pry and obtain information which might be easily used for a malicious jiurpose. If we refer to Miss Bateson's map, we find that there was but one main entrance through the enclosure of the open fields, at a point in the western boundary where six roads converged, and this main road, as it might be called, was carried across the cultivated fields along a line which presented tlie shortest possible distance. It passed from sheep-walk to sheep-walk straight to the parish mill, and thence ran its course to the outer world, which might take care of its own. There were two institutions, as I may venture to call them, which were almost essential in our early Xorfolk villages ; the one was the Mill and the other was the Church. The mill was a source of income at all times to the lord of the manor, for the men of the township were bound to grind their corn at home and the lord took very good care that there should be no other mill but his own. The mill at Thompson occupied a very central position, as will be seen by the map. Of course this was a windmill, for the little stream trickling slowly along could never have served to turn a wheel, and, making all due allowance for the far greater rainfall which we know there was a thousand years ago in Britain, the effect of this more abundant precipitation was only to saturate the ground, and so to produce extensive breadths of marsh and morass, survivals of which state of things may be found in the still-existing meres of Scoulton, Hingham, Merton, and Thompson Water itself. No mention of any mill at Thompson occurs in the Domesday Survey^ nor could any such mention have been looked for there if it be true, as is generally admitted, that in this Eecord a "mill" always means a water-mill. No less essential to the continued existence of a village community in the early times we are considering was the Church with its priest, who was a personage of great influence and importance. There are not less than three hundred and seventeen churches in the county of Norfolk mentioned in the ' There are traces of the ■whole parish of Thompson having been surrounded by a bank, which is marked on the 6-inch ordnance map. X PREFACE. Domesday Survey and it is quite certain tliat these by no means include all those which existed .at the time. In the Iluudred of Wayland which contains sixteen parishes, only four churches are mentioned ; of these Thompson is not one. 13ut inasmuch as it is demonstrable by collateral evidence that in every other parish in the hundred, within a century after the Conquest, there was a church with its priest to be found/ it is highly improbable that Thompson should have been an exception to the general rule, or that the inhabitants of the little township should have been allowed to remain without some building in which the religious services which played so great a part in the life of people of those days were carried on according to the prevailing ritual. That Thompson Church in the eleventh century could have been anything but a very humble structure is hardly conceivable. Stoue there was none and we can only conjecture that the church may have been a timber church such as we know to have existed in some places. At the best, it can hardly have been a more ambitious edifice than many a poor roadside chapel still to be found in Cornwall, the walls of mud or rubble, the roof of thatch. When the Shardelows built the beautiful church, which remains to this day as the monument of their piety and munificence, they probably — almost certainly — planted it on the same spot which had already been consecrated to the service of i-eligion ages before ; though it is clear that there was nothing in the old church that could be utilized, as not a vestige of any previous sacred building has been discovered. Mr. Crabbe has estimated the number of acres under tillage at the time of the great Survey at about 1150. I refrain from discussing the evidence on which this estimate is made ; but accepting it as probably near the truth, I am in a position to prove that, four centuries later, the area under cultivation 1 It ■vroulJ be out of place here to do more than indicate the line of argument ■which leads to this conclusion. It will be enough to point out that Tottington Church was bestowed upon the Nunnery of Campsey as early as 1196. Breccles had become a vicarage in the thirteenth century, the rectorial tithes being handed over to Westacre Priory. Stow Bedon had been apportioned to the Nunnery of Marhani, as •was Eocklaud St. Peter, before 1250. A portion of the tithes of Ovington was bestowed upon the monks of Thetford by Eoger Bigot during his lifetime. The liedory Manor was bestowed upon St. Catherine's Abbey, at Eouen, by Eoger do Toesney at the end of the twelfth century. The advowson of Threxton belonged to the Priory of Castle Acre apparently within twenty years after the Domesday Survey was drawn up. Obviously, where there were tithes, a benefice, a rector and a vicar to reckon with or to despoil, there there must have been a church in which the people assembled and the priest ministered. PREFACE. XI had increased to a far less extent than we should have expected. In the year ICOl a poor-rate was levied in Thompson at a penny an acre, and the sura total of this charge amounted to no more than £5. I85. ; which shows that the whole acreage of the parish in arable and pasture, exclusive of the waste — commons, wood, heath, and fen — amounted to 1416 acres. ^ It would be a task of considerable labour to arrive at the sum total of acres under tillage which the map of the parish constructed in 1723 exhibits, though the calculation might be made with some approach to certainty ; and a careful examination has left upon me the impression that the cultivated land prior to the inclosure can hardly have exceeded 1500 acres. In other words it appears that during the long period when the system of open fields and of manorial rights continued, progress ' The record of this rate, written on parchment, came into my possession a few years ago by one of those chances which so frequently reward " the man who knows how to wait." As it is the earliest evidence for a parish poor-rate that I have ever met with, I venture to print it in extenso. "THOMSTON A" DNI IGOl. " A trewe account of all the mony gyven of the weekelye contrybucon to the poore of the sd towne from the 30 daye of Marche a." dni 1600 unto the xii of aprill 1601 rated by lond a penny the acre amountynge to the som of \U. xviiis. and of the old churchwardens xiis. iii'i. Imprimis to divers poore travelyng w"> pasports, iis. iirf. It" to Wydow Tayler in relyfe, xxrf. It" to Eychard Wats, in Stoke iis., in relyfe xiirf. It. to Ursula bunswell thelder, widow hill, Wydow Wats, Wyllm Inglyshe.l lyone youngs, wydow dugdale, Ursula bunswell the younger in - v?t. xiiiis. viid. relyfe from the s"* 30 of marche unto the s"" xii of ApriU . . . . J Som tot' pd? bestowed \iU. xviit?. " Eemayn' unbestowed of the yjlL x8. iijd. fyrst above s* part -whereof ys denyed {sic) to be payd as foloweth — Imprimis thomas whit . . It' myles twyslyngton It' thomas mayes behinde It' henry spencer thomas halyday edward gytyngs John tenant . . wydow bunswell rychard cowpere John rolfe of m' grayes lond Som tot' unpaid yi». ob Sid. vijrf. vrf. iijrf. ijrf. ijd. vijA viijrf. iijd jd. ob. Not to be answered but to be paid when the tith is paid. ij«. " Thomas Atmer, "Thomas Wymer[?]." Xll PREFACE. in agriculture was extremely slow, and custom, privilege, and parochial jealousy and exclusiveness offered almost insuperable bars to any advance in making the most of the land. The Muniment Eoom at Merton Hall contains no charters, court rolls, or other records which give us any insight into the life and habits of the inhabitants of Thompson prior to the fifteenth century. We are therefore unable to estimate the severity with which the dreadful plague of 1349 smote this little parish, and what havoc it wrought among the inhabitants, as the court rolls of Merton enable us to do for that parish. But we know the living of Thompson changed hands at least three times during the dreadful year, and that when the College began its work ill 1 350, the benefice was again vacant. If three rectors died during that terrible time what must the people have suffered ? It is the more to be regretted that the earlier parochial muniments have so entirely disappeared, because it is easy to see how iutelligeutly Mr. Crabbe could have used them, had they been ready to his hand, by the skilful way in which he has turned to account the later and still existing records. The careful histories of families and their pedigrees, are not mere dry genealogical tables in his hands, but are full of interesting little pieces of biography. Who would have expected to find, in a mere pedigree, such an affecting little story as that of Johanna de Shardelow's retirement from the world, in 1369 ?' How many of those to whom the name of Home Tooke is familiar know that, after all, this once famous litterateur gained very little by his change of name ? Who would have looked in a parish register for so piteous a story as that of the poor boy frozen to death by the heartless and cruel neglect of his master ? But indeed this brief history — which, with characteristic modesty, my lamented friend did not venture even to call a history, \mt contented himself with designating as no more than Some 3Iaterials for a History — contains quite an unusual number of curious pieces of information, some of them of no small value. Such is the very interesting entry from the note-book of Mr. William de Grey, in 1696, giving us a view of the wages paid to agricultural labourers and mechanics at the close of the seventeenth century ; 1 The reader who has access to the very valuable Calendar of Wills proved in the Court of Husting, London, printed by order of the Corporation of the City of London in 1890, may find other instances of this practice in the fourteenth century. See Vol. II., introduction, p. vi. PREFACE. XUl the mention of the hemp-pit a few years earlier;* the quarrel between the inhabitants of Thompson and those of the contiguous parish of Stow Bedon, in 1723, on the contested rights of turbary ; the remarkable continuance of a yeoman family (the Barkers) in a remote and inconsiderable village for upwards of three centuries and continuing to hold their small estate there during all this long period ; and many another little significant scrap of information which goes to show how even a local chronicle can contribute much to illustrate the more ambitious works of historians, sometimes aptly confirming, sometimes strongly contradicting, correcting or modifying generalisations too hastily made or theories too rashly adopted. There are two matters which deserve the especial notice of the reader of these pages. The first is the frequent instances of resignation on the part of the Masters of Thompson College during the hundred and eighty years of its existence as a working institution. In this period the College had seventeen masters, of whom at least seven resigned the mastership. I am unable to account for this on any theory which does not show the College in a favourable light. During SEAL OF THOMPSON COLLEGE. these centuries very few ecclesiastics thought it necessary to give up one piece of preferment because presented to another. So far from a clergyman being thought the worse of for being a pluralist, the more benefices he held, the clearer the proof of the high estimation with which he was regarded. But if the statutes of Thompson, rigidly insisting that the mastership could only be ' See Eogers' History of Agriculture and Prices in England, vol. i., p. 2S. C XIV PREFACE. held by a resident, were observed and never relaxed, the frequent resignations are accounted for and we get indirect evidence that as a rule the masters of the College were men of character and mark. They held their mastership and governed the College till their reputation as scholars or administrators reached the outer world ; when they received higlier or more lucrative preferment they were compelled to choose between residing at the College or resigning. A non-resident master it seems was not permitted to retain his emoluments. The other matter which should not be passed over without comment is the attempt of the lay impropriator, in 1G78, to restore the tithes of the parish to the Church, from which they had been long alienated ; an attemjDt which was made a second time in 1754, but in both cases without success. It is too often forgotten that the essence of true charity and real generosity lies in self-sacrifice and that what a man gives with the dead hand is a gift that costs him nothing. Why should we expect that those who come after us should be more willing to surrender their substance than we have shown ourselves to be? Humphrey Futter in the seventeenth century had retained the full income from the old endowment to his last hour ; and Eoger Barker in the eighteenth century had done the same ; neither of them had scrupled to receive that income during his lifetime. If the conscience of one or the other was troubled by the thought that in receiving this income he had been doing so wrongfully, it was a clumsy way of making restitution to take from his next of kin that which, in his own case, he had not scrupled to appropriate. Eobbing Peter to pay Paul is no restitution at all. A Nemesis usually waits upon such bequests as these. With regard to the way in which I have carried out my labour of love in seeing tliis work through the press, there is not much to say. In the earlier chapters I thought it advisable to add some introductory or explanatory notes (whicli I have included within brackets) as being, in my judgment, likely to be helpful to the reader ; but I have refrained from intruding any opinions of my own, even where I dissented from statements which Mr. Crabbe has made. I have printed the translations as I found them. Ilis work has been left unaltered ; and it is quite good enough to stand upon its own merits. Any attempt on my part to make it what no man's work ever can be, faultless, would have resulted in spoiling it as it stands and in exhibiting my own weakness. Mr. Crabbe was a born antiquary, who discovered, only too late in life, that he had quite a genius for PREFACE. XV such researches as these. The enthusiasm, sagacity and scholarly caution which he exhibited in bis antiquarian studies, made me frequently rcgi'et that he had not thrown himself into them earlier ; but he needs no apology for the quality of his work in this volume. To those who knew him — and to know him was to love him — the book reflects him in its unambitious simplicity, its conscientious thoroughness (so far as the opportunity of dealing with the evidence at hand allowed), in the careful avoidance of over statement, and in the entire absence of any other aim than to get at the truth and to present a faithful picture to his readers. A nature so pure and gentle and guileless, a personality so magnetically attractive and so free from all semblance of pettiness, pretence and conceit it has never been my happiness to meet with. There may be others such as he but I have not known them. The manuscript was left in the hands of Lord Walsingham, at whose expense it has been printed. From first to last, his Lordship's covinsel and active co-operation have been most valuable. To Miss Mary Bateson, Mr. "Walter Rye, and the Eev. Arthur F. Sutton I owe my cordial thanks. Mr. Sutton generously placed in my hands the valuable sketch-book of his uncle the late Rev. F. n. Sutton, Prebendary of Lincoln, containing some extremely interesting sketches of the churches in this district. One of these days this sketch-book will be worth its weight in gold. I can only regret that I could not see my way to reproduce more of Mr. Sutton's drawings as illustrations. Mr. Herbert Green's careful and elaborate plans of Thompson Church speak for themselves ; he has laid my readers equally with myself under obligations which I think we shall all be glad to acknowledge. c 2 XVI Itote 0%j %\cina e&cxxUnta* By Lord "Walsingham. N close proximity to the site of the old Thompson College exists one of the last surviving British colonies of the edible frog (Eana esculenta). These were long supposed by Professor A. Newton and others to be the descendants of specimens imported from France by Mr. George Berney in 1837 ; but Ml'. Boulengcr has pointed out (in the Zoologist, July, 1884, as well as in the Proceedings of the Zoological Society, 1884) that they are easily distinguished from the French form, subsequently re-discovered at Foulden, by the much larger metatarsal tubercle which is characteristic of the Italian variety, known as Rana esculenta, var. lessonce The fact that the ancient College is known to have existed on this spot is strong collateral evidence in favour of the suggestion made by Mr. Wolley (Zoologist, 1821)' that the edible frog, like the edible snail (Helix pomatia), was introduced for purposes of food by some of the many secular and regular clergy who, during the middle ages, wei'e continually going backwards and forwards between England and Rome. XVll ADDENDA. I. The following has been communicated by Mr. Walter Rye. It is derived from the Norris MSS. Extracts from Notes in Account Books belonging to Mr. [Thomas] Futter of TJiompston, d. 1639. 161-1.— Francis Bedingfiekl, Gent., Owner of Thorapston Coll. [1616]. 13 June, 1621. — Robt. Futter, my son, and Elizth. Barckham were married at Waulton. 1621. — The Futters seem to have entered first on the College. 1622. — Robt. Futter, Gent., had College rent paid him. 8 Aug., 1622. — My son, "Wm. Futter, dyed at Mrs. Maylard, in Layton, and was buried there the 10th of that month. The. Barkham, son of Edward and Mary, was born 20 Sept., 1623, at W. Waulton. Bridget, dr. of Robt. and Elizh. Futter, was bom 22 April, 1624, at Tompston. Francis, son of Robt. and Elizh. Futter, was born 13 June, 1627. Robt., son of Edwd. and Mary Barkham, 17 June, 1627. Francis Futter, my son, and Jane Coote were mar. 25 Sept., 1628, at Chelsey, nere London. Robt. Futter, son of my son Robt. and Eliz. his wife, was born 23 Sept., 1628. 5 Nov., 1628. — Tho. Futter, son of John and Mary, was born. Thus far out of an old book of accounts of ... . Futter of Thomston, pduced at a CoiTiission at Thetf'*, 23 Apr', 172-i. In? Colman & Barker. II. At page 81, we are told that Sir Roger de Wylasham, Knt., was buried in Thompson in 1308. The date is obviously wrong, and must be due to a slip of the pen, for Blomefield gives it correctly as 1383. I have nothing to tell about this worthy knight. I presume Wylasham is only another way of writing Willisham, a village XVlll in Suffolk, near Needham Market ; but what interest Sir Roger had in Thompson I have not been able to discover. Possibly he was connected with the Siiardelows by marriage. He seems to have died childless. I give his will in extenso, copied from the original, in the Registry at Norwich. A. J. In noie pat's & lilij & sps sci. Amen. Ego Rog'us de Wylach""m miles sane mentis & bone memorie die diiica in festo Inuencois See Crucis Anno Dni Miftimo ccc""" octogesimo t'cio Condo testament, meii in hunc modum. In p'mis lego aiam meam deo omipotenti & bte marie Vgini & oinib3 scis & corpus tneu' ad sepdiend^ in ecd'ia de Thomston sw6 archa inf d'cain ecdi'am & capellam Sc'i Jacobi. Item, lego sum'o altari eiusdem ecd'ie, iijs. iiijd. Item, lego sumo altari ecctie de Runhale, iijs. n\]d.; & emendacoi eiusdem ecctie, xlvjs. viijcZ. Item, lego sumo altari ecctie de Mateshale, vjs. viijd.; & ad emendacoem capanit eiusdem ecctie v m'rc. Item, lego ad emendacoem ecctie & campanil de Wylash""m, xxs. Item, lego Priorisse de Carhowe vjs. viijd. Itm cuitt moniali pfesse dom^ p'dce iijs. iiijcZ.; & cuitt moniali ifem non pfesse, ijs. Ir, volo q"" executor^ mei i'aeiant celebi-ari mille missas p a!a mea & p aiab5 quibj teneor infra mensem post obitum meu Et residuu oim bonoi? meor' p't ea que supius sunt legata assigno & do Ka?ine uxi mee, Robto de Kenton, Walro de Gildeford, & Rog'o Cristian Capetlo quos quidem Katinam, Robtu, Waltum, & Rogum hui^ testamenti mei constituo exccutores, quos hentes Deu p auxTo rogo vt soluant debita mea & adimpleant voluntatcm meam p' posse suo sicut viderint aie mee melius expedire. Da? die & anno supdcis. Proba? fuit istud apud Norwicu coi^ nob. Offic. Dili Norwic. Epi quarto die mens. Augvsti anno Dni m"ccc""' octog. t^cio, &c. [Heydon, fol. 211.] ERRATA. Page 3,. line 12. For Cleasley read Cleashy. Page 15, second column of values. For Robert de Aukl read Robert de Aula. Page 26, line 17. For chains read charms. SCALE 3 fNCHEe TO I WILE urrdo'i ■JLiT/c-iii' The retl, liiuK shxnva Uw. Ixnindarie,^ of the qiat titlds us laid down uvfJui olid maps. Ihe houjLdaries of the parish,. 5nlro6ttcfion. T is astonishing how little is known of the history of our country ^P villages by those who live in them. It is equally astonishing how much ^^^ may be learned by a careful examination of the registers, tombstones, place names, manor rolls, wills, &c. There is, indeed, as Mr. King says in one of his essays, "no fragment of antiquity— no hint or trace of former days — which may not be made to tell its own tale, and in its own degree to aid us in restoring the past." Even the most retired and unknown \dllage, when, by means of antiquarian research, it is repeopled with succeeding generations of its old inhabitants and proprietors, is found to have a history which not even Dry-as-dust himself can make altogether uninteresting. In the following pages I have attempted to put together all that I have been able to learn about the past history of a small village in Norfolk. When our Archaeological Society visited Thompson in 1878, I read a short paper — of which the historical part was taken chiefly from Blomefield — on the parish and church. The subject, once begun, interested me so much that I continued my search for material, and now offer the fruit of my pleasant labours to that Society wliich moved me to betjin them. HISTORY OF THOMPSON. ^f ll]c |\amc (LJ)ompson. HE first thing with respect to Thompson that strikes a stranger is that so modern and common a family name should also be the name of a village. Probably Thompson is a corruption of Thomston (Thomeston), town of Thomas ; or of Tomston (Tomeston), town of Tom,^ but at least it is an old corruption ; as the title of the Register Book, written about 1597, has the name spelt as now, Thompson, and in 1624 Sir William de Grey speaks of his lands in Thompson (paper at Merton Hall, B. 9 c.) In Domesday Book it is called Tomestuna (town of Tom), and Tumesteda (place of Tom). Professor Skeat says, " no doubt Tom was a personal name, whether it was short for Thomas is doubtful. It looks more like the common Icel., Tomr = Lowland Scottish, Toom, emptj- ; a not improbable nickname. John Baliol was called Toora Tabard, empty coat. Yet Tom may be Thomas. There is this bit of evidence, that Tumi for Thomas is used by Sturla ])ordason, died A.D. 12S4." — Cleasley's Icel. Diet. In a deed, dated 1309 the name is spelt Thomuston ; in the lay subsidy, 1327, Thomiston ; in that of 1333, Tomeston ; in a deed, 1351, 24th Edward III., Thomaston ; in a Merton manor roll, 1401, Tommeston; in a manor roll of 1449, Tomston; 1468, Thomston ; on the seal of the College we find Tomesstone ; in the lay subsidy, 1524, Thompston ; in a manor book, 1640, Tompson. ' " The Anglo-Saxon never seems to have thought of such a thing as bestowing a name on a place by a definite act, in the same manner as he named his child or his ship. When he had to mention a place, he spoke of it by some obvious descriptive expression, which afterwards became fixed as a name A man named Eanbald clears a piece of ground and builds a farmhouse. His neighbours speak of Eanbald's tun or farm enclosure .... and this simple and natural designation sticks to the place long after Eanbald is dead and forgotten .... Thus the poorest cottager might come to give his name even to an important town which grew up on the site once marked only by his humble dwelling." — Henry Bradley in Gentleman's Magazine, February 1st, 1882. B 2 Ibc cavin ^anb-fltimcvs lit ^Jjompson. N the Domesday Survey only four land-owners in Thompson are mentioned, all tenants-in-chiof ; and reckoning a carucate at 180 acres, the largest given by Ducange, the sum of their lands does not amount to more than about 1150 acres, whereas the present acreage is 2890. Mr. Freeman (Norman Conquest, v. 7) says that " Domesday tells us by whom every scrap of land was held in the later days of William," and if this be so, the carucate, which we know was a very variable quantity, must have been in Thompson very much larger than Ducano-e's largest example, perhaj^s because it included a quantity of land of very small value. There was a large fen, the Sandwade Fen, in Thompson, in existence till within living memorj^ and a stream runs through the parish for nearly three miles, having on each side of it a quantity of marshy meadows, which at the time of the Survey may have been in great part fen. Then, too, there were three heaths, Thompson Upper Common, near Merton, extending from Cherry Row on the west to Wayland Wood on the east, all along south of the Merton boundary ; Thompson Lower Common, extending fi-om near Stow Bedon Station, and reaching to Sandwade Fen, and then north to Shaker's Furze and Bradmore Common, a small common south of the brickyard, where the school, the blacksmith's shoj^, and the windmill now stand. In fact, before the inclosure of 1817, the commons and fen occupied half the acreage of the parish, and probably, in the time of the Survey, very much more. Thus the carucates in Thompson may have been very large, on account of the small quantity in each carucate that was cultivated. For "the carucate depended for its size more on the nature of the soil or the state of cultivation than on actual extent." — //. Jenner. With respect to the under-tenants, " we must not suppose that the population was changed at the Conquest. . . . The notion that every Englishman was turned out of hearth and home is a mere dream. The actual occupants of the soil remained very generally undisturbed." — Freeman, iv. 24. We have, then, the names of four owners of land in Thompson in 1086, and the values of their five properties. It must be remembered that these sums of money were thirty times, some say a hundred timcs,^ more valuable then than now. Of two of the Thompson landowners nothing seems to be personally known ; Imt the other two were the most powerful and richest of William's barons. Few names in Ano-lo-Norman history are more familiar than those of William de Warren and Roger Bigot. ^^_^ Hume, quoted in Munford's Norfolk Domesday, p. 2. EARLY LAND-OWNERS IN THOMPSON. The actual text of Domesday Book relating to Thompson, as it is found in Sir H. James' photographic copy, is as follows, the abbreviations being replaced by the full words.^ There are five portions, or properties mentioned. 1. Terre Will, de Warenne. In Tomestuna fi liberi homines,- 1 carucata terrse, tunc & post 1 bordarius,' modo 3, 12 acr. prati. Tunc et post 2 carucatae, modo 2 carucatse & dim. Totum valet 49 sol. Hoc est pro escangio. Lands of William de Warren. In Tomestun there ai'e six free men and one carucate ; then (i.e., T. R. E., time of King Edward) and afterwards * {i.e., T. R. H., time of King Harold) one bordar, now (i.e., T. R. W., time of King William) three ; there are twelve acres of meadow ; then (i.e., T. R. E.) and afterwards (T. R. H.) two carucates, now two and a half. The vehole is worth forty-nine shillings. This is by exchange. "Judging from the manner in which the lands are arranged in Domesday Book, viz., first under tenants in capite,^ and secondly under hundreds and parishes, the whole of these lands are attributed to William de Warren. In the cases where another tenant's name is mentioned, he generally will be found to hold the lands attributed to him of the tenant in caplte. As the carucate is a variable measure, it is impossible to say for certain whether the two-and-a-half carucates include the before-mentioned one carucate and twelve aci-es; but there is no reason for supposing that it is so. In either case, however, the value, 49 sol. or shillings, applies to the whole amount of land. My opinion is that William de Wan-en held in Tomestuna three > The annotations have heen kindly made for me by Sir. Henry Jenncr, of the British lluscum. - ' ' Liberi homines. " Not merely the freemen or freeholders of a manor, but all persons holding in military service, — Munford, p. 63. ' " Bordarii" wore distinct from the Villani and Servi, and seem to have been of a less servile condition. Each bordar had a cottage, with a small parcel of land allotted. The " Villani" were occupiers of land at the will of the lord, on condition of performing certain services. * The word "afterwards." Among the legal fictions of Bomesdiiy is one with respect to the marking of time. William is looked upon as the immediate successor of Edward, and a waj' had to be found to describe the time between the death of Edward and the coming of William without recognising Harold's reign. — Freeman, v. 741. The correct form is, "post mortem Regis Edwardi," shortened in the above extracts to "post." ' "Tenants in capite," or in chief, held immediately of the King, and rendered their services, civil and military, to the Crown. There were sixty-two tcnants-in-chief in Norfolk {Munford, p. 4), and of those four held, as we have seen, estates in Thompson. The tenants-in-chief were accustomed to let their lands which they did not hold in domesno— hold in hand, as wo should say — to sub-tenants, and "by a usage peculiar to England, each sub-tenant, in addition to his oath of fealty to his lord, swore fealty directly to the Grown.'* — Green's Mist, of the English People, p. 81. A.D. 1068—71. 6 HISTORY OF THOMPSON. estates, viz., one carucate with six freemen and three bordarii ; twelve acres of meadow ; and that in the time of King Edward amounted to two carucates, but at the time of the Survey to two-and-a-half, the value of the whole being 49 sol." — Henry Jenner. William de Warren bore for arms the well-known chequers, blazoned chequy, or and azure. Munford says that he held at the Survey 145 manors in Norfolk, of the annual value of £329. 4s. Od. This includes his estate in Thompson. He had also large possessions in other parts of England. He died in 1089, and was buried at Lewes Priory, whicli ho had founded. His name, and that of his wife Gundrada, supposed to be a daughter (but more probably a step-daughter) of William the Conqueror, have been brought to the recollection of the present generation by the discovery in 1845 of their remains, and their re-burial in Southover Church near Lewes. 2. Terre Rogeri Bigot. In Tomestuna 40 acr. terre & dim. carucate, & valet 3 sol. Lands of Roger Bigot. In Tomestun there are forty acres of laud and one-half a carucate, and it is worth three shillings. " The word ' Terra ' in the text, simply signifies arable land as distinct from wood, meadow, and common pasture. (See Introduction to Sir H. Ellis's edition of Domesday Book, p. xxx, where Kennet, Glossar. Par. Antiq. is given as authority). The cai-ucate is defined by Sir H. Ellis (p. xlviii) as signifying as much arable land as could be managed by one plough and the beasts belonging thereto in one year; having meadow, pasture, and houses for the householders and cattle, belonging to it. However, there is this ambiguity in some cases, that the scribes often used the abbreviation, car or car'^ to signify either caruca (a plough and its team) or carucata. In this case, however, it is impossible, or at any rate very unlikely, that a half share of a caruca should be intended. It is most probable that two separate estates are intended." — Henry Jenner. Roger Bigot, a Norman, was Constable of Norwich Castle. He held 187 manors in Norfolk (see under next head, that of Isac) valued at £281. 186'. Od. per ann. He founded the Cluniac Priory at Thetford. Roger died in 1107. Bigot bore. Or, a cross gules. 3. Terre Isac. In Tomestuna, 1 liber homo, 1 carucata terre. Semper 1 carucata, & valet 20 sol. Hoc est de feodo Radulfi comitis de Stou. Robertus Blundus liberavit. EARLY LAND-OWNERS IN THOMPSON. The lands of Isac. In Tomestun Isac has one freeman and one carucate of land. There has always been one carucate, and its value is twenty shillings. This is of Earl Ealf's fee [estate] of Stow Bedon. Robert Blund gave livery of seisin [gave possession of the freehold, subject, however, to military service]. Semper one carucata means that in the time of King Edward, subsequently, and at the time of the Survey, the estate mentioned was one carucate. It has no reference to Isac's possession, but i-ather to the state of cultivation of the land — improvements would probably have increased the proportion of arable land in the estate, and so have made a larger number of teams and ploughs necessary, but the question of ownership would not have been raised by such a consideration. This Robert Blund seems to have been associated with Earl Ralph in the possession of Stow Manoi", but whether as vassal or predecessor ' does not appear. Earl Ralph forfeited his lands before the time of the Survey, so does not appear among the tenants. See p. xxxvi of the Norfolk Survey, " Huic manerio iacebant vi soc[manni] ea die qua Radulfus forisfecit, qui reddebant xvi sol. Roberto Blundo." — Henry Jenner. Isac (perhaps a Jew — Freeman, v. 819) held five manors in Norfolk valued at £5. 5s. Od. per ann. — Miinford. Earl Ralph of Stow — Ralph, Earl of Norfolk, one of the historic characters of William's i-eign, was lord of many manors in East Anglia and elsewhere, and amongst them of Stow Bedon, the next village to Thompson. Earl Ralph was half Englishman, half Breton. He was one of the heads of the rebellion against William in 1075. He fled from his castle at Norwich to Denmark, and was outlawed, and in East Anglia a large part of his lands went to enrich the founder of the great house of Bigod. — See Freeman's Norman Conq. iv. 575 — 591. 4. Terre Berneri Are. In Tomestuna 1 carucatam terre tenuit tempore Regis Edwardi [Aluricus, Tegnus Heroldi] ; tunc 1 carucata, post et modo dimidia ; 1 bordarius ; & valet xvi sol. Hoc etiam de feodo Radulfi. Lands of Berner the Ai-cher. In Tomestun [Aluric, Harold's Thane] held a carucate of land in the time of King Edward. Then it was a carucate, afterwards [T. R. H.] and now [T. R. W.] ' "Predecessor." This word seems to mean, in Domesday, tho same as tho often-used title anteeessor, a dispossessed Englishman or Norman. Almost always, of course, it was an Englishman who was dispossessed. 8 HISTORY OF THOMPSOX. half a canicate. There is one bordarius, and it is worth sixteen shillings. This is also of the fee of Ralph. — Henry Jennei: " Aluricus, tegnus Heroldi," i.e., Aluric, Harold's thane [i.e., a noble holding service under Harold when Earl] is mentioned above as having held Asscelea [Ashill] in the days of King Edward. It is evident that this same Aluric is the nominative to all the " tenuits " that follow, until another former tenant is introduced. It appears that most, if not all, of Berner's laud had been held by various dispossessed persons in the time of King Edward, and the name of each is not always repeated in the recital of the different lands belonging to them. — Henry Jenner. Berner the Archer held eleven manors in Norfolk, valued at £20. 13s. 'id. per aun. — Munford. 5. Terre Rogeri Bigot. In Tumesteda 1 liber homo, xv acr. & 1 acr. prati, tunc dim. carucata, mode ii bovate ; valet ii sol. Idem Rogerus tenet. Rex & comes socam. Lands of Roger Bigot. In Tumested one freeman and fifteen acres (of arable) and one acre of meadow, then {i.e. T. R. E.) half a carucate, now two bovates.' The value is two shillings. The same Roger holds this (i.e., holds it in his own hands). The king and the earl [hold] the soc- ' " Bovata." A piece of land containing as much ground as one ox (or a pair of oxen) could plough {i.e., in one year), Ducange : meaning, probably, a3 much as could be cultivated by a man using an ox (or two oxen). Ducange says that the word is much used in English charters, and that the amount of a bovata varied. He gives instances of its being reckoned as 10, 13, and 18 acres; and says that eight bovates of eighteen acres equalled one carucate, according to an old statute on measures, which he quotes from Spelman. ^ "Soc." Liberty to minister justice, or to hold a court of soc-men or tenants. Soc-men were inferior landowners, with permanent tenures, but who owed suit and service to the lord of the manor. ^f Ibc SiKccssioiT in tjjc Ulanors. N Merton, the next parish to Thompson, the family of the tenant-in-chief> Robert Bajniard, who held the manor at the Survey, never aliened it ; for his descendant (through an heiress) Thomas de Grey, Lord Walsingham, is the present owner. But in Thompson tlie four tenants-in-chief seem soon to have aliened their lands, for not even has Blomefield with all his industry and knowledge been able to trace the descent of the manors from the Norman owners. The only descent he mentions is on Isac's Manor, part of which was held, according to Testa de Neville (a document containing evidence respecting the estates held of the king in the time of Henry III. and Edward I.), by Maud de Rochford. Although, then, we do not know which of the Norman manors he held, Blomefield tells us that at an early date William de Thomeston was lord of part of Thompson. His son, Robert de Thomeston,' was lord of the capital manor and patron of the church. [This Robert de Thomeston had three daughters, (i) Margaret, the eldest, wife of Robert Crowe ; (ii) Katherine, the second, wife of de la Sale ; (iii) Aones, the youngest, wife of Peter Copsey, or, as he is sometimes called, Peter de Breccles. The three daughters, with their husbands, were plaintiffs in an action against a certain Henry de Bersham in 1289, Bersham having set up a claim to the adv-owson of Thompson which he could not substantiate, and the right of presentation to the ' This Robertas de Thomestime with Dominus Galfridus de Thomestune were witnesses to a deed relating to Geoffrey Baynard, son of Sir Folk Baynard, of Merton. The deed, preserved at the British Museum, is without date (communicated by Mr. J. H. Greenstreet) . This Geoffrey Baj-nard, a priest, who farmed ths Lewes Priory lands at Merton, was living in the latter half of the thirteenth centurj-. — Blomefield, under Merton. The de Thomestons, though lost to their original seat, were afterwards represented by the Thompsons of Tinmouth Castle, who were descended from the ancient family sumamed of this Norfolk village; and Rowland Thompson of Thorpe Market, of the family of Thompson of Tinmouth, had this coat confirmed 1602, Az., a lion passant guardant or in a bordure ar. — Blomefield, ii. 370. Among the English ecclesiastical writers of the fourteenth century, Leland mentions John Thompson of Thompson in Norfolk, who, he says, flourished in 13S0. He belonged to the Order of Carmelites, and was educated first at Blakeney and then at Oxford. He is described as ranking with philosophers and theologians of note, and the titles of fifteen of his works are recorded, which, says Bale, " I have seen in a very beautiful library of his Order at Norwich." Leland is disposed to identify him with " John Campscen," an English Carmelite mentioned by Trithemius, Abbot of Spanheim. C 10 niSTORT OF THOMPSON. living was decided to belong to the three co-heiresses in common.' That is, the de Thomeston family had come to an end in the male line. Roger Crowe appears to have bought the portions of his wife's sisters ; and at tlie end of the thirteenth century his son (?), John Crowe, had become the great man of the parish. - A few years later we find ourselves perplexed by difficulties which it seems impossible to clear up satisfactorily. In 1307 there is a lawsuit again about the right of presentation to the Rectory, and in 1308 Sir Guy de Botetort, one of the Norfolk magnates, presents a relative of his own to the benefice, either in right of his wife, or as guardian of the heir in his minority. Ten years later, the heir, Robert de Aula de Thomeston (who can be no other than Robert Crowe, one of the parties to the lawsuit of 1307) exercises his right as patron and presents to the benefice on its avoidance, by death or cession, of Sir Ralph's nominee. Blomefield's guess (for it is nothing more) that Sir Ralph do Botetort liad purchased the manor from the Ci'owes is quite unsupported by proof. Tliere is no evidence to shew that the Botetorts were ever lords of the capital manor, and much which points to the contrary. The question still remains, how did the manor come into the hands of the Shardelows ? It is not lilcely that, if it passed to them by purchase, no record of the sale and release should be found in the Feet of Fines. I suspect that, as in the case of the de Thomeston family, so it came to pass with the Crowes, viz., that the family died out in the male line, and that the last heiress was Agnes, the wife of Sir John de Shardelow, whose inheritance was the Thompson manor. Looking through the mists which hang about the three centuries that elapsed after the Norman Conquest and which necessarily make the history of that time obscure, we are yet able to infer with a fair measure of certainty that for about a hundred and fifty years or so, a family which took their surname from the little parish where they were the chief personages, held the lordship of Thompson from father to son, and died out in the male line about the middle of the thirteenth century. Thay were succeeded by another race, the Crowes, one of whom married the eldest of the three co-heiresses of the last de Thompson. The Crowes did not enjoy the inheritance for more than three generations, and vanished from the scene during the early years of Edward II. : then the estate passed into other hands. The new possessors were clearly not of Norfolk extraction, they had but lately settled iu the county, though they were by no means inconsiderable men. The founder of the family was Robert de Shardelow, probably a Derbyshire man, who early in the thirteenth century, had made a reputation for himself as a lawyer, and had won a high position at the beginning of the reign of Henry III. In 1228 he was appointed a Justice of Assize, two years later he became one of the King's Justices Itinerant : in 1246 he was sent as Chief Justice to Ireland, and there ' Albrtviatio Plaeitoium (folio, 1811), p. 283. ^ Blomefield. See, too, Rye's Norfolk Fxnes, Edw. I., No. 1019. THE SUCCESSION IX THE MANORS. 11 he died about the j-ear 1255.' He left behind him, as it seems, two sons, Edmund and Galfridus. Galfridus, the younger, inherited a small estate in Ireland, which descended to his son Robert, a child of three years old, when his father died in 1274. Of this branch we hear no more.^ Edmund, the elder son, had lands in Cambridgeshire, and there are some indications which point to him, too, as having followed his father's profession, though he made no mai-k. It was far otherwise with his son Sir John i)E Shardelow, who became lord of the manor of Thompson at the beginning of the fourteenth century, was an eminent Justice of the King's Bench, and largely increased his worldl}^ possessions. When he died in 1344, he had estates in Cambridgeshire, .Suffolk, and Norfolk; but he appears to have resided chiefly at the manor house of Thompson when he died, and where he was buried, as appears by the wording of his grandson's will, which has been preserved to our own time. SiR John had three sons. The eldest, Edmund, died before his father, and it was his son, a second Sir John de Shardelow, who succeeded to the great bulk of his grandfather's property in Suffolk and Cambridgeshiie. The other two sons of Sir John de Shardelow, the judge, were at their father's death both married, but both childless. The one bore the same Christian name as his father. Of the family of his wife, Joanna, we know nothing. The other brother, SiR Thomas, had taken to wife, Margaretta, daughter of Sir Roger de Grey of Cavendish, co. Suffolk, and gi-and-daughter of Sir Thomas de Grey of Morton, the ancestor of Lord "Walsingham, and the first of that noble familj*, which has handed down the estate from father to son without a break for more than five hundred years. When SiR JoHN DE Shardelow the judge, died, he left the Thompson estate with the adowson of the Rectory, together with other manors in Essex, to his two younger sons, and it appears that the second Sir John de Shardelow resided at Thompson, keeping up some state according to the fashion of the time in the manor house. The other brother. Sir Thosias, was a man of more ambition, who seems to have aspired to emulate his father's distinguished career. His success as a lawyer, however, was but moderate : he did attain to the position of King's Attorney in 1379, but he can have held the oflSce little more than two years, for in 1382 he was dead and another had succeeded to the appointment. By the death of Sir Thomas, the Shardelows of Thompson came to an end, and a new chapter in the history of the little parish begins, of which it will be our business to treat in its due course.] The following pedigree (as far as concerns the last three generations) has been taken from Gage's History of the Hundred of Thingoe, p. GO. ' Dugdale's Origines Juridiciaks. The dates, &c., are given in the Appendix, which he calls Chronica Series. • Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland (a.d. 1171-1301.) Record Series, 4 vols., 1875-1881. c2 12 HISTORY OF TUOlirSON. PEDIGREE OF SHARDELOWE. Robert de Shardelow, probably of Shardlow, co. Derby. His wife"8=p name does not appear, a.d. 1 228, appointed Justice of Assize; a.d. 1'230, Justice Itinerant for York ; a.d. 1231, Justice Itinerant for Cambs, Essex, Herts, Hunts, &c. ; a.d. 1246, sent to Ireland as Justice Itinerant; A.D. 125.5 was dead. Some disputes arose about certain lands of his in Ire- land, and again in 1257. — Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, vol. i. Edmundus de Shardelow, a.d. r280held= lands in Cambs, which he had for liis life by the gift of Sir John de Lovetot, who was raised to be Justice of the Common Pleas in 1275. He held also a good house and other lands in the same county. Pns. Johannes de Phardelowe do Shardclowe=T=Agnes, Galfiidus de Shardelow, probably a^ younger son. a.d. 1274 died. Held lands in Ireland of no great extent. He had given a "stone house" in Dublin to the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem in Dublin, and the brotherB of the order. H in Barton parva in Suff. , Jliles, unus Justic de Banco Reg. 6 Ed. III., et ad Tlacita coram Rege 13 ejusd. Reg., et de Banco 16 ejusd. Reg., ob. 5 Mart., 18 Ed. III., ann. 1344. Had lands in Suffolk, Norfolk, and Cambs. 13 Ed. III. Edmundus de Shardelowe, persona eccles de Ilempton in 1311, et postea de Uerings- well. Robert de Sharde- low, aged 3 yrs. in Jan. 1274. The only son of Galfridus. Of this Robert I dis- cover no more. Edmundus de' Shardelowe, fil. primog.,ob. v.p. fil. Rogeri de Grey de Cavendiiih. :Margareta, Dns. Johannes=Joanna, ' vidua, de Shardelowe, vidua 43 2 Edw. III. miles, ob. s. p. Ed. III. 1369. A.D. 1350. These two (with the consent of his brother Thomas) ex- change the manors of Copped Hall and Shingled Hall in Essex, for the manors of Camps and Barham in the same county, and the manor of Orsey in Cambs with the Abbot of Waltham. — Cat. Pat. Rot. p. 159. The two brothers, on the ISth Dec, A. R. R. Edw. III. 25°, have licence from the king to confer the advowson of the church of Cowling, co. Suff., on the Cuitos and Fellows of Trin. Hall, and that it should bo held as impropriate to the College. (Inq. ad quod damnum.) Dns. Thomas de Shardelowe, =Margareta, miles; a.d. 1367 made Clerk to sororThomse the icing's Attorney ; a.d. 1374, appointed Coroner of the King's Household; ad. 1379, succeeds as Attorney to the king. Ob. s. \>. ■ — Jjugdalc. Dns. Johannes de Shardelowe de= Shardelowe in Barton, lilius et hceres, aet. 21 ad mortem avi ; ob. mens. Nov. 1391, 15 Rich. II. = Margareta. Katherina de Shardelowe. I 1 Dns. Robertus de Shardelowe, miles, =pEla, ob. 8th Nov. 1457, Elizabetha de ob. die Sab. px. ante fest S. Jacobi, I sepultineccl.S.Mariie, Shardelowe, ApostoU, 1 Hen. IV. — Inq. p. m. | apudS.Edmundsbury.- ob. s. p. r -■ Dns. Johannes de Shardelowe, miles,= Margareta fil. WillelmiLove- nat. apud Fulburn in Cantab., ob. 2 Hen. neye.dni.maneriide Stratton, VI., 3. p. Suff, 9 Hen. V. Joanna de=T=Johanncs le Brews Sharde- de Wenham Parva lowe. I in Suff.' r ■" Robertus le Brews, — miles, fil. et ha^res. Thomas Brews, mil., fil. et hferes, set. 26, ad mortem Johannis de Shar- delowe, cujus est ha;res 2 Hen. VI. ' She became, in 1369, a religious votary in the College of Thompson, where she died. Blomefield, ii. 361, gives her vow and manner of making it: — "She appeared before Thomas Percy, Bishop of Norwich, in the private chapel of his manor house at Thomage, where he then resided" [the manor of Thomage, near Holt, belonged to the Bishops of Norwich till the 27th Henry VIII.] "and at mass she kneeled down before the Bishop (Master 'V\'^illiam Blithe, Archdeacon of Norfolk, Sir Simon de Babingle, and William le Swineflete, and others being present as the Bishop's witnesses) and, joining her hands, he then took them into his hands, and then she vowed in these words : ' Jeo Johanne qui fuy la femme Johan de Shardelowe, avowe et promette a Dieux et a nostre Dame Seinte Marie et a Seint Martin et as toutez Seintz, de vivere en perpetuele chastete a Terme de ma Tie, a Vous Reverent Pere en Dieux Sire Thomas par la Grace de Dieux evesque de Norwiz, et en vostre Presence, et en la Presence de Sire Thomas de Shardelowe [this was her brother-in-law, and joint founder, with her late husband, of the college. — Ibid, p. 16.], Sir Johan Grene, Mestre de la Chauntrie de Thomestone, John Clovylle, et autrez.'" ' Her will is amongst the Bury Wills printed by the Camden Society, p. 14. Her gravestone, stripped of its brasses, is in the south chancel aisle of St. Mary's, Bury St. Edmund's, — Tymms' Bury St. Edmund's, p. 25. ' He was also of Stinton Manor in Sail, Norfolk. — See Blomefield, under Sail. THE SrCCESSIOX IX THE MANORS. 13 In a field still called " The Hall Meadow," abutting on the north boundary of Thompson Carr, can be seen, after a long drought, the situation of part of the foundations of a mansion which tradition says was called Thompson Hall. The road leading to it is still called " The Hall Way " ; and it formerly had another approach, from the direction of the college and church. It had moats or fish-ponds, which were filled up and planted about fifty years ago. It was probably the manor house of the capital manor, the residence of the de Thompsons and Crowes. When the Shardelowes gave the capital manor to the college, the hall perhaps fell into decay. Some time after 1.307, Sir John Shardelowe, Knight, Justice of the Common Pleas, held the capital manor, and settled it on his sons Sir John and Sir Thomas. — Blomefield, ii. 372. The family of Shardelowe was of much importance. Sumamed, no doubt, of Shardelowe in Derbyshire, it was established, before 1311, at Little Barton, or Barton Mills in Suffolk, where it held lands, as well as in Mildenhall, Brandon, Downham, and Caverham. — Gage's Thingoe, under Flempton. A branch of the family settled at Shimpling, near Diss, in Norfolk. In Thelveton, the next village to Shimpling, in 1598, Thomas Shardelowe, Gent., and Anthony Shardelowe, Gent., both held lands. — Gav:dy MS. at Merton, pai-t i., p. 50. In 1680, the Manor of Shimpling, and the mansion of the Shardelowes there, was sold to Mr. Mott. — Blomefield, i. 158. Though the family seems at this date (1630) to have lost its possessions in Norfolk (in SufTolk its lands had passed, through a female, to the Brewes family. — Gage's Thingoe, under Flempton), it continued in the county. Henry Shardelowe, Alderman of Norwich, died 1712 ; and at Thorpe, near Norwich, and other places in Norfolk, there are several farmers and tradesmen who still bear the name. 14 HISTORY OF THOMrSON. Cljc |nljabit;iiifs of (r|)oinpson in tj)c Jfourttcntjj Ctnturij. N the lists o£ lay subsidies at the Record Office there are several relating to the parish of Thompson. They are of great interest, as giving the names of the parishioners from five hundred and fifty to three hundred and forty years ago ; and also as showing how surnames were often formed : how, in some cases, the filace of residence (as, Walkelyn de Rockland), in others the spot in the village (as, John atte Tounesende), in others the father's or ancestors' Christian name (as, John FitzWalter, John Warin) gradually became hereditary surnames. It is worthy of notice, too, that within three hundred years of the Conquest, only two Saxon Christian names are found in so remote a village as Thompson, and in a population no doubt of Saxon descent, for the surnames are chiefly Saxon, showing how entirely Noi'man and Scripture Chi'istian names had superseded Saxon. (On this point see Freeman's Nornidn Conquest, v. 5G1.) Out of a total of seventy-one names in the first list, there are thirteen Williams, ten Thomases, and fifteen Johns, showing a sort of fashion (as we find now, occasionally, in our country villages) for particular names. The surnames, we must I'enicmbei-, would all have been gained since the Conquest, as in England, before that time, there is no ascertained case of a strictly hereditary surname. — Freeman, v. 565. Lay subsidies were taxes levied on the lands and personal property of the laity. The clei'gy were separately assessed. The first Lay Subsidy is dated 1st Edward III. (1327), and contains seventy- one names, four being destroyed. The sum total collected was £4. 16s. Sd. The sums paid by each person vary from 3s. Qd. to Grf. These gradations show that there was not a very unequal distribution of property, and that none of the payers of the tax were rich and none very poor. In the neighbouring village of Merton at this time (the fourteenth century), there were a great many small freeholders and copjdiolders having from one to ten acres of land, and it is probable that this was the case also at Thompson. These small holdings were rarely inclosed, indeed nearly the whole village would be ojjen country, with much heath, common and marsh, the cultivated lands not having fences, but being bounded by balks of grass. The names with stars are not in the list of 1333. LAY SUBSIDIES. 15 Lay Subsidies, Norfolk, No. 'f, Ao. 1st Edward III., 1327. Hundredum de Wayland. Membrane 14. ViLLATA DE ThOMISTON'. De Cristiana de Houtofi ' - De Ainicia ad Aquam ^ ^ - De Robei'to ad Fontem - - De Thoma Wimer - De Roberto Mone - De Thoma Hulot * - De Tlioma Willeman De Johanne de Langford - De Willelmo Dorant* De Roberto Doraunt ' De Thoma Noble - De Thoma Grigg' De Emma Carpenter De Johanne Faber - De Thoma Freman - De Johanne Folpe - De Johanne Kyng - De Willelmo Kyng - De Roberto ad Ecclesiam ^ De Willelmo Busshel De Johanne Dobissone ^ - De Willelmo Gibion De Willelmo Gilyon'= ' John do Houton de Thomeston and Peter Crowe of the same were witnesses to a deed (now at Mcrton HaU), 8th Edw. II. (1315). ' Ad Aquam, ad Fontem, ad Ecclesiam, de Aula, indicate the situation of the houses in which these men lived respectively, i.e., " near the water," " near the well," "near the church," " of the Hall." ' In a deed at Merton Hall {Conv. of St. Paul, 2nd Edw. III.) Robert Durant conveys to Eoger Burzoun, liind abutting on that of Thos. le Neve. Witnesses, Robert of the HaU, Simon ad Aquam, John Herynges, and othera. All these names are in the above subsidy, and throughout the deed, which is most clearly written, the place is spelt Thomuston. * The Norman-French pet form of Hugh. ' Dobbissone = Dobson. " From Julian, a popular Norman name. ' Chaloner, an importer or manufacturer of a coverlet called a chalon. ' William de Grene of Tomcston, was one of the witnesses to a conveyance {22nd July, 1323), of land in Merton, near the hill called Rynghowe (RinghUl), from Thos. Gernoun of Merton to Ralf, the son of Peter, Chaplain of Merton (deed at Merton Hall that date). iij.s. iijrf. De Johanne Leche - xij(/. iijs. vjf/. De Johanne Heryng' ijs. iij.s. vjrf.* De Willelmo Bee - xviij(/. xvd. De Allano de Catirfete v]V. xijf/. De Bartholomeo Lete (?) - xijrf.* xxrf. De Johanne Colman vjd. ixr/. De Henrico Aysshele xvd. xiijf/.* De Thoma Motte - xd. viijf/.* De Alicia de Herford vjrf. vjd* De Henrico Herberd ijs. vjd. xiiyL* De Willelmo Hulot' - xijd. ij.s. vjd* De Matilda Emne iij«.* xvijA* De Matilda Someryn v}d.* xijrf. De Roberto de Auld xvd. ixd. De Johanne Boycot vjd.* yjd.* Do Henrico Wisman xiy/. XVfl'. De Thoma le Grene xijd. v]d. De Roberto Wysman xvd. xd.* De Thoma Dikes - xd. xxd. De Ricardo Kuj-t - vjd.* iijs. De Johanne France - ij«- vjf/. yjd.* De Johanne Chalnere ' xviijrf. xvd. De Willelmo le Grene * - iijs. 16 HISTOEY OF THOMPSON. De Johanne Lynforth vjrf» De Willelmo ad Fontem - - iis. iijrf. De Willelmo - vj,/. De Johanne le Neue * - iij«. De XV,l'. De Thoma Tripclot - - iijs.* [De] - - vyi. De Ricardo Torel - xijr/.* FDel xviijrf. xijrf. De Johanne de Risin^g' - vjrf.* vjrf.* [De] - - De Roberto Turkcbi - De Agnete Willeman xij./.* De Willelmo de Lechton - - vjrf.» De Petronilla Willeman - xxrf.* De Walkelinus de Rokeland - vjrf.« De Wimei- Turner - viijrf.* De Thoma filio Radulplii - - vjrf.» De Johanne filio Radulplii ij«. \yf.* De Radulpho Faukcs - vjrf* De Agnete Roger xijr/. De Leticia Hendi-i - - vjrf* De Thoma Bernard - XV(/.* De Rogero Bulzoun - xijrf. De Roberto Osbern - Vj(/.* De Willelmo Broun - xijd. De Petro le Grene - iijs. De Thoma Fiket - - xijcl. De Willelmo Dobbe ' XX(/. Summa totalis, iiijZi . XI •js. Viijf/. The second list, dated 6th Edward III. (1333) contains sixty-one names. A portion is destroyed. There are these new names: Puddyng, Horbling, atte Welle, Houton, Bele, Aleyne, C(o)rnel, Milesent, Quilleter, Gerard, Genne, Hunte. The sums paid vary from 3s. 6d. to 8d. THE POLL TAXES. [On the 22nd February, 1377, Parliament granted to King Edward III a Poll Tax of a groat a head, to be levied on the goods of each person in the kingdom, men and women over the age of fourteen years, except only veritable beggars (verrois mendicents sans fraude). The sum received amounted to £22,617. 2s. Sd.; and the payers of the tax numbered 1,376,442 lay persons. It would be a moderate estimate which would fix the population of the country at this time at four millions, exclusive of the clergy and the religious orders. This was the first time in English history that any such tax had been raised, and the discontent that its imposition caused was deep and universal. Nevertheless, the sum raised fell far below that which was expected, and the financiers of the time were seriously disappointed. King Edward died in June, 1377, and was succeeded by his grandson, Richard II., a boy of eleven years old. Things were going badly at home and abroad, and the Government was almost bankrupt when the Parliament again assembled at Westminster on the 25th Api'il, 1379. Here the second Poll Tax was granted, which, in its incidence, differed from the first in this respect, — that it was graduated according to the rank, condition in life, and property of those from whom it M'as demanded : the Duke of Lancaster, as ' See note 5, previous page. ' See note 3, previous page. THE POLL TAXES. 17 the first subject in the realm, being called upon to pay ten marks; every earl was to pay four pounds ; barons and bannerets two pounds ; and so on, down to the lowest ranks, in which every person above the age of sixteen was to pay a groat. The clergy, in their Convocation, adopted the same intricate method of taxation, one result of which was to produce "one of the most important records of the state of the population of England that has ever been draw'n up : the Poll Tax Rolls of the year 1379." Again the result was a disappointment ; and the amount raised was, in this instance, .somewhat less than had been levied two years before. Eight months later, the Parliament again met, at Northampton ; and the exigencies of the times seemed to the Commons so serious that, after some hesitation and discussion, the third Poll Tax was determined on as a necessity, to which the people were compelled to submit, in view of the gloomy aspect of affairs. Accordingl}^ a tax was granted of three groats from each lay person in the kingdom, male and female, of whatever estate or condition of life, over the age of fifteen years, except veritable beggars, as before. In the third Poll Tax there was again a change in the manner of levying it. Tlie hanl and fast line laid down in the instance of the second tax, in accordance with which every man was to pay his quota according to his rank, was given up, and a new method was adopted, or rather a new experiment was tried : the population of every township was assessed at a shilling a head ; but the aggregate which the township was bound to collect was to be so levied that the rich were to make up, in each case, any deficiency which the inability of the poor to pay their tax might occasion. No man was to pay more than 20s. for himself and his wife, and no one less than 4cZ. for himself and his wife also. The principle here carried out, whereby the richer inhabitants of a township were called upon to help the weak, was borrowed from the French plan of levying the Fouage, or hearth tax, as imposed in 1369. In effect, the third Poll Tax made a demand of no moi-e than id. upon the poorer classes ; but the teri'ible frequency with which this burden had been laid upon them, and the novelty of the exaction, gave occasion for the great rebellion of 1381, though it was in itself only one of many causes of the irritation which pi'evailed among the masses, and which contributed to bring about the revolt of the labouring classes. After the year -1380, the expedient of raising money by a capitation tax was never tried again. From the following return it may be inferred that, in 1381, there were seventeen householders in Thompson who were above the rank of labourers. It would also appear that twelve of the inhabitants were what we should now call paupers, from whom nothing could be got ; and that the whole population of the parish can hardly I'e estimated as less than between two hundred and two hundred and fifty souls.] The names with a star (*) are not in the lists of 1327 and 1333. 18 HISTORY OF THOMPSON. A.D. 1381.— Poll Tax Ao. 4tli Richard II. Hundrednm dc Wajdound'. Lay Subsidies, Norfolk, No. '^'. Tommeston'. Johannes attc Tounescnde x[ii]./.* Will'Bloye - iiij'/-* Philippus Doraunt' iiij'/- Alexander Turkeby - xij(/. Margareta Doraunt' - iiiy/. Johannes Dynggeloue^ - xij» iiijs. xls. }) \yl. xH. » iij s. iu'yi. v/«. n X(/. iiij/j. »» iiij"'- iiij//. » iiijrf. vli. ti y.d. ixli. >y ^\n]d. viij//. it xvjcZ. xls. a ijcZ. viijd. „ 'I ,-iij«. yiijcL -' vli. » X(?. vli. »> xcZ. ' iib ^° ^'^^ Hen. VIII. (1546) has ten of the names, and one not mentioned here, i.<;. " Willebnus Manser," for goods. ' Altered from " vjs. riijrf." evidently after the total had been struck, there being a difference of two shillings between it and the amount of the items. 24 HISTORY OF THOMPSON. John Spencer, in goodc; Jolian Bave, vidua, in goocle3 Jolin Bonneswell, in goodej John Thayne, in goocle5 John Rolf, in goode5 Clement Hedd, in goode'j William Mortymer, in goode5 John Cooke, in goodej - Richard Boneswell, in goode3 Henric Hogc, in goodc; Robert Cade, in goodc; John Manncer, in goode-j Agne5 ffreman, vidua, in goodej Agne5 Pory, vidua, in goode5 The town Stock, in goodej William Grey, gent, in goodej Peter Porj-e, in lande^, by j'ere William Hallidaj'e, in goode^ Thomas Nobbes, in goode^ Thomas Cade, in goodc; xl.s. Tax - iyl ii.i^''- Hid. iiij//. iiijci. viij//. xvjcZ xij//. iiij*' XX8. id xxs. „ .vf xls. \]'l. xl«. \) See a copy of this in the Blomefield MS. in bos E 2. MASTERS OF THE COLLEGE. 33 14;55. Bloinefield says that these were manors, and that they were given with their court rents, faldcourse, and services (i. 627). l-tSO, 18th March. WilL Bettys, resigned. He was also Rector of East Wretham, 145.3. He is mentioned in a court-roll of Botours Hall Manors in 1468 as dead. 1464, 27th Oct. Peter Lock.^ He was Rector of Merton. 1487, 22nd Sept. Mr. John Whittert, in Dec. Bac.,^ resigned. 1490, 28th Aug. Mr. Ambrose Ede, Decret. Dr.,^ died Master. 1503, 16th July. John Wyatt : he was Rector of Feltwell, lapse, resigned. 1518, 21st May. Mr. Rich. Aldy, alias Hoke. Died Master, and Rector of Northwold. 1519, 19th March. Mr. Robt. Dikar, resigned. 1524, 12th Julj'. Master Roger Rawlins. 1534. Master Robert Audeley, Archdeacon of Berkshire. He was the last Master, and signed the deed of surrender. I am indebted to Mr. Walter Rye for the information that there is in the P. R. O. (No. 109*) tlie acknowledgment of royal supremacy by the College of Secular Priests at Thompson. This document, dated 29th August, 1534, is especially valuable because there is appended to it the only perfect impression, so far as I know, of the seal of the college (see p. 30). The deed bears the signatures of the Master and four felloM's, as follows : — per me Roberta Awdeley, magistru Collegii de Thomston. p me Nicholau Marryett (?). p me Ric Croftes. p me Richardu Raune. p me Johem Alleyn. In the Bodleian Library (No. 537) is the original surrender charter of Thompson College. It has been obligingly translated for me by the late Rev. C. J. Evans. There is very little doubt that it is a common form of surrender,' and that some of the terms, such for instance as church, bell-tower, and cloister, would not apply to Thompson, for the master and fellows* had to say mass daily in the church, and therefore would not have had more than a small chapel, if any, in the college. ' See under William de Grey, whose executor he was. - " In Decretis — in Canon Law. Mr. Mullingcr {Rislory of the University of Cambridge, i. 36) says the Uecretum, as it passed from the hands of Gratian, consisted of three parts, the first being devoted to general law and containing the canons of councils, decrees of the Popes, and opinions of the Fathers ; the second comprising ecclesiastical judgment on all matters of morality and social life ; the third containing instruction, with reference to the rites and ceremonies of the Church Such was the work, the study of which, known as that of the canon law, formed so important a part of the training of the students at the English Universities prior to the Keformation." — W. Aldis Wright. * Magister et capellani habent ex eorum Fundatione, in ecclesia predicta cotidie celebrare, ac in ceteris divinis officijs personaliter ministrare. — Quoted in Blomejield. ' See Note B, F 3-1 HISTORY OF THOMPSON. [Note A.] PATENT ROLL, IGth RICH. II. (1392.) Part 2, Membrane 23. Eiccntc The King, to all to whom, &c., greeting. Although, &c., yet of grnnttti our special grace, and for forty pounds, which our beloved in Christ ta gibe the Master and Chaplains of the Chantry, at the altar of Saint Martin, (Innb) in in the Church of Thomeston, have paid us, we have granted and given mortmain, licence for ourselves and our heirs, as far as in us is, to John Methewold (the King's Escheator in the County of Norfolk), John Coke, Parson of the Church of Westoftys, and Thomas Horstede, Chaplain, that they may give and assign to the aforesaid Master and Chaplains one acre of land, with its appurtenances in Shropham, and the advowson of the church of the same town, with a certain chapel annexed to the same church, which are not held of us. To have and to hold to the same Master and Chaplains and their successors, in aid of their sustentation, for ever. And to the same Master and Chaplains, that they may appropriate the aforesaid church, together with the aforesaid chapel, and to hold it so appropriated, together with the same chapel, for their own uses to themselves and their successors aforesaid for ever. And to the same Master and Chaplains we have by the term of these presents given a special licence in like manner, that they may receive the said land with its appurtenances from the aforesaid John, John, and Thomas, and hold it to themselves and their successors aforesaid in the form aforesaid for ever, as is aforesaid, the ' statute aforesaid notwithstanding. Being un'\\'illing that the aforesaid John, John, and Thomas, or their heirs, or the aforesaid Master, or Chaplains, or their successors, by reason of the premises, should be on that account interfered with, molested in any way, or aggrieved by us or our heirs, the justices, cscheators, sheritts, or otlier bailiffs, or ministers whomsoever of us or our heirs. Saving, however, the services due and customary from thence to the capital lords of tliat fee. So always that a certain competent sum of money shall be paid and distributed yearly out of the fruits and profits of the said church, by the aforesaid Master and Chaplains, to the poor parishioners of the same church, and that the vicarage of the aforesaid church, according to the value of the same, shall be sufficiently endowed according to an ordinance of the ordinary of that place, to be made in this behalf, and the form of a statute made and provided for such purpose in our last parliament. In (testimony) of which, &c. ^Yitness the King at Oxford the xxvj day of September. • "The Statute aforesaid," i.e., the Statute against giWng lands in mortmain was probably referred to in the " ^-c." after the word "Licet." Although, as a Statute of Mortmain was passed in the 15th of Richard II., this may he the statute referred to at the end of his licence. surrender charter of tuompson college. 35 [Note B.] SURRENDER CHARTER OF THOMPSON COLLEGE. (Translation.) " To all the faithful in Christ to whom the present charter shall come, Robert Audeley, Clerk, Master of the College or Chantry of Thomson in the county of Norfolk, and the brethren or chaplains of the same college or chantry, health. Know ye that we the aforesaid master and brethren or chaplains, for certain causes and considerations specially moving us at the present, by our unanimous assent and consent, have granted, delivered, and confirmed by this our present charter, to the most excellent and invincible prince and lord, our lord Henry the Eighth, by the grace of God King of England and France, Defender of the Faith, lord of Ireland, and supreme head on earth of the Anglican Church, all our college or chantry aforesaid and the whole house and scite of the same college or chantry, and the whole church, belfry, and cloister of that college or chantry, and all the messuages, houses, edifices, dove-houses, ponds, stews (vivaria), gardens, orchards, pleasure gardens, land and soil, being as well within as without the scite, boundary, enclosure, circuit, and precinct of the same college or chantry, and all our manors of Thomson and Bradker, with all their rights, members, and purtenances in the said county of Norfolk, and all our manor of Cytie Campes alias Sliudicampes in the county of Cambridge, and our rectories and churches of Thomson and Shropham in the said county of Norfolk, and the advowsons, donations, free dispositions, and rights of patronage of the vicarages of the parish churches of Thomson and Shropham in the said county of Norfolk : and all manors, rectories, churches, vicarages, advowsons, rights of patronage, messuages, granges, lands, tenements, meadows, feedings, (pascuas) pastures, commons (co'ias), furze (jampna), heath wastes, courses (cursus), and liberties of all foldages, waters, fisheries, woods, underwoods, turbaries (places for digging turf), rents, reversions, services, fee farms, knights' fees, escheats, reliefs (admission fines), pensions, portions, tithes, oblations, courts leet, views of frankpledge, goods waived, estrays, free warrens, and other rights, jurisdictions, privileges, commodities, profits, possessions, revenues, and hereditaments of ours whatsoever, as well spiritual as temporal, of whatsoever kind, nature, or species they are, or by whatsoever names they ai-e known, reckoned, or recognised, situate lying and being in the towns, fields, parishes or hamlets of Thomson, Shropham, Saham, and Bradenham in the said county of Noi'folk, and in Citie Campes alias Sliudicampes in the said county of Cambridge and elsewhere soever in the same counties of Norfolk and Cambridge, and elsewhere soever within the realm of England, pertaining and belonging only to the same college or chantry ; to have and enjoy all the aforesaid manors, messuages, granges, rectories, churches, F 2 36 HISTORY OF TIIOlirSON. advowsons, lands, tenements, rents, reversions, services, tenths, courts leet, views of frankpledge, free warrens, and all and singular the other premises above expressed and specified, with all their purtenances, to our lord the king aforesaid, his heirs and successors for ever. In witness whereof we have set our common seal to tliis our present charter. Given in our chapter-house tlie third day of July in the thirty- second year of our said lord King Henry the Eighth. L. S. " per me Robert Awdeley." The seal is that engraved in Blomefielil's Norfolk. It is imperfect. APPENDIX OF DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE ENDOWMENT OF THE COLLEGE. [In lS84i Mr. Crabbe discovered among the muniments at Merton some interesting documents relating to Thompson College, of which he has given an account in Mr. Rye's Norfolk Antiquarian Miscellany, vol. iii., p. 18, n. 9. The box in which these documents are kept is designated by him and referred to as [E 2].] 7th April, Anno Domini 1350. William Bateman, Bishop of Norwich, and Simon Bozoun, Prior there ; at the request of Sir Thos. de Shardelowe and John his brother, who had founded a college or chantry in Thompson, appropriated the rectory of Thompson to the said college. The Bishop dates from his palace at Thornage, and the Prior on the 12th April from the chapter-house at Norwich. Official episcopal seal in fine condition, and seal of the chapter. — Thompson College Deeds, Box E 2. On the seal of the Bishop there is a minute shield bearing his arms, a crescent within a bordure engrailed, but on the official seal of Thompson College, of which there is a fine impression in the Record Office, Bishop Bateman's arms seem to be. Three crescents within a bordure engrailed. [The following is a translation of the document referred to.] To all the sons of holj' Mother Church to whom the present letters may come, William, by divine permission Bishop of Norwich, everlasting salvation in the Lord, our beloved sons in Christ, Sir Thomas de Shard elow, Ivnt., and John his brother, have suggested to us, that, whereas for the honour of God and of the glorious Virgin Mary, and of all the saints, and for the health of the souls of John de Shardelowe, Knt., his father, and Agnes his wife, their mother, their benefactors, and (of the) progenitors of the Lord Edward, by the grace of God the illustrious King of England, (and) for the souls of all the faithfid departed, of our consent, good will, and approbation, have disposed, ordered, and founded a perpetual chantry of six chaj)lains, of whom one is called Master, in the parish DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE COLLEGE. 37 church of Thomeston iu our Diocese, whom, in the aforesaid church they have appointed to celebrate (mass) for ever for the aforesaid souls, which said chantry of six chaplains they have not yet sufficiently endowed, for which reason they have earnestly entreated us that we should grant, out of affectionate regard to the said Master (and) Chaplains, and their successors, for their own use, to be held for ever, the aforesaid church of Thomston, now vacant, of which the Master and Chaplains have the patronage, with their rights and and all things belonging, for the supplementing the endowment of the said chantry and the support of the said chaplains, and for bearing the charges incumbent upon the said chantry, therefore appropriate, annex, and unite the said church of Thomeston, with its rights, and all its appurtenances aforesaid, to the Master and Chaplains and their successors, to be held for their own uses, and granting to them by the tenor of the present letters that they have free power to take possession of the said church immediately after our present grant of annexation (unionem), and for ever to hold the said church for their own use, the permission of ourselves or any other being in no wise necessary. And because the said Master and Chaplains have, by their own foundation, in the said church daily to say mass, and in other divine offices personally to minister, "We will not that a vicar should be appointed there, but that in future times they should have the power of ministering the Sacraments to the parishioners of the said church by one of themselves, or by another fit stipendiary chaplain, concerning which church we grant by the present letters to the said Master and Chaplains and their successors special licence for all time. And because on every vacancy of every church in our diocese first fruits are by custom due to us and our successors, and in the appropriation of churches the collations of vicars are reserved by custom to the bishops for the time being and their successors, we will and ordain that in compensation of the aforesaid first fruits and other losses which may in future happen to our cathedral church by the said appropriation, the said Master and Chaplains and their successors pay an annual pension of four marcs to us and our successors for the time being in our church of Norwich by equal portions at the two synods, which said annual pension of four marcs wo specially reserve to us and our successors, with the consent of the said Master and Chaplains, to be paid each year for all time, and the power of [recovering] the said pension by the sequestration of the revenues of the said church and by other ecclesiastical censures whatsoever to be denounced against the said Master and Chaplains for the time being, reserving to ourselves also and our successors all rights and customs of our church aforesaid and our dignity in all things. In witness whereof our seal is affixed to the present letters. Given at Thornage, seventh day of the month of April, in the year of our Lord 1350, and the sixth of our consecration. And we. Prior Simon Bozoun, Prior of tho Cathedral Church of the Holy Trinity at Norwich, and of the convent in the same place, approve, ratify, and as much as in us lies confirm by the tenor of these present letters the appropriation, union, and annexation, as above written. In witness whereof the common seal of our chapter at Norwich is affixed, given at our chapter house at Norwich the twelfth day of tho month of April, in the j-ear of our Lord 1350. 38 HISTORY OF TIIOMPSOX. [A.D. 1386]. The Manor of Bradeker Hall in Shropham confirmed to Thompson College, notwithstanding the Statute of Mortmain. The following deed recites that the original endowment of the college was one messuage and ten librates of land, according to the true value of the same. It goes on to say that royal licence is given to the Master and Chaplains to hold Bradeker Hall Manor and lands to the value of the aforesaid messuages and nine librates of land, notwithstanding the statute made about lands and tenements not passing to the dead hand. A iibmta terrne was so much land as was worth 20s. a year. — W. A/dis Wrujht. Patent Roll, A" 10th Richard II., Part 1, Membrane 17. [Translatimi']. Tlio king to all, &c., greeting. ICnow j-e that whereas [om-] lord Edward, lately King of England, our grandfather, by bis letters patent granted and gave licence for himself and his beira as far as in biin was, to our beloved in Christ, the Master and Chaplains of a certain Chantry in the Church of Tommeston in the County of Norfolk, founded by Thomas Shardelowe and John his brother, with the licence of our said lord, that they might acquire one messuage with the appurtenances in the town of Berton^ and ten librata: of land and rents per annum, with the appurtenances, according to the true value of the same, which were not held of him our lord in chief, wheresoever they wished within our realm of England, and hold the same to themselves and their successors for ever, notwithstanding the statute made about lands and tenements not passing to the dead hand, as in the aforesaid letters of him our lord more fuUy is contained. We being desirous that the aforesaid grant of him our lord should have due effect given to it, have granted and given hcence for ourselves and our heirs, as much as in us lies, to Richard Holditch of Dudclyngton, John Koc,^ parson of the church of AVestoftos, and James de Shirford, clerk, that the}' may be able to give and assign to the aforesaid Master and Chaplains the manor of Shi-opham called Bradekerhall, with the appurtenances, in Shropham, Hokam, Snyterton, and Lyi-lyng, which is not held of us in chief, and which is worth liy the year in all outgoings, according to the true value of the same, four marks, as is found by an inquisition for that purpose made by our beloved John Mcthewold, our Escheator in the aforesaid county, according to our command and returned into our chancery. To have and to hold to themselves and their successors in aid of their sustentation for ever, to the value of the aforesaid messuage, and nine lihrata of land, and rents by the year, in part satisfaction of the ten librata; of land and rents aforesaid for ever. And to the same Master and Chaplains we have by the term of these presents given special licence in like manner, that they may be able to receive the aforesaid manor with the appurtenances from the aforesaid Richard, John Koc, and James, and hold it to themselves and their successors ' Berton or Barton Mills, near Mildenhall, where the .Shardelowc8 had a manor. Here, too, there was a chantry- founded prohably by a member of that family. Blomefield says that the Chaplains of Thompson College were removed for a time to Barton, and subsequently returned to Thompson.— Page's Suffolk, 827. 2 John Kok was Rector of West Tofts from 1361 to 1323.— Slomifeld. DOCtrJIENTS RELATING TO THE COLLEGE. 39 aforesaid in form aforesaid for ever as is aforesaid, the Statute aforesaid notwithstanding. Being desirous that neither the aforesaid Eichard, John Koc, and James, or their heirs, nor the aforesaid Master and Chaplains or their successors, by reason of the statute aforesaid, shall be " occasioned" on this acccount in anything or grieved by us or our heirs or our ministers whom- soever. Saving, however, to the chief lords of that fee the due and customarj' services therefrom. In [witness] whereof, &c. Witness the king at Westminster, the viij day of November. The Manor of Shudycampes and Horseytli and a messuage and thirteen acres of land in Shropham and Thompson, confirmed to the College of Thompson, notwithstanding the Statute of Mortmain. ^o The Manor of Shudycamps and Horseth was part of the endowment of the college by tlie Shardelowes. Mr. W. Aklis Wright, Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, informs me that among the muniments of his college there is a MS. copy of a deed dated 24th Edw. III. — the original of which is in the British Museum {MS. Harl. 3739, fo. 305)— which states that Sir John Shardelowe, Joan his wife, and Thomas his brother, obtained the manors of Shudycamps and Orseye or Horsey in Cambridgeshire, and Borham in Essex, from the Abbot and Convent of Waltham, by exchange for the manors of Copedhall and Shingelhall in Essex. [See Shardelow Pedigi'ee, p. 12.] [A.D. 1392.] Patent Eoll, A" 16th Eichard II., Part 1, Membrane 32. {^Translation.^ The King to all to whom, &c., greeting. Although, &c., yet of our special grace and for fifty marks which our beloved in Christ the Master and Chaplains of the Chantry at the altar of Saint Martin in the Church of Thomeston have been paid us, we have granted and given Ucence for ourselves and our heu-s, as much as in us is, to John Methewold,' John Coke, parson of the Church of Westoftes, and Thomas Horstedo,' Chaj)lain, that they may give and assign to the aforesaid Master and Chaplains the Manor of Shudycampes and Horseth, with the appurtenances, in the County of Cambridge, and one messuage and thirteen acres of land with the appiu'tenances, in Shropham and Thomeston, which are not held of us. To have and to hold to the same Master and Chaplains and their successors in aid of their sustentation for ever. And to the same Master and Chaplains, that they may be able to receive the aforesaid manors, messuage, and laud, from the aforsaid John, John, and Thomas, and hold them to themselves and their successors aforesaid for over as is aforesaid. We have in like manner given a special Ucence by the tenor of those presents, the Statute aforesaid notwithstanding. Desiring that the afoi'esaid John, John, and Thomas, or their heirs, or the aforesaid Master and Chaplains, or their successors, shall not by reason of the premisses be on that account occasioned, molested in anything, or grieved by us or our heirs, our Justices, Escheators, Sheriffs, or other Baihffs or Ministers, or those of oiu- heirs whomsoever, saving, &c., as above. Witness the king at Nottingham, the xxviij day of June [A.D. 1392]. ' John Methewold was patron of Shropham, and Thomas Horstede rector of the same. 40 HISTORY OF THOMPSON. [A.D. 1435]. Warners and Eedames given to the College. \_Translation.^ Let all persons present and future know that I, John, son of Simon Chapman, have g^ven, granted, and by this my present deed have confirmed to Eoger Phyl^jot, Master of the College of Tomeston, othernvise called Eoger Phylpot, Master of the college or chantry of St. Slartin of Thompson, and to the brethren of the same place, in the county of Norfolk, two tenements called "Warners and Eedames, with the crofts adjacent to the same tenements, together with their wards, marriages, homages, fealties, escheats, reliefs, revenues, customs, courts, and services, both uf free tenants as well as of those in villenage, with liberty of one foldage, with the services whatsoever belonging to the aforesaid tenement of Warners, with all the api^urtenances, commodities, and liberties belonging to the tenement in Thomoston aforesaid, which tenements with the crofts, &c., I lately had from the gift and feofment of John Green, clerk, together with Richard Cave, John de Bokenham, jun., John Berton, clerk, Eobert Mone of Tomeston, and William Herbert of the same, now defunct. As appears more fuUy in a certain deed of feoffment executed by us, the date of which is at Tomeston, AVednesday next after the feast of St. James the Apostle, in the second year of the reign of King Heni-y IV., afterwards executed by us, to have and to hold the aforesaid two tenements with, &c., as aforesaid. The aforesaid Eoger Phylpot and his brethren and the brethren their successors, being lords in capito of those fees, by the services thence due and by law customary for ever ; and I, John Chapman, and my heirs wiU guarantee and defend against all people for ever the aforesaid two tenements, with their crofts, &c., to the aforesaid Eoger and the brethren and their successors. In witness whereof I have affixt my seal to the present deed, these being witnesses, William Dayling, Will. Harre, Joh. Curteis, Bartho. Draper, Tho. Chaloner, and others. Given at Thompson, Monday next after the feast of St. John the Baptist, 13 Henry TI. [A.D. 1435]. (The original is among the Charters preserved in the Bodleian, No. 536). 41 Some |icc0unt of tijc gTanor of Cbompsoit '' $ixm €alkc^n."' " There now is left but one frail arch, Yet mourn thou not its cells, Our time a fair exchange has made." Marmion. HE original deed of gift in the Merton muniment room, box E 2, bundle II., part 2, shows that the college and its endowments, with the manor and advowson, were given at the dissolution to Edmund Knevet, Knt., in the 32nd year of Henry VIII. (1541), 12th April, and not in the 34th Henry VIII. (1543), as stated by Blomefield, in as ample a manner as Robert Awdeley, the last master, and y^ brethren (confratres), resigned them on July 3rd last past. "To hold of us and our successors in capite by the service of a twentieth part of a knight's fee, and yielding therefore yearly to us, our heirs, and successors, 105s. GIjcZ. sterling."^ Licence was granted also to hold courts leet and views of frankpledge, as the late master and brethren had held them, and to convert to private use the Rectories of Thompson and Shropham, with the tithes, &c. The deed is sealed with the privy seal. The impropriator, being in the place of the college, was to find a curate to serve the church (Blomefield), and it has been served by curates ever since. The perpetual curate now (1879) receives from the parish £39 a year, while the great tithes amount to £327 per annum. This is one of the many instances of the loss which many country parishes sustained by the alienation of the impropriations from the monasteries to laymen. No doubt the ultimate outcome of the dissolution has been generally beneficial, and in the matter of tithes the change made little, if any, difference, where they had long been paid to distant monasteries, but the ' The records of this manor, now in the possession of E. R. Grigson, Esq., the steward, who kindly allowed mo to examine them, are bound together in one hook. They begin with the year 1606, and are continued with a few omissions to the present day. The manor has been held from 1561 to the present time by three families only, the Futters, Tookes, and de Greys. " The right to receive this fine appears, after a time, to have passed from the Crown on 31st Dec, 1789. It was in the hands of Lord 'Walpole, and he and his eldest son, Horatio, sold it for the sum of £60 to William Tooke, Esq., and thus it became merged. G 42 niSTOEY OF TIIOlirSON. hardship and wrong caused by their alienation must have been keenly felt in such parishes as Thompson, and indeed has been so felt ever since. For while tiie impropriation was in the hands of the college the parish sufi'ered no loss, a resident spiritual pastor was provided, and the tithe-payers must have felt tliere was reason "for the transfer of the impropriation from the individual to the body of which he was the representative." But when the college, with its property, was granted to Sir Edmund Knevct, it was a great injustice to let the tithes go with the estates. The tithe-payers must have felt it so when called upon to pay their money to a laj^man at a distance, instead of to the clergy on the spot, who, at least, were kind and hospitable, and would have spent it in the parish which provided it. The curate had to live and do the work on a very inadequate stipend, while the owner of the impropriation was drawing more than ten times that stipend, and was giving back nothing in return. And the poor were necessarily robbed of the generous treatment they had received from those who were at once their wealthy neighbours, their rectors, and their cui'ates. Then, too, those who valued the daily services in the church, and the private ministrations of the chaplain, suffered a great deprivation at the fall of the college. Instead of daily there were probably not even weekly services. Thei'e was no parsonage house, for in 1754 Joseph Barker tried to provide one, and probably the perpetual curate was non-resident and served other churches. So late as 1806 there had been on one occasion no service in the church for three months. Sir Edmund Knevet, who was the grantee of Thompson College, belonged to an ancient and honourable family in the county, and three members of this family held ofEces under Henry VIII. There were at this time at least three Edmund Knevets, but Sir Edmund of Thompson was no doubt the eldest son of Sir Thomas of Buckenham. PART OF THE PEDIGREE OF KNEVETT OF ASHWELLTHORPE. Edmund Knevett, drowBed in a sea-fight =7= Eleanor, d. of Sir Willm. in the lifetime of Sir Wm. Knevett his father, descended from Sir John Knyvett, Lord High Chancellor, temp. Ed. III. Tj-rrell of Gipping. Sir Thomas Knevett of Edmund Knyvett, Esq., := Jane, d. and ultimately heir of Sir Buckenham, eld. son, Stan- Serj. Porter to Hen. VIII., John Bourchier, Baron Berners, dard Bearer to Henry VIII. 2nd son, oh. 1546; buried descd. through females from the A at Ashwellthorpe. Thorpes of AshweUthorpe and from Knyvett, Knt., "of Bukynhm the Baynards of Whetacre. Her Castell," conveyance deed 33rd Hen. VIII., lord descent in the sixth generation, a of West Bradenham, which he sold in 1540 ; d. and h. of John Kny\ett, m. described in 1516 as eld. s. and h. of Sir Thos. Henry Wilson of Didlington, and Knyvett, and mentioned in a will of 1542. their descent is the present Baroness — Carthew's Launditch, ii. 483. He was probably Berners. grantee of Thompson in 1543. THE FAMILY OF FUTTEE. 43 Sir Edmund Knyvet, according to Blomefield, sold Thompson two years after it was granted to him, to John Maynard, mercer, of London. Annie Paine, widow, bought it two years after, and (2nd Elizabeth) Walter Paine and Elizabeth his wife aliened it to Alexr. Raye and others, who in 1561 conveyed it to Robert Futter. — Blomefield, ii. 369. [But see Note A at the end of this section.] THE FAMILY OF FUTTEE. The Futters, originally of Stanton, Suffolk {Jermyn MS.), and then of Thuxton, Norfolk {Norf. Vis.), continued to be the chief proprietors and residents in Thompson for more than one hundred years. There are sixty-seven entries of Futters in the pai'ish registers, ranging from 1585 to 1697. When Robert Futter came to live at Thompson the College had been dissolved twenty j'ears. The bulk of the parishioners were probably cottage tenants, each living in his hovel, while his cow and his few sheep fed upon the, as yet, unenclosed land. The few farmers in the parish would have been far less mercifully treated by the grantee of the college lands, whose only care would be to get his rent, than by their old landlords the fellows of the college ; and they would welcome a landlord who would always reside amongst them. Here is a picture of a farmer of those days, whose house, be it remembered, would not have been much better than a labourer's cottage is now. " He pursued many trades in his little homestead. He had eels in his stew, and bees in his garden. He grew his own hops and made his own malt. He raised his own hemp and twisted his own cart ropes. His flax was cleaned and spun at home. Some of his wool he sold to the ' webster,' and some kept the spindles moving on his kitchen floor. He sawed out his own timber. He made his own mud walls round his cattle yard. He was his own farrier. He killed his sheep or his calf without the aid of the butcher. He made his own candles and burnt his own wood into charcoal. He cultivated herbs for physic, which his wife dried or distilled. His cheese was manufactured in his own press. His com crops were varied by the cultivation of saffron and mustard seed." — Knight's England, ii. 472. Robert Futter, the first of the family who owned Thompson College and advowson, married Mary, daughter of Edmund Bacon of Hessett, Esq., and as we find the shield of Futter impaling Bacon of Hessett over the handsome Elizabethan mantel- piece of the principal room in the college, we conclude that it was he who re-arranged the college and decorated its I'ooms with the present panelling. Futter bore — Sa. betw. two flanches or, as many swans in pale ar. Bacon of Hesset bore — Ar. on a fess eng. gu. betw. three escutcheons of the second as many mullets ar. pierced sa. Robert Futter and his wife were buried in the nave near the pulpit. Their marble slab seems to have been an old one, for it has a matrix of a brass in its G 2 4t HISTORY OF THOMPSON. centre, and the Futter inscriptions are cut by an unskilled hand, one at each end of the stone, facing each other. It seems as if the son, who had a very large family, had wished to commemorate his father and mother as cheaply as possible. The inscriptions are as follows: — "Robert Futter, Gent., buryed 21st Nov., 1603; Marie, y« wife of Robert Futter, Gent., buryed May 22nd, 1588." Robert Futter was lord of Thompson College and of the manor of Waterhouse and Churchhouse. He, however, conveyed the College manor (called always the manor of Thompson nuper Collegii) and the advowson of Thompson, in 1.589, fourteen years before his death, to Henry Futter, his half-brother (Blomefield), not through lack of descendants, for he had three sons, and his third son, who resided at Thompson, had eleven sons and two daughters. This third son, Thomas, seems to have become head of this elder branch of the family in Thompson. He had Porye's land conveyed to him in 1590. His eldest son and heir, called Robert Futter, senr., was also called Futter of Porys (Court Roll, Butters Hall, 1660). He was lord of Waterhouse and Churchhouse. His will, now in the Probate Office at Norwich, gives an insight into the house and furniture of a Thompson gentleman two hundred years ago. It was proved 24th March, 1662. It has the usual beginning of wills of that time. " In the name of God, Amen, this fourth day of Aprill, in the 13th yeare of the Raigne of our Sovreigne Lord Kinge Charles the 2nd, by y= grace of God, of England, Scotland, Ff ranee, and Ireland, defender of the fFayth, Anno Dni. 1661, I, Robert Futter, of Tompson in the County of Norff., gent., Beeing weake in Bodie, but of good and pfect remembrance (thanks be to God therefore), doe make and ordaine this my last will and testaint in writeing in manner and forme following — ffirst, I comend my soule into the hands of Almightie God, my Maker, Trusting assuredly, through the Meritts of Jesus Christ, my only Saviour, to be made ptaker of his everlasting Kingdome, And for my Bodie I freely give it over to y"' earth from whence it came to be decently buried, &c." He gives £3 to the poor of Thompson, and 20s. to the repair of the Church of Thompson. To Francis Futter, his son, he gives his messuage, called the Bell in Thompson (this was afterwards bought by the Rev. Mr. Colman), and one acre of freehold lying in Garfield, in Curtliious furlong. To John Futter, his son, the tenement called Dowsing in Tompson, and all lands in West Bradenham and Seaming. After giving legacies to his daughter, he says, "and whereas Francis Futter, my eldest sonne, is and standeth bound unto Sarah Futter, my daughter, by his wi-iting obligatory .... for the payment of £100 unto the said Sarah Ffutter .... at the church porch of the prish church of Thompson aforesaid." (It was a common custom to appoint the church porch as the place where money was to be paid. The custom probably originated in the days when the clergyman was the only person in the village who could read and write, and was continued long afterwards from habit. The church porch, too, would be a well-defined spot, about which there could no mistake). He gives to his grandchild, Robert Futter (i.e., THE FAMILY OF FUTTER. 45 Fi-ancis' son), £10 to buy him a piece of plate. "To my brother, Mr. Henry Futter (of the College), 2067i. to buy him a ring to weare for my sake." To his loving friend, Mr. John Hamont, Minister of Tompson, 2067t. " Item, I give .... to my said Sonne, Francis Futter, all my goods in the Parlour as they now stand, and alsoe my bedstead,' Bedd and furniture to the same belonging, with all the chaires, stooles, little table, and cupboard, in the Pai'lour chamber, and all other goods there, one greate trunke onely excepted, together with the greate cheste in the entry next y"' Parlour chamber, one bedstead, bedd, and bedding, in my owne chamber, where I now lie, or one Bedstead, bedd, and bedding, in the Brewhouse chamber, which he shall like best off, and great cupboard standing in the Kitchin, and longe Table there, and all the Iron worke whatsoever " He appoints his son Fi'ancis executor, and William Davy, Gent., his brother-in-law, and Jeremy Purland, Gent., his son-in-law, to be supervisors of his will. As a pendant to this will I give that of a Thompson yeoman, Thos. Rolfe, the contemporary of Robert Futter. It is in the Probate Office at Norwich. The Rolfe family had been long settled at Thompson, and seem to have been among its well-to-do inhabitants. The name occurs in the Subsidy of 1381. In the court-rolls the Rolfes appear as copyholders from 1468 downwards. In the Subsidy Lists of 1524 and 1544 they are among the most substantial inhabitants. John Rolfe appears in the Church Inventory of 1552, thereby showing that he was considered one of the chief parishioners. Thomas Rolfe the testator, who died 1657, was the owner of houses and lands. We can picture him in our minds living in his own farm-house, which had a hall, where no doubt the family lived, and a parlour with the customary bedstead. The houses of that day were but scantily furnished, and great was the value of chattels ; accordingly we find Thomas Rolfe dividing these among his wife and childi-en, even down to the bowls and dishes. His lands and houses he leaves to his wife and sons on condition that they pay certain fortunes to his five daughters. " In the name of God Amen. ... I, Thomas Rolfe of Thompson, yeoman unto James my son houses and tenements called Fishers .... and 6 acres of ai-able lately purchased of Thomas Page, gent., lying in the furlong called Long Perches .... unto Margaret my daughter .... 2 acres lying in Brackland ffurland .... unto Thomas my son all' my houses, with the house fitting wherein I dwell ' Mr. Wright (Domestic Manners, p. 476) says that a bed was always part of the furniture of a parlour of the fifteenth century. We know from Margaret Paston's will that in 1479, and in such a stately house as Mauthy must have been, this was the case. " I bequeth to Anne my dowght, Wiff of William Yelverton, my ffetherbedde w' pillo", curteyns, and tester, in my parlour at Mauteby." And Mr. Wright describes the parlour at Beaimiont Hill, a gentleman's house in the north, as containing in 1 .567 the following furniture : " One trundle bed with a feather bed, two coverlets, a bolster, two blankets, two carpet table cloths, two coverlets, one presser, a little table, one chest, three chairs, and three forms." By Robert Futter's will, and by the will of Thos. Kolfe given below, it seems that one hundred years later a parlour in Norfolk contained among the furniture a bed. 46 HISTOEY OF THOMPSON. .... to Elizabeth my wife 2 cows and one bullock, she to take and choose them whore she please [mark the plural termination with the singular pronoun, as now in Norfolk] out of my cattle, and one mare which was her ffather Canham's, and one colt which is the wall-eyed colt, being a blacke one ; and one swine or hogg, she to take wliere she will ; and one bedstead and featherbed and all the furniture thereunto belonging, and one flockbed and bedstead, and all the furniture, &c., shee to choose them ; and 3 coffers and 1 chest and 1 box, all being in the parlour, and likewise one cupboard where she will, she to choose it ... . unto Thomas my son, one featherbed and the bedstead in the Parlor full furnished .... unto James my Sonne one fetherbed with the cartaine and eeke, and the boarded bedstead that stand on the chamber over the hall, furnished by the disci'etion of my wife with a good paire of sheets to it ... . unto Anne my daughter, one bedstead in the bed chamber now standing and a flockbed, my wife to furnish it for her as well as she can and with a good paire of sheets .... unto Pleasant and Margaret my daughters, each a paire of sheets .... unto Elizabeth my wife all the brasse and pewter that she had of her father which I had with her, and likewise one iron pott, 2 beere vessels, and one tubbe, she to take them where she will .... unto James my son the biggest kettle that I have in the howse .... unto Thomas the best brasse pott .... unto Pleasant the little brasse pott .... unto Anne one brasse pipkin, and to every child one pewter dish a peece, the eldest to have the biggest dishes .... unto my two eldest daughters each a beere vessell .... unto James the blacke coulte that I bought of Edward Eowse .... unto my wife all the boM'les that she brought with her, and the rest of the bowles to mj' 3 eldest daughters, to be equally divided among them by my wife .... unto James one speet (spit) and my little fowling piece .... Item I give unto Elizabeth my wife a combe of old Rye if it please God that I depart this life before the 1st day of August next, and the hempe that is now growing upon one of the hemplands which she will, also the old cart, two piggs and half the geese, young and old, and two speets, two buffet stools,' and a chaire and a bason, and one cheese tubb and one salting trough, and the grasse that is now in Hunt's pightle. Thos. Rolfe, sole executor." Proved 6th Jan., 1658, by the widow, because Thomas Rolfe, the son and executor, died before the testator. • Buffet stool — a kind of small stool, a stool with three legs. "Go fetch ns a light buffit." — Towneley Myst., p. 199. There is a saying in Suffolk, "a dead ass and a new buffet stool are two things which nobody ever saw." — MalliuelVs Diet. I am informed that the hassocks in St. George's, Hanover Square, are called buffets. PEDIGREE OF FUTTER OF THOMPSON. 47 PEDIGREE OF FUTTER OF THOMPSON. The Pedigree given herewith shows that there were two distinct branches of the Futter family, both of which, judging by the Registers and Court Rolls, continued to reside at Thompson, viz., the elder branch descended from Robert Futter aforesaid, and the younger and more important branch descended from Robert's half-brother Henry. The Futters of the elder branch were called " of Thompson " ; those of the younger branch were called "of Thompson College." Both branches were evidently considered as amongst the gentry of Norfolk,' for in the elder there were alliances with the Bacons of Hessett, the Lenthalls of Hereford, the Lovells of Harling, and the Days of Scoulton ; and in the younger with the Thwaites of Hardingham and the Bedingfields of Wighton. As an evidence of the position of the Futters in the county, we may cite the letter of Privy Seal issued in 1604, whereby there was proposed to be raised in Norfolk £16,430. Out of 540 knights and gentlemen of the county, 443 have £20 each placed against their names, and amongst these names is that of Futter Rbte., of Tompestone (Norf. Archceol. ii. 339). This was Robert Futter of Thompson College, who married Jane Bedingfield. The elder branch of the Futter family came to an end, in the direct male line, with Robert Futter of Shelton, who died in 17-58, and his lands in Thompson were sold to John Barker of Shropham, Esq., whose descendant, the Rev. Augustus Barker Hemsworth, is the heir-pi'esumptive to the property. Pedigrees of Futter and Bedingfield So far as they relate to the parish of Thompson ; showing the descent of Futter of Thompson College and of Futter of Thompson, and the connection of the latter with Hemsworth, present owner of part of Thompson. Tho8. Futter=Florence, dau. of of Stanton, John Deveroe. — Su£F., gent. Norf. Vis. i. 145. Christopher Beding-=7=France9, d. field, son and h. "f Edmd. Bedingfield of Wighton, and grandson of SirEdm. Bedingfield of Ox- boro, ob. 1627, bur. at Wighton.— Aor/. Vis. i. 168. of Hum- phrey Chambers ofSturston, Su£t.,gent., ob. 1629.— Norf. Via. i. 1G8. Edmund Beding-=fEIizth., d. Anne, d. of =f=John Futter,: field of Hindringham, Norf., 8. and h. of Francis Kedingfield of Thomdon, and grandson of Sir Edm. Bedingfield of Ct- boro. — Norf, Vis. i. IGd. («) and h. of . . Stimson, of ... in Marshland, bur. 1605, at Thomp- son (.'). — Norf. Vis. i. 165. John Bol- dingham of Belstead, Suff., 2nd wife. — Norf. Vis. (*) of Thu.'iton, Norf., Gentle- man, d. 1572. — East.Cotint. Coll. p. 129. w ^Agnes, d. of Robert Bryan of Throston, Suff., 1st wife. —Norf. Vis. W 1 The manor of Longham Priors was bought by Sir Edw. Coke of William and Arthur Futter, the grantees from Queen Elizabeth. — Carthew's Zaunditc/i, ii. 426. The family of Futter spread into several other parts of Norfolk, and now (1879) there are many of the name in the county in humble stations. 48 HISTORY OF THOMPSON. (a) {/>) I — I Anne, bur. at Thomp- Bou, 1670. Jane, d. loth Mar., 1643.— JVorf. J'ia. i. 1«R. Robert Flitter, jiin., c.£ Thompson Coll..!.;ent., d. rjth May, 1652. —A'o'f- Vis. i. 168. Humphrey liedinj2:(iold of Wigh- ton, -Ith son. — jVor/. Via.i. 1G8. Abigail, d. of Wm. Hicks, scrivener, of London. —Norf. Vis. I. Daniel Bedingfield bapt. at Thompson 16-41. Re- corder of Lynn. — Norf. I Francis Beding-T= Winifred, field of Elling- ham, Norf., Esq., mar. at Keymerstone, bur. at Thomp- son 1638, 2nd husband. — Norf. Via. i. 165. Lord of the manor, with his wife, of Thomp- son nuper CoUogii (Court yyuo/,-, 1606), and after her death lord till 1622 (Court Book). Vis. I. 169. d. of Thos. Thwaytes, Esq., of Harding- ham, bur. at Thomp- son, 1619. : Henry Futter of Thompson College, gent., 2nd son, mar. at Tlarding- ham, 1.589, bur. there 1602, Ist husband. From him descended the Futters of Thomp- son College. "T — I — T' John, eld. son. Thos., 3rd son. Eliza- beth. Norf. Vis. I w Robt. Futter=j=Mary, of Thompson Coll. in loGl, eld. son. He conveyed it to his half-bro. Henry in 1.58'J. Bur. at Thomp- son 1603. Called Robert Futter, senr. From him de- scended the Futters of Thompson. Lord of the manor of Waterhouse and Church- house in Thompson. — Votirt-roll, 1601. d. of Edm. Bacon of Hesaet, Suflf.,ob. 1.588, bur. at Thomp- son, in nave. .Tobn Futter of Kimber- lev, Norf., gent., 2nd son, from whom descend, the Futters of Stan- ton. — Jermyn MS. Nicholas Bedingfield of Thomp- son, gent., 8. and h., will proved 1679, bp. at Thompson 1606, bur. there 1678. —Norf Vis. i. 165. Bridget, bp. at Thomp- son, 1591. ■JIary Futter, bp. and bur. at Thomp- son, 1593. Robt. Futter =f=Anne , dr. -Henry -I Futter, bp, at Thomp- son, 1595. Elizabeth, dr. of Futter of Thompson Coll., mar. Thos. Lovell of Garboldis. ham. — See Lovell Ped Biomejicld. jun., of Thomp- son Coll., gent,, bp.at Thonipsim 1594, bur. there 1652, "recovd. in 1622, the College manors and rectory agt. Francis & Edw. Bedingfield, and in 1663 (?) the said Robert had the manor, the college, 4 mes- suages, 1 dove- house, a fald- course, and the rectory." — Blomejield. of Chris- topher Beding- field of Wighton, bur. in Th' imp- son chan- cel 1643. I Henry Fut- ter. — Norf Vis. Thomas =T=Sibill, dr. Futter of Thomp- son, 3rd son, bur. at Thomp- son 1629. Poryes land con- veyed to him 1590. 1— John Fut- ter, called son and hr. in Jermyn MS. Mary, dau. . . . Ballo of Norwich. Norf. Vis. of John Lenthall, CO. Hero- ford, mar. at Thomp- son 1585, bur. there 1638. John Lenthall was proba- bly of the family of tho Speaker. t'tios. Futter, bp. at Thompson, 1628. Elizth. Futter, only dr. [Jermijn MS.) bur. at Seoiilton, 1623 (^Daye Ped.) Robt. Daye, Esq., of Seoulton, mar. there 1579, buried there 1627.— Daye Ped. penes J. L)aye Barker. Robert, (?) bp. Thompson, 1641. at I — m — I r Francis, HumphreyFut- = Bridget, bp. and ter of Thomp- living 19th bur. at son Coll., gent. May, 1679, Thomp- Will dated and bur. at son 16i2. proved (?) 1679. Thompson — Ub. e.p. Bp. at 1679, suc- Henry, Thompsonl627, ceeded to bur. at bur, there 1679. manor of Thomp- Of his four Thompson son 1642, childn., all bp. nuper Col- in chncl., and bur. at logii on her not 1643 Thompson, two husband's as on the died young, and death, tomb- twodied justbe- First court stone. fore their father. 1679. — — The Thompson Court Book, Frances, Coll. propty. and Also suc- dr., bur. advowson went ceeded to at to John Ware, improp. Thomp- gent., his neph., tithes of son 1625. lord of the Thompson. — manor of Anne, Thompson nup. bp. at CoUegii ; first Thomp- court 1652. — son 1629. Court Book. dr. 1. Ware Robert =T^ Elizth., dr. of Robert Ware, dead in 1681 (men- tioned in Hum- phrey Putter's will). 2. John, bp. at Thompson 1587. — — 1 — I — I — r— 7. Henry, bp. and bur. at Thomp- son 1593. 3. Mary, bp. at Thompson 1589. 4. Willm. bp. at Thomjison 1590. 5. Fran- cis, bp. at Thompson 1591. 6. Thos.i bp. at Thompson 1592. 8. Anne, bp. at Thompson 1595, bur. there 1696. 9. Henrj-,- bp. at Thompson 1596, of London, Merchant Taylor.— Norf. Vis. 10. Arthur, bp. at Thompson 1598. 11. James, bp. at Thompson 1601. Of St. Mary, Woolnoth, Londiin. — Jermyn MS. W Futter, sen,, of Thomp- son, gent. ,bp. bur. at at Thompson Thomp- 1586, bur. son 1659 there 1662, s. [qy. sis- andh., called ter of Futter of Thos. Poryes in Cooper, Court-roll gent., of of Butters Ot. Yar- Hall, 1660. mouth. Lord of — Car- Waterhouse thcw's and Church- Laund. house in iii. 275.] Thompson. — Court-roll, 1618. Called Robt. Fuller the elder in Court-roll of Waterhouse, | ... 1650. (/) 1 1 There was a Thos. Futter. (rent., churchwarden of Merton, who married, in J 1628, Susan Griffyn, widow, of Merton, and had two children bapt. there in 1629 or ICTi. Susanna, the wife of Thos. Futt«r, gent., buried Feb. Ist, 16S2.— Griston Reg. 2 The children of this Henrj* Futter were all buried in Gloucester Cathedral.^ T One thousand acres of marsh, three hundred acres of bruery [heath or furze, O.F. hruiere], a foldcourse and commonage for one hundred cows in Thomcston, Griston, Watton, TottjTigton, and Marton. For all this land Edmund de Grey paid Sir Edmund Knevett £120 steiding, according to the same "foot of fine." Sir William de Grey, Edmund's grandson, writes in 1624' of his "two fould corses of Morton and Thompson, conteyniiige 1200 sheep (noote y' Mei'ton is not stented to an\^ numlior, Thompson being only 400 and noe more), all valewed w'hout stocke at G" the hundred, Ixxij"." And the same Sir William de Grey has this item amongst his receipts in a paper, also dated 1G24: — "Off S'' phelipp Knevett for a rent chardge by covenant for my landes in Thompson pchased of S'' Edmond Knevitt, xvijs. iijrf. ob." And amongst his payments : — " Imprimis to the Kinge for my landes p'call of Thopson Colledge, xvijs. iiyl. ob. Itim to the Kinge for my respitt of Homadge every fyfth terme, iiijs. iiijcl [tenants who held of the Crown had to do personal homage]. Itim for the warrant of attorney, \uyl." And Willm. de Grey, Esq., his grandson, in 1676 makes this note :— Payment. "To y' Kings auditt yeerly for lands formerly belonging to Thompson Colledge and 8cZ. for an acquittance, in all I7s. llfZ." — (MS. book at Merton Hall, marked g''^,.] NOTE B [see p. 52]. 2nd Jan., 1796. Copy of Will of Wm. Bale of Watton in Chesterfield, Derbyshire, Gentleman [Pi'oved in Court of Bi-shop of Lichfield, 21st Sept., 1797, by John Bale, surviving executors] to brother Barker Bale and his heirs, cop3'hold of Thompson 1 In tho schedule attached to the conveyance, dated 30th Aug., 33rd Hen. VIII., occurs this passage: — Closes and lands in Waylond ffeld — "first a certain wood or thicket called Waylond Wood, containing by estimation ten acres of land, and lying near the wood or thicket of the Manor of Merton and the Nahbe pertaining to a certain manor in Thre.xton." It would seem that there were in the sixteenth century four parts of Waylond Wood:— (1) The part belonging to Slerton Manor called Waylond Wood, tho ancient inheritance of the de Greys. (2) The ten acres that had belonged to Thompson CoDege, called also Waylond Wood, which Edmund de Grey bought. (3) Thrcxton Nabbe, which Edmund de Grey also bought, and which was held of Threxton Manor. (4) Mounteneys Wood, which belonged to the manor of Mounteneys in Threxton. In some depositions taken at Wymondham, 4th Jan., 36th Eliz., now in tho P. K. 0., the witnesses state that tho Nabbe was the part of the wood bought of Sir Edm. Knevett, and formerly belonging to Thompson College, but the above extract from the schedule seems to contradict their evidence. I 58 HISTORY OF THOMPSON. property given to me by y^ Will of Matthew Barker of Thompson, remainder to brother John Bale of Manchester, merchant, and his heirs .... Freehold pi-operty in Thompson to uncle John Bale of Watton, Gentleman, and brother John Bale upon trust to sell and pay annuities to mother Martha Bale, uncle John Bale . . . remainder to brother Barker Bale and heirs .... remainder to brother John Bale and heirs .... residue to brothers and sisters John, Thomas, Martha, Caroline, and Maria .... William Bale, child of Barker Bale, uncle John Bale, and brother John Bale, executors. Barker Bale, a private in 15th Regiment of Foot, died Srd Dec, 179o, at Martinique in the West Indies, s.p. Thus a portion of the Thompson pi'opcrtj' of Matthew Barker passed to William Bale, Senr., of Thompson, farmer, then to his son William Bale, jun., then to his son John Bale of Manchester, merchant, who sold it to William Tooke, Esq., for £1500. NOTE C. [The following is a ti-anslation of the document referred to on p. 32, n. 2. It had become displaced among Mr. Crabbe's MSS., and came to hand too late to allow of my putting it in the Appendix of Documents relating to Thompson College. I hope I do Mr. Crabbe no great injustice in suspecting that he was not aM'are of the meaning of the term Sir, often prefixed to the name of a priest, even late in the middle of the sixteenth century ; and as this practice sometimes pei'plexes readers, and its origin is not known to all, I venture to add here an extract which offers the best explanation that I have met with of a title which has caused some discussion from time to time. " This being so, and that a Priest's place in civil conversation is always before any Esquire, as being a Knight's fellow by his holy orders, and the third of tite three sirs which only were in request of old .... to wit Sir King, Sir Knight, and Sir Priest, this word Bominus was in Latin applied to all noble and generous hearts, even from the King to the meanest Priest But Sir in English was restrained to these foui-. Sir Knight, Sir Priest, Sir Graduate, and in common speech Sir Esquire; so as always, since distinction of titles were, Sir Priest was ever the second." — A Dccacordon of Ten Quodlihetical Questions con- cerning Religion and State, 4to. 1G02. William Watson, the writer of this passage, has a little overstated his case. It is more true to say that in common parlance the title Sir was always given to a priest who was a graduate, but not always if he were no graduate of the University. 1L4.N0R OF THOMPSON " NUPER COLLEGII." 59 In the sixteenth century, however, it became the custom to call every priest Sir, whether he were a University man or not ; much in the same way as now everybody is addressed as Esq. With regard to the payment made for the board of John Mayster's attendant — for still continuing to be a brother of the College though ceasing to be Master, he would pay nothing for his own maintenance — it was by no means below the usual charge for board Avages. A century later it appears that the ordinary charge for the board of so considerable a young gentleman as the son of Sir Thomas Le Strano-e of Hunstanton when at school was one shilling a week. See Privy Purse Expenses of the L'Estranges of Humstanton, Archceologia, vol. xxv. p. 446.] [Translation.] LICENCE TO SIR JOHN MAYSTER, BROTHER OF THOMPSON COLLEGE. To all the sons of Mother Church to whom the present letters may come, and especially to Sir John Mayster, priest and brother of the CoUege of Thompson in the Diocese of Norwich, Roger Fylpot, master of the said College, and the other brethren, priests of the said College, wish eternal health in the Lord. Whereas Sir Thos. Shardelow, Knt., of good memory, out of his good will ordained and founded a perpetual chantry of six chaplains in the town of Thompson aforesaid, in which ordinance and foundation he settled and ordained that one of the same chaplains be master, whom the rest of the priests are bound to obey in lawfid things; and that they shoidd sleep, eat, and drink together in one house, and that it should not be lawfid for any of the same priests to pass the night or eat outside their dweUing ; and that daily in the morning they should assemble in the church of Thompson aforesaid .... and that they shall celebrate matins, mass, and vespers daily by day and night (de die per noctem quotidie) if they conveniently can, as is more fully contained in the ordinance of the founder himself. We, however, the master and brethren of the said College, the aforesaid ordinances and statutes notwithstand- ing, of and with the common consent of us aU, do grant unto the aforesaid Sir John Mayster, late Master of the same College, now brother of the same College, for good service rendered by him to the said College, that henceforth he be not in any wise bound by the ordinances and statutes of this kind or any others whatsoever more specially contained Ln the foundation of the said chantry ; but that the same Sir John oiir brother, be absolved by the present letters, and released fi-om all observance of the like statutes of the said founder ordained in the same chantry, so that the said Sir John Mayster, our brother aforesaid, may have free Nevertheless, the same Sir I 2 GO HISTORY OF THOMPSON. John agrees tlmt lii> will celebrate masses for the Holy Virgin Mary or requiem, with the sajnng of which the said Master and Brethrou are charged, according to the ordinance of the founder aforesaid, when the same Sir John shall bo disposed to do the same and not otherwise or in any other manner. Moreover, we, the Master and Brethren of the College aforesaid, for us and our successors, do will and by these present letters grant to the said John Mayster a servant to wait upon the same Sir John in doing his duties to the end of the life of the said Sir John, with his board both in eatables and drinkables, so that Sir John himself may eit at table with the master of the said College to eat and drink, and the same servant to wait upon Sir John with other servants of the said College, for which board both in eatables and drinkables of the said Sir John and his servant to wait upon him, the said Sir John shall pay to the end of his life weekly to the same master and brethren xiirf. ; and if it happen to the said Sir John Mayster to be absent from the said College for any week, that thenceforth he is not bound to pay except for those weeks during which he sliall have been in commons in the College aforesaid. In witness thereof we have affixed to the present letters the common seal of our chapter. Given at Thompson aforesaid in our chapter house the 20th day of the month of June, in the year of our Lord 1435, and in the 22nd year of the reign of King Henry the YI. after the Conquest. NOTE D. LORDS OF THE MANOR OF THOMPSON NUPER COLLEGII. (Before 1606 Blomefield is the authority; after 1606 the Court Book.) Before 1350. Sir John de Shardelowe. Sir John and Sir Thomas, his sons. 1350. The Master and Fellows of the College. 15-13. Sir Edmund Knevett. 1545. John Maynard, Mercer, of London. 2nd Elizabeth. Alex. Rave, and others. 15G1. Robert Futter, son of John Futter, of Thuxton. 1589. Henry Futter, half brother of Robert. 1C02. Winifred Futter, his widow. ICO-t. Francis and Winifred Bedingfield. 1606. Francis and Winifred Bedingfield (court book.) 1620. Francis Bedingfield. John Dover, steward. 1622. Robert Futter (son of Henry and Winifred). 1652. Humfrey Futter (son of Robert, first court, 1652). MANOR OF THOMPSON " NUPER COLLEGII." 61 1679. Bridget Futter, widow of Humfrey (first court, 1679.) 1679. John Ware, nephew of Ilumfrey (first court, 1681). Robert Clarke, steward, 16S.3. J. Pitcher, steward from 1685 to 1699. 1700. Richard Cater (first court, 1700). John Muston, steward. Robert Cater, steward, 1709. John Muston, steward, 1712. 1718. First court of Rev. John Cater. John Rowell, steward, 1722. John Amyas, steward, 1731. 1747. First court of Mary Bond, widow ; sister of Rev. John Cater. 1759. First court of William Tooke, Esq. Thos. Hicks, steward, 1763. John Morphew, steward, 1772. 1809. William Tooke Harwood. John Steward, steward. Robert Browne, steward, 1819. 1824. John Baseley Tooke. Robert Browne, steward. 1841. Rev. James Tooke Hales Tooke. Thomas, fifth Lord Walsingham. E, R. Grigson, steward. 1870. Thomas, sixth Lord Walsingham. G2 <^Dmc |.f(0unt of iljc liliiuor of ^loutctorts or ^lotouvs |)all. "Why sit'st thoii by that riiineil hall; Dost thou its formor priilo recall 'i Or ponder how it passed away." From Scott's Antlijuary. HE manor of Botours Hall belonged to the Boutetorts. Guy de Boutetort and Ada his wife, had bought in 1307 the capital manor, and the Botetourts are called, temp. Edw. I., lords of Thompson (Blomcfidd, ii. 3G6 and 372.) The manor of Buttort Hall was a part of the capital manor, and it continued in the Botetourt family when the rest of the capital manor passed to the Shardelowcs {Blomefield), for Sir Baldwyn Botours and his descendants, the Esmonds, certainly possessed it. (Manor I'oU of Botours Hall, Tomston, 1449, and see pp. 63, 64, 65.) The Botetourts were Normans, and their descendants were summoned to Parliament as barons in the reigns of the first three Edwards. The barony of Botetourt is now vested in the Duke of Beaufort (Burke's Patrician, i. 40). Sir Guy de Botetourt, lord of Thompson in 1307, seems to have been the head of the Norfolk branch of the family, which had manors at Cantley, Cranworth, Kimberley, &c. I have seai'ched in vain at the Briti.sh Museum and elsewhere for a pedigree of Botetourt. The following table shows only the probable pedigree so far as it relates to Thompson. [For a better account of Sir John de Botetourt (summoned to Parliament as Baron Botetourt, 13th June, 1305) and his descendants, the reader may be referred to C'okayne's Complete Peeracje, vol. i. p. 3S5, London, 8vo. 1887.] M4.N0R OF HOUTETORTS OR BOIOURS HALL. 63 PEDIGREE OF BOTETOURT OF NORFOLK. (Arranged from Blomefield and other authorities.) Isabel, d. and h. of Botetort. Arms of = Sir Const-antine de Wodehouse, temp. Botetort, Or, a saltire engr. sa. — Blomrjield, Hen. I., circ. 1100. — lllomcjicld, Kim- Kimberley. berley, Wodehouse Ped. Sir Anfrid dc Potetort, temp. Hen. II., held Wendover in Bucks. — Gournay lUcurd^ 186. Sir Roger Botetourt held Uphall Manor in Canlley of Hugh de Gournay, 1229. — UlomefieUi, Cantley, and Gouinay Record, 186. Sir Guy de Botetourt held Uphall Manor, 127o=f^ Edward VI. began to reign Jan. 28th, 1547. 2 Sir Willm. Fermour, Knt., was of Wolterton manor in East Barsham, a large and stately mansion (the ornaments of moulded brick) which he himself built. In 1527, being then heir apparent to his father, Sir Henry Fermor, he married Catharine, daughter of Sir Thomas Knevett, dec. In 32nd Hen. VIII., he was High Sheriff of Norfolk. He succeeded his father 25th Hen. VIII., and was himself succeeded by his nephew, Thos. Fermor. In 37th Hen. VIII. he had the manors granted to him of Hempton Priory in Norton, and Waltham Abbey in Seaming. He had also grants of manors and possessions of the College of Holy Trinity in Pontefract after its dissolution, jointly with Sir Richard Fulmerston. — BlomfJUld, imder E. Baksham. ' Sir John Robsart, Knt., was only (?) son of Sir Terry Robsart of Siderstone, a parish contiguous to Houghton, and was brother to Lucy, wife of Edw. Walpole of Houghton, who died 1559. Sir John was twice Sheriff of Norfolk. He resided at Stanfield Hall, near "Wymondham, and was father of the ill-fated Amy Robsart. He possessed the manor of Siderstone and several others. The Siderstone property alone was more than 4000 acres —Jessopp's One Generation, pp. 21-29, and Blomejield, under Sidesston. INVENTORIES OF CHURCH GOODS. 85 Robsart, and Xpofer Heydon,' Knights, Osl>ert Mounford,^ and John Calibut,' Esquires, Commisioners amonges other assigned by vertu of the Kinges Ma"*' Commission to them directed, for the survey of Church goodes in NorfT, on thone parte. And Wyll'm Halyday and Richar[d] Cowper, Churche Wardens there, and Peter Pory,* John Rolffe, John Thayn, John Mawkyn, parissheoners of the seid Towne, on thother parte, Witnesse[th] that there remaynith in the custodie of the said Church Wardens and othe[r], the daye and year aboueseid, these parcelles of goodes vnderwreten, viz : — In primis ther is hangyn in the stepyll ther one bell, weying vj'., valewyd at ------ - iiijZi. xs. Item ij Westments of silk valewyd at - - - - xxs. Item one blewe cope of Bawdkyn,* price . . . . iijs. iiijc^. Item one chalysshe of syluer, all gylt, waying xx. ow[nces], at iiijs. iiijd. the ownce ------- iiij//. Whereof is assigned to be occupied and vsed in thadministracion of Diuine ' Sir Christopher Heydon of Baconsthorpe, Knt., descended from Willm. Heydon, Esq., who settled at Baconsthorpe in 1447. Sir Christopher succeeded his grandfather in 1551. He married (1) Anne, daughter of Sir William Drury of Hawstead, Suffolk ; (2) Temperance, daughter of Sir Wymonde Carew of Anthony, Cornwall, and widow of Thos. de Grey of Merton, Esq. ; (3) Agnes, daughter of Robert Crane of Chilton, Suffolk, Esq. Sir Christopher died 1579, seized of thirty-three manors and nine advowsons. The family became extinct 1689. — W. E. G. L. Buhcer, Esq. The manor-house at Baconsthorpe, built by Sir Henry Heydon, Knt., who died 1503, was a sumptuous pile. It was quadrangular with a gate-house in front. — Gournay Records, p. 411. ' Osbert Mounford, Esq., was of FeltweU, and was head of the younger branch of Jlundeford of Hockwold. He married Margt., dr. of John, s. and h. of John Townsend of Rainham, Esq. He died in 1580, leaving nine sons and two daughters. In 2nd Edw, VI. he had a grant of lands in Gayton on the dissolution of St. Stephen's, Westminster. For pedigree of llundeford see Jilomefield, under Hockwold. ^ John Calibut, Esq. The Calibuts were a family of wealth and substance, whose ancestors had been for some generations large landowners in West Norfolk. Francis Calibut was a governor of Lincoln's Inn in IGth and 24th Hen. VII. He died 9th Hen. VIII. He owned about 3000 acres in Castleacre and the adjoining parishes, and a great deal else which is specified. His son John married Bridget, d. and h. of Sir John Boleyn, and died 20th Feb., 1553. John Calibut, son of the above (and I suppose the commissioner of Sept., 1553), is called by Dr. Jessopp John Calibut of Castle Acre. He died at Upton in Northamptonshire, 1570, leaving four daughters, who divided his inheritance. — From Jessopp's One Generation, pp. 22, 31. • Peter Pory, who signs as the representative of the parish, is called " generosus " in a Botours Hall Roll of 1563, when the title gentleman was far less widely applied than it is now. He is one of the two landowners mentioned in the Lay Subsidy of 1543. Some account of the family will be found at page 93. William Haliday, Richard Cowper, John Rolfe, John Thayne, and John Miiwkyn were all amongst the most substantial inhabitants in the same year. ' Baudekyn, Fr. A rich stuff, consisting of silk interwoven with gold thread and enriched by embroidery. It was originally manufactured at Baldock, or Babylon ; whence its name. (See Ducange). It was introduced into Europe at the period of the Crusades, for regal garments ; and, some time after, for those of the nobility, for church vestments, altar hangings, and canopies of state, hence termed baldachins. — Fairholt't Dictionary. 86 HISTORY OF THOMPSON. S[eruice] there, tlie seid bell and the chalysse. In witnes whereof, the seid Com- missioners and other the persons to these Inventories, alternatly h daye and yero aboucscid. per me, Peter Pory iiijii. vjs. viij[fZ]. It will be observed that altogether at Thompson there were four copes, five vestments, and four tunicles. The numbers, I suppose, would not have been so great had not the college of priests existed. A short explanation of these di'esses has been kindly given me by the Rev. M. Bower : — Cope — a part of ecclesiastical dress for a choir and for processions, not for the celebration of the mass. It was a cloak of silk of divers colours, open in front, except where it was united by the morse or clasp, and was often embroidered with gold and jewels. It had no sleeves, nor had it apertures for the arms. It was worn over the surplice, and was made a substitute for the chasuble or vestment by the Canons of 1604. Surplice — before the Reformation was not worn during the celebration. It was a choir dress. Vesttnent — a word meaning in mediaeval times the chasuble ; an oval garment without sleeves, open at the sides, having an aperture through which to pass the head. It was worn over the albe (a tight sort of surplice) during the celebration. The stole and maniple were necessary parts of the vestment. Thus, during any service, except that of the mass, the officiating clergy would wear cassock, sui-plice, and cope. But during the celebration the priest would wear cassock, albe, and vestment ; the deacon would wear cassock, albe, and dalmatic ; the sub-deacon cassock, albe, and tunicle. The dalmatic and tunicle were short coats without sleeves, the only differcnco between them being that the dalmatic (so called because originally worn by the Dalmatian priests) was more richly embroidered than the tunicle. The first Prayer- book of Edw. VI. directed that the priest and deacons who assisted at the celebration should wear albes with tunicles. 87 C^c ||atronci0c of tlje (H^ljiirdj jiittr its d^fficiatiiTg Clcr0i|. Patrons. 1282. Robert de Thomeston. — Blomefield. Three daughters of Robert de Thomeston in common. — Id. 130S. Sir Guy de Boutetort by purchase [?]. — Id. 1318. Robert de Aula, of Thomeston. — Id. 1349. Sir Thomas de la Shardelowe and John his brother. — Id. 1349. The Master and Chaplains of Thompson College by gift from Shardelowe. — Id. 1503. Thos. Spring (P. R. O. de Banco Roll, Mich, term, A" 18th Henry VII., memb. 364, dorse). 1541. Robert Audeley, the last master of the College, resigned the patronage of the advowson to Hen. VIII. — Surrender Charter, supra. 1543. Sir Edm. Knevett, Kni.— Blomefield. 1561. Robert Futtcr.— /d. 1589. Henry Futter. 1604. Francis and Winifred Bedingfield. 1622. Robert Futter. 1652. Humphrey Futter. 1679. John Ware. 1706. Roger Colman was impropriator, and probably patron. 1754. Barber Colman. 1754. Matthew Barker. John Barker, Esq., of Shropham. 1792. Four daughters of Genl. James Barker. 1853. Henry Hemsworth, Esq. 88 history of thompson. Rectors. From Blomefield. 1303. Brian dc Saham. 1308. Master Ralph Buttetourt. 1318. Rob. de Harbling. 13-t9. Will, de la Cliambre. 1349. John Spore of Barton near MilJenhall. 1349, 10th March. Willm. de la Chambre of Ereswell. 1350. The Master and Fellows of Thompson College. Perpetual Curates. 1610-20. Robert B.o\\se.—Iiegist€r. 1622. Nicholas Halman.— 76. 1633-63. John Hamond.— /6. 1663-82. John Bloome. 1706. Roger Colman, Impropriator and Perpetual Curate (Terrier, 1706). 1738. James Smith. — Blomefield. 1745. John Edgerley. — Register. He was collated to the Vicarage of Stanford in 1730, and became Rector of Dunham Pai-va in 1741. At the latter place he appears never to have resided. 1764. William Clough. — Dawson Turner's Norfolk Benefices. 1768. Thomas Scott. — lb. He appears to have held Thompson till 1809, when George Dean succeeded him. 1779-84. John Twells. — Register. [He was Rector of Caston and apparently served Thompson as Curate.] 1795. E. M. Vrice.— Register. [Vicar of Griston and of Runham, 1787-1811, serving Thompson as Curate.] 1796-1805. Robert Bamcs.— Register. [Vicar of Stanford, 1787-1808. Curate of Thompson.] 1809-1816. George Deane. — Register. [He held the Carbrookes with Thompson till his death in 1816]. 1816-1849. James Brown Thompson of Norwich, also Vicar of Shropham. 1850-1859. Augustus Barker Hemsworth. 1859. — Bethune of Sussex. He held it only a few weeks. 1860. William Smj-th Thorpe, who is also Incumbent of Breccles. 89 Jicttorri antr ^lavish propcvln. X the Terrier of 170G, when Mr. Roger Colman was Impropriator and Perpetual Curate, I find as follows : — I^lp^, All tythes within this parish of Thompson, except the tithes of Woodfielil and Bridge Closes, are paid to the Rector {i.e. Impropriator, as he is called in the Terrier of 1725) or his tenant, in their proper kinds, and there are no customs in the p'^'^, Lut only 8 pence for every Milch Cow and Calfe under the number of tenn ; six pence for every Bullock with the first calf (or as it is in 1725, four pence for a bullock, and 2 pence her first calf) ; and 4 pence for every ffarrow Cow ; 2 pence for every lamb under 10 ; for every foal, one penny ; for every Henn, 2 eggs. The tithes profitts of the s"" rectory worth about £-iO per annum. Signed, Robert Futter, Edmd. Dexter, Rob. Kidwell. Rob. Atmear, ) ^, , r^, „ , I Cnurchwardens. Ihos. Barker, } In Roger Colman's writing is the following note : " I subscribe so to this as not to abridge myself of my Tyth milk. Roger Colman, Curate." If thear be tenn calves, then the minister is to have the calve only. In Roger Colman's writing are these Queries : " Quere for what the groat is paid for the farrow cow. Quere whether the 10th Calf in kin^ri IFORNU ^S Crabbe - ^36 Some materials] of the parish ofThOT^son UCLA-Young Hescarch Ubrary • CS436.T37 C84 L 009 640 287 UC SOUTHERN REGWHAL VBMmfJOJn iiiiiiiiiitiiiiiiiiiwiiiiiiifliir 001 111627