1 ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^1 
 
 1 ^^^^^H 
 
 ^m ^ 
 
 H 
 
 ^^^^H 
 
 ^B "/^i^ik. 
 
 i^^^^^^^^^^^H 
 
 1 ^^^^^^^^^^1 
 
 ^Ka 5.^^K 
 
 ^1 
 
 
 H 
 
 H 
 
 =^^t> la 
 
 ^^^HHP^^PH 
 
 ^^^^^^^^1 
 
 -— •. 'IM 
 
 ^^^^^^^Dl vB^^^V'')Bifl 
 
 ^^^^^^^^^^^^^H 
 
 1 ^^F A ^K" "^1 
 
 
 
 ^^^^^^^B 'z.^^3 
 
 HHB^'i-'-flHHBHHMI 
 
 ^^^H 
 
 AiMti iylrr/lptrr. 
 
 
 
 Ingnrti ^ tdm^fiitilm . 
 
 TIEI]! K? ]H(Q)H; "WJIILMAM FlflP, 
 
 
 /^nj.'n PitJ>/i.^/i^i M l-'/i.rJtivinaL'n iSi'i
 
 HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 RIGHT HONORABLE 
 
 WILLIAM PITT, 
 
 ISarl of ©Jatliam: 
 
 CONTAINING 
 
 HIS SPEECHES IN PARLIAMENT ; 
 
 A CONSIDERABLE PORTION OF HIS CORRESPONDENCE, WHEN SECRETARY OF STATE, 
 
 UPON FRENCH, SPANISH, AND AMERICAN AFFAIRS, 
 
 NEVER BEFORE PUBLISHED; 
 
 WITH AN ACCOUNT OF THE 
 
 PRINCIPAL EVENTS AND PERSONS OF HIS TIME, 
 
 CONNECTED WITH 
 
 HIS LIFE, SENTIMENTS, AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 BY THE 
 
 REV. FRANCIS THACKERAY, A.M. 
 
 Fatrix caritate, ^ervitii odio, libertatis sstu insdnctus, certaque immortalitatis spe, <juaiii jam prssentiscebat, 
 aniinatus, nihil valebat nisi excelsum, nisi sublime, sine uUo private utilitatis, ob patriam lantum et piiblicam 
 rem cogitare, niliil luimile, nihil abjectum eloqui poterat. — C. C. Taciti Dialogusde Oratorihus. 
 
 IN TWO VOLUMES. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 LONDON: 
 PRINTED FOR C. AND J. RIVINGTON, 
 
 BOOKSELLERS EXTRAORDIXARY TO HIS MAJESTY, 
 
 WATERLOO-PLACE, PALL-MALL, 
 
 AND ST. PAUL'S CHURCH-YARD. 
 
 MDCCCXXVII.
 
 LONDON ; 
 PRINTED BY R. GILBERT, 
 
 ST. John's squarf.. 
 
 V 
 
 M
 
 College 
 Library 
 
 485 
 
 TO THE 
 
 RIGHT HONORABLE 
 
 ROBERT PEEL, 
 
 ONE OF HIS MAJESTY'S PRINCIPAL SECRETARIES OF STATE, 
 
 Sfc. S(c. Sfc. 
 
 SIR, 
 When I requested permission to associate this work in some 
 degree with your distinguished name, I adopted a custom which 
 in every age has been prevalent with authors. It was not, how- 
 ever, my intention to pursue the general practice by dwelling upon 
 those great endowments, abiUties, and virtues by which you have 
 obtained the applause of all disinterested men, and secured the 
 lasting gratitude of your country. In a character where there is 
 so very much to commend, it is difficult to select particular objects 
 of commendation, and where it is impossible to do full justice, it 
 would be, perhaps, prudent to say nothing. There are, however, 
 
 a2 
 
 _i. <J o v> »^- -jL Jt
 
 iv DEDICATION. 
 
 some points in your public conduct respecting which a sense of 
 duty forbids me to be silent. Occupied as you constantly are in 
 the most important concerns of the kingdom, you have ever found 
 time to attend to, and advance the cause of literature and of 
 science. Owing to the liberality with which, in conjunction with 
 other splendid qualifications, you discharge the functions of your 
 exalted station, I have been enabled to avail myself of a most 
 valuable source of historical information ; I therefore dedicate to 
 you the result of my labors. Numerous as are my deficiencies as 
 an autlior, I shall, at least, not be charged with want of judgment 
 in inscribing to Mr. Peel the history of a most distinguished orator 
 and statesman. The great services rendered to the country by 
 the elder Pitt, in one of the departments of State which you now 
 occupy, naturally remind us of your own. An energy equal to 
 that displayed by the former statesman in extending the glory of 
 his country over distant regions, has been exerted by you in 
 securing that glory in Great Britain. Whilst he contended with 
 and prevailed against foreign enemies, you have obtained a no less 
 important victory over the foes of civil government at home. 
 Whilst his indignant oratory was called forth by what he consi- 
 dered the abuses of the constitution, it has been one triumphant 
 object of your eloquence to elucidate its blessings : to point out
 
 DEDICATION. v 
 
 the benefits arising from a pure and enlightened system of legisla- 
 tion, and afterwards to establish and secure them to the country. 
 In offering you this tribute of respect, I am in no fear of being 
 accused of flattery, or of profaning the tomb of the dead, in order 
 to raise an altar to the living : your own acknowledged merits, 
 and, I trust, my own character, will amply secure me against both 
 imputations. 
 
 That you may long be enabled to persevere in your illustrious 
 career is the earnest wish and prayer of, 
 
 SIR, 
 
 Your most faithful, 
 
 and most humble servant, 
 
 FRANCIS THACKERAY. 
 
 Harpeiideii , 
 March 30, 1827.
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 In an age so generally devoted to literature as the present, and so 
 particularly partial to biographical research, it is extraordinary that no 
 regular history of the first Earl of Chatham has appeared. Whilst 
 numberless other characters, the ornaments of former ages, have been 
 drawn with a warmth and fidelity which almost present them to our 
 view ; whilst the brilliant Marlborough stands before us directing the 
 armies of Blenheim and Ramihes ; and the prudent Walpole is seen 
 conducting the financial concerns of his country, the illustrious Chat- 
 ham has only been partially exhibited to us by an anonymous hand \ 
 
 ' The following is Mr. Archdeacon Coxe's opinion of the " Anecdotes of the Life of 
 the Earl of Chatham :" — " I think it a duty I owe to the public, in mentioning this 
 wretched compilation, to declare, that from the access I have had to the papers and 
 documents of the times, I find the Life of the Earl of Chatham superficial and inaccu- 
 rate, principally drawn from newspapers and party pamphlets, and interspersed, perhaps, 
 with a few anecdotes communicated in desultory conversations by Earl Temple. In 
 affecting to give a volume of important state papers, the editor has raked together a col- 
 lection of speeches, memorials, and letters, the greater part of which are derived from 
 periodical publications. 
 
 " It becomes a matter of extreme regret that the life of so great a statesman and orator 
 has not been delineated by a more faithful and able hand." — Note in Coxe's Memoirs of 
 Lord Wa/pole, vol. ii. chap. 28.
 
 vm INTRODUCTION. 
 
 In presuming to undertake the history of this celebrated man, I 
 am well aware of the difiiculty of the attempt, and of the deep respon- 
 sibility which it incurs. My work necessarily comprises a material 
 portion of the history of this kingdom for the space of more than forty 
 years, whilst it involves most of the leading events in the history of 
 Europe during the same period. I am to tear aside the veil which 
 time has thrown over the characters of the dead, and I am to account 
 for effects the causes of which are hastening to oblivion. The mighty 
 statesman is to be exhibited who called back life into the drowning 
 energies of his country ; who spread her glories over the four quarters 
 of the globe ; who proclaimed her victories, as with thunder, on the 
 deep ; and who converted her disgraces into triumphs as lasting as 
 her name. The orator is to be pourtrayed, the lightning of whose 
 eloquence now blasted the efforts of his antagonists, now fascinated 
 and delighted them with the softened brilliancy of its flame. The 
 man, lastly, is to be depicted, the good, the honorable Chatham ; the 
 man whose life, with whatever political inconsistency it has been 
 charged, was declared, by his fastidious contemporary, to be unsullied 
 by meanness and unstained by vice ''. 
 
 The years which have elapsed since the death of the first Earl of 
 Chatham render, I conceive, the present period very favorable to an 
 authentic history of his life. Whilst the causes which led men to 
 traduce or exalt his character at the expence of truth have long 
 since expired, several living authorities still remain, to whom the 
 author desires to appeal in proof of his veracity. If it be said that the 
 
 " " His private life was stained by no vices, nor sullied by any meanness." See 
 character of Mr. Pitt by the Earl of Chesterfield, written in 1762.
 
 INTRODUCTION. IX 
 
 lapse of half a century must detract from the interest of the subject ; 
 I answer, that the history of Lord Chatham is, in a great measure, 
 the history of the country during one of the most striking periods which 
 have marked its existence. Such subjects must ever retain their im- 
 portance ; they belong not to an age, they are consecrated to posterity. 
 
 I should be vain indeed did I pretend to do justice to the various 
 merits of Lord Chatham. The biographer may relate with tolerable 
 fidelity the counsels and achievements of the statesman, but he can 
 hope to convey to posterity no adequate conception of the orator's 
 powers. The remark applies generally, and with particular force to 
 the present case. It is greatly to be lamented that many existing 
 speeches attributed to Lord Chatham impress the reader with very 
 imperfect notions of his eloquence. This was the necessary conse- 
 quence of the mode in which the Parliamentary debates were recorded 
 during a great part of the last century. In the year 1738, the House 
 of Commons passed a resolution prohibiting the publication of its 
 debates and proceedings. By this injudicious interference, the alleged 
 misrepresentations of the press were greatly augmented. Truth, be- 
 fore occasionally perverted, was now more generally obscured. The 
 compilers of periodical publications were compelled to resort to artifice 
 in gratifying the public curiosity. They collected information from 
 such authorities as they could employ with the greatest safety to them- 
 selves, and divulged the sentiments of the British senator under the 
 concealment of harsh anagrams, or of Roman appellations \ Different 
 contributors being employed to report the speeches of the same 
 
 = The leading periodical publications in which the Parliamentary debates at this time 
 appeared were the Gentleman's and the London Magazine. The former concealed 
 the names of the speakers under the anagram, the latter under the Roman disguise. 
 
 VOL. I. a ■
 
 X INTRODUCTION. 
 
 senator, great inequality in the language of each has appeared. Hence 
 it is that we find the same orator delivering himself, sometimes, in 
 language highly ornate and energetic, at others, debasing the dignity 
 of his sentiment by poverty and meanness of expression. However 
 faithfully the argument might be preserved in these different accounts, 
 they could not all be authentic as they apply to style. This will be 
 at once acknowledged by a reference to the early speeches ascribed to 
 Lord Chatham. In endeavouring, therefore, to present the reader 
 with a connected series of his speeches as faithfully as circumstances 
 permit, I was reduced, as far as relates to a certain portion of them, 
 to a choice of one of the three following expedients : To repeat the 
 errors of former transcribers, by retaining the noble sentiments and 
 powerful reasoning of the orator in all the fetters of a rude phrase- 
 ology; or, to reject those speeches which are not allowed to be wholly 
 authentic ; or, to endeavor, whilst I scrupulously retained the thought 
 and argument expressed, to reduce, by a few alterations, such as ap- 
 peared manifestly imperfect, to the standard of his general language. 
 As I did not wish to impress the reader with inadequate and degrading 
 ideas of Lord Chatham's eloquence, I rejected the first expedient. The 
 adoption of the second would have made a very awkward chasm in 
 the history, and have occasioned the loss of the sentiments of a most 
 powerful mind upon many occasions of great public importance. 
 Upon mature consideration, the third appeared to be the best mode. 
 I have, therefore, in the present work, arranged the early speeches 
 of Lord Chatham according to this plan. I have produced my 
 authorities for the speeches in a note at the beginning of each; 
 and, whilst in no case I have presumed to alter the argument or 
 thought imputed to the speaker, I have mentioned where I judged it 
 necessary to adapt the phraseology to a closer resemblance of his
 
 INTRODUCTION. JOt 
 
 style ^. Of that style I consider the two speeches delivered by Lord 
 Chatham, the first on the 9th, and the second on the 22d of January, 
 1770, both reported by Mr. Francis, to be most characteristic ; they 
 have, accordingly, been my standard. 
 
 It is well known with what liberality the Earl of Hardwicke has 
 enriched the stores of polif.iral knnwlfidge in this country, by allowing 
 the publication of many of his family manuscripts. From the par- 
 liamentary journal of the Hon. Philip Yorke, inserted, with the per- 
 mission of the present Lord Hardwicke, by Mr. Wright, in the thir- 
 teenth volume of the Parliamentary History of England, I have ex- 
 tracted the outlines of several speeches delivered by Mr. Pitt during 
 the time between December, 1743, and April, 1745. Of the accuracy 
 of these reports, as far as relates to the argument, there cannot be the 
 smallest doubt ; their brevity is alone to be regretted. 
 
 The speeches assigned to Mr. Pitt from the year 1751 to the 
 end of the year 1760, are given upon the authority of Horace, Lord 
 Orford, in whose " Memoires" they are almost exclusively to be found, 
 and from which they are principally extracted. Although that noble 
 author's disposition to sarcasm frequently biassed his judgment, he has 
 never been accused of wilful misrepresentation. The utmost caution 
 is necessary in receiving Lord Orford's opinions of men, but none is 
 requisite as to those things which he actually heard and saw. His 
 relation of facts is correct, although the construction he puts upon 
 
 ■■ What I have done with respect to the early speeches of Lord Chatham is, in fact, 
 no more than is practised by every modern reporter, who clothes the thoughts of the 
 most inaccurate speaker in grammatical language. 
 
 a 2
 
 xii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 tliose facts is frequently unjust and dangerous. The force of Mr. 
 Pitt's eloquence, of itself, commanded the attention of his audience ; 
 in Lord Orford's case it was the more intensely fixed, from his desire 
 to preserve and record it. We must, therefore, regard his sketches of 
 Mr. Pitt's speeches as those of an eye and ear witness, often defective 
 in point of fire and dignity, but, as far as they extend, unquestionably 
 accurate and true. 
 
 The remaining speeches are extracted from the Parliamentary 
 History of England. Several of them originally appeared in Almon's 
 Anecdotes of the Life of Lord Chatham. Whatever may be the 
 general demerits of the last-mentioned work, (and it is allowed to be 
 most prejudiced and superficial,) it contains some reports of speeches 
 as interesting as they are important : these have received the sanction 
 of Lord Chatham's family ; they contain internal evidence of their 
 authenticity, and are far too nervous and spirited to have proceeded 
 from any but the orator whose name they bear. 
 
 Where the history required elucidation I have given occasional 
 extracts from the speeches of several of Lord Chatham's contempo- 
 raries, especially upon the subject of the American war. 
 
 Until the beginning of the year 1757 Mr. Pitt's conduct and 
 views as a statesman are exhibited almost wholly in his speeches : a 
 new aera then commences. We have then not arguments but facts to 
 consider ; we have then to behold the unparalleled effects produced in 
 the affairs of England and of Europe by the admission of one man into 
 the government of the country ; we have to observe the most dis- 
 graceful apathy succeeded by the most energetic exertion, the most
 
 INTRODUCTION. xiii 
 
 humiliating disasters by the most glorious successes, and the situation 
 of England, by. the Divine permission, absolutely metamorphosed 
 through the agency of a single individual. 
 
 In attempting to give a faithful relation of the events connected 
 with the whole life of Lord Chatham, and especially of those regard- 
 ing his glorious administration, there are few authentic sources of 
 information of which I have neglected to avail myself. It would be 
 impertinent in me to dwell upon the labor which I have bestowed in 
 doing so ; for although the public have a right to demand correctness 
 from an author, they can be expected to take little interest in the 
 pains which it has cost him to arrive at it. I shall not, therefore, pre- 
 tend to enumerate the different authors whom I have had occasion to 
 consult, but merely observe, that I have dihgently perused those parlia- 
 mentary, political, and historical publications, of this and other coun- 
 tries, which related to my subject, carefully weighing and comparing 
 them with each other before I ventured to adopt their assertions. 
 
 Having endeavoured to avail myself of that knowledge which is 
 already before the public, and that which I have obtained from private 
 conversation and diligent enquiry, it is most necessary to state that I 
 have drawn by far the most interesting and authentic information from 
 sources of which historians in general have too much neglected to 
 avail themselves. I allude to the official correspondence preserved in 
 his Majesty's State-Paper Office. To this I have had such repeated 
 access, that if I have been able to impart an interest to my work, or to 
 throw a light upon the great characters of whom it treats, I owe it 
 •more especially to the liberahty of those who, although employed in 
 the weightiest affairs of the country, have promptly attended to my
 
 Xiv INTRODUCTION. 
 
 application ; and to the attention of those to whose more immediate 
 custody these invaluable documents are consigned. That English 
 historians should hitherto have regarded with so much apathy these 
 storehouses of information is a fact as extraordinary as it is reproachful. 
 Of this I am fully convinced, that it is only by assiduously consulting 
 them for the future, that the aspersions so frequently cast upon the 
 veracity of history can fully be repelled. A history of England, 
 chiefly founded upon these authorities, is a national desideratum : 
 such a work would, indeed, be infinitely too laborious for any one in- 
 dividual ; but it may reasonably be expected from the united labors 
 of many learned and perspicuous men ; and, fertile as the country is 
 in such characters, I trust I shall live to peruse it. 
 
 The extracts from the official correspondence of Mr. Pitt, which I 
 have been enabled to lay before the public, require no words of mine 
 to recommend them. Almost the whole of them are now for the first 
 time published. They exhibit the sentiments of great men upon great 
 occasions. Mr. Pitt's state papers, in particular, are distinguished by 
 manly sense and decision. The true British character pervades them 
 all. When affairs of such vast importance and variety required the 
 constant attention of the minister, it would be pedantic in the extreme 
 to criticize the language of his correspondence with scrupulous severity. 
 Mr. Pitt had one great object constantly at heart — to promote the 
 interests of Great Britain ; he therefore wished to express himself in 
 terms that could not be misunderstood. The complicated nature of 
 the subjects discussed frequently occasioned a great length in tlie sen- 
 tences, but his meaning is, in general, clear. We see in the language 
 which he employs the upright and bold statesman of a great and vic- 
 torious kingdom, never unnecessarily wounding the feelings of foreign
 
 INTRODUCTION. XV 
 
 ministers, but, at the same time, determined to preserve inviolate the 
 rights and dignity of his country. 
 
 In the French and Spanish correspondence, neither the letters 
 of the Earl of Bristol nor those of Mr. Hans Stanley will be read 
 with indifference. The political subjects, of which they treat, must 
 always render them of importance to the diplomatist, whilst the 
 vivacity with which they are expressed, and the anecdotes with 
 which they are interspersed, impart to them a strong and a general 
 interest. 
 
 The astonishing vigor and success, with which our campaigns in 
 North America were carried on, have induced me to make very 
 copious extracts from the official correspondence of Mr. Pitt with the 
 governors and commanders in the colonies. They will be found to 
 sustain and strengthen the great fame of the statesman by whom 
 they were written, or to whom they were addressed, I trust that jt 
 is unnecessary to apologize for their length. Indeed, upon a careful 
 perusal of the numerous volumes in which this correspondence is 
 contained, I have been so struck by the vast designs, the unwearied 
 assiduity, and the deep penetration of the minister, that I think the 
 reader, instead of reproaching me for the frequency of the extracts, 
 will regret that more could not have been introduced. 
 
 I trust that my relation of many events which occurred in 
 Europe, both previous and subsequent to the administration of Mr. 
 Pitt, as well as during that glorious period, together with the biogra- 
 phical sketches of the most able of his contemporaries, will be con- 
 sidered as neither tedious nor unconnected. My object has been to
 
 XVI INTRODUCTION. 
 
 give a clear view, not only of the speeches and actions of Lord 
 Chatham, but also of the motives by which his sentiments and con- 
 duct were influenced. I have chosen the method which appeared to 
 me best calculated to answer this end, and much as I wished to be 
 brief, I was yet more desirous of avoiding obscurity. • I have made 
 copious extracts from some authors, whose statements and descrip- 
 tions I considered essential to my history ; I have freely availed 
 myself of the sentiments of others, without quotation, and in a few 
 instances with a slight variation only from their language. In all these 
 cases, however, I have in a note referred to the work from which I 
 - have borrowed or made extracts, both in attestation of the truth of 
 my assertions, and also to anticipate and avert the charge of concealed 
 plagiarism. 
 
 The Appendix contains a portion of Lord Chatham's correspon- 
 dence with official persons ; many state papers and other documents, 
 which, although closely connected with the history, do not form a 
 necessary part of the narrative. The papers are numbered, and 
 referred to in the body of the work. At the end of the Appendix I 
 have inserted an elaborate Table exhibiting all the persons who held 
 principal offices under the government during the Earl of Chatham's 
 political career, that is, from the year 1735 to the end of the year 
 1778. 
 
 The poet tells us that the sons of Antenor endeavored to soften 
 the fury of Agamemnon by piteously reminding him of their youth. 
 Although young as an author, I shall not imitate their example. I 
 shall not plead inexperience, with a view to mitigate the severity of 
 criticism. My wish is to meet the judgment of the public openly
 
 INTRODUCTION. XVli 
 
 and fairly, and, if I must fall, to fall not by the shaft of ridicule, but 
 by the lawful weapons of argument and conviction. But, although 
 I desire to meet the most rigid investigation, (indeed, many parts of 
 my work will not be understood without it,) I am duly ajvare how 
 much I stand in need of the candor and indulgence of my readers. 
 To those kind feelings I venture to appeal, from the consciousness tha 
 in endeavoring to give a faithful history of a most illustrious character 
 and of the times in which he lived, 1 have spared neither labor nor 
 expence to obtain, or to avail myself of the best information ; I have 
 been warped, I trust, by no prejudices ; I have had no party purposes 
 to serve ; I have written nothing unjustly reflecting upon the memory 
 of the dead ; nothing offensive to the feelings of the living '. If, 
 therefore, I have, in any degree, fulfilled the professed object of my 
 work, I would hope that some indulgence may be conceded to those 
 inaccuracies and omissions which, in an undertaking of so extensive, 
 and, in many respects, of so delicate a nature, must, almost unavoid- 
 ably, occur. And if, without presumption, I may be allowed to con- 
 template the possibility of the work's arriving at a second edition, I 
 pledge myself to neglect no opportunity of improvement which may 
 be derived from the judgment of the critic, or from the contributions 
 of those who are the possessors of information relative to a subject of 
 such national interest and importance. 
 
 " How much the reputation of the most illustrious characters and the feelings of 
 their surviving friends have suffered by the injudicious and wanton publication of 
 letters never intended for the public eye is notorious to all. The consciousness of this 
 has sometimes induced the possessors of much valuable manuscript information to 
 withhold it altogether from inspection, and has thus proved a serious impediment to 
 biography. 
 
 VOL. I, b
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 1708. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Genealogy of Mr. Pitt— His birth— He is placed at Eton— Attacked by the gout- 
 Entered at Trinity College, Oxford — Latin verses composed by him upon the death of 
 George I.— Visits the Continent of Europe — Is returned to Parliament— Obtains a cor- 
 netcy of horse— Characters of several leading men in the administration, and in the 
 opposition— Sir R. Walpole, Lord Bolingbroke, &c. — Marriage of the Prince of Wales 
 — Mr. Pitt's first speech in Parliament — He is deprived of his commission m the army — 
 His intimacy with Lord Cobham— Stowe and its inmates — Verses of Thomson and 
 Hammond upon Mr. Pitt— Mr. Pitt is appointed Groom of the Bed-chamber to the 
 Prince of Wales — Death of Queen Caroline • 1 
 
 CHAPTER 11. 
 
 1738. 
 
 Disputes between England and Spain — Disgraceful apathy of Sir R. Walpole upon that 
 subject — Speech of Mr. Pitt in favor of a reduction in the army — Celebrated convention 
 with Spain — Speech of Mr. Pitt against the convention — War with Spain — Speech of 
 Mr. Pitt upon Admiral Haddock's instructions — Upon Sir C. Wager's bill for the encou- 
 ragement of seamen — Reply to Horace Walpole and Mr. Winnington — Decline of Sir 
 R. Walpole's power — Mr. Pitt's speech on the motion to remove him — The minister is 
 left in a minority upon several questions — He resigns, and is created Earl of Orford — 
 His policy in dividing his political adversaries »•••.. 19 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 1742. 
 
 Lord Limerick's motion for an enquiry into the conduct of the late Minister — Mr. Pitt's 
 speech in support of that motion — The motion is lost — Lord Limerick's second motion — 
 Mr. Pitt's speech in support of it— Observation of Mr. Pitt in reply to the younger 
 
 b2
 
 XX CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Horace Walpole — Mr. Pitt is appointed one of a committee of secrecy to enquire into the 
 conduct of the late minister— Bill of indemnity to protect witnesses — Brief retrospect of 
 Sir R. Walpole's administration — The bill of indemnity is rejected by the House of Peers- 
 — Lord Orford in retirement — Changes in the ministry considered — John Duke of 
 Argyle — Disappointment of parties — A new opposition — Of whom composed — Charac- 
 ters of Lord Carteret and the Duke of Newcastle 48 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 1742. 
 
 Character of George the second — A short view of those kingdoms which were particularly 
 connected with the policy of Great Britian — Prussia — Frederick William— Frederick IL 
 — House of Austria — Rodolph of Hapsburgh — The power and authority of the Emperors 
 of Germany considered — Charles VI. — Treaty of Hanover — Pragmatic sanction — Death 
 of Charles VL — Maria Theresa — Review of the conduct of the Court of England witli 
 regard to Prussia and Austria — Forlorn condition of Maria Theresa — Enthusiasm of her 
 subjects in her support — Sir William Yonge's motion respecting a grant for the mainte- 
 nance of the Hanover troops— Mr. Pitt's speech upon this occasion — Extract from a 
 speech of the eider Horace Walpole — Account of Mr. Pitt's eloquence by Mr. Oswald • • 78 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 1743. 
 
 Death of Cardinal Fleury — Its ill consequences to Fratice — Battle of Detlingen — Death 
 of Lord Wilmington, who is succeeded at the treasury by Mr. Pelham — Lord Carteret's 
 want of popularity — Meeting of Parliament — King's speech — Address of the Commons 
 — Mr. Pitt's speech upon the address — Remarks upon that speech — Spmeches of Mr. Pitt 
 on the 6th and on the 1 5th of December U7 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 1744. 
 
 Speeches of Mr. Pitt respecting the Hanover troops — Projected invasion of Great Britain by 
 the Pretender — Mr. Pitt supports the government in an address for the augmentation 
 of the forces — Reciprocal declarations of war between France and England — Successful 
 progress of the French arms under Saxe — Discontents in England — Resignation of 
 Lord Granville — The celebrated Duchess of Marlborough bequeaths a legacy to Mr. 
 Pitt — Mr. Pitt supports a motion of Sir W. Yonge, that 28,000 men be enqjloyed in 
 Flanders — Death of the Emperor Charles VII. — The young Pretender and the rebellion 
 in Scotland — Parliament assembles — Mr. Pitt's speech upon Sir F. Dashwood's amend- 
 ment — Severe remarks upon Mr. Hume Campbell's motion — Disgraceful dissensions 
 in the British Cabinet — Resignations of almost the whole ministerial body — Mr. Win-
 
 CONTENTS. XXI 
 
 PAGE 
 
 nington — Reappointment of the ministry — Mr. Pitt is made Paymaster of the forces — 
 His high integrity in this office— System of continental warfare pursued by George the 
 Second — Battle of Lafeldt — Sir John Ligonier-r Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle 123 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 1748. 
 
 Charges against Mr. Pitt's political consistency examined — The advisers of the Prince of 
 Wales — Characters of Lord Egmont, Mr. Nugent, and Dr. Lee — Mr. Pitt's speech 
 upon the mutiny bill — Upon the Glasgow petition — Mr. Pitt in retirement — George the 
 Second endeavors to secure the election of the Archduke Joseph to the title of the King 
 of the Romans — The Westminster election— The Prince of Wales's court — Illness and 
 death of his Royal Highness ' '^'^ 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 1751. 
 
 Regency bill — Mr. Pitt's speech— Changes in the administration — Mr. Pitt's anxiety 
 respecting the education of his Nephew — Unanimity in Parliament — Characters of Mr. 
 Murray and Mr. Fox— Mr. Pitt's letters to his Nephew— Death of Mr. Pelham— The 
 Duke of Newcastle's ascendency in the cabinet — Marriage of Mr. Pitt — Disputes 
 between the English and French in North America — General Braddock — Mr. Pitt's 
 speech for the relief of the Chelsea pensioners — Letters of Mr. Fox descriptive of Mr. 
 Pitt's eloquence 180 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 1755. 
 
 Peculiarity of Mr. Fox's situation — Mr. Fox becomes a Cabinet Councillor — Mr. Pitt's 
 speech upon the Sheriff's Depute in Scotland — Want of harmony between Mr. Pitt 
 and Mr. Fox — Posture of public affairs — Anxiety of tlie Duke of Newcastle to secure 
 the support of Mr. Pitt — Character of the Earl of Hardwicke — Mr. Pitt's speech upon 
 the Foreign Treaties — Mr. Fox becomes Secretary of State — Mr. Pitt is deprived of the 
 Paymastership — Speeches of Mr. Pitt upon Mr. Ellis's motion for 50,000 seamen ; upon 
 Mr. Pulteney's motion ; upon the Militia Bill — Debates upon the Treaties with Hesse 
 and Russia — Speech of the Hon. Hume Campbell — Mr. Pitt's very severe reply — 
 Speeches of Mr. Pitt upon the Treaties ; upon the Estimate of the Charges of the Hano- 
 verian Troops ; upon Sir G. Lyttleton's motion — Minorca — Admiral Byng — Embarrass- 
 ments and resignation of the Duke of Newcastle — Mr. Pitt is appointed Secretary ot 
 State. 213
 
 XXII CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 1756. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Peculiar and embarrassing situation of Mr. Pitt as Secretary of State — His plans with regard 
 to North America — Admiral Byng's sentence and execution — Reflections upon the 
 conduct of Austria — Count Kaunitz — Combination of several European powers — Views 
 and conduct of the King of Prussia — He invades Saxony — Money voted for his assistance 
 by the English Parliament — Duke of Cumberland is appointed to the command of the 
 army of observation in Germany — The King's dislike to his ministers — Mr. Pitt is 
 deprived of the seals — State of the country at this time — Ineffectual negociations for a 
 new administration— Mr. Pitt is re-appointed Secretary of State 266 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 1757. 
 
 Operations of the army of observation — The Duke of Cumberland is defeated at Hasten- 
 beck — His Royal Highness adopts an injudicious line of retreat — Disastrous state of 
 public affairs — The energy and application of the Secretary of State — Projects a descent 
 upon the coast of France — An expedition is prepared — Military force employed — Cha- 
 racter of the officers — Naval force — Operations of the fleet — Failure and return of 
 the expedition — Hawke and Boscawen despatched to intercept the French squadron 
 returning from Louisburg — Convention of Closter-seven — The Duke of Cumberland 
 arrives at Kensington — Manly conduct of Mr. Pitt — Wonderful exertions of the King 
 of Prussia — Victoi^ of Rosbach — Bold system of operations recommended by Mr. Pitt — 
 Parliament meets — King's speech — Celebrated speech of Mr. Pitt — Astonishing success 
 of the King of Prussia 295 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 1758. 
 
 The strenuous system of Mr. Pitt's administration begins to produce its effects — The 
 alliance of England with Prussia considered — Message from the King to the House of 
 Commons — A supply granted — Mr. Pitt's bold and extensive system with regard to 
 North America — Instructions from government to General Abercrombie and Admiral 
 Boscawen — Commodore Holmes obliges a garrison of French and Austrians to evacuate 
 the city of Eraden — Commodore Marsh takes possession of the French settlement of St. 
 Louis — East Indies — Clivc — Coote — M. dc Lally — Another enterprise against the coast 
 of France — Forces employed — Operations of the squadron — The army lands, and bums 
 several French ships and a great quantity of naval stores near St. Male — The fleet 
 returns to Spithead — The Attorney-General's bill for explaining and amending the writ of 
 Habeas Corpus — Singular incident which gave rise to this bill — Prince Ferdinand of 
 Brunswick compels the French to recross the Rhine —Enormities committed by the
 
 CONTENTS. XXUi 
 
 PAGE 
 
 French soldiery— Noble conduct of the Due de Randan— Mr. Pitt sends reinforcements 
 to Prince Ferdinand's army — A third expedition against the French coast — Bason and 
 piers of Cherbourg destroyed — Cape Breton taken by General Amherst and Admiral 
 Boscawen — Gallantry of Wolfe— Letter from Mr. Pitt to General Amherst— Character 
 of General Amherst — Account of the fourth expedition against the coast of France — 
 The King of Prussia defeats the Russians at Custrin — but is himself defeated at Hoch- 
 kirchen — Fort Frontenac in America taken by Colonel Bradstreet — Expedition against 
 Goree — Another against the French Caribbee Islands — Meeting of Parliament — Mr. 
 Pitt's speech — Treaty with Prussia renewed— Conclusion of the year 1758 317 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 1759. 
 
 Letter from Mr. Pitt to General Amherst — Intelligence from General Forbes respecting 
 his capture of Fort du Quesne — Goree taken by Commodore Keppel — Death of the 
 Princess Governante of the United Provinces — Conduct of the Dutch towards England 
 — Firmness of Mr. Pitt— Guadaloupe and Marigalante taken by the English — Affairs of 
 Spain — Correspondence between Mr. Pitt and the Earl of Bristol 363 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 1759. 
 
 The French project an invasion of Great Britain — Admirable state of the country under 
 Mr. Pitt's administration — Message from the King to Parliament respecting a French 
 invasion — Exertions throughout the country in defence of Government — Prince Fer- 
 dinand of Brunswick — Battle of Minden — Lord George Sackville — Impartiality of 
 Mr. Pitt — Operations of the British navy — Fleet under Boscawen — Victory over De la 
 Clue — King of Prussia is defeated at Cunnersdorf— Brilliant successes of the English 
 in America under General Amherst and Sir William Johnson — Letter from General 
 Amherst to Mr. Pitt, and from Mr. Pitt to General Amherst— Spanish correspondence 396 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 1759. 
 
 Character of General Wolfe — Military force under him — Naval force under Admiral 
 Saunders— Instructions of the Government to General Wolfe — Manifesto issued by that 
 general — Description of Quebec — Difficulties opposed to the English — Wolfe's celebrated 
 Letter to Mr. Pitt— Lord Orford's description of the death of General Wolfe— Quebec 
 surrenders — Successes of the English arms in the East — Pococke, Lally, &c. — Public 
 Thanksgiving in England— Parliament meets— Mr. Pitt's speech— Curious Anecdote 
 respecting the Duke of Newcastle and Mr. Pitt— Sir Edward Hawke's victory over Con- 
 Hans — Forlorn condition of France — Proposals of a general peace by the Kings of 
 England and Prussia — The difficulties attending these overtures — Spanish correspondence 424
 
 XXIV CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 1760. 
 
 PAGL 
 
 Letter from Mr. Pitt to General Amherst — Severity of the Winter of 1759 and 1760 — 
 Expedition and death of Tlmrot— Dr. Warburton is elevated, through Mr. Pitt's interest, 
 to the Bench of Bishops — General Murray sallies out of Quebec, and is repulsed by the 
 French — Correspondence with Mr. Pitt respecting the disaster before Quebec, and the 
 subsequent happy turn of affairs — Situation of England with regard to Spain — Extracts 
 from two letters from Mr. Pitt to the Earl of Bristol — Death of George II. — Review of 
 his character 464 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 17G0. 
 
 Accession of George the Third — Lord Bute contrasted with Mr. Pitt — His Majesty's wise 
 and upright measure respecting the twelve judges — Dismission of Mr. Legge — Cha- 
 racter of Mr. Legge — Lord Bute appointed Secretary of State — Affairs of Spain — 
 Extracts from Mr. Pitt's correspondence with the Earl of Bristol — Renewal of the 
 negociation for peace — Plenipotentiaries respectively appointed by France and England 
 — Mr. Stanley despatched to Paris, and M. de Bussy to London — Instructions from 
 Government to Mr. Stanley — Letter from Mr. Pitt to Mr. Stanley — Letter from Mr. 
 Stanley to Mr. Pitt — French Memorial of 26th March, minutely considered — Firmness 
 of Mr. Pitt — Siege and surrender of Belle-Isle — Extracts from Mr. Stanley's corres- 
 pondence with Mr. Pitt 493 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 1761. 
 
 Further, and very important extracts from the correspondence between Mr. Pitt and Mr. 
 Stanley — Within three days, intelligence of as many victories arrives at St. James's — 
 The King- announces his intention of demanding the Princess Charlotte of Mecklen- 
 burgh-Strelitz in marriage— Suspicions in the mind of Mr. Pitt respecting the conduct 
 of France and Spain — Review of Spanish aff'airs — Extracts from Mr. Pitt's correspon- 
 dence with the Earl of Bristol — The celebrated Memorial of France respecting Spain is 
 relumed to M. de Bussy by Mr. Pitt — Difference in the terms of peace proposed by 
 England and France — Letter from Mr. Pitt to the Earl of Bristol — Letters from M. 
 de Bussy, and the Spanish Ambassador to Mr. Pitt — Family compact between the 
 Sovereigns of France and Spain— Extract of a Letter from Mr. Stanley to Mr. Pitt — 
 Letter from the Earl of Bristol to Mr. Pitt — Mr. Pitt affirms, at three diflferent meetings 
 of the Cabinet Council, the necessity of an immediate declaration of war with Spain 
 — His advice is rejected — Resignation of Mr. Pitt — He receives a pension of 3000/. 
 a-year, and his wife, Lady Hester Pitt, is created Baroness of Chatham — Mr. Pitt, after 
 his resignation, is at first assailed by obloquy — His subsequent popularity — Review of 
 his administration # . . . . 538
 
 o 
 
 i S -» S s 5 . i 
 
 I S I- !■ 
 
 I I 
 
 , 
 
 i 
 
 4 
 
 p 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 r 
 
 
 = S 
 
 g: 
 
 > § 
 
 i 
 
 3 2. 
 
 'r- 
 
 ;l » 
 
 
 1- o 
 
 
 
 f 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 X 
 
 J 
 
 : 
 
 1 
 
 
 ? 
 
 o 
 r 
 
 > 
 
 o 
 
 C5 
 S 
 
 H 
 
 O 
 
 M 
 
 o 
 
 H 
 H
 
 A 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 RIGHT HONORABLE WILLIAM PITT, 
 
 EARL OF CHATHAM. 
 
 CHAPTER THE FIRST. 
 
 1708. 
 
 Gemahgy of Mr. Pitt — His birth — He is placed at Eton — Attacked by the gout — 
 Entered at Trinity College, Oxford — Latin verses composed by him upon the death 
 of George I. — Visits the continent of Europe — Is returned to Parliament — Obtains a 
 cornetcy of horse — Characters of several leading men in the Administration, and in 
 the Opposition— Sir R. Walpole, Lord Bolingbroke, 8)C.— Marriage of the Prince of 
 Wales — Mr. Pitt's first speech in Parliament — He is deprived of his commission in 
 the army — His intimacy with Lord Cobham—Stowe and its inmates — Verses of 
 Thomson and Hammond upon Mr. Pitt — Mr. Pitt is appointed Groom of the Bed- 
 chamber to the Prince of Wales — Death of Queen Caroline. 
 
 It is curious to observe the expedients to which maUce will have CHAP, 
 recourse, in attempting to injure conspicuous merit. Where no possi- ^^^g 
 ble stigma can attach to the character of many illustrious persons, 
 they have often been upbraided with the lowness of their origin, or 
 the misdeeds of their ancestors. It was said of the first Earl of 
 Chatham that he was a new man. If the assertion meant that he 
 owed his elevation simply to the vast force of his own genius and 
 abilities, it is a proud, a most satisfactory testimonial. If it implied a 
 sneer upon the meanness of his family, it is as false as it is malignant, 
 
 VOL. I, B
 
 2 GENEALOGY OF MR. PITT— BIRTH— PLACED AT ETON. 
 
 CHAP. The annexed table will shew the eminent respectability of his family 
 1708. ^0^ many generations. By referring to this table it will be seen that 
 
 ^""^"^^^ the subject of these memoirs was the descendant of an ancient house, 
 and allied to some of the first families in the kingdom. He was the 
 second son of Robert Pitt, Esq. of Boconnock, in the County of 
 Cornwall, by Harriet Villiers, fourth daughter of George Viscount 
 Grandison. His uncle, Thomas Pitt, married Frances Ridgway, 
 daughter of the Earl of Londonderry, and was himself created Earl of 
 Londonderry. His grandfather, Thomas Pitt, Esq. was Governor of 
 Madras, and afterwards Member of Parliament for Old Sarum, and 
 Governor of Jamaica. This gentleman discharged with the highest 
 honor the various public ofiices to which he was appointed, and was 
 much esteemed for his private worth. He is, however, more generally 
 known as the purchaser of the great diamond which still bears his 
 name \ 
 
 William Pitt, first Earl of Chatham, was bom on the 15th 
 November, 1708, in the parish of St. James, Westminster. Of his 
 infancy and early youth I have not been able to collect any authenti- 
 cated information. He was sent to Eton at an early age, and placed 
 upon the foundation of that antient establishment. Dean Bland was 
 at that time the head master of Eton, and is said to have higlily 
 valued the attainments of his pupil. Among the many recommenda- 
 tions which will always attach to a public system of education, the 
 value of early emulation, the force of example, the abandonment of 
 sulky and selfish habits, and the acquirement of generous, manly, dis- 
 
 ' This was considered, at the beginning of the 18th century, the largest diamond in Europe. 
 It weighed 127 carats, and was purchased, about the year 1717, by the Regent Orleans for the 
 French King. The sum paid was 1 35,000/. but, allowing for the workmanship of the stone, 
 and the expenses of negotiating the sale, the money received for it by Mr. Pitt was about 
 125,000/. He originally gave 20,400/. for the diamond, and was thus a gainer by it, upon the 
 whole, of 1 04,600/. Considerable as was the weight of this diamond, it is perfectly insignificant 
 when compared with the one sent from the Brazils to the King of Portugal in 1746. This 
 wonderful jewel almost exceeds those which the gorgeous fictions of Eastern imaginations have 
 assigned to the valley of diamonds. It weighed, we are told, 1680 carats, or 12 ounces and a 
 half, and was valued at the enormous sum of 224,000,000/.
 
 ATTACKED BY THE GOUT— ENTERED AT COLLEGE. 3 
 
 positions are not to be overlooked. All these I believe to have had CHAP, 
 weight in forming the character of Lord Chatham. Eton has ever jyQg. 
 
 been productive of great men, and, at the time I speak of, there were ^^^ 
 many whose names have subsequently become illustrious. George, 
 afterwards Lord Lyttleton, Henry Fox, afterwards Lord Holland, Sir 
 Charles Hanbury Williams, Henry Fielding, &c. were Pitt's youthful 
 contemporaries. That painful and dangerous maladj', the gout, which 
 adhered to him through life, and which, ultimately, occasioned his 
 death, here first attacked him. It was hereditary. It may be worth 
 while to remark the different operations of the same cause upon 
 different men. With the generality of mankind a predisposition to 
 any acute disease is often a bar to intellectual improvement. The 
 mind is solely occupied in endeavouring to alleviate or remove the 
 pains of the body, and such a lassitude is produced, that reading 
 is merely resorted to as a mode of destroying time, and is then 
 limited to works of entertainment. With Pitt it was far other- 
 wise. The strength of his genius, constantly impelling him to exer- 
 tion, converted the very infirmities of his body into a source of 
 improvement ; and the disease which excluded him from the bodily 
 exercises of his companions, sened as an instrument to advance 
 his intellectual superiority over them. He was admitted a gentleman 
 commoner of Trinity College, Oxford, on the 10th January -1726 ". 
 His time was here chiefly devoted to the study of history and the 
 classical writers. His Majesty George I. dying in 1727, among the i'-27 
 many tributes to his memory composed by different individuals of 
 the University, the following by Mr. Pitt were published the first year 
 after he went to College. 
 
 '' A very useful practice, not general in the University, prevails in Trinity College ; the under- 
 graduates, upon admission, enter their names, county, and parentage in a register provided for 
 the purpose. From this register, Dr. Ingram, the president, has most poHtely allowed me to 
 make the following extract : Ego Gulielmus Pitt Filius Rob". Pitt armi : de Old Sarum in 
 comitatu Wilts, natus Lond""'. in Par : Sancti Jacobi annorum circiter octodecim, admissus 
 sum primi ordinis commensalis, sub tutamine Mag". Stockwell, Jan™, decimo die anno Domini 
 1726. 
 
 B 2
 
 1727. 
 
 4 LATIN VERSES. 
 
 (jHAP. Angliacae vos o praesentia numina gentis 
 
 I. Libertas ! atque Alma Themis ! Neptune Britanni 
 
 Tu pater Oceani ! (si jam pacata Georgi 
 Imperio tua perlabi licet aequora,) vestro, 
 Triste miiiisterium ! pia solvite munera regi. 
 At teneii planctus absint, moUesque querela; 
 Herois tumulo ; quas mors deflenda requirit, 
 Gesta vetant lacrymas, justaeque superbia laudis. 
 Instare horribilcs longe lateque tumultus 
 Hie super Hispanos violenta tumescere campos 
 Belli diluvies, illic ad flumina Rheni 
 Ardentes furibundus equos immittere Mavors. 
 Heu quam in se miseri cladem stragesque cierent ! 
 Quot fortes caderent animae ! quot gurgite torquens 
 Sanguineo fluvius morientia corpora in altum 
 V^olveret oceanum ! ni te succurrere soeclo 
 Te solum, visum superis, Auguste, labenti 
 Tu miserans hominum pacem super astra volantem 
 Imperio retines, terrasque revisere cogis. 
 
 Dextera quid potuit, primis ubi fervor in armis 
 Impvdit ulcisci patriam, populosque gementes, 
 Turcarum dicant acies, versisque cohortes 
 Turbata; signis ; dicat perterrita Buda, 
 Invitaque tuos prEetoUat laude triumphos, 
 Fulmina cum attonitum contra torquenda tyrannum 
 Vidit et intremuit. Rerum at jam lenior ordo 
 Arrisit, gladiumque manus consueta rotare, 
 Majus opus ! gratae pra;tendit signa quietis. 
 Quare agite, O populi, tantarum in munere laudum 
 Stemite humum foliis. Sed vos ante omnia Musaj 
 Caasarem ac astra feretis ; amavit vos quoque Caesar ; 
 Vestraque cum placida laurus concrevit oliva. 
 Felix, qui potuit mundi cohibere tumultus ! 
 Fortunatus et illi, aegri solamen amoris 
 Qui subit Angliacis, tanti audit nominis haeres. 
 Auspice te, dives agitans discordia, ludo 
 Heu satiata nimis ! furias amnemque severum 
 Cocyti rcpetat, propriosque perhorreat angues. 
 At secura quies, metuens et gratia culpae 
 Te circumvolitent. Themis hinc coelestis, et illinc 
 Sustentet solium dementia. Tu quoque magnam 
 Partem habeas opere iu tanto, Carolina labore
 
 17-27. 
 
 VISITS THE CONTINENT OF EUROPE. I 
 
 Imperii recreans fessum : nam Maximus ille CHAP. 
 
 Te colit, atque animi sensum tibi credit opertum, I- 
 
 Curanim consorti, et multo pignore junctse. 
 
 Inclyta progenies ! Tibi quam dilecta Tonanti 
 
 Latona invideat, quam vel Berecynthia Mater 
 
 Centum enixa Deos ; si qua hsec sint dona Britannis 
 
 Propria sintque precor, referant et utrumque parentem. 
 
 GUL. PITT, 
 Coll. Trin. Socio Commens. 
 
 It was the opinion of Lord Chesterfield and of others that Lord 
 Chatham, had he appUed himself to poetry, would have greatly ex- 
 celled in it ; and although a tolerable copy of Latin verses composed 
 by a youth at College would of itself be but a mean argument of this, 
 I think the rich flow of language and ideas which distinguished his 
 public speeches and his ordinary conversation, were capable, had they 
 been devoted to poetry, of being embodied into an heroic poem of the 
 highest order. Li confirmation of my remark we shall find, that 
 during the brief intervals snatched from the arduous studies and occu- 
 pations of his life, he produced several other elegant specimens of a 
 poetic talent. These I shall insert in the order of time in which they 
 were written. The gout attacked him with increased violence at 
 Oxford, and compelled him to quit the University without taking a 
 degree. Soon after he left Oxford he visited the Continent of Europe, 
 and travelled through different parts of France and Italy. But, 
 whatever accessions he made to his stores of elegant and useful know- 
 ledge, and however he improved his taste by the tour, it had no effect 
 in removing his disorder. It was now time that he should devote 
 himself to a profession. His ardent mind thirsted for employment, 
 and, even had he been of an indolent disposition, his patrimony was 
 inadequate to his support. Lord Chesterfield fixes his fortune at one 
 hundred pounds a year. This, probably, is below the mark. His 
 grandfather was, at different times, governor of two rich settlements, 
 he had been fortunate in the sale of the celebrated diamond, and must 
 have possessed considerable wealth. William Pitt himself was one of
 
 (> IS RETURNED TO PARLIAMENT— OBTAINS A CORNETCY OF HORSE. 
 
 CHAP, only two sons. lie had, indeed, five sisters, but calculating the por- 
 1727. tions which each of the younger children upon a very modei-ate scale 
 
 ''""''^'^^^ would receive, I should estimate his property at about 4,000 pounds. 
 His brother had wealth, and much borough influence, and it is pro- 
 bable that William Pitt soon regarded the House of Commons as a 
 proper sphere for the exercise of his abilities. An opportunity of 
 1735. coming into Parliament occurred to him in 17S5. His brother, having 
 been elected both for Old Sarum and for Oakhampton, and making 
 his election for the latter place, William Pitt, together with Robert 
 Needham, Esq. (who had married his sister Catherine,) was returned 
 for Old Sarum. But the necessity of some honorable employment, 
 by which his income might be augmented, still subsisting, he obtained 
 a cornetcy in the regiment of the Blues, which was his first and only 
 commission. 
 
 It would be idle to speculate, at any length, respecting Mr. Pitt's 
 probable merits as a soldier, had fortune and his own constitution per- 
 mitted his continuance in the army. There can, however, be little 
 doubt that his talents were of that description to secure to him the 
 largest portion of military renown. His ardent spirit and extraor- 
 dinary readiness of mind were exactly calculated to strike an enemy 
 with dismay, and to inspire an army with confidence and enthusiasm. 
 The quickness of his eye, a bodily faculty which has given the victory 
 in many memorable actions, ought not to be overlooked '. But the 
 occasional employment of a military commander would not have suited 
 a mind which required to be ever in action. Had he been placed, 
 indeed, at the head of a great military nation, with perpetual occupa- 
 tion for his powers, I have no doubt he would have carried its glory to 
 the utmost pinnacle of success. Had scope been given to his energy 
 and decision of mind, thev must have made him as terrible in the 
 
 ' It is my opinion that no man who does not possess eminent quickness of sight is capable 
 of becoming a perfect general. Historj' shews many errors of the most fatal description which 
 have resulted from a defect in this organ : Tallard, from this cause, committed a tremendous 
 oversight in the battle of Blenheim ; and all men know that the eagle eye of the Duke of Wel- 
 lington has given great effect to his other astonishing military powers.
 
 SIR R. WALPOLE. 1 
 
 field as they rendered him pre-eminent in the council and the senate, chap. 
 But it is on rare occasions only that a general has an opportunity of J735 
 distinguishing himself. And whilst the civil affairs of this mighty 
 nation are constantly calling for the exertion of the greatest abilities, 
 our history exhibits comparatively few who have immortalized their 
 names by their successes in war. 
 
 Mr. Pitt's most intimate associates in Parliament at this time, 
 and for several subsequent years, were his schoolfellow, George Lyt- 
 tleton, member for Oakhampton, and Richard Grenville, (afterwards 
 Earl Temple) member for Buckingham. These three gentlemen, indeed, 
 were closely connected by marriage : Sir Thomas, the father of George 
 Lyttleton, had married Christian, one of the daughters of Lord Cob- 
 ham ; Richard Grenville's father had marripd Hpstpr, the other sister ; 
 and Thomas, the brother of William Pitt, was married to Christian, 
 George Lyttleton's sister. It was by the interest of the Pitt family 
 that George Lyttleton was returned for Oakhampton. A very short 
 time after Mr. Pitt had taken his seat in Parliament, a motion being 
 made by Mr. Pulteney to refer the navy estimates to a select com- 
 mittee, he was, with Mr. Sandys, appointed a teller of the minority 
 upon that question. He did not speak in 1735. Nothing indeed of 
 any great national importance occurred during this period, or, probably, 
 his ardour would not have been restrained by the consideration of the 
 short experience he possessed of parliamentary proceedings. We may 
 suppose him, in the mean time, to have been intently observing the 
 proceedings and characters of the many able men around him. It 
 may be interesting to the reader, and enable him to form a clearer 
 conception of Mr. Pitt's character and subsequent proceedings if I 
 here give a short account of some of the principal persons at that time 
 on the side of government, and in the opposition. The administration 
 was then, and for many years before had been, conducted by one of 
 the most extraordinary men the country has produced. By dint of 
 industry and an uncommon talent for business and debate. Sir Robert 
 Walpole had raised himself to the first appointments in the government 
 of the kingdom. First Lord of the Treasury, Chancellor of the Ex-
 
 8 SIR R. WALPOLE. 
 
 CHAP, chequer, the friend of his sovereign, the manager of the House of 
 ni-i. Commons, he wanted alone the favour of the people. His system of 
 
 ■=== government was altogether pacific, and there can be little doubt that 
 it was owing to the long repose the country enjoyed under his admi- 
 nistration, that she was afterwards enabled to advance the prodigious 
 sums expended on our different continental alliances. But with what- 
 ever ability Walpole might have discharged the duties of his financial 
 and diplomatic departments, his public conduct is liable to two most 
 serious charges of reproach. The constant ridicule which he cast 
 upon the idea of patriotism and public spirit, and the undisguised 
 manner in which he avowed his practices of corruption, although they 
 exempt him from the charge of hypnrrisy, must for ever destroy his 
 claim to the character of an upriglit minister: whilst the tameness 
 with which he suffered the insults of foreign nations exposed his coun- 
 try to continual shame. A wise minister will ever be desirous of 
 peace, but he will possess the tact to perceive where war is unavoid- 
 able, and when he strikes a blow it will not be w ith the palsied arm of 
 apathy or fear, but one which shall be long and deeply felt by the 
 enemy. Every one is acquainted with the disputes between England 
 and Spain during the first part of the last century. Whoever consi- 
 ders the state of the two countries, the peculiar ferment throughout 
 England, and the contemptuous aggressions of Spain upon our navy, 
 must acknowledge that Walpole could have no reasonable hopes of 
 preventing a war ; by protracting it, therefore, he was only subjecting 
 the nation to added insolence and loss. I am not ignorant of all that 
 has been written in his defence. But he has not been exculpated. 
 The charges to which, in my opinion, the public character of Walpole 
 is still amenable, are those of timidity and corruption. Corruption 
 with regard to his internal arrangements, timidity with respect to our 
 foreign affiirs. Walpole 's colleagues in the ministry at this time were 
 men of ordinary talents. With the exception of Lord Hervey and the 
 Earl of Hardwicke in the House of Lords ; Henry Pelham, and Mr. 
 Winnington in the House of Commons, there is scarcely a name 
 which posterity would remember without a reference to the indices of
 
 SIR R. WALPOLE— LORD BOLINGBROKE. 9 
 
 history. The abiUties of the country were to be found in the ranks of CHAP, 
 opposition. The formidable nature of that opposition will be seen, 1735 
 from a consideration of the threefold sources of its strength. In the ^^ 
 
 first place, many of the most able among the Whigs, either from dis- 
 appointed feeling in not obtaining employment under the government, 
 or from personal dislike to the minister, were warmly opposed to 
 his measures. In the second place, all the Tory interest, so strong in 
 the latter years of Queen Anne, and which the lapse of twenty years 
 had not very materially reduced, was combined against him. In the 
 third place, the Jacobite party, with a few sturdy champions at its 
 head, who scarcely shrunk from the avowal of their principles, were 
 his determined opponents. At the head of the first class in the House 
 of Commons were William and Daniel Pulteney, Sir J. Barnard, Lord 
 Polwarth and Mr. Sandys. Sir W. Wyndham was the leader of the 
 tories. His opposition was grounded upon hostility to the government 
 as well as to the minister. Although he was highly esteemed by his 
 party, his conduct in the year 17 1 6 seems to have justified Walpole 
 in classing him with the favourers of the Pretender. The eloquence 
 of this gentleman was of the most animated kind, and rendered him, 
 with the exception of William Pulteney, the most formidable opponent 
 of Sir R. Walpole in the House of Commons. The disinterested and 
 inflexible William Shippen was an avowed Jacobite. Although not a 
 graceful, he was a pointed and energetic speaker. However we may 
 condemn his political principles, we must deeply respect the virtue of 
 the only man whom Walpole could affirm to be beyond the reach of 
 corruption. In the House of Lords, the highest male subject in the realm, 
 the immediate heir to the throne, was the patron of the adversaries of 
 Sir R. Walpole. The polished and witty Chesterfield, the elegant and 
 impassioned Carteret, there employed their learning and eloquence 
 against him. Of his opposers, who did not possess a seat in either 
 House of Parliament, Lord Bolingbroke was, by far, the most eminent. 
 In the charms of conversation, in personal address, in elegance and 
 richness of written composition he was excelled by none. With such 
 talents it is not surprising that he possessed great influence with the 
 VOL. I. C
 
 10 SIR R. WALPOLE— THE PRINCE OF WALES. 
 
 CHAP. Prince of Wales, and with all his associates. Every one knows in 
 1735, what fervent strains Pope and Swift have declared their admiration of 
 the all-accomplished BoUugbroke. His character is now better under- 
 stood. His writings are before the world, and prove him to have 
 been a Aisionary and dangerous politician: and many circumstances 
 have transpired to shew that he was a treacherous friend and a dis- 
 honest subject. Happily the known immorality of his hfe prevented 
 the more general reception of his principles. Besides these elevated 
 characters, Walpole by his neglect of literary genius had enlisted 
 nearly all the talent of the country against him. The press was con- 
 tinually attacking him in every possible manner. 
 
 With such formidable opponents in Parliament, and with such 
 adversaries among the people, it is most extraordinary that Sir R. 
 Walpole should have been so long able to retain his audiority. It has 
 been said that his power was at its greatest height about the year 
 1735, but whoever attentively considers the exertions and sacrifices 
 the minister was compelled to make in support of his friends in the 
 different contested elections, and the diminished number of his adhe- 
 rents in the parliament assembled in the preceding year, will perceive 
 that it was otherwise. The strength of his adversaries was at once 
 seen upon the opening of parliament on the 14th January, 1734. 
 The formidable minority of 185 against 265, upon the question of a 
 vote of address to the throne, was ominous of a prevailing opposition 
 upon future occasions. 
 
 The principal friends of Mr.Pitt were in opposition to the minister, 
 and attached to the party of the Prince of Wales. Mr. Pitt had soon 
 an opportunity of testifying his zeal in the cause of that illustrious 
 personage. The attachment of Frederick, Prince of Wales, to the 
 Princess Royal of Prussia, and the causes which prevented his mar- 
 riage with her, although not mentioned by many English historians, 
 are facts well known. It is so very seldom that princes can have the 
 opportunity of forming a union upon the principles of real affection, 
 that one cannot help feeling much at the disappointment of these 
 royal lovers." Some time after this, an arrangement was made for the
 
 ELOQUENCE OF MR. PITT. 11 
 
 Prince's marriage with Augusta, Princess of Saxe-Gotha. However CHAP, 
 the feelings of his former attachment might lead the Prince to oppose J735 
 this marriage in the iirst instance, it is certain that his heart soon sur- ■ 
 
 rendered itself to the beauty and accomplishments of the Princess of 
 Saxe-Gotha, and that he subsequently became a most attached and 
 devoted husband. The marriage was solemnized on the 27th April, 
 1736. Upon this occasion Mr. Pulteney moved an address of con- 
 gratulation to the throne; and now it was that Mr. Pitt, in a maiden 
 speech, first drew attention to his words, which never afterwards were 
 heard with indifference. Monstratus fat is Vespatianus. That the 
 reader may be the better able to judge of the effect produced by 
 the eloquence of Mr. Pitt upon all occasions, it will be necessary to 
 keep constantly in mind the personal and organic excellencies of this 
 vehement orator. If the remark of Demosthenes respecting the pre- 
 eminent advantages of pronunciation possess any truth, it was never 
 more completely verified than in the instance of Mr. Pitt. " His 
 voice was both full and clear; his lowest whisper was distinctly heard; 
 his middle tones were sweet, rich, and beautifully varied ; when he 
 elevated his voice to its highest pitch, the house was completely 
 filled with the volume of the sound. The effect was awful, except 
 when he wished to cheer or animate. He then had spirit-stirring 
 notes which were perfectly irresistible. He frequently rose, on a 
 sudden, from a very low to a very high key, but it seemed to be with- 
 out effort ." As to person, nature had stamped more forcibly on no 
 man the impression of an orator. His figure was tall and manly, and 
 the ordinary spectator was struck with the grace and dignity of his 
 look and deportment. But the eye was his most wonderful feature. 
 It is neither the language of romance nor of exaggeration to say that 
 the keen lightning of that eye often blasted the courage of the most 
 intrepid of his opponents. Its other powers were peculiar and unri- 
 valled, and the fascination of its glance was such, that few could with- 
 stand it. A contemporary historian describes Mr. Pitt's Iirst speech 
 
 ■" Butler's Reminiscences— Lord Chatham.
 
 12 MR. PITT'S FIRST SPEECH IN PARLIAMENT. 
 
 CHAP, a.s superior even to the models of antient eloquence. According to 
 J 735 Tindal, it was more ornamented than the speeches of Demosthenes, 
 
 "^^^ and less diffuse than those of Cicero. The following is the imperfect 
 specimen of it which remains*. 
 
 *' I am unable, Sir, to offer any thing suitable to the dignity and 
 importance of the subject, which has not already been said by my 
 Honourable Friend' who made the motion. But I am so affected 
 with the prospect of the blessings to be derived by my country from 
 this most desirable, this long desired measure — the marriage of his 
 Royal Highness, the Prince of Wales, that I cannot forbear troubling 
 the House w ith a few words expressive of my joy. I cannot help 
 mingling my offering, inconsiderable as it is, with this oblation of 
 thanks and congratulation to his Majesty. 
 
 " However great, Sir, the joy of the public may be, and great un- 
 doubtedly it is, in receiving this benefit from his Majesty, it must yet 
 be inferior to that high satisfaction which he himself enjoys in bestow- 
 ing it. If I may be allowed to suppose that any thing in a Royal 
 mind can transcend the pleasure of gratifying the earnest wishes of a 
 loyal people, it can only be the tender, paternal delight of indulging 
 the most dutiful application, the most humble request of a submissive 
 and obedient son. I mention. Sir, His Royal Highness' having asked 
 a marriage, because something is in justice due to him for having 
 asked that, for which being granted, we are so strongly bound, by all 
 the ties of duty and gratitude, to return his Majesty our humble 
 acknowledgments. 
 
 "The marriage of a Prince of Wales, Sir, has at all times, been a 
 matter of the highest importance to the public welfare, to present, to 
 future generations. But at no time, (if a character at once amiable 
 and respectable, can embellish and even dignify, the elevated rank of 
 a Prince of Wales,) has it been a more important, a dearer conside- 
 
 ' This Speech was originally reported by Guthrie. It was then inserted into the Gentle- 
 man's Magazine for 1736, and afterwards introduced by Chandler and others into their collec- 
 tions of Debates. 
 
 ' Mr. Lyttleton.
 
 MR. PITT'S FIRST SPEECH IN PARLIAMENT. 13 
 
 ration than at this day. Were it not a sort of presumption to follow CHAP, 
 so great a personage through his hours of retirement ; to view him in 173^3, 
 the milder Ught of domestic life, we should find him engaged in the 
 noble exercise of humanity, benevolence, and every social virtue. 
 But, Sir, however pleasing, however captivating such a scene may 
 be, yet, as it is a private one, I fear I should otfend the delicacy of 
 that virtue to which I so ardently desire to do justice, were I to offer 
 it to the consideration of this House, But, Sir, filial duty to his 
 Royal parents, a generous love of liberty, and a just reverence of the 
 British constitution — these are public virtues, and cannot escape the 
 applause and benedictions of the public. These are virtues. Sir, 
 which render his Royal Highness, not only a noble ornament, but a 
 firm support, if any could possibly be wanting, of that throne so 
 greatly filled by his Royal father. 
 
 " I have been led to say thus much of his Royal Highness' cha- 
 racter, because it is the consideration of that character which, above 
 all things, enforces the justice and goodness of his Majesty in the 
 measure now before us — a measure which the nation thought could 
 never be taken too soon, because it brings with it the promise of an 
 additional strength to the Protestant succession in his Majesty's illus- 
 trious and Royal House. The spirit of liberty dictated that succes- 
 sion, the same spirit now rejoices in the prospect of its being perpe- 
 tuated to latest posterity. It rejoices in the wise and happy choice 
 which his Majesty has been pleased to make of a Princess so amiably 
 distinguished in herself, so illustrious in the merit of her family, the 
 glory of whose great ancestor it is to have sacrificed himself in the 
 noblest cause for which a prince can draw his sword — the cause oi 
 liberty and the Protestant religion. 
 
 " Such, Sir, is the marriage, for which our most humble acknow- 
 ledgments are due to his Majesty. May it afford the comfort of see- 
 ing the Royal Family, numerous as, I thank God, it is, still growmg 
 and rising up into a third generation ! A family. Sir, which I most 
 earnestly hope may be as immortal as those liberties and that constitu- 
 tion which they came to maintain. Sir, I am heartily for the motion.
 
 l* DEPRIVED OF HIS COMMISSION IN THE ARMY. 
 
 CHAP. Mr. Pitt's name at this time constantly appeared in the Fist of the 
 
 173^; minority. Hi.s determined opposition and his known abihties neces- 
 sarily rendered him an object of marked attention to the minister. 
 It is said that Walpole no sooner heard the sound of his voice in 
 Parliament than he confessed an alarm. " We must at all events," 
 said he, " muzzle that terrible cornet of horse." Tlie services of such 
 an ally would have been most valuable to the minister, who, to secure 
 them, wouki, doubtless, have promoted Mr. Pitt's advancement in the 
 army. But the honor of the man was an insurmountable bar to the 
 purposes of corruption. Sir R. Walpole knew this, and, irritated 
 against the young senator, took from him his commission in the 
 army. The measure was as unwise as it was ungenerous. The mi- 
 nister might have known that the man whom ho could not bribe, he 
 could not hope to iiillmiflatc. But the same violent treatment had 
 recently been experienced by the Duke of Bolton and Lord Cobham. 
 They had been deprived of their regiments in consequence of their, 
 parliamentary opposition. The displeasure of Sir R. Walpole served 
 but to raise Mr. Pitt in the estimation of the public. It was upon 
 this occasion that his friend, ]Mr. Lyttleton, addressed to him the fol- 
 lowin<r lines. 
 
 o 
 
 " Long had thy virtues mark'd thee out for fame. 
 Far, far superior to a Comet's name ; 
 This gen'rous Walpole saw, and griev'd to find 
 So mean a post disgrace the human mind , 
 The servile standard from the free-born hand 
 He took, and bade thee lead the patriot band." 
 
 Nothing contributes more to cement friendship than similarity of 
 circumstances and sufferings. Mr. Pitt, from the time he lost his 
 commission, seems to have been more intimately admitted to the con- 
 fidence and esteem of Lord Cobham. But it was the corresponding 
 harmony of mind, the highest and most heroic qualities, the virtue 
 and good sense of each, w Inch constituted the basis of their friend- 
 ship.
 
 INMATES OF STOWE. 15 
 
 I can imagine nothing more delightful than the society assem- chap. 
 bled by Lord Cobham at his palace of Stowe. It has been truly said, j^Jg 
 that the society of a friend will reconcile the mind to the most dreary ■ ■ 
 abode. What then must have been the attractions of Stowe ! That 
 paradise of England, with its splendid mansion, its temples, and its 
 walks, was then inhabited by those whose lofty minds were as culti- 
 vated as the scenes around them. The gaze of the enquiring traveller 
 was then withdrawn from the beauties of the place, to rest with more 
 intense interest on the forms of senators and warriors, who seemed 
 worthy inmates for the temples they beheld. The charms of Mr, 
 Pitt's manners must have been as irresistible as his eloquence. The 
 fastidious Chesterfield tells us that he was a most agreeable and lively 
 companion in social life, and that he had such a versatility of wit that 
 he could adapt it to all sorts of conversation. The poet Thomson has 
 celebrated these qualities in the following lines. 
 
 " The fair majestic paradise of Stowe 
 
 And there, Pitt ! thy country's early boast, 
 
 There let me sit beneath the shelter'd slopes ; 
 
 Or in that temple ^ where in future times. 
 
 Thou well shalt merit a distinguish 'd name ; 
 
 And with thy converse blest, catch the last smile 
 
 Of Autumn beaming o'er the yellow woods. 
 
 While there with thee th' enchanted round I walk. 
 
 The regulated wild, gay fancy then 
 
 Will tread in thought the groves of Attic land ; 
 
 Will from thy standard taste re6ne her own. 
 
 Correct her pencil to the purest truth 
 
 Of Nature ; or, the unimpassion'd shades 
 
 Forsaking, raise it to the human mind. 
 
 Or, if hereafter she, with juster hand. 
 
 Shall draw the tragic scene, instruct her, thou ! 
 
 To mark the varied movements of the heart. 
 
 What every decent character requires, 
 
 And every passion speaks. O, thro' her strain 
 
 Breathe thy pathetic eloquence ! that moulds 
 
 ^ The Temple of Virtue in Stowe Gardens.
 
 16 MARRIAGE OF THE PRINCE OF WALES— ANECDOTE. 
 
 QH/^yy Th' attentive Senate, charms, persuades, exalts; 
 
 I. Of honest zeal th' indignant lightning throws, 
 
 ^''^''- And shakes Corruption on her venal throne." 
 
 Hammond also, with no less elegance, has thus described Mr. 
 Pitt"; 
 
 " To Stowe's delightful scenes I now repair. 
 In Cobham's smile to lose the jrloom of care 
 
 There Pitt, in mannere soft, in friendship warm, 
 With mild advice my listening grief shall charm. 
 With sensp. fn roiinsel, and with wit to please, 
 A Roman's virtue, with a courtier's ease." 
 
 The marriage of the Prince of Wales, although originally pro- 
 posed by the King, had by no means effected a lasting reconciliation 
 between those personages. The Prince, as I have observed, was in 
 habits of intimacy with many of the bitterest enemies of Sir R. 
 Walpole, and, as the latter represented them, with many enemies of 
 the crown. It is not extraordinary, therefore, that the measures 
 recommended by the advisers of the Prince, were opposed by the 
 Minister. Of this description was a scheme, devised several years 
 before by Bolingbroke, to augment the revenues of the heir apparent. 
 On the 22nd February, 1737, Mr. Pulteney brought forward his cele- 
 brated motion of an address to the King beseeching his Majesty to 
 settle 100,000/. per annum on the Prince of Wales. After long and 
 vehement debates in both houses of Parliament, the motion was 
 rejected by the small majority of 234 against 204 in the Commons, 
 
 '' The following anecdote relates to the time of which I now write. It is, beyond doubt, 
 authenticated, and well illustrates the power of Mr. Pitt's conversation. " The Prince of 
 Wales and Mr. Pitt were walking in the gardens of Stowe, apart from the general company, 
 who followed them at some distance. They were engaged in earnest conversation, when Lord 
 Cobham expressed his apprehension to one of his guests that Mr. Pitt would draw the Prince 
 into some measures of which his Lordship disapproved. The gentleman observed, that the tete- 
 a-tete could not be of long duration. ' Sir,' said Lord Cobham, with eagerness, ' you don't know 
 Mr. Pitt's taknt of insinuation ; in a very short quarter of an hour, he can persuade any one of 
 any thing.' " Butler's Reminiscences.
 
 DEATH OF QUEEN CAROLINE. . 17 
 
 and in the Lords by the considerable one of 103 against 40. It was chap. 
 supported by Mr. Pitt, and it is to be regretted that his speech, which 1737. 
 is said to have been most masterly, is no Avhere preserved. ' 
 
 The continued opposition of Mr. Pitt to Sir R. Walpole drew 
 upon him, at this time, the coarse and personal animadversion of the 
 Gazetteer, a periodical paper supported by the administration. The 
 attack was as illiberal as it was unjust, and whilst it throws not the 
 shadow of a fault upon Mr. Pitt's character, proves how much the 
 minister was galled by his eloquence. In answer to this attack, Mr. 
 Pitt was defended by the Craftsman, another periodical paper, but 
 written Avith much greater talent than the Gazetteer, and the occa- 
 sional vehicle of the opinions of Lord Bolingbroke. The unhappy 
 difference between the King and the Prince of Wales was now at its 
 height. It is not my intention to discuss the propriety of the mea- 
 sures which each adopted. There were faults, (if I may be allowed to 
 say so,) on both sides. Perhaps the Prince was, in some points, 
 treated with unnecessary severity. He possessed many amiable qua- 
 lities, but his conduct, in twice removing the Princess, when in a 
 pregnant state, Avas highly reprehensible, and seems only designed to 
 harass and incense his parents. It was in consequence of this con- 
 duct, that his Royal Highness, on the 10th September, received a 
 message from his Majesty, desiring him to quit the palace of St. 
 James's. Accordingly he retired with the Princess to Norfolk House, 
 in St. James's Square, where he took up his residence. It was at this 
 time that Mr. Pitt was appointed groom of the bed-chamber, and 
 Mr. Lyttleton private secretary, to his Royal Highness. 
 
 The death of Queen Caroline, on the 20th November, was a 
 dreadful blow upon the minister, who, since the accession of George 
 II., had been highly honored with her confidence. Her Majesty's 
 influence M"ith the King was great, being founded upon affection as 
 well as respect. Soon after this event, the opposition brought for- 
 ward, Mith increased violence, the long agitated question of the Spa- 
 nish aggressions upon our merchants in the American seas. As Mr. 
 Pitt took a prominent part in this question, and as it was one which 
 
 VOL. I. D
 
 18 DISPUTES BETWEEN ENGLAND AND SPAIN. 
 
 CHAP, then completely en<i;rossed the public attention, and was attended by 
 
 jyjj'y the most important results, it will be proper to consider it with care. 
 
 " For this purpose, it will be necessary to trace the line of conduct 
 
 adopted by England and Spain for many years previous to this 
 
 period.
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 1738. 
 
 Disputes between England and Spain — Disgraceful apathy of Sir R. Walpole upon that 
 subject — Speech of Mr. Pitt in favour of a reduction in the army — Celebrated conven- 
 tion with Spain — Speech of Mr, Pitt against the convention — War with Spai?i — Speech 
 of Mr, Pitt upon Admiral Haddock's instructio7is — Upon Sir C. Wager's bill for the 
 encouragement of seamen — Reply to Horace Walpole and Mr, Winnington — Decline of 
 Sir R. Walpole's potver — Mr, Pitt's speech on the motion to remove kirn — The minister 
 is left in a minority upon several questions — He resigns, and is created Earl of Orford — 
 His policy in dividing his political adversaries. 
 
 The preposterous claim of an exclusive right to the whole continent CHAP, 
 of America assumed by Ferdinand, soon after the discoveries of 1738 
 Columbus, had never been relinquished by the succeeding Sovereigns ^"^"^^ 
 of Spain, Although the naval power of that kingdom had sustained 
 the severest losses, and its extensive empire had been vastly reduced ; 
 although settlements on the continent and islands of America had 
 been formed by the Dutch, the French, and the English, still its 
 original title had not been renounced. Much altercation continued 
 between the Courts of London and Madrid respecting the possessions 
 of the two countries in America, and much hostility between the 
 respective subjects of each till the year 1667, when the possessions of 
 England in America were tacitly admitted by Spain. With the 
 exception of the eighth article, the treaty of 1667 related to Europe 
 alone ; but in I67O another treaty was concluded between the two 
 countries for the purpose of adjusting their maritime disputes. The 
 express meaning of certain articles in these treaties went to prohibit 
 the mutual trade between the subjects of the two countries in 
 
 D 2
 
 '20 Disputes between England and spain. 
 
 CHAP. America; and the Spaniards, upon the strength of the same treaties, 
 I73,j^ had ever claimed the right of searching British vessels which passed 
 
 "^"""^"^ near their American ports. So long as the rixalry between France 
 and Spain subsisted, the latter kingdom naturally favored the interest 
 of the British, and considered their possessions in America as afibrd- 
 ing strength and protection to its own. The letter of the treaties was, 
 therefore, not rigidly enforced, and much latitude was allowed to the 
 English in their conuiiercial intercourse with America. But this 
 was not to endure. The accession of a Bourbon prince to the throne 
 of Spain w as one of those events which are perpetually occurring to 
 disturb the harmony of kingdoms, and to occasion embarrassments in 
 the fulfilment of treaties. 
 
 The views of Philip the Vth were naturally favorable to France. 
 No sooner had he obtained secure possession of his throne than he 
 was led to regard America with particular attention. The ninth article 
 of the treaty of 1670, which permitted a commercial intercourse 
 between the English and Spaniards in America, (a licence from the 
 Sovereign for the purpose being first obtained,) was annulled, and 
 the remaining articles ordered to be literally enforced. This, of 
 course, created the greatest confusion. Nothing is more diflicult 
 than to compel men to forego customs and ad\antages to which they 
 have lonof considered themselves entitled. Our merchants and seamen 
 for a leufrth of time had been allowed to transjiress the letter of the 
 treaties of 1667 and 10"70, and had carried on a trade with the Spanish 
 Settlements in America to a very considerable extent. It was very 
 diiiicult to convince men of the illegality of practices in which for years 
 they had indulged Avith impunity ; and it was absurd to suppose they 
 would abandon them without resistance. The means adopted by the 
 Spaniards to enforce the strict observance of the treaties were calcu- 
 lated still more to inflame the hostility of the British. There can be 
 no doubt that the Spanish Government not only autliorized its sub- 
 jects in America to resist the encroachments of the English merchants, 
 but connived at many gross outrages upon their liberty and their pro- 
 perty. Many of these grievances were probably exaggerated by the
 
 APATHY OF SIR R. WALPOLE. 21 
 
 leaders of opposition in this country, but they certainly were too CHAP, 
 tamely submitted to by the government. The rights, the liberty of a 1738. 
 British subject, like those of an antient Roman, cannot be too jealously =" 
 guarded, and that minister undoubtedly compromises the dignity of 
 the empire, who views with apathy the injuries sustained by the 
 meanest of his countrymen \ To such a charge, the conduct of 
 Walpole, with regard to those who had suffered by Spanish oppres- 
 sion, is justly amenable. He himself acknowledged, that the subjects 
 of this kingdom had met with treatment from the Spanish guard- 
 ships and governors in America, which called for the highest resent- 
 ment, and it was a mean and short sighted poUcy to endeavour to 
 film over a wound which was daily becoming wider, and beyond his 
 power to heal. The strongest measures should then have been taken 
 by the government. Remonstrances had been long ineffectually tried, 
 and redress was to be expected from arms alone. The nation was in 
 a state of agitation on the subject of these disputes when the Parlia- 
 ment assembled on the 24th January, 1738. A motion was made 
 by the ministry on the 3d February for maintaining 17,400 men for 
 the army ; this was vehemently resisted by the opposition, who, in a 
 spirit certainly at variance with their avowed sentiments in favor of 
 war, proposed that the number should be reduced to 12,000. On 
 this occasion, Mr. Shippen pronounced a warm eulogium upon the 
 Tories ; he contended that the liberties of the people were more secure 
 in times previous to the Revolution, than they subsequently had been, 
 and he charged the Whigs who now voted in support of a standing- 
 army, with abandoning the principles of their ancestors. He was 
 answered by Sir R. Walpole in a speech of considerable artifice and 
 argument, in which he affected to comprehend the Tory and Jacobite 
 parties under one class. To this speech Sir J. H. Cotton repUed ; 
 Sir R. Walpole rejoined, pointedly adverting to the Pretender, and 
 again bringing forward his charge of Jacobitism upon the Tories. 
 
 ^ The apathy of Sir. R. Walpole is forcibly contrasted to the decided measures taken many 
 years after, by Mr. Pitt, when minister, for the liberation of Mr. Irwin and Captain Tate, then 
 prisoners in Spain. See Mr. Pitt's letter to the Earl of Bristol, Chap. xv.
 
 22 SPEECH OF MR. PITT 
 
 CHAP. After Mr. Pulteney had spoken, and a few others of inferior consider- 
 1738. ation, the debate concluded on that day without a division. It was, 
 
 '^="'^^^ however, subsequently renewed, and speeches were delivered by 
 Colonel Mordaunt, Lord Polwarth, Sir Thomas L. Saunderson, Sir 
 Joseph Jekyl, and Mr. Lyttleton. In the course of his speech Sir T. 
 Saunderson expressed surprise that any persons, holding places under 
 government, should argue in favour of a reduction of the army, 
 pointedly alluding to Sir J. Jekyl and Mr. Lyttleton. It was with 
 particular reference to this declaration that Mr. Pitt spoke. The sen- 
 timents of most of the speakers, on this occasion, have been grossly 
 misrepresented by historians. The following speech assigned by 
 Chandler to Mr. Pitt, is, in many points, defective in that energy of 
 thought and expression by which he was characterized ^ 
 
 " As to what the Honorable Gentleman has said respecting those 
 whom he calls Placemen, I shall agree with him, that, if they were to 
 be directed in their opinions by the places they held, they might 
 unite for the support of each other against the general good of the 
 nation : but I hope none are under such directions, I am sure the 
 honourable gentleman himself is not, and therefore I am convinced he 
 is not serious when he talks of being surprised at any placeman's 
 declaring for a reduction of our army. Of all men, those, who enjoy 
 places of profit under our government, ought to be the most cautious 
 of loading the public with any unnecessary tax or expense, because 
 as the places they possess generally bring them in more than their 
 share of our taxes can amount to, it may properly be said that by 
 consenting to any article of public expense, they lay a load upon 
 others of which they themselves bear no share. 
 
 " I must look upon myself as a Placeman, as well as the Honor- 
 able Gentleman who spoke last. I am in the service of one of the 
 branches of the Royal Family, I think it an honour to be so; but I 
 should think otherwise were I not as free to give my opinion upon any 
 question that happens in this house, as I was before I possessed such 
 
 ' Tliis speech first appeared in the London Magazine, where the reader will find it assigned to 
 Mr. Pitt under the appellation of Julius Florus.
 
 IN FAVOUR OF A REDUCTION IN THE ARMY, 23 
 
 place, and I believe, from the behaviour of Gentlemen upon this very chap 
 occasion, it will oppear that all those in the same service with myself J738. , 
 possess the same freedom, because I believe they will, upon the ques- ==" 
 tion before us, appear to hold different opinions. But there is another 
 set of Placemen whose behaviour surprises me much, because upon 
 every question respecting public affairs they are always unanimous ; 
 and I confess it is to me a little astonishing, that two or three hun- 
 dred Gentlemen should, by an unaccountable sort of unanimity, always 
 agree in opinion, upon the many different questions which annually 
 occur. I am convinced, this surprising unanimity does not proceed 
 from any effect of the places they hold under the crown; for if it did, 
 a man's being possessed of any place under the crown, would be an 
 infallible reason for the people not to trust him with the preservation 
 of their liberties, or the disposal of their properties in Parliament. 
 
 " Then, as to the Tories, and suspected Jacobites, I am surprised 
 to hear any comparison made between them and the fat man in the 
 crowd. There are so few of either class in the kingdom, that I am 
 sure they can give no man an occasion of being afraid of them, and 
 therefore there is not the least shadow of reason for saying, that they 
 compel us to keep up such a numerous standing army, 
 
 " Our large army, may properly be compared to the fat man in the 
 crowd, for the maintaining such an army is the first cause of our dis- 
 contents, and those discontents we now find are made the chief pre- 
 text for the necessity of an army. Remove therefore the army, or but 
 a considerable part of it, and the discontents complained of will 
 cease. 
 
 " I come now to the only argument employed by the Honorable 
 Gentleman which can admit of serious consideration; and if our army 
 were entirely, or but generally composed of veterans inured to the 
 fatigues and the dangers of war, and such as have often ventured their 
 lives against the enemies of their country, I confess it would possess 
 considerable weight. But, considering the circumstances of our pre- 
 sent army, I can scarcely think my Honorable Friend serious, when 
 he made use of such argument. As for the officers of the army, they
 
 -♦ SPEECH OF MR.- PITT 
 
 CHAP, are quite out of the question, for in case of a reduction there is a hand- 
 1738. «ome provision for t very one of them. No man can doubt that they 
 Mould be put upon half pa}', nor would any man oppose it. And 
 here I must observe, that I belic\e our half pay is as good, or better, 
 than full pay in any other country in Europe, for, according to the 
 method in w hich our army is now maintained, I could shew by calcu- 
 lation that it costs the nation more than would maintain three times 
 the number of men, either in Germany or France. As to the soldiers, 
 I believe it may be said, of at least three-fourths of them, that they 
 never underwent any fatigues beside those of reviews, nor were ever 
 exposed to danger beside that of apprehending smugglers or dispersing 
 mobs; therefore I must think they have no claim to any greater 
 reward than the pay they have already received, nor should I think 
 we were guilty of the least ingratitude were they all turned adrift to- 
 morrow morning. 
 
 " But suppose, Sir, the soldiers of our army were all such as had 
 served a campaign or two against a public enemy, is it from this to 
 be inferred that they must for ever after live idly ? That they must be 
 maintained at the public expense, in such a manner as to be danger- 
 ous to the liberties of their country? At this rate, if a man has but 
 once ventured his life in the public service, he must for ever be, not 
 only a burthen, but a terror to his country. This would be a reward 
 of which I am sure no brave soldier would accept, and which no 
 honest soldier would desire. That we should shew a proper gratitude 
 to those who have ventured their lives in the service of their country, 
 is what I most readily allow, but this gratitude ought to be shewn in 
 such a way as not to be dangerous to our liberties, nor too burthen- 
 some to the people; and therefore, when a war is at an end, if a 
 soldier can provide for himself, either by his labour, or by his own 
 private fortune, he ought not to expect, and, if he is not of a merce- 
 nary disposition, he will scorn to receive, any other rewards than those 
 which consist in the peculiar honour and privileges, which may and 
 ought to be conferred upon him. 
 
 " That we ought to shew a proper gratitude to all who have
 
 IN FAVOUR OF A REDUCTION IN THE ARMY. 25 
 
 ventured their lives in the cause of their country, is, I repeat, what CHAP, 
 none can deny; yet, as these laws now stand, an old officer who has 1733. 
 often spilt his blood in the public service may be dismissed and re- "=^= 
 duced, perhaps to a starving condition, at the arbitrary M'ill and 
 caprice of a minister. So that, by the present establishment 
 of the army, the reward of a soldier seems to depend, not upon 
 the services done to his country, but upon the services he does 
 to those who happen to be ministers at the time. Is not this a de- 
 fect in the present establishment? And yet, when a law was proposed 
 for supplying this defect, we may remember the reception it met 
 with, even from those who now insist upon the gratitude which is 
 due to the army." 
 
 The motion for a reduction in the number of troops was lost by 
 249 against l64. Soon after this, the House passed the resolution, 
 to which I have alluded in the preface, prohibiting the publication of 
 its debates and proceedings. The remainder of the session was occu- 
 pied by the discussion of the Spanish aggressions. Parliament again 
 assembled on the 1st of February, 1739- The convention which had 
 been made with Spain was now the great subject of consideration. 
 This celebrated measure, chiefly framed by the two Walpoles, was to 
 the following effect : " That the respective claims of England and 
 Spain, as to the trade and navigation in America and Europe, and as 
 to the limits of Florida and Carolina and other points in dispute, 
 should be regulated by plenipotentiaries, according to the former 
 treaties subsisting between the two kingdoms : That the plenipoten- 
 tiaries should finish their conferences within eight months : That, in 
 the mean time, no progress should be made in the fortifications of 
 Florida and Carolina : That his Catholic Majesty should pay 95,000/. 
 to the King of Great Britain, as a balance due, after deducting the 
 demands of Spain : That this sum should be employed for the satis- 
 faction, discharge, and payment, of the demands of the British sub- 
 jects upon the crown of Spain : That this reciprocal discharge, how- 
 ever, should not extend or relate to the accounts and ditVerences sub- 
 sisting between the crown of Spain and the Assiento company, nor to 
 
 VOL. I. E
 
 26 CELEBRATED CONVENTION WITH SPAIN. 
 
 CHAP, any particular or private contracts that might subsist between either 
 1739. of the two crowns or their ministers, with the subjects of the other ; 
 or between the subjects of each nation respectively." 
 
 It surely was not from such a treaty, which left undefined so 
 many subjects of dispute, and which seemed to shrink from a consi- 
 deration of the chief causes of the alleged violence and depredations, 
 that any proper atonement for past injuries, any solid foundation of 
 future security, could reasonably be expected. As to the great ad- 
 dress, which his admirers have attributed to Sir R. Walpole, for 
 avoiding the mention of the obnoxious claim of searching our vessels, 
 upon which he believed the King of Spain would Insist, I think it the 
 height of timidity and meanness. A statesman, of such experience 
 as Walpole, ought to have long seen, from the temper of the country, 
 that it was vain to conceal the great causes of complaint. He ought 
 to have seen that, if even Spain had fulfilled the terms of the conven- 
 tion, in the most explicit and honorable manner, the exposure of our 
 vessels to the miseries and indignities of search, however agreeable to 
 treaties, would no longer be endured. The most he could hope from 
 the convention, was a short protraction of hostilities ; but he clung to 
 a prolongation of peace with the same sort of eagerness that the 
 w retched prisoner does to a respite of his final sentence. He possibly 
 supposed that some favourable accident might occur to change the 
 pubHc tide of opinion. 
 
 At this distance of time, when the difference In the situation of 
 Spain and England is so Immeasurably great, It Is difficult to convey 
 an adequate idea of the tremendous sensation throughout the country, 
 occasioned by the discussion of this convention. No subsequent 
 events, neither the French Revolution, nor the successes nor over- 
 throw of Napoleon, have more Intensely interested the nation. No- 
 thing was heard of but the cruelties. Insults, and depredations inflicted 
 by the Spaniards ; the losses, sufferings, and disgraces sustained by 
 the British. On the day appointed for the discussion of the conven- 
 tion in the House of Commons, four hundred members had taken
 
 SPEECH OF MR. PITT AGAINST THE CONVENTION. 27 
 
 their seats before eight o'clock in the morning. Two days were em- CHAP, 
 ployed in reading papers and obtaining information on the subject. 1739. 
 On the 8th of March, Mr. Horace Walpole, after a very able speech, " 
 in which he considered at great length the various points involved by 
 the convention, concluded with moving that " the House return thanks 
 to his Majesty for the communication of the convention ; for bringing 
 the demands of his subjects to a final determination, and for procuring 
 a speedy payment for the losses sustained by the merchants ; declar- 
 ing their satisfaction in the foundation laid, for preventing and re- 
 moving similar abuses in future, and for preserving peace ; to express 
 a reliance on the King, that effectual care would be taken for securing 
 and establishing the freedom of navigation in the American seas ; that 
 the British subjects may enjoy, unmolested, their undoubted right of 
 navigating and trading to and from any part of his Majesty's domi- 
 nions, without being liable to be stopped, visited, or searched in the 
 open seas, or being subject to any other violation of the treaties sub- 
 sisting ; and that, in settling the limits of his dominions in America, 
 the greatest regard would be had to the rights and possessions be- 
 longing to the crown and subject; and to assure the King, that, in 
 case his just expectations should not be answered, the House would 
 support him in taking such measures, as might be most conducive to 
 \indicate the honour and dignity of his crown, and the rights of his 
 people." 
 
 This address went infinitely further than the convention, and was 
 calculated of itself to procure unanimity. But it was remembered, 
 that the convention itself, and not any address upon the subject, was 
 the chief object of consideration. After several members of the op- 
 position had vehemently expressed their objections to it, Mr. Pitt rose 
 and delivered the following celebrated speech % 
 
 " I can by no means think that the complicated question now 
 before us, is the proper, the direct manner of taking the sense of this 
 
 ■^ This Speech also first appeared in the London Magazine. It is marked by that force and 
 
 Pitt. 
 
 e2 
 
 fire which characterized the language of Mr. Pitt,
 
 i28 SPEECH OF MR. PITT AGAINST THE CONVENTION. 
 
 CHAP, committee. We have here the soft name of an humble address to 
 1739 the throne proposed, and for no other end than to lead gentlemen into 
 an approbation of the convention. But is this that full, deliberate 
 examination, which we were with defiance called upon to give ? Is 
 this cursory, blended disquisition of matter of such variety and extent, 
 all we owe to ourselves and our country ? When trade is at stake, it 
 is your last entrenchment ; you must defend it or perish; and whatever 
 is to decide, that deserves the most distinct consideration, and the 
 most direct, undisguised sense of Parliament. But how are we now 
 proceeding ? Upon an artificial, ministerial question ; — Here is all 
 the confidence, here is the conscious sense of the greatest service that 
 ever was done to this country''; to be complicating questions, to be 
 lumping sanction and approbation like a commissary's account ; to be 
 covering and taking sanctuary in the Royal name, instead of meeting 
 openly and standing fairly the direct judgment and sentence of Parlia- 
 ment upon the several articles of this convention. 
 
 " You have been moved to vote an humble address of thanks to 
 his Majesty for a measure which, (I will appeal to gentlemen's con- 
 ^ersation in the world) is odious throughout the kingdom. Such 
 thanks are only due to the fatal influence that framed it, as are due 
 lor that low, unallied condition abroad which is now made a plea for 
 this convention. 
 
 " To what are gentlemen reduced in support of it ? They first 
 try a little to defend it upon its own merits ; if that is not tenable, 
 they throw out general terrors — the House of Bourbon is united, who 
 knows the consequence of a war ? Sir, Spain knows the consequence 
 of a war in America ; whoever gains, it must prove fatal to her ; she 
 knows it, and must therefore avoid it ; but .she knows that England 
 dares not make it. And what is a delay, (which is all this magnified 
 convention is sometimes called,) to produce ? Can it produce such 
 conjunctions as those you have lost whilst you were giving kingdoms 
 
 '^ Alluding to the extravagant tenns of praise in which Mr. H. Walpole had spoken of the 
 convention, and of those who framed it.
 
 SPEECH OF MR. PITT AGAINST THE CONVENTION. 29 
 
 to Spain, and all to bring her back again to that great branch of the CHAP. 
 House of Bourbon, which is now held out to you as an object of so 1739. 
 much terror ? If this union be formidable, are we to delay only till ^^^"^^^^^ 
 it becomes more formidable, by being carried further into execution, 
 and by being more strongly cemented ? But be what it will, is this 
 any longer a nation ? Is this any longer an English Parliament, if 
 with more ships in your harbours than in all the navies of Europe ; 
 with above two millions of people in your American colonies, you will 
 bear to hear of the expediency of receiving from Spain an insecure, 
 unsatisfactory, dishonorable convention ? Sir, I call it no more than 
 it has been proved in this debate ; it carries fallacy or downright 
 subjection in almost every line. It has been laid open and exposed in 
 so many strong and glaring lights, that I can pretend to add nothing 
 to the conviction and indignaLion which it has raised. 
 
 " Sir, as to the great national objection, the searching your ships, 
 that favorite word, as it was called, is not, indeed, omitted, in the 
 preamble to the convention, but it stands there as the reproach of the 
 whole, as the strongest evidence of the fatal submission that follows. 
 On the part of Spain, an usurpation, an inhuman tyranny, claimed 
 and exercised over the American seas ; on the part of England, an 
 undoubted right by treaties, and from God and nature declared and 
 asserted in the resolutions of Parliament, are referred to the discus- 
 sion of plenipotentiaries upon one and the same equal foot. Sir, I 
 say this undoubted right is to be discussed and regulated. And if 
 to regulate is to prescribe rules, (as in all construction it is,) this 
 right is, by the express words of this convention, to be given up and 
 sacrificed ; for it must cease to be any thing from the moment it is 
 submitted to limits. 
 
 " The court of Spain has plainly told you, (as appears by 
 papers upon the table,) that you shall steer a due course, that you 
 shall navigate by a line to and from your plantations in America ; if 
 you draw near to her coast, (though from the circumstances of the 
 navigation you are under an unavoidable necessity of doing so,) you 
 shall be seized and confiscated. If, then, upon these terms only she
 
 30 SPEECH OF MR. PITT AGAINST THE CONVENTION. 
 
 CHAP, has consented to refer, •what becomes at once of all the security we 
 1739. ^""^ flattered with, in consequence of this reference ? Plenipoten- 
 ~ tiaries are to regulate finally the respective pretensions of the two 
 crowns with regard to trade and navigation in America ; but does a 
 man in Spain reason that these pretensions must be regulated to the 
 satisfaction and honor of England? No, Sir, they conclude, and 
 with reason, from the high spirit of their administration, from the 
 superiority with which they have so long treated you, that this refe- 
 rence must end, as it has begun, to their honour and advantage. 
 
 ** But, gentlemen say, the treaties subsisting are to be the mea- 
 sure of this regulation. Sir, as to treaties, I will take part of the 
 words of Sir William Temple, quoted by the honourable gentleman 
 near me ; it is vain to ncgociate and to make treaties if there is not 
 dignity and vigour sufficient to enforce their observance. Under 
 the misconstruction and misrepresentation of these very treaties subsist- 
 ing, this intolerable grievance has arisen ; it has been growing upon 
 you, treaty after treaty, through twenty years of negotiation, and even 
 under the discussion of commissaries, to whom it was referred. You 
 ha\e heard from Captain Vaughan, at your bar, at what time 
 these injuries and indignities were continued. As a kind of explana- 
 tory comment upon this convention which Spain has thought fit to 
 grant you, as another insolent protest, under the validity and force of 
 which she has suffered this convention to be proceeded upon, she 
 seems to say, we will treat with you, but we will search and take your 
 ships ; we will sign a convention, but we will keep your subjects 
 prisoners in Old Spain ; the West Indies are remote ; Europe .shall 
 witness in what manner we use you. 
 
 " As to the inference of an admission of our right not to be 
 searched, drawn from a reparation made for ships unduly seized and 
 confiscated, I think that argument is very inconclusive. The right 
 claimed by Spain to search our .ships is one thing, and the excesses 
 admitted to have been committed in consequence of this pretended 
 right, is another. But surely. Sir, to reason from inference and impli- 
 cation only, is below the dignity of your proceedings upon a right of
 
 SPEECH OF MR. PITT AGAINST THE CONVENTION. 31 
 
 this vast importance. What this reparation is, what sort of composi- CHAP, 
 tion for your losses, forced upon you by Spain, in an instance that has 1739. 
 come to light, where your own commissaries could not in conscience ''^^''''^^^^ 
 decide against your claim, has fully appeared upon examination ; and 
 as for the payment of the sum stipulated, (all but seven and twenty 
 thousand pounds, and that too subject to a drawback,) it is evidently 
 a fallacious nominal payment only. I will not attempt to enter into 
 the detail of a dark, confused, and scarcely intelligible account ; I will 
 only beg leave to conclude with one word upon it, in the light of a 
 submission, as well as of an adequate reparation. Spain stipulates to 
 pay to the crown of England ninety-five thousand pounds ; by a pre- 
 liminary protest of the King of Spain, the South Sea Company is at 
 once to pay sixty-eight thousand of it : if they refuse, Spain, 
 I admit, is still to pay the ninety-five thousand pounds : but how 
 does it then stand ? The Assiento contract is to be suspended. You 
 are to purchase this at the price of an exclusive trade, pursuant to a 
 national treaty, and of an immense debt, of God knows how many 
 hundred thousand pounds, due from Spain to the South Sea Com- 
 pany. Here, Sir, is the submission of Spain by the payment of a 
 stipulated sum ; a tax laid upon subjects of England, under the 
 severest penalties, with the reciprocal accord of an English minister 
 as a preliminary that the convention may be signed ; a condition 
 imposed by Spain in the most absolute, imperious manner, most 
 tamely and abjectly received by the ministers of England. Can any 
 verbal distinctions, any evasions whatever possibly explain away this 
 public infamy ? To whom would we disguise it ? To ourselves and 
 to the nation. I wish we could hide it from the eyes of every court 
 in Europe. They see that Spain has talked to you in the language of 
 a master ; they see this arbitrary fundamental condition, standing 
 forth with a pre-eminence of shame, as a part of this very convention. 
 " This convention. Sir, I think from my soul, nothing but a stipula- 
 tion for national ignominy; an illusory expedient, to bafiie the 
 resentment of the nation. A truce without a suspension of hostilities 
 on the part of Spain ; on the part of England, a real suspension.
 
 32 WAR DECLARED AGAINST SPAIN. 
 
 CHAP. As to Georgia, a suspension of the first law of nature, self-preserva- 
 1739. tion and self-defence; a surrender of the rights and trade of England 
 '^'''''^'''^^ to the mercy of plenipotentiaries, and, in this infinitely highest and 
 most sacred point — future security, not only inadequate, but directly 
 repugnant to the resolutions of Parliament, and the gracious promise 
 from the throne. The complaints of your despairing merchants, and 
 the voice of England have condemned it. Be the guilt of it upon the 
 head of the adviser. God forbid that this committee should share 
 the guilt by approving it !" 
 
 Sir R. Walpole spoke last on this very important question, and 
 reiterated the boasts which his brother had before made, of being the 
 principal author and adviser of the convention. The debate at length 
 closed in the Commons, and Horace Walpole's address was carried by 
 the small majority of 28, the numbers being 2C0 against 232. If the 
 struggle was severe in the lower house, it was maintained with equal 
 warmth and ability in the House of Lords. The speeches of the Earl 
 of Chesterfield and Lord Carteret against the articles of the conven- 
 tion are replete with argument, point, and knowledge; and the im- 
 petuous declamation of the Duke of Argyle, who had recently 
 deserted the minister, produced the most animated effect. The 
 House indeed agreed to an address, but the victory of the minister 
 was most dearly purchased. The Prince of Wales, 6" Dukes, 22 Earls, 
 4 Viscounts, 18 Barons, 4 Bishops, with l6 proxies, formed the mi- 
 nority; and thirty-nine of the most eminent among the nobility sub- 
 scribed a protest against the convention. 
 
 Spain failed, as it was foreseen, in the fulfilment of the conven- 
 tion, and however desirous Sir R. Walpole still was of peace, he was 
 compelled to yield to the sense of the nation '. War was accordingly 
 declared against Spain on the 19th October, 1739'- It is painful 
 
 ■^ The conduct of Walpole with respect to the convention reminds one of an observation of 
 Tacitus : " honestum pacis nomen segni otio imposuit." 
 
 ^ Frederick of Prussia has several times remarked of this war, " que I'Angleterre et I'Espagne 
 se faisoient la guerre dans le nouveau monde pour deux oreilles Angloises que les Espagnols 
 avoient coupees, et qui depensoient des sommes iramenses pour des objets de contrebande bien
 
 MR. PITT'S SPEECH ON ADMIRAL HADDOCK'S INSTRUCTIONS. 33 
 
 to look back, even at this remote period, upon the disasters which CHAP, 
 attended our arms in the prosecution of this war. The event ought 1739, 
 to have been otherwise. Our sailors were then, and for ages had 
 been, the bravest and the best in the world, and commanders might 
 surely have been found to lead them on to victory wherever it was of 
 possible attainment. Had a naval armament then been equipped 
 with a judgment and zeal at all resembling that which we have seen 
 on more recent occasions; had a Blake, a Hawke, or a Nelson, (and 
 such men must then have lived,) been invested with the chief com- 
 mand, instead of the blustering and empty Vernon; I firmly believe 
 that the enthusiasm of our seamen, in so popular a cause, would 
 almost have fulfilled the expectations of the nation, would have en- 
 riched the country with the wealth of Spain, and gone near to anni- 
 hilate her navy. 
 
 Mr. Waller, on the 24th of January, 1740, having moved for 1740. 
 copies of letters and orders sent to Admiral Haddock, Mr. Pitt sup- 
 ported his motion. Sir Robert Walpole concluded his speech by say- 
 ing, that the time which would be taken up with such a fruitless 
 enquiry, might be more usefully employed. Mr. Pitt then said^ : 
 
 " It is my opinion, that our time cannot be more usefully em- 
 ployed, during a war, than in examining how it has been conducted, 
 and settling the degree of confidence that may be reposed in those to 
 whose care are entrusted our reputations, our fortunes, and our lives. 
 
 " There is not any enquiry. Sir, of more importance than this; 
 it is not a question about an uncertain privilege, or a law which, if 
 found inconvenient, may hereafter be repealed. We are now to ex- 
 
 indignes des grands efforts que faisoient ces deux nations." — (Euvres posthumes. The story to 
 which Frederick refers is well known. Jenkins was Captain of an English vessel. Sailing for 
 Jamaica in 1731 he was boarded by a Spanish guard-ship and treated with much insult and 
 cruelty. In the opposition publications of the time it was said that the Spanish Captain, after 
 mflictmg the grossest barbarity upon the English sailors and their captain, cut off one of Jenkins's 
 ears and bid him carry it to his king. No doubt tlie indignation of this country, before deeply 
 excited, was still farther enflamed by the exaggerated accounts of this story. But the fact, whe- 
 ther true or not, was only one of a thousand which had occurred to irritate England against Spain. 
 « This Speech is taken from Chandler's collection of parliamentary debates. 
 VOL. I. F
 
 34 MR. PITT'S SPEECH 
 
 CHAP, amine whether it is probable that we shall preserve our commerce 
 1740. and our independence, or whether we are sinking into subjection to 
 foreign power. 
 
 " But this enquiry, Sir, will produce no great information, if 
 those whose conduct is examined, are allowed to select the evidence; 
 for what accounts will they exhibit but such as have often already 
 been laid before us, and such as they now offer without concern? 
 Accounts, obscure and fallacious, imperfect and confused ; from which 
 nothing can be learned, and whicii can never entitle the minister to 
 praise, though the}' may screen him from punishment." 
 
 The Government having experienced considerable inconvenience 
 in manning their ships of war, a bill, for a general register of all sea- 
 men, and watermezi capable of service, was prepared by Sir Charles 
 Wager and Sir John Norris and presented to the House of Commons 
 on the 5th February, 1740, under the specious title of " A bill for 
 the encouragement and increase of seamen, and for the better and 
 speedier manning his Majesty's fleet." The hardships which would 
 have resulted to seamen from the passing of this bill were evidently 
 great. The justices of the peace were authorized by it to issue war- 
 rants to search for such seamen as might conceal themselves within 
 their respective jurisdictions. A power was granted them of breaking 
 open doors in case of resistance, and the miserable victim, after being 
 registered at the Navy Office, was to be forcibly compelled to re-enter 
 the service. These oppressive evils were acknowledged by the framers 
 of the bill, which was defended upon the plea of expediency alone. 
 But such was the sensation which it excited, that the minister was, 
 for a time, compelled to abandon it. Sir C. Wager, however, brought 
 forward a similar bill some time after. On this occasion Mr, Pitt 
 is reported to have thus delivered his opinion against it"": 
 
 " It is common for those to have the greatest regard to their own 
 interest, who discover the least for that of others. I do not, there- 
 
 ^ This Speech, with Mr. Pitt's replies to Horace Walpole and to Mr. Winnington were origi- 
 nally wTitten by Dr. Johnson for the Gentleman's Magazine, and afterwaitls inserted by 
 Chandler in his debates.
 
 ON SIR C, WAGER'S BILL. 35 
 
 fore, despair of recalling the advocates of this bill from the prosecii- CHAP, 
 tion of their favourite measures, by arguments of greater efficacy than 1740. 
 those which are pretended to be founded on reason and justice. 
 
 " Nothing is more evident, than that some degree of reputation 
 is absolutely necessary to men who have any concern in the adminis- 
 tration of a government like ours ; they must either secure the fidelity 
 of their adherents, by the assistance of wisdom or of virtue ; their 
 enemies must either be awed by their honesty, or overcome by their 
 cunning. Mere artless bribery will never gain a sufficient majority 
 to set them entirely free from apprehensions of censure. To different 
 tempers, different motives must be applied. Some, who place their 
 felicity in being accounted wise, care very little to preserve the cha- 
 racter of honesty ; others may be persuaded to join in measures which 
 they easily discover to be weak and ill-concerted, because they are 
 convinced that the authors of them are not corrupt but mistaken, and 
 are unwilling that any man should be punished for natural defects or 
 casual ignorance. 
 
 " I cannot say which of these motives influence the advocates of 
 the bill before us ; a bill in which such cruelties are proposed, as are 
 yet unknown among the most savage nations, such as slavery has not 
 yet borne or tyranny invented ; such as cannot be heard without 
 resentment, nor thought of without horror. 
 
 " It is, perhaps, not unfortunate that one more expedient has 
 been added, rather ridiculous than shocking, and that these tyrants 
 of administration, who amuse themselves with oppressing their fellow- 
 subjects, who add, without reluctance, one hardship to another, invade 
 the liberty of those whom they have already overborne with taxes ; 
 first plunder, and then imprison ; w ho take all opportunities of 
 heightening the public distresses, and make the miseries of war the 
 instruments of new oppressions, are too ignorant to be formidable, 
 and owe their power, not to their abilities, but to casual prosperity, or 
 to the influence of money. 
 
 " The other clauses of this bill, complicated at once with cruelty 
 and folly, have been treated w ith becoming indignation ; but this 
 
 F 2
 
 36 MR. PITTS REPLY TO HORACE WALPOLE. 
 
 CHAP, may be considered with less ardour and resentment, and fewer emo- 
 1740. lions of zeal; because, though not perhaps equally iniquitous, it will 
 ^""^"""^ do no harm ; for a law that can never be executed can never be 
 felt. 
 
 " Tliat it will consume the manufacture of paper, and swell the 
 book of statutes, is all the good or hurt that can be hoped or feared 
 from a law like this ; a law which fixes what is in his own nature 
 nmtable, which prescribes rules to the seasons and limits to the 
 wind. 
 
 " I am too well acquainted. Sir, with the disposition of its two 
 chief supporters, to mention the contempt with which the law will be 
 treated by posterity ; for they have already shewn abundantly their 
 disregard of succeeding generations ; but I will remind them, that 
 they are now venturing their w hole interest at once, and I hope they 
 will recollect, before it is too late, that those who believe them to 
 intend the happiness of their country, will never be confirmed in their 
 opinion by open cruelty and notorious oppression ; and that those who 
 have only their own interest in view, will be afraid of adhering to 
 those leaders, however old and practised in expedients, however 
 strengthened by corruption, or elated with pow er, who have no reason 
 to hope for success from either their virtue or their abilities." 
 
 Mr. Pitt was answered by Horace Walpole who, in the course of 
 his speech, directed towards him some illiberal and personal remarks, 
 reflecting upon his youth, and observed that the cause of truth was 
 but little assisted by vehement gesture and theatrical emotion. 
 The caustic satire of Mr. Pitt's well known reply is not to be 
 exceeded . 
 
 ' Mr. Archdeacon Coxe has, more than once, stated that he has generally found Sir R. 
 Walpole's speeches accurately preserved in Chandler, and that Dr. Johnson must have deceived 
 himself when he claimed the exclusive composition of certain debates. This is also my own 
 opinion, but I do not see how it can be reconciled with what Mr. Coxe says of the above reply, 
 namely, that it was wTitten by Johnson, in conformity to the observation recorded by Boswell ; 
 " that he was determined the Whig dogs should not have the best of it." I admit, however 
 that Johnson in his reports has often allowed the essayist to predominate over the speaker.
 
 MR. PITT'S REPLY TO HORACE WALPOLE. 37 
 
 " The atrocious crime of being a young man, which the Honor- CHAP, 
 able Gentleman has with such spirit and decency charged upon me, 1740. 
 I shall neither attempt to palliate nor deny, but content myself with 
 wishing that I may be one of those whose follies may cease with their 
 youth, and not of that number who are ignorant in spite of ex- 
 perience. 
 
 " Whether youth can be imputed to any man as a reproach, I 
 will not assume the province of determining : but surely age may be- 
 come justly contemptible, if the opportunities which it brings have 
 past away without improvement, and vice appears to prevail when the 
 passions have subsided. The wretch who, after having seen the con- 
 sequences of a thousand errors, continues still to blunder, and whose 
 age has only added obstinacy to stupidit}-, is surely the object of either 
 abhorrence or contempt, and deserves not that his grey head should 
 secure him from insults. 
 
 " Much more is he to be abhorred, who, as he has advanced in 
 age, has receded from virtue, and becomes more wicked with less 
 temptation ; who prostitutes himself for money which he cannot enjoy, 
 and spends the remains of his life in the ruin of his country. 
 
 " But youth is not my only crime ! — I have been accused of 
 acting a theatrical part. A theatrical part may eitlier imply some 
 peculiarities of gesture, or a dissimulation of my real sentiments, and 
 an adoption of the opinions and language of another man. 
 
 " In the first sense, the charge is too trifling to be confuted, and 
 deserves only to be mentioned, that it may be despised ; I am at li- 
 berty, like every other man, to use my own language ; and though I 
 may, perhaps, have some ambition, yet, to please this gentleman, I 
 shall not lay myself under any restraint, nor very solicitously copy 
 his diction, or his mien, however matured by age, or modelled by ex- 
 perience. — If any man shall, by charging me with theatrical be- 
 haviour, imply that I utter any sentiments but my own, I shall treat 
 him as a calumniator and a villain ; nor shall any protection shelter 
 him from the treatment which he deserves. I shall on such an occa- 
 sion, without scruple, trample upon all those forms with which wealth
 
 38 MR. PITTS REPLY TO MR. WINNINGTON. 
 
 CHAP, and dignity entrench themselves, nor shall any thing but age restrain 
 1740. niy resentment; age, which always brings one privilege, that of being 
 ^^^^^ insolent and supercilious without punishment. 
 
 " But with regard to those whom I have offended, I am of opi- 
 nion, that if I had acted a borrowed part, I should have avoided their 
 censure ; the heat that offended them is the ardour of conviction, and 
 that zeal for the service of my country, which neither hope nor fear 
 shall inrtuence me to suppress. I will not sit unconcerned while my 
 liberty is invaded, nor look in silence upon public robbery. I will 
 exert my endeavours, at whatever hazard, to repel the aggressor, and 
 drag the thief to justice, whoever may protect them in their \illainy, 
 and whoever may partake of their plunder. And if the Honourable 
 Gentleman" 
 
 Mr. Pitt was here interrupted by Mr. Winnington, who called 
 him to order with much bitterness of language, and was himself pro- 
 ceeding in a more violent strain than that which he affected to con- 
 demn, when Mr. Pitt is said to have retorted upon him his own accu- 
 sation in these spirited words : 
 
 " If this be to preserve order, there is no danger of indecency 
 from the most licentious tongue ; for what calumny can be more atro- 
 cious, or what reproach more severe, than that of speaking without 
 any regard to truth ? Order may sometimes be broken by passion or 
 inadvertency, but will hardly be re-established by a monitor like this, 
 who cannot govern his own passion whilst he is restraining the impe- 
 tuosity of others. 
 
 " Happy would it be for mankind, if every one knew his own 
 province ; we should not then see the same man at once a criminal 
 and a judge; nor would this gentleman assume the right of dictating 
 to others what he has not learned himself. 
 
 " That I may return, in some degree, the favour which he in- 
 tends me, I will advise him never hereafter to exert himself on the 
 subject of order ; but whenever he finds himself inclined to speak on 
 such occasions, to remember how he has now succeeded, and condemn 
 in silence what his censures will never reform."
 
 DECLINE OF SIR R. WALPOLE'S POWER. 39 
 
 Several corrections and amendments being introduced into Sir CHAP. 
 C. Wager's bill, it passed by a majority of 155 against 79. 1740. 
 
 The power of Sir R. Walpole was now rapidly declining. His ' 
 
 name was not only unpopular, but odious throughout the country. 
 The most illiberal and absurd comparisons were made between him 
 and the worst ministers and favourites that at any time have disgraced 
 a government. The unwillingness with which he had entered into the 
 war, the inabiUty, supineness, and even treachery with which he had 
 conducted it, were charges every where echoed against him. With- 
 out attempting to substantiate all these accusations, I think it must 
 be allowed that Walpole's conduct of the war was feeble and inju- 
 dicious. His talents, like his inclinations, were of the peaceful kind, 
 well adapted for the internal management of a country, for finance, 
 and negociation, but wanting that energy which is necessary for war. 
 His influence in the cabinet had suffered a considerable diminution 
 upon the death of the Queen, and his extraordinary powers of memory 
 and application were perhaps, in some degree, impaired by age. The 
 death of Sir William Wyndham, indeed, was favourable to his interests. 
 It had weakened the opposition in the lower House, l)y shaking the 
 union between the Whigs and Tories : but his adversaries were more 
 powerful and numerous than ever in the House of Lords. It was 
 owing to the frequent protests of the Peers against the conduct of the 
 minister, that a personal attack upon him was at length instituted in 
 the House of Commons. Mr. Sandys having informed the House 
 that he should on the 13th February bring forward an accusation 
 against the minister, the public mind was excited to a fever of expec- 
 tation. On the day appointed for the motion, four hundred and fifty 
 members attended in the House of Commons, many of them having 
 secured their seats so early as six o'clock in the morning. The pas- 
 sages and gallery of the House were thronged to excess, and the 
 nation, at large, was ardently looking for the result of the proceed- 
 ings. After a severe criminating speech, Mr. Sandys moved an ad- 
 dress to the King, requesting his Majesty to remove Sir R. Walpole 
 from his presence and councils for ever. Lord Limerick seconded
 
 40 MR. PITT'S SPEECH ON THE MOTION 
 
 CHAP, the motion. Pulteney, Bootle, Fazakerly, and Lyttleton, spoke in 
 1740, its favour, and Mr. Pitt, on the same side, thus gave his opinions ^ 
 ""== " As it has been observed, that those who have formerly ap- 
 
 proved the measures of the Gentleman into whose conduct we are now 
 inquiring, cannot be expected to disavow their former opinions, unless " 
 new arguments are produced of greater force than those which have 
 formerly been offered ; so the same steadiness must be expected in 
 those who have opposed them, unless they can now hear them better 
 defended. 
 
 " It is an established maxim, Sir, that as time is the test of 
 opinions, falsehood grows every day weaker, and truth gains upon 
 mankind. This is most eminently just in political assertions, which 
 often respect future events, and the remote consequences of transac- 
 tions ; and therefore never fails to be, by time, incontestably verified, 
 or undeniably disproved. On many occasions it is impossible to de- 
 termine the expediency of measures otherwise than by conjecture • 
 because almost every step that can be taken, may have a tendency to 
 a good, as well as to a bad end : and as he who professes, and he 
 who promotes, may conceal their intentions till they are ripened into 
 execution, time only can discover the motives of their demands, and 
 the principles of their conduct. 
 
 " For this reason it may easily be expected, that bad measures 
 will be condemned by men of integrity, when their consequences are 
 fully discovered, though, when they were proposed, they might by 
 plausible declarations and specious appearances, obtain their appro- 
 bation and applause. Those, Avhose purity of intention and simpli- 
 city of morals, exposed them to credulity and implicit confidence, 
 must resent the arts by which they were deluded into a concurrence 
 with projects detrimental to their country, but of which the conse- 
 quences were artfully concealed from them, or the real intention 
 steadily denied. 
 
 " With regard to those gentlemen, whose neglect of political 
 
 ' This Speech is taken from Chandler. It is much too sententious for Mr. Pitt, and bears 
 strong marks of Dr. Johnson's composition, although it has not been assigned to him.
 
 TO REMOVE SIR R. WALPOLE. 41 
 
 studies has not qualified them to judge of the questions when they CHAP, 
 were first debated; and who giving their suffrages, were not so much 174;) 
 directed by their own conviction, as by the authority of men whose == 
 experience and knowledge they knew to be great, and whose integrity 
 they had hitherto found no reason to distrust; it may be naturally 
 expected that when they see those measures which were recommended, 
 as necessary to peace and happiness, productive only of confusion, op- 
 pression, and distress, they should acknowledge their error and forsake 
 their guides, whom they must discover to have been either ignorant 
 or treacherous, and by an open recantation of their former decisions, 
 endeavour to repair the calamities which they have contributed to 
 bring on their country. 
 
 " The extent and complication of political questions is such, that 
 no man can justly be ashamed of having been sometimes mistaken in 
 his determinations; and the propensity of the human mind to confi- 
 dence and friendship is so great, that every man, however cautious, 
 however sagacious, or however experienced, is sometimes exposed to 
 the artifices of interest and the delusions of hypocrisy ; but it is the 
 duty, and ought to be the honour, of every man to own his mistake, 
 whenever he discovers it, and to warn others against those frauds 
 which have been too successfully practised upon himself. 
 
 " I am, therefore, inclined to hope, that every man will not be 
 equally pre-determined in the present debate, and that as I shall be 
 ready to declare my approbation of integrity and wisdom, though 
 they should be found where I have long suspected ignorance and cor- 
 ruption; so others will, with equal justice, censure wickedness and 
 error, though they should have been detected in that person whom 
 they have been long taught to reverence as the oracle of knowledge 
 and the pattern of virtue. 
 
 " In political debates, time always produces new lights; time 
 can, in these inquiries, never be neutral, but must always acquit or 
 condemn. Time, indeed, may not, always produce new arguments 
 against bad conduct, because all its consequences might be originally 
 foreseen and exposed ; but it nmst always confirm them, and ripen 
 
 VOL. I. G
 
 42 MR. PITTS SPEECH ON THE MOTION 
 
 CHAP, conjectures into certainty. Thougii it should, therefore be truly 
 
 1740. asserted, that nothing is urged in this debate which was not before 
 
 == mentioned and rejected, it will not prove that because the arguments 
 
 are the same, they ought to produce the same effect ; because what 
 
 was then only foretold, has now been seen and felt, and what was 
 
 then but believed is now known. 
 
 " But if time has produced no vindication of those measures 
 M'hich were suspected of imprudence or of treachery, it must be at 
 length acknowledged that those suspicions were just, and that what 
 ought then to ha\e been rejected, ought now to be punished. 
 
 " This is, for the most part, the state of the question. Those 
 measures which were once defended by sophistical reasoning, or palli- 
 ated by the warm declamation of sincerity and disinterested zeal for 
 the public happiness, are found to be such as they were represented 
 by those who opposed them. It is now discovered that the treaty of 
 Hanover was calculated only for the advancement of the House of 
 Bourbon ; that our armies are kept up only to multiply dependence, 
 and to awe the nation from the exertion of its rights ; that Spain has 
 been courted only to the ruin of our trade ; and that the convention 
 was little more than an artifice to amuse the people with an idle 
 appearance of a reconciliation, which our enemies never intended. 
 
 " Of the stipulation which produced the memorable treaty of 
 Hanover, the improbability was often urged, but the absolute false- 
 hood could be proved only by the declaration of one of the parties. 
 This declaration was at length produced by time, which was never 
 favourable to the measures of our minister. The Emperor of Germany 
 asserted, with the utmost solemnity, that no such article was ever pro- 
 posed ; and that his engagements with Spain had no tendency to 
 produce any change in the government of this kingdom. 
 
 " Thus it is evident. Sir, that all the terrors which the apprehen_ 
 sion of this alliance produced, were merely the operation of fraud 
 upon cowardice; and that they were only raised by the artful French, 
 to disunite us from the only power with which it is our interest to 
 cultivate an inseparable friendship. This disunion may therefore be
 
 TO REMOVE SIR R. WALPOLE. 43 
 
 justly charged upon the minister, who has weakened the interest of CHAP, 
 his country, and endangered the hberties of Europe. 1740 
 
 " If it be asked, Sir, how he could have discovered the falsehood ==^== 
 of the report before it was confuted by the late Emperor, it may 
 easily be answered, that he might have discovered it by the same 
 tokens which betrayed it to his opponents, — the impossibility of 
 carrying it into execution. For it must be confessed, that his French 
 informers, well acquainted with his disposition to panic fears, had 
 used no caution in the construction of their imposture, nor seem to 
 have had any other views, than to add one error to another, to drown 
 his reason in alarm, and to overbear him with astonishment. 
 
 " When they found he began to be disordered at the danger of 
 our trade from enemies destitute of naval forces, they easily discovered 
 that to make him the slave of France, nothing more was necessary 
 than to add, that these bloody confederates had projected an invasion ; 
 that they intended to add slavery to po\'erty, and to place the Pre- 
 tender upon the throne. 
 
 " To be alarmed into vigilance had not been unworthy of the 
 firmest and most sagacious minister ; but to be terrified by such re- 
 ports into measures which even an invasion could scarcely have justi- 
 , fied, was, at least, a proof of a capacity not formed by nature for the 
 administration of government. 
 
 " If it be asked what advantage M-as derived from this treaty by 
 France, and to what inconveniences it has subjected this nation, an 
 answer may very justly be refused, till the minister or his apologists shall 
 explain his conduct in the last war with Spain ; and inform us why 
 the Plate fleet was spared, our ships sacrificed to the worms, and our 
 admiral and his sailors poisoned in an unhealthy climate ? Why the 
 Spaniards, in full security, laughed at our armaments, and triumphed 
 in our calamities ? 
 
 " The lives of Hosier and his forces are now justly to be de- 
 manded of this man ; he is now to be charged with the murder of 
 those unhappy men, whom he exposed to misery and contagion, 
 to pacify, on the one hand, the British, who called out for war, and 
 
 G 2
 
 44 MR. PITT'S SPEECH ON THE MOTION TO REMOVE SIR R. WALPOLE. 
 
 CHAP, to gratify on the other, the French, who insisted that the Spanish 
 1740. treasures should not be seized. 
 ■=== " The minister who neglects any just opportunity of promoting 
 
 the power, or increasing the wealth, of his country, is to be considered 
 as an enemy to his fellow-subjects ; but what censure is to be passed 
 upon him who betrays that army to a defeat, by which victory might 
 have been obtained ; impoverishes the nation, whose affairs he is en- 
 trusted to transact, by those expeditions which might have enriched it ; 
 who levies armies only to be exposed to pestilence, and compels them to 
 perish in sight of their enemies, without molesting them ? It cannot, 
 surely, be denied, that such conduct may justly produce a censure 
 more severe than that which is intended by this motion ; and that he 
 who has doomed thousands to the grave ; who has co-operated with 
 foreign powers against his country ; who has protected its enemiesj 
 and dishonored its arms ; should be deprived not only of its honors, 
 but his life ; that he should at least be stripped of those riches which 
 he has amassed during a long series of successful wickedness ; and not 
 barely be hindered from making new acquisitions, and increasing his 
 wealth by multiplying his crimes. 
 
 " But no such penalties, Sir, are now required ; those who have 
 long stood up in opposition to him, give a proof, by the motion, that 
 they were not incited by personal malignity. They are not provoked 
 to propose any treasonable censure, nor have they recommended what 
 might be authorized by his own practice — an act of attainder, or a 
 bill of pains and penalties. They desire nothing further than that 
 the security of the nation may be restored, and the discontents of the 
 people asswaged by his removal from that trust which he had so long 
 abused. 
 
 " The discontent of the people is, in itself, a reason for agreeing 
 to this motion, which no rhetorical vindicator of his conduct will be 
 able to counterbalance ; for since it is necessary to the prosperity of 
 the government, that the people should believe their interest favoured, 
 and their liberties protected ; since to imagine themselves neglected, 
 and to be neglected in reality, must produce in them the same sus-
 
 SIR R. WALPOLE RESIGNS, AND IS CREATED EARL OF ORFORD. 45 
 
 picions and the same distrust, it is the duty of every faithful subject CHAP, 
 whom his station qualifies, to offer advice to his Sovereign, to persuade 1740, 
 
 him, for the preservation of his own honor, and the affection of his === 
 subjects, to remove from his councils that man whom they have long 
 considered as the author of pernicious measures, and a favourer of 
 arbitrary power." 
 
 Several very singular causes led to the rejection of Sandys' mo- 
 tion, the principal of which were the disunion of the Whigs and the 
 Tories, occasioned by the death of Sir W. Wyndham, and the seces- 
 sion of Shippen, who, with a number of his friends, quitted the House 
 before the question came to a division. Sandys' motion was, accord- 
 ingly, negatived by the great majority of 290 against IO6. But the 
 triumph of the minister on this occasion, by rendering him too confi- 
 dent of his own influence, and negligent in providing against the 
 measures of his adversaries, paved the way for his certain downfall 
 upon a subsequent occasion. The Parliament was dissolved on the 
 25th April, 1741. The struggles of parties for the fresh elections I74i. 
 then begun, and it was soon seen that the minister had not sufficient 
 interest to secure a majority. The new Parliament assembled on the 
 4th December, 1741, Mr. Pitt having been re-elected for Old Sarum. 
 Sir R. Walpole having proposed the re-appeintment of Mr. Earle, 
 (notwithstanding the extreme unpopularity of that gentleman,) to the 
 chair of the committee upon elections, had the mortification to find 
 himself in a minority upon that question. This defeat ought instantly 
 to have caused his resignation, but he clung to power, and was des- 
 tined to suffer further humiliation. The opposite party several times 
 outnumbered him in questions upon contested elections, and upon the 
 2nd February, 1742, the majority was so considerable against him, 1742. 
 that he never could hope to resist it. That day saw him for the last 
 time in the House of Commons. On the 9th February he was created 
 Earl of Orford, and on the 11th he resigned his employments. But 
 if Sir R. Walpole was no longer minister, he ceased not to be a poli- 
 tician. He had a negociation, on his own account, to conduct, as 
 difficult and embarrassing as any he had ever transacted for the
 
 46 SIR R. WALPOLE'S POLICY 
 
 CHAP, country. He well knew the obloquy in which his name was held. 
 1742. He had experienced much ingratitude and treachery from many of 
 
 ^"^^""^"^^ his nominal friends, who had entered into private engagements with 
 his enemies. The terrors of a public investigation and impeachment 
 sounded in his ears. Amidst the heat of party, and the violent pre- 
 judices which prevailed against him, he could not but feel alarmed at 
 the probable calamities which would ensue to him on his fall from 
 power. His administration had been continued for more than twenty 
 years, and in his complicated transactions with the public revenue of 
 this opulent and commercial country, many things had occurred which 
 it was impossible to explain to the general satisfaction. His enemies 
 were numerous and mighty, some of them capable of colouring the 
 fairest measures of his life, and most of them avowedly intent on his 
 destruction. He could only hope to remain unmolested during the 
 remainder of his life by dividing their strength. In this emergency 
 the great object of Walpole was to disunite the opposition, and the 
 dexterity with which he effected this, was never exceeded by any 
 previous effort of his life. It was on this occasion that the King's 
 support, and the steady adherence of a few tried friends, gave scope 
 to his great powers of negociation. Early in January, 1742, overtures 
 were made to the leaders of opposition by some of Walpole's col- 
 leagues, who were high in the confidence of the crown. It was inti- 
 mated to Lord Carteret, that proposals from the highest quarter would 
 speedily be made to Mr. Pulteney for the arrangement of a new- 
 ministry. Nothing was better calculated to soothe the vanity of 
 Pulteney, or to detach him from the great body of the opposition, 
 than such an intimation. Some days, however, intervened before any 
 formal communication was made to him. Perhaps this delay was 
 favourable to the interests of Lord Orford, as it naturally kept Pul- 
 teney in a state of suspense. The opposition, as I before observed, 
 had for some time been composed of men of the most various and 
 opposite opinions. Discontented Whigs and violent Tories, Jacobites 
 and republicans, were united for the sole purpose of overthrowing the 
 minister. The mere surmise of a partial negociation from the Court
 
 IN DIVIDING HIS ENEMIES. 47 
 
 with Pulteney excited suspicion. But when it was known that that CHAP. 
 gentleman had acquiesced in the proposition to retain most of Wal- ^^^^ 
 pole's associates in power ; that, with a few slight exceptions, the " 
 government was to be conducted by the same persons, the mortifi- 
 cation of the country was proportioned to the previous exuberance of 
 its expectation. Mr. Pulteney himself now sank beneath the tide of 
 popular indignation which before had overwhelmed the minister. The 
 celebrated meeting at the Fountain Tavern, for the proposed intention 
 of considering the public state of affairs, and arranging a ministry, 
 was held on the 11th February, 1742. It consisted of nearly three 
 hundred members of both Houses of Parliament. There was much 
 speaking, much virulence, and no harmony at this meeting, and it 
 separated, as it had assembled, with a general feeling of suspicion and 
 dissatisfaction.
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 1742. 
 
 Lord Limerick's motion for an enquiri/ into the conduct of the late Minister — Mr. Pitt's 
 speech in support of that motion — The motion is lost — Lord Limerick's secotid motion — 
 Mr. Pitt's speech in support of it — Observation of Mr. Pitt in reply to the younger 
 Horace Walpole — Mr. Pitt is appointed one of a Committee of secrecy to enquire into 
 the conduct of the late Minister — Bill of indemnity to protect ivitnesses — Brief retrospect 
 of Sir R. Walpole's administration — The Bill of Indemnity is rejected by the House of 
 Peers — Lord Orford in retirement — Changesin the ministry considered — John Duke of 
 Argi/le — Disappointment cf parties — A new opposition — Of whom composed — Charac- 
 ters of Lord Carteret and the Duke ofNeivcastle. 
 
 CHAP. Although Lord Orford had been successful in dividing his enemies; 
 1742. although during the time spent in adjusting the new ministry he had 
 
 ="== created a pause, in which his opponents in their eager expectation of 
 office had ceased to attack him ; no sooner were the places fdled, and 
 the hope of each individual either realized or disappointed, than the 
 clamour was renewed. The cry was, however, feebler, for it came 
 from fewer throats, and it was also directed against others as well as 
 against the late minister. Although I think it clear that Pulteney 
 had never pledged himself to screen him from justice, still the sus- 
 picions of that gentleman's political integrity, and his alleged eager- 
 ness for a peerage, rendered men less violent in their enmity to Lord 
 Orford. Walpole's danger was passed, but he was still threatened 
 with impeachment. On the 9th March, 1742, a motion was made 
 in the House of Commons, by Lord Limerick, for an inquiry into the 
 conduct of the late administration during the last twenty years. This
 
 MR. PITT'S SPEECH IN SUPPORT OF LORD LIMERICK'S MOTION. *9 
 
 motion was opposed by Mr. Pelham, who, in the course of his .speech, chap 
 observed that " it would considerably shorten the debate, if gentlemen 1742. 
 would keep close to the argument, and not run into long harangues and ^^^^^"^^^ 
 flowers of rhetoric which might be introduced upon any other subject 
 as well as the present/' 
 
 Mr. Pitt answered him thus" : 
 
 " What the gentlemen on the other side mean by long harangues 
 or flowers of rhetoric I shall not pretend to determine, but if they 
 make use of nothing of the kind, it is no very good argument of their 
 sincerity, because a man who speaks from his heart and is sincerely 
 affected with the subject upon which he speaks, as every honest man 
 must be when he speaks in the cause of his country, such a man, I say, 
 falls naturally into expressions which may be called flowers of rhetoric, 
 and therefore deserves as little to be charged with affectation, as the 
 most stupid serjeant at law that ever spoke for a half guinea fee. For 
 my part, I have heard nothing in favour of the question but what I 
 thought very proper, and very much to the purpose. What has been 
 said, indeed, on the other side of the question, especially the long jus- 
 tification that has been made of our late measures, I cannot think so 
 proper, because this motion is founded upon the present melancholy 
 situation of affairs, and upon the general clamour without doors, 
 against the late conduct of our public servants ; and either of these, 
 Avith me, shall always be a sufficient reason for agreeing to a parlia- 
 mentary enquiry, because, without such enquiry, I cannot, even in my 
 own mind, enter into the disquisition, whether our public measures 
 have been right or not; without such enquiry I cannot be furnished 
 with the necessary information. 
 
 " But the Honorable Gentlemen who oppose this motion seem 
 to mistake, I do not say wilfully, the difference between a motion for 
 an impeachment, and a motion for an enquiry. If any member of 
 this House were to stand up in his place and move for impeaching a 
 
 " This and the other speech contained in the present chapter are taken, with some slight 
 variations, from Chandler's collection of debates. 
 
 VOL. I. H
 
 50 MR. PITTS SPEECH 
 
 CHAP, niinister, he would be obliged to charge him with some particular 
 1742. crimes or misdemeanors, and produce some proof, or declare that he 
 ^ was ready to prove the facts; but any gentleman may move for an 
 enquiry without any particular allegation, and without offering any 
 proof, or declaring that he is ready to prove ; because the very design 
 of an enquiry is to find out particular facts and particular proofs. 
 The general circumstances of things, or general rumours without doors, 
 
 < are a sufficient foundation for such a motion, and for the House agree- 
 
 ing to it when it is made. This, Sir, has always been the practice, 
 and has been the foundation of almost all the enquiries that were ever 
 set on foot in this House, especially those that have been carried on 
 by secret and select committees. What other foundation was there 
 for the secret committee appointed in the year 1694, (to go no further 
 back,) to enquire into, and inspect the books and accounts of the 
 East India Company and Chamber of London ? Nothing but a gene- 
 ral rumour that some corrupt practice had been made use of. What 
 was the foundation of the enquiry in the year 1714? Did the Honor- 
 able Gentleman who moved for appointing that secret committee 
 charge the former administration with any particular crimes ? Did 
 he oft'er any proofs, or declare that he was ready to prove any thing ? 
 It is said, the measures pursued by that administration were condemned 
 by a great majority of that House of Commons. What, Sir ! were 
 those ministers condemned before they were heard? Could any 
 gentleman be so unjust as to pass sentence, even in his own mind, 
 upon a measure before he had enquired into it? He might perhaps 
 dislike the treaty of Utrecht, but upon enquiry, it might appear to 
 be the best that could be obtained; and it has since been so far justi- 
 fied, that it appears at least as good, if not better than any treaty 
 we have subsequently made. 
 
 " Sir, it was not the treaty of Utrecht, nor any measure openly 
 pursued by the administration, that was the foundation or the cause 
 of an enquiry into their conduct. It was the loud complaints of a 
 great party against them, and the general suspicion of their ha\ ing 
 carried on treasonable negociations in favour of the Pretender, and for
 
 IN SUPPORT OF LORD LIMERICK'S MOTION. 51 
 
 defeating the Protestant succession. The enquiry was set on foot in ^"|^' 
 order to detect those practices, if any such existed, and to find proper 1742. 
 evidence for convicting the offenders. The same argument holds with — "=~ 
 regard to the enquiry into the management of the South Sea Com- 
 pany in the year 1721. When that affair was first moved in the 
 House, by Mr. Neville, he did not, he could not, charge those direct- 
 ors, or any of them, with any particular proofs. His motion was, 
 ' That the directors of the South Sea Company should forthwith lay ^ 
 
 before the House an account of their proceedings,' and it was founded 
 upon the general circumstances of things, the distress brought upon 
 the public credit of the nation, and the general and loud complaints 
 without doors. This motion indeed, reasonable as it was, we know 
 was opposed by the court party at the time, and, in particular, by two 
 doughty brothers, who have been attached to the court ever since ; 
 but their opposition raised such a warmth in the House, that they 
 were glad to give it up, and never after durst directly oppose that 
 enquiry. I wish I could now see the same zeal for public justice. 
 The circumstances of affairs I am sure deserve it. Our public credit 
 was then indeed brought into distress ; but now the nation itself, nay, 
 not only this nation, but all our friends upon the continent, are brought 
 into the most imminent danger. 
 
 " This, Sir, is admitted even by those who oppose this motion ; 
 and if they have ever lately conversed with those that dare speak their 
 minds, they must admit, that the murmurs of the people against the 
 conduct of the administration are now as general and as loud as ever 
 they were upon any occasion. But the misfortune is, that gentlemen 
 who are in office seldom converse with any but such as either are, or 
 want to be, in office ; and such men, think as they will, will always 
 applaud their superiors ; consequently, gentlemen who are in adminis- 
 tration, or in any office under it, can rarely know the voice of the 
 people. The voice of this House was formerly, I grant, and always 
 ought to be, the voice of the people. If new Parliaments were more 
 frequent, and few placemen, and no pensioners admitted, it would be 
 so still ; but if long Parliaments be continued, and a corrupt influence 
 
 H 2
 
 52 MR. PITT'S SPEECH 
 
 CHAP, should prevail, not only at elections, but in this House, the voice of 
 1742. this House will generally be very dift'erent from, nay, often directly 
 contrary to, the voice of the people. However, as this is not, I 
 believe, the case at present, I hope there is a majority of us who know 
 w hat is the voice of the people ; and if it be admitted by all, that the 
 nation is at present in the utmost distress and danger, if it be admitted 
 by a majority, that the voice of the people is loud against the late 
 conduct of our administration, this motion nmst be agreed to, because 
 I have shewn that these two circumstances, without any particular 
 charge, have been the foundation of almost every parliamentary 
 enquiry. 
 
 " I readily admit. Sir, that we have very httle to do with the 
 character or reputation of a minister, but as it always does, and must 
 aftect our Sovereign. But the people may become disaffected as well 
 as discontented, when they find the King continues obstinately to em- 
 ploy a minister who, they think, oppresses them at home, and betrays 
 them abroad. We are therefore, in duty to our Sovereign, obliged 
 to encjuire into the conduct of a minister, when it becomes generally 
 suspected by the people, in order that we may vindicate his character 
 if he be innocent of the charges brought against him, or, if he be guilty, 
 that we may obtain his removal from the councils of our Sovereign, 
 and also condign punishment upon his crimes. 
 
 " After having said thus much. Sir, I need scarcely answer what 
 has Vjeen asserted, that no parliamentary enquiry ought ever to be in- 
 stituted, unless we are convinced that something has been done amiss. 
 Sir, the very name given to this House of Parliament proves the con- 
 trary. We are called The Grand Inquest of the Nation ; and as such, 
 it is our duty to inquire into every step of public management, both 
 abroad and at home, in order to see that nothing has been done amiss. 
 It is not necessary, upon every occasion, to establish a secret com- 
 mittee. This is never necessary but when the affairs to be brought 
 before them, or some of those affairs, are supposed to be of such 
 nature as to require secrecy. But as experience has shewn that no- 
 thing but an enquiry is ever made by a general committee, or a com-
 
 IN SUPPORT OF LORD LIMERICK'S MOTION, 53 
 
 mittee of the whole House, I wish that all estimates and accounts, CHAP. 
 
 • IIJ 
 
 and many other affairs, were respectively referred to select committees. 1742. 
 
 Their enquiries would be more exact, and the receiving of their reports """^'^'^ 
 would not occupy so much of our time as is represented ; but if it did, 
 our duty being to make strict enquiries into every thing relative to the 
 public ; our assembling here being for that purpose, we must perform 
 our duty before we break up ; and his present Majesty, I am sure, 
 will never put an end to any session till that duty has been fully per- 
 formed. 
 
 " It is said by some gentleman, that by this pnqulry we shall be 
 in danger of discovering the secrets of our government to our enemies. 
 This argument. Sir, by proving too much, proves nothing. If it were 
 admitted, it would always have been, and its admission for ever will 
 be, an argument against our enquiring into any affair in which our 
 government can be supposed to be concerned. Our enquiries would 
 then be confined to the conduct of our little companies, of inferior 
 custom-house officers and excisemen ; for, if we should presume to 
 enquire into the conduct of commissioners of great companies, it would 
 be said the government had a concern in their conduct, and the secrets 
 of government must not be divulged. Every gentleman must see 
 that this would be the consequence of admitting such an argument ; 
 but, besides, it is false in fact, and contrary to experience. We have 
 had many parliamentary enquiries into the conduct of ministers of 
 state, and yet I defy any one to shew that any state affair which ought 
 to have been concealed was thereby discovered, or that our affairs, 
 either abroad or at home, ever suffered by such discovery. If his 
 Majesty should, by message, inform us, that some of the papers sealed 
 up, and laid before us, required the utmost secresy, we might refer 
 them to our committee, instructing them to order only two or three 
 of their number to inspect such papers, and to report from them no- 
 thing but what they thought might safely be communicated to the 
 whole. By this method, I presume, the danger of discovery would be 
 effectually removed ; this danger, therefore, is no good argument 
 against a parliamentary enquiry.
 
 54 MR. PITT'S SPEECH 
 
 CHAP. " Tlie other objection, Sir, is really surprising, because it is 
 
 1742. bounded upon a circumstance which, in all former times, has been 
 
 ~ admitted as a strong argument in favour of an immediate enquiry. 
 
 The Honorable Gentlemen are so ingenuous as to confess that our 
 affairs, both abroad and at home, are at present in the utmost dis- 
 tress ; but say they, you ought to free yourselves from this distress, 
 before you enquire into the cause of it. Sir, according to this way of 
 arguing, a minister who has plundered and betrayed his country, and 
 fears being called to an account in Parliament, has nothing to do but 
 to involve his country in a dangerous war, or some other great dis- 
 tress, in order to pre\ ent an enquiry into his conduct ; because he 
 may be dead before that war is at an end, or that distress is sur- 
 mounted. Thus, like the most detestable of all thieves, after plunder- 
 ing the house, he has but to set it on fire, that he may escape in the 
 confusion. It is really astonishing to hear such an argument seriously 
 urged in this House ; but, say these gentlemen, if you found yourself 
 upon a precipice, would you stand to enquire how you was led there, 
 before you considered how to get off? No, Sir; but if a guide had 
 led me there, I should very probably be provoked to throw him over, 
 before I thought of any thing else ; at least I am sure, I should not 
 trust to the same guide for bringing me off'; and this, Sir, is the 
 strongest argument that can be used for an enquiry. 
 
 " We have been, for these twenty years, under the guidance, I 
 may truly say, of one man, of one single minister. We now, at last, 
 find ourselves upon a dangerous precipice. Ought we not then imme- 
 diately to enquire whether we have been led upon this precipice by 
 his ignorance or wickedness ; and if by either, to take care not to 
 trust to his guidance for our safety? This is an additional and a 
 stronger argument for this enquiry than ever was urged for any for- 
 mer one, for if we do not enquire, we shall probably remain under his 
 guidance ; because, though he be removed from the treasury board, 
 he is not removed from the King's Court, nor will he, probably, unless 
 it be by our advice, or unless we lodge him in a place at the other 
 end of the town, where he cannot so well injure his country. Sir,
 
 IN SUPPORT OF LORD LIMERICK'S MOTION. 55 
 
 our distress at home evidently proceeds from want of oeconomy, and CHAP, 
 from our having incurred many unnecessary expenses. Our distress 1742, 
 and danger abroad are evidently owing to the misconduct of the war 
 with Spain, and to the Httle confidence which our natural and ancient 
 allies have reposed in our councils. This is so evident, that I should 
 not think it necessary to enter into any particular explanation, if an 
 Honorable Gentleman on the other side had not attempted to justify 
 most of our late measures both abroad and at home. But as he has 
 done so, though not, in my opinion, quite to the purpose of the pre- 
 sent debate, I hope I shall be allowed to make some remarks upon 
 what he has said on the subject ; beginning, as he did, with the mea- 
 sures taken for punishing the South Sea Directors, and restoring pub- 
 lic credit after the terrible shock it received in the year 1720. 
 
 " As those measures. Sir, were among the first exploits of our 
 late, (I fear I must call him our present,) prime minister ; and as the 
 committee proposed, if agreed to, will probably consist of one and 
 twenty members, I wish the motion had been for one year further 
 back, that the number of years might have corresponded with the 
 number of enquirers, and that it might have comprehended the first 
 of those measures to which I have before alluded ; as it now stands, 
 it will not comprehend the methods taken for punishing the directors, 
 nor the first regulation made for restoring public credit ; and with 
 regard to both, some practices might be discovered that would de- 
 serve a much severer punishment than any of those directors expe- 
 rienced. Considering the many frauds made use of by the directors 
 and their agents, for luring people to their ruin, I am not a little sur- 
 prised to hear it now said, that their punishment was considered too 
 severe. Justice by the lump was an epithet given to it, not because it 
 was thought too severe, but because it was an artifice to screen the 
 most heinous offenders, who, if they did not deserve death, deserved, 
 at least, to partake of that total ruin which they had brought upon 
 many unthinking men. They very ill deserved, Sir, those allowances 
 which were made them by parliament. 
 
 " Then, Sir, as to public credit, its speedy restoration was
 
 56 MR. PITTS SPEECH 
 
 CHAP, founded upon the conduct of the nation, and not upon the wisdom or 
 1742 justice of the measures adopted. Was it a wise method to remit to 
 the South Sea Company the whole seven milhons, or thereabouts, 
 which they had solemnly engaged to pay to the public ? It might as 
 well be said, that a private man's giving away a great part of his 
 estate to those who no way deserved it, would be a wise method of 
 reviving or establishing his credit. If those seven millions had been 
 distributed among the poor sort of annuitants, it would have been 
 both generous and charitable ; but to give it among the proprietors 
 in general, was neither generous nor just, because most of them de- 
 served no favour from the public. As the proceedings of the directors 
 were authorized by general courts, those who were then the proprie- 
 tors were in some measure accessary to the frauds of the directors, 
 and therefore deserved to be punished, rather than rewarded as they 
 really were, because every one of them who continued to hold stock 
 in that company received nearly 50 per cent, added to his capital, 
 most part of which arose from the high price annuitants were, by act 
 of Parliament, obliged to take stock at, and was therefore a most 
 flagrant piece of injustice done to the anmiilaiils. Rut we need not 
 be at a loss for the true cause of this act of injustice, when we consider 
 that a certain gentleman had a great many friends among the old 
 stock-holders, and few or none among the annuitants. 
 
 " Another act of injustice, which I believe we may ascribe to the 
 same cause, relates to those who were engaged in heavy contracts for 
 stock or subscription, many of whom groan under the load to this 
 very day, for after we had, by act of Parliament, quite altered the 
 nature, though not the name, of the stock they had bought, and made it 
 much less valuable than it was when they engaged to pay a high price 
 for it, it was an act of public injustice to leave them liable to be pro- 
 secuted at law for the whole money which they had engaged to pay. 
 I am sure this was not the method to restore that private credit, upon 
 which our trade and navigation so much depend. Had the same re- 
 gulation been here adopted which was observed towards those who 
 had borrowed money of the Company, or had a sort of uti possidetis
 
 IN SUPPORT OF LORD LIMERICK'S MOTION. 57 
 
 been enacted, bv declarino- all such contracts void so far as related to CHAP. 
 
 . III. 
 
 any fbture payments, this would not have been unjust; on the contrary, 1742. 
 
 such a regulation, Sir, was extremely necessary for quieting the minds " 
 
 of the people, for preventing their ruining one another at law, and for 
 restoring credit between man and man. But there is reason to sup- 
 pose that a certain gentleman had many friends among the sellers in 
 those contracts, and very few among the buyers, which was the rea- 
 son that the latter could obtain little or no relief or mercy, by any 
 public law or regulation. 
 
 " Then, Sir, with regard to the extraordinary grants made to the 
 civil list, the very reason given by the Honorable Gentleman for justi- 
 fying those grants, is a strong reason for an immediate enquiry. If 
 considerable charges have arisen upon that revenue, let us see what 
 they are ; let us examine whether they were necessary. We have the 
 more reason to do this, because the revenue settled upon his late 
 Majesty's civil list, was at least as great as that which was settled 
 upon King WiUiam or Queen Anne. Besides there is a general 
 rumour without doors, that the civil list is now greatly in arrear, 
 which, if true, renders an eii(|uiry absolutely necessary; for it is incon- 
 sistent with the honor and dignity of the crown of these kingdoms, 
 to be in arrear to its tradesmen and servants; and it is the duty of 
 this House, to take care that the revenue which we have settled for 
 supporting the honor and dignity of the crown, shall not be squan- 
 dered or misapplied. If former parliaments have failed in this respect, 
 they must be censured though they cannot be punished; but we 
 ought now to atone for their neglect. 
 
 " I come now, in course, to the excise scheme, which the Ho- 
 norable Gentleman says ought to be forgiven, because it was easily 
 given up. Sir, it was not easily given up. The promoter of that 
 scheme did not easily give it up ; he gave it up with sorrow, with tears 
 in his eyes, when he saw, and not till he saw, it was impossible to 
 carry it through the House. Did not his majority decrease upon 
 every di\ision ? It was almost certain that if he had pushed it fur- 
 ther, his majority would have turned against him. His sorrow 
 VOL. I. I
 
 58 MR. PITT'S SPEECH 
 
 CHAP, shewed his disappointment ; and his disappointment shewed that his 
 1742. design was deeper than simply to prevent frauds in the customs. He 
 ^^^^^ was, at that time, sensible of the influence of the excise laws and ex- 
 cisemen with regard to elections, and of the great occasion he should 
 have for that sort of influence at the approaching general election. 
 His attempt, Sir, was most flagrant against the constitution; and he 
 deserved the treatment he met with from the people. It has been 
 said, that there were none but what gentlemen are pleased to call the 
 mob concerned in burning him in efl^igy; but, as the mob consists 
 chiefly of children, journeymen, and servants, who speak the senti- 
 ments of their parents and masters, we may thence judge of the sen- 
 timents of the higher classes of the people. 
 
 " The Honorable Gentleman has said, these were all the mea- 
 sures of a domestic nature that could be found fault with, because 
 none other were mentioned in this debate. Sir, he has already heard 
 one reason assigned why no other measures were particularly men- 
 tioned and condemned in this debate. If it were necessary, many 
 others might be mentioned and condemned. Is not the maintaining 
 so numerous an army, in time of peace, to be condemned ? Is not 
 the fitting out so many expensive and useless squadrons, to be con- 
 demned ? Are not the encroachments made upon the sinking fund ; 
 the reviving the salt duty ; the rejecting many useful bills and mo- 
 tions in Parliament, and many other domestic measures, to be con- 
 demned ? The weakness or the wickedness of these measures has 
 often been demonstrated. Their ill consequences were at the respec- 
 tive times foretold, and those consequences are now become visible by 
 our distress. 
 
 " Now, Sir, with regard to the foreign measures which the Honor- 
 able Gentleman has attempted to justify. The treaty of Hanover 
 deserves to be first mentioned, because from thence springs the danger 
 to which Europe is now exposed; and it is impossible to assign a 
 reason for our entering into that treaty, without supposing that we 
 then resolved to be revenged on the Emperor for refusing to grant us 
 some favour in Germany. It is in vain now to insist upon the secret
 
 IN SUPPORT OF LORD LIMERICK'S MOTION. 59 
 
 engagements entered into by the courts of Vienna and Madrid, as CHAP, 
 the cause of that treaty. Time has fully shewn that there never were 2740. 
 any such engagements ; and his late Majesty's speech from the throne " 
 
 cannot here be admitted as any evidence of the fact. Every one 
 knows, that in parliament, the King's speech is considered as the 
 speech of the minister; and surely a minister is not to be allowed to 
 bring his own speech as an evidence of a fact in his own justification. 
 If it be pretended, that his late Majesty had some sort of information, 
 that such engagements had been entered into, that very pretence fur- 
 nishes an unanswerable argument for an enquiry ; for as the informa- 
 tion now appears to have been groundless, we ought to enquire into 
 it, because if it appears to be such information as ought to have been 
 believed, that minister ought to be punished, who advised his late 
 Majesty to give credit to it, and who in consequence has precipitated 
 the nation into the most pernicious measures. 
 
 " At the time this treaty was entered into we wanted nothing 
 from the Emperor upon our own account. The abolition of the 
 Ostend company was a demand we had no right to make, nor was it 
 essentially our interest to insist upon it, because that company would 
 have been more hostile to the interests both of the French and Dutch 
 East India trades than to our own, and if it had been a point that 
 concerned us much, we might probably have gained it, by acceding to 
 the Vienna treaty between the Emperor and Spain, or by guarantee- 
 ing the Pragmatic Sanction, which we afterwards did in the most 
 absolute manner, and without any conditions. We w anted nothing 
 from Spain but a relinquishment of the pretence she had just begun, 
 or, I believe, hardly begun, to set up, in an express manner, with re- 
 gard to searching and seizing our ships in the American seas ; and 
 this we did not obtain, perhaps did not desire to obtain, by the treaty 
 of Seville. By that treaty we obtained nothing ; but we advanced 
 another step towards that danger in which Europe is now involved, by 
 uniting the courts of France and Spain, and by laying a foundation 
 for a new breach between the courts of Spain and Vienna. 
 
 " I grant. Sir, that our ministers appear to have been forward 
 
 I 2
 
 <iO MR. PITT'S SPEECH 
 
 CHAP, and diligent enough in negociating, and writing letters and memorials 
 174-2 to the court of Spain. But, from all my enquiries, it appears that 
 
 == they never rightly understood, (perhaps they would not understand,) 
 the point, respecting which they were negociating. They suffered 
 themselves to be amused, with fair promises, for ten long years ; and 
 our merchants plundered, our trade interrupted, now call aloud for 
 enquiry. If it should appear that ministers allowed themselves to be 
 amused with answers which no man of honor, no man of common 
 sense in such circumstances, would take, — surely, Sir, they must have 
 had some secret motive for being thus grossly imposed on. This 
 secret motive we may perhaps discover by an enquiry; and as it must 
 be a wicked one, if it can be discovered, the parties ought to be 
 severely punished. 
 
 " But, in excuse for their conduct, it is said, that our ministers 
 had a laudable repugnance in invol\ ing their country in a war. Sir, 
 this repugnance could not proceed from any regard to their country. 
 It zcas involved in a war ; Spain wa$ carrying on a war against our 
 trade, and that in the most insulting manner, during the whole time 
 of their ncgociations. It was this very repugnance, at least it was 
 the knowledge of it which Spain possessed, that at length made it 
 absolutely necessary for us to commence the war. If ministers had 
 at first insisted properly and peremptorily upon an explicit answer, 
 Spain would have expressly abandoned her new and insolent claims 
 and pretensions. But by the long experience we allowed her, she 
 found the fruits of those pretensions so plentiful and so gratifying, 
 that she thought them worth the hazard of a war. Sir, the damage 
 we had sustained became so considerable, that it really M'as worth 
 that hazard. Besides, the court of Spain was convinced, whilst we 
 were under such an administration, that either nothing could provoke 
 us to commence the war ; or, that if we did, it would be conducted in 
 a weak and miserable manner. Have we not, Sir, since found that 
 their opinion was correct ? Nothing, Sir, ever more demanded a par- 
 liamentary inquiry than our conduct in the war. The only branch 
 into which we have inquired, we have already censured and con-
 
 IN SUPPORT OF LORD LIMERICK'S MOTION. t>l 
 
 demned. Is not this a good reason for inquiring into every other CHAP, 
 branch? Disappointment and ill success have always, till now, occa- 1742. 
 sioned a parliamentary inquiry. Inactivity, of itself, is a sufficient ' ' 
 cause for inquiry. We have now all these reasons combined. Our 
 admirals abroad desire nothing more ; because they are conscious that 
 our inactivity and ill success will appear to proceed, not from their 
 own misconduct, but from the misconduct of those by whom they 
 were employed. 
 
 " I cannot conclude. Sir, without taking notice of the two other 
 foreign measures mentioned by the Honorable Gentleman. Our 
 conduct in the year 1734, with regard to the war between the Em- 
 peror and France, may be easily accounted for, though not easily 
 excused. Ever since the last accession of our late minister to power, 
 we seem to have had an enmity to the House of Austria. Our gua- 
 rantee of the Pragmatic Sanction was an effect of that enmity, because 
 we entered into it when, as hath since appeared, we had no intention 
 to perform our engagement ; and by that false guarantee we induced 
 the Emperor to admit the introduction of the Spanish troops into 
 Italy, which he would not otherwise have done. The preparations 
 we made in that year, the armies we raised, and the fleet we fitted 
 out, were not to guard against the event of the w^ar abroad, but against 
 the event of the ensuing elections at home. The new commissions, 
 the promotions, and the money laid out in these preparations, were 
 of admirable use at the time of a general election, and in some mea- 
 sure atone for the loss of the excise scheme ; but France and her allies 
 were well convinced that we would in no event declare against them, 
 otherwise they would not then have dared to attack the Emperor ; 
 for Muscovy, Poland, Germany, and Britain, would have been by 
 much an over-match for them. It was not our preparations that set 
 bounds to the ambition of France, but her getting all she wanted at 
 that time for herself, and all she desired for her allies. Her own 
 paidence suggested that it was not then a proper time to push her 
 views further; because she did not know but that the spirit of this 
 nation might overcome, (as it since has with regard to Spain,) the
 
 62 MR. PITTS SPEECH, 
 
 CHAP, spirit of our administration; and should this have happened, the 
 1742. House of Austria was then in such a condition, that our assistance, 
 
 ^'== even though late, would have been of effectual service. 
 
 " I am surprised, Sir, to hear the Honorable Gentleman now say, 
 that we gave up nothing, or that we acquired any thing, by the in- 
 famous convention with Spain. Did we not give up the freedom of 
 our trade and navigation, by submitting it to be regulated by pleni- 
 potentiaries? Can freedom be regulated without being confined, and 
 consequently in some part destroyed ? Did wc not give up Georgia, 
 or some part of it by submitting to have new limits settled by pleni- 
 potentiaries ? Did we not give up all the reparation of the damage 
 we had suffered, amounting to five or six hundred thousand pounds, 
 for the paltry sum of twenty-seven thousand pounds? This was all 
 that Spain promised to pay, after deducting the sixty-eight thousand 
 pounds which we, by the declaration annexed to that treaty, allowed 
 her to insist on having from our South Sea Company, under the 
 penalty of stripping them of the Assicnto contract, and all the privi- 
 leges to which they were thereby entitled. Even this sum of twenty- 
 seven thousand pounds, or more, they had before acknowledged to be 
 due on account of ships they allowed to have been unjustly 
 taken, and for the restriction of which they had actually sent 
 orders : so that by this infamous treaty we acquired nothing whilst 
 we gave up every thing ; therefore in my opinion, the honor of this 
 narion can never be retrieved, unless the advisers and authors of it be 
 censured and punished. This, Sir, cannot regularly be done without 
 a parliamentary enquiry. 
 
 " By these and similar weak, pusillanimous, and wicked measures, 
 we are become the ridicule of every court in Europe, and have lost 
 the confidence of all our ancient allies. By these measures we have 
 encouraged France to extend her ambitious views, and now at last to 
 att(;mpt carrying them into execution. By bad oeconomy, by extra- 
 vagance in our domesric measures, we have involved ourselves in such 
 distress at home that we are almost wholly incapable of entering into 
 a war, whilst by weakness, or wickedness, in our foreign measures, we
 
 IN SUPPORT OF LORD LIMERICK'S SECOND MOTION. 63 
 
 have brought the affairs of Europe into such distress, that it is almost CHAP, 
 impossible for us to avoid it. Sir, we have been brought upon a 1742. 
 dangerous precipice. Here we now find ourselves ; and shall we trust ^^""^^^ 
 to be led safely off by the same guide who has led us on ? Sir, it is 
 impossible for him to lead us off. Sir, it is impossible for us to get off, 
 without first recovering that confidence with our ancient allies, which 
 formerly we possessed. This we cannot do, so long as they suppose that 
 our councils are influenced by our late minister; and this they will sup- 
 pose so long as he has access to the King's closet; so long as his conduct 
 remains unenquired into, and uncensured. It is not, therefore, in revenge 
 for our past disasters, but from a desire to prevent them in future, that 
 I am now so zealous for this enquiry. The punishment of the minister, 
 be it ever so severe, will be but a small atonement for the past. But 
 his impunity will be the source of many future miseries to Europe, as 
 well as to his country. Let us be as merciful as we will, as merciful 
 as any man can reasonably desire, when we come to pronounce sentence; 
 but sentence we must pronounce. For this purpose, unless we are re- 
 solved to sacrifice our own liberties, and the liberties of Europe, to the 
 preservation of one guilty man, we must make the enquiry." 
 
 An harangue so vehement, thundered in the ears of Parliament, 
 and aided by all the terrors of voice, countenance, and action, must 
 have produced considerable efl^ect. The motion was lost by a majority 
 of only two. The numbers being : For the motion 242, against it 
 244. It was owing to the absence of Mr. Pulteney, upon the occasion 
 of his daughter's sickness and death, that this question was not carried. 
 At that gentleman's instigation it was again brought forward by Lord 
 Limerick on the 23rd March ; the enquiry being limited to the last 
 ten years of Walpole's administration. Mr. Pitt's speech on this 
 occasion was in answer to Mr. George Cook of Harefield, a member 
 who had very recently taken his seat in the House. It was to the 
 following effect : 
 
 " As the Honorable Gentleman who spoke last against the motion, 
 has not been long in the house, it is but charitable to believe him 
 sincere in professing that he is ready to agree to a parliamentary
 
 <>* MR. PITT'S SPEECH 
 
 CHAP, enquiry when he thinks the occasion requires it. But if he knew how 
 1 742. often such professions are made by those who, upon all occasions, 
 oppose enquiry, he would now avoid them, because they are generally 
 believed to be insincere. He may, it is true, have nothing to dread, 
 on his own account, from enquiry, but when a gentleman has con- 
 tracted, or any of his near relations have contracted, a friendship with 
 one who may be brought into danger, it is very natural to suppose 
 that such a gentleman's opposition to an enquiry does not entirely 
 proceed from public motives ; and if that gentleman follows the advice 
 of some of his friends, I very much question whether he will ever 
 think that the occasion requires an enquiry into the conduct of our 
 public aflairs. 
 
 " As a parliamentary enquiry must always be founded upon sus- 
 picions, as well as upon facts or manifest crimes, reasons may always 
 be found for alleging those suspicions to be without foundation ; and, 
 upon the principle that a parliamentary enquiry must necessarily lay 
 open the secrets of government, no time can ever be proper or con- 
 venient for such enquiry, because it is impossible to suppose a time 
 when the government has no secrets to disclose. 
 
 " This, Sir, would be a most convenient doctrine for ministers, 
 
 because it would put an end to all parliamentary enquiries into the 
 
 conduct of our public affairs ; and therefore when I hear it urged, and 
 
 so much insisted on by a certain set of gentlemen in this house, I 
 
 must suppose their hopes to be very extensive. I must suppose them 
 
 to expect that they and their posterity will for ever continue in office. 
 
 Sir, this doctrine has been so often contradicted by experience, that 
 
 I am surprised to hear it advanced by gentlemen now. This very 
 
 session has afforded us a convincing proof that very little foundation 
 
 exists for asserting that a parliamentary enquiry must necessarily 
 
 reveal the secrets of the government. Surely in a war with Spain, 
 
 which must be carried on principally by sea, if the government have 
 
 secrets, the Lords of the Admiralty must be entrusted with the most 
 
 important of them. Yet, Sir, in this very session, we have without 
 
 any secret committees, made enquiry into the conduct of the Lords
 
 IN SUPPORT OF LORD LIMERICK'S SECOND MOTION. 65 
 
 Commissioners of the Admiralty. We have not only enquired into chap. 
 their conduct, but we have censured it in such manner as to put an J742 
 end to the trust which was before reposed in them. Has that enquiry 
 discovered any of the secrets of our government ? On the contrary, 
 the committee found that there was no occasion to probe into such 
 secrets. They found cause enough for censure without it, and none 
 of the commissioners pretended to justify their conduct by the asser- 
 tion that papers contained secrets which ought not to be disclosed. 
 
 " This, Sir, is so recent, so strong a proof that there is no neces- 
 sary connection between a parliamentary enquiry and a discovery of 
 secrets which it behoves the nation to conceal, that I trust gentlemen 
 will no longer insist upon this danger as an argument against the 
 enquiry. Sir, the First Commissioner of the Treasury has nothing to 
 do with the application of secret service money. He is only to take 
 care that it be regularly issued from his ofHce, and that no more be 
 issued than the rnnjnncture of affairs appears to demand. As to the 
 particular application, it properly belongs to the Secretary of State, 
 or to such other persons as his Majesty employs, so that we cannot 
 suppose the proposed enquiry will discover any secrets relative to the 
 application of that money, unless the noble lord has acted as Secretary 
 of State, as well as First Commissioner of the Treasury ; or unless a 
 great part of the money drawn out for secret service has been delivered 
 to himself or persons employed by him, and applied towards gaining 
 a corrupt influence in Parliament or at elections. Of both these 
 practices he is most grievously suspected, and both are secrets which 
 it very much behoves him to conceal. But, Sir, it equally behoves 
 the nation to disco\'er them. His country and he are, in this cause, 
 equally, although oppositely, concerned; for the safety or ruin of one 
 or the other depends upon the fate of the question, and the violent 
 opposition, which this question has experienced, adds great strength 
 to the suspicion. 
 
 " I admit. Sir, that the noble Lord, whose conduct is now pro- 
 posed to be enquired into, was one of his Majesty's most Honorable 
 Privy Council, and consequently that he must have had a share at 
 
 VOL. I. K
 
 C)6 MR. PITT'S SPEECH 
 
 CHAP, least in advising all the measures Mhich have been pursued both 
 1742. Jibroad and at home. But I cannot from this admit, that an enquiry 
 into his conduct must necessarily occasion a discovery of any secrets 
 of vital importance to the nation, because we are not to enquire into 
 the measures themselves. 
 ' " But, >Sir, suspicions have gone abroad relative to his conduct as 
 
 a Privy Councillor, which, if true, are of the utmost consequence to be 
 enquired into. It has been strongly asserted that he was not only 
 a Privy Councillor, but that he usurped the whole and sole direction 
 of his Majesty's Privy Council. It has been asserted that he gave 
 the Spanish court the first hint of the unjust claim they afterwards 
 advanced against our South Sea Company, which was one chief cause 
 of the war between the two nations. And it has been asserted, that 
 this very minister has advised the French in what manner to proceed 
 in order to liring our court into thpir measures; particularly that he 
 advised them as to the numerous army they liave this last summer 
 sent into Westphalia. What truth there is in these assertions I pre- 
 tend not to decide. The facts are of such a nature, and they must 
 have been perpetrated with so much caution and secrecy, that it will 
 be difficult to bring them to light even by a parliamentary enquiry; 
 but the very suspicion is ground enough for establishing such enquiry, 
 and for carrying it on with the utmost strictness and \ igour. 
 
 " Whatever my opinion of past measures may be, I shall never 
 be so vain, or bigotted to that opinion, as to determine, without any 
 enquiry, against the majority of my countrymen. If I found the 
 public measures generally condemned, let my private opinions of 
 theni be ever so favorable, I should be for enquiry in order to con- 
 vince the people of their error, or at least to furnish myself with the 
 most authentic arguments in favor of the opinion I had embraced. 
 The desire of bringing others into the same sentiments with ourselves 
 is so natural, that I shall always suspect the candour of those, who, in 
 politics or religion, are opposed to free enquiry. Besides, Sir, when 
 the complaints of the people are general against an administration, 
 or against any particular minister, an enquiry is a duty which we owe
 
 IN SUPPORT OF LORD LIMERICK'S SECOND MOTION. 67 
 
 both to our Sovereign and the people. We meet here to communi- CHAP, 
 cate to our Sovereign the sentiments of his people. We meet here to 1742. 
 redress the grievances of the people. By performing our duty in both 
 respects, we shall always be enabled to establish the throne of our 
 Sovereign in the hearts of his people, and to hinder the people from 
 being led into in.surrection and rebellion by misrepresentations or false 
 surmises. When the people complain, they must either be right or 
 in error. If they be right, we are in duty bound to enquire into the 
 conduct of the ministers, and to punish those who appear to have 
 been most guilty. If they be in error, we ought still to enquire into 
 the conduct of our ministers, in order to convince the people that they 
 have been misled. We ought not, therefore, in any question relating 
 to enquiry, to be governed by our own sentiments. We must be 
 governed by the sentiments of our constituents, if we are resolved to 
 perform our duty both as true representatives of the people, or as 
 faithful subjects of our King. 
 
 " I perfectly agree with the Honorable Gentleman that if we 
 are convinced that the public measures are wrong, or that if we 
 suspect them to be so, we ought to make enquiry, although there is 
 not much complaint among the people ; but I wholly difier from him 
 in thinking that notwithstanding the administration and the minister 
 are the subjects of complaint among the people, we ought not to 
 make enquiry into his conduct unless we are ourselves convinced that 
 his measures have been wrong. Sir, we can no more determine this 
 question without enquiry, than a judge, without a trial, can declare 
 any man innocent of a crime laid to his charge. Common fame is a 
 sufficient ground for an inquisition at common law, and for the same 
 reason, the general voice of the people of England ought always to 
 be regarded as a sufficient ground for a parliamentary enquiry. 
 
 " But, say gentlemen, of what is this minister accused? What 
 crime is laid to his charge ? For, unless some misfortune is said to 
 have happened, or some crime to have been committed, no enquiry 
 ought to be set on foot. Sir, the ill posture of our affairs both abroad 
 and at home ; the melancholy situation we are in ; the distresses to 
 
 k2
 
 (>» MR. PITT'S SPEECH 
 
 CHAP, which we are now reduced, arc sutlicient causes for an enquiry, even 
 1742. supposing the minister accused of no particular crime or misconduct. 
 Tlie nation lies bleeding, perhaps expiring. The balance of power 
 has been fatally disturbed. Shall we acknowledge this to be the case, 
 and shall we not enquire whether it has happened by mischance, or 
 by the misconduct, perhaps by the malice prepense, of the minister ? 
 Before the treaty of Utrecht, it was the general opinion that in a few 
 years of peace we should be able to pay otF most of our debts. We 
 have now been very nearly thirty years in profound peace, at least 
 we have ne\er been engaged in any war but what we unnecessarily 
 brought upon ourselves, and yet our del)ts are almost as great as they 
 were when that treaty was concluded. Is not this a misfortune, and 
 shall we not make enquiry into its cause? 
 
 " I am surprised to hear it said that no enquiry ought to be set 
 on foot, unless it is known that some public crime has been committed. 
 Sir, the suspicion, that a crime has been committed, has always been 
 deemed a sufficient reason for instituting an enquiry^ And is there 
 not now a suspicion that the public money has been applied towards 
 gaining a corrupt inflnence at elections ? Is it not become a common 
 expression : ' The flood-gates of the Treasury are opened against a 
 general election ?' I desire no more than that every gentleman who 
 is conscious that such practices have been resorted to, either for or 
 against him, should give his vote in favor of the motion. Will any 
 gentleman say that this is no crime, when even private corruption has 
 such high penalties, inflicted by express statute against it ? Sir, a 
 minister who commits this crime — who thus abuses the public money, 
 adds breach of trust to the crime of corruption ; and as the crime, 
 when committed by him, is of much more dangerous consequence than 
 when committed by a private man, it becomes more properly the 
 object of a parliamentary enquiry, and merits the severest punishment. 
 The Honorable Gentleman may with much more reason tell us that 
 rorteous was never murdered by the mob at Edinburgh, because, 
 notwithstanding the high reward as well as pardon proffered, his 
 murderers were never discovered, than tell us that we cannot suppose
 
 IN SUPPORT OF LORD LIMERICK'S SECOND MOTION. 69 
 
 our minister, either personally or by others, has ever corrupted an CHAP, 
 election, because no information has been brought against him. Sir, J742 
 nothing but a pardon, upon the conviction of the offender, has ever == 
 yet been offered in this case ; and how could any informer expect a 
 pardon, and much less a reward, when he knew that the very man 
 against whom he was to inform, had not only the distribution of all 
 public rewards, but the packing of a jury or parliament against 
 him ? Whilst such a minister preserves the favour of the crown, and 
 thereby the exercise of its power, this information can never be ex- 
 pected. 
 
 " This shews. Sir, the impotence of the act, mentioned by the 
 Honora])le Gentleman, respecting that sort of corruption which is 
 called bribery. With regard to the other sort of corruption, which 
 consists in giving or taking away those posts, pensions, or preferments, 
 which depend upon the arbitrary will of the crown, the act is still 
 more inefficient. Although it would be considered most indecent in 
 a minister to tell any man that he gave or withheld a post, pension, 
 or preferment, on account of his voting for or against any ministerial 
 measure in Parliament, or any ministerial candidate at an election ; 
 yet, if he makes it his constant rule never to give a post, pension, or 
 preferment, but to those who vote for his measures and his candidates • 
 if he makes a few examples of dismissing those who vote otherwise, it 
 will have the same effect as when he openly declares it. Will any 
 gentleman say that this has not been the practice of the minister ? 
 Has he not declared, in the face of this House, that he will continue 
 the practice ? And will not this have the same effect as if he went 
 separately to every particular man, and told him in express terms, 
 ' Sir, if you vote for such a measure or such a candidate, you shall 
 have the first preferment in the gift of the crown ; if you vote other, 
 wise, you must not expect to keep what you have.' Gentlemen may 
 deny that the sun shines at noon-day ; but if they have eyes, and do 
 not wilfully shut them, or turn their backs, no man will believe them 
 to be ingenuous in what they say. I think, therefore, that the 
 Honorable Gentleman was in the right who endeavoured to justify
 
 70 MR. PITT'S SPEECH 
 
 CHAP, the practice. It was more candid than to deny it — but as his argu- 
 1742, ments have already been fully answered, I shall not farther discuss 
 ^"^^^^^""^ them. 
 
 " Gentlemen exclaim, ' What ! will you take from the crown the 
 power of preferring or cashiering the oflicers of the army ?' No, Sir, 
 this is neither the design, nor will it be the effect, of our agreeing to 
 the motion. The King at present possesses the absolute power to 
 prefer or cashier the officers of our army. It is a prerogative which 
 he may employ for the benefit or safety of the public ; but, like other 
 prerogatives, it may be abused, and when it is so abused, the minister 
 is responsible to Parliament. When an officer is preferred or cashiered 
 for voting in favour of, or against any court measure or candidate, it 
 is an abuse of this prerogative, for which the minister is answerable. 
 We may judge from circumstances or outward appearances — from 
 these we may condemn, and I hope we have still a power to punish a 
 minister who dares to advise the King to prefer or cashier from 
 such motives ! Sir, whether this prerogative ought to remain as it 
 is, without any limitation, is a question foreign to this debate ; but I 
 must observe, that the argument employed for it might, with equal 
 justice, be employed for giving our King an absolute power over every 
 man's property — because a large property will always give the pos- 
 sessor a command over a great body of men, whom he may arm and 
 discipline if he pleases. I know of no law to restrain him — I hope 
 none will ever exist — I wish our gentlemen of estates would make 
 more use of this power than they do, because it would tend to keep 
 our domestic as well as our foreign enemies in awe. For m}' part, I 
 think that a gentleman who has earned his commission by his ser- 
 vices, (in his military capacity I mean,) or bought it with his money, 
 has as much a property in it as any man has in his estate, and ought 
 to lia\e it as well secured by the laws of his country. Whilst it re- 
 mains at the absolute will of the crown, he must, unless he has some 
 other estate to depend on, be a slave to the minister ; and if the officers 
 of our army long continue in that state of slavery in which they are 
 at present, I am afraid it will make slaves of us all.
 
 IN SUPPORT OF LORD LIMERICK'S SECOND MOTION. 71 
 
 " The only method to prevent this fatal consequence, as the law CHAP, 
 now stands, is to make the best and most constant use of the power 1742. 
 we possess as members of this House, to prevent any minister from 
 daring to advise the King to make a bad use of his prerogative : as 
 there is such a strong suspicion that this minister has done so, we 
 ought certainly to enquire into it, not only for the sake of punishing 
 him if guilty, but as a terror to all future ministers. 
 
 " This, Sir, may therefore be justly reckoned among the many 
 other sufficient causes for the enquiry proposed. — The suspicion that 
 the civil list is greatly in debt is another ; for if it is, it must either 
 have been misapplied or profusely thrown away, which abuse it is 
 both our duty to prevent and to punish. It is inconsistent with the 
 honor of this nation that the king should stand indebted to his ser- 
 vants or tradesmen, who may be ruined by delay of payment. The 
 Parliament has provided sufficiently to prevent this dishonor from 
 being brought upon the nation, and, if the provision we have made 
 should be lavished or misapplied, we must supply the deficiency ; we 
 ought to do it, whether the king makes any application for that pur- 
 pose or not ; and the reason is plain, because we ought first to en- 
 quire into the management of that revenue, and punish those who have 
 occasioned the deficiency. They will certainly choose to leave the 
 creditors of the crown and the honor of the nation in a state of suf- 
 fering, rather than advise the king to make an application which may 
 bring censure upon their conduct, and condign punishment upon 
 themselves. Besides this. Sir, another and a stronger reason exists 
 for promoting an enquiry. There is a strong suspicion that the pub- 
 lic money has been applied towards corrupting voters at elections, 
 and members when elected ; and if the civil list be in debt, it affijrds 
 reason to presume that some part of this revenue has, under the pre- 
 tence of secret service money, been applied to this infamous purpose. 
 
 " I shall conclude. Sir, by making a few remarks upon the last 
 argument advanced against the proposed enquiry. It has been said 
 that the minister delivered in his accounts annually : that these ac- 
 counts have been annually past and approved by Parliament ; and
 
 I '2 ANECDOTE. 
 
 t-HAl*. that therefore it ^voulcl be unjust to call him now to a general account, 
 174-2. because the vouchers may be lost, or many expensive transactions 
 ^^^=^ have escaped his memory. It is true. Sir, estimates and accounts 
 have been annually delivered in. The forms of proceeding made that 
 necessary, but were any of these estimates and accounts properly en- 
 quired into ? Were not all questions of that description rejected by 
 the minister's friends in Parliament ? Has not Parliament always 
 taken them upon trust, and passed them without examination ? Can 
 such a superficial passing, to call it no worse, be deemed a reason for 
 not calling him to a new and general account ? If the steward to an 
 infant's estate should annually, for twenty 3ears together, deliver in 
 his accounts to the guardians ; and the guardians, through negligence, 
 or for a share of the plunder, should annually pass his accounts with- 
 out examination, or at least without objection ; would that be a rea- 
 son for saying that it would be unjust in the infant, when he came of 
 ao-e, to call his steward to account ? Especially if that steward had 
 built and furnished sumptuous palaces, living, during the whole time, 
 at a much greater expence than his visible income warranted, and yet 
 amassing great riches? The public, Sir, is always in a state of in- 
 fancy ; therefore no prescription can be pleaded against it — not even 
 a general release, if there is the least cause for supposing that it was 
 surreptitiously obtained. Public vouchers ought always to remain on 
 record ; nor ought any public expence to be incurred without a 
 voucher — therefore the case of the public is still stronger than that of 
 an infant. Thus, Sir, the Honorable gentleman who made use of 
 this objection must see how little it avails in the case before us ; antl 
 therefore I trust we shall have his concurrence in the question." 
 
 The eminence to which Mr. Pitt had now attained, and the value 
 of his praise is seen from the following little circumstance. The 
 younger Horace Walpole, who defended his father in a speech which 
 himself has preserved, tells us that Mr. Pitt observed in reply, " How 
 very commendable it was in Mr. Walpole thus to defend his father. 
 His speech must have made an impression on the House. But if it was 
 becoming in him to remember that he was the child of the accused, it
 
 COMMITTEE OF SECRECY. 73 
 
 behoved also the House to remember that they were the children of CHAP. 
 
 . , 111 
 
 their country." " It was a great compliment from him/' adds Mr. 174-2. 
 
 Walpole, " and very artful too." All writers, indeed, bear testimony == 
 to the eloquence of Mr. Pitt on this and the former occasion. Un- 
 doubtedly both speeches, imperfectly transmitted to us as they are, 
 discover great strength of argument and language. But we can from 
 these form but a feeble conception of that combination of excellence 
 which commanded the awe and mute attention of his hearers. That 
 eagle eye, that dignified person, that energy of utterance were then all 
 summoned to his aid, in pouring forth the stores of knowledge and 
 eloquence which he had accumulated from his earliest youth. Lord 
 Limerick's motion passed the House by a majority of seven, the num- 
 bers being 252 against 245. A committee of secrecy consisting of 
 twenty-one members were appointed by ballot to enquire into the 
 conduct of the late minister, and empowered to examine such persons 
 as they judged likely to furnish information upon the subject. Mr. 
 Pitt was one of this committee. The following were the remaining 
 twenty : Sir John St. Aubin, Samuel Sandys, Sir John Rushout 
 George Compton, Lord Quarendon, William Noel, Sir John Barnard, 
 Lord Limerick, Lord Cornbury, Nicholas Fazakerly, Henry Furnese, 
 Lord Granard, Cholmondeley Turner, Edmund Waller, Thomas 
 Prowse, William Bowles, Edward Hooper, Sir John Strano-e, Sir 
 Henry Lydal, John Talbot. 
 
 , I shall not enter minutely into the proceedings of this com- 
 mittee. The majority were certainly the enemies of Lord Orford, 
 and in their eagerness to criminate him, perhaps they overstepped 
 the bounds of prudence and honor. The bill to indemnify witnesses 
 against him, which they had interest enough to carry through the 
 House of Commons, was as dangerous to the country as it was 
 malignant towards the individual. But this must be said in expla- 
 nation of the prominent part taken by Mr. Pitt on the occasion, 
 that he, in common with many of the greatest characters of the day, 
 fully believed the truth of the charges alleged against the minister. 
 His own speeches contain most of these charges ; and, certainly, if 
 
 VOL. I. L
 
 74 LORD ORFORD IN RETIREMENT. 
 
 CHAP, the heaviest of them were not estabhshed, and if, subsequently, he 
 i';'^ liimself had the candour to acknowledge it, much remained in the 
 
 === system pursued by Walpole to excite suspicion in every honorable 
 mind. This minister possessed nearly the uncontroled disposal of im- 
 mense sums of public money in times of profound peace. In what 
 manner had they been bestowed? It was his coarse and familiar 
 custom to accuse mankind of corruption, and surely it was not sur- 
 prising that mankind should retaliate that they should not believe him 
 to form an exception to a general rule established by himself. The 
 public, indeed, could not decide with justice upon facts which they had 
 not witnessed; but it was natural for them to infer, that he who had 
 been so openly lavish in his own expenditure, had not been sparing 
 where the resources of the people were concerned. The sums ex- 
 pended by Sir R. Walpole on his own household establishment, and 
 on his buildings were enormous. The number of his own immediate 
 relations, whom he had raised to very lucrative appointments in the 
 state, was unreasonably great. All these things were so opposite to 
 the pure and uncorrupt ideas of Mr. Pitt, that we cannot wonder, if 
 seeing these, and believing other points, he called aloud for enquiry. 
 The indemnity bill was rejected by the House of Peers, and although 
 one more effort was made against Lord Orford in the House of Com- 
 mons it produced no effect, and he was not further molested during 
 the short remainder of his life. But inactivity was of itself a punish- 
 ment. He was now compelled to circumscribe his exertions, and to 
 endeavour to find employment in the occupations of private life. 
 This was difllcult. He neither possessed, nor valued a taste for litera- 
 ture. His whole life having been devoted to active business, he was 
 a stranger to the calm pleasures of retirement. Notwithstanding, 
 therefore, the advance of years and the tortures of a cruel disorder, 
 Lord Orford did not relinquish his public employments without a 
 pang. Pursued by the unrelenting hatred of the people, he had yet 
 the satisfaction of preserving the esteem of his sovereign, and of seeing, 
 before he died, the expediency of many of his political measures ac- 
 knowledged by the bitterest of his enemies ^ 
 
 '■ Particularly his endeavours to effect a reconciliation between the Courts of Vienna and Berlin.
 
 CHANGES IN THE MINISTRY CONSIDERED. 75 
 
 Notwithstanding the great clamour which the measures of Sir CHAP. 
 R. Walpole had excited throughout the nation, the changes in the 1749. 
 ministry were, almost entirely, confined to the few following appoint- ^""""^ 
 ments. Lord Carteret accepted Lord Harrington's seals as secretary 
 of state ; Mr. Sandys obtained the Chancellorship of the Exchequer ; 
 G. Compton, Sir J. Rushout and P. Gibbons formed the new board 
 of Treasury ; and Lord Winchelsea was appointed head of the new 
 admiralty board. It is surprising that in this change, partial as it 
 was, neither Mr. Pitt, Mr. Lyttleton, nor any of the Grenvilles were 
 admitted to power. This was probably owing to the coldness which 
 had long subsisted between Lord Carteret and Lord Cobham. The 
 former was the particular friend of Mr. Pulteney. He had been se- 
 lected as a witness and a party to the private conferences held at Mr. 
 Pulteney 's house, and doubtless had influenced the new appointments. 
 Lord Cobham was disgusted with the marked preference shewn to 
 Carteret ; and although he was restored to a regiment and appointed 
 a member of the cabinet, he thought himself entitled to higher consi- 
 deration, and that his friends were unjustly neglected. Disappointed, 
 therefore, in their expectations of the coalition of parties. Lord Cob- 
 ham and his friends formed a very prominent part of the new oppo- 
 sition to the minister. This opposition, consisting both of Whigs and 
 Tories, soon became considerable. The first accession they acquired 
 was that of the Duke of Argyle. The character of this nobleman 
 has been variously represented. He appears to have been a man of 
 quick parts and lively feelings. His high rank and influence joined 
 to many showy accomplishments, procured him popularity, but his 
 reputation was above his merit, and his acquirements were more bril- 
 liant than sound. He was very instrumental in removing Sir R. 
 Walpole from power, and had, at first, accepted of several appoint- 
 ments under the new ministry. He had been made master general 
 of the Ordnance, colonel of his Majesty's royal regiment of horse 
 guards, field-marshal, and commander in chief of all the forces in 
 South Britain : but disgusted with the general arrangements of 
 administration, he relinquished all these appointments within a month 
 
 l2
 
 76 CHARACTERS OF LORD CARTERET, 
 
 ( IIAP. after be liad accepted them. The Tories, hurt that they had been 
 111 • • • ■ " 
 
 1742. almost entirely rejected from ofiice, became as hostile to Carteret as 
 
 '=== they had been to Walpole. The Prince of Wales, between whom and 
 his Majesty an outward reconciliation had taken place, and who, at 
 first, had acquiesced in the arrangements of Lord Bath^ soon resumed 
 his former station and became the head of the opposition. 
 
 Although the changes in the administration were, as I have 
 said, few in number, our measures of continental interference were 
 pursued with a very difteront spirit under the direction of the new 
 secretary of state. Lord Carteret could do nothing with indifference ; 
 whether in opposition, or at the helm of government a certain ardour 
 and impetuosity characterized all his proceedings. He knew the 
 martial spirit of George IL and quickly adopted that system of 
 foreign policy, which, whilst it flattered the prejudices of the King, 
 was also well suited to his own disposition. Lord Carteret was cer- 
 tainly one of the most accomplished men in Europe. He w as born in 
 1690. Both at Westminster school and at Oxford he was celebrated 
 for his attainments in classical literature. He afterwards became a 
 proficient in the modern languages of Europe, in philosophy, and in 
 every kind of polite learning. Ardent and aspiring in his disposition, 
 he possessed many powerful requisites to secure success to his ambi- 
 tion. Indefatigable in acquiring knowledge, with a great capacity 
 for business, his eloquence w-as well adapted to display his acquire- 
 ments ; but from his general qualifications as a statesman some mate- 
 rial deductions must be made. Although rapid and copious in his 
 elocution, his vehemence occasionally betrayed him into bombast. 
 The same cause rendered him sometimes rash and precipitate in his 
 projects, negligent of consequences, and extravagant in his views. 
 Although he was handsome and engaging in his person, and by no 
 means deficient in manners or address, he too often refused to employ 
 the common forms of courtesy and conciliation towards his associates 
 in ofhce. He could not but be conscious of the great abilities he 
 possessed, but he presumed too much upon them, and often offended 
 his colleagues by his arrogance and contemptuous behaviour. His 
 
 ' Mr. Pulteney had been created Earl of Bath.
 
 AND THE DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 77 
 
 convivial qualities, also, were unfavorable to his stability as a rai- CHAP, 
 nister: for they often betrayed him into excess. When warmed with 1742. 
 wine, he often forgot moderation in his language and demeanour ; == 
 assumed an offensive tone of superiority over his companions, and 
 launched forth into the sea of his boundless imagination. 
 
 Few men could be more unlike Lord Carteret, than the Duke of 
 Newcastle, the other secretary of state. The princely fortune of this 
 nobleman, and his zeal for the House of Hanover, brought him early 
 into official employment. Although not deficient in intellect and 
 quickness of apprehension, he was miserably devoid of firmness and 
 decision of character. That state of restlessness and anxiety which is 
 so repugnant to the health and inclinations of most men, was the one 
 in which he seemed most to delight. But however congenial to his 
 own feelings, this nmst have fevered and perplexed his colleagues ; 
 and it is surprising that a man of so fretful a temper, and, in most 
 respects, so unqualified for business, should so long have been able to 
 retain his employments. The political integrity of the Duke of New- 
 castle has been highly extolled, but how this can be reconciled to his 
 known and habitual violations of his promises, to the servile adulation 
 which he offered to those in the highest offices, and exacted from 
 those beneatli him ; and to his desertion of his fallen friends, I am 
 not able to determine. Horace Walpole tells us that his father said 
 of Newcastle " his name is treachery ;" and a judicious hving histo- 
 rian has remarked that " weakness of counsels, fluctuation of opinion, 
 and deficiency of spirit marked his administration during an inglori- 
 ous period of sixteen years; from which England did not recover, until 
 the mediocrity of his ministerial talents, and the indecision of his 
 character were controled by the ascendency of Pitt ''." 
 
 At this time and for several years afterwards Newcastle pro- 
 fessed himself to be averse to our continental connexions, but it will 
 easily be seen that a man of so feeble a character would possess 
 very little weight with the sovereign, when opposed by his own incli- 
 nations, and the enthusiastic ardour of Lord Carteret. 
 
 '' Coxe's Memoirs of Sir R. Walpole, Vol. i. p, 330.
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 1742. 
 
 Character of George the Second — A short view of those Kingdoms which were particularly 
 connected with the policy of Great Britain — Prussia — Frederick William — Frederick II. 
 — House of Austria — liodolph of Ilupsburg — The power and authority of the Emperors 
 of Germany considered — Charles VI. — Treaty of Hanover — Pragmatic sanction — 
 Death of Charles VI. — Maria Theresa — Peview of the conduct of the Court of England 
 with regard to Prussia and Austria — Forlorn condition of Maria Theresa — Enthusiasm 
 of her subjects in her support — Sir William Yonge's motion respecting a grant for the 
 maintenance of the Hanover troops — Mr. Pittas speech upon this occasion — Extract from 
 a speech of the elder Horace Walpole — Account of Mr. Pitt's eloquence by Mr. Oswald. 
 
 CHAP. George II. was born on the 30th October, 1683. With respect- 
 J742 ^blc talents, he possessed many quaUties useful in the sovereign. But 
 
 =^== as he was thirty-one years old when his father was called to the 
 British throne, his mind was strongly imbued with German prejudices, 
 and the interests of Hanover were ever nearest his heart. He clung 
 to certain opinions with obstinacy, but had the merit of sacrificing, 
 for a very long period, his own inclinations to M'hat was represented 
 to him as the interest of Great Britain. Such was his conduct during 
 nearly the whole of Sir R. Walpole's administration. His martial 
 spirit, and his high notions of the importance and dignity of Hanover, 
 prompted him to take a prominent part in continental warfare. We 
 iind him, notwithstanding, on several occasions, an inactive spectator 
 of the troubles of Germany, and consenting to measures, which by 
 aggrandizing France at the expense of Austria, tended to disturb the 
 balance of power in Europe. This was owing, first, to the high respect 
 he entertained for the judgment of Queen Caroline, who was convinced
 
 VIEW OF KINGDOMS POLITICALLY CONNECTED WITH GREAT BRITAIN. 79 
 
 of the propriety of Walpole's pacific system ; and, secondly, to the CHAP, 
 influence which that minister obtained over him. The King was 1742 
 himself one of the most methodical persons alive as to the arrange- === 
 ment of his time, and formed his opinions of men, in a great measure, 
 from their habits of business and application. Observing the assiduity 
 of Sir R. Walpole, and the extraordinary readiness with which he 
 dispatched affairs of the greatest difficulty, he conceived the highest 
 opinion of his talents, and generally acquiesced in the measures which 
 he proposed. But after the death of the Queen, the temper and 
 address of Walpole becoming impaired by age and infirmity, he no 
 longer possessed full influence with his master. It was at this time, 
 in the year 1740, when we were at war with Spain, that two events 
 occurred which formed a crisis in the affairs of Europe, and produced 
 events which called for the active interposition of Great Britain. 
 These were, the deaths of Frederick William, King of Prussia, and 
 of Charles VI. Emperor of Germany. That the reader may be 
 enabled to appreciate the depth of Mr. Pitt's political knowledge, and 
 understand the arguments in the succeeding speeches, it is necessary 
 that he possess a clear idea of the state of Europe for many years 
 previous to the battle of Dettingen. I shall therefore present him 
 with a short view of such kingdoms as were principally connected with 
 the politics of Great Britain, commencing with Prussia. I must here 
 offer an observation, which, however trifling, may prevent the general 
 reader from falling into error as to dates and events : It is, that with a 
 stupid and bewildering adherence to a favorite name, the electors 
 and kings of Prussia were nearly all of them styled Frederick and 
 Frederick William. A careful distinction, therefore, must be made 
 between each. But, however confined might be its vocabulary of 
 royal names, Prussia has been sufficiently productive of sovereigns, 
 illustrious for their deeds. When we observ^e the small space which 
 Prussia, even now, occupies upon the map of Europe, when we con- 
 sider that a few centuries ago it was inhabited by rude idolaters, we 
 cannot but entertain a high opinion of the genius of those, by vhom 
 the country has been raised to such eminence and importance. About
 
 80 PRUSSIA— FREDERICK WILLIAM. 
 
 CHAP, the niidcUe of the thirteenth century, the Knights of the Teutonic 
 1742. Order, being driven from those settlements, which, during the crusades 
 
 ^^^'^ tht;y liad made in the East, v ere compelled to return to German}', 
 The spirits of such men, .so long accustomed to the excitement of 
 adventure and war, could not rest contented in a state of inactive 
 repose. They, accordingly, invaded and conquered the idolatrous 
 province of Prussia, and for many years held it as a fief depending on 
 the crown of Poland. In the year 1526, that part of Prussia, which 
 bclonjred to the Teutonic Order, was erected into a secular and here- 
 ditary duchy, and the investiture granted to Albert, a prince of the 
 house of Brandenburg. It continued tributary to Poland during the 
 sixteenth and the greater part of the seventeenth century*. It was 
 not till the year 1658 that it obtained its liberation. This was effected 
 through the mediation of Austria, by the abilities of the great elector 
 Frederick William. His son Frederick I. assumed the regal title, 
 early in the eighteenth century. Although this assumption added 
 nothing to the power of Prussia, it was calculated, sooner or later, 
 to instil a spirit of ambition into his posterity. This evinced itself in 
 the conduct of his enterprising grandson. Frederick I. died in 1713, 
 and was succeeded by his son Frederick William. Europe misunder- 
 stood the character of this prince. Because he was rude and uncivilized 
 in his manners, and violent and arbitrary in his disposition, it has 
 been customary to denounce his views of government as weak and 
 sordid. His son thought otherwise. Harsh and unrelenting as he 
 was to that son, he is described by him as a wise and most prudent 
 sovereign. " The glory to which the late king aspired," says his 
 celebrated successor, " was a truer glory than that of conquerors ; it 
 was that of rendering his people prosperous, of disciplining his army, 
 and administering his finances with the sagest order and economy''." 
 
 Whilst his quiet system of government, the supposed sterility of 
 his provinces, and his attachment to the mere apparatus of war, sub- 
 
 » Sleidan, Hist. p. 98. Pfeffel, Abreg^ de I'Histoire et droit d'Allemagne, p. 605. Robert- 
 son's Charles V. 
 
 *■ Posthumous Works, chap. 2,
 
 FREDERICK II.— HOUSE OF AUSTRIA. 81 
 
 jected him to the sneers of surrounding princes ' ; he was, in fact, pur- CHAP, 
 suing that Une of pohcy which, subsequently, raised his country so 1740. 
 highly in the list of nations. But the taunts to which his abstinence =^ 
 from foreign politics subjected Frederick William sunk deep in the 
 heart of his son. Frederick II. upon his accession to the throne in 
 1740, determined to avail himself of the first favorable opportunity to 
 employ the fine army which his father had left behind him in assert- 
 ing the dignity and in enlarging the dominions of Prussia. The lapse 
 of a few months tended exactly to promote his designs. The death 
 of the Emperor Charles VI., the numerous claimants to parts of 
 his hereditary dominions, and the disputed succession of his daughter, 
 were all calculated to favour the projects of this selfish, unprincipled, 
 but enterprising man. He now thought he might enter the lists of 
 opposition, and almost upon even terms, with that family of whom, 
 during a very long term of years, his fathers had been the humble de- 
 pendants and allies. 
 
 The house of Austria, from very small beginnings, had, in the 
 thirteenth century, by the extraordinary valour and conduct of Ro- 
 dolph, Count of Hapsburg, raised itself to the highest eminence among 
 the sovereigns of Europe. For many generations the successors of 
 Rodolph were first amongst the German princes ; and in the early 
 part of the sixteenth century the Emperor, Charles V., became 
 lord of greater territories than any sovereign had possessed since the 
 days of Charlemagne. The imperial dignity had at all times been 
 one of the chief objects of ambition with the descendants of Rodolph, 
 and generally had been obtained by them. But we should be under 
 a gross error if we supposed that latterly that dignity was of itself the 
 great source of their power. In the eleventh century the emperors of 
 Germany possessed the amplest revenues and the most extensive 
 jurisdiction : their power was not nominal, but really extended over 
 the whole of Germany. It is singular, that at the period when most 
 
 ' Tlie Emperor, Charles the 6th, slighted him on several occasions. George the 2nd 
 called him his brother, the corporal, and sand bearer to the Roman Empire. Even the Bishop 
 of Leige ventured to insult him. — CEavres Posthumes, c. 2. 
 VOL, I. M
 
 82 EMPERORS OF GERMANY— CHARLES VI. 
 
 CHAP, of the sovereigns of Europe were beginning to increase their revenues, 
 J742, and strengthen their governments, the power and resources of the em- 
 
 == perors were gradually decaying. This resulted from the efforts which 
 1500 the several princes of Germany were enabled to make to secure their 
 1700. independence. At the beginning of the sixteenth century the German 
 empire presented a form of government which has no exact counter- 
 part in the history of the world. The Emperor, nominally invested 
 with the loftiest titles, was, in fact, no more than the head of a con- 
 federacy of secular and ecclesiastical princes; the head of a body 
 whose members were seldom in harmony. To render the exertions of 
 this body effective, the greatest abilities were required in the emperor. 
 These abilities Charles V. possessed, and was thus enabled to render 
 the imperial dignity a formidable engine in the furtherance of his 
 gigantic schemes. But even Charles, with his immense possessions, 
 and his conciliating manners, was frequently thwarted by the princes 
 of Germany. Succeeding Emperors saw their privileges still further 
 reduced ; till, by dismemberment of territory, and infringement of 
 authority at the peace of Westphalia, tlie imperial head of the House 
 of Austria lost that preponderance over France which his family had 
 hitherto maintained in the scale of Europe. Charles VI., the father 
 of jMaria Theresa, underwent many vicissitudes of fortune. He was 
 the son of the Emperor Leopold, and was born in l6S5. In 1703 he 
 was proclaimed King of Spain, and was assisted by England in retain- 
 injr that title against his rival Philip V. The various successes and 
 losses of Charles, and the exploits of our countrymen under the Earl 
 of Peterborough, are well known. On his brother Joseph's death, in 
 1710, the whole inheritance of the House of Austria devolved upon 
 Charles. He was soon afterwards elected Emperor, by the title of 
 Charles VI. The early years of his reign were distinguished by the 
 brilliant successes which Prince Eugene obtained over the Turks. 
 The treatment he experienced from Great Britain was various, but 
 upon the whole, hostile to his interests. Queen Anne was not partial 
 to Austria. She first weakened the friendship existing between the 
 two countries by abandoning the Grand Alliance, and forming a sepa-
 
 TREATY OF HANOVER— PRAGxMATIC SANCTION. 83 
 
 rate peace with France. The conduct of George I. was not calculated chap. 
 to repair the breach. The English cabinet seems to have visited J742 
 
 Austria with that resentment, which w as called for by the Emperor's == 
 infirmity of temper alone. The celebrated treaty of Hanover, con- 1720 
 eluded in 1725, was certainly contrary to the usual policy observed ^^^^ 
 by this country towards the House of Austria. Although the charge, 
 so often repeated, that the interests of Hanover were the chief motives 
 with the English ministers in concluding that treaty, appears to be 
 without foundation, it is certain, that in siding with France against 
 our natural ally, the House of Austria, we fatally disturbed the balance 
 of power, and entailed very heavy expenses and troubles upon our- 
 selves, in our subsequent attempts to secure its adjustment. The same 
 leaning towards the preponderance of France was, as I have observed, 
 evinced by the ministry during the first years of George H. The 
 Pragmatic Sanction, which is so often referred to in the course of this 
 history, was first promulgated by Charles in 1720. The object of 
 this was the concurrence of the European powers in the entail of the 
 Austrian dominions upon Charles's eldest daughter in default of his 
 male issue. Many contradictions resulted from this new law of suc- 
 cession. In accordance with the will of his brother Joseph, and, 
 indeed, with the principles of justice, the Austrian succession reverted, 
 in default of his own male issue, to his nieces, the daughters of his 
 predecessor. But the partiality of a father overcame all scruples and 
 all opposition. He obliged his nieces publicly to renounce their claim 
 to the succession, and to acknowledge the right of his eldest daughter. 
 This great object of his life became stronger as years advanced, and 
 in 1732 he was enabled to procure its adoption by the sufJrages of 
 the whole Germanic body, with the exception of those of Bavaria, 
 Palatine, and Saxony. The latter years of Charles were most unfor- 
 tunate. His spirits were weighed down with the view of past cala- 
 mities, and with the apprehension of those which threatened his family 
 and his country. Defeated by the Turks, circumvented and curbed 
 by France, surrounded by rival claimants of his dignities and posses- 
 sions, there was little in the prospect to cheer or console him. His 
 
 M 2
 
 8+ DEATH OF CHARLES VI.— MARIA THERESA. 
 
 CHAP, bodily constitution was undermined, and an attack of indigestion 
 1741. proved fatal to his life in October 1740. To what a tremendous 
 ■" station was Maria Theresa now called ! very young, and ignorant of 
 government, there seemed to be but one inheritance which descended 
 to her unquestioned — the pride of her family. But she possessed 
 qualities of her own wliich woll fitted her for empire, and to assert 
 every one of her claims in that perilous crisis. The subtle and enter- 
 prising Prussian, the aspiring Bavarian, the intriguing Frenchman, 
 ever watchful to increase his vast power and possessions, were all 
 intent upon Austria with a vulture's eye. The intentions of the Prus- 
 sian were soon developed l)y his actions. With astonishing secresy 
 and address, he despatched an army into Silesia; revived some anti- 
 quated claims of his family to parts of that duchy, and waited the 
 return of his envoy from Vienna, in the attitude of one determined to 
 take no denial to his proposals. But he had to deal with a sovereign 
 who, although a woman, young, lovely, and inexperienced, possessed 
 a most heroic and undaunted soul. The demands of the King of 
 Prussia were indignantly rejected by Maria Theresa, and an Austrian 
 army collected to resist and expel him from Silesia. Her success, 
 however, was not proportionate to her spirit. Victory declared for 
 the King of Prussia at the battle of Molwitz, in April 1741. To the 
 credit of the victor, it must be allowed, that he did not become pre- 
 sumptuous by success. He still proffered the same terms of reconci- 
 liation. The interests of her subjects, and the posture of Europe, 
 imperatively called upon Maria Theresa to accept those terms. It is, 
 doubtless, a duty which every sovereign owes to his people, his fore- 
 fathers, and his posterity, to preserve his empire, as extensively as 
 possible, from the invader's encroachment. But there are emergen- 
 cies when a sacrifice of territory is unavoidable. The good and wise 
 sovereign will ever consider the general welfare and happiness of his 
 subjects : he will not obstinately shut his eyes to his real situation : 
 he will not mistake the feelings of his own offended pride for those of 
 the country at large, but, for the security of the whole, will sometimes 
 consent to sacrifice a small part of his possessions. What was it then
 
 CONDUCT OF ENGLAND TOWARDS PRUSSIA AND AUSTRIA. 85 
 
 •which prevented the Queen of Hungary from gaining an ally so povv- CHAP, 
 erful and so necessary as Prussia, by the cession of a few towns in 174 J. 
 Silesia? It proceeded from three causes, the first and greatest of 
 which was the pride of Maria Theresa, which revolted at the idea of 
 being dictated to by one whom she considered as the vassal of her 
 father ; the second was the expectation she cherished of being sup- 
 ported by England in this haughty resolution ; and the third was her 
 infatuation in not perceiving the deceitful language and hostile inten- 
 tions of France. 
 
 I have already observed that at the time of the Emperor Charles 
 the Vlth's death, Sir R. Walpole^s influence Avith George II. was 
 somewhat declininsr. It was the wish and constant endeavour of that 
 minister and of his brother Horace Walpole, to effect a reconciliation 
 between the Queen of Hungary and the King of Prussia. But the 
 enthusiastic spirit which prevailed throughout England in favor of the 
 former Sovereign, and George the Ilnd's antipathy to Frederick were 
 well known to the court of Vienna. They knew that under such cir- 
 cumstances they were sure of obtaining supplies from Great Britain. 
 This rendered them cold and insincere in their negociations with 
 Prussia. On the very eve of the battle of Molwitz the King of Eng- 
 land addressed the following speech to his Parliament from the 
 throne : " At the opening of this session I took notice to you of the 
 death of the late Emperor, and of my resolution to adhere to the 
 engagements I am under, in order to the maintaining of the balance 
 of power and the liberties of Europe on that important occasion. 
 The assurances I received from you in return to this communication, 
 were perfectly agreeable to that zeal and vigour which this parliament 
 has always exerted in the support of the honor and interest of my 
 crown and kingdoms, and of the common cause. 
 
 " The war which has since broken out, and been carried on in part 
 of the Austrian dominions and the various and extensive claims which 
 are publicly made on the late Emperor's succession are new events, 
 that require the utmost care and attention, as they may involve all 
 Europe in a bloody war, and in consequence expose the dominions
 
 S6 CONDUCT OF ENGLAND TOWARDS AUSTRIA AND PRUSSIA. 
 
 CHAP, of such princes as shall take part in support of the Pragmatic Sanction 
 1741. t'^ imminent and immediate danger. The Queen of Hungary has 
 already made a requisition of the 12,000 men expressly stipulated by 
 treaty; and thereupon I have demanded of the King of Denmark and 
 of the King of Sweden, as Landgrave of Hesse Cassel, their respective 
 bodies of troops, consisting of 6,000 men each to be in readiness to 
 march forthwith to the assistance of her Hungarian Majesty. I am 
 also concerting such further measures as may obviate and disappoint 
 the dangerous designs and attempts that may be forming, or carried 
 on in favour of any unjust pretensions, to the prejudice of the House 
 of Austria. In this complicated, and uncertain state of things, many 
 incidents may arise, during the time when, by reason of the approach- 
 ing conclusion of this parliament, it may be impossible for me to have 
 your advice and assistance, which may make it necessary for me to 
 enter into still larger expenses for maintaining the Pragmatic Sanc- 
 tion. In a conjuncture so critical, I have thought it proper to lay 
 these important considerations before you, and to desire the concur- 
 rence of my parliament in enabling me to contribute, in the most 
 effectual manner, to the support of the Queen of Hungary, the 
 preventing, bv all reasonable means, the subversion of the House of 
 Austria, and to the maintaining the liberties and balance of power in 
 Europe ''." 
 
 Mr. Clutterbuck, one of the Lords of the Treasury, opened the' 
 debate in the House of Commons, and, in the course of his speech, 
 made some severe reflections upon the conduct of the King of Prussia. 
 Mr, Henry Fox observed, " that if we suffer the House of Austria to 
 be overborne, our posterity through every generation may have reason 
 to curse our injudicious parsimony, our fatal inactivity, and our 
 perfidious cowardice. With what views the King of Prussia concurs 
 in the measures of France, or upon what principles of policy he 
 promises to himself any security in the enjoyment of his new domi- 
 nions, it is not easy to conjecture ; but as it is easy to discover that 
 
 '' Journals — Chandler.
 
 FORLORN CONDITION OF MARIA THERESA. 87 
 
 whatever he may propose to himself, his conduct evidently tends to CHAP, 
 the ruin of Austria, so he may, in my opinion, justly be opposed, if 174;. 
 he cannot be diverted or made easy'/' 
 
 In the short speech attributed to Mr. Viner, on this occasion, the 
 following sensible remarks are worthy of attention : " If I mistake 
 not the true intention of the address proposed, we are invited to 
 declare that we will oppose the King of Prussia in his attempts upon 
 Silesia, a declaration in which I knew not how any man can concur 
 who knows not the nature of his claim, and the laws of the empire. 
 It ought therefore. Sir, to have been the first endeavour of those by 
 whom this address has been so zealously supported, to shew that his 
 claim, so publicly explained, so firmly urged, and so strongly supported, 
 is without foundation and reason, and is only one of those imaginary 
 titles, which ambition may always find, to the dominions of another ." 
 
 On the ISth of April a grant of 300,000/. was voted to the Queen 
 of Hungary. But notwithstanding this pecuniary aid, which pre- 
 vented an accommodation with Prussia, the situation of that princess 
 soon became most deplorable and forlorn. Almost all the states of 
 Germany were leagued against her. The Elector of Bavaria was her 
 enemy, the open claimant of most of her dominions. The Electors 
 of Cologne, Saxony and the Palatine espoused his quarrel. But the 
 most powerful and the most dangerous of her adversaries was France. 
 Whilst secretly encouraging and assisting the Elector of Bavaria, 
 France had long deluded Maria Theresa with vague assurances of 
 friendship. But this mask was now removed. The Elector of Bavaria, 
 assisted by one large French army took possession of Lintz, and was 
 inaugurated Duke of Austria. The consternation, excited by his 
 successes in Vienna, was extreme, and that city was in dread of an 
 instant siege and reduction. Bohemia became subject to the Bavarian : 
 he was crowned King at Prague, and hourly expected the imperial 
 diadem. Another French army, under Maillebois, spread terror 
 
 e Gentleman's Magazine, 1742. 
 ' I have been more full in giving extracts from this debate, as no historian, excepting Coxe, 
 has mentioned it, and Chandler has omitted it in his collection.
 
 88 ENTHUSIASM OF HER SUBJECTS IN HER SUPPORT. 
 
 CHAP through Westphaha; menacing Hanover, it deterred George II. from 
 J 742 his intended active interposition in favor of Maria Theresa, and 
 
 ' induced him to promise not to oppose the elevation of the Elector of 
 
 Bavaria ^ Whilst so many neighbouring kingdoms were intent on the 
 destruction of Austria, and eagerly anticipating the spoil, Spain 
 wished not to remain inactive. The restless Queen, Elizabeth Far- 
 nese, who, exclusively, directed the affairs of that kingdom, despatched 
 20,000 Spaniards under Montcmar, into Naples, and another army 
 soon after, under her second son Don Philip, through Dauphine and 
 Savoy into Austrian Lombardy. Such was the mournful situation of 
 Maria Theresa. But if dejected by her situation, she was not of a 
 disposition to give way to despair. She knew, better than her minis- 
 ters, the dispositions of her Hungarian subjects. To their generosity 
 she determincid to appeal. The heroism of her character, the beauty 
 of her person, and the singular difficulty of her situation, were calcu- 
 lated to warm every heart in her cause, and nerve every arm in her 
 defence. Perhaps the effect produced at this time by her appearance 
 in the midst of her subjects at Presburg was never exceeded. What 
 an appeal to chivalry was there ! A woman — young — lovely — in 
 tears — their sovereign. How many strings of every heart must then 
 have vibrated ! The appeal was irresistible. 
 
 " The Queen, the beauty, sets the world in arms." 
 
 At length convinced of the necessity of detaching Prussia from 
 the general confederacy against her, Maria Theresa concluded an 
 
 ' The designs of France in aiding the Elector of Bavaria are thus described by the penetrat- 
 ing and selfish King of Prussia. " Le minist^re de Versailles etoit dans la persuasion que e'en 
 etoit fait de la Puissance Autrichienne, et qu'on alloit la detruire pour jamais. II vouloit Clever, 
 sur les ruines de cet Empire, quatre souverains dont les forces pourroient se balancer rccipro- 
 quement ; savoir, la reine de Hongrie, qui guarderoit ce royaurae, I'Autriche, la Styrie, la Ca- 
 rinthie et la Carniole ; I'electeur de Bavifere, inaitre de la Boheme, du Tyrol et du Brisgau ; la 
 Prusse avec la basse Silesie ; enfin, la Saxe joignant la haute Silcsie et la Moravie a ses autres 
 possessions. Ces quatre voisins n'auroient jamais pu secomporter k la longue, et la France se 
 preparoit a jouer le role d'arbitre et a dominer sur des despotes qu'elle auroit 6tablis elle-mSme." 
 — Histoire de mon temps. Chap, iv.
 
 SIR W. YONGE'S MOTION RESPECTING THE HANOVER TROOPS. 89 
 
 armistice with that Sovereign. Although this was of short duration, chap. 
 it enabled her to employ the undivided energies of her subjects against 1742. 
 the French and Bavarians. By the influence and intrigues of France == 
 the Elector of Bavaria was elected Emperor in February 1742. But, 
 however elated he might be for the moment, in thus wresting the im- 
 perial diadem from the House of Austria, he had little cause to tri- 
 umph. The very day which gave him this poor nominal ascendancy 
 over his rival, beheld the armies of that rival in possession of his 
 own capital. Meantime the King of Prussia renewed hostilities 
 against Austria, and soon afterwards defeated Prince Charles of 
 Lorraine in the battle of Czaslau. But, although victorious, Frederick 
 was convinced of the sinister designs of France in thus opposing one 
 German state against another, and was therefore desirous to terminate 
 the war. He made overtures of accommodation to the Queen of 
 Hungary, and peace was concluded between these two powers, 
 although at a much greater sacrifice of territory on the part of Austria, 
 than was originally demanded by Prussia. For a considerable time 
 after this, success attended the arms of Austria, and so elated the 
 Queen of Hungary, that she not only entertained hopes of recovering 
 the possessions she had lost, but indulged in the most visonary antici- 
 pations of adding largely to her grandeur and dominion at the ex- 
 pence of Bavaria and France. 
 
 On the 10th of December, 1742, a motion being made in the 
 House of Commons by Sir William Yonge that 265,191/. 6s. old. 
 be granted for defraying the charge of 5513 horse and 10,755 foot of 
 the troops of Hanover together with the general officers and the train 
 of artillery in the pay of Great Britain from August 31st to 25th De- 
 cember, 1742 inclusive, a long debate ensued in which many able 
 speakers took part. Sir J. S. Aubin and Lord Quarendon opposed 
 the motion, Mr. Bladen and Mr. Fox supported it. The latter gen- 
 tleman having at the conclusion of his speech observed that, " he 
 should vote for the continuance of these measures, till better 
 should be proposed, and should think that those troops ought to 
 be retained, unless it could be shewn that others might be had who 
 
 VOL. I. N
 
 1742. 
 
 00 MR. PITT'S SPEECH ON THE OCCASION. 
 
 CHAP, might be less dangerous or of greater use/' Mr. Pitt answered him 
 thus ' : 
 
 " If the Honorable Gentleman determines to abandon his pre- 
 sent sentiments as soon as any better measures are proposed, the 
 ministry will quickly be deprived of one of their ablest defenders : 
 for I consider the measures hitherto pursued, so weak and so pernici- 
 ous, that scarcely any alteration can be proposed that will not be for 
 the advantage of the nation. 
 
 " The Honorable Gentleman has already been informed, that no 
 necessity existed for hiring auxiliary troops. It does not appear 
 that either justice or policy required us to engage in the quarrels of 
 the continent : that there was any need of forming an army in the 
 Low countries ; or, that in order to form an army, auxiliaries were 
 necessary. 
 
 " But, not to dwell upon disputable points, I think it may justly 
 be concluded that the measures of our ministry ha\e been ill con- 
 certed, because it is undoubtedly wrong to squander the public money 
 without effect : to pay armies, only to be a shew to our fiiends, and 
 a scorn to our enemies. 
 
 " The troops of Hanover, whom we are now expected to pay, 
 marched into the Low countries, Sir, where they still remain. They 
 marched to the place most distant from the enemy, least in danger 
 of an attack, and most strongly fortified, had an attack been designed. 
 They have, therefore, no other claim to be paid, than that they left 
 their own country for a place of greater security. It is always rea- 
 sonable to judge of the future by the past, and therefore it is probable 
 that next year the services of these troops will not be of equal import- 
 ance with those for which they are now to be paid. I shall not, 
 therefore, be surprised, if, after such another glorious campaign, the 
 opponents of the ministry be challenged to propose better men, and 
 be told that the money of this nation cannot be more properly em- 
 ployed than in hiring Hanoverians to eat and sleep. 
 
 . > This Speech, with a few variations, is taken from Chandler's Collection of Debates.
 
 MR. PITT'S SPEECH ON THE OCCASION. 91 
 
 " But to prove, yet more particularly, that better measures may CHAP, 
 be taken; that more useful troops may be retained ; and that, there- 1742. 
 fore, the Honorable Gentleman may be expected to quit those to '"^"""""^ 
 whom he now adheres ; I shall shew that, in hiring the forces of 
 Hanover, we have obstructed our own designs ; that, instead of assist- 
 ing the Queen of Hungary, we have withdrawn from her a part of the 
 allies, and have burthened the nation with troops from which no ser- 
 vice can reasonably be expected. 
 
 " The advocates of the ministry have, on this occasion, affected 
 to speak of the balance of power, the Pragmatic Sanction, and the 
 preservation of the Queen of Hungary, not only as if they were to be 
 the chief care of Great Britain, which, (although easily controvert- 
 ible,) might, in compliance with long prejudices, be possibly ad- 
 mitted ; but as if they were to be the care of Great Britain alone. 
 These advocates, Sir, have spoken as if the power of France were 
 formidable to no other people than ourselves ; as if no other part of 
 the world would be injured by becoming a prey to an universal 
 monarchy, and subject to the arbitrary government of a French de- 
 puty ; by being drained of its inhabitants only to extend the con- 
 quests of its masters, and to make other nations equally wretched ; 
 and by being oppressed with exorbitant taxes, levied by military exe- 
 cutions, and employed only in supporting the state of its oppressors. 
 They dwell upon the importance of public faith, and the necessity of 
 an exact observation of treaties, as if the Pragmatic Sanction had 
 been signed by no other potentate than the King of Great Britain ; 
 as if the public faith were to be obligatory upon ourselves alone. 
 
 " That we should inviolably observe our treaties — observe them 
 although every other nation should disregard them ; that we should 
 shew an example of fidelity to mankind, and stand firm in the practice 
 ot virtue, though we should stand alone, I readily allow. I am, there- 
 fore, far from advising that we should recede from our stipulations 
 whatever we may suffer in their fulfilment ; or that we should neglect 
 the support of the Pragmatic Sanction, however we may be at present 
 embarrassed, or however disadvantageous may be its assertion. 
 
 N 2
 
 ^■- MR. PITT'S SPEECH ON THE OCCASION. 
 
 CHAP. " But surely, Sir, for the same reason that we observe our 
 
 174-2. stipulations, we ought to excite other powers also to observe their 
 own : at the least, Sir, we ought not to assist in preventing them 
 from doing so. But how is our present conduct agreeable to these 
 principles ? The Pragmatic Sanction was guaranteed, not only by the 
 King of Great Britain, but by the Elector of Hanover also, who, (if 
 treaties constitute obligation,) is thereby equally obliged to defend 
 the House of Austria against the attacks of any foreign power, and to 
 send his proportion of troops for the Queen of Hungary's support. 
 
 " A\ hether these troops have been sent, those Avhose province 
 obliges them to possess some knowledge of foreign affairs, are better 
 able to inform the House than m^'self : but, since we have not heard 
 them mentioned in this debate, and since we know by experience that 
 none of the merits of that Electorate are passed over in silence, it 
 may, I think, be concluded, that the distresses of the Queen of Hun- 
 gary have yet received no allc\iation from her aUiance with Hanover; 
 that her complaints have excited no compassion at that court, and 
 that the justice of her cause has obtained no attention. 
 
 " To what can be attributed this negligence of treaties, this dis- 
 regard of justice, this defect of compassion, but to the pernicious 
 counsels of those who have advised his Majesty to hire and to send 
 elsewhere those troops which should have been employed for the 
 Queen of Hungary's assistance. It is not to be imagined. Sir, that 
 his Majesty has more or less regard to justice as King of Great Britain, 
 than as Elector of Hanover ; or that he would not have sent his pro- 
 portion of troops to the Austrian army, had not the temptation of 
 greater profit been laid industriously before him. But this is not all 
 that may be urged against such conduct. For, can we imagine that 
 the power, that the designs of France, are less formidable to Hanover 
 than Great Britain ? Is it less necessary for the security of Hanover 
 than of ourselves, that the House of Austria should be re-established 
 in its former splendor and influence, and enabled to support the liber- 
 ties of Europe against the enormous attempts at universal monarchy 
 by France.
 
 MR. PITT'S SPEECH ON THE OCCASION. 9-3 
 
 '* If, therefore, our assistance be an act of honesty, and granted CHAP, 
 in consequence of treaties, why may it not be equally required of 1742. 
 Hanover ? If it be an act of generosity, why should this nation alone 
 be obliged to sacrifice her own interests for those of others ? or why 
 should the Elector of Hanover exert his liberality at the expence of 
 Great Britain alone ? 
 
 " It is now too apparent, Sir, that this powerful, this great, this 
 mighty nation, is considered only as a province to a despicable Elec- 
 torate ; and that in consequence of a plan formed long ago, and inva- 
 riably pursued, these troops are hired only to drain us of our money. 
 That they have hitherto been of no use to Great Britain or to Austria, 
 is evident beyond a doubt ; and therefore it is plain that they are 
 retained only for the purposes of Hanover, 
 
 " How much reason the transactions of almost every year have 
 given for suspecting this absurd, ungrateful, and perfidious partiality, 
 it is not necessary to declare. I doubt not that most of those who sit 
 in this House can recollect a great number of instances in point, from 
 the purchase of part of the Swedish dominions, to the contract which 
 we are now called upon to ratify. Few, I think, can have forgotten 
 the memorable stipulation for the Hessian troops : for the forces of 
 the Duke of Wolfenbuttle, which we were scarcely to march beyond 
 the verge of their own country : or the ever memorable treaty, the 
 tendency of which is discovered in the name. A treaty by which we 
 disunited ourselves from Austria, destroyed that building, which we 
 now endeavour, perhaps in vain, to raise again ; and weakened the 
 only power to which it was our interest to give strength. 
 
 " To dwell upon all the instances of partiality which have been 
 shewn, and the yearly visits which have been paid to that ddightfid 
 country : to reckon up all the sums that have been spent to aggran- 
 dize and enrich it, would be an irksome and invidious task — invidious 
 to those who are afraid to be told the truth, and irksome to those who 
 are unwilling to hear of the dishonour and injuries of their country. 
 I shall dwell no longer upon this unpleasing subject than to express 
 my hope that we shall no longer suffer ourselves to be deceived and
 
 9i EXTRACT FROM A SPEECH OF THE ELDER HORACE WALPOLE. 
 
 CHAP, oppressed : that we shall at length perform our duty as representatives 
 1742. of the people : and, by refusing to ratify this contract, shew, that 
 
 ""^^^^ however the interests of Hanover have been preferred by the minis- 
 ters, the Parliament pays no regard but to the interests of Great 
 Britain." 
 
 Few questions have ever agitated the country more than that 
 respecting the employment of the Hanover troops. It was the ge- 
 neral theme of discussion both in the writings and conversation of the 
 day. That formidable pamphlet, " The case of the Hanover troops 
 in the pay of Great Britain '," had then just made its appearance. 
 This is said by Horace, Lord Orford, to have been written by, or under 
 the direction of, Pitt, Lyttleton, and Doddington. Archdeacon Coxe 
 attributes it to Lord Chesterfield and Mr. Waller. The senior Horace 
 Walpole, although he professes himself ignorant of the author, appears 
 to have considered Mr. Pitt as concerned in it, at least he charges 
 him with taking his opinions from the pamphlet, and in answer to 
 the speech which I have gi\en above, made the following violent 
 remarks, 
 
 " I have hitherto imagined that the weekly journalists, and the 
 occasional pamphleteers, were the oracles only of the lowest of the 
 people, and that all those, whom their birth or fortune has exalted 
 above the crowd, and introduced to a more extensive conversation, 
 had considered them as wretches, compelled to write by want, and 
 obliged, therefore, to write what will most engage attention, by flat- 
 tering the envy or malignity of mankind, and who, therefore, propa- 
 gate falsehoods, not because they themselves believe them, and disse- 
 minate faction, not because they themselves are of any party, but 
 because they are obliged to gratify their employers, either to amuse 
 the public with novelties, or disturb it with alarms, in order that their 
 works may not pass unregarded, and their labour be spent in vain. This 
 is my opinion of the party writers, and this I imagined the opinion 
 
 ' Horace, Lord Orford, inaccurately says, that this pamphlet appeared in 1744. Vide 
 Memoires.
 
 ACCOUNT OF MR. PITT'S ELOQUENCE BY MR. OSWALD. 95 
 
 of the rest of mankind, who had the same opportunities of informa- CHAP. 
 
 . .IV 
 
 tion with myself; nor should I readily have believed, that any of their 1749. 
 performances could have produced greater effects than those of 
 inflaming the lowest of the people, and inciting the dregs of society 
 to insult their superiors, had I not perceived that the Honorable 
 Gentleman, who spoke last, owed his opinions of the partiality shewn 
 to the dominions of Hanover, to a late treatise which has, on occasion 
 of this contract, been very industriously dispersed among the people. 
 
 " Of this detestable pamphlet I know not the author, nor do I 
 think that he deserves that any enquiry should be made after him, 
 excepting by a proclamation, that may set a price upon his head, and 
 offer the same reward for discovering him as is given for the conviction 
 of wretches less criminal. Indeed I cannot think the lenity of the 
 government can easily be distinguished from negligence and supine- 
 ness, whilst libels like this are dispersed openly in the streets, and 
 .sold in shops, without fear, and without danger. Sedition is thus 
 openly promoted, and treason, or sentiments very nearly bordering on 
 treason, are thus propagated without disguise \" 
 
 Whatever may be our opinions of the treatise in question, it is 
 certain that Horace Walpole deserved more praise for answering it by 
 fair argument in his pamphlet entitled, " The interest of Great Britain 
 steadily pursued," than he did by thus loading it in his speech with 
 unmeaning invective. Sir Wilham Yonge's motion was carried by a 
 majority of 260 against 193. 
 
 The following most interesting comparison between Mr. Pitt and 
 Mr. Murray ' in the debates which arose upon the question respecting 
 the Hano\ er troops, is thus given by Mr. Oswald in a letter to Mr. 
 Home". " On the first day Murray was introduced to support the 
 court, which he did in a set speech extremely methodical, with great 
 perspicuity, and very fine colouring. He was replied to by Pitt, who, 
 in the most masterly manner^ laying hold of the weakest parts of his 
 
 '' Gent. Mag. voL xiv. p. 124. ' Afterwards Earl of Mansfield. 
 
 " See Memorials of the Right Honorable James Oswald, published in 1 825.
 
 9(> ACCOUNT OF MR. PITT'S ELOQUENCE BY MR. OSWALD. 
 
 CHAP, speech, with the greatest strength of expression, and in the most 
 ,-42 manly style I ever witnessed, turned almost all his colours against 
 ^^"""^"^ him. Murray had laid a good deal of stress on exposing the incon- 
 sistency of advising one thing the one year, and the next abusing it, 
 merely through a spirit of opposition. Pitt shewed how the object 
 was varied, but varied by the ministers; and then turned every argu- 
 ment Murray had employed against himself The one spoke like a 
 pleader, and could not divest himself of a certain appearance of 
 ha\ing been employed by others. The other spoke like a gentleman, 
 like a statesman, who felt what he said, and possessed the strongest 
 desire of conveying that feeling to others, for their own interest, and 
 that of their country. Murray gaina your attention by the perspi- 
 cuity of his arguments, and the elegance of his diction. Pitt com- 
 mands your attention and respect, by the nobleness, the greatness of 
 his sentiments, the strength and energy of his expressions, and the 
 certainty you are in of his always rising to a greater elevation 
 both of thought and style. For this talent he possesses beyond any 
 speaker I ever heard, of ne\ er falling from the beginning to the end 
 of his speech, either in thought or in expression. And, as in this 
 session he has begun to speak like a man of business, as well as an 
 orator, he will in all probability be, or rather at present is, allowed to 
 make as great an appearance as ever man did in that House. Murray 
 has not spoken since, on the other two debates, where his rival carried 
 all before him, being very unequally matched with Pelham, Young 
 and Winnington. I dare say you will scarce be able to read this 
 scrawl, which I have drawn to an immeasurable length, from the 
 difficulty I find in having done when Pitt is the subject ; for I think 
 him sincerely the most finished character I ever knew."
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 1743. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 Death of Cardinal Fleiin/ — Its ill consequences to France — Battle of Dettingen — Death 
 of Lord Wilmington, uho is succeeded at the Treasury by Mr. Pelham — Lord Carte- 
 ret's want of popularity — Meeting of Parliament — King's speech — Address of the 
 Commons — Mr. Pitt's speech upon the address — Remarks upon that speech — Speeches 
 of Mr. Pitt on the 6th and on the 1 5th of December. 
 
 On the 30th January, 1743, France sustained a heavy loss by the 
 death of the celebrated Cardinal Fleury, who had been seventeen 
 years at the head of the government. He died in the ninety-first 1743. 
 year of his age, and has appropriately been styled by Voltaire the 
 Nestor of France. If the similarity between this minister and Sir 
 R. Walpole, as to political sentiment, was striking, it was no less so 
 between his successor and Lord Carteret. Cardinal Tencin, the new 
 minister of state, was as bold and impetuous as Fleury had been 
 cautious and unenterprising. The death of Cardinal Fleury operated 
 most unfavourably upon the councils of France. The ministry were 
 men of opposite views and characters, and scarcely one of them was 
 adapted for his own department. The same disagreement prevailed 
 in their armies, and their campaigns were disastrous. George II. 
 having entered with great zeal into the Queen of Hungary's cause, 
 arrived in the camp of the allies on the 9th June, 1743. Soon after 
 this, the English troops had an opportunity of exerting tliose efforts, 
 which, at the present day, have become as proverbial for their success, 
 as they always have been for their valour. I shall be forgiven, if in 
 speaking of the victory gained on the 19th June, 1743, I revert to 
 the hero of that most illustrious one, which now for ever marks the 
 VOL. I. o
 
 08 BATTLE OF DETTINGEN— LORD WILMINGTON DIES, 
 
 CHAP, preceding day on our calendar. The victory of Dettingen was signal, 
 J 743 but it was followed by no advantages to the victors. How different 
 ^^^^^"^ would have been the results had a Wellington commanded ! The 
 battles of Wellington have not been merely marked by the long 
 details of enemies killed, wounded, or made prisoners ; by the flags 
 and cannon captured; they have been most conspicuous by their 
 results. The allies were chiefly indebted for the victory of Dettingen 
 to the rashness of two of the enemy's generals, M. de Harcourt and 
 M. de (jirammont. In their eagerness to signalise their \alor, they 
 overlooked the superior position Avhich the French army enjoyed, and 
 gave battle to disadvantage'. In addition to this, it must be observed, 
 that many of their troops behaved most disgracefully, and fled very 
 early in the engagement \ But if the French Marshal, de Noailles, 
 Mas unsuccessful at Dettingen, he merely experienced a reverse, to 
 which the greatest generals are exposed. His conduct after that battle 
 is deserving of much higher praise than that which any victory can 
 bestow. Be it recorded, to his eternal honor, that he cherished the 
 sick and wounded, which his enemy left on the field of Dettingen, 
 with the greatest tenderness and care. 
 
 In the September following the treaty of Worms was concluded, 
 between the King of Great Britain, the King of Sardinia, and the 
 Queen of Hungary. The terms of this treaty were dictated, neither 
 by justice nor expediency. Whilst it imposed a heavy burthen upon 
 England, it sanctioned also a gross violation of the rights of Genoa. 
 
 In July, 1743, the Earl of Wilmington, who had long been in 
 an infirm state of health, and httle more than a cypher in the cabinet, 
 died, and was succeeded at the Treasury by Mr. Pelham. This 
 appointment was owing to the secret influence of Lord Orford, and 
 was directly opposite to the wishes of Lord Carteret, who had earnestly 
 
 * On appella cctte action la joiimee des batons rompus, parceque M. de Harcourt and M. de 
 Grammont n'avoient attaque que dans resperance d'obtenir le baton de Mart-chal, comme une 
 recompense due a leur valeur. — Histoirc de mon temps. 
 
 ^ Les gardes Francoises ne soutinrent pas la premiere decharge des Autrichiens ; elles prirent 
 ta fuite d'uue maniere honteuse, et se precipiterent dans le Mein, oil elles se noy^rent. On don- 
 na aux Gardes Fran<;ois le sobriquet de Canards de Mein. — Histoire de mon temps.
 
 AND IS SUCCEEDED BY MR. PELHAM. 99 
 
 requested the King to confer it on the Earl of Bath. All those who CHAP, 
 had acted under Sir R. Walpole saw Mr. Pelham's rise with the J743 
 highest satisfaction. He had for some years been considered as a === 
 useful and elegant speaker, a sound practical man of business, deficient, 
 indeed, in genius and energy of character, but possessing a clear 
 judgment, amiable manners, and an unblemished reputation. A 
 misunderstanding between Lord Carteret, and the Pelhams had long 
 existed, and the situation of the former now became very critical and 
 embarasssing. He stood nearly alone, against the united efforts of 
 the old Walpole party, many of the cabinet ministers, and the whole 
 force of opposition. He possessed, indeed, the favor and confidence 
 of the King, but was, on this account, the more unpopular. The 
 grossest exaggerations, relative to his conduct, prevailed among the 
 people, nor was the character of the sovereign spared. It was said 
 that the inactivity of the aUies, subsequent to the battle of Dettingen, 
 was owing to the councils of Lord Carteret, that the partiality of the 
 King to his electoral subjects was so evident that he had worn the 
 Hanoverian scarf during the battle: that the advice of the English 
 general had been despised : and that the cowardice of the Hanoverian 
 troops had nearly occasioned a defeat to the allies. Although the 
 greater part of these assertions were unfounded, they served the pur- 
 poses of those who uttered them, and inflamed the minds of the people 
 to the highest pitch of indignation. Parliament met on Thursday 
 the 1st December, 1743. The King's speech related, principally, to 
 the past events upon the continent, and to the general plan to be pur- 
 sued in behalf of the Queen of Hungary. The following is an extract 
 from the address of the House of Commons to his Majesty. " We 
 beg leave to congratulate your Majesty on your safe and happy 
 return into this kingdom; and with hearts full of gratitude, we 
 acknowledge the goodness of Divine Providence to this nation, in 
 protecting your Majesty's sacred person amidst the imminent dangers 
 to Avhich your invaluable life has been exposed, in defence of the com- 
 mon cause, and of the liberties of Europe. Your Majesty's regard 
 and attention to the advice of your Parliament in exerting your en- 
 
 o 2
 
 100 MR. PITT'S SPEECH 
 
 CHAP. (lca\oiirs lor the preservation of the House of Austria, require our 
 1743. \varmest acknowledgements; and it is with the highest satisfaction we 
 
 == reflect on the success of your Majesty's arms in the prosecution of this 
 great and necessary work, with so much glory to yourself, and honor 
 to the nation." 
 
 The usual address to the speech from the throne being moved, 
 Mr. Pitt expressed his opinion against the motion in M^ords to the fol- 
 lowing effect ' : 
 
 " From the proposition before the House, Sir, we may perceive, 
 that, whatever alteration has been, or may be, produced by the late 
 change in administration with respect to foreign measures, we can ex- 
 pect none with regard to our domestic aft'airs. In foreign measures, 
 indeed, a most extraordinary change has taken place. From one ex- 
 treme our administration have run to the very verge of another. Our 
 former minister betrayed the interests of his country by his cowardice ; 
 our present minister would sacrifice them to his quixotism. Our 
 former minister w as for negociating with all the world ; our present 
 minister is for fighting against all the world. Our former minister 
 was for agreeing to every treaty, however dishonorable ; our present 
 minister will give ear to none, although the most reasonable that can 
 be desired. Thus, whilst both appear to be extravagant, this dif- 
 ference results from their opposite conduct ; that the wild system of 
 the one must subject the nation to a much heavier expenditure than 
 was ever incurred by the pusillanimity of the other. The Honorable 
 Gentleman who spoke last was correct in saying, that in the beginning 
 of the session we could know nothing, in a parliamentary way, of the 
 measures that had been pursued. I believe, Sir, we shall know as 
 little, in that way, at the end of the -session ; for our new minister, in 
 this, as in every other step of his domestic conduct, will follow the 
 example of his predecessor, and put a negati\ e upon every motion 
 winch may tend towards our acquiring any Parliamentary knowledge 
 
 The following speech is taken, with a few slight variations, from the London Magazine 
 for the year 1744. Mr. Pitt spoke in answer to the Honorable Edward Coke who moved, and 
 to the Honorable Philip Yorke, who seconded the Address.
 
 UPON THE ADDRESS TO THE KING. 101 
 
 of our late proceedings. But if we possess no knowledge of these pro- chap. 
 ceedings, it is, surely, as strong an argument for our not approving, as J743 
 it can be for our not condemning them. Sir, were nothing relating ~ 
 to our late measures proposed to be inserted in our address upon this 
 occasion, those measures would not have been noticed by me ; but 
 when an approbation is proposed, I am compelled to employ 
 the knowledge I possess, whether Parliamentary or otherwise, in 
 order that I may join or not in the vote of approbation. What 
 thouo-h my knovyledge of our late measures were derived from 
 foreign and domestic newspapers alone, even of that knowledge 
 I must avail myself, when obliged to express my opinion; and 
 when from that knowledge I apprehend them to be wrong, it is 
 my duty, surely, to withhold my approbation. I am bound to 
 persist in thus withholding it till the minister be pleased to furnish 
 me with such Parliamentary knowledge as may convince me that 
 I have been misinformed. This would be my proper line of con- 
 duct when, from the knowledge I possess, instead of approving any 
 late measures, I think it more reasonable to condemn them. But 
 supposing, Sir, from the knowledge within my reach, that I consider 
 those measures to be sound, even then I ought not to approve unless 
 such knowledge can warrant approval. Now, as no sort of knowledge 
 but a Parliamentary knowledge can authorize a Parliamentary appro- 
 bation, for this reason alone I ought to refuse it. If, therefore, that 
 which is now proposed contain any sort of approbation, my refusing 
 to agree to it conveys no censure, but is a simple declaration that we 
 possess not such knowledge of past measures as affords sufficient 
 grounds for a Parliamentary approbation. A Parliamentary appro- 
 bation, Sir, extends not only to all that our ministers have advised, 
 but to the acknowledgment of the truth of several facts which enquiry 
 may shew to be false, of facts which, at least, ha\e been asserted 
 without authority and proof. Suppose, Sir, it should appear that his 
 Majesty was exposed to few or no dangers abroad, but those to which 
 he is daily liable at home, such as the overturning of his coach, or the 
 stumbling of his horse, would not the address proposed, instead of
 
 102 MR. PITT'S SPEECH 
 
 CHAP, being a compliment, be an aftVont and an insult to the sovereign ? 
 1743. Suppose it should appear that our ministers have shewn no regard to 
 
 °°°°°'^^^ the advice of Parliament ; that they have exerted their endeavours, 
 not for the preservation of the House of Austria, but to involve that 
 House in dangers which otherwise it might have avoided, and which 
 it is scarcely possible for us now to avert ; suppose it .should appear, 
 that a body of Dutch troops, although they marched to the Rhine, 
 have never joined our army ; suppose it should appear, that the treaty 
 with Sardinia is not yet ratified by all the parties concerned, or that it is 
 one with whose terms it is impossible they should comply : if these 
 things should appear on enquiry, would not the address proposed be 
 most ridiculously absurd ? Now, what as.surance have we that all 
 these facts will not turn out as I have imagined ? 
 
 " Upon the death of the late Emperor of Germany, it was the 
 interest of this nation, I grant, that the Queen of Hungary should be 
 established in her father's dominions, and that her husband, the Duke 
 of Lorraine, should be chosen emperor. This was our interest, be- 
 cause it would have been the best security for the preservation of the 
 balance of power ; but we had no other interest, and it was one which 
 we had in common with all the powers of Europe excepting France. 
 We were not, therefore, to take upon us the .sole support of this in- 
 terest ; and, therefore, when the King of Prussia attacked Silesia, 
 when the King of Spain, the King of Poland, and the Duke of Bavaria 
 laid claim to the late Emperor's succession, we might have seen that 
 the establishment of the Queen of Hungary in all her father's domi- 
 nions was impracticable, especially as the Dutch refu.sed to interfere, 
 excepting by good offices. What then ought we to have done ? 
 Since we could not preserve the whole, is it not evident that, in order 
 to bring over some of the claimants to our side, we ought to have ad- 
 \ ised her to yield up part ? Upon this we ought to ha\ e insisted, and 
 the claimant whom first we should have considered was the King of 
 Prussia, both because he was one of the most neutral, and one of the 
 most powerful alhes with whom we could treat. For this reason it 
 was certainly incumbent upon us to advise the Queen of Hungary to
 
 UPON THE ADDRESS TO THE KING. 103 
 
 accept the terms offered by the King of Prussia when he first invaded CHAP. 
 Silesia. Nay, not only should we have advised, we should have in- ^rj^^' 
 sisted upon this as the condition upon which we would assist her 
 against the claims of others. To this the Court of Vienna must have 
 assented ; and, in this case, whatever protestations the other claimants 
 might have made, I am persuaded that the Queen of Hungary would 
 to this day have remained the undisturbed possessor of the rest of her 
 father's dominions, and that her husband, the Duke of Lorraine, would 
 have been now seated on the imperial throne. 
 
 " This salutary measure was not pursued. This appears, Sir, 
 not only from the Gazettes, but from our Parliamentary knowledge : 
 for from the papers which have been either accidentally or necessarily 
 laid before Parliament, it appears, that instead of insisting that the 
 Court of Vienna should agree to the terms offered by Prussia, we 
 rather encouraged the obstinacy of that court in rejecting them. We 
 did this, Sir, not by our memorials alone, but by his Majesty's speech 
 to his Parliament, by the consequent addresses of both Houses, and 
 by speeches directed by our courtiers against the King of Prussia ''. I 
 allude, Sir, to his Majesty's speech on the 8th April, 1741, to the 
 celebrated addresses on that occasion for guaranteeing the dominions 
 of Hanover, and for granting ^300,000 to enable his Majesty to 
 support the Queen of Hungary. The speeches made on that occasion 
 by several of our favourites at Court, and their reflections on the King 
 of Prussia, must be fresh in the memory of all. All must remember, 
 too, that the Queen of Hungary was not then, nor for some months 
 after, attacked by any one prince in Europe excepting the King of 
 Prussia : she must therefore have supposed that both the court and na- 
 tion of Great Britain were resolved to support her, not only against the 
 King of Prussia, but against all the world. We cannot, therefore, be 
 surprised that the Court of Vienna evinced an unwillingness to part 
 with so plenteous a country as that claimed by the King of Prussia — 
 the Lordship of Silesia. 
 
 ' See previous Chapter.
 
 104 MR. PITT'S SPEECH 
 
 CHAP. " But, Sir, this was not all. Not onl}- had we promised our 
 
 1743. assistance to the Queen of Hungary, but we had actually commenced 
 
 ^== a negociation for a powerful alliance against the King of Prussia, and 
 for dividing his dominions amongst the allies. We had solicited, not 
 only the Queen of Hungary, but also the Muscovites and the Dutch, 
 to form parts of this alliance. We had taken both Danes and 
 Hessians into our pay, in support of this alliance. Nay, even Han- 
 over had subjected herself to heavy expenses on the occasion, by 
 adding a force of nearly one third to the army she had already on 
 foot. This, Sir, was, I believe, the first extraordinary expense which 
 Hanover had incurred since her fortunate conjunction with England ; 
 the first, I say, notwithstanding the great acquisitions she has made, 
 and the many heavy expenses in which England has been involved 
 upon her sole account. 
 
 " It, therefore, the Queen of Hungary was obstinate in regard 
 to the claims of Prussia, her obstinacy must be ascribed to ourselves. 
 To us must be imputed those misfortunes which she subsequently ex- 
 perienced. It was easy to promise her our assistance whilst the 
 French seemed determined not to interfere with Germany. It was 
 safe to engage in schemes for her support and for the enlargement of 
 the Hanoverian dominions, because Prussia could certainly not oppose 
 an equal resistance to the Queen of Hungar}^ alone, much less so to 
 that Queen when supported by Hanover and the whole power of 
 Great Britain. During this posture of affairs, it was safe for us, I say, 
 it was safe for Hanover, to promise assistance, and to concert schemes 
 in support of the Queen of Hungary. But no sooner did France 
 come forward, than our schemes were at an end, our promises for- 
 gotten. The safety of Hanover was then involved, and England it 
 .seems, is not to be bound by promises, nor engaged in schemes, 
 , which, by possibility, may endanger or distress the electorate. From 
 this time, Sir, we thought no more of assisting the Queen of Hungary, 
 excepting by grants which were made by Parliament. These, indeed, 
 our ministers did not oppose, because they contrive to make a job of 
 every Parliamentary grant. But from the miserable inactivity in
 
 UPON THE ADDRESS TO THE KING. 105 
 
 which we allowed the Danish and Hessian troops to remain, notwith- CHAP, 
 standing that they received our pay ; and from the insult tamely sub- 1743 
 mitted to by our Squadron in the Mediterranean, we must conclude 
 that our ministers, from the time the French interfered, resolved not 
 to assist the Queen of Hungary by land or sea. Thus, having 
 drawn that Princess forward on the ice by our promises, we left her 
 to retreat as she could. Thus it was, Sir, that the Duke of Bavaria 
 became Emperor ; thus it was that the House of Austria was stripped 
 of great part of its dominions, and was in the utmost danger of being 
 stript of all, had France been bent on its destruction. Sir, the House 
 of Austria was saved by the policy of France, who wished to reduce 
 but not absolutely to destroy it. Had Austria been ruined, the 
 power of the Duke of Bavaria, who had been elected Emperor, would 
 have risen higher than was consistent with the interests of France. It 
 was the object of France to foment divisions amongst the Princes of 
 Germany, to reduce them by mutual strife, and then to render the 
 Houses of Bavaria, Austria, and Saxony nearly equal by partitions. 
 
 " It Avas this policy which restrained the French from sending so 
 powerful an army into Germany, as they might otherwise have sent. 
 And then, through the bad conduct of their generals, and through the 
 skill and bravery of the officers and troops of the Queen of Hungary, a 
 great improvement in her affairs was effected. This occurred about 
 the time of the late changes in our administration ; and this leads me 
 to consider the origin of these measures which are now proceeding, 
 and to the situation of Europe at that particular time — February, 
 1742. But, before I enter upon that consideration, I must lay this 
 down as a maxim to be ever observed by this nation, that, although 
 it be our own interest to preserve a balance of power in Europe, yet, 
 as we are the most remote from danger, we have the least reason to 
 be jealous as to the adjustment of that balance ; and should be the 
 last to take alarm on its account. Now the balance of power may be 
 supported, either by the existence of one single potentate capable of 
 opposing and defeating the ambitious designs of France, or by a well- 
 connected confederacy adequate to the same intent. Of these two 
 
 VOL. I. p
 
 106 MR. PITT'S SPEECH 
 
 CHAP, methods, the first, when practicable, is the most ehgible, because on that 
 1743 method we may most safely rely; but when it cannot be resorted to, 
 ~ "^ the whole address of our ministers and plenipotentiaries should tend 
 to establish the second. 
 
 " The w isdom of the maxim, Sir, to which I have adverted, must 
 be acknowledged by all who consider, that when the powers upon the 
 continent apply to us to join them in a war against France, we may 
 take what share in the war we think lit. When we, on the contrary, 
 apply to them, they will prescribe to us. However, some gentlemen 
 may aflect to alarm themselves or others by alleging the dependency 
 of all the European powers upon France, of this we may rest assured, 
 that when those powers are really threatened with such dependency 
 they will unite among themselves, and call upon us also, to prevent 
 it. Nay, Sir, should even that dependence imperceptibly ensue ; so 
 soon as they perceived it, they would unite amongst themselves, and 
 call us to join the confederacy by which it might be shaken off'. 
 Thus we can never be reduced to stand single in support of the ba- 
 lance of power, nor can we be compelled to call upon our continental 
 neighbours for such purpose, unless when our ministers have an in- 
 terest in pretending and asserting imaginary dangers. 
 
 " The posture of Europe, since the time of the Romans, is wonder- 
 fully changed. In those times each country was divided into many 
 sovereignties. It was then impossible for the people of any one 
 country to unite amongst themselves, and much more impossible for 
 two or three large countries to combine in a general confederacy 
 ag-ainst the enormous power of Rome. But such confederacy is very 
 practicable now, and may always be effected whenever France, or 
 any one of the powers of Europe, shall endeavour to enslave the rest. 
 I have said, Sir, that the balance of power in Europe may be main- 
 tained as securely by a confederacy, as it can be by opposing any one 
 rival power to the power of France. Now let us examine to v/hich of 
 these two methods we ought to have resorted in February, 1742. 
 The imperial diadem was then fallen from the House of Austria ; and 
 although the troops of the Queen of Hungary had met with some
 
 UPON THE ADDRESS TO THE KING. 107 
 
 success during the winter, that sovereign was still stript of great part chap. 
 of the Austrian dominions. The power of that House was therefore 1743 
 greatly inferior to what it was at the time of the late Emperor's death, ' 
 
 and still more inferior to what it had been in 1716, when we 
 considered it necessary to add Naples and Sardinia to its former acqui- 
 sitions in order to render it a match for France. Besides this, there 
 existed in 1742 a very powerful confederacy against the House of 
 Austria, whilst no jealousy was harboured by the powers of Europe 
 against the ambition of France. For France, altliough she had 
 assisted in depressing the House of Austria, had shewn no design of 
 increasing her own dominions. On the other hand, the haughty 
 demeanor of the court of Vienna, and the height to which that 
 House had been raised, excited a spirit of disgust and jealousy in the 
 princes of Germany. That spirit first manifested itself in the House 
 of Hanover, and, at this very time prevailed not only there, but in 
 most of the German sovereignties. Under such circumstances, how- 
 ever weak and erroneous our ministers might be, they could not 
 possibly think of restoring the House of Austria to its former splendor 
 and power, they could not possibly oppose that single house as a 
 rival to France. No power in Europe would have cordially assisted 
 them in that scheme : they would have had to cope, not only with 
 France and Spain, but with all the princes of Germany and Italy, to 
 whom Austria had become obnoxious. 
 
 " In these circumstances, what was this nation to do ? What ought 
 our ministers to have done? Since it was impossible to establish the 
 balance of power in Europe upon the single power of the House of 
 Austria ; surely, Sir, it was our business to think of restoring the 
 peace of Germany as soon as possible by our good offices, in order 
 to establish a confederacy sufficient to oppose France, should she 
 afterwards discover any ambitious intentions. It was now not so 
 much our business to prevent the lessening the power of the House ot 
 Austria, as it was to bring about a speedy reconciliation between the 
 l*rinces of Germany ; to take care that France should get as little by 
 the treaty of peace as she said she expected by the war. This, I say, 
 
 p 2
 
 108 iMR. PITT'S SPEECH 
 
 V. 
 
 1743. 
 
 CHAP, should have been our chief concern, because the preservation of the 
 balance of power was now no longer to depend upon the House of 
 ■ Austria, but upon the joint power of a confederacy then to be formed ; 
 and till the Princes of Germany were reconciled among themselves, 
 there was scarcely a possibility of forming such a confederacy. If 
 we had made this our scheme, the Dutch would have joined heartily 
 in it. The Germanic body would have joined in it ; and the peace of 
 Germany might have been restored witliont putting this nation to any 
 expense, or diverring us from the prosecution of oin* just and necessary 
 war against Spain, in caSe our differences with that nation could not 
 have been adjusted by the treaty for restoring the peace of Germany. 
 " But our new minister, as I have said, ran into an extreme 
 quite opposite to that of the old. Our former minister thought of 
 nothing but negociating, when he ought to have thought of nothing 
 l)ut war ; the present minister has thought of nothing but war, or at 
 least its resemblance, when he oughc to have thought of nothing but 
 
 negociation. 
 
 " A resolution was taken, and preparations were made, for sending 
 a body of troops to Flanders, even before we had any hopes of the 
 King of Prussia's deserting his alliance with France, and without our 
 being called on to do so by any one power in Europe. I say. Sir, 
 by any one power in Europe; for I defy our ministers to shew that 
 even the Queen of Hungary desired any such thing before it was 
 resolved on. I believe some of her ministers were free enough to 
 declare, that the money those troops cost would have done her much 
 more service ; and I am sure we were so far from being called on by 
 the Dutch to do so, that it was resolved on without their participation, 
 and the measures carried into execution, I believe, expressly contrary 
 to their advice. 
 
 " This resolution, Sir, was so far from having any influence on the 
 King of Prussia, that he continued firm to his alliance with France, 
 and fought the battle of Czaslau after he knew it was taken ; and if 
 he had continued firm in the same sentiments, I am very sure our 
 troops neither would, nor could have been of the least service to the
 
 UPON THE ADDRESS TO THE KING. 109 
 
 Queen of Hungary ; but the battle of Czaslau fully convinced him CHAP, 
 that the French designed chiefly to play one German prince against 1743. 
 another, in order to weaken both ; and perhaps he had before this 
 discovered, that, according to the French scheme, his share of Silesia 
 ■was not to be so considerable as he expected. These considerations, 
 and not the eloquence or address of any of our ministers, inclined 
 him to come to an agreement with the Queen of Hungary; and as 
 she was now convinced that she could not depend upon our promises, 
 she readily agreed to his terms, though his demands were now much 
 more extravagant than they v/ere at first ; and what is worse, they 
 were now unaccompanied with any one promise or consideration, 
 except that of a neutrality ; whereas his first demands were made 
 palatable by the tender of a large sum of money, and by the promise 
 of his utmost assistance, not only in supporting the Pragmatic Sanction, 
 but in raising her husband, the Duke of Lorraine, to the imperial 
 throne. Nay, originally, he even insinuated that he would embrace 
 the first opportunity to assist in procuring her House an equivalent for 
 whatever part of Silesia she should resign to him. 
 
 " This accommodation between the Queen of Hungary and the 
 King of Prussia, and that which soon after followed between her and 
 the Duke of Saxony, produced a very great alteration in the affairs of 
 Europe ; but, as these last powers promised nothing but a neutrality, 
 and as the Dutch absolutely refused to join, either with the Queen of 
 Hungary or ourselves, in any offensive measures against France, it 
 was still impossible for us to think of restoring the House of Austria 
 to such power, as to render it a match for the power of France ; we 
 ought therefore, still to have thought only of negociation, in order to 
 restore the peace of Germany, by an accommodation between her 
 and the Emperor. The distresses to which the Bavarian and French 
 armies in Germany were driven, furnished us with such an opportu- 
 nity : this we ought by all means to have embraced, and to have 
 insisted on the Queen of Hungary's doing the same, under the pain of 
 being entirely deserted by us. A peace was offered both by the 
 Emperor and the French, upon the moderate terms of Uti possidttisy
 
 110 MR. PITT'S SPEECH 
 
 CHAP, with respect to Germany; but, for uliat reason I cannot comprehend, 
 1743. ^^'^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^''°"^ ad\ ising the Queen of Hungary to accept, that I 
 beheve we advised her to reject, it. 
 
 " This, Sir, was a conduct in our ministers so very extraordinary, 
 so directly opposite to the interest of this nation, and the security of 
 the balance of power, that I can suggest to myself no one reason for 
 it, but that they were resolved to put this nation to the expense of 
 maintaining 16,000 Hanoverians; and this I am afraid was the true 
 motive with our new ministers for all the warlike measures they re- 
 solved on. Nothing would now satisfy us but a conquest of Alsace 
 and Lorraine in order to give them to the Queen of Hungary, as an 
 equivalent for what she had lost; and this we resolved on or at least 
 pretended to resolve on, at a time when France and Prussia were in 
 close conjunction; at a time when no one of the powers of Europe 
 could assist us; at a time when none of them entertained a jealousy 
 of the ambitious designs of France ; and at a time when most of the 
 Princes of Germany were so zealous of the power of the House of 
 Austria, that we had great reason to apprehend that the most con- 
 siderable of these would join against us, in case we should meet with 
 any success. 
 
 " Sir, if our ministers were really serious in this scheme, it was 
 one of the most romantic that ever entered the head of an English 
 Quixote; but if they made it only a pretext for putting this nation to 
 the expense of maintaining 16,000 Hanoverians, or of acquiring some 
 new territory for the Electorate of Hanover, I am sure no British 
 House of Commons can approve their conduct. It is absurd, Sir, 
 to say that w3 could not advise the Queen of Hungary to accept of 
 the terms offered by the Emperor and France, at a time when their 
 troops were cooped up in the city of Prague, and when the terms were 
 offered with a view only to get their troops at liberty and to take the 
 first opportunity to attack her with more vigour. This, I say, is ab- 
 surd, because had she accepted the terms proposed she might have 
 had them guaranteed by the Dutch, by the German body, and by all 
 the powerful Princes of Germany, which would have brought all these
 
 UPON THE ADDRESS TO THE KING. HI 
 
 powers into a confederacy with us against the Emperor and France, if chap. 
 they had afterwards attacked her in Germany; and all of them, but 1743. 
 especially the Dutch, and the King of Prussia, w-ould have been ready ' 
 
 to join us, had the French attacked her in Flanders. It is equally absurd 
 to say that she could not accept of these terms, because they con- 
 tained nothing for the security of her dominion in Italy; for suppose 
 the Mar had continued in Italy, if the Queen of Hungary had been 
 safe upon the side of Germany, she could have poured such a number 
 of troops into Italy, as would have been sufficient to oppose and de- 
 feat all the armies that both the French and Spaniards could send to, 
 and maintain in that country; since we could, by our superior fleets, 
 have made it impossible for the French and Spaniards to maintain 
 great armies in that country. 
 
 " No other reason can therefore be assigned for the Queen of 
 Hungary's refusal of the terms proposed to her for restoring the tran- 
 quillity of Germany than this alone, that we had promised to assist 
 her so effectually as to enable her to conquer a part of France, by 
 way of equivalent for what she had lost in Germany and Italy ; such 
 assistance it was neither our interest nor in our power to give, consi- 
 dering the circumstances of Europe. I am really surprised that the 
 Queen of Hungary came to trust a second time to our promises ; for 
 I may venture to prophesy that she will find herself again deceived. 
 We shall put ourselves to a vast unnecessary expense, as we did when 
 she was first attacked by Prussia ; and without being able to raise a 
 jealousy in the other powers of Europe, we shall give France a pre- 
 tence for conquering Flanders, which, otherwise, she would not have 
 done. We may bring the Queen of Hungary a second time to the 
 ^erge of destruction, and leave her there ; for that we certainly shall 
 do, as soon as Hanover comes to be a second time in danger. From 
 all which I must conclude, that our present scheme of politics is fun- 
 damentally wrong, and that the longer we continue to build upon 
 such a foundation, the more dangerous it will be for us. The whole 
 fabric will involve this unfortunate nation in its ruins. 
 
 " But now^. Sir, let us see how we have prosecuted this scheme.
 
 112 MR. PITT'S SPEECH 
 
 CHAP, bad as it is, during the last campaign. As this nation must bear the 
 
 \ 
 
 1743 chief part of the expense, it M'as certainly our business to prosecute 
 ^=^=^ the war with all possible vigour; to come to action as soon as possible, 
 and to push every advantage to the utmost. Since we soon found 
 that we could not attack the French upon the side of Flanders, why 
 were our troops so long marching into Germany ? Or, indeed, I should 
 ask, why our armies were not first assembled in that country ? Why 
 did they continue so long inactive upon the Maine ? If our army was 
 not numerous enough to attack the French, why were the Hessians 
 left behind for some time in Flanders ? Why did we not send over 
 20,000 of those regular troops that were lying idle here at home ? 
 How to answer all those questions I cannot tell ; but it is certain we 
 never thought of attacking the French army in our neighbourhood, 
 and, I believe, expected very little to be attacked ourselves. Nay, I 
 doubt much if any action would have happened during the whole 
 campaign, if the French had not, by the misconduct of some one or 
 other of our generals, caught our army in a hose-net, from which it 
 could not have escaped, had all the French generals observed the 
 direction of their commander-in-chief; had they thought only of 
 guarding and fortifying themselves in the defile, and not of marching 
 up to attack our troops. Thank God, Sir, the courage of some of 
 the French generals got the better of their discretion, as well as of 
 their military discipline. This made them attack instead of waiting 
 to be attacked, and then, by the bravery of the English foot, and the 
 cowardice of their own, they met with a severe repulse, which put 
 their whole army into confusion, and obliged them to retire with pre- 
 cipitation across the Maine. Our army thus escaped the snare into 
 which they had been led, and was enabled to pursue its retreat to 
 Hanau. 
 
 " This, Sir, was a signal advantage ; but was it followed up ? 
 Did we press upon the enemy in their precipitate retreat across a 
 great river, where many of them must have been lost had they been 
 closely pursued ? Did we endeavour to take the least advantage of the 
 confusion into which their unexpected repulse had thrown them ? No,
 
 UPON THE ADDRESS TO THE KING. 113 
 
 Sir, the ardour of our British troops was restrained by the cowardice CHAP, 
 of the Hanoverians; and, instead of pursuing the enemy, we ourselves J743 
 ran away in the night in such haste, that we left all our wounded to " 
 
 the mercy and care of the enemy, who had likewise the honor of 
 burying our dead as well as their own. This action may, therefore, 
 on our side, be called a fortunate escape, I shall never give my consent 
 to honor it with the name of victory. 
 
 " After this escape. Sir, our army was joined by a very large 
 reinforcement. Did this revi\e our courage, or urge us on to give 
 battle ? Not in the least. Sir ; though the French continued for some 
 time upon the German side of the Rhine, we never offered to attack 
 them, or to give them the least disturbance. At last, upon Prince 
 Charles's approach with the Austrian army, the French not only 
 repassed the Rhine, but retired quite out of Germany ; and as the 
 Austrian army and the allied army might then have joined, and might 
 both have passed the Rhine without opposition at Mentz, or almost 
 any where in the Palatinate, it was expected that both armies would 
 have marched together into Lorraine, or in search of the French arm}', 
 in order to force them to a battle. Instead of this. Sir, Prince Charles 
 marched up the German side of the Rhine — to do what ? To pass that 
 great river, in the sight of a French army equal in number to his own, 
 which, without some extraordinary neglect in the French, was im- 
 practicable ; and so it was found by experience. Thus the whole 
 campaign upon that side was consumed in often attempting what so 
 often appeared to be impracticable. 
 
 " On the other side, I mean that of the allied army, was there 
 any thing of consequence performed ? I know of nothing, Sir, but 
 that of sending a party of hussars into Lorraine with a manifesto. 
 The army, indeed, passed the Rhine at Mentz, and marched up to 
 the French lines upon the frontier of Alsace, but never offered to pass 
 those lines until the French had abandoned them, I believe with a 
 design to draw our army into some snare ; for upon the return of the 
 French towards those lines, we retired with much greater haste than 
 we had advanced, though the Dutch auxiliaries were then come up, 
 
 VOL. I. Q
 
 Hi MR. PITT'S SPEECH 
 
 CHAP, and pretended, at least, to be ready to join our army. I have heard, 
 1743. however, that they found a pretext for never coming into the hne ; 
 
 ' and I doubt much if they would have marched with us to attack the 
 
 French army in their own territories, or to invest any of their fortified 
 places ; for I must observe, that the French lines upon the Queick 
 were not, all of them, within the territories of France. But suppose 
 this Dutch detachment liad been read}' to march with us to attack 
 the French in their own territories, or to invest some of their fortified 
 places, I cannot join in any congratulation upon that event ; for a 
 small detachment of Dutch troops can never enable us to execute the 
 vast scheme we have undertaken. The whole force of that republic 
 would not he sufficient for the purpose ; because we should have the 
 majority of the empire against us ; and, therefore, if the Dutch had 
 joined totis viribus in our scheme, instead of congratulating, I should 
 have bemoaned their running mad by our example, and at our insti- 
 gation. 
 
 *' Having now briefly examined our past conduct; from the few 
 remarks I have made, I believe, Sir, it will appear that, supposing our 
 scheme to be in itself possible and practicable, we have no reason to 
 hope for success, if it be not prosecuted with more vigour and with 
 better conduct, than it was during the last campaign. While we con- 
 tinue in the prosecution of this scheme, whoever may lose, the Hano- 
 verians will be considerable gainers, because they will draw 400,000/. 
 or 500,000/. yearly from this nation over and above what they have an- 
 imally drawn ever since they had the good fortune to be united under 
 the same sovereign with ourselves. But we ought to consider, even 
 the Hanoverians ought to consider, that this nation is not now in a 
 condition to carrv on an expensive war, for ten or twelve years, as it 
 did in the reign of Queen Anne. We may fund it out for one, two, 
 or three years, but the public debt is now so large, that, if we go on 
 adding millions to it every year, our credit will at last, (sooner, I fear, 
 than some amongst us may imagine,) certainly be undone; and it 
 this misfortune should occur, neither Hanover nor any other foreign 
 state would be able to draw another shilling from the country. A
 
 UPON THE ADDRESS TO THE KING. 115 
 
 stop to our public credit vvoukl put an end to our paper currency. CHAP. 
 An universal bankruptcy would ensue, and all the little ready money 1743. 
 left amongst us would be locked up in iron chests, or hid in bye-cor- ^'^^^^^ 
 ners by the happy possessors. It would then be impossible to raise 
 our taxes, and consequently impossible to maintain either fleets or 
 armies. Our troops abroad would be obliged to enter into the 
 service of any prince that could maintain them, and our troops at 
 home would be obliged to live upon free quarter. But this they 
 could not do long; for the farmer Avould neither sow nor reap if he 
 found his produce taken from him by the starving soldier. In these 
 circumstances, I must desire the real friends of our present happy 
 establishment to consider vvhat might be the consequence of the Pre- 
 tender's landing among us at the head of a French army. Would he 
 not be looked upon by most men as a saviour? Would not the ma- 
 jority of the people join with him, in order to rescue the nation from 
 those that had brought it into such confusion? This danger. Sir, is, 
 I hope, imaginary, but I am sure it is far from being so imaginary as 
 that which has been held out in this debate, the danger of all the po wers 
 of the continent of Europe being brought under such a slavish depend- 
 ence upon France, as to join with her in conquering this island, or in 
 bringing it under the same slavish dependence with themselves. 
 
 " I had almost forgotten. Sir, I wish future nations may forget, 
 to mention the Treaty of Worms. I wish that treaty could be erased 
 from our annals and our records, so as never to be mentioned here- 
 after; for that treaty, ^ith its appendix, the convention that followed, 
 is one of the most destructive, unjust, and absurd that was ever con- 
 cluded. By that treaty we have taken upon ourselves a burthen 
 which I think it impossible for us to support; we have engaged m 
 such an act of injustice towards Genoa as must alarm all Europe, and 
 give to the French a most signal advantage. From this. Sir, all the 
 Princes of Europe will see what regard we have to justice when we 
 think that the power is on our side ; most of them, therefore, will pro- 
 bably join with France in curtailing our power, or, at least, in prevent- 
 ing its increase. 
 
 q2
 
 116 MR. PITT'S SPEECH 
 
 " The alliance of Sardinia and its assistance may, I admit, be of 
 o-reat use to us in defeating the designs of the Spaniards in Italy ; but 
 gold itself may be bought too dear ; and I fear we shall find the 
 purchase we have made to be but precarious, especially if Sardinia 
 should be attacked by France as well as by Spain, the almost certain 
 consequence of our present scheme of politics. For these reasons. 
 Sir, I hope there is not any gentleman, nor even any minister, who 
 expects that I should declare my satisfaction that this treaty has 
 been concluded. 
 
 " It is very surprising. Sir, to hear gentlemen talk of the great 
 advantages of unanimity in our proceedings, when, at the time, they 
 are doing all they can to prevent unanimity. If the Honorable Gen- 
 tleman had intended that what he proposed should be unanimously 
 aofreed to, he would have returned to the ancient custom of Parlia- 
 ment which some of his new friends have, on former occasions, so 
 often recommended. It is a new doctrine to pretend that we ought 
 in our address to return some sort of answer to every thing mentioned 
 in his Majesty's speech. It is a doctrine that has prevailed only since 
 our Parliaments began to look more like French than English Parlia- 
 ments ; and now we pretend to be such enemies of France, I supposed 
 we should lm\ e laid aside a doctrine \vhich the very method of pro- 
 ceeding in Parliament must shew to be false. His Majesty's speech 
 is not now so much as under our consideration, but upon a previous 
 order for that purpose ; therefore we cannot now properly take notice 
 of its contents, any further than to determine whether we ought to 
 return thanks for it or not ; even this we may refuse, without being 
 guilty of any breach of duty to our Sovereign ; but of this, I believe, 
 no o-entleman would have thought, had the Honorable Gentleman who 
 made this motion not attached to it a long and fulsome panegyric 
 upon the conduct of our ministers. I am convinced no gentleman 
 would have objected to our expressing our duty to our So\ ereign, and 
 our zeal for his service, in the strongest and most affectionate terms ; 
 nor would any gentleman have refused to congratulate his Majesty 
 upon any fortunate event happening to the royal family. Ti)e
 
 UPON THE ADDRESS TO THE KING. 117 
 
 Honorable Gentleman would have desired no more than this, had he CHAP, 
 intended that his motion should be unanimously agreed to; but 1743. 
 ministers are generally the authors and drawers up of the motion, — 
 
 and they always have a greater regard for themselves than for the 
 service of their Sovereign ; that is the true reason why such motions 
 seldom meet with unanimous approbation. 
 
 " As to the danger, Sir, of our returning or not returning, to 
 our national custom upon this occasion, I think it lies wholly upon 
 the side of our not returning. I have shewn that the measures we are 
 now pursuing are fundamently wrong, and that the longer we pur- 
 sue them, the heavier our misfortunes will prove. Unless some signal 
 providence interpose, experience, I am convinced, will confirm what 
 I say. By the immediate intervention of Providence, we may, it is 
 true, succeed in the most improbable schemes ; but Providence seems 
 to be against us. The sooner, therefore, we repent and amend, the 
 better it will be for us ; and unless repentance begins in this house, I 
 shall no where expect it until dire experience has convinced us of our 
 errors. 
 
 " For these reasons. Sir, I wish, I hope, that we may now begin 
 to put a stop to the farther prosecution of these disastrous measures, 
 by refusing them our approbation. If we put a negative upon this 
 question, it may awaken our ministers from their deceitful dreams. 
 If we agree to it, they will dream on till they have dreamed Europe, 
 their country, and themselves into utter perdition. If they stop now, 
 the nation may recover ; but if by such a flattering address we en- 
 courage them to go on, it may soon become impossible for them 
 to retreat. For the sake of Europe, therefore, for the sake of 
 my country, I most heartily join in putting a negative upon the 
 question **." 
 
 It has been often alleged that Mr. Pitt's character, as an orator, 
 
 ^ It was in the course of this debate that Mr. Pitt, hurried on by his impetuosity, is repre- 
 sented to have styled Lord Carteret, " an execrable, a sole minister, who had renounced the 
 British nation, and seemed to have drank of the potion described in poetic fictions whicii made 
 men forget their country." — See Parliamentary Journal of the Honorable Philip Yorke.
 
 118 REMARKS UPON MR. PITTS SPEECH. 
 
 CHAP, rested chiefly upon the energy of his language and the warmth of his 
 1743. iippGal to the passions. His eloquence has been represented as deficient 
 
 "^^ in close reasoning and perspicuity of argument, and as more brilliant 
 than sound. The foregoing speech, inadequately reported as it is, I 
 consider an ample refutation of those charges. Whoever will carefully 
 consult the best historical works, relative to the transactions to which 
 Mr. Pitt refers, must be struck with the profound reflections, the sound 
 reasoning, and the deep penetration into motives and characters 
 which that speech exhibits. It must, however, be admitted, that he 
 expresses himself with too much acrimony against Lord Carteret ; 
 and that one insinuation, respecting the inexpediency of addressing 
 the King on escaping the dangers of Dettingen, is founded in error. 
 Tliere is not the least doubt that George II. exposed his person in the 
 battle with the most intrepid valor*. After a long debate, the 
 address was carried in the House of Commons by a majority of 278 
 against 14.9. 
 
 On Tuesday, the 6th December, a very long debate' arose upon 
 the following question : — " That an humble Address be presented, 
 most humbly to advise and beseech his Majesty forthwith to give 
 orders, that the Hanoverian troops shall not be continued in the 
 service of Great Britain after the 25th of this instant, December." 
 
 After several members had spoken, Mr. Pitt said : " The present 
 is a question of advice upon a most important subject, and at a most 
 critical time. I appeal to the private consciences of gentlemen, 
 whether they do not wish the Hanoverians out of our pay. His 
 Majesty, although he is on the very brink of a precipice, at present 
 stands on the firm ground of his people's afl'ections. It is the duty 
 of Parliament to snatch him from that gulph where an infamous 
 minister has placed him, and not to throw paltry flowers upon its 
 edge to conceal his danger. It may be a rough, but it is a friendly 
 
 • CEu\Tes Posthumes. 
 ' The brief account here inserted of this debate is taken from the manuscript parliamentary 
 journal of the Hon. Philip Yorke, eldest son of Lord Chancellor Hardwicke, which journal is 
 published in the thirteenth vol. of The Parliamentary History of England.
 
 MR. PITT'S SPEECH ON DECEMBER 6. 119 
 
 hand which is stretched out to remove him/' Mr. Pitt was proceeding CHAP, 
 in his speech, but, having made some remarks upon the miUtary j^^g 
 ministers of his Majesty, he was called to order by Sir William • 
 
 Yonge, who desired him to speak to the question, and not attack 
 persons. 
 
 Mr. Pitt said, " That what he before had asserted was parliamentary. 
 He applied the expression of ' the hand of power' to ministers." The 
 Speaker here said, " that interruption was part of his own province. 
 To suppose any persons in that house to be influenced by the greatest 
 person in the kingdom was unparliamentary. To suppose them in- 
 fluenced by ministers, was imputing to them conduct peculiarly mean 
 and scandalous, and therefore was not to be insinuated." 
 
 Mr. Pitt said, " He flattered himself that if the Speaker had 
 heard him out, when he was endeavouring to explain himself, he (the 
 Speaker) would not have interrupted him. But, notwithstanding any 
 interruptions which might disorder his train of thought, he was deter- 
 mined to utter what lay at his heart. He could prove that the 
 invariable rules of service had been neglected with regard to the 
 English officers. The general of the English army had not been con- 
 sulted. The great person^ himself had been hemmed in by German 
 officers, and one English minister. How, then, could that great 
 person be informed of the sense of the army, or that of his people, 
 almost exasperated to despair. Every symptom of some dreadful 
 calamity attends the nation. The Address," said Mr. Pitt, " is full 
 of parliamentary respect. How much better would it be for us to 
 suggest our thoughts on this matter, previous to any proposition from 
 the crown, upon which we may put an unwelcome negative ! Other 
 troops may be had for our money, those of Saxony or Cologne." 
 Mr. Pitt then asserted, " that British guards had been put under the 
 command of an Hanoverian lieutenant-general, promoted, out of his 
 turn, against the rules of the service : and that the Earl of Stair's 
 orders had not been obeyed. These discontents," he said, " took their 
 rise on the other side the water. He again repented that the great 
 
 s The Kins.
 
 120 DEBATE ON AN ADDRESS TO THE KING. 
 
 CHAP, person, before mentioned, was hemmed in by German officers and 
 1743. one English minister without an Enghsh heart." 
 ^^^^ Several other members delivered their opinions upon each side of 
 
 the question, which was lost by a considerable majority against it\ 
 
 On the 15th December, Mr. G. Grenville moved, " That an 
 humble Address be presented to his Majesty, most humbly to beseech 
 his Majesty, that, in consideration of the exhausted and impoverished 
 state of this kingdom, by the great and unequal expense it has 
 hitherto been burthened with, be will not engage this nation any 
 farther, by acting as we have hitherto done, or by entering into farther 
 engagements with other powers, without first entering into an alliance 
 with the States General, for supporting and carrying on thereof, upon 
 stipulated proportions of strength and expense, as was done in the 
 late war '." 
 
 Tlie solicitor-general '' asked ; " If the preamble were undoubt- 
 edly true, (which he could by no means admit,) where was the wisdom 
 of declaring our inabilities to the whole world ? Was that the method 
 of inspiring our enemies with moderation, or of obtaining even a tole- 
 rable peace ? He took it for granted that no gentleman proposed an 
 address which he did not think ought to pass, but if this met with 
 the approbation ot the House, he did not see how it was possible for 
 the ministers to regulate their conduct by it, so indefinite and general 
 were its terras. Did they mean by advising the King ' not to act as 
 
 '' Mr. Philip Yorke adds in a note : " From the event of this question, the court reckoned 
 ihemselves sure of a considerable majority upon that, which was esteemed the most critical and 
 delicate point of the session. But it happened in this affair, as it does in most others which 
 have raised great discontent and clamour without doors, that several gentlemen who usually 
 concurred with the administration, either out of an affectation of popularity, or a real apprehen- 
 sion that very bad consequences would attend the taking the Hanoverian troops again into pay, 
 fell off from their friends and voted with the minority. It is said, that the opposition have 
 entrusted the direction of their conduct in parliament, this session, to a committee of six for the 
 sake of secresy. This anti-ministerial cabinet consists of Doddington, Pitt, .Sir J. Cotton, 
 Sir Watkin W, Wynu, Waller and Lyttleton.'' — See Parliamentary History of England, 
 vol. xiii. page 146. 
 
 ' From the parliamentary journal of Mr. P. Yorke. 
 ' Honorable William Murray, afterwards Lord Mansfield.
 
 DEBATE ON AN ADDRESS TO THE KING. 121 
 
 he had hitherto done,' that he should not drive the French out of chap. 
 Germany, or give them another defeat if an opportunity presented J743 
 itself? Was he not to detach such a power as Prussia from the French ^^''^^ 
 interest, if, unhappily for the common cause, it should again become 
 necessary ? Was he not to keep the combined fleets of France blocked 
 up in Toulon, by continuing his fleets in the Mediterranean ? Yet, he 
 said, those expressions implied a censure upon every measure which 
 had been pursued, whether good or bad, unfortunate or successful. 
 He farther urged, that as the motion was worded, the King was tied 
 up from entering into engagements of any kind whatever, wherein the 
 Dutch did not concur. How dishonorable was that to his Majesty 
 and the nation, whose councils would be made dependent upon the 
 negative of the pensionary of Dort ! How detrimental might it be to 
 the interests of both, since though Holland and England had one 
 great object in pursuit, in which they were united, they had others in 
 which they differed, as in matters of trade, &c. But supposing the 
 intent of the motion was only to restrain the King from taking any 
 farther measures in support of the Queen of Hungary, unless the 
 States General would bear a part in the expense and the danger, he 
 thought it could not be defended even upon that limited footing. 
 Both the Dutch and ourselves had guaranteed the Pragmatic Sanc- 
 tion by the treaty of Vienna, and the non-performance of one of the 
 contracting parties did not excuse the other from making good their 
 engagements. That treaty settled likewise the degree of strength 
 which was to be employed — at first a small proportion, but if that 
 did not prove sufficient, we were bound to assist the House of Austria 
 tods viribus. The Dutch, whose motions, from the form of their 
 government, are slow and embarrassed, had already marched a con- 
 siderable body of their troops, as auxiliaries to the Queen of Hun- 
 .gary, last campaign, and, if we did not relax our vigour, would, in 
 all probability, take a stronger part the next. But yet he thought it 
 by no means advisable to connect ourselves so closely with them, as 
 to lay it down as an invariable maxim, that we were not to stir a step 
 in support of our allies abroad, unless we could procure at the same 
 
 VOL. I. R
 
 122 DEBATE ON AN ADDRESS TO THE KING. 
 
 CHAP, time the unanimous sutirages of the provinces which composed the 
 1743. Repubhc of Holland." 
 
 "^"^■^^^ Mr. Pitt •' seemed to admit that the preamble was improper and 
 
 migiit be left out, without prejudice to the drift and meaning of the 
 motion. For instance, said he, any gentleman might willingly give 
 up the preamble to his patent of peerage, provided what was essen- 
 tial ill it, tlie peerage itself, was preserved to him. But, he con- 
 tended, that the most intimate connection with the Dutch should be 
 considered as the basis of our foreign politics, and, more particularly, 
 ni the present juncture. It would be happy for this country if the 
 sober maxims and well-weighed councils of their government had an 
 influence upon ours, which, he insinuated, were under the direction of 
 a desperate and rodomontading minister. He argued, that all de- 
 fensive views were answered by the expulsion of the French from the 
 empire, and it would be ten times more difficult for us to make an 
 impression upon their frontier, than it was for them to penetrate into 
 the heart of the Queen of Hungary's dominions, out of which they had 
 been obliged to retreat with so much disgrace. He said, that if this 
 address passed, it would reduce us to a specific object, and confine 
 the headlong spirit which possessed some of the ministers to more 
 moderate views. He w ished, therefore, for the sake of the rest, that 
 it might go in the afllrmative. He concluded by asserting that the 
 little finger of one man, for the last six months, had lain heavier upon 
 the nation than the loins of an administration which had continued 
 twenty years '." 
 
 The address was rejected by a considerable majority "'. 
 
 ' The following is a note by Mr. Yorke. " Whilst the debate was kept up by other speak- 
 ers, Pitt, Lyttleton, and Grenville went aside, and amended their original motion, which was 
 supposed to come from the masterly pen of Waller. The form into which they modelled it was 
 certainly less liable to objections : Init as the ground-work continued the same, there was still 
 sufficient reason for rejecting it." 
 
 " 209 against 132.
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 1744. 
 
 Speeches of Mr. Pitt respecting the Hanover Troops — Projected Invasion of Great Britain 
 by tlie Pretender — Mr. Pitt supports the Government in an Address for the Augmenta- 
 tion of the Forces — Reciprocal Declarations of War betiveen France and England — 
 Successful progress of the French Arms under Saxe — Discontents in England — Resig- 
 nation of Lord Granville — The celebrated Duchess of Marlborough bequeaths a Legacy 
 to Mr. Pitt— Mr. Pitt supports a Motion of Sir W. Yonge, that 28,000 Men be 
 employed in Flanders — Death of the Emperor Charles VII. — The young Pretender and 
 the Rebellion in Scotland — Parliament assembles — Mr. Pitt's Speech upon Sir F. 
 Dashivood's Amendment — Severe Remarks upon Mr. Hume Campbell's Motion — 
 Disgraceful Dissensions in the British Cabinet — Resignations of almost the whole minis- 
 terial Body — Mr. Winnington — Re-appointment of the Ministry — Mr. Pitt is tnade 
 Paymaster of the Forces — His high Integrity in this Office — System of continental 
 Warfare purstied by George the Second — Battle ofLafeldt — Sir John Ligonier — Peace 
 of Aix La Chapelle. 
 
 On the 17th January, 1744, the Report from the Committee of cHAP. 
 Supply being made to the House, that 634,344/. be granted for de- ^^• 
 fraying the charge of 21,358 effective men, to be employed in Flanders 
 in 1744, Mr. Pitt spoke against the question to the following effect : 
 
 " * As it is not our present custom to lay before Parliament any 
 information respecting our public measures, as both the measures and 
 their motives seem to be secrets too great to be communicated to this 
 house, I protest. Sir, I know nothing about them. Nor am I more 
 
 * The following speech is assigned to Mr. Pitt, under the character of Julius Florus, in the 
 London Magazine for the year 1744. Mr. Pitt spoke in answer to Sir W. Yonge 
 
 r2 
 
 1744.
 
 121 SPEECH OF MR. PITT 
 
 CHAP, able to judge of them from any public appearances. No man tan 
 ,7^^ know — no man can judge of them, who has not an intimate corre.s- 
 • pondence with some of our ministers of the closet. This, thank God, 
 
 I jjossess not. I trust therefore, that, if our late or present measures 
 be misunderstood by me, the gentlemen who congratulate themselves 
 upon possessing such a correspondence, will excuse my mis-statements. 
 Before we agree to the Honorable Gentleman's motion, there are two 
 points, Sir, which ought to be fully considered and discussed : these 
 arc, first, the end, and secondly, the manner of assisting the Queen of 
 Hunc-ary. If the French still insist upon stripping the Queen of 
 Hungary of great part of her German dominions, to bestow them upon 
 the Emperor, on condition that they may possess Flanders, or some 
 other equivalent, we ought tot is viribus to prevent the execution of 
 so dangerous a design. I am, Sir, and always have been of opinion, 
 that France possesses more power than is consistent with the interests 
 of Europe. I thought so at a time when we had a better opportunity 
 than, perhaps, will ever recur, of reducing the power of the House of 
 Bourbon ; before, Sir, (by a most criminal connivance of our ministers,) 
 they had made the acquisition of Lorraine. Were this, therefore, the 
 end proposed in assisting the Queen of Hungary, I should approve of 
 our affording her the utmost assistance ; yet, even hi this case, I 
 should not agree to the Honorable Gentleman's motion, because I do 
 not approve of the manner he proposes of giving her assistance. 
 
 " But, Sir, if the French have entirely abandoned the design I 
 mentioned ; if they abandoned it as soon as they found themselves 
 deserted by Prussia and Saxony ; if they vvere then willing, as I 
 believe they were, to restore the peace of Germany, upon the single 
 condition that the Queen of Hungary should restore to the Emperor 
 his hereditary dominions, we ought not, I think, to have encouraged 
 her, by our assistance, to continue the war in Germany, and much 
 less ought we to encourage her, as I fear we do, in thinking to procure, 
 by our assistance, an equivalent from France, for what she has yielded 
 to Prussia and Saxony in Germany. If this be the end of our 
 assisting her, I disapprove of that end, as much as I do of the manner.
 
 RESPECTING THE HANOVER TROOPS. 125 
 
 I disapprove of it, Sir, not because I am unwilling to see the power of CHAP. 
 France reduced, but because I consider the present a very improper 1744, 
 time for the Queen of Hungary or ourselves to attempt to effect that "^"""^ 
 )-eduction. There is, Sir, a certain spirit which prevails, by which 
 courts, as well as private men, are governed. To this spirit a wise 
 and considerate minister will ever pay attention, and regulate his 
 measures accordingly. The world, Sir, is not to be governed by every 
 whim which may enter the head of an undiscerning minister, however 
 (Enterprising he may be. 
 
 " The ambitious desiirus of the late Kins of France excited a 
 spirit of jealousy amongst the European powers, and produced many 
 confederacies against him : one of which, at length, brought France 
 to the very verge of destruction. Since the death of that monarch, 
 experience has convinced the French of the danger of again exciting 
 such a spirit ; and so warily have they conducted themselves that 
 none now prevails. The spirit of jealousy against them has been 
 transferred to the House of Austria, so that there is not at this time 
 one court in Europe who will join with us and the Queen of Hungary, 
 in this project against France. 
 
 " In saying this, Sir, I speak according to human probabihty. 
 The race, I know, is not always to the swift, nor the battle to the 
 strong. Suppose then Providence should work a miracle in our favor, 
 and aid with unexpected success our designs against France. Sup- 
 pose their armies, like that of the Midianites, should set every man 
 his sword against his fellow, and that their walls, like those of Jericho, 
 should fall flat before us : even then, we cannot suppose, that the 
 Princes of Germany, so jealous of the House of Austria, so anxious to 
 retain possession of those territories they have obtained from her, will 
 quietly see the vast augmentation of her power and the diminution of 
 that of France. For the preservation of their newly acquired posses- 
 sions, perhaps for their future independence, these Princes must look 
 up to the friendship and assistance of France. I consider it nearly 
 certain, therefore, that in the event of our being successful, they would 
 all unite to check our career.
 
 126 SPEECH OF MR. PITT 
 
 CHAP. " That we should maintain an army in Flanders in order to pro- 
 
 1744. ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ Queen of Hungary an equivalent from France, is there- 
 == fore so absurd, that I am convinced it is not the real design. It must 
 be a pretext for covering a purpose which our ministers dare not 
 acknowledge, a purpose which, could it be proved, would cost some of 
 them their heads. It is my opinion, Sir, that the blood and treasure 
 of England has been lavished for the purpose of maintaining sixteen 
 thousand Hanoverians, and of adding some little territories to the 
 dominions of the Electorate. If it be asserted that the French design 
 to strip the Queen of Hungary of a great part of her dominions, and 
 then assign them to the Emperor upon condition that they shall make 
 certain additions to their own territories, I answer, let this design be 
 fully proved, before we plunge the country into such expenses to 
 defeat it. We have great reason to believe, Sir, that if ever such a 
 design was harboured by the French, it is now abandoned. It is not 
 likely that they, unassisted by any of the Princes of Germany, would 
 embark in a scheme so replete with danger, difliculty, and, cost. The 
 only hopes they can now have of executing such a scheme must arise 
 from our encouraging the Queen of Hungary to be immoderate in 
 her demands. This may rouse the jealousy of the German Princes 
 against her, may force them into an alliance with France to reduce 
 her power and check her ambition. 
 
 " I have not hitherto mentioned Italy, Sir, because none can be 
 so ignorant as to suppose that the best mode of preserving the Queen 
 ot Hungary's dominions in Italy, is to form an army in Flanders, or 
 to make an attempt on France on that side where she is the best 
 guarded, and the least susceptible of impression. No one, I say, can 
 contend that this is our object in forming and maintaining an army in 
 Flanders. 
 
 " Let the end proposed in assisting the Queen of Hungary be 
 what it will, the manner of pursuing it has been altogether wrong. I 
 shall point out, Sir, that line of conduct which, I think, this country 
 should adopt. I lay it down. Sir, as a certain maxim that we should 
 never assist our allies upon the continent with any great number of
 
 RESPECTING THE HANOVER TROOPS. 127 
 
 troops ". If we send our troops abroad, it should be rather with a view chap. 
 to improve them in the art of war, than to assist our alUes. Sir, ^^h 
 they have no occasion for our men ; the Queen of Hungary, in parti- ===== 
 cular, wants them not. She has men, and brave men, in abundance 
 of her own. She wants money alone to arm and support them. The 
 only manner, therefore, in which we ought to support her, and our 
 other allies upon the continent, is with our money and our ships. 
 My reason for laying this down as a maxim is, not only because the 
 sea is our natural element, but because it is dangerous to our liberties 
 and destructive to our trade, to encourage great numbers of our 
 people to depend for their livelihood upon the profession of arms. If 
 you take care to discipline the farmer, the day labourer, the me- 
 chanic, each of these may become a good soldier, and always pre- 
 pared to defend the country in case of an attack. Each of these, 
 having another mode of livelihood, may be a good subject also : but 
 the man who solely depends upon arms for bread, can never be a good 
 subject, especially in a free country. For this reason, we ought to 
 maintain as few regular soldiers as possible, both at home and 
 abroad ; we ought never to retain them long in the service ; knowing 
 that very few, afterwards, will turn for their support to honest and 
 industrious employments. Another argument on this subject presents 
 itself; our troops cost more to maintain them, than those of any other 
 qountry. Our money, therefore, will be of most service to our allies, 
 because it will enable them to raise and support a greater number of 
 troops than we can supply them with for the same sum. I shall prove 
 my assertion, Sir, by figures — stubborn obstinate figures, which nei- 
 ther bend nor vary at the will of a minister and his friends. 
 
 " By the motion now before the house, our own troops in Flan- 
 ders are to cost us, for the next year, 634,344/. The sixteen thou- 
 sand Hanoverians will cost us, I conceive, nearly 400,000/. more. To 
 these two sums must be added 200,000/. more for contingent expenses — 
 
 ^ The reader will smile when he reflects how widely Mr. Pitt departed from this maxim dur- 
 ing his own administration.
 
 128 SPEECH OF MR. PITT 
 
 CHAP. ^*'e shall find this article last year amounting to a much heavier sum. 
 } '■ These three particulars make up the sum of 1,234,344/., I shall call it 
 ' in even numbers 1,200,()()()/. This we are to pay for the maintenance 
 of an army of 37,000 men, one third part of which I shall suppose to 
 be cavalry. Now let us see what additional number of troops might 
 have been maintained, had this sum of money been remitted to the 
 Queen of Hungary. 
 
 " By several treaties, and particularly by the accession of the 
 States General to the Vienna treaty of 1731, the charge of 1(X)0 
 foot soldiers is fixed at 10,000 guilders per month. This, in sterling 
 money, at the rate of ten guilders sixteen stivers per pound sterling, 
 is 9207. The charge of 1000^ horse soldiers is, for the same time, 
 fixed at 30,000 guilders, or 2778/. We see, therefore, that 1 ,200,000/. 
 would have maintained for the Queen of Hungary nearly 108,000 
 foot, or nearly 36,000 horse. Arranging them difterently, it would 
 have maintained for her an army of 54,000 foot and of 18,000 horse 
 for the ensuing year. I must, therefore, ask our ministers, whether 
 an additional army of 72,000 men to be employed wherever she 
 pleased, would not have been of more service to the Queen of Hun- 
 gary, and to what they are pleased to call the common cause, than 
 our 37jOOO men in Flanders ? In making this assertion I will not 
 allow that any of the Queen of Hungary's troops are better than the 
 British, though I have no doubt that the worst of them are better 
 than the Hanoverians. 
 
 " But, Sir, even supposing it of advantage to the common cause 
 to assist the Queen of Hungary rather with troops than with money, 
 Flanders is the very worst place in which we could employ them. 
 Had we formed no army there, neither would the French have done 
 so ; nor would they have attacked any places there for fear of pro- 
 voking the Dutch to declare against them. If, Sir, we form an army 
 next summer in Flanders, although we do not employ it oft'ensively, as 
 I firmly believe we shall not, we may furnish the French with an ex- 
 cuse to attack the Queen of Hungary in that country. This excuse 
 may be admitted by the Dutch, who at present entertain no jealousy
 
 RESPECTING THE HANOVER TROOPS. 129 
 
 against France ; and for this, as well as for other reasons, they seem CHAP, 
 resolved to enter into none of our romantic schemes. If the Queen 1744. 
 of Hungary must be assisted by our troops, why did they not take ^^""^^"^^^^ 
 up their winter quarters in Germany, or upon the Rhine, by which 
 we might have secured a passage for Prince Charles in the Spring ? 
 If it be alleged that the princes and circles of Germany would not 
 allow our troops to take up winter quarters within the empire, this of 
 itself was a reason for our recalling our troops, dismissing our merce- 
 naries, and resolving to assist the Queen of Hungary for the future, 
 as we ought to have done from the beginning, solely with our money 
 and our squadron in the Mediterranean. 
 
 " In short. Sir, as I could at first see no reason for sending our 
 troops to Flanders, unless it was to furnish ministers with a pretext to 
 load us with the maintenance of 16,000 Hanoverians, so I now see no 
 reason for our retaining them there, unless it be to afford a pretext 
 for continuing that load. As I, moreover, think that our retaining 
 these troops in Flanders may infinitely prejudice the Queen of 
 Hungary's cause, I can by no means agree to the report of the com- 
 mittee." 
 
 As the discussion which gave occasion to the foregoing speech 
 was extremely interesting, it was, consequently, repeatedly renewed. 
 I give, upon the authority of the Honorable P. Yorke's journal, the 
 following account of the debate upon the 18th and 19th of January. 
 
 The great question respecting the Hanover troops was debated 
 in the committee of supply on Wednesday the 18th January, 1744. 
 As it was a day of high expectation, both parties had been equally 
 diligent in collecting their strength. The number present, amount- 
 ing exactly to five hundred, sufficiently prove the importance of the 
 question. 
 
 Sir W. Yonge moved, that 393,773/. should be granted as the 
 pay of 16,000 Hanoverians for the ensuing year. In the debate 
 which followed, Mr. Pitt is represented as addressing himself more 
 to the passions than to the judgment of his hearers. As specimens 
 of the indignities to which, he said, the British troops had been ex- 
 
 VOL. I. s
 
 130 DEBATE RESPECTING THE HANOVER TROOPS. 
 
 CHAP, posed, he brou";ht forward two facts, wliich lie stated with all the 
 1744. ^orce of language ; the first was, that the Hanoverian guards were 
 
 =" employed to do duty whilst the King was at As-chafTenberg ; the 
 other was, that his Majesty, throughout the campaign, lay on the left 
 of the army, covered by his electoral troops \ Mr. Pitt also asked, 
 whether other troops were not to be had in Germany, that great 
 market of men, and whether a certain German prince had not offered 
 to supply a contingent. 
 
 Sir W. Yonge's motion was carried by a larger majority than 
 the ministry had anticipated. This is said to have been owing to 
 the exertions of Lord Orford, who never, during his own administra- 
 tion, exerted himself to carry a point with greater zeal "*. 
 
 Upon the report of the committee the question was resumed on 
 the following da}^ The solicitor-general expressed himself highly 
 pleased that the question was again debated — if it were fundamentally 
 right, it must, he said, gain upon enquiry — if wrong, the opposition it 
 had experienced must gather strength, and the arguments urged against 
 it must receive confirmation. The true point, he said, had not been 
 stated by the opposers. It had been represented as a competition 
 between England and Hanover, and hence the necessity of a separa- 
 tion of the electoral from the regal dominions had been inferred. 
 But, although the King and Parliament should be inclined to promote 
 such a separation, the diet of the empire might be unwilling to give 
 their consent. He appealed to gentlemen, whether it were right to 
 suggest an unattainable object. He was afraid to think where their 
 
 •^ It is proper to state that both these facts are explained by Mr. Yorke in sucli a manner as 
 to exculpate the King from the charge of partiality to the Hanoverians. 
 
 ' Mr. Philip Yorke says, " The majority was larger than, from the talk without doors, there 
 was reason to expect. According to tlie common reckoning, twenty-five or tliiriy was the 
 utmost that the court could depend upon. Lord Orford certainly took great pains to bring all 
 his friends into the measure, which, before he came to town, the ministers seem to have dropped 
 all thoughts of reviving, and to be looking out for other expedients : two there were, very natu- 
 ral and very solid — one, upon a supposition that these troops were to be taken again into our 
 pay, either that the King should not go abroad, or that the English and Hanoverians should 
 act in separate bodies."
 
 DEBATE RESPECTING THE HANOVER TROOPS. 131 
 
 reasoning would carry us. He should keep to the Act of Succession. ^^/^^ 
 The limitations in that Act sufficiently prevent any real injury from 1744. 
 resultin^y to Great Britain from the union of those dominions in one 
 person. When that Act was passed, it was considered that the richer 
 and more powerful country could never become a province to the 
 lesser ; that any trifling predilection must be temporary, and die with 
 the present generation. The electorate of Hanover was not concerned 
 in the present quarrel; its separate interests lay in an opposite direc- 
 tion. The most valuable concerns of Great Britain depend upon its 
 issue. The nation called loudly for the vigorous support of the House 
 of Austria, &c. Would you, (asked Mr. Murray,) if the dominions 
 were not connected, in effect, dismiss 22,000 men without know- 
 ing where to replace them ? The only conclusive argument he had 
 heard was, that the force already maintained by us on the continent 
 was sufficient without the troops in question. But this he could by 
 no means admit, when he considered the great preparations of France, 
 who seemed disposed to take an active part in Italy, on the Rhine, 
 and in the Netherlands, whenever she sees an opportunity. Gentle- 
 men who call out for the object, have not distinguished between the 
 end proposed by carrying on this war, and between the plan of ope- 
 rations. The former, he said, was plain and obvious— to perform 
 our guarantee of the Pragmatic Sanction. The latter must depend 
 upon the conduct of the enemy, and is not a proper subject of debate 
 for Parliament. If France, as some insinuate, means only to keep 
 upon the defensive, would she continue a heavy subsidy to the em- 
 peror ; would she lay on such burdens upon her o\\ u subjects, to 
 enable him to form a body of troops ? Mr. Murray then proceeded 
 to refute the charge that partiality had been shewn to the Hano- 
 verians ; and concluded thus ; " What, then, is the question reduced 
 to ? Is it that the voice of the people is against it 1 The people are, 
 indeed, against the submission of England to Hanover, but the}-^ are 
 not against the common cause — they are not against checking the 
 ambition of France by keeping these troops another year in our pay. 
 Do the people feel or understand military punctilios ? They should be 
 
 s 2
 
 '•52 DEBATE RESPECTING THE HANOVER TROOPS. 
 
 CHAP, set right in their notions, and the Parhament by not giving way to 
 1744. these discontents, will take the best method to suppress them. Let 
 
 ==" us not refuse to derive that benefit from Hanover, which we should 
 l)e glad to receive, were it under the dominion of a different Prince." 
 Mr. Pitt said that not all the sophistry of the Honorable Gentle- 
 man should make him recede from the true point in debate, which 
 was not affected by any one of his arguments. The question before 
 them was, not whether they should support the Queen of Hungary ; 
 not whether they should keep up a sufficient strength on the continent 
 to oppose France ; but, whether, after what had occurred, these 
 troops ought to be retained in our service. He said that he had 
 many facts in the papers in his hand, and more in his knowledge, 
 which pointed out the source whence these waters of bitterness flowed. 
 It was impossible that the troops under consideration could answer 
 any of those purposes which had been so pompously exaggerated. 
 The councils, the troops of Hanover have lamed all our operations 
 from the beginning. What else, he asked, prevented us from follow- 
 ing Maillebois in his march to Prague ? What else prevented us 
 from attacking the French during the battle, or from pursuing them 
 immediately after it ? We were then joined by 12,000 fresh men, 
 and the enemy were so dispirited that their soldiers did not return to 
 their colours within two days. Will it be said that the Austrians 
 opposed it ? General Neipery said to some one who charged him 
 with this : " it is no fault of mine, mais cette proposition nest pas du 
 gout de votre cour." He, (Mr. Pitt,) could say something as to the 
 bad behaviour of this corps : the regiment in the front was in a wood 
 where they never gave nor received a fire : — two battalions, which 
 were ordered to form in the first line, fell back and retired to the 
 second. General Ilton, an idle spectator of the combat from a hill, 
 refused, for want of a guide, to comply with the pressing instances of 
 a noble duke to march down : no sooner had the French given way, 
 than a guide was found, and he began to move ; but made a sudden 
 halt, in the midst of his march, on the sight of a small body of Aus- 
 trians which he mistook for the enemy.
 
 DEBATE RESPECTING THE HANOVER TROOPS. 133 
 
 The return made soon after the action, of not more than four- chap. 
 
 VI 
 
 score men who were missing out of the whole sixteen thousand, was 1744. 
 a full proof how little they had been engaged. Mr. Pitt then cen- == 
 sured a doctrine which he had heard advanced, that the King might 
 follow the advice of one velt marshal as well as of another ; he called 
 it monstrous and unconstitutional, because it took away the controul 
 and enquiry of Parliament. He said that he had a contempt for the 
 abilities, as well as for the honesty, of any minister who Mould not 
 endeavour to gain the confidence of the people, where sentiments 
 upon no point were ever more strongly, or more universally declared, 
 than against the troops in question. Is it possible, he said, that 
 a ministry should ever concede to the wishes and entreaties of the 
 people, if they are deaf to them in the present instance ? The pass- 
 ing the question will be to erect a triumphal arch to Hanover over 
 the military honor and independence of Great Britain. 
 
 General Onslow, who during the battle of Dettingen had com- 
 manded on the right, now rose and assured the House that no Hanove- 
 rians had been posted in the wood, but at the end of the front line, 
 where they performed their duty extremely well. As to the other 
 story, he said he had never heard of it until the last quarter of an 
 hour. 
 
 These assertions of General Onslow called up Mr. Pitt, who 
 pledged his honor to the House, to bring evidence to their bar, if 
 they would permit him, in proof of his charges. For this purpose, 
 he begged to suggest, whether it would not be proper to adjourn the 
 consideration of these estimates, until they had enquired into the 
 truth of these facts which had been allesed against the Hanover 
 troops. 
 
 The debate, however, proceeded in its regular course, until Mr. 
 Doddington extended the suggestion of Mr. Pitt into a regular motion 
 of adjournment. This produced a change in the debate, and many, 
 who upon the preceding night had voted with the minority, now 
 declared themselves against an enquiry, upon the principle that it 
 would be disrespectful to the King.
 
 134 PROJECTED INVASION OF THE PRETENDER. 
 
 CHAP. This country had for some time stood in a sino-ular predicament 
 
 1744 with re.spcct to France. The English as alhes of Austria, the French 
 ^^^^'^''^^ as alhes of Spain, had sometimes been invohcd in acts of mutual 
 hostility. At Dettingen we were more principals than accessaries 
 in the war ; we fought against and obtained a considerable victory 
 over the French, before any declaration of hostility had been made 
 by either country. But the law and the custom of nations were on 
 our side ; for we were simply fulfilling our engagement and fighting 
 for our ally, the Queen of Hungary. Far otherwise was the subse- 
 quent conduct of France in equipping an armament, and endeavouring 
 to make a descent upon our coasts, in order to force the Pretender 
 upon us. She was then actuated by that spirit of deadly hatred, 
 which could not wait for a formal a\ owal. That avowal, however, 
 soon became indispensable. 
 
 The English government was aware of the violent designs of 
 France, and took proper precautions to defeat them. His Majesty, 
 having sent a message to both Houses of Parliament, informing 
 them that the kingdom was threatened with an invasion, received 
 the warmest assurances of support. On the 24th of February, Mr. 
 Pelham moved in the House of Commons, " That an humble Address 
 be presented to his Majesty, that he will be graciously pleased, in 
 this dangerous and critical conjuncture of affairs, when the nation is 
 threatened with an invasion by a French power, in favor of a Popish 
 Pretender to his crown, to augment his forces by sea and land, in 
 such manner as he shall think proper and necessary ; and to assure 
 his Majesty that this House will make good all such expenses as his 
 Majesty shall be at, for the defence of his sacred person, and for the 
 security of these kingdoms." 
 
 With the exception of Admiral Vernon and Sir J. Philips, the 
 house was unanimous in approving the motion. Mr. Pitt, although 
 generally a strenuous opposer of the administration, never hesitated 
 a moment in yielding his support whenever he thought the situa- 
 tion of the country required it. Upon the present occasion " 'He 
 
 • Parliamentary Journal of the Hon. P. Yorke,
 
 RECIPROCAL DECLARATIONS OF WAR BETWEEN FRANCE AND ENGLAND. 135 
 
 acknowledged that this was a time to be alarmed, to be upon our CHAP, 
 guard, and to talce all proper precautions against the attempts of ^^ 
 France ; but we were not to be terrified as if the danger was of the 
 most extreme description. Our fleet was out, and might intercept 
 the embarkation. Supposing the worst, and that troops were landed, 
 (which God forbid !) we had no inconsiderable body of forces in the 
 island, and might recall for our own defence what number we pleased 
 from abroad. Surely no military man could, in this situation, be 
 very uneasy as to the event ! He was still of opinion that France 
 intended an attack upon our credit and our fears, rather than an 
 actual descent. He hoped good might be drawn out of evil by this 
 event, as it would tend to unite the nation. He could not think that 
 any persons would be found so desperate and so mad as to join the 
 French in their attempt. If confidence was ever to be placed in 
 ministers, it was at the present crisis, and as they were accountable to 
 Parliament for the use they niade of that confidence, he was for 
 agreeing to the motion." 
 
 Mr. Pelham congratulated himself upon having the good fortune 
 to be supported in his motion by Mr. Pitt, and agreed with him in 
 thinking that it would be criminal in any minister to advise the King 
 to make any other use of the powers with which he would be intrusted 
 upon the occasion, than for the necessary defence of the nation. 
 
 The event proved that the French were undoubtedly earnest m 
 their intention to invade Great Britain. Seven thousand men actually 
 sailed for the purpose, but the expedition encountered such disasters 
 at sea, that it was compelled to return to France, and the Pretender 
 resolved to await a more favorable opportunity for the execution of 
 his enterprise. 
 
 The French King published his declaration of war against England 
 on March 4th, 1744. This was couched in terms of much bitterness. 
 In it he " ordains and enjoins all his subjects, vassals and servants, to 
 fall upon the subjects of the King of England, Elector of Hanover ; 
 forbids all communication, commerce, &c. between them, and revokes 
 all passports which had been granted to the English." This was
 
 136 SUCCESS OF THE FRENCH ARMS UNDER SAXE. 
 
 (^HAP. tollowcd by a counter-declaration on the part of George II. on 29th 
 ,;4^ March. As usual, the party \\hich had the greatest cause of com- 
 """^""""^ plaint, expressed itself in much the mildest terms. Whilst the English 
 proclamation enjoins " the generals, commanders, &c. &.C. by sea and 
 land, to do and execute all acts of hostility in the prosecution of the 
 war against the said French King, his vassals and subjects :" it yet 
 declares, that " whereas there are, remaining in the kingdom, divers 
 of the subjects of the French King, all those who demean them- 
 selves dutifully, towards the King of England, shall be safe in 
 their persons and estates." The language of Louis XV. was no idle 
 menace. Flanders was to be the immediate scene of hostile operations. 
 His army there was most powerful. One seldom, indeed, sees so 
 much spirit, and such formidable numbers, directed by so much talent, 
 or accompanied by so much success. One hundred thousand enthu- 
 siastic French soldiers, under the command of the renowned Saxe, 
 presented a fearful confrasf tn the 50,000 allied troops connnanded 
 by the indolent Wade and the selfish D'Arembcrg. Louis was him- 
 self on the spot tn animate, by his presence, an army, then as loyal as 
 it was valiant : and he quickly saw Courtray, Menin, Ypres, Fort la 
 Knoque, and Fumes, submit to his power. 
 
 If complaints prevailed throughout England against our Hano- 
 verian measures, even whilst we were successful, it may be supposed 
 that they were more loud and universal, when the consequences of 
 those measures were defeat and disaster. The division in the English 
 cabinet was now most wide. Lord Carteret, who by his mother's 
 death, had lately succeeded to the title of Earl of Granville, had long 
 been feared and hated by the Pelhams. The King, indeed, supported 
 him, but, amongst subjects, Lord Bath was almost his only friend. 
 Lord Granville had vainly conceived that the King's favor, and his 
 own splendid abilities were sufficient to maintain him in power. By 
 neglecting the common courtesies of life towards his colleagues, he 
 had raised up such a combination of enemies, that he at length 
 found himself almost a solitary individual in the cabinet. To con- 
 tend longer was useless. He resigned the seals as secretary of state
 
 DUCHESS OF MARLBOROUGH'S LEGACY TO MR. PITT. 1^7 
 
 on the 24th November, and was succeeded bv Lord Harrington. CHAP. 
 
 . ■'. VL 
 
 Parhament presented a scene of greater unanimity than had been 1744. 
 witnessed since the King's accession. The Pelhams were now trium- '' 
 phant. Their professed intentions were to form an administration 
 upon the widest basis, consisting both of Whigs and Tories. These 
 intentions gave rise to a name which ridicule afterwards perpetuated, 
 and the broad bottomed administration has generally been mentioned 
 with a sneer. Lord Cobham was now an ally of the new administra- 
 tion. He was promoted to the sixth regiment of horse. His friends 
 Mr. Lyttleton and Mr. George Grenville were respectively placed at 
 the boards of the treasury and the admiralty. Mr. Pitt, however, 
 was not yet admitted to power. It is strange, that, amongst the 
 changes which then took place, when men of such opposite and vio- 
 lent principles were called upon to form part of the administration, a 
 senator so distinguished for his own talents and so supported by Par. 
 liamentary friends, should have been excluded from office. But the 
 King's antipathy to Mr. Pitt was at that time supposed to be insur- 
 mountable. Both the Duke of Newcastle and Mr. Pelham gave the 
 most solemn assurances to Lord Cobham that it should be their part 
 to remove as soon as possible that antipathy, and then secure the 
 services of Mr. Pitt by introducing him to office. The removal of 
 Lord Granville rendered the succeeding administration extremely 
 popular. Little alteration, however, in our continental measures en- 
 sued. Although we no longer sent troops, we continued to subsidize 
 the Queen of Hungary with a prodigal hand. 
 
 Mr. Pitt's opposition to this system of foreign subsidies, although 
 most displeasing to the King, raised him high in the esteem of the people. 
 He had been for some years admired as an orator, he was now re\ ered 
 as a patriot. Nor was this esteem, in all cases confined to words. 
 His fortune at this time received a most considerable addition by a 
 bequest from a very extraordinary character. The Duchess Dowager 
 of Marlborough, by a codicil to her will, dated 11th August, 1744, 
 assigned a legacy to Mr. Pitt in the following words ; 
 
 " I also give to William Pitt, of the parish of St. James, within 
 
 VOL. I. T
 
 138 MR. PITT SUPPORTS A MOTION OF SIR W. YONGE. 
 
 CHAP, the liberty of Westminster, Esq. the sum of ten thousand pound.s, 
 
 1744. upon account of liis merit, in the noble defence he has made for 
 ' the support of the laws of England, and to prevent the ruin of his 
 
 country." 
 
 The Duchess died in the subsequent month of October, and the 
 money was paid to Mr. Pitt. 
 
 Mr. Pitt's opposition to government, for which the Duchess of 
 Marlborough considered him so eminently deserving of reward, 
 ceased with the administration of Lord Granville. I postpone the 
 consideration of the motives and the propriety of this alteration in 
 his public conduct to the succeeding chapter. 
 
 1745. On the 23rd of January, 1745, the House of Commons having 
 resolved itself into a Committee of supply. Sir William Yonge moved 
 that 28,000 men should be employed in Flanders for the ensuing 
 year. 
 
 Mr. Pitt, who had been indisposed with the gout firom the 
 commencement of the session, came down, with the mien and ap- 
 paratus of an invalid, to declare his sentiments upon the circumstan- 
 ces and situation of the country. He is represented ' to have spoken 
 with much grace, both of action and elocution. He commenced his 
 speech by saying, that, if this were the last day of his life, he would 
 spend it in the House of Commons, since he considered the situation 
 of the country to be even worse than that of his own health. He had 
 hoped that the Honorable Gentleman, who had spoken some time 
 before in the debate, (Sir W. Wynne,) would not only have persuaded, 
 but awed the House into an approbation of the measure, and that he 
 (Mr. Pitt,) should not have had occasion to enter into a detail, which 
 he was apprehensive his strength would not enable him to go through. 
 He shewed how much the question had changed since the previous 
 year, when a certain fatal influence prevailed in his Majesty's councils. 
 The object then seemed to be the multiplying war upon war, expense 
 upon expense, and the abetting the House of Austria in romantic 
 
 ' By Mr. P. Yorke from whose journal this speech is extracted.
 
 MR. PITT SUPPORTS A MOTION OF SIR W. YONGE. lo9 
 
 schemes of acquisition, such as the recovery of the Avulsa Imperii, CHAP, 
 without regard to the immediate interest of Great Britain. The object 1745. 
 now was, by connecting ourselves closely with Holland, to arrive at a 
 situation which might enable us to hold out fair and reasonable terms 
 of peace, both to our friends and enemies, and not to prosecute the 
 war a moment after we had obtained an equitable and sufficient se- 
 curity for our own rights and those of our allies, pursuant to public 
 treaties. He took occasion to recapitulate the miscarriages and errors 
 of our conduct since the change in 1742. He interspersed these 
 remarks with severe strokes of invective on Lord Granville, who, he 
 said, had not ten men in the nation that would follow him, but sup- 
 ported himself in the closet, on that broken reed — an opinion of his 
 credit with foreign princes. The capital errors, which he pointed out 
 and condemned, were, the not following Maillebois and attacking 
 Dunkirk in 1742 ; the advising the Queen of Hungary to reject the 
 French overtures at Prague; the not improving the victory at Dettingen, 
 and the refusal to listen to the proposals made by the Emperor through 
 the channel of Prince William of Hesse, Mr. Pitt, however, allowed, 
 that the demand of a subsidy for an unlimited time, was deserving of 
 contempt. In condemning the Convention subsequent to the Treaty 
 of Worms, he did justice to the Cabinet Council who had discharged 
 their duty, and refused to sanction what the rash hand of a daring 
 minister had signed. He complimented Mr. Pelham on that true love 
 of his country, and that capacity for business, for which he had always 
 been distinguished, and commended the present ministry for pursuing 
 moderate and healing measures, and such as tended to place the 
 King at the head of all his people. He thought a dawn of salvation 
 to this country had broken forth, and was determined to follow it as 
 far as it would lead him. He should be the greatest dupe in the 
 world, if those now at the helm did not intend the honor of their 
 master, and the good of the nation ; should he find himself deceived, 
 nothing would be left but to act with an honest despair. He 
 mentioned the symptoms of a good disposition in the States, upon 
 which Mr. Pelham had first enlarged, and observed, that if they 
 
 t2
 
 140 DEATH OF CHARLES VH. 
 
 CHAP, completed their last augmentation of 12,000 men, they would have a 
 1745 more numerous army on foot than they maintained during King 
 ^='^= William's war. In the heat of his argument, he turned once or twice 
 to Sir R. Newdigate, and asked, with an air of disdain, " if this 
 could be called an old measure from a new ministry ?" Mr. Yorke 
 observes, that the fulminating elocjuence of Mr. Pitt silenced all 
 opj)Osition. Sir R. Newdigate professed acquiescence, although he 
 said he could not give his thorough approbation to the question until 
 he had obtained further information. 
 
 The question passed with a single negative from Lord Strange. 
 
 On the 20th January, 1745, the unfortunate emperor Charles 
 the Vllth expired at Munich. Nothing can be more striking than 
 the miseries to which ambition subjected this ill-fated prince. The 
 example of his father should have warned him against the delusive 
 promises of France. The battle of Blenheim deprived the elector 
 Maximilian Emanuel of his dominions. For ten years he lived an 
 exile from his country, depending upon the charity of France, leaving 
 his subjects, whom he loved, a prey to Austrian oppression. Re-esta- 
 blished at length in his dominions, he had the happiness of seeing them 
 restored to some degree of prosperity. This was owing to the bless- 
 ings of a twelve years' peace and the great natural fertility of Bavaria. 
 His death occurred in 1726. A continuation of peace till the year 
 1741, placed the country in a flourishing condition under his suc- 
 cessor. But the imperial diadem, and the Austrian succession were 
 temptations too brilliant to be resisted by Charles. He again plunged 
 Bavaria into a war. The early successes he experienced rendered him 
 more acutely sensible to his subsequent disasters. His own capital, 
 more than once in the possession of his inveterate enemy, himself, like 
 his father, a needy exile, he felt that he had sacrificed his real dignity 
 and independence in the pursuit and purchase of an empty title. 
 The sage has beautifully and truly described his fate. 
 
 The bold Bavarian in a luckless hour 
 
 Tries the dread summits of Caesarean power ;
 
 BREAKING OUT OF THE REBELLION. 141 
 
 1745. 
 
 With unexpected legions bursts away, CHAP. 
 
 And sees defenceless realms receive his sway. VI. 
 
 Short sway ! Fair Austria spreads her mournful charms. 
 
 The Queen, the beauty, sets the world in arms. 
 
 From hill to hill the beacon's gathering blaze 
 
 Spreads wide the hope of plunder and of praise. 
 
 The fierce Croatian, and the wild huzzar. 
 
 With all the sons of rapine, croud the war. 
 
 The baffled Prince, in fortune's flattering bloom. 
 
 Of early greatness finds the fatal doom ; 
 
 His foes' derision and his subjects' blame, 
 
 He steals to death from anguish and from shame. 
 
 - The death of the Emperor Charles Vllth was hailed by the 
 Duke of Lorraine as a prelude to his own elevation, which he at 
 length accomplished ; but although successful in this point, the arms 
 of Austria and of England were still pursued by misfortune. The 
 battle of Fontenoy proved a more decisive victory on the side of 
 France than Dettingen had been on that of the allies. Marshal 
 Saxe was never backward in following up his blow. The operations 
 of the allies were by this defeat reduced to measures of mere defence. 
 But we had little time to devote to an enquiry into the causes of these 
 failures abroad ; the attention of the country was quickly drawn to 
 its own dangerous condition, and our army was now wanted at home. 
 A few months after the defeat at Fontenoy, the young Pretender 
 hoisted the standard of rebellion in Scotland. To enter minutely 
 upon this memorable event, would be foreign to the intention of my 
 history. I shall only remark that, if a body of 6 or 7,000 Frenchmen 
 had landed with the Chevaher, and the rebel army, instead of wasting 
 the time in idle ceremonies and disputes at Edinburgh, had instantly 
 marched southward, the unprepared state of the country was such, 
 and the panic so universal, that they must have entered London 
 almost without opposition. But providence interposed ; the courage 
 of the people revived ; our army returned from Flanders to protect us ; 
 and the young adventurer retired to suffer even greater hardships 
 than had been ever experienced by his hapless ancestors. Parlia-
 
 U2 REMARKS OF MR. PITT ON SIR F. DASHWOOD'S AMENDMENT 
 
 CHAP, ment assembled on the 17th October, 1745, on account of the rebel- 
 VI • • • 
 
 174^ hon, upon which subject the speech from the throne was exclusively 
 
 ■ occupied. Sir Francis Dashwood, (afterwards Lord Le Dcspenser,) 
 
 proposed the following amendment to the address in answer to the 
 King's speech, " That for the firmer establishment of his Majesty's 
 throne on the solid basis of his people's affections, it shall be the 
 speedy care of the House of Commons to frame such bills as may 
 ertcctually secure to his Majesty's subjects the perpetual enjoyment of 
 their undoubted right to be freely and fairly represented in Parlia- 
 ments frequently chosen and exempted from undue influence of every 
 kind." This most injudicious and ill-timed motion was seconded by 
 Sir John Philips. Mr. Pitt opposed it in the following spirited terms ^ : 
 " The amendment, Sir, offered as it is, during a time of so much 
 difficulty, is fraught with the utmost danger. There is one motive 
 only to which it can be ascribed, that of rendering ministers odious in 
 the eyes of the people, should they put a negative upon it. But I 
 will venture to predict a very opposite result. Although, Sir, motions 
 of this kind must bo popular in their nature, yet in this hour of diffi- 
 culty and distress — rebellion raging within, invasion threatened from 
 without — the people most earnestly employed in measures of vital im- 
 portance, it is impossible to think fa\ orably of those who would call 
 off our attention from these most urgent subjects to points of theory 
 and speculation. Is it now a time to sit contriving bills to guard our 
 liberties from corruption, when that very liberty, when every thing 
 else that is dear to us, are in danger of being wrested from us by 
 arms ? When thieves have burst into the mansion, the fool, only, 
 would plan out methods to prevent the frauds of his servants. But 
 why is this subject to be introduced into our address ? No country, 
 no city, no corporation have requested their representatives to bring 
 in any such bills. The people are every where engaged in raising 
 subscriptions and forming associations to resist those who are now in 
 
 « This Speech, somewhat varied, and considerably shortened, is taken from Debrett, vol. 
 2, p. 43.
 
 AND MR. A. H. CAMPBELL'S MOTION. 143 
 
 arms to rob the Sovereign of his crown and themselves of their chap. 
 hberties. Do gentlemen wish to give a turn to the spirit of the peo- 174.5. 
 pie, to create a contention respecting the constitution, that the king- - 
 
 dom itself may fall an easy prey to the enemy ? Sir, if I did not 
 know the Honorable Gentlemen who made and seconded this amend- 
 ment, I should really suspect their designs. And however, from my 
 own personal knowledge, I myself may acquit them, let them be as- 
 sured that, unless they withdraw their motion, they will not escape 
 the suspicion of the public." 
 
 Similar to Sir F. Dashwood's motion, was another, brought for- 
 ward on the 4th November, by the Honorable Alexander Hume 
 Campbell. Several nnblemRn having raised regiments for the service 
 of his Majesty in this perilous crisis, Mr. Campbell thought proper to 
 move, " that an address be presented to his Majesty, most humbly to 
 beseech him, that the officers in the new regiments now raising, or 
 already raised, may not be allowed any rank after those regiments 
 are broke." This raised the indignation of Mr. Pitt, who thus warmly 
 reprobated the motion *■ : 
 
 " A commission, and the rank impUed by a commission, are 
 inseparable. A commission contained a power conferred by the King, 
 by which the person who received it became subordinate to some and 
 superior to others. The motion, I contend, is irrational, contrary to 
 common sense, impolitic and impracticable, tending to discourage 
 those noble persons who are exerting their utmost influence in the 
 service of their country. The officers who are to be employed under 
 them, are, by this motion, to be stigmatized as unworthy of rank. 
 Sir, these gentlemen are not driven into the army by necessity, but 
 are offering themselves to serve their country, in the day of distress, 
 from motives of the warmest zeal. And shall we disg-race these men, 
 shall we check their noble and generous ardour in the hour of danwr ? 
 Those who desire the House to agree to this motion cannot be serious, 
 or if serious, cannot be aware of the obvious construction of their con- 
 
 '■ This speech is taken from Almon's " Anecdotes of the Life of Lord Chatham."
 
 144 DISGRACEFUL DISSENSIONS IN THE CABINET. 
 
 CHAP. duct. Is this the time, I ask, to stigmatize loyalty instead of honour- 
 174'i. '"t? ^"^ rewarding it? Are gentlemen endeavouring to obtain that 
 
 '''''''''^ object by oblique paths from which they are in a direct manner re- 
 strained ? The motion. Sir, is at best suspicious ; it is contradictory. 
 
 " The argument in support of the motion is an insult upon the 
 whole army, for it implies that the army will behold with discontent 
 this new promotion of ofiicers. The very assertion is an impeachment 
 of the allegiance of the army. It would be a reproach to the dignity 
 of this House, if our deliberations were to be influenced by the views 
 of any class of men. The right of decidmg upon measures most con- 
 ducive to the public interest and security, belongs not to the army, 
 but to this House. 
 
 " Those who advise us to deny rank to the new officers, advise 
 us to deny what the King has already granted, and what he had an 
 undoubted right to grant. They advise us to vacate his commissions 
 and to break his promises : they advise us to weaken him, at a time 
 when he most wants assistance, and to show to our enemies that he is 
 at variance with his Parliament." 
 
 But if the alarming state of the country at this time roused Mr. 
 Pitt to to this active and manly display o£tillegiance, it is the painful 
 duty of the historian to relate, that this spirit did not e.\tend to his 
 friends, and that subsequently Mr. Pitt was himself the occasion of 
 much uneasiness to his sovereign. 
 1746. Whilst the Duke of Cumberland was pursuing the rebel army, 
 
 the English ministry was more convulsed by feuds than the country 
 had been by invasion. One cannot read the account of these dissen- 
 sions without feelings of shame and disgust. At a time when every 
 good and loyal person ought to have suspended all party animosities, 
 at least until rebellion was annihilated, we see the very men to whom 
 the reins of government were entrusted, the very men who ought to 
 have proved examples and guides to their countrymen, wrangling for 
 power and precedence, hazarding the welfare of their kingdom, dis- 
 tressing and deserting their King. In my opinion, scarcely a man 
 engaged in the ministerial dissensions, which disgraced the earlv part
 
 RESIGNATIONS OF THE MINISTERIAL BODY. 145 
 
 of the year 1746, is exempt from blame. The earls of Bath and CHAP. 
 Granville are more particularly culpable. The headlong ambition of 174^ 
 
 the one, and the dangerous insinuations of the other, operated with 
 
 baneful influence on the mind of George II. The King had never 
 been cordially reconciled to the ministry appointed in 1744. Some 
 of them he despised, others he disliked, and there was scarcely one 
 whom he respected. He had then parted with Lord Granville with 
 extreme reluctance, and was determined to recall him upon the first 
 favourable opportunity. It was at this time that the Duke of New- 
 castle irritated his Majesty by proposing the appointment of Mr. Pitt 
 to the office of secretary of war. Offended as the King naturally was 
 by Mr. Pitt's warm and continued opposition to the Hanoverian mea- 
 sures, his dislike to him was increased by the insinuations of Lord 
 Bath. The King's wish was to emancipate himself from what he con- 
 sidered the thraldom of the present administration, and to form a new 
 one, in which the Lords Bath, Harrington, and Granville, Winchelsea, 
 and Carlisle, were to take conspicuous parts. Although he intended 
 Mr. Winnington for the chancellorship of the exchequer, he hoped 
 also to retain the services of Mr. Pelham. But he knew not the 
 difficulty of the undertaking, nor how firmly the Duke of Newcastle 
 and his brother had strengthened their parliamentary influence. They 
 had secured to their side the most powerful noblemen in the kingdom, 
 with the persons most distinguished for their abilities, and they knew 
 to a man upon whom they might rely. Lord Harrington was cer- 
 tainly under the deepest obligations to the King, who, having in vain 
 attempted to detach him from his party, could no longer control his 
 indignation, but upbraided that nobleman with a want of zeal and 
 gratitude to his person. Lord Harrington communicated what had 
 passed to the Pelhams, who, concluding that the dissolution of their 
 ministry was on the point of taking place, determined to anticipate 
 the measure, and with their whole party to throw up their places. 
 Accordingly, on the 10th February, the Duke of Newcastle and 
 Lord Harrington resigned their seals of office. Lord Bath was imme- 
 diately appointed First Lord of the Treasury, and Lord Granville 
 VOL. I. U
 
 146 MR. WINXINGTON— THE MINISTERS REINSTATED. 
 
 CHAP. Secretary of State. But it was immediately found that the resigna- 
 1746. tions were too rapid and too numerous to be adequately supplied. 
 ^^""^^^ On the 11th February Mr. Pelham, the Duke of Bedford, and almost 
 every one of the members of the Boards of Treasury and Admiralty 
 gave in their resignations. Lord Hardvvicke, and other eminent 
 members of the cabinet, were instantly expected to follow their example. 
 The Chancellorship of the Exchequer was earnestly oft'ered by his 
 Majesty to Mr. Winnington, but in vain. The intimate acquaintance 
 of that gentleman with the state of parties and family connexions, 
 joined to his parliamentary influence, and his known talents, rendered 
 him at that time a very prominent character. In rejecting this offer 
 he had the candor and firmness to say to the King, " The new 
 ministry, Sir, can neither support your Majesty nor themselves ; they 
 cannot depend on more than thirty-one lords and eighty commoners." 
 The King was struck with this remark, and by his subsequent conduct, 
 evinced his disposition towards the man who uttered it. He sent for 
 Mr. Winnington on the 12th February, and paid him the high com- 
 pliment of telling him (at the expense, indeed, of his party), that he 
 was the most honest man about his person, and that he should have 
 the honor of reconciling him to his former servants. They were all, 
 accordinglv, reinstated on the 14th February, and thus this extraor- 
 dinary convulsion closed. Disgraceful as it was, it however produced 
 one advantage to the countr}^, by procuring the official services of 
 Mr. Pitt. I have said that pre\ious to this period the Duke of New- 
 castle had long endeavoured to overcome the repugnance of the King 
 to Mr. Pitt. In this endeavour he was joined by others, whose dislike 
 to Mr. Pitt was as great as the sovereign's, but who knew that the 
 vast abilities and splendid eloquence of the man would give strength 
 and lustre to the government. A memorial, drawn up by the elder 
 Horace Walpole, was submitted to the King, earnestly shewing the 
 advantages which would result to the country from appointing Mr. 
 Pitt to the Secretaryship of War. In this paper the old charge of 
 die opposition of Mr. Pitt to the favorite measures of the King are 
 alluded to and admitted. Whilst the known honor and upright
 
 MR. PITT IS APPOINTED PAYMASTER. ^ 147 
 
 intentions of Mr. Pitt sufficiently refute any insinuations to his dis- CHAF. 
 advantage, I consider this recommendation as the strongest proof of yivs 
 the pubHc estimation in which he was held. Although Mr. Pitt did ===f= 
 not obtain the appointment in question, it was, perhaps, in some 
 degree, owing to this memorial that we soon afterwards find him 
 appointed to the Vice-treasuryship of Ireland. His name, with that 
 of Lord Cholmondeley, was gazetted on the 22d February, 1746, in 
 the following manner : " The King has been pleased to order letters 
 patent to be passed under the great seal of his Kingdom of Ireland, 
 for granting unto the Right Honorable George, Earl of Cholmondeley, 
 and William Pitt, Esq. the office or offices of Vice Treasurer and 
 Receiver General and Paymaster General of all his Majesty's Reve- 
 nues in the said Kingdom of Ireland, and likewise the office of Trea- 
 surer of War within the said King-dom." 
 
 On the 23d of April Mr. Winnington died, and on the 6th of 
 May Mr. Pitt was appointed Paymaster in his stead. 
 
 It is not always that great abilities are accompanied by strict 
 integrity. History contains several painful instances of men of tran- 
 scendant genius, who could not resist the temptation of enrichmg 
 themselves by a sacrifice of honor, and at the expense of their country. 
 And here the mighty orator of Athens, and the great philosopher of 
 Britain are presented to our view. We see Demosthenes unable to 
 resist the bribes of Harpalus ; and Bacon a worshipper of the unrigh- 
 teous Mammon. It is gratifying to be able to withdraw from con- 
 siderations so humiliating to human nature, and to regard a character 
 which was never tainted by corruption. 
 
 There are two facts connected with Mr. Pitt's conduct durinir 
 the time he held the office of Paymaster which reflect the highest 
 honor upon his name. The first of these facts is as follows. When 
 Mr. Pitt was first appointed to this office, it was customary that 
 100,000/. should lie, by way of advance, in the Paymaster's hands. 
 Tliis money, in the time of Mr. Pitt's predecessors, was usually 
 vested in government securities, and brought an annual return of 
 3,000 or 4,000 pounds, which was appropriated by the Paymaster to 
 
 u 2
 
 148 INTEGRITY OF MR. PITT IN THAT OFFICE. 
 
 CHAP, his private use. It is evident that such a practice, whilst it generally 
 1746'. f^iiriched the individual, might, upon particular occasions, either ex- 
 
 ===^ po.se him to ruin, or impede the operations of the army, at a time 
 when they were most required. For supposing the money to be thus 
 locked up, and that the public funds bore a considerable discount, it 
 could not be sold without the heaviest loss to the subscriber. Such 
 an emergency actually occurred. In the midst of the Scotch rebel- 
 lion — when the very existence of the constitution appeared to depend 
 upon the fidelity of the army, the payment of that army, from such 
 considerations, was stopped ! 
 
 The possibility of such a predicament was revolting to the feel- 
 ings of Mr. Pitt. He instantly placed in the Bank of England every 
 sum belonging to his office, without appropriating a shilling to his 
 private use. He placed the money where he knew it would be at 
 once available to the public service. He subscribed not the minutest 
 portion of it to the funds; he derived not the smallest interest from 
 the capital, but was strictly and conscientiously satisfied with the 
 legal salary annexed to his appointment. 
 
 The second fact is of a similar description, and no less honorable 
 to Mr. Pitt. When the English Parliament granted subsidies to the 
 King of Sardinia and the Queen of Hungary, it was usual even with 
 the most respectable of Mr. Pitt's predecessors, to receive a profit of 
 one-half per cent upon the whole subsidy advanced. This was deemed 
 a perquisite of office. Had Mr. Pitt availed himself of this practice, 
 he must soon have realized considerable wealth, for the subsidies at 
 the time were very frequent and considerable. But his noble spirit 
 disdained to profit by any indirect advantage. 
 
 " Far other arts his heart had learned to prize." 
 
 When the King of Sardinia was informed of Mr. Pitt's departure 
 from the custom of his predecessors, he expressed his admiration of 
 such greatness of mind, and desired his agent to offer to the Pay- 
 master, as a royal present, that sum which he had before refused as a
 
 RUINOUS SYSTEM OF CONTINENTAL WARFARE. 149 
 
 perquisite of office. Mr. Pitt's conduct upon this occasion was worthy CHAP, 
 of a Fabricius. He dechned the acceptance of the royal proffer in 174^^ 
 firm but respectful terms. He alleged, that as Parliament had granted 
 the money for specific purposes, he had no right to the smallest share. 
 It was his duty to pay it entire, and he trusted that he should not 
 offend his Sardinian Majesty by refusing his gift. 
 
 It may well be supposed that the sentiments of this sovereign 
 respecting Mr. Pitt were not lowered by this rejection. His former 
 surprise now arose to astonishment, and he declared that Mr. Pitt's 
 conduct did honor to human nature. 
 
 The 16th April, 1746, was marked by the total defeat of the 
 rebel army at CuUoden, which for ever crushed the hopes of the Pre- 
 tender. For this victory the Duke of Cumberland well deserved those 
 high acknowledgments and thanks which were bestowed upon him 
 from every quarter of the kingdom. Nor did the popularity thus ac- 
 quired by the Duke rest solely with him, it extended itself to the 
 royal family in general, and enabled the king to carry on his favorite 
 measures with greater facility. The hopes which the nation might 
 entertain from the removal of Lord Granville with respect to foreign 
 measures were soon disappointed. The principal motive which had 
 induced that minister to enter with enthusiasm into the Queen of 
 Hungary's quarrel operated similarly with the Duke of Newcastle. 
 That feeble-minded man, incapable of conducting with vigour and 
 effect the ordinary measures of go\ernment during times of repose, 
 was induced to continue the ruinous system of continental warfare to 
 secure himself in the cabinet by furthering the wishes of the King. 
 Subsidy after subsidy was voted, battle after battle was lost, and still 
 we kept stupidly continuing a war from which no possible good could 
 be expected. 
 
 The King was a man of tried courage, he had served with the ut- 
 most valour in the armies commanded by Marlborough. He was 
 fond of camps and armies, and, independent of his inclination to inter- 
 fere on the continent as Elector of Hanover, his taste was war. He 
 knew that the English troops had not degenerated, and he fondly ex-
 
 ^50 THE SUCCESSES OF MARLBOROUGH CONSIDERED. 
 
 CHAP, pected, from their exertions, an equal measure of success with that 
 1740. which signahsed the arms of Queen Anne. This sanguine spirit had 
 
 ^^^^^^ been undoubtedly fostered by Lord Granville, and was kept alive by 
 the Duke of Cumberland. But it was the duty of his ministry to 
 point out to the King the very different posture in which Europe now 
 stood, and the ^ery different conduct which the interests of England 
 required. The English at this time had to contend against the united 
 efforts of France, Spaip, and Prussia. We had to raise immense 
 sums of money to procure the tardy, unwilling, and ineffective assist- 
 ance of several German princes, and all for the alleged purpose of 
 adjusting the balance of power in which we had but a secondary 
 concern. Our principal ally, the Queen of Hungary, whilst she 
 eagerly received our supplies, never furnished her stipulated contingent 
 of troops, but left the confederate army to be constantly out-numbered 
 by that of France. Our influence with the Dutch was also compara- 
 tively weak, and did not enable us to procure from them a necessary 
 and cordial co-operation. 
 
 It is a mistake to suppose that the successes of Marlborough 
 were exclusively owing to the abilities he displayed in the field of 
 battle. That careful commander concerted with the allies his plans 
 for the ensuing campaigns, many months before he undertook them. 
 He constantly calculated upon every difficulty which might arise, and 
 overcame the scruples of the allies as nmch by his prudence and 
 conciliation, as he did the arms of his enemies by his consummate 
 military skill. To the soundest good sense he added the most 
 delightful manners and address, and brought the most refractory 
 courts into his measures, by the constant exercise of a gentle, graceful, 
 and dignified behaviour. His principle seemed to be that of Ca;sar, 
 7iil actum rcpiitans diim quid superesset agendum. Our war in sup- 
 port of the Queen of Hungary was conducted upon a system directly 
 opposite to that which Marlborough pursued. Our money was 
 lavished with the most heedless profusion, and our blood was spilt in 
 a foreign and ungrateful cause ; our councils were taken without 
 concert, conduct, or confidence, and our battles were fought without
 
 BATTLE OF LAFELDT^SIR JOHN LIGONIER. 151 
 
 any requisite to success but that of valor alone. The Duke of Cum- 
 berland was, indeed, as brave and as heroic a soldier as ever existed; 
 he fought, and encouraged his men to fight, with energy and enthu- 
 siasm ; but he was placed at the head of armies when extremely young, 
 and wholly Mithout experience, and it is not surprising that in learning 
 the art of war, he had to undergo the severest lessons of failure and 
 misfortune. He no more resembled Marlborough, in all the great 
 requisites of a commander-in-chief, than his colleague. Prince Charles 
 of Lorraine, resembled Prince Eugene. The talents necessary to a 
 general were wholly on the side of the adversaries of England. Mar- 
 shal Saxe and the King of Prussia were men of consummate military 
 skill, and their successes were equal to their abihties. The battles of 
 Racoux, in 1746, and of Lafeldt, in 1747, were striking instances of 
 the superiority of Saxe to Prince Charles and the Duke of Cumber- 
 land. The allied armies suffered considerably in both these actions ; 
 in both were they highly benefited, and in the last action preserved, 
 by the conduct of a native of France, who happily was in the service of 
 Great Britain, This was the celebrated Sir John Ligonier. In the battle 
 of Lafeldt, at the instant when total destruction seemed to impend over 
 the allied army. General Ligonier put himself at the head of the 
 British dragoons, and, charging the whole line of the French cavalry, 
 caused such a diversion by the tremendous shock, that the Duke of 
 Cumberland was enabled to efliect an orderly retreat with his army. 
 His horse having been killed, Ligonier was himself taken prisoner 
 by the enemy, but the regiments he commanded retired with deli- 
 beration and, in safety. 
 
 However successful the arms of Louis XV. had been, both that 
 monarch, and his general Saxe, were most desirous of peace. Ad- 
 dicted to luxury more than to ambition, Louis preferred the undis- 
 turbed enjoyment of his pleasures in peace, to tlie uncertain and 
 arduous glory to be acquired by war. Strongly attached as he had 
 been to his preceptor, Fleury, the pacific system of that minister came 
 doubly recommended to his heart. In addition to this, the finances 
 of France were terribly disordered, and required a cessation of hostili-
 
 152 PEACE OF AIX-LA-CHAPELLE. 
 
 CHAP, ties to restore them. Martial glory is supposed to be most at a 
 1747. Frenchman's heart, but in the present case that glory had been pur- 
 
 ■"' chased at an immense expense, and there were causes, in acquiring 
 
 it, to damp the national vanity. 
 
 Catholic and bigoted as they were, neither Louis nor his people 
 saw with complacency a foreigner and a protestant at the head of 
 their armies. The successes of Marshal Saxe reconciled the French 
 to his command, but the reverses of war would instantly have involved 
 him in disgrace. This reason acted reciprocally, and of course ren- 
 dered Saxe also most anxious for peace. After the battle of Lafeldt 
 Sir John Ligonier was admitted to several conferences w ith the French 
 King, he had also repeated interviews with Saxe, and was enabled to 
 apprize the English Cabinet of their pacific desires. Although this 
 communication could not be unpleasing to George II., it produced no 
 instant accommodation between the two countries. The Duke of 
 Cumberland, whose disposition was ever ardent and sanguine, still 
 hoped to efface the memory of former disasters by the glories of a new 
 campaign. In his Majesty's speech to Parliament, November 12th, 
 1747, the angry animadversions upon France, the disparaging terms in 
 which the overtures of peace from that country are mentioned, and 
 the strong exhortation to his subjects, " to grant such supplies as their 
 own security, and lasting welfare, and the present critical and import- 
 ant situation of affairs require," gave but little encouragement to 
 England to hope for a speedy termination of the war. It was there- 
 fore to the surprise of the public and the satisfaction of all right 
 judging persons that preliminaries of peace were signed at Aix la 
 Chapelle on the 30th April, 174'8. The fear that Maestricht, then 
 closely besieged by Sa.ve, should fall into the hands of the French 
 was the urgent cause with the British cabinet for signing these preli- 
 minaries. The only party, to whom the conditions of this peace were 
 avowedly disagreeable, was the Empress Queen. Although by this 
 treaty the election of the Emperor was acknowledged, and the House 
 ot Austria obtained the guarantee of the Pragmatic Sanction; although 
 Maria Theresa recovered the Low Countries, yet as she was obliged
 
 PEACE OF AIX-LA-CHAPELLE. 153 
 
 to make restitution of her conquests in Italy, to confirm the cession of CHAP. 
 Silesia and Glatz to the King of Prussia, and to yield the Duchies of 1743. 
 Parma, Placentia, and Guastalla to Don Philip, she was excessively dis- 
 satisfied. She resisted stubbornly for some time, and it was not until 
 after much violence of remonstrance that her plenipotentiaries were 
 allowed by her to sign the definitive treaty. 
 
 The conditions of the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, considered by 
 themselves, were certainly not favorable to the interests and honor of 
 Great Britain. We gave up much in exchange for very little. The 
 right of English subjects to navigate in the American seas, which had 
 been the original cause of the war with Spain, was not even men- 
 tioned, and our possessions in North America were left undefined. 
 Strictly speaking, the treaty could be considered as little more than 
 a temporary truce. But the war, on the part of England and the 
 allies, had been carried on with such wretched success, and the pros- 
 pect of a fresh campaign was so very discouraging, that peace, upon 
 almost any terms, and for a time however short, had become impera- 
 tively necessary. 
 
 VOL.
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 1748. 
 
 Charges against Mr. Pitt's political Co7isistencj/ examined — The Advisers of the Prince 
 of Wales — Characters of Lord Egmont, Mr. Nugent, and Dr. Lee — Mr. Pitt's 
 Speech upon the Mutiny Bill — Upon the Glasgow Petition — Mr. Pitt in Retirement — 
 George the Second endeavours to secure the Election of the Archduke Joseph to the title 
 of King of the Roma/is — The Westminster Election — The Prince of Wales's Court — 
 Illness and Death of his Royal Highness. 
 
 ^\u^ From the time Mr. Pitt entered Parliament, to the end of the year 
 1748. 1744, we have seen him a steady and most determined enemy of the 
 continental measures of the minister. We have seen him reprobating, 
 in the most glowing language, thesupineness of Walpole, and the head- 
 long impetuosity of his successor. We have now to regard his conduct 
 in a different point of view. He is now to be considered as a silent 
 spectator of measures, when pursued by Newcastle, which, under 
 Carteret, he had so loudly condemned. Wo have, moreover, to con- 
 sider him as the advocate of several principles, to which before he 
 seemed decidedly hostile. From what cause, it may properly be 
 asked, did such inconsistency arise ? Was the spirit of Pitt, which a 
 fond public considered superior to all sordid considerations, subdued 
 by the hopes of office ? or was his strong voice hushed by the soft 
 whispers of self-interest ? These are most important questions, and 
 must be most solemnly considered, before the historian presumes to 
 decide upon the character of Pitt. Heavy is his responsibility who 
 undertakes to consign to posterity the names and actions of the illus- 
 trious dead. Whilst the memory of the dead is to be most deeply
 
 MR. PITT'S POLITICAL CONSISTENCY CONSIDERED. 155 
 
 regarded, a still deeper respect must be paid to truth, to the eternal CHAP, 
 difference betwixt right and urong, with which no admiration of the 1748. 
 character in question must be allowed to interfere. That writer, == 
 whose partiality induces him to vindicate, or conceal, the faults of 
 exalted persons, contributes, as far as his work extends, to mislead 
 mankind. A dangerous sophistry may thereby deduce the best 
 actions from imaginary or selfish motives. The weak and irresolute 
 may eagerly catch at such precedents, in designating their own defects, 
 and the vicious may plead them as palliatives of their own enormities. 
 But, on the other hand, rash and indiscriminate censures may be 
 attended with consequences no less pernicious. To decide correctly 
 upon the conduct of men, especially in the complicated and often 
 contradictory affairs of nations, is a most difficult task. The lapse of 
 a few years will often produce a total change in the system of policy 
 which before it was necessary to pursue, and the opposition which, 
 at one time, may prevent many national calamities — may, when 
 exerted at an improper season, perpetuate and increase them. The 
 charges of political tergiversation against Mr. Pitt, which fall in with 
 this period of my history, are chiefly three ; first, his acquiescing in 
 the continental measures pursued by the Duke of Newcastle after 
 Lord Granville had retired from power; secondly, his abandoning 
 the claim of British seamen to an exemption from the search of 
 Spanish guardships ; thirdly, his defence of the extension of military 
 law. 
 
 Without offering any laboured apology for Mr. Pitt's change of 
 political sentiments, which he himself was ever foremost to allow, I 
 shall suggest such arguments upon the three charges above-mentioned, 
 as I deem worthy the consideration of every impartial enquirer. I 
 begin with the first charge. Mr. Pitt had in 1746 become a member 
 of an administration, which, however unhappy and unwise in their 
 conduct of the war in German}', carried into effect many measures 
 most beneficial to Great Britain. So far as the internal interests of 
 the country were concerned, that administration was eminently useful, 
 Mr. Pelham was a good and honorable man, of great candour and 
 
 x2
 
 156 MR. PITT'S POLITICAL CONSISTENCY CONSIDERED. 
 
 CHAP, affability of manners, and possessing the greatest influence with his 
 ]74y_ associates in power. It appears from his correspondence* that Mr. 
 ^^''^^^'^'^ Pelham, himself, disapproved of the system which we pursued on the 
 continent, but was unable to prevent it. I ha\c no doubt that his 
 conduct and example upon this point had great weight with Mr. 
 Pitt. When the latter saw that Mr. Pelham, so powerful by his family 
 connexions, and so respected from his known desire to promote the 
 public welfare, was unable to prevent the adoption of those German 
 measures which entailed such expenses upon the country, he must 
 have felt that his own single opposition to them would have been 
 wholly without eftect. Mr. Pitt undoubtedly, possessed the greatest 
 confidence in his own abilities, and looked forward to the time when 
 an introduction to one of the great ollices of state would enable him 
 to exert them for the benefit of his country. To continue a single 
 opposition to our continental measures would have been worse than 
 useless; would have embarrassed the general operations of govern- 
 ment, and for ever have excluded him from any high official employ- 
 ment. Under these impressions, probably, he was induced to forbear 
 the expression of his sentiments, and for the sake of the general 
 harmony of administration, to forego an opposition to those measures 
 which he found himself unable to overthrow. 
 
 I shall now consider the second charge of inconsistency. I be- 
 lieve that every impartial enquirer must admire and applaud Mr. 
 Pitt's noble defence of the freedom of British navigation against the 
 aggressions of the Spaniards, in the latter years of Sir R. Walpole's 
 administration, and will agree with me in thinking that a war was, at 
 that time, as expedient as it was just. A most important question 
 was at issue, and to decide that question, when every other eftbrt had 
 been tried, the nation had recourse to arms. Unhappily, however, 
 the war with Spain had been so weakly conducted, and the efforts 
 of the nation so much diverted and exhausted upon other and un- 
 necessary points, that at the end of a nine years' struggle we found 
 
 ' See his Letters to the senior Horace Walpole, in Coxe's Life of Lord Walpole.
 
 MR. PITT'S POLITICAL CONSISTENCY CONSIDERED. 157 
 
 ourselves utterly unable to enforce the great point in dispute. Under CHAP, 
 such circumstances, what was it the duty of a wise senator to advise ? 1748 
 In my opinion it was peace with Spain. The justice of our claims, ^=^== 
 indeed, remained the same, but our inability to assert those claims 
 had been wofully proved, and the continuation of the war, which ori- 
 ginated injustice and expediency in 1739, would, in 1748, have been 
 obstinate and dangerous in the extreme. 
 
 As to the third charge of inconsistency, I think the occurrence 
 of certain events was calculated to produce a change of opinion, with 
 respect to the necessity of a military establishment, in the freest and 
 firmest mind. Accordingly, the extreme consternation into which 
 the country had been thrown by the invasion of the young Pretender, 
 the utter inadequacy of the militia to resist the rebels, and the intense 
 anxiety with which our troops had been expected from Germany to 
 protect us, made a lasting impression on Mr. Pitt. He was thence 
 induced to infer, that, if the Pretender, with an inconsiderable and 
 undisciplined body of men, and those too at variance amongst them- 
 selves, was able to penetrate very far into the country, and to en- 
 danger the safety of the capital itself, the successful invasion of a 
 regular French army could at no time be prevented but by the con- 
 stant existence of a strong military force. 
 
 Several other allegations of inconsistency have been made against 
 the conduct of Mr. Pitt, but they cannot well be resolved into a change 
 of opinion as to things, but, probably, arose out of some misunder- 
 standing with persons, from which scarcely any public character has 
 the happiness to be exempted. Of this description was his conduct 
 towards the Prince of Wales. It will be remembered that Mr. Pitt 
 first displayed his powers as an orator in a lofty panegyric upon his 
 Royal Highness. He was subsequently appointed groom of the bed- 
 chamber to the Prince. He resigned that situation towards the close 
 of the year 1744. Although I have made diligent enquiry to ascer- 
 tain the tact, I am unable to state upon what grounds he adopted 
 this measure ^ Horace Walpole charged him with ingratitude to the 
 
 ' As my grandfather, Archdeacon Thackeray, was chaplain to the Prince of Wales, and
 
 158 ADVISERS OF THE PRINCE OF WALES. 
 
 CHAP. Prince, but as he has not even pretended to substantiate his assertion, 
 1748. it may reasonably be considered as one of the many uncharitable sur. 
 mises which disgrace his page. 
 
 Although the opposition had for some time languished, it began 
 to assume a more formidable appearance in the year 1747, and was 
 openly headed by the Prince of Wales. Lord Bolingbroke, the Earl 
 of Egmont, Dr. Lee, and Mr. Nugent, were the principal advisers of 
 his Royal Highness. These were all men of considerable talent. I 
 have before spoken of Lord Bolingbroke % and shall only here observe 
 that age, which had added to his knowledge, had in no respect di- 
 minished the charms of his address and conversation. He was highly 
 obsequious to the Prince, with whom his influence was considerable. 
 Lord Egmont possessed great abilities and unwearied application. 
 The reputation he acquired as a writer, by the celebrated pamphlet 
 *' Faction detected," was unfavourable to his interests as a politician. 
 He was conscious of this, and would willingly have relinquished what- 
 ever interest he might command in the House of Commons for a seat 
 amongst the Peers. Mr. Pelham would not gratify him in this re- 
 spect, and he attached himself to the party of the Prince of Wales. 
 
 It will be remembered that Dr. Lee was, in 1741, elected chair- 
 man of the committee of privileges and elections against the efforts of 
 Sir R. Walpole. This gentleman was a lawyer of great erudition and 
 integrity, and was a sound and weighty speaker. The Prince of 
 Wales intended him for his future chancellor of the exchequer, al- 
 though the nature of his studies, and his practice as a civilian, had 
 excluded him from that extensive knowledge of mankind which the 
 high posts of government require. 
 
 Mr. Nugent was a man of such unequal powers, that it is diflTicult 
 to know what place to assign him, as a speaker, or as a man of busi- 
 
 honored with much of his Royal Highness's notice, I hoped to discover from his papers some- 
 thing which might throw light upon this subject, but I have been disappointed. 
 
 • Lord Bolingbroke had the highest opinion of Mr. Pitt's abilities, as he also had of those 
 of his sister, Mrs. Anne Pitt. The former, his Lordship termed sublimity Pitt, and the latter, 
 divinity Pitt,
 
 THE OPPOSITION OF THE NEW PARLIAMENT. 159 
 
 ness. Humorous and undaunted in his elocution, he gave utterance CHAP. 
 
 VII 
 
 to every idea which arose in his mind, but he wanted the good taste n^^^ 
 to perceive that the constant use of ridicule must disgust his hearers, " 
 and destroy the effect of severity when the occasion demanded it. 
 
 By the advice of Lord Bolingbroke, the Prince of Wales held a 
 stannary court, in his capacity of Duke of Cornwall, and revived some 
 claims which, had they been admitted, would have given him consi- 
 derable influence in the Cornish boroughs. The agitation of these 
 claims, (which were declared to be wholly inadmissible by the mi- 
 nistry,) excited considerable attention, and inflamed the opposition of 
 the Prince to the measures of government. 
 
 A new Parliament had met in November 1747, and the first 
 session passed over with unanimity. During the prorogation, the 
 opposition rallied their powers, and determined to act with vigour for 
 the future. From the preceding view of the principal characters of 
 those who formed this opposition, it will be seen, that the men of the 
 greatest genius and ability were supporters of the administration. Mr. 
 Pelham had no reason to dread the efforts of the adverse party, when 
 he numbered Mr. Pitt, Mr. Fox, and Mr. Murray amongst his 
 friends. 
 
 The second session of the new Parliament commenced on the 
 29th November, 1748. In the speech from the throne, his Majesty 
 observed, that " It had been his chief endeavour, in putting an end 
 to the calamities of war, to make the most effectual provision for se- 
 curing the rights and interests of his subjects, and to procure the best 
 terms and conditions for his allies that the situation of affairs would 
 admit." An animated debate arose upon the vote of an address to 
 the throne. 
 
 The leaders of opposition commented very severely upon the 
 terms of the late treaty of Aix la Chapelle, which they designated 
 the worst and most inglorious that England ever had subscribed. In 
 answer to their objections, the ministers entered into a full explana- 
 tion and defence of the treaty, and carried their address by a great 
 majority. Mr. Pitt did not epeak upon the occasion
 
 100 MR. PITTS SPEECH ON THE MUTINY-BILL. 
 
 CHAP. Few contests have been more violent than those which arose 
 
 1748. ^pon the discussion of two annual bills, which were brought into Par- 
 
 === liament soon after this time, respecting our naval and military esta- 
 blishments. The first was intituled, " A Bill for amending, explain- 
 ing, and reducing into one Act of Parliament, the laws relating to the 
 navy," and was framed with the intention of subjecting half-pay 
 officers to martial law. Every odious objection to this bill was brought 
 forward by the opposition, and the livehest alarm was excited amongst 
 the officers of the navy. A petition, very numerously and respectably 
 signed, was presented to the House of Commons against it, and a 
 motion made that the petitioners should be heard by their counsel. 
 This was resisted by Mr. Pclham. He was supported by Mr, Pitt, 
 Mr. Fox, and Mr. Lyttleton. The motion was rejected, and the bill, 
 after a few amendments and mitigations, passed through both Houses, 
 and received the royal assent. 
 
 The other bill was intituled, " the New Mutiny Bill," and en- 
 countered no less opposition. It was considered by many as an inno- 
 vation upon the liberty of the subject, calculated to extend the influ- 
 ence of the crown, and to promote the authority of a military jurisdic- 
 tion. By the final clause of this bill, martial law was extended to all 
 officers on half pay. It was upon the expediency of this clause that 
 Mr. Pitt expressed himself in the following extraordinary terms : 
 " '' What danger, I ask, can arise from obliging a half-pay officer to 
 continue upon the military establishment ? It is admitted on all 
 hands, that while he is in full pay he must employ his time, his study, 
 and even his sword, as his superiors shall direct. There may possibly 
 be danger in this, but it never can happen until the direction becomes 
 wicked, nor prcA ented but by the virtue of the army. It is to that 
 virtue we even at this time trust, small as our army is ; it is to that 
 virtue we must have trusted, had this bill been modelled as its 
 warmest opposers could have wished ; and without this virtue should 
 
 '' Most of the short speeches assigned to Mr. Pitt in this chapter are taken, almost verbatim, 
 from Almon's Anecdotes of the Life of Lord Chatham.
 
 PROPOSED GRANT OF MONEY TO GLASGOW. / 161 
 
 the Lords, the Commons, and the people of England, entrench them- CHAP, 
 selves behind parchment up to the teeth, the sword will find a pas- 1749 
 sage to the vitals of the Constitution." "^^""^""^ 
 
 On the 12th of April, 174^9, the house being resolved into a 
 committee of supply, there was a debate respecting the propriety of 
 granting 10,000/. to the city of Glasgow, that sum having been ex- 
 torted from the city by the Pretender during the late rebellion. A 
 petition had been presented on the subject, and a motion was made 
 that Parliament should grant its request. This was opposed by Mr, 
 Bowes, who observed that if this sum were granted to Glasgow, other 
 towns, which were no less deserving, would expect an equal remune- 
 ration. In answer to Mr. Bowes, Mr, Pitt expressed himself thus : 
 
 " ' I shall not enter into a dispute with the Honorable Gentle- 
 man, whether there are not many places, both in England and Scot- 
 land, that have an equal pretence to loyalty with the city of Glasgow, 
 and that showed as much zeal for the support of the government 
 during the late rebellion ; but this I will aver, that there was no 
 city, town, or place in Great Britain, that suftered so much or that 
 shewed greater zeal in the cause. And, without making any invi- 
 dious comparisons, I may say, that there are not many cities in 
 the united kingdom that have so often, or so remarkably distinguished 
 themselves in the cause of liberty. It was this, Sir ; it was the whole 
 tenor of this city's conduct, from the time of the Reformation, that 
 drew down the resentment of the rebels upon it, and made them re- 
 solve upon the extravagant demand which at first they made upon 
 that city. Had they insisted upon the demand, Glasgow must have 
 been ruined, because it would have been impossible for the inhabi- 
 tants to raise the sum. Of this they had the good fortune to con- 
 vince the rebel-leaders, who shewed that they had no inclination to 
 ruin so flourishing a city, although the inhabitants appeared generally 
 
 * This Speech was written by Gordon, who, I have before stated, was a contributor to the 
 London Magazine. I have attempted to reduce it somewhat nearer to the general standard of 
 Mr. Pitt's language, but have been unable to divest it entirely of the vulgarity introduced by its 
 reporter. 
 
 VOL. I. Y
 
 162 MR. PITT'S SPEECH 
 
 CHAP, to be their enemies. Shall then a British Parliament shew less regard 
 1749 to their friends than the rebels shewed to their enemies ? The rebels 
 gave them 10,000/.; that is to say, they receded from 10,000/. of 
 their first demand rather than ruin the city. I may the more justly 
 call this giving them 10,0(X)/. because had the rebels plundered Glas- 
 gow they would have found thrice the value of the sum among the 
 inhabitants. If then, the rebels gave that city 10,000/. rather than 
 expose it to ruin, shall a British Parliament withhold that sum which 
 may restore it from ruin ? 
 
 " I am really shocked, »Sir, that such a question should stand a 
 debate in a British House of Commons. Had the rebels succeeded 
 in their flagitious attempt, and called a slavish Parliament, (they 
 Mould ne\er have called a free one,) I should not have wondered to 
 see such a question opposed in a House of Commons assembled by 
 their authority ; but it does astonish me to see such a question op- 
 posed in a House where every member present professes his friendship 
 for the petitioners, and acknowledges the gratitude due to them from 
 the public. The Honorable Gentleman has informed us that he did 
 not intend to depreciate the real merit of the city of Glasgow. I 
 know not what were his intentions, but he certainly endeavoured to 
 shew that the conduct of that city was not so meritorious as had been 
 represented, because they attempted nothing in favor of government 
 till after the rebels had marched into England, from whence they 
 liad reason to expect that none of them would ever return. This, 
 Sir, was certainly an insinuation that the people of Glasgow never 
 did any thing in favor of the government, as long as they thought it 
 endangered by the rebellion. Sir, had this been really the case, I 
 should have had no great opinion of their merit. But I will shew 
 that, before the rebel army entered England, it was not in the power 
 of the people of Glasgow to do any thing in favor of the government ; 
 and that they had not then the least reason to suppose that the 
 danger from the rebellion was past. 
 
 " When we consider. Sir, that the rebels marched through one 
 half of England, without any opposition from the militia ; when we
 
 IN FAVOR OF A GRANT OF MONEY TO GLASGOW. 163 
 
 consider, that even in their retreat, though pursued by the Duke and CHAP, 
 the regular forces, they met with no obstruction from the mihtia ; mc 1749, 
 cannot with any justice censure the south or west parts of Scotland ■ 
 
 for not opposing them with a similar force. As to the city of Glasgow, 
 it had neither time to provide for its defence nor the means of making 
 resistance. The town is an open town, without so much as a wall 
 about it ; the inhabitants were without arms and ammunition, and 
 totally ignorant of military discipline ; it was, therefore, impossible 
 for them to think of opposing an army of Highlanders, who by the 
 care of their chiefs, are bred up to arms and military discipline from 
 their infancy. Besides, they had no time for such an undertaking. 
 The rebels came down upon them in a very few weeks after first ap- 
 pearing in arms ; and till the battle at Preston, every one had reason 
 to believe that General Cope, with the forces under his command, 
 would have prevailed against them. 
 
 " The case was very different, Sir, with regard to Newcastle and 
 Carlisle, because both those places being surrounded with a wallj may 
 in a few days be so fortified as to be able to resist a flying part3\ 
 Yet how little resistance did the latter make ! Although they had 
 many weeks to prepare for their defence ; although they had hopes of 
 being relieved in a few days by the army then assembled at New- 
 castle, under Marshal Wade, they gave up their city the very day 
 after they found the rebels were preparing for a general assault. Yet 
 that city, or at least the castle, might have held out much longer 
 against the rebels who had no battering cannon with them ; indeed, 
 a small party of the rebels afterwards defended the castle for several 
 days against the Duke, and would probably ha\e held out much 
 longer if they had not heard that some artillery was upon the road 
 from Whitehaven to be employed against them. 
 
 " As to the opinion which the people of Glasgow might enter- 
 tain of the safety of the government, or the event of the rebellion, at 
 the time the rebel army marched into England, they could not have 
 reasoned as the Honorable Gentleman was pleased to represent. 
 From the small number of that army, the people of Scotland had 
 
 Y 2
 
 I6i. MR. PITT'S SPEECH 
 
 ciup. reason to fear, either that the rebels were well assured of being joined 
 1749. '\V great numbers in England, or that there was treachery in his 
 ' Majesty's councils and armies ; for without some such well-grounded 
 
 hopes no one could suppose that men of common sense would think 
 of invading England with an army of 5 or 6000 Highlanders. At 
 the time of the Revolution it was at first said, that the Prince of 
 Orange was to invade England with an army of 30,000 men, and 
 many of the King's adherents seemed to be terrified by the report ; a 
 noble lord, who was known to be a firm friend, seemed to make light 
 of the intelligence, and said he apprehended no danger from such an 
 army ; but when it was afterwards reported that the Prince was to 
 bring 20,000, he began to be alarmed ; and when he heard that the 
 Prince was to come with 14,000 only, then cries he, ' We are un- 
 done!' When they asked him why he, who had appeared to despise 
 30,000 should be afraid of 14,000, he answered, ' An army of 30,000 
 men cannot conquer England ; but no man would come here with 
 14,000 were he not sure of finding a great many traitors amongst 
 us.' 
 
 " This mode of reasoning. Sir, was not incorrect; and though 
 the event proved that, if the rebels entertained such hopes, those 
 hopes were ill grounded ; yet this the people of Glasgow could not 
 foresee. From the small number of the rebel army, they had 
 rather cause to dread the event than to suppose that none of that army 
 would ever return. Nor could they suppose this from the spirit that ap- 
 peared in England in favor of the government ; for, though I am very 
 well convinced that this spirit was sincere, yet I fear that if the rebel 
 leader could have persuaded his people to encounter the Duke in Staf- 
 fordshire, or could have given him the slip, marched towards London, 
 and fought a battle near this city, the fate of England would have de- 
 pended upon the issue of that battle. Had they obtained a victory, 
 and made themselves masters of London, I question much if the spirit 
 of the populace would not soon have taken a very different turn. 
 
 " I must therefore conclude, Sir, that when the rebel army 
 marched to England, the people of Glasgow could form no certain
 
 IN FAVOUR OF A GRANT OF MONEY TO GLASGOW. 165 
 
 judgment respecting the event of the rebellion ; and consequently CHAP. 
 that what they afterwards did proceeded alone from their steady at- 1^49 
 tachment to the government. I must add that their zeal was the •' 
 more meritorious as it was manifested after they had severely suffered 
 for it : after so large a sum of money had been extorted from them by 
 the rebels, solely on account of the zeal they had formerly shewn in 
 supporting the liberties of their country. A burnt child, the proverb 
 remarks, is in dread of the fire ; if the people of Glasgow after having 
 suffered so severely for their loyalty, had resolved to lie quiet, and 
 wait the event of the invasion, their conduct would have been ex- 
 cusable. By such conduct they would have been considerable gainers, 
 even should we now grant the money for which they petition. But 
 they honestly and bravely resolved to be no idle spectators of the 
 troubles of their country. They resolved to exert themselves; and 
 they spared no expense by which they might assist the government. 
 
 " To maintain, Sir, that the expense which they incurred was 
 attended with no success or effect, is what no man can with certainty 
 say ; for the regiment they raised and sent to Stirling with two more, 
 so effectually guarded the pass that no reinforcement ever did march 
 that way to the rebels ; and the regiment they kept at home very pro- 
 bably prevented any reinforcement being sent by the way of Glasgow. 
 And though our army was unfortunate at Falkirk, yet had the Glasgow 
 regiment not been there the disaster might have been greater, and the 
 victory of the rebels more complete ; for, although that regiment was 
 engaged in the action, it is evident it was not defeated and dispersed, 
 because, had this been the case, the men would have fled to their 
 homes instead of retreating, after the battle, in good order to Edin- 
 burgh, without any additional loss. 
 
 " As to the behaviour of the northern counties, and that of 
 Newcastle in particular, comparisons are so odious. Sir, that I should 
 have avoided making them had I not been forced to do so by the 
 Honorable Gentleman who spoke last. I readily and gratefully ac- 
 knowledge the dutiful zeal of all these places for the support of his 
 Majesty ^s government ; and I likewise confess, that those who desire
 
 166 MR. PITT'S SPEECH 
 
 CHAP.] no reimbursement of the expense to which they were exposed on that 
 1749. occasion, have more merit than those who do: at tiie same time, Sir, 
 
 """ ' I must observe, tliat before the rebels left Edinburgh, the northern 
 counties were secured against their attacks not only by the strong 
 town of Berwick, but by an army equal to that of the rebels, en- 
 camped near Newcastle, and commanded by one of the best generals 
 in the service ; whereas the inhabitants of Glasgow shewed their zeal 
 .for his Majesty even when the rebels were masters of their country. 
 As to the expense, it must be acknowledged, that over and above the 
 relief now prayed for, Glasgow was, either voluntarily or by compulsion, 
 at a much greater proportionate expense than any of the places re- 
 ferred to ; for, from what m as said by the gentleman at your bar, it 
 appears, that over and above the two fines extorted from them by the 
 rebels, their expenses amounted to above 8,000/. This is a heavier 
 sum than was extorted from the town of Newcastle ; and more in pro- 
 portion for the single city of Glasgow than 30,000/. is for the whole 
 county of York. Besides, Sir, the northern counties suffered no in- 
 terruption in their trade or manufactures, whereas the trade and manu- 
 factures of Glasgow were entirely at a stand during almost the whole 
 time of the rebellion. To this I must add, that the expense on the 
 part of the northern counties was voluntary, whereas it was, for the 
 greater part, compulsory on Glasgow. This makes a very great dif- 
 ference, for people may generously and largely contribute to the as- 
 sistance of go\ernment, as all those places did, but they will never 
 voluntarily contribute more than they can spars ; whereas, a people 
 may be forced to contribute what would infallibly prove their ruin 
 should they meet with no retribution ; which is the case now 
 before us, 
 
 " Then, Sir, as to the city of Carlisle, the rebels might, perhaps, 
 raise the taxes there, as they did in many other places ; but I cannot 
 think they imposed a fine. I am rather inclined to think they fa- 
 voured that city, because the people absolutely refused to support his 
 Majesty's commanding officer there in making a stout resistance, which 
 was the cause of the surrender of the city and castle. I therefore
 
 IN FAVOUR OF A GRANT OF MONEY TO GLASGOW, 167 
 
 think we have no reason to fear appHcations for relief from any of GHAP. 
 those places. Should any such be made, they cannot be so well sup- 2749 
 ported as the application now under consideration ; and, consequently, === 
 our complying with this can be no precedent for our complying with 
 others also. 
 
 " But the introduction of a bad precedent, is not, it seems, Sir, 
 the only danger likely to arise from our agreement to this motion : 
 we are, besides, threatened with the danger of exciting a rebellion in 
 England. This, Sir, is so imaginary an alarm, that I cannot think 
 any one gentleman in this House is really affected by it. If there 
 should be no future application of this kind, we can be in no such 
 danger ; because no man can feel disobliged that the Parliament has 
 not granted a relief for which he has not applied. Sir, I ha\e good 
 reason to hope that there will be no such future application. I hope 
 all gentlemen and bodies politic in Great Britain will follow the 
 example of the City of Glasgow, and desire no relief for what they 
 voluntarily contributed towards the support of his Majesty's govern- 
 ment, nor for what they suffered when compelled to give free quarters 
 to the rebels. If, then, we have no application upon either of these 
 heads, I believe we need apprehend no others. But, supposing that 
 other applications should be made, we shall then have an opportunity 
 to consider their merits ; and if the circumstances should appear to 
 be the same with those of the petitioners before us, I do not question 
 that they will meet with the same success. If the circumstances 
 should appear to be different, and not nearly so meritorious, we may 
 refuse their petition with safety ; because, however partial they may 
 be to their own solicitation, the rest of the nation will judge impar- 
 tially, and approve our refusal. Sir, if the rest of the nation approve 
 it, we can be in no danger of its exciting a rebellion in this part of 
 the kingdom. 
 
 " Another danger alleged is, that if we agree to this motion it 
 will encourage people to be inactive in defending themselves against 
 any future invasion or insurrection, or perhaps, under the pretence of 
 force, induce them to support the invaders. This I grant. Sir, might
 
 1G8 LOYALTY OF GLASGOW. 
 
 CHAP, be the consequence of laying it down as a general principle, that all 
 
 VII. 
 
 1749. ^^1^0 suffer by an invasion or insurrection shall have their loss made 
 ^"""^"^^^^ good by the public ; and therefore it would be wrong to lay down 
 such a general principle. But if the laying down such a principle would 
 surely be wrong, much more so w ould it be to assert the contrary as 
 an unalterable maxim of state. It would be unjust as well as im- 
 prudent, to establish it as a principle, that those who honestly and 
 bravely risk their lives and fortunes in opposition to an invasion or 
 insurrection, and have suffered severely on account of that opposition, 
 should meet with no relief from the public, especially when their 
 preservation or ruin depends upon that relief. This appears to be the 
 case now before us : and if we allow that justice is due to the public 
 creditors, or that relief is due to our poor labourers and manufac- 
 turers, we must agree to this motion, because the public revenue will 
 suffer a great deal more by the ruin of such a trading town as 
 Glasgow, than it can suffer by granting the relief desired by the 
 petitioners to prevent that ruin. 
 
 " This rehef. Sir, they cannot receive from the produce of the 
 forfeited estates in Scotland. The proposal of such relief would be 
 like prescribing a remedy to a sick man, which could not be prepared 
 until his distemper had put an end to liis life. It will be several years 
 before any thing can be made of those estates; and in the mean time 
 the inhabitants of Glasgow must be ruined by the law charges of 
 creditors, who will sue them for their money, unless the interest be 
 regularly paid. Sir, it is impossible for the Corporation to do this, 
 and at the same time support their necessary annual expense, out of 
 their present income. Their ruin, therefore, must be inevitable, or the 
 relief now moved for must be granted." 
 
 All dispassionate readers, will, I think, allow the truth and jus- 
 tice of Mr. Pitt's arguments in favour of Glasgow. That city had 
 adhered with unshaken fortitude to the principles of the protestant 
 succession, and in the trying times of 1715 and 1745, had exhibited 
 the most manly example of loyalty and zeal towards the government. 
 
 The sum prayed for was granted by Parliament.
 
 WESTMINSTER ELECTION. 169 
 
 The election of a member for Westminster, which, both at the chap. 
 time and subsequently, occasioned such violent disputes, commenced j-^i,' 
 
 on the 22nd November, 1749. The candidates were, the late repre- - 
 sentative Lord Trentham, eldest son of Earl Gower, and Sir George 
 Vandeput, a private gentleman brought forward by Lord Egmont. 
 This scene of confusion was opened on the l6th November, by an 
 advertisement from Lord Trentham addressed to the inhabitants of 
 Westminster, informing them that he had been appointed one of the 
 Commissioners of the Admiralty, but entreating them to re-elect him 
 their member. 
 
 After a very severe contest, in which the general concomitants 
 of a Westminster election, abuse and uproar, abundantly prevailed, 
 the poll was closed on the 8th December, and the numbers declared 
 to be, for Lord Trentham 4811, for Sir G. Vandeput 4654. A scru- 
 tiny was then demanded by Sir G. Vandeput, and, notwithstanding 
 the strenuous opposition of Lord Trentham 's council, was granted by 
 the High Bailiff. After the extremely protracted period of five 
 months. Lord Trentham was declared to have a majority of 170 upon 
 the scrutiny, and was accordingly returned member for Westminster. 
 But this by no means settled the dispute, to which I shall have occa- 
 sion to recur. 
 
 When the Mutiny Bill was under the consideration of the House 
 in January 1750, the Hon. Colonel Townshend proposed to insert a 1750. 
 clause, by way of rider, that no non-commissioned officer should be 
 broke or reduced to the ranks, and no soldier punished, but by the 
 sentence of a court-martial. He had witnesses, he said, at the door 
 to prove that a serjeant and corporal were reduced to the ranks, be- 
 cause some of their party, as they were going on duty to the play- 
 house, happened to say in the street, Vandeput for ever. For this 
 offence, which it was out of their power to prevent, the two non-com- 
 missioned officers, were, without trial, reduced to the ranks. 
 
 A long debate ensued upon this, and Mr. Pitt spoke thus against 
 the clause : " I never will aj>Tee to call officers and soldiers to the bar 
 of this House to traduce and impeach each other. If they once learn 
 
 VOL. I. z
 
 170 MOTION FOR PAPERS RELATIVE TO DUNKIRK, 
 
 CHAP, the wav here with their complaints, they will next come with their 
 VII . . ' 
 
 1750. petitions. Our business is to consider the number of forces necessary 
 
 '^''''^"^ for the defence of this kingdom and our possessions, and to grant the 
 money for the maintaining that number. We have no business with 
 the conduct of the army, or the oflicers' or soldiers' complaints ; those 
 are subjects which belong to the King, or to such as shall be com- 
 missioned by him to hear them. If we give ear to them, we shall not 
 only destroy the discipline of the army, but make Parliament detest- 
 able ; for it will be impossible to give satisfaction to both parties ; be- 
 sides causing great trouble and neglect of duty, in coming from distant 
 parts of the kingdom. Therefore, I hope. Sir, the House will not 
 permit any enquiry to be made into the complaint that has been 
 offered. There is not the least pretence for saying, that it relates to 
 the freedom of election, nor to the particular election for Westminster 
 now going on. It relates singly to the duty of two non-commissioned 
 officers, sent out with a party upon duty, to report this circumstance, (if 
 it happened, and they knew of it,) to their commanding officer. Why 
 they did not do so, it is not for us to enquire; nor is it a question for 
 this House to determine whether the commanding officer has punished 
 his Serjeant and corporal with unmerited severity ; it belongs to a court- 
 martial, or board of officers." 
 
 On the 5th February, 1750, Lord Egmont moved for copies of 
 all letters and papers relative to the demolition of Dunkirk according 
 to the late treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle. The motion was opposed by 
 Mr. Pitt, who said : 
 
 " The motion is not only impolitic, but dangerous; tending to in- 
 volve the nation in another war with France, when it is notorious we 
 are in no situation to bear the expense. It is a very good answer to 
 the motion to say it is premature; for since the conclusion of the 
 treaty no opportunity has been afforded of executing all its provisions ; 
 the cost of the work to be defrayed resting upon and to be performed 
 by the French, they may say ' our finances are reduced, we cannot 
 afford the money at present, but shall in a little time.' At all events 
 the motion is highly inopportune at this moment. It is an affront to
 
 PURSUITS OF MR. PITT IN RETIREMENT. 171 
 
 the French court, and as we are not in a condition to support it by CHAP, 
 any strong measures, it is exhibiting our petulance and impotence. 1750. 
 At a future period, with a recruited finance and repaired marine, the ""^^""^ 
 motion may be proper, if the terms of the treaty have not been com- 
 pHed with. But if the motion is carried, and it should appear that 
 Dunkirk is now in the state that it was in by the treaty of Utrecht, 
 explained in the year 1717, which I believed to be the fact, will any 
 gentleman say this is a crime in the present ministry, or a sufficient 
 reason for a quarrel with France?" 
 
 From this particular scene of political life, which has not much 
 to interest or instruct us, I shall request the reader for a short time to 
 withdraw, and to follow Mr. Pitt from the busy haunts of men to his 
 retirement in the country. Mr. Pitt resided during this time at 
 South Lodge, in Enfield Chase. All his pursuits, even in the hours 
 of relaxation, bore the stamp of dignity and grace. Whether he 
 entertained his friends by occasionally reading to them the finest pas- 
 sages of the immortal Shakspeare*^, or whether he occupied himself 
 in projecting and executing alterations in his grounds, all bespoke the 
 man of high spirit, taste, and genius^. 
 
 ' " Lord Chatham was an ejrtremely fine reader of tragedy ; and a lady of rank and taste, 
 now living, declares with what satisfaction she has heard him read some of Shakspeare's 
 historical plays, particularly those of Henry the Fourth and Fifth. She, however, uniformly 
 observed, that when he came to the comic or buffoon parts of those plays, he always gave the 
 book to one of his relations, and when they were gone through, he took the book again." — 
 Seward's Anecdotes — Lord Chatham. 
 
 « " His taste in laying out his grounds was exquisite. One scene in the gardens of South 
 Lodge, in Enfield Chase (which was designed by him), that of the Temple of Pan and its 
 accompaniments, is mentioned by Mr. Whately, in his ' Observations on Modern Gardening,' 
 as one of the happiest efforts of well-directed and appropriate decoration." — Seward's Anecdotes. 
 
 It is pleasing to reflect that Mr. Pitt did not relinquish his fondness for these elegant recrea- 
 tions even when the weightiest affairs of the nation were committed to his care. " He was once, 
 whilst he was Secretary of State, directing the improvements in the grounds of a friend near 
 London, and was called to that city sooner than he expected, upon the arrival of some important 
 despatches. On receiving the summons in the evening, he immediately sallied out, attended 
 by all the servants he could get together with lanterns, and planted stakes in the different places 
 for which he intended clumps and trees." — Seward's Anecdotes. 
 
 Mr. Havlev, in the Memoirs lately published, mentions the admirable taste of Lord Chatham 
 in selecting points of picturesque scenery. 
 
 z 2
 
 ^''^ ODE TO LORD COBHAM BY MR. PITT. 
 
 GHAl'. The following verses composed by Mr, Pitt, at this time, and 
 
 i7.>o. addressed to Lord Cobham, will have many charms for the reader \ 
 
 From Norman Princes sprung, their virtues' heir, 
 
 Cobham! for thee my vaults inclose 
 Tokai's smooth cask unpierc'd. Here purer air, 
 
 Brcatliing sweet pink and balmy rose. 
 
 Shall meet thy wish'd approach. Haste then away. 
 
 Nor round and round for ever rove 
 The magic Ranelagh, or nightly stray 
 
 In gay Spring Gardens* glittering grove. 
 
 Forsake the town's huge mass stretch'd long and wide, 
 
 Pall'd with profusion's sickening joys; 
 Spurn the vain Capital's insipid pride. 
 
 Smoke, riches, politicks, and noise. 
 
 Change points the blunted sense of sumptuous pleasure; 
 
 And neat repasts in sylvan shed. 
 Where Nature's simple boon is all the treasure, 
 
 Care's brow with smiles have often spread. 
 
 Now flames Andromeda's effulgent Sire, 
 
 Now rages Procyon's kindled ray. 
 Now madd'ning Leo darts his stellar fire. 
 
 Fierce suns revolve the parching day. 
 
 The Shepherd now moves faint with languid flock 
 
 To riv'let fresh and bow'ry grove. 
 To cool retirements of high-arching rock, 
 
 O'er the mute stream no zephyrs move. 
 
 Yet weighing subsidies and England's weal. 
 
 You still in anxious thought call forth 
 Dark ills, which Gaul and Prussia deep conceal. 
 
 Or fierce may burst from lowering North. 
 
 All-seeing Wisdom, kind to Mortals, hides 
 
 Time's future births in gloomy night; 
 Too-busy care, with pity. Heaven derides, 
 
 Man's fond, officious, feeble might. 
 
 '' It would be unfair to criticise severely this effusion of a leisure hour. It is an imitation of 
 Horace's beautiful Ode commencing with, Tyrrhena regum ■progenies, so exquisitely translated 
 l)V Dryden.
 
 ODE TO LORD COBHAM BY MR PITT. 173 
 
 Use then aright the present. Things to be, CHAP. 
 
 Uncertain flow, hke Thames ; now peaceful borne ^'I- 
 
 In even bed, soft-gUding down to sea ; '__ 
 
 Now mould'ring shores, and oaks uptorn, 
 
 Herds, cottages, together swept away. 
 
 Headlong he rolls ; the pendent woods 
 And bellowing cliffs proclaim the dire dismay, 
 
 When the fierce torrents rouse the tranquil floods. 
 
 They, masters of themselves, they happy live, 
 
 Whose hearts at ease can say secure, 
 " This day rose not in vain ; let Heav'n next give 
 
 Or clouded skies or sunshine pure." 
 
 Yet never what swift Time behind has cast. 
 
 Shall back return. No pow'r the thing 
 That was, bid not have been ; for ever past. 
 
 It flies on unrelenting wing. 
 
 Fortune, who joys perverse in mortal woe. 
 
 Still frolicking with cruel play. 
 Now may on me her giddy smile bestow. 
 
 Now wanton to another stray. 
 
 If constant, I caress her ; if she flies 
 
 On fickle plumes, farewell her charms! 
 All dower I wave, (save that good Fame supplies). 
 
 And wrap my soul in Freedom's arms. 
 
 'Tis not to me to shrink with mean despair. 
 
 Favour's proud ship should whirlwinds toss ; 
 Nor venal Idols sooth with bart'ring prayer. 
 
 To shield from wreck opprobrious dross. 
 
 "Midst all the tumults of the warring sphere. 
 
 My light-charged bark may haply glide ; 
 Some gale may waft, some conscious thought shall cheer. 
 
 And the small freight unanxious glide.
 
 171 TREATIES WITH SPAIN AND BAVARIA. 
 
 CHAP. I now revert to the public affairs of Europe. 
 
 J75Q, The extreme partiaHty of George II. for his German dominions 
 
 '^^^'^'''^^ continued to be productive of the greatest inconvenience and expense 
 to Great Britain. Apprehensions for the safety of Hanover had been 
 one great cause of the war which terminated in 1748. The same 
 fears were destined to involve us deeper in expense and hostility. The 
 great object of tlie King, at this period, was to secure the succession 
 of the imperial dignity to the House of Austria. 
 
 For this purpose it became necessary to obtain a majority of votes 
 both in the Electoral College, and in the diet of the Empire. This was 
 a most difficult task, and could only be accomplished by the heaviest 
 expense. A treaty with Bavaria was concluded, by which that Elector, 
 in consideration of receiving an annual subsidy of 40,000/. engaged 
 to promote the cause. We subsequently entered into treaties with 
 other electors, but it is most extraordinary that no pains were taken 
 to conciliate the King of Prussia. Whether that aspiring Prince 
 entertained hopes of himself succeeding to the imperial throne, or 
 whether it was from dislike to Ejigland, and from jealousy of Austria, 
 it is certain that his opposition to the election of the young Archduke 
 was most decided. France joined him warmly in resisting the measure. 
 Austria and her partizans were not wanting in their efforts to establish 
 their cause. The charters and institutions of the Empire were elabo- 
 rately examined and quoted for or against the election, according to 
 the opposite principles of the parties. 
 
 The English Parliament assembled on the 17th January, 1751. 
 
 1751. In the course of his speech, his Majesty informed the Houses that he 
 had concluded one treaty with Spain, for the purpose of terminating 
 our differences with that country, and another treaty with Bavaria ', 
 for the security of the empire. The address in the House of Lords 
 was moved by the Earl of Northumberland; in the House of Com- 
 mons, by the 3'ounger Horace Walpole, and Mr. Probyn. Lord 
 Egmont opposed the address, both on account of the approbation 
 
 ' The Treaty, which I ha?e mentioned, to secure the vote of the Elector.
 
 MR. PITT'S OPINION OF THE TREATIES. 175 
 
 which it bestowed upon the treaties, and the subsidies which it pro* CHAP, 
 mised to pay. He proposed the omission of all the words of appro- 1751, 
 bation. ' 
 
 The following observations formed part of Mr. Pitt's speech in 
 answer to his Lordship. 
 
 " The treaty with Bavaria was founded in the best political 
 wisdom ; it was a wise measure, tending most effectually to preserve 
 the balance of power in Germany, and of course to preserve the tran- 
 quillity of Europe. The Elector of Bavaria was taken off from the 
 French interest by it, which, as it contributed to weaken the House 
 of Bourbon, contributed to the continuation of peace. The treaty 
 with Spain was a wise and advantageous measure. The court of 
 Spain had agreed to many concessions ; they had agreed to pay a 
 large sum to the South Sea Company ; to the re-establishment of the 
 British trade in Spain, that British subjects were to pay no other 
 duties on merchandize than what the King of Spain's own subjects 
 were to pay." 
 
 Lord Egmont having observed that the claim of no search had 
 not been revived in the treaty with Spain ; that it was not even men- 
 tioned there, but seemed altogether abandoned, Mr. Pitt said, " he 
 had once been an advocate for that claim : it was when he was a 
 young man ; but now he was ten years older, had considered public 
 affairs more coolly, and was convinced that the claim of no search* 
 respecting British vessels near the coast of Spanish America, could 
 never be obtained, unless Spain was so reduced as to consent to any 
 terms her conqueror might think proper to impose." 
 
 Lord Egmont's motion was negatived by 203 against 74. 
 Mr. Pitt had ever pleaded for the increase of our naval establish- 
 ment, and although he now held a profitable post under the govern- 
 ment, he did not shrink from the avowal of his opinion on the subject. 
 On the 22nd January, Lord Barrington having moved that the num- 
 ber of seamen for the ensuing year should be 8000, Mr, Potter pro- 
 posed, as an amendment, that it should be 10,000. Mr. Pitt sup- 
 ported the motion for the larger number, which was, however, lost by
 
 1T6 WESTMINSTER ELECTION.— HON. A. MURRAY. 
 
 CHAP, a majority of l67 against 107. On the 29th January, Mr. Pitt spoke 
 I'.si. again in the debate upon the naval estabhshment. He called the 
 fleet our standing army ; the army a little spirited body, so improved 
 by discipline, that that discipline alone was worth 5000 men. He 
 bestowed many encomiums upon Mr. Pelham, but concluded with 
 saying, he did not think the House liked 8,000 better than 10,000 
 men. He was, however, mistaken, the report for 8,000 passing by a 
 majority of 189 to 186". 
 
 Tlie high bailiff of Westminster, Mr. Leigh, had for some 
 time been accused by Sir G. Vandeput and his friends of par- 
 tiality and injustice. On the 28th January, Mr. Cooke, the mem- 
 ber for Middlesex, presented a long petition from several of the 
 electors of Westminster against Lord Trentham. But, upon the exa- 
 mination of evidence, it soon appeared that Sir G. Vandeput and his 
 friends, so far from having justice on their side, were entirely to blame 
 for impeding and protracting the scrutiny upon that occasion. Mr. 
 Leigh brought a very serious charge of riotous interference against 
 the Hon. Alexander Murray, brother of Lord Elibank. Much 
 time was spent in the investigation of this charge, and many 
 speeches delivered in the House of Commons. We are told by 
 Horace, Lord Orford, that on the 6th February, Lord Egmont made 
 an artful speech, William Pitt a florid one, and T. Pitt a dull one 
 upon the occasion. It being resolved by the House that Mr. 
 Murray should, for his dangerous and seditious conduct, be com- 
 mitted to Newgate, he was called up to receive his sentence upon his 
 knees. Upon his refusing to comply with the Speaker's command to 
 kneel, many members advised that the severest methods should be 
 adopted against him. Mr. Fox went so far as to mention a place of 
 confinement in the Tower, called Little Ease. Sir William Yonge 
 proposed the closest confinement in Newgate without being visited. 
 Mr. Pitt hinted at a bill to be passed against him, should he persist 
 in his contumacy. The result of these discussions was, that Mr. 
 Murray was sent to Newgate, and there confined until the end of the 
 session, when, by the cessation of the authority of Pariiament, he was
 
 THE PRINCE OF WALES'S COURT. 177 
 
 discharged. He subsequently evaded all farther prosecution by re- CHAP, 
 tiring to France '. On the 22nd February, Mr. Pelham, in the com- jj-jj 
 mittee of supply, opened the subsidy of 40,000/. to be paid for six ==^ 
 years, annually, to Bavaria ; 20,000/. by England, and 10,000/. eacii 
 by Austria and Holland. Lord Egmont spoke ill upon this occasion, 
 and owned that the measure was rather expedient than otherwise. 
 Mr. Pitt spoke in reply to Lord Egmont, but his speech, which, al- 
 though spirited, is said to have been too general, has not been pre- 
 served \ 
 
 The greater part of George the Second's reign was remarkable 
 for the many factions which arose in the government. At the time of 
 which I now speak, although the Pelhams had depressed, and almost 
 annihilated opposition, there was much discordance amongst the dif- 
 ferent members of administration. The Duke of Bedford and his 
 friends were united with the Duke of Cumberland, and wished to op- 
 pose Mr. Fox to Mr. Pelham. The Duke of Newcastle and his brother 
 countenanced Mr. Pitt against all antagonists. 
 
 The Prince of Wales's court was not more unanimous than his 
 father's. It consisted of men of singular and opposite characters. 
 The Earl of Bute, a nobleman of handsome figure, theatrical air, and 
 showy accomplishments, had been lately appointed one of the Lords 
 of his bed-chamber. Mr. Doddington who possessed considerable 
 talent, but was unsteady in his principles, vain, selfish, and inconstant, 
 and who had more than once deserted his Royal Highness, was again 
 received at Leicester House. 
 
 The Prince was here accustomed to discuss with his favorite 
 adherents the general system of his administration when his father's 
 death should call him to the throne. Perhaps nothing ever more 
 forcibly proved the uncertain lot of mortality, and the vanity of all 
 human expectations, than the plans and hopes of those who regarded 
 him as their future sovereign. Past that age when the impetuous 
 
 ' He returned from France in 1771, and died in 1777. 
 * Lord Orford's Memoires. 
 VOL. I. A a
 
 178 DEATH OF THE PRINCE OF WALES. 
 
 CHAP, tide of health, power, and passion, too often dash the youthfiil votary 
 I75i'_ upon the rocks of intemperance, and there crush or overwhelm him, 
 
 ^^^'^^^^ the Prince had arrived at that period when prudence usually exerts 
 her fullest influence over the mind and body. A long continuance of 
 health and strength was consequently expected by himself and the 
 nation. His father's years exceeded those generally allotted to man, 
 and his own succession to the throne was anticipated as an event of 
 almost daily probability. The political aspirant already fancied him- 
 self in possession of those honors in a future reign which were denied 
 to him under the present Sovereign. " Put not your trust in Princes," 
 is a maxim applicable as well to the shortness and uncertainty of 
 their lives, as to their general inconstancy as men. In the midst of 
 all his views, of all his promises, and of all his expectations, in the 
 flower of his age, the Prince was called away, his breath went forth, 
 he returned to his earth, and all his thoughts of power and dominion 
 perished. 
 
 The Pnnce of Wales three years before had received a blow 
 from a tennis-ball, and in the summer of 1750, a fall had occasioned 
 him considerable pain upon his stomach. But from neither of these 
 accidents was the least danger apprehended. Early in March, 1751, 
 he was attacked by a pleuritic disorder, from which it was supposed 
 he was recovered, but taking cold liis disorder returned, and he ex- 
 pired on the 22nd of March, in the 45th year of his age. The cha- 
 racter of the Prince has been variously represented. By some it has 
 been extolled with blind exaggeration, by others degraded by rash 
 and unfounded invective. His undutiful conduct to his parents, and 
 his constant jealousy of his brother, to the aspersers of whose fame he 
 ever gave countenance, are the greatest reproaches upon his memory. 
 Much of this was doubtless owing to the suggestions of those about 
 him, particularly of Lord Bolingbroke. The affection which he bore 
 to the Princess was undoubted. In considering his errors much allow- 
 ance must be made for his situation. It is difficult for Princes to ob- 
 tain a just view of their own condition and of mankind in general. 
 He who is accustomed to have every saying applauded, must possess
 
 HIS CHARACTER. 179 
 
 the firmest mind if he do not become opinionated and overbearing ; and CHAP, 
 he who knows that what he commands is sure to be obeyed, must be 1751 
 moderate indeed if he do not become arbitrary and despotic. His ^^"^"^^^ 
 Royal Highness, without being learned himself, enjoyed the society of 
 scholars ; and his patronage of letters reflects high honor upon his 
 taste. He was of a frank and forgiving disposition, and had Pro\i- 
 dence allotted him a lengthened life, it is probable he would have 
 studied the happiness of his people. 
 
 A a 2
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 1751. 
 
 Regencif Bill — Mr. Pitt's Speech — Changes in the administration — Mr. Pitt's amietif 
 respecting the Education of his Nephew — Unanimity in Parliament — Characters of Mr. 
 Murray and Mr. Fox — 3Ir. Pitt's Letters to his Nephew — Death of Mr. Pelham — 
 The Duke of Neivcastle's ascendancy in the Cabinet — Marriage of Mr. Pitt — Disputes 
 between the English and French in North America — General Braddock — Mr. Pitt's 
 Speech for the Relief of the Chelsea Pensioners — Letters of Mr. Fox descriptive of Mr. 
 Pitt's Eloquence. 
 
 CHAP. The first measure of the government, after the death of the Prince 
 
 VIM. . ... 
 
 17.51. 0^ Wales, was to obtain a parliamentary sanction to the settlement of 
 
 ' a Regency. On the 26th April the King sent a message to both 
 
 Houses, desiring them to pass an act to appoint the Dowager Princess 
 of Wales Regent of these Kingdoms, in the event of his own death, 
 before the young Prince' had attained the age of eighteen years. A 
 bill for this purpose was drawn up, by Lord Chancellor Hardwicke, 
 appointing the Dowager Regent and Guardian, but limiting her autho- 
 rity by the addition of a Council of Regency, consisting of the great 
 OHiccrs of State, with the Duke of Cumberland at its head. The 
 debates in both Houses, respecting the restrictions of the Regent, and 
 the propriety of continuing the old Parliament in the event of the 
 King's demise during the minority of his grandson, were long and 
 vehement. The Speaker, (Mr. Onslow,) in very solemn and affecting 
 terms, deprecated the restrictions to vvhich the Princess Regent was to be 
 
 * Afterwards George III.
 
 MR. PITT'S SPEECH ON THE REGENCY BILL. 181 
 
 subjected, as contrary to the genius of the British constitution, distress- chap. 
 ing to the Regent, and dangerous to the country, Mr. Pelham, a warm 17.5]'. 
 promoter of the measure, was excessively shocked and disconcerted ^ 
 
 by the Speaker's observations. Mr. Pitt said: " He had no objection 
 to the council, as he could find no traces of a Regent without control. 
 The present case, (alluding to the misfortune which gave birth to it,) 
 was doubly aggravated by the loss of the most patriot Prince that 
 ever lived, to whom he had such infinite obligations, and such early 
 attachments, which he was proud to transfer to his family. He 
 regarded the King with wonder, for exerting a fortitude of which 
 Edward III. had not been master ; he blessed the crown when it was 
 the first to lessen the royal authority, (as it had been in the present 
 case,) by pointing out these limitations, so expedient, as dangers were 
 to be foreseen from abroad — from at home, if we considered the great 
 person who might have become sole Regent. What a precedent 
 would that have been for futurity, if hereafter any ambitious person 
 should think less of protecting the crown, than of wearing it ! With 
 regard to the Princess, the limitations were of no consequence, for 
 let her but hint to Parliament at any improper negative given by the 
 Council to her recommendation, and an address would be immediately 
 offered her to remove them. He desired, if that event should ever 
 happen, to be reminded of what he now said, and he would second 
 the motion." 
 
 Some argument then arose on the part of Mr. Fox and Mr. Pitt, 
 as to the possibility of a misunderstanding between the Regent and 
 her Council, and the probable consequences. Mr. Fox, although he 
 declared himself in favor of the bill, made numerous objections to it, 
 and was afterwards told by Mr. Pelham, that Mr. Pitt's speech was 
 the finest he ever heard, but that he, (Mr. Fox,) had not spoken like 
 himself. The clause, respecting the Council, was voted by 278 
 against 90 ^ 
 
 The death of the Prince of Wales having annihilated the opposi- 
 
 '' Lord Orford's Memoires.
 
 182 CHANGES IN THE ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 CHAP, lion, the Duke of Newcastle and his brother were desirous of more 
 1751 ■ closely condensing tlie power of their family, by the dismission of 
 ^^^^^ certain members of the cabinet, and by the substitution of others 
 either more insignificant or more subservient to their views. They 
 considered Lord Sandwich as too much connected with the Duke of 
 Cumberland, to be favorable to themselves ; and the strict intimacy 
 which subsisted between the former nobleman and the Duke of Bedford 
 caused them to regard the latter, also, with feelings of dishke. The 
 Duke of Newcastle's object was to obtain the dismissal of Lord Sand- 
 wich from the Admiralty, and thereby provoke his friend, the Duke 
 of Bedford, whose temper was very impetuous, to resign the seals. 
 His design succeeded ; and the consequence was a considerable change 
 in the administration. Lord Granville, who had been, a few years 
 before, the great mark against which every shaft of open violence, 
 and every weapon of insidious enmity had been aimed ; with whom 
 the Pelharas had declared they never would unite, came again into 
 power. But he came with altered and with moderate views : years 
 had mitigated the fervor of his disposition ; his strength, health, and 
 expectations were no longer the same. He was no longer the minister 
 who determined solely to give law to Europe, and who looked down 
 with contempt upon the narrow comprehension of his colleagues. He 
 was now contented to hold an office without exerting power, and to 
 submit to the measures of those men over whom he was conscious of 
 his own infinite superiority. On the 17th June, Lord Granville was 
 appointed President of the Council, Lord Hartington Master of the 
 Horse, Lord Albemarle Groom of the Stole, Lord Anson First Lord, 
 and the Admirals Boscawen and Rowley Commissioners, of the Admi- 
 ralty. On the 18th, Lord Holderness was made Secretary of State. 
 The session of Parliament closed in June. 
 
 The reader may be disappointed that I have not been able to 
 introduce Mr. Pitt more fully to his acquaintance in the interesting 
 relations of domestic life. It is, indeed, most deeply to be regretted 
 that so few incidents of the private life of this extraordinary man have 
 been preserved ; because, whenever we are enabled to trace him to
 
 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO HIS NEPHEW. 
 
 ua 
 
 his retirement, we find him as amiable there, as he was illustrious CHAP, 
 when before the public ; we find him exemplifying the virtues of the 1751 ." 
 pleasing companion, the poUshed gentleman and scholar, the aftec- 
 tionate relative, the honorable and religious man. 
 
 In a very early period of this history I have stated that his eldest 
 brother, Thomas Pitt, of Boconnock, had married Christian Lyttleton. 
 By this lady he had three children, two daughters and a son. It was 
 in the welfare and education of this son of his brother's, that William 
 Pitt evinced the warmest zeal. Several letters, addressed by him to 
 this amiable youth, have been presented to the public by Lord Gren- 
 ville. The date of the following letter induces me to insert it here. 
 
 Bath, Oct. 12, 1731. 
 My dear Nephew, 
 
 As I have been moving about from place to place, your 
 letter reached me here, at Bath, but very lately, after making a con- 
 siderable circuit to find me. I should have otherwise, my dear child, 
 returned you thanks for the very great pleasure you have given me, 
 long before now. The very good account you give me of your studies, 
 and that delivered in very good Latin, for your time, has filled me 
 with the highest expectations of your future improvement ; I see the 
 foundations so well laid, that I do not make the least doubt but you 
 will become a perfect good scholar ; and have the pleasure and 
 applause that will attend the several advantages hereafter, in the 
 future course of your life, that you can only acquire now by your 
 emulation and noble labours in the pursuit of learning, and of every 
 acquirement that is to make you superior to other gentlemen. I 
 rejoice to hear that you have begun Homer's Iliad; and ha^e made so 
 great a progress in Virgil. I hope you taste and love those authors 
 particularly, you cannot read them too much ; they are not only the 
 two greatest poets, but they contain the finest lessons for your age to 
 imbibe ; lessons of honor, courage, disinterestedness, love of truth, 
 command of temper, gentleness of behaviour, humanity, and, in one
 
 I84r UNANIMITY OF PARLIAMENT. 
 
 CHAP, word, virtue in its true signification. Go on, my clear nephew, and 
 
 I7.5i' drink as deep as you can of these divine springs : the pleasure of the 
 
 ^^^^"^ draught is equal, at least, to the prodigious advantages of it to the 
 
 heart and morals, I hope you will drink them as somebody does 
 
 in Virgil, of another sort of cup : Ilk impiger hausit spumantem 
 
 pateram. 
 
 I shall be highly pleased to hear from 3'ou, and to know what 
 authors give you most pleasure : I desire my service to Mr. Leech ; 
 pray tell him I will write to him soon about your studies. 
 
 I am, with the greatest affection, 
 My dear Child, 
 
 Your loving Uncle. 
 
 The Parliament met on the 14th November. This session is me- 
 morable for nothing so much as for the extraordinary cessation of that 
 opposition in the House of Commons which had existed from the time 
 of Elizabeth. Never since England had been a kingdom was a Parlia- 
 ment so undisturbed as at this conjuncture. The causes of this tran- 
 quillity were various. 
 
 In point of internal administration the country was certainly well 
 governed. It was, however, not so much by the talents of Mr. 
 Pelham, as by his moderation, by his evident desire to promote the 
 public welfare, that he succeeded in gaining the approbation of all 
 good men. But these causes would not have been sufficient to keep 
 him unshaken at his post. It was owing to the exceeding influence of 
 his family, and to the assiduity with which he sought to break opposi- 
 tion, by securing the ablest men in the service of the government, that 
 he principally maintained his power. A jealousy, moreover, existing 
 between several of the most eminent of his contemporaries, prevented 
 them from executing any schemes they might separately entertain of 
 advancing themselves higher on the scale of power. Tlie men most 
 distinguished in the House of Commons for knowledge and Parlia- 
 mentary abilities, Mr. Murray, Mr. Fox, and Mr, Pitt, although at
 
 CHARACTER OF MR. MURRAY. ^^o 
 
 this time they all held places under the government, evinced no har- CHAt*. 
 mony in their general feelings, sentiments, and dispositions. They 17.51. 
 were all, however, the friends of Mr. Pelhum, and whilst they readily 
 acted under his administration, none would willingly have submitted 
 to the dictation of either of the rest. 
 
 : The Honorable William Murray was the fourth son and the eleventh 
 child of David Viscount Stormont, and was born at Perth, in the year 
 1704. Both at Westminster School and at the University of Oxford 
 he gave the strongest proofs of genius and of proficiency in classical 
 knowledge. His active mind, as much as his slender fortune, impelled 
 him early to the study of the law. In him the soundest judgment was 
 united to a very brilliant imagination. His voice was clear and har- 
 monious. Extremely handsome and prepossessing in his person, he 
 possessed a command of language and a gracefulness of action singu- 
 larly at variance with the general barren elocution of his legal contem- 
 poraries. With these advantages, as he was very assiduous in the 
 study of his profession, it is remarkable that he should have continued 
 for some time unnoticed as an advocate. A speech he made as Coun- 
 sel at the bar of the House of Lords first introduced him to public 
 observation. From this time his practice was at once confirmed ; and 
 he himself has been heard to remark, that he never knew the difference 
 between a total absence of employment and a professional gain of 
 3,000/. a year. Had his mind been less capacious, or his constitution 
 less vigorous, he must have limited the exertion of his talents entirely 
 to one department. But his views, although chiefly directed in the 
 line of his profession, were by no means confined there. When his 
 reputation as a lawyer was fully established, and he had risen to the 
 high situation of his Majesty's Solicitor-General, he took his seat in 
 Parliament, and became a most important ally of the minister. As 
 Mr. Pitt, by the force of his expression, and the grandeur of his senti- 
 ment, resembled the vehement Demosthenes, so Mr. Murray, by the 
 elegance of his language, may be compared to the all-accomplished 
 Cicero. The speeches of the Roman orator were models which he 
 studied with unceasing care ; and perhaps no man, either as a writer, 
 VOL. I. B b
 
 186 CHARACTER OF MR. MURRAY. 
 
 CHAP, an advocate, or senator, ever approached more nearly to his ori- 
 
 VIII. • ,c '' 
 
 In private society Mr. Murray's manners were particularly capti- 
 vating. His wit is celebrated by Pope. The ease, cheerfulness, and 
 variety of his conversation rendered him a most delightful and in- 
 structive companion. Some of his familiar letters to his friends have 
 been preserved, which, in point of elegance and happy expression, are 
 surpassed by few. When we follow him in imagination to his cham- 
 bers, whilst he penetrates into the obscurest and deepest labyrinths of 
 the law ; attend him afterwards to the Court of Chancery, and there 
 hear him expound, in the clearest manner, questions the most knotty 
 and perplexed ; then see him at the bar of the House of Lords ad- 
 dressing that assembly with the utmost dignity and grace ; next ob- 
 serve him enter the lists of the House of Commons as the formidable 
 antagonist of Pitt ; and lastly, return with him to his dwelling, 
 and there, during the short period allotted to relaxation, behold him 
 giving the highest zest to the entertainment by the life and brilliancy 
 of his conversation, our feelings must be those of the highest surprise 
 and admiration. 
 
 Such and so great was Murray. It must however be admitted, 
 that as the duties of a most laborious profession necessarily required a 
 very great share of his time and attention, he scarcely ventured upon 
 the arena of politics upon equal terms with those who made them their 
 only study. His speeches, although smooth and argumentative, are 
 destitute of the force which characterise those of Mr. Pitt : both his 
 natural disposition and the habits of balancing questions, which the 
 nature of his legal studies imposed, gave him sometimes an air of 
 timidity and indecision most opposite to the undeviating courage of 
 his celebrated antagonist. 
 
 ' I am very far from thinking that Mr. Murray equalled the Roman orator. Perhaps the 
 only specimens of splendid eloquence which will stand a comparison with those of Cicero are 
 the written speeches of Mr. Burke. I am speaking of elaborate and highly ornamented elo- 
 quence. The speech of Lord Straftbrd, upon his trial, is, in ray opinion, one of the most simple, 
 touching, and noble in our language.
 
 CHARACTER OF MR, HENRY FOX. 1*^7 
 
 Henry Fox was born in the year 1705. He was the contempo- chap. 
 rary of Mr. Pitt at Eton, but his seniority of three years of course j^^j' 
 precluded any competition between them. Nor was young Fo.x of a 
 disposition to be fired by literary emulation, either at school or upon 
 his first entrance into the world. Strong in constitution, an ardent 
 lover of pleasure, he expended, at an early age, his patrimony in gam- 
 ing and debauchery. Necessity, rather than inclination, then induced 
 him to visit the Continent, where he remained several years. His 
 turn of mind and disposition were congenial to those of Sir Robert 
 Walpole, who was very cordial in his friendships. By the interest of 
 that minister Mr. Fox was appointed, soon after his return to England, 
 one of the commissioners of the Treasury. His robust constitution 
 enabled him to support without illness or inconvenience a close appli- 
 cation to business, and a free participation in the convivial indul- 
 gencies of his Parliamentary associates. Frank and agreeable in his 
 manners, although too impetuous in his temper, he was well calculated 
 to make and to secure friends. In all the graces of elocution, in ima- 
 gination, and in fluency he was infinitely inferior to Mr. Pitt, but he 
 was a strong and close reasoner» and possessed great Parliamentary 
 knowledge. Mr. Fox's abilities were considerable, and, allowing for 
 some failings which are too apt to be engendered by ambition, he was 
 at this time generally respected as a man of honor, spirit, and ve- 
 racity. 
 
 The negociations for electing the young Archduke Joseph King of 
 the Romans were carried on with much greater earnestness on the part 
 of England than of Austria. For the purpose of procuring another 
 electoral vote a subsidiary treaty was concluded with Saxony. On 
 the 22d Jan. 1752, Mr. Pelham moved in the House of Commons 
 that the subsidy of 32,000/. be granted to that elector. Mr. Pelham 
 did not undertake this measure without the greatest reluctance. 
 When the subsidy to Bavaria was brought before the House he had 
 pledged himself that it should be the last with which the country should 
 be charged. It was upon this occasion that the senior Horace Wal- 
 pole adopted the singular method of speaking against the measure 
 
 B b 2 
 
 1752.
 
 1«8 ELECTION OF A KING OF THE ROMANS. 
 
 CHAP, whilst he voted in its favour. His speech was very able and perspi- 
 175-2. cuous. His nephew, Lord Orford, ridicules this inconsistency, but 
 does not attempt to shake the strength of his reasoning. 
 
 It appears that Mr. Pitt's sentiments upon this subject accorded 
 with those of Mr. Horace Walpole. Both of these gentlemen had 
 supported the treaty with Bavaria, upon the promise of the minister, 
 that the country should not be subjected to other burthens of a similar 
 description. Mr. Walpole conmiitted the substance of his speech 
 to paper, and submitted it to the perusal of Mr. Pitt, who, a short 
 time afterwards, returned it with the following letter of acknowledg- 
 ment. 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I return you the packet you was so good as to send 
 nie, together with a thousand thanks for the favour. Your speech 
 contains very weighty matter, and, from beginning to end, breathes 
 the spirit of a man who loves his country. If your endeavours con- 
 tribute to the honest end you aim at, namely, to check foreign ex- 
 penses, and prevent entanglements abroad, under a situation burdened 
 and exhausted at present, and liable to many alarming apprehensions 
 in futurity, you deserve the thanks of this generation, and will have 
 those of the next. 
 
 I am, with very great regard, 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 Your most obedient, 
 
 and most humble servant, 
 
 W. Pitt. 
 
 The celebrated Marriage Act this year, introduced by Lord 
 Hardwicke, occasioned considerable discussion within both Houses ot 
 Parliament, and great dissatisfaction amongst the people. Mr. Fox
 
 NATURALIZATION OF THE JEWS. 189 
 
 took such a decided part against it, and expressed himself in such CHAP, 
 sarcastic and cutting terms, that the chancellor and he were never 1752. 
 afterwards friends. ====- 
 
 Whether Mr. Pitt was offended that he had not been appointed 
 secretary of state, upon the resignation of the Duke of Bedford, or 
 whether he considered that the quiet posture of the country did not 
 require his active interference in Parliament, we do not fmd him ad- 
 dressing the House for a considerable period. I have mentioned that 
 a bill for the naturalization of the Jews was passed in the former ses- 
 sion. This occasioned such excessive disturbances amongst the peo- 
 ple, that the minister found himself under the necessity of repealing it. 
 Accordingly, on the 27th November, the question was agitated in the 
 House of Commons. Mr. Pitt spoke in favour of the repeal, and 
 against an alteration of certain expressions in the preamble of the bill, 
 ^vhich was suggested by Mr. Northey. The question was carried by 
 a majority of 150 against 60. 
 
 But this concession did not satisfy the people. By the Planta- 
 tion Act, any person professing the Jewish religion, after a residence 
 of seven years in one of his Majesty's American colonies, became 
 entitled to the privileges of a British-born subject. This was de- 
 nounced by many persons as too favorable to the Jews. On the 4th 
 December, Lord Harley and Sir James Dashwood moved in the House 
 of Commons to repeal the bill. Mr. Pelham very wisely resisted 
 this, and stigmatised the attempt as arising from a spirit of persecu- 
 tion unworthy of the times. He was supported by Mr. Pitt, who 
 plainly showed how little he cared for popular approbation when pur- 
 chased at the expense of propriety and justice. He said, " he had 
 not expected that this would be the first return to Parliament for their 
 condescension in repealing the late Act. Here the stand must be 
 made, or venit siunma dies! we should have a church spirit revived. 
 He believed the late clamour was only a little election art, which was 
 courteously given way to : that the former bill was not a toleration of, 
 but a preference given to Jews over other sects. His maxim was not 
 to do more for the church than it now enjoys ; now you would except
 
 190 MR, PITT'S LETTERS 
 
 CHAP, the Jews, in the opposite extreme. It is the Jew to-day, it would be 
 \ III • 
 
 17 52. the Presbyterian to-morrow : we should be sure to have a septennial 
 
 church clamour. We are not now to be influenced by old laws 
 enacted before the Reformation. Our ancestors would have said, ' A 
 Lollard has no right to inherit lands.' But we need not fear indulg- 
 ing the Jews ; they will never be great purchasers of land ; they love 
 money, and trade with it to better advantage ''." 
 
 The motion was negatived by 208 against 88. 
 
 We are now approaching that period when Mr. Pitt was again 
 to emerge from his parliamentary inactivity, and to renew his oppo- 
 sition to the ministry. Before we are arrived at this point, I must 
 request the reader to pause awhile and reflect upon the sentiments of 
 this illustrious man in his capacity of a private individual. They are 
 expressed in the four following letters to his nephew ; we here find 
 him " implanting with parental kindness into the mind of an ingenu- 
 ous youth, seeds of wisdom and virtue, which ripened into full ma- 
 turity in the character of a most accomplished man; directing him 
 to the acquisition of knowledge, as the best instrument of action ; 
 teaching him, by the cultivation of his reason, to strengthen and 
 establish in his heart those principles of moral rectitude which were 
 congenial to it ; and, above all, e.\horting him to regulate the whole 
 conduct of his life by the predominant influence of gratitude and 
 obedience to God, as the only sure ground of human duty '." Let 
 the man who is inclined to suspect the integrity of Mr. Pitt, first 
 weigh the contents of these letters, which were never intended for 
 the public eye ; let him then ask himself, could such sentiments pro- 
 ceed from a mind solely impelled by ambition ? 
 
 ^ Lord Orford's Memoires. 
 e Lord Grenvillc's preface to the Earl of Chatham's Letters to his nephew, p. 10.
 
 TO HIS NEPHEW. 191 
 
 Bath, January I2th, 1754. CHAP. 
 
 My dear Nephew, viii. 
 
 1754. 
 
 Your letter from Cambridge affords me many very sensi- ' 
 ble pleasures : first, that you are at last in a proper place for study 
 and improvement, instead of losing any more of that most precious 
 thing, time, in London. In the next place that you seemed pleased 
 with the particular society you are placed in, and with the gentleman 
 to whose care and instructions you are committed : and above all I 
 applaud the sound, right sense, and love of virtue, which appears 
 through your whole letter. You are already possessed of the true clue 
 to guide you through this dangerous and perplexing part of your life's 
 journey, the years of education ; and upon which, the complexion of 
 all the rest of your days will infallibly depend : I say you have the 
 true clue to guide you, in the maxim you lay down in your letter to 
 me, namely, that the use of learning is, to render a man more wise 
 and virtuous; not merely to make him more learned. Made tua 
 virtute : go on, my dear boy, by this golden rule, and you cannot fail 
 to become every thing your generous heart prompts you to wish to 
 be, and that mine most affectionately wishes for you. There is but 
 one danger in your way ; and that is, perhaps, natural enough to your 
 age, the love of pleasure, or the fear of close application and laborious 
 diligence. With the last there is nothing you may not conquer : and 
 the first is sure to conquer and enslave whoever does not strenuously 
 and generously resist the first allurements of it, lest by small indul- 
 gences he fall under the yoke of irresistible habit. " Vitanda est Im- 
 proba Siren, Desidia,'' I desire may be affixt to the curtains of your 
 bed, and to the walls of your chambers. If you do not rise early, 
 you never can make any progress worth talking of, and another rule is, 
 if you do not set apart your hours of reading, and never suffer your- 
 self or any one else to break in upon them, your days will slip through 
 your hands, unprofitably and frivolously ; unpraised by all you wish 
 to please, and really unjoyable to yourself Be assured, whatever 
 you take from pleasure, amusements, or indolence, for these first few 
 years of your life, will repay you a hundred fold, in the pleasures,
 
 IJ»2 MR. PITT'S LETTERS 
 
 (JHAP. honors, and advantages of all the remainder of your days. My heart 
 i7-;4' is so full of the most earnest desire that you should do well, that I 
 ■ find my letter has run into some length, which you vvill, I know, be 
 so good to excuse. There remains now nothing to trouble you with 
 but a little plan for the beginning of your studies which I desire in a 
 particular manner, may be exactly followed in every tittle. You are 
 to qualify yourself for the part in society, to which your birth and 
 estate call you. You are to be a gentleman of such learning and 
 qualifications as may distinguish you in the service of your country 
 hereafter; not a pedant, who reads only to be called learned, instead 
 of considering learning as an instrument only for action. Give me 
 leave therefore, my dear nephew, who have gone before you, to point 
 out to you the dangers in your road, to guard you against such things 
 as I experience my own defects to arise from ; and at the same time, 
 if I have had any little successes in the world) to guide you to what I 
 have drawn many helps from. I lifwe not the pleasure of knowing 
 the gentleman who is your tutor, but I dare say he is every way equal 
 to such a charge, which I think no small one. You will communi- 
 cate this letter to him, and I hope he will be so good to concur with 
 me as to the course of study I desire you may begin with; and that 
 such books, and such only, as I have pointed out, may be read. They 
 are as follows: Euclid; a course of Logic; a course of Experimental 
 Philosophy; Locke's Conduct of the Understanding; his Treatise also 
 on the Understanding; his Treatise on Government; and Letters on 
 Toleration. I desire for the present, no books of poetry but Horace 
 and Virgil; of Horace the Odes, but above all, the Epistles and Ars 
 Poetica, These parts, Nocturna versate mami, versate dlurna ; Tully 
 de Ofiiciis, de Amicitia, de Senectute ; his Catilinarian Orations and 
 Philippics; Sallust; at leisure hours, an abridgment of the History of 
 England to be run through, in order to settle in the mind a general 
 chronological order and series of principal events, and succession of 
 Kings; proper books of English history, on the true principles of our 
 happy constitution shall be pointed out afterwards; Burnet's History 
 of the Reformation abridged by himself, to be read with great care ;
 
 TO HIS NEPHEW. ' 193 
 
 Father Paul on Beneficiary Matters in English ; a French Master, and CHAP, 
 only Moliere's Plays to be read with him or by yourself, till you have 1754; 
 gone through them all; Spectators, especially Mr. Addison's papers, = 
 to be read very frequently at broken times in your room. I make it 
 my request that you will forbear drawing totally while you are at 
 Cambridge; and not meddle with Greek ^, otherwise than to know a 
 little the etymology of words in Latin, or English, or French; nor to 
 meddle with Italian. I hope this little course will soon be run through. 
 I intend it as a general foundation for many things of infinite utility, 
 to come as soon as this is finished. 
 
 Believe me, 
 
 With the truest affection. 
 My dear Nephew, 
 Ever Yours. 
 Keep this letter, and read it again. 
 
 Bath, January I4th, 1754. 
 My dear Nephew, 
 
 You will hardly have read over one very long letter from 
 me before you are troubled with a second. I intended to have writ 
 soon, but I do it the sooner on account of your letter to your Aunt, 
 which she transmitted to me here. If any thing, my dear boy, could 
 have happened to raise you higher in my esteem, and to endear you 
 more to me, it is the amiable abhorrence you feel for the scene of vice 
 and folly, (and of real misery and perdition, under the false notion 
 of pleasure and spirit,) which has opened to you at your college, and 
 at the same time the manly, brave, generous, and wise resolution and 
 
 i Lord Grenville, in his Preface to the Brief Collection of Letters from which the above is 
 taken, very justly remarks, that, " the temporary advice, addressed to an individual whose edu- 
 cation had been neglected, must not be understood as a general dissuasive from the cultivation 
 of Grecian literature. The sentiments of Lord Chatham were in direct opposition to any such 
 opinion. — This was afterwards most unequivocally manifested, when he was called upon to con- 
 sider the question with a still higher interest, not only as a friend and guardian, but also as a 
 father." 
 
 VOL. I. C C
 
 194 MR. PITT'S LETTERS 
 
 CHAP, true spirit, with which you resisted and repulsed the first attempts 
 iTw! "PO" ^ mind and heart, I tliank God, infinitely too firm and noble, 
 • as well as too elegant and enlightened, to be in any danger of yield- 
 
 ing to such contemptible and wretched corruptions. You charm me 
 with the description of Mr. Wheler% and while you say you could 
 aiore him, I could adore you for the natural, genuine love of virtue, 
 which speaks in all you feel, say, or do. As to your companions, let 
 this be your rule, cultivate the acquaintance with Mr. Wheler which 
 you have so fortunately begun, and in general, be sure to associate with 
 men much older than yourself : scholars whenever you can ; but 
 always with men of decent and honorable lives. As their age and 
 learning, superior both to your own, must necessarily, in good sense, 
 and in the view of acquiring knowledge from them, entitle them to all 
 deference, and submission of your own lights to theirs, you will par- 
 ticularly practise that first and greatest rule for pleasing in conversa- 
 tion, as well as for drawing instruction and improvement from the 
 company of one's superiors in age and knowledge, namely, to be a 
 patient, attentive, and a well-bred hearer, and to answer with 
 modesty; to deliver your own opinion sparingly and with proper dif- 
 fidence ; and if you are forced to desire farther information or expla- 
 nation upon a point, to do it with proper apologies for the trouble you 
 give : or, if obliged to differ, to do it with all possible candour, and an 
 unprejudiced desire to find and ascertain truth, with an entire indif- 
 ference to the side on which that truth is to be found. There is like- 
 wise a particular attention required to contradict with good manners ; 
 such as begging pardon, begging leave to doubt, and such like phrases. 
 Pythagoras enjoined his scholars an absolute silence for a long novi- 
 ciate. I am far from approving such a taciturnity ; but I highly re- 
 commend the end and intent of Pythagoras's injunction; which is, 
 to dedicate the first parts of life more to hear and learn, in order 
 to collect materials, out of which to form opinions founded on 
 
 « The Rev. John Wheler, Prebendary of Westminster. The friendship formed between this 
 gentleman and Lord Camelfordat so early a period of their lives, was founded in mutual esteem, 
 and continued uninterrupted till Lord Camelford's death. — Lord Grenvilli's Note.
 
 TO HIS NEPHEW. 195 
 
 proper lights, and well examined sound principles, than to be CHAP, 
 presuming, prompt, and flippant in hazarding one's own slight, 1754'. 
 crude notions of things ; and thereby exposing the nakedness and ' 
 emptiness of the mind, like a house opened to company before it is 
 fitted either with necessaries, or any ornaments for their reception and 
 entertainment. And not only will this disgrace follow from such 
 temerity and presumption, but a more serious danger is sure to ensue, 
 that is, the embracing errors for truths, prejudices for principles ; and 
 when that is once done, (no matter how vainly and weakly,) the 
 adhering perhaps to false and dangerous notions, only because one 
 has declared for them, and submitting, for life, the understanding and 
 conscience to a yoke of base and servile prejudices, vainly taken up 
 and obstinately retained. This will never be your danger; but I 
 thought it not amiss to offer these reflections to your thoughts. As to 
 your manner of behaving towards these unhappy young gentlemen 
 you describe, let it be manly and easy; decline their parties with 
 civility ; retort their raillery with raillery, always tempered with 
 good breeding : if they banter your regularity, order, decency, and 
 love of study, banter in return their neglect of them ; and venture 
 to own frankly, that you came. to Cambridge to learn what you can, 
 not to follow what they are pleased to call pleasure. In short, let 
 your external behraviour to them be as full of politeness and ease as 
 your inward estimation of them is full of pity mixed with contempt. 
 I come no.w to the part of the advice I have to offer to you, which most 
 nearly concerns your welfare, and upon which every good and honor- 
 able purpos'e of your life will assuredly turn ; I mean the keeping up 
 in your heart the true sentiments of religion. If you are not right 
 towards God, you can never be so towards man ; the noblest senti- 
 ment o 1 the human breast is here brought to the test. Is gratitude in 
 the n .umber of a man's virtues ? if it be, the highest benefactor de- 
 mar ^ds the warmest returns of gratitude, love, and praise : Ingratiim 
 flu i dixerit, omnia dixit. If a man wants this virtue, where there are 
 ^^ .ifinite obligations to excite and quicken it, he will be likely to want 
 all others towards his fellow-creatures, whose utmost gifts are poor 
 
 c c 2
 
 li'fi MR, PITT'S LETTERS 
 
 CHAP, compared to those he daily receives at the hands of his never-faiUne 
 VIII . . 
 
 1754_ Almighty Friend. Remember thy Creator in the days of thy youth 
 
 is big with the deepest wisdom: the fear of the Lord is the beginning 
 of wisdom ; and an upright heart, that is understanding. This is 
 externally true, whether the wits and rakes of Cambridge allow it or 
 not : nay, I must add of this religious wisdom. Her ways are ways 
 of pleasantness, and all her paths are peace, whatever your young 
 gentlemen think of a whore and a bottle, a tainted health and battered 
 constitution. Hold fast, therefore, by this sheet-anchor of happiness. 
 Religion ; you will often want it in the times of most danger ; the 
 storms and tempests of life. Cherish true religion as preciously as 
 you will fly with abhorrence and contempt superstition and enthu- 
 siasm. The first is the perfection and glory of the human nature ; the 
 two last the deprivation and disgrace of it. Remember the essence 
 of religion is, a heart void of offence towards God and man ; not 
 subtle speculative opinions, but an active vital principle of faith. The 
 words of a heathen were so fine that I must give them to you : Com- 
 positum jus fasque animi, sanctosque recessus mentis et incoctum ge- 
 neroso pectus honesto. 
 
 Go on, my dear child, in the admirable dispositions you have 
 towards all that is right and good, and make yourself the love and 
 admiration of the world ! I have neither paper nor words to tell you 
 how tenderly 
 
 I am Your's, 
 
 Bath, Jan\ 24, 17.54. 
 
 I WILL lose not a moment before I return my most lender 
 and warm thanks to the most amiable, valuable, and noble-mmded ot 
 youtlis, for the infinite pleasure his letter gives me. My dear n ephew, 
 what a beautiful thing is genuine goodness, and how lovely does the 
 human mind appear in its native purity, (in a nature as happ V as 
 your's,) before the taints of a corrupted world have touched it ! To 
 guard you from the fatal effects of all the dangers that surround an>d
 
 TO HIS NEPHEW. 197 
 
 beset youth, (and many they are, nam varia illudunt Pesies,) I thank CHAP. 
 God, is become my pleasing and very important charge ; your own nrA. 
 choice, and our nearness in blood, and still more, a dearer and nearer T 
 
 relation of hearts, which I feel between us, all concur to make it so. 
 I shall seek, then, every occasion, my dear young friend, of being 
 useful to you, by offering you those lights, which one must have lived 
 some years in the world to see the full force and extent of, and 
 which the best mind and clearest understanding will suggest im- 
 perfectly, in any case, and in the most difficult, delicate, and essential 
 points, perhaps not at all, till experience, that dear-bought instructor, 
 comes to our assistance. What I shall therefore make my task, (a 
 happy delightful task, if I prove a safeguard to so much opening- 
 virtue,) is to be for some years, what you cannot be to yourself, your 
 experience ; experience anticipated, and ready digested for your 
 use. Thus we will endeavour, my dear child, to join the two best 
 seasons of life, to establish your virtue and your happiness upon 
 solid foundations : Miscens Autumni et Veris Honores. So much 
 in general. I will now, my dear nephew, say a few things to you 
 upon a matter where you have surprisingly little to learn, consi- 
 dering you have seen nothing but Boconnock; I mean behaviour. 
 Behaviour is of infinite advantage or prejudice to a man, as he hap- 
 pens to have formed it to a graceful, noble, engaging, and proper 
 manner, or to a vulgar, coarse, illbred, or awkward, and ungenteel 
 one. Behaviour, though an external thing which seems rather to be- 
 long to the body than to the mind, is certainly founded in conside- 
 rable virtues : though I have known instances of good men, with 
 something very revolting and offensive in their manner of behaviour, 
 especially when they have the misfortune to be naturally xcry awk- 
 ward and ungenteel ; and which their mistaken friends have helped 
 to confirm them in, by telling them, they were above such trifles, as 
 being genteel, dancing, fencing, riding, and doing all manly excercises, 
 with grace and \igour. As if the body, because inferior, were not a 
 part of the composition of man : and the proper, easy, ready, and 
 graceful use of himself, both in mind and Umb, did not go to make
 
 li>8 MR. PITT'S LETTERS 
 
 CHAP, up the character of an accomphshed man. You are in no dano^er of 
 VIII ... . 
 
 1754 ■ falling into tliis preposterous error : and I had a great pleasure in 
 
 ' ' finding you, when I first saw you in London, so well di.sposed by na- 
 ture, and so properly attentive to make yourself genteel in person and 
 well-bred in behaviour. I am very glad you have taken a fencing 
 master : that exercise will give you some manly, firm, and graceful 
 attitudes : open your chest, place your head upright, and plant you 
 well upon your legs. As to the use of the sword, it is well to know 
 it : but remember, my dearest nephew, it is a science of defence : and 
 that a sword can never be employed by the hand of a man of virtue, 
 in any other cause. As to the carriage of your person, be particularly 
 careful, as you are tall and thin, not to get a habit of stooping ; no- 
 thing has so poor a look : above all things avoid contracting any 
 peculiar gesticulations of the body, or movements of the muscles of 
 the face. It is rare to see in any one a graceful laughter ; it is gene- 
 rally better to smile than laugh out, especially to contract a habit of 
 laughing at small or no jokes. Sometimes it would be affectation, or 
 worse, mere moroseness, not to laugh heartily, w hen the truly ridi- 
 culous circumstances of an incident, or the true pleasantry and wit of 
 a thing call for and justify it; but the trick of laughing frivolously is 
 by all means to be avoided : Risu inepto, res ijieptior nulla est. Now 
 as to politeness ; many have attempted definitions of it : I believe it 
 is best to be known by description ; definition not being able to com- 
 prise it. I would however venture to call it, benevolence in trifles, or 
 the preference of others to ourselves, in little daily, hourly, occurrences 
 in the commerce of life. A better place, a more commodious seat, 
 priority in being helped at table, &c. what is it, but sacrificing our- 
 selves in such trifles to the convenience and pleasure of others? And 
 this constitutes true politeness. It is a perpetual attention, by habit 
 it grows easy and natural to us, to the little wants of those we are 
 with, by which we either prevent or remove them. Bowing, cere- 
 monies, formal compliments, stiff civilities, will never be politeness : 
 that must be easy, natural, unstudied, manly, noble. And what will 
 give this but a mind benevolent, and perpetually attentive to exert
 
 TO HIS NEPHEW. 199 
 
 that amiable disposition in trifles towards all you converse and live CHAP. 
 
 . . vni. 
 
 with ? Benevolence in greater matters takes a higher name, and is 1754. 
 
 the queen of virtues. Nothing is so incompatible with politeness as ' 
 any trick of absence of mind. I would trouble you with a word or 
 two more upon some branches of behaviour, which have a more seri- 
 ous moral obligation in them than those of mere politeness ; which 
 are equally important in the eye of the world. I mean a proper beha- 
 viour, adapted to the respective relations we stand in, towards the 
 different ranks of superiors, equals, and inferiors. Let your behaviour 
 towards superiors, in dignity, age, learning, or any distinguished ex- 
 cellence, be full of respect, deference and modesty. Towards equals, 
 nothing becomes a man so well as well-bred ease, polite freedom, 
 generous frankness, manly spirit, always tempered with gentleness and 
 sweetness of manner, noble sincerity, candour and openness of heart, 
 qualified and restrained within the bounds of discretion and prudence, 
 and ever limited by a sacred regard to secrecy, in all things entrusted 
 to it, and an inviolable attachment to your word. To inferiors, gen- 
 tleness, condescension, and affabihty, is the only dignity. Towards 
 servants, never accustom yourself to rough and passionate language. 
 When they are good we should consider them as humiles Amici, as 
 fellow Christians, ut Conservi ; and when they are bad, pity, admo- 
 nish, and part with them, if incorrigible. On all occasions beware, 
 my dear child, of anger, that daemon, that destroyer of our peace. 
 Ira furor brevis est ; animum rege qui nisi paret Imperatf hunc 
 fj'anis, hunc tu compesce catenis. 
 
 Write soon, and tell me of your studies. 
 
 Your ever affectionate. 
 
 Bath,Feb.Z,n5A. 
 
 Nothing can, or ought to give me higher satisfaction, than the 
 obliging manner in which my dear nephew receives my most sincere 
 and affectionate endeavours to be of use to him. You much overrate
 
 200 MR. PITT'S LETTERS 
 
 CHAP, the obligation, whatever it be, which youth has to those who have trod 
 17.04. the paths of the world before them, for their friendly advice how to 
 avoid the inconveniences, dangers, and evils which they themselves 
 may have run upon for want of such timely warnings, and to seize, 
 cultivate, and carry forward towards perfection, those advantages, 
 graces, virtues, and felicities which they may have totally missed, or 
 stopped short in the generous pursuit. To lend this helping hand to 
 those who are beginning to tread the slippery way, seems, at best, but 
 an ofllce of common humanity to all ; but to withhold it from one we 
 truly love, and whose heart and mind bear every genuine mark of the 
 very soil proper for all the amiable, manly, and generous virtues to 
 take root, and bear their heavenly fruit ; inward, conscious peace, 
 fame amongst men, public love, temporal and eternal happiness; to 
 withhold it, I say, in such an instance, would deserve the worst of 
 names. I am greatly pleased, my dear young friend, that you do me 
 the justice to believe I do not mean to impose any yoke of authority 
 upon your understanding and conviction. I wish to warn, admonish, 
 instruct, enlighten, and convince your reason; and so determine your 
 judgment to right things, when you shall be made to see that they are 
 right ; not to overbear and impel you to adopt any thing before you 
 perceive it to be right or wrong, by the force of authority. I hear 
 with great pleasure, that Locke lay before you when you writ last to 
 me ; and I like the observation that you make from him, that we 
 must use our own reason, not that of another, if we would deal fairly 
 by ourselves, and hope to enjoy a peaceful and contented conscience. 
 This precept is truly worthy of the dignity of rational natures. But 
 here, my dear child, let me offer one distmction to you, and it is of 
 much moment, it is this : Mr. Locke's precept is applicable only to 
 such opinions as regard moral or religious obligations, and which as 
 such our own consciences alone can judge and determine for ourselves, 
 matters of mere expediency, that affect neither honor, morality, or 
 religion, were not in that great and wise man's view ; such are the 
 usages, forms, manners, modes, proprieties, decorum, and all those 
 numberless ornamental little acquirements, and genteel well-bred
 
 TO HIS NEPHEW, 201 
 
 attentions, which constitute a proper, graceful, amiable, and noble CHAP, 
 behaviour. In matters of this kind, I am sure your own reason, to 1754' 
 which I shall always refer you, will at once tell you, that you must, === 
 at first, make use of the experience of others ; in effect, see with their 
 eyes, or not be able to see at all ; for the ways of the world as to its 
 usages and exterior manners, as well as to all things of expediency 
 and prudential consideration, a moment's reflection will convince, a 
 mind as right as yours, must necessarily be to inexperienced youth, 
 with ever so fine natural parts, a terra incognita. As you would not 
 therefore attempt to form notions of China or Persia but from those 
 who have travelled those countries, and the fidelity and sagacity of 
 those relations you can trust ; so will you, as little, I trust, prema- 
 turely form notions of your own concerning that usage of the world, 
 (as it is called,) into which you have not yet travelled, and which 
 must be long studied and practised, before it can be tolerably well 
 known. I can repeat nothing to you of so infinite consequence to 
 your future welfare, as to coryure you not to be hasty in taking up 
 notions and opinions : guard your honest and ingenuous mind against 
 this main danger of youth : with regard to all things, that appear not 
 to your reason, after due examination, evident duties of honor, mora- 
 lity, or religion, (and in all such as do, let your conscience and reason 
 determine your notions and conduct,) in all other matters, I say, be 
 slow to form opinions, keep your mind in a candid state of suspense, 
 and open to full conviction when you shall procure it, using in the 
 mean time the experience of a friend you can trust, the sincerity of 
 whose advice you will try and prove by your own experience here- 
 after, when more years shall have given it to you. I have been 
 longer upon this head than I hope there was any occasion for : but 
 the great importance of the matter, and my warm wishes for your 
 welfare, figure, and happiness, have drawn it from me. I wish to 
 know if you have a good French master. I must recommend the 
 study of the French language, to speak and write it correctly, as to 
 grammar and orthography, as a matter of the utmost and indispens- 
 able use to you, if you would make any figure in the great world. I 
 VOL. I. D d
 
 202 DEATH OF MR. PELHAM. 
 
 CHAP, need say no more to enforce this recommendation : when I get to 
 
 Vlll 
 
 J754' London, I will send you the best French Dictionary. Have you been 
 ' taught geography and the use of the globes by Mr. Leech ? if not, 
 pray take a geography master and learn the use of the globes : it is 
 soon known. I recommend to you to acquire a clear and thorough 
 notion of what is called the Solar System ; together with the doctrine 
 of Comets. I wanted, as much or more, to hear of your private read- 
 ing at home, as of public lectures, which I hope, however, you will 
 frequent for example's sake. Pardon this long letter, and keep it by 
 you if you do not hate it. Believe me 
 
 My dear Nephew, 
 
 ever affectionately. 
 
 Yours. 
 
 On the 6th March an event occurred as unfortunate for, as it 
 was unexpected by, the country — the death of Mr. Pelham. AVith- 
 out possessing shining abilities as a statesman or as an orator, Mr. 
 Pelham's judgment and understanding were particularly sound. His 
 experience in business and his thorough knowledge of the world ren- 
 dered him a very useful and efficient minister. A disciple of Sir R. 
 Walpole, his knowledge, like his master's, was chiefly confined to the 
 affairs of his own country. He interfered but little with the politics 
 of Europe : indeed he wanted the energy of character which a minister 
 must possess who wishes to impress upon foreign countries a proper 
 sense of the importance of his own. Although he is charged with 
 fomenting jealousies amongst several of his contemporaries in office, 
 his intentions, upon the whole, are allowed to have been upright and 
 disinterested. Immense authority and revenues were entrusted to 
 his care, yet he lived without abusing his power, or accumulating 
 wealth. 
 
 Neither the illness nor age of Mr. Pelham were such as to lead 
 men to anticipate his death. Great expectation and great confusion 
 consequently arose in the cabinet. Mr. Fox, Mr. Murray, and Mr.
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE'S ASCENDANCY IN THE CABINET. 203 
 
 Pitt were severally named by many persons, as the probable succes- CHAP, 
 sors of Mr. Pelham. Many obstacles existed to the admission of Mr. 1754 
 Pitt. The King's prejudices against him had never been removed. ="="^^ 
 His parliamentary connections were few. He had for some time ab- 
 stained from taking an active part in the House of Commons, and it 
 was uncertain whether his health would enable him to support the 
 fatigues of a leading official appointment. Although he had long 
 desired and looked forward to a more prominent share in the admi- 
 nistration, his spirit was too high to solicit what he thought his ser- 
 vices and character should command. 
 
 It is not known whether Mr. Murray formally refused the chan- 
 cellorship of the exchequer, but it is certain that he sent Mr. Stone 
 to Mr. Fox, disclaiming all emulation ; stating that his views were 
 professional, and that he looked forward alone to a high judicial em- 
 ployment. 
 
 On the 12th March it was arranged that the Duke of Newcastle 
 should be first commissioner of the treasury, Mr. Legge chancellor of 
 the exchequer, and Mr. Fox secretary of state, with, as he understood, 
 the management of the House of Commons. On the following morn- 
 ing, however, this arrangement was disturbed. The intended manage- 
 ment of the House of Commons was withdrawn from Mr. Fox, who 
 consequently declined accepting the office of secretary of state. The 
 other appointments remained the same. Sir T. Robinson received 
 the seals which Mr. Fox had refused. Lord Barnard, Lord Du})lin, 
 and Mr. Nugent formed the remainder of the board of treasury. 
 With a view to soften the disappointment of Mr. Pitt, his intimate 
 friend and relative, Mr. George Grenville, was made treasurer of the 
 navy, and George Lyttleton cofferer of the household. The Duke ot 
 Newcastle was now, in effect, what he had so long and so ardently 
 desired to become — sole minister of the country, for to him alone the 
 King appears to have transferred his confidence. But this disposition 
 of affairs was far from giving general satisfaction. Mr. Fox consi- 
 dered himself insulted and betrayed. Mr. Pitt was offended. All 
 who valued the public good saw, with concern, the chief direction of 
 
 D d2
 
 204 DISPUTES OF THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH 
 
 CHAP, aflairs entrusted to one so weak and indecisive as the Duke of New- 
 
 J^ castle. 
 
 ^^"^"^ Tlie similarity of their situations brought Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox 
 
 to an explanation respecting their former conduct towards each other. 
 They soon found that the misunderstanding which so long prevailed 
 between them, had been fomented by the Pelhams, who at the same 
 time professed to deprecate and to endeavour to remove it. 
 
 Under these circumstances, the minister's situation was one of 
 great anxiety and apprehension. He could expect no support from 
 the two statesmen whose views he had disappointed. Whilst, indeed 
 Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox held public appointments, the Duke of New- 
 castle imagined that a sense of propriety would prevent them from 
 obstructing the measures of government. But he was well aware of 
 the high spirit of Mr. Pitt, and knew that his feelings might induce 
 him suddenly to relinquish his place, and come forward in all the 
 terrors of opposition. 
 
 If the minister had reason to dread impediments to his adminis- 
 tration at home, the relation in which England stood with regard to 
 other countries, particularly France, inspired him with much greater 
 alarm. The peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, whatever it might eftect, for 
 a time, in Europe, had by no means put an end to the hostiUties 
 between the French and English in the other three quarters of the 
 globe. The territories of the two countries in Asia and America, had 
 never been accurately defined by treaties, and the French were in- 
 defatigable in detaching the natives from our interest, and in encroach- 
 ing upon our possessions. For many years the greatest ignorance and 
 supineness respecting our settlements in America prevailed in the 
 English cabinet, and it was not till after the most repeated complaints 
 from the colonists of the aggressions of the French that the subject 
 was considered as one of national importance. Remonstrances were 
 then made to the Court of Versailles, and commissaries appointed by 
 the two countries to adjust the dispute. These negociations proved 
 inefiectual. The proceedings of the French in America became more 
 avowed and alarming. It appears that their object was to erect a
 
 IN AMERICA— GENERAL BRADDOCK. 205 
 
 chain of garrisons from Canada to the mouths of the Mississippi, to chap. 
 cut off the communication of the Enghsh with the Indians west of 1754 
 that river, and thereby destroy our trade and plantations. This was =" 
 no longer to be borne with patience. The governors of our settlements 
 received orders from England to form a confederacy for their mutual 
 support, and to resist force by force. Open hostilities commenced under 
 disagreeable circumstances. M. Jumonville, a French officer, was 
 killed by a detachment under Major Washington'', and his death gave 
 rise to much misrepresentation on the part of his countrymen. Soon 
 after this, Mr. Washington was compelled, by the superiority of the 
 French force, to surrender the fort which he commanded upon the 
 banks of the Ohio. The account of this disaster reached London in 
 August, 1754, and the minister, pusillanimous as he was, felt himself 
 obliged to obey the commands of his sovereign, and prepare a force 
 to support his subjects in America. In effecting this, the Duke of 
 Cumberland' was consulted, but great want of judgment appeared in 
 the arrangements. General Braddock, a stranger certainly to fear, 
 but obstinate in the extreme, with no other notions of war than the 
 punctilious enforcement of military discipline, was sent to oppose the 
 wild attacks and ambuscades of the Indians. A fencino;-master mip:ht, 
 with equal prudence, be sent to attack a tiger. The manner in which 
 this armament was prepared was no less injudicious than the choice of 
 its commander. 
 
 Braddock's force was not sufficient to accomplish any very im- 
 portant enterprise, but it might have been extremely serviceable had 
 its destination been unknown to the enemy. But, instead of conceal- 
 ing their purpose, it was proclaimed with the most absurd ostentation, 
 and the French had thus an opportunity of instigating that resistance 
 which proved so fatal to the expedition. 
 
 *■ In after times the celebrated General and Statesman of America. 
 ' Lord Orford says, that his Royal Highness was not consulted, but the Duke of Newcastle in 
 a letter to the elder Horace Walpole, positively states that the whole arrangement of this force 
 was left to the Duke.
 
 206 MARRIAGE OF MR. PITT. 
 
 CHAP. It was at tills time that Mr. Pitt strengthened liis intimacy with 
 
 \- 1 1 1 . . " - 
 
 17,54" the Grenville family hy stricter tics than even those of friendship. 
 On the 6lh Novemher, he married Lady Hester Grenville, the sister 
 of Earl Temple. This lady possessed a very superior understanding, 
 and was highly distinguished by her manners and conversation. Such 
 a union could not fail to add largely to the happiness of Mr. Pitt. 
 But however great were his domestic attachments, his public ardour 
 was not abated by his marriage. 
 
 Parliament assembled on the 14th November. The general 
 tenor of the King's speech implied the probability of continued tran- 
 quillity ; but the preservation of our rights in America was alluded to 
 with a view to the supplies which might afterwards be demanded. 
 The address to the throne was unanimously voted. On the following 
 day Mr. Pitt moved for leave to bring in a bill for the relief of Chelsea 
 Pensioners, for which he will ever merit the noble title of the soldier's 
 friend. Mr. Pitt depicted, in strong colors, the hardships to which 
 the out-pensioners of Chelsea Hospital were exposed, under existing 
 regulations for the payment of their pensions. The poor disabled 
 veterans, he said, who were entitled to this excellent charity, were 
 cruelly oppressed by wretches who supplied them with money in 
 advance. By the present mode of payment, the poor pensioner can 
 receive no money until he has been twelve months on the list. This 
 Mas extremely unjust, because the veteran's claim to the charity com- 
 menced from the moment of his disability in the service. By the 
 present delay of the first payment, he was under the necessity of 
 borrowing money upon the certificate of his admission on the list. 
 He was supplied with a pittance by one of those people called usurers, 
 who compelled the wretched man to allow him a most exorbitant 
 interest. The practice continuing a few years, the pensioner had 
 nothing to subsist on — the whole of his pension was swallowed up 
 in usury. To remedy this grle\ance, Mr. Pitt proposed, that when 
 the pensioner was admitted upon the list, half a year's pension should 
 be advanced to him. This, with a few other humane regulations, 
 formed the basis of Mr. Pitt's motion. The bill unanimously passed
 
 LETTERS OF MR. FOX. 207 
 
 both Houses of Parliament, and its provisions were carried into imme- CHAP, 
 diate eriect. 1754. 
 
 Tlie following letters of Mr. Fox to the Marquis of Hartington, — = 
 contain so animated and so just an account of the debates of the 25th 
 and the 27th of November, and of the former gentleman's communi- 
 cation with Mr. Pitt, that I should consider my history incomplete 
 without their insertion. 
 
 Nov. 26, 1754. 
 My DEAR Lord, 
 
 You would be with reason angry, if, after your com- 
 mands, I let such a day as yesterday pass, without being the occasion 
 of a letter to you. I did not come in till the close of the finest speech 
 that ever Pitt spoke ^ and, perhaps, the most remarkable ; of which I 
 can give your Lordship a true, though it must be a hearsay account. 
 Mr. Wilkes, a friend it seems of Pitt's, petitioned against the 
 younger Delaval, chose at Berwick, on account of bribery only. The 
 younger Delaval made a speech on his being thus attacked, full of 
 wit, humour, and buffoonery, which kept the House in a continual 
 roar of laughter. Mr. Pitt came down from the gallery, and took it 
 up in his highest tone of dignity. He w as astonished when he heard 
 what had been the occasion of their mirth. Was the dignity of the 
 House of Commons on so sure foundations, that they might venture 
 themselves to shake it? — Had it not, on the contrary, been diminishing 
 for years, till now we were brought to the very brink of the precipice, 
 where, if ever, a stand must be made ? High compliments to the 
 Speaker, — eloquent exhortations to Whigs of all conditions, to defend 
 their attacked and expiring liberty, &c. " Unless you will degenerate 
 into a little assembly, serving no other purpose than to register the 
 
 '' The compiler of the Anecdotes of Lord Chatham says, " Mr. Pitt took no part in the 
 debates during the session which ended on the 25th April, 1 755." What a singular assertion, 
 when it is known that some of his very finest speeches, those in particular mentioned by Mr. 
 Fox, were delivered during that time !
 
 '208 LETTERS OF MR. FOX. 
 
 CHAP, arbitrary edicts of one too powerful subject;" (laying on the words 
 17.54. «"t' and subject, the most remarkable emphasis.) I have verified these 
 
 '"'^^^^^ words by five or six different people, so that your Lordship may be 
 assured these were his very words. When I came in, he was recapitu- 
 lating ; and ended with " our being designed, or likely, (I cannot tell 
 which he said,) to be an appendix to — I know not what — I have no 
 name for it." Displeased, as well as pleased, allow it to be the finest 
 speech that was ever made ; and it was observed that by his first two 
 periods, he brought the House to a silence and attention, that you 
 might have heard a pin drop. Except the words marked, observe 
 that I do not pretend to give your Lordship his words, but only the 
 purport of his speech, of which a good deal was on bribery, I suppose, 
 and the manner of treating it, which so much tended to lower, what 
 was already brought too low, the authority of the House of Commons. 
 The Speaker shook him by the hand, ready to shake it off; which, I 
 hear, gave almost as great offence as the speech. I just now hear 
 that the Duke of Newcastle was in the utmost fidget, and that it 
 spoiled his stomach yesterday. 
 
 Legge got up after Pitt; gave his assent and consent to the 
 maintenance of the dignity of the House of Commons, which, he 
 hoped, they would think best maintained by a steady adherence to 
 whig principles, on which, whether sooner or later, whatever is to be 
 my fate, I am determined to stand or fall. This, I suppose, meant for 
 Murra}', who looked pale and miserable, most remarkably so ; but 
 neither he nor any body else, said a word. 
 
 I have not done yet ; for the committee last night afforded an- 
 other extraordinary scene. The Reading petition was ordered on a 
 day agreed upon ; then a day very soon after it was moved for Col- 
 chester ; when Pitt moved a later day, as Reading would take time, 
 demanding their best attention, as it regarded a noble lord ; he then 
 made a panegyrick on Lord Fane, to make which, was undoubtedly 
 the sole motive of his speaking; nor did he say one word on the cause. 
 This needed not have called up a Secretary of state ; but Sir Thomas 
 Robinson rose, and with warmth, among other things asserted, that
 
 LETTERS OF MR. FOX. 209 
 
 it would be a short cause, and on the side of the sitting member, a CHAP. 
 
 • VIII. 
 
 poor cause. Pitt handled him roughly. Sir Thomas answered with 1754' 
 passion ; and Pitt replied. I then spoke, (for I dread what your ^^^^ 
 Lordship foresaw might be offered, and thought these things tended 
 to it.) I expressed great regard for Lord Fane ; and excused Sir 
 Thomas Robinson's irregular and blameable expression, by his twenty 
 years residence abroad, where he had done honor to himself and to 
 his country, and which easily accoimted for his total inexperience in 
 the matters now before us: he did not like it. Pitt and he had 
 talked of his great office ; and Sir Thomas Robinson said, it was well 
 known he had not been ambitious of it. Pitt believed it ; and gave 
 him to understand, that if any body else had been so, he would not 
 have had it. Your Lordship may believe I did not, at the greatest 
 distance even, touch this part of the matter. 
 
 Your lordship may believe much speculation ensued ; and it was 
 pleasant to see, when the committee rose, the whole form at once into 
 knots of two, three, or four whisperers, who, I suppose, did, (what I 
 cannot yet do,) make some conclusion. I fancy this fire breaking out 
 yesterday might be a great deal owing to accident ; but break out I 
 knew it would, and the Duke of Newcastle may thank himself for the 
 violence of it, having, since you went, owned to Pitt, that he had 
 acquainted the King with part of their last conversation ; adding, like 
 an idiot, — to do yon good — to do you good : and that he had not 
 mentioned that part of it which could do him harm. Thus we are 
 already got to a point which I hardly thought a whole sessions could 
 have brought us to. The event I know not. If your Lordship should 
 think it would be the offer you mentioned, a more disagreeable, deli- 
 cate, embarrassing, and if accepted, a more disgraceful affair, could 
 not happen. 
 
 Adieu, 
 
 Your ever obliged. 
 
 VOL. I. E e
 
 210 LETTERS OF MR. FOX. 
 
 CHAP. Thursday, November 28/7/, ] 754. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 ^'^^'^- My Dear Lord, 
 
 More news. — Pitt entertained us again yesterday, and I 
 never wished more than yesterday for your lordship, for the pleasure 
 it would have given you. The two Beckfords only, and very stupidly, 
 opposed the army ; I answered very short, and without going in the 
 least from the purpose. Lord Barrington and Nugent made unneces- 
 sary and fulsome speeches ; both declaring the extreme popularity 
 not only of his Majesty but of his ministers, and that there were no 
 Jacobites in England. Nugent flattered the Duke of Newcastle by 
 the name of the first lord of the treasury, and not without allusion to 
 Pitt's Monday speech. Pitt, angry perhaps at this, did not however 
 say a word of it. But, (after treating the question in a masterly way, 
 and on a very different foot from what they had done, in three and 
 four sentences,) introduced his opmion of Jacobitism ; of the tendency 
 of too much security on that head ; and of that seminary of disaffec- 
 tion, Oxford. He introduced the last in the prettiest manner in the 
 world. Nugent had said, that many who thought they had nursed up 
 Jacobites were extremely surprised when the trial came to find they 
 were not such. He lived in the country a good deal, and rural 
 images presented themselves. He had seen a hen that had hatched 
 duck-eggs, with surprise see them follow, whenever the water came in 
 view, what sense and nature, not she, had taught them. Pitt, after 
 talking grdvely and finely on the subject, said " this ingenious image 
 struck him ; for, Sir, I know of such a hen," &c. ; which he most de- 
 lightfully brought out to be the University of Oxford ; but begged 
 them " not to be too sure that all she hatched w ould ever entirely 
 forget what she had taught them." He was nearly, (perhaps quite,) 
 single now ; but he wished he might not live to see the day, when, 
 not mth declamation, not with anger, (which Nugent had accused 
 liim of,) but with deep concern of heart, those who would not listen 
 to him now should say, when it was too late, " you were in the 
 right." (This was for old Horace.) Sir Roger Newdigate answered
 
 LETTERS OF MR. FOX. 211 
 
 pro forma. Pitt rose again, and told the story of what had happened CHAP, 
 to him in a party of pleasure at Oxford lately, a story told most ele- 1754. 
 gantly, most inimitably : Oxford had nothing to say. He made his ^"^^^^^^"""^ 
 inferences as before; and in both speeches every word was Murray ; 
 yet so managed, that neither he nor any body else could, or did take 
 public notice of it, or in any degree reprehend him, I sate next 
 Murray; who suffered for an hour. Old Horace advises Pitt, 
 Legge, and me, not only to be easy, but to be cheerfully active, and 
 says the old Whigs will hate us if we are not; in short, advises more 
 tlian the Duke of Newcastle can even presume to zcish. I see no 
 Whiggism in this. And as it is clear now that the House of Com- 
 mons are to have no share, and that Lord Chancellor, Lord Granville, 
 arid Duke of Newcastle are determined to depress them, not to resist, 
 seems too much to be expected. He talks much of the Duke of De- 
 vonshire; but I fancy, and hope we shall find your family as formerly, 
 and other noble families too, ready to prevent what old Horace, with- 
 out a pretence of reason, strangely adopts ; and that you will not be 
 inclined to think, that taking all from the House of Commons is the 
 way to preserve Whig liberty. The Lords stand between the crown 
 and the privileges and liberties of both Peers and Commons ; and after 
 we are nothing, you will not long continue what you wish to be. 
 Lord Granville embraced Murray yesterday, and was heard to say, 
 " Resolution must be shewn." What that Lord means, whether 
 mischief or success to Duke of Newcastle, is hard to guess. 
 
 It is the universal opinion that business cannot go on as things 
 now are, and that offers will be made to Pitt or me. On this subject 
 Pitt was with me two hours \esterday morning. A difficult conver- 
 sation : I managed it, I think, as well as such a conversation could be 
 managed : I am sorry it is too long to give you any account of in 
 a letter. The result of this is, and of every other shall be, that I will 
 be as prudent as I can be with honor ; but no suspicion, I promise 
 your Lordship, shall be fixed on honor, though it should be neces- 
 sary to depart from all prudence to preserve it. Legge has taken his 
 party, I think, and will be softened no more. I think Arundel may 
 
 E e2
 
 212 LETTERS OF MR. FOX. 
 
 CHAP, venture to say, that the Curl lie foretold is come. There are symp- 
 2754' toms of Lord Egmont's ha^•ing been talked to ; and certain verified 
 
 =^'=''"^ tokens of union between Murray, Mr. G. Lee, and some Tories. Pitt 
 assures me, it is the testament politique of Lord Bolingbroke, lodged 
 in great hands ; and really brings more circumstances than your Lord- 
 ship would imagine to warrant this assertion. If so, Horace is not 
 only working hard to fix the sole power of the Duke of Newcastle 
 now, but in the end to accomplish a scheme of Lord Bolingbroke's ; 
 they are not (just the) two men in the world he is most obUged to : 
 so that is strange. But that he should call it old and true Whiggism 
 is more than strange ; it is absurd, and indeed provoking. Except what 
 in my last I told your Lordship of Monday night, I have not said a 
 word that can possibly be misinterpreted. 
 
 Adieu ; do not expect another debate by Saturday, for I shall 
 not go to the House : there is nothing to do there to-morrow. 
 
 Adieu — Adieu.
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 1755. 
 
 Peculiarity of Mr. Fox's situation — Mr, Fox becomes a Cabinet Councillor — Mr. Pitt's 
 Speech upon the Sheriff's depute in Scotland — Want of Harmony betiveen Mr. Pitt and 
 Mr. Fox — Posture of Public affairs — Anxiety of the Duke of Newcastle to secure the 
 support of Mr. Pitt — Character of the Earl of Hardwicke — Mr. Pitt's Speech upon the 
 Foreign Treaties — Mr. Fox becomes Secretary of State — Mr. Pitt is deprived of t/ie 
 Paymastership — Speeches of Mr. Pitt upon Mr. Ellis's Motion for 50,000 seamen; 
 upon Mr. Pulteney's Motion; upon the Militia Bill — Debates upon the Treaties with 
 Hesse and Russia — Speech of the Hon. Hume Campbell — Mr. Pitt's very severe reply — 
 Speeches of Mr. Pitt upon the Treaties; upon the Estimate of the Charges of the Hano- 
 verian Troops ; upon Sir G. Lyttleton's Motion — Minorca — Admiral Byng — Embar- 
 rassments and resignation of the Duke of Newcastle — Mr. Pitt is appointed Secretary 
 of State. 
 
 The Duke of Newcastle, feeling that the late impetuous attack upon CHAP. 
 Sir Thomas Robinson was aimed by Mr. Pitt at himself, became 1755. 
 irritated and alarmed. His inclination prompted him to dismiss Mr. 
 Pitt from his office of the paymastership, but the measure was too 
 vigorous for his adoption. He then endeavoured to conciliate Mr. 
 Fox. The King was desirous of securing the services of Mr. Fox in 
 the cabinet, and commissioned Lord Waldegrave to undertake the 
 negociation between the Duke of Newcastle and that Gentleman. 
 Mr. Fox's situation was now extremely delicate. He enjoyed the good 
 opinion of his Majesty, and the particular confidence of the Duke of 
 Cumberland, but he had entered into communication with Mr. Pitt, 
 and was unwilling to take any decided step without consulting him on 
 the subject. Mr. Pitt's conduct throughout this transaction appears 
 to have been so dignified and at the same time so temperate, that
 
 214 PECULIARITY OF MR. FOX'S SITUATION. 
 
 CHAP, it raises him infinitely beyond his contemporaries. Struck with the 
 1755 nianUness of his behaviour, the Duke of Cumberland observed to 
 =^= Fox, " I don't know him, but by what you tell me, Pitt is what is 
 scarce, he is a man." When asked invidiously by the Chancellor 
 " could you bear to act under Fox," Mr. Pitt replied, " Leave out 
 under, my Lord, it will never be a word between us, Mr. Fox and I 
 shall never quarrel." Mr. Fox's conduct has been variously repre- 
 sented upon this occasion. Lord Orford describes him as irresolute, 
 affecting content, borne down by the Duke of Cumberland, aspiring 
 at sole power, conferring with IVIr. Pitt but not entering into real 
 measures. On the other hand, Lord Waldcgrave says, " Fox, during 
 the whole negociation, behaved like a man of sense and a man of 
 honor; very frank, very explicit, and not very unreasonable." 
 Although sneering was the delight of Lord Orford, I am of opinion 
 that his remark upon this occasion, is just, and that Mr. Fox's con- 
 duct must be viewed in no advantageous light. Upon Mr. Pelham's 
 death he had urgently solicited to be made Chancellor of the Exche- 
 quer. By his own statement he was disappointed and deceived by 
 the Duke of Newcastle. He then formed a sort of intimacy with Mr. 
 Pitt. At length he became a Cabinet Councillor, but because he 
 knew the King had a prejudice against Mr, Pitt, he privately dis- 
 claimed all connexion with the man whose conduct towards himself 
 had been so manly and explicit. This declaration of Mr. Fox, coming 
 to the knowledge of Mr. Pitt, produced in him a disgust to that gen- 
 tleman, which no subsequent circumstances appear to have removed. 
 
 The bill for subjecting the iSherift's depute of Scotland to the 
 King's pleasure during seven years, (after which they were to hold 
 their offices for life,) being about to expire, the Lord Advocate moved 
 that it should be continued for some time longer under the same re- 
 strictions. On the 26th February, 1755, an animated debate arose 
 upon the subject in the House of Commons, Mr. C. Townshend op- 
 posed the motion with warmth as repugnant to the principles of the 
 Revolution. Lord G. Sackville defended it with ability, and ridiculed 
 the importance which seemed to be attached to offices so insignificant
 
 SPEECH OF MR. PITT. 215 
 
 as those in question. The Attorney General contended, that the pro- CHAP, 
 position of the Lord Advocate, was no breach of the privileges of the 175.5. 
 Revolution. He insisted that it was by no means the sense of Scot- ""^^""^^^ 
 land, that their little magistrates should be continued for life. He 
 owned that judges, who are to decide on questions of state, should be 
 for life, as in cases of treason, where it is not fit to trust the crown w ith 
 its own revenge ; in cases of charters also, &c. but it is not necessary 
 to be so strict in mere cases of meum and tiium. 
 
 In describing this debate, Horace Walpole says the attorney- 
 general was answered by Pitt " with great fire, in one of his best 
 worded and most spirited declamations for liberty, but which, like 
 others of his fine orations, cannot be delivered adequately without 
 his own language ; nor will they appear so cold to the reader, as they 
 even do to myself, when I attempt to sketch them, and cannot forget 
 with what soul and grace they were uttered. He did not directly 
 oppose, but wished rather to send the bill to the committee, to see 
 how it could be amended. Was glad that Murray would defend the 
 King, only with a salvo to the rights of the Revolution ; he com- 
 mended his abiUties, but tortured him on his distinctions and refine- 
 ments. He himself, indeed, had more scruples ; it might be a Whig 
 delicacy, but even that is a solid principle. He had more dread of 
 arbitrary power dressing itself in the long robe, than even of military 
 power. When master principles are concerned, he dreaded accuracy 
 of distinction ; he feared that sort of reasoning ; if you class every 
 thing, you will soon reduce every thing into a particular ; you will 
 then lose great general maxims. Gentlemen may analyze a question 
 till it is lost. If I can show him, says Murray, that it is not My 
 Lord Judge, but Mr. Judge, I have got him into a class. For his 
 part, could he be drawn to violate Uberty, it should be regnandi 
 causd, for this King's reigning. He would not recur for precedents 
 to the diabolic divans of the second Charies and James — he did not 
 date his principles of the liberty of this country from the Revolution : 
 they are eternal rights ; and when God said. Let justice be justice, 
 he made it independent. The Act of Parliament that you are going
 
 ■216 WANT OF HARMONY BETWEEN MR. PITT AND MR FOX. 
 
 CHAP, to repeal is a proof of the importance of sheriffs-depute ; formerly 
 1755. they were instruments of tyranny. Why is this attempted? Is it to 
 ^^^'^''^^^ make Mr. Pelham more regretted ? He would have been tender of 
 cramming down the throats of people what they are averse to swal- 
 low. Whig and minister were conjuncts he always wished to see. 
 He deprecated those who had more weight than himself in the admi. 
 nistration, to drop this ; for seven years, for fourteen, though he Mas 
 not disposed to weigh things in such golden scales. 
 
 " Fox said, that he was undetermined, and would reserve him- 
 self for the committee ; that he only spoke now, to show it was not 
 crammed down his throat ; which was in no man's power to do. That 
 in the committee he would be free, which he feared Pitt had not left 
 it in his own power to be, so well had he spoken on one side. That 
 he reverenced liberty and Pitt, because nobody could speak so well 
 on its behalf." 
 
 In the subsequent and final discussion of this bill, several conces- 
 sions were made by the ministry. Mr. Fox having made some 
 humorous observations, Mr. Pitt spoke of the harmony of the day, 
 and wished that Mr. Fox " had omitted any thing that looked like 
 levity on this great principle. He said that the ministry giving up the 
 durante bene placito was an instance of moderation. That two points 
 of the debate had affected him with sensible pleasure, the admission 
 that judicature ought to be free, and the universal zeal to strengthen 
 the King's hands. That liberty was the best loyalty ; that giving 
 extraordinary powers to the crown, was so many repeals of the Act 
 of Settlement \" The bill was continued for the seven ensuing years 
 upon the same footing as before. 
 
 Soon after this time, the elder Horace Walpole accepted a com- 
 mission from the Duke of Newcastle for the purpose of effecting an 
 accommodation with Mr. Pitt. Although neither the message nor 
 the messenger appear to have been explicit, Mr. Pitt determined that 
 
 * Lord Orford's Memoires, vol. i. p. 372, 373. 
 " Lord Orford's Memoires. Vol i. p. 380.
 
 EMBARRASSING POSTURE OF AFFAIRS. 217 
 
 his own sentiments should not be misunderstood. He told Mr. Wal- CHAP. 
 
 IX. 
 
 pole that he did not wish that any vacancy in the offices of state 17.5.5. 
 should be made for him, but that when such vacancy did occur he ^^"^^"^^^ 
 expected the seals ; in the mean time, he demanded that the proscrip- 
 tion, which excluded him from the cabinet, should be removed. Mr. 
 Walpole acquiesced in the propriety of these proposals, but the Duke 
 of Newcastle, when he heard them, affected to be extremely indignant, 
 and told him that he had exceeded the bounds of his commission \ 
 
 The posture of public affairs was at this time extremely awk- 
 ward and embarrassing. The hostile preparations of France were 
 known, and the navy of England was in a state to resist them. But 
 no declaration of war had been made by either country. Admiral 
 Boscawen was ready to sail with a very powerful fleet, and waited 
 only for the instructions of his government. It was a delicate point 
 to determine what those instructions should be. How did it behove 
 this great country to act, so as firmly to maintain her rights, without 
 giving offence to her allies, and without violating the sacred law of 
 nations ? It was, at length, determined that, as no hostilities had 
 taken place between the two countries in Europe, Boscawen should 
 allow the fleets of France to sail unmolested from their ports : but 
 that, as America had been the scene of the past aggressions of the 
 French, and was evidently now the destination of their armament, he 
 should intercept and attack them in the American seas. There was 
 both justice and vigour in this decision. The English squadron, ac- 
 cordingly, sailed, and encountering a portion of the French fleet, cap- 
 tured two of their ships off the coast of Newfoundland. The sensation 
 excited by this action in France and England was equally vehement, 
 but, of course, of the most opposite description. In France, it was 
 stigmatized as the grossest outrage of national faith ; in England, it 
 was applauded as a just and happy vindication of our colonics. 
 Whatever might be the clamour in France against them, so far, 
 I think, the measures of the British ministry were just. Their sub- 
 
 ' Lord Melcombe's Diary. Lord Orford's Memoires. 
 VOL. I. F f
 
 •218 
 
 EMBARRASSING POSTURE OF AFFAIRS. 
 
 CHAP, sequent conduct was, unhappily, without excuse; it cannot be de- 
 17,55. tended by justice, nor was it even called tor by necessity. I allude to 
 
 "^"^^^"^^ the instructions given to Admiral Sir Edward Hawke in July, 1755. 
 To me it appears indisputably clear that no hostile operations in 
 Europe should have taken place on the part of England, without a 
 previous declaration of war against France. If war was necessary, 
 the King's return from Hanover should earnestly have been entreated 
 by the regency, and then it should have been declared. If the neces- 
 sary preparations for war were not completed, it behoved the country 
 to wait till they were so. We should have snatched no unfair advan- 
 tages, we should not have allowed our sailors to be branded with the 
 name of pirates, attacking, without the least previous notice, an un- 
 conscious and unguarded foe. These dictates of justice were disre- 
 garded by the regency. After long deliberation, it was determined 
 that Hawke should sail with hostile orders, although war was not de- 
 clared. Such being the position of public affairs, the King of England 
 foresaw that France would be eager for revenge, and would probably 
 take an early opportunity of invading his Electoral dominions ''. To 
 guard against such invasion, his Majesty, whilst at Hanover, stipulated 
 by treaty for the aid of 12,000 men from the Landgrave of Hesse 
 Cassel, and entered into negociation with the Czarina to obtain the 
 co-operation of 40,000 Russians. Whilst such eagerness appeared 
 in transacting these treaties, it is most extraordinary that those with 
 Saxony and Bavaria should have been allowed to expire'. The 
 English had subjected themselves to heavy expenses in subsidizing 
 
 ' The King had good grounds for his fears. It seems that the hope of plunder, as much as 
 the feehng of resentment, was an inducement with France to attack Hanover. Early in 1755, 
 Rouille said to the Prussian minister at Paris, " Ecrivez, monsieur, au Roi de Prusse, qu'il nous 
 assiste dans I'exjiedition de Hanovre ; il y a Ik de quoi piller, le tresor du Roi d' Angleterre est 
 bien fourni ; le Roi n'a qu'k le prendre : c'est, monsieur, une brave capture." — Histoire de 
 mon Temps. 
 
 ' This conduct, if so homely an illustration may be allowed, resembles that of a man upon a 
 journey, who, fearing rain, encumbers himself with a heavy cloak, and, after bearing the incon- 
 venience of it for a considerable distance, discards it when the storm is about to burst over his 
 head.
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE AND MR. PITT. 219 
 
 these countries in time of peace, when their alUance could be of no CHAP, 
 avail, and upon the eve of a war with France, when their assistance 17,55 
 could only be effective, neglected the means of securing it. '''^''^'^'^ 
 
 The Duke of Newcastle, who appears to have maintained himself 
 in power by the most abject submission to the wishes of the King, 
 was apprehensive of serious opposition in England to these treaties 
 with Hesse Cassel and Russia. His object, therefore, was, if possible, 
 to induce the most formidable of his opponents to approve them. 
 Notwithstanding the failure of former negociations he commissioned 
 the Honorable Charles Yorke ' to confer with Mr. Pitt. When Mr. 
 Yorke had opened the business of his commission, and began to make 
 a tender of the Duke's sincere friendship and unlimited confidence, he 
 was at once stopped by Mr. Pitt, who said, that as to friendship and 
 confidence there were none between them ; if any had ever existed 
 they were now at an end : it was loss of time to talk in that strain : 
 that he would neither take nor hold any thing as a favor from his 
 Grace. If the Duke was really in earnest why did he not state his 
 proposals? Namely, what was the work to be done? Who were 
 the gentlemen proposed to do it ? And how were they to act ? When 
 he was informed upon these three points, and had consulted his 
 friends, he should be able to give an answer. 
 
 The declarations of Mr. Pitt were not those of one to be overcome 
 by subtilty and refinement, yet they did not deter the Duke of New- 
 castle from continuing the negociation. He therefore requested the 
 Lord Chancellor to hold a conference with Mr. Pitt. From the 
 wisdom of the negociator he certainly had reason to anticipate success 
 to the negociation. 
 
 The eminence of Lord Hardwicke's character will, I trust, render 
 a short digression upon his history not unacceptable to the reader. 
 
 The profession of the law in England has raised men to higher 
 elevation in the state than in any other country in the world. Numer- 
 ous are the families to whom it has given wealth and nobility. None, 
 
 ' Son of the Lord Chancellor. 
 Ff2
 
 220 HISTORY AND CHARACTER OF LORD HARDWICKE. 
 
 CHAP, however, can complain that this is unreasonable. For constant appli- 
 1755. cation being one of the first requisites for public men, and no profession 
 requiring so much of this quality as the law, its followers have just 
 claims to emolument and distinction. In a profession at once so 
 arduous and so encouraging, the rise of few men has been more 
 entirely owing to their own abilities and exertions than that of the 
 first Earl of Hardwicke. 
 
 Philip Yorke was the son of a solicitor at Dover, and born Decem- 
 ber 1, 1690. In the first instance, I believe, he followed his father's 
 particular branch of the profession, but soon directing his attention 
 to higher objects, he prepared himself for the bar by studying con- 
 veyancing under the eminent Mr. Salkeld, Close as was his applica- 
 tion to legal pursuits, he did not neglect the cultivation of elegant 
 literature, for the 364th number of the Spectator was contributed by 
 Mr. Yorke ^ Although this paper affects no display of great learning 
 or talents, it shews that the writer was accustomed to written compo- 
 sition, and the letter of " Philip Homebred" is characterized by much 
 of Addison's sprightliness and ease. 
 
 Mr. Yorke was called to the bar in 1714. His talents must 
 very soon have rendered him a conspicuous character, for we find him, 
 in the year 1718, returned to Parliament as member for Lewes. In 
 March, 1720, he became solicitor, and in February, 1724, attorney- 
 general. Upon the first of these appointments he received the honor 
 of knighthood. As an advocate of the crown, none could accuse Sir 
 Philip Yorke of unnecessary severity, or of being influenced by a 
 courtier's motives. His conduct was marked by a love of truth and a 
 wish to be impartial. He departed not from the strict line of justice, 
 or if ever in the least degree he did so, it was when leaning to the side 
 of humanity. In October, 17S3, Sir P. Yorke was appointed Lord 
 Chief Justice of the King's Bench, and soon after elevated to the peer- 
 age by the title of Baron Hardwicke. It was now that his Lordship's 
 
 ' That is, the first, and by far the longest letter in this number ; the other two letters are by 
 Steele.
 
 HISTORY AND CHARACTER OF LORD HARDWICKE. 221 
 
 conduct proved how little he was actuated by mercenary considerations. CHAP. 
 When it was proposed to raise the salary of the Chief Justice from 1755 
 two to four thousand pounds a year, Lord Hardwicke refused to 
 accept the augmentation ; and he evinced the same disinterested feel- 
 ing in the arrangements which took place respecting the appointment 
 of a Lord Chancellor, which happened at the same time to be vacant. 
 Upon the death of the amiable Lord Talbot, in 1737, Lord Hardwicke 
 was called to fulfil the highest legal appointment ; one full of honor 
 and emolument, but perhaps the most arduous and responsible of any 
 under the crown — he was appointed Lord High Chancellor of Great 
 Britain. This exalted office requires, in an eminent degree, learning^ 
 penetration, judgment, a strong bodily constitution, a courteous and 
 a patient disposition. Nor is it alone in his legal capacity that 
 these qualifications are necessary. The Chancellor of England is a 
 statesman as well as a lawyer. As one of the principal advisers of 
 the crown, and as Speaker of the House of Lords, he stands forth 
 conspicuously as a politician ; and ignorance upon any national ques- 
 tion would expose him to public scorn. In no one of these points 
 was the character of Lord Hardwicke deficient. As a politician, he 
 wanted, indeed, the energy of Pitt ; as a nobleman, he wanted the mild 
 dignity of Talbot, and the high breeding and elegance of Murray ; 
 but, in the combination of qualities essential to his exalted station, he 
 has, perhaps, never been surpassed. " When Lord Hardwicke pro- 
 nounced his decrees," said Lord Mansfield, " Wisdom herself might 
 be supposed to speak." 
 
 The character of such a man, joined to his exalted station, must 
 have rendered his influence almost universal throughout the country. 
 Mr. Pitt, although he does not appear to have entertained any parti- 
 cular veneration for the legal profession, thought highly of Lord 
 Hardwicke's abilities. But he was not one to be dazzled with any 
 man's reputation, and he considered Lord Hardwicke, upon the present 
 occasion, as the simple medium of a communication from the ministry 
 to himself. The following were the Chancellor's statements in the 
 conference which took place :
 
 •222 CONFERENCE OF LORD HARDWICKE WITH MR. PITT. 
 
 CHAP. That he trusted Mr. Pitt would lend his cordial assistance to the 
 
 TV 
 
 1755 ministry: that the King, he owned, entertained prejudices against him 
 ^^=^= (Mr. Pitt) ; that steps had been taken to remove these prejudices before 
 the King went abroad, and had since been the subject of a corres- 
 pondence ; that their endeavours, upon this point, had not been so 
 successful as they desired ; that the king was much attached to his 
 present secretaries of state. Lord Holderness and Sir T. Robinson, 
 but that, if, by any accident, a vacancy should occur, they would, 
 upon Mr. Pitt's cordial promise of assistance, endeavour to obtain for 
 him the seals which he so much desired. 
 
 Mr. Pitt answered, that he must begin with his Lordship's last 
 words — the seals which he so much desired — desired of whom? he 
 did not remember that he had ever applied to Lord Hardwicke for 
 them : he was sure he never had to the Duke of Newcastle. He 
 assured the Chancellor that if they could prevail upon the King to 
 give him the seals, under his present dislike, the only use he would 
 make of them would be to lay them at his Majesty's feet : that till 
 the King desired it, and thought it necessary to his service, he never 
 would accept them. He knew the King had lately said that he had 
 obtruded himself into office : the Chancellor was aware that this was 
 not the case, and if he (Mr. Pitt) were to ask a favor, it would be 
 that his Majesty should be correctly informed upon that point. The 
 Chancellor had said a great deal, but he desired to know from his 
 Lordship, in what he was expected to assist ? and what was the work ? 
 Here the Chancellor said " to carry on the war in which they were 
 engaged." Mr. Pitt said, he had no hesitation in concurring with 
 this, as the war was a national one. He thought also, that a regard 
 should be paid to Hanover, should it be attacked on our account — 
 the Chancellor interrupted him by saying he was extremely pleased 
 to find that they agreed in their principles, and that they both 
 thought Hanover should be defended. Mr. Pitt desired his Lordship 
 to observe the words he had used, " that a regard should be paid to 
 Hanover ;" not that we could find money to defend it by subsidies, 
 which, if we could, was not the way to defend it. An open country
 
 CONFERENCE OF LORD HARDWICKE WITH MR. PITT. 223 
 
 was not to be defended against a neighbour who had 150,000 men, CHAP, 
 and an enemy who had 150,000 more to back them. 1755. 
 
 After urging many of the soundest reasons against all subsidies, 
 Mr, Pitt observed, that, as the King's honor would be pressed on 
 account of the Hessian treaty, he would make an exception in favor 
 of that : he did not say that he would support it ; but if the Duke of 
 Newcastle would engage that he never would propose another subsidy 
 during the whole course of the war, he (Mr. Pitt) would consult his 
 friends, and see what could be done in its favor. To the Russian 
 subsidy, (of 120,000/. per annum, to be paid now, and 500,000/. 
 per annum, when we took the stipulated number of men into pay,) 
 he never would consent. It would only be leading Hanover into a 
 snare, and deceiving and ruining ourselves. For if 70,000 men 
 proved insufficient, we must take more, till they were sufficient, which 
 would either ruin us, or compel us to abandon them at last. The 
 Chancellor said, he understood that the Commons had, during the 
 last session, tacitly allowed that Hanover must be defended ; and it 
 was in consequence of such acquiescence that the treaties with Hesse 
 and Russia had been undertaken. He acknowledged that subsidies 
 should have their bounds, and that those which were coming before 
 Parliament were not likely to be popular. When Mr. Pitt enforced 
 the necessity of putting a total stop to them, and of leaving Hanover 
 to the system and constitution of the empire, the Chancellor seemed 
 to acquiesce, but said, he (Mr. Pitt) must be sensible that this was 
 not the mode to succeed with the King. The Chancellor was desirous 
 that Mr. Pitt should once more see the Duke of Newcastle, and dis- 
 cuss these affairs with him. Mr. Pitt said that if the Duke sent to 
 desire to speak with him, he should wait on his Grace, but not other- 
 wise. 
 
 On the 2nd September another interview, between the Duke 
 of Newcastle and Mr. Pitt, occurred at the desire of the former, Mr. 
 Pitt painted the evil consequences of this subsidizing system in the 
 strongest colours. He deprecated the ruin which these treaties would 
 complete, in the present dangerous state of the country — the King
 
 224 INTERVIEW BETWEEN THE DUKE OF NEWCASTLE AND MR. PITT. 
 
 CHAP, abroad, without a man about him with one English sentiment — and 
 1755 now he was to bring home a whole set of treaties ! He stated that 
 ^=== he was willing to promote the King's service, but, if this was what 
 he was sent for to promote, few words were best — nothing in the world 
 should induce him to agree to these subsidies. The Duke of New- 
 castle, in answer, was tedious and perplexed. He endeavoured to 
 soften Mr. Pitt by representing how important he might become as a 
 cabinet councillor. He stated that the King was highly ] ' ased with 
 both his secretaries, but, in the event of a vacancy, would be glad to 
 avail himself of Mr. Pitt's services, &c. Mr. Pitt replied, that he 
 desired neither the occurrfinre of such a vacancy, nor the office ; he 
 had declared, when pressed on the subject of the House of Commons, 
 that, if they expected him, or any one else, to carry on their business 
 in that House, they must entrust him with proper powers and distinc- 
 tion : that, in short, the Duke's system in the House of Commons 
 would not do, and whilst he had life and utterance he would oppose 
 it. There must be men of efficiency and authority in the House of 
 Commons — a secretary, and a chancellor of the exchequer, at least, 
 who should have access to the crown ; he meant habitual, frequent, 
 familiar access, that they might tell their own story, do themselves 
 and their friends justice, and not be the victims of a whisper. He 
 had an esteem for both the secretaries, but he supposed something 
 was wanting, or why was he sent for ? If those secretaries could carry 
 on the government he should be glad : for his own part, if the ministry 
 asked nothing of him, he asked nothing of them. The Duke then 
 said, that the system of subsidies, indeed, was not to be insisted on, 
 but two did not make a system, and the King's honor was pledged as 
 to those. Mr. Pitt rejoined, that he had a deep regard for the honor 
 of the King, but that the system of subsidies was so fatal, that he 
 could not think even of submitting to that with Hesse, unless minis- 
 ters solemnly engaged that nothing of the same kind should again 
 be oflered ; and unless it should be notoriously declared and under- 
 stood on both sides, that it was given and received as a mark of affec- 
 tion from a ruined nation, to save the honor of its king, who had
 
 INTERVIEW BETWEEN THE DUKE OF NEWCASTLE AND MR. PITT. 22.5 
 
 entered into a rash engagement. As for two subsidies, it was the same chap. 
 as twenty, and no persuasion should induce him to support them. i75,5_ 
 
 He desired his Grace to think seriously upon the consequences. === 
 What if the Duke of Devonshire should commence an opposition in 
 the House of Lords ! Should this prove so, he (Mr. Pitt) would echo 
 such opposition in the House of Commons with his utmost might. He 
 now wished to ask whether this was all ? Were there no subsidies 
 to be renewed ? The Duke indistinctly said, that the subsidies with 
 Saxony and Bavaria were offered and pressed, but that nothing had 
 been determined on ; that the Hessian treaty was perfected, the one 
 with Russia not yet concluded. His Grace having laid particular 
 stress upon the King's honor, Mr. Pitt observed, that then he would 
 advise his Majesty to sacrifice a portion of his individual property ^ by 
 giving his kinsman of Hesse 100,000/. and the Czarina 150,000/. 
 and thus be released from his engagements, rather than allow sugges- 
 tions so dangerous to his own repose, and the safety of his family, to 
 be thrown out in the debates which would ensue upon the subject '. 
 
 These conferences ended without effect. The Duke of Newcastle, 
 although extremely desirous to secure Mr. Pitt's co-operation, was 
 too fond of power to submit to such curtailments of it as a union with 
 that gentleman would necessarily have imposed. He therefore com- 
 menced a negociatioii in other quarters : this proved successful, and 
 ended in Mr. Fox's becoming secretary of state. Lord Barrington 
 succeeded Mr. Fox as secretary at war, and Sir T. Robinson resumed 
 his former place at the wardrobe, with a considerable pension upon 
 the Irish establishment. 
 
 Parliament met on the 13th November. The King's speech was 
 principally confined to the following subjects : the measures which 
 had been adopted for the protection of his Majesty's dominions in 
 America : the promptitude with which a large naval force had been 
 
 '' It was very erroneously supposed at this time that the King had saved 15,000,000^. 
 
 ' These conversations are given by Doddington in his diary as communicated to him by Mr. 
 Pitt. Both Lord Orford and Lord Waldegrave, in their respective memoirs, allude to them, and 
 to the transactions in which they originated. 
 
 VOL. I. G g
 
 226 LONG DEBATE ON THE ADDRESS TO THE THRONE. 
 
 CHAP, equipped : the land forces which had been sent to the West Indies : 
 J 755 his Majesty's disposition to reasonable terms of accommodation with 
 === France : the silence of France upon that head, and the pacific inten- 
 tions of Spain : very brief mention was made of the new treaties with 
 Hesse and Russia. 
 
 After the speech was read in the House of Commons, one of the 
 longest debates on record ensued. The following expressions oc- 
 curred in the address to the throne, which was moved by Lord Hills- 
 borough. 
 
 " We look upon ourselves as obliged, by the strongest ties of 
 duty, gratitude, and honor, to stand by and support your Majesty in 
 all such wise and necessary measures and engagements, as your Majesty 
 may have taken in vindication of the rights of your crown ; or to 
 defeat any attempt which may be made by France, in resentment for 
 such measures ; and to assist your Majesty in disappointing or repel- 
 ling all such enterprises as may be formed, not only against your 
 kingdoms, but also against any other of your dominions, although not 
 belonging to the crown of Great Britain, in case they should be 
 attacked on account of the part which your Majesty has taken for 
 maintaining the essential interests of your kingdoms." 
 
 Mr. Gerard Hamilton now made his first speech in Parliament, in 
 defence of the treaties, with admirable effect. The Attorney-general ', 
 in answer to Mr. Beckford, who wished that the Duke of Cumberland 
 could be made Elector of Hanover, argued that it was not in the 
 King's power to transfer his electoral dominions. He painted with a 
 masterly hand the merit of the King, who might have ensured tran- 
 quillity to the evening of his life, had he studied only his own repose. 
 The French would have accorded him fair terms — then they would 
 have encroached a little — then referred the contested points to com- 
 missaries — but his Majesty disdained such tranquillity as would entail 
 greater difficulties upon his successor and upon the nation. How 
 hard would it be, in return, if we declared against protecting Hanover ! 
 
 ' Mr. Murray.
 
 MR. PITT'S SPEECH ON THE ADDRESS. 227 
 
 if we sowed his pillow with thorns ! He should be sorry if, at the CHAF. 
 
 • ■ IX 
 
 peace, we were to restore our acquisitions in America, in exchange for i^^'^ 
 
 Hanover which we had abandoned. ~ 
 
 After giving extracts from the speeches of Lord Egmont, Sir G. 
 
 Lee, Sir T. Robinson, and others, Lord Orford thus proceeds : 
 
 " These uninteresting discourses served to heighten what wanted 
 
 no foil, Pitt's ensuing oration. How his eloquence, like a torrent long 
 
 obstructed, burst forth with more commanding impetuosity ! He and 
 
 Legge opened their new opposition in the very spirit of their different 
 
 characters : the one, humble, artful, affecting moderation, gliding to 
 
 revenge ; the other, haughty, defyant, conscious of injury, and of 
 
 supreme abilities. 
 
 " Mr. Pitt began with expressing his solicitude upon the frequent 
 
 and unparliamentary use which had been made of the King's sacred 
 
 name ; of the cruelty of so using it : formerly a man would have 
 
 been brought to the bar for twice using it thus. But he had perceived, 
 
 for some time, that every art was practised to lower the dignity of 
 
 the House ; he had long observed it dwindling, sinking ! It was to 
 
 such abuse he objected. No man could feel more veneration for the 
 
 name that had been mentioned than himself: he particularly felt 
 
 grateful returns for late condescending goodness and gracious openings. 
 
 Nor did he, as yet, feel any other sensations ; as yet he had no rancor 
 
 to any man who had set himself at the head of this measure ; as yet 
 
 that man ' had only his pity. He did not propose to follow all the 
 
 various flashy reasonings of the debate, the scope of which tended to 
 
 nothing but this : ' follow your leader/ He was lost amid the number 
 
 and contradictions of arguments, and should only skim o\er the most 
 
 remarkable that had been made. 
 
 " One'" had argued so strangely, as if we were to turn our eyes 
 
 to these mercenaries as a reserve, if our navies should be defeated. 
 
 What ! must we drain our last vital drop and send it to the North 
 
 Pole! If you would trallic for succours with the Czarina, wliv, rather 
 
 ' Mr. Fox. " Lord Egmont. 
 
 Gg2
 
 228 MR. PITT'S SPEECH ON THE ADDRESS. 
 
 CHAP, than her troops, did not vou hire twenty of her ships? He would say 
 1755. ^^1\V'- Because ships could not be appHed to Hanover, In the reign 
 
 ^^'^^^"'^ of Charles II. what efforts were made to procure fleets from Sweden 
 and Denmark ! Now the natural system of Europe was lost. He 
 did not know what majorities would do, but this would hang like a 
 mill-stone about the neck of any minister, and sink him along with 
 the nation. We had been told, indeed, that Carthage, and that 
 Spain, in 1688, were undone, notwithstanding their na\ies. True ! 
 but not till they betook themselves to land operations — and Carthage 
 /tad, besides, a Hannibar, who ziould pass the Alps. 
 
 " The present war was undertaken for the long-injured, long- 
 neglected, long-forgotten people of America. Hanover had been 
 excepted as an ally by the Act of Limitation, not so much for fear of 
 prejudices, as on account of its locality. But we are told, that we 
 must assist the Hanoverians out of justice and gratitude. Out of 
 justice ! We can produce a charter against it. Out of gratitude, 
 indeed, we ought, if Hanover has done any thing in our quarrel to 
 draw down upon her the resentments of France. These expressions" 
 were unparliamentary, unconstitutional. With all his duty to his 
 Majesty, he must say, that the King owes a supreme service to his 
 people. Would our ancestors have used adulation like this ? The 
 A ery paragraph ought to be taken notice of and punished. — Besides, 
 is there any thing in the speech respecting Hano\er, that calls for 
 this resolution ? Grotius declares that it is not necessary even socium 
 defendere si nulla spes boni exitus. Then, turning with an air of the 
 greatest contempt towards Sir George Lyttleton, (Mr. Pitt said,) a 
 gentleman near me has talked, too, of writers on the law of nations. 
 Nature is the best writer — she will teach us to be men, and not truckle 
 to power. The noble Lord who moved the address seemed inspired 
 with it. J, (continued Mr. Pitt) who am at a distance from that 
 sanctum sanctorum, whither the priest goes for inspiration ; — I, who 
 travel through a desart, and am overwhelmed with mountains of 
 
 " Alluding to the Duke of Cumberland. *The expressions in the Address.
 
 MR. PITT'S SPEECH ON THE ADDRESS. 229 
 
 obscurity, cannot so easily catch a gleam to direct me to the beauties CHAP, 
 of these negociations. But there are parts of this address that do 1755 
 not seem to come from the same quarter with the rest. — I cannot 
 unravel this mystery — ^yes, (cried Mr. Pitt, suddenly raising his hand 
 to his forehead,) I, too, am inspired ! Now, it strikes me ! I remember 
 at Lyons to have been carried to see the conflux of the Rhone '' and 
 Saone*" ; the one a gentle, feeble, languid stream, and though languid 
 of no depth ; the other, a boisterous and impetuous torrent. But 
 they meet at last ; and long may they continue united to the comfort 
 of each other, and to the glory, honor, and security of the nation ! 
 I wanted, indeed, to know whence came the feebleness of that which 
 goes upon too many legs ; whose child it is — I see who breeds it up. 
 These incoherent, un-British measures are what are adopted instead 
 of our proper force — our navy. It was our navy that procured the 
 restoration of the barrier and of Flanders in the last war, by making 
 us masters of Cape Breton. After that war, with even that indemni- 
 fication in our hands, we were forced to rejoice at a bad peace. Bad 
 as it was, we have suffered infractions from it every year, till the 
 ministers would have been stoned as they went along the streets, if 
 they had not at last shewn resentment. Yet how soon have they 
 forgotten in what cause they took up arms! Are these treaties 
 English measures? Are they preventive measures? Are they not 
 measures of aggression ? Will they not provoke Prussia, and light 
 up a general war ? If a war in Europe ensues from these negociations, 
 I will always follow up the authors of this measure. They must mean 
 a land war, and how preposterously do they meditate it ! Hanover 
 is the only spot you have to fight upon. Can you now force the 
 Dutch to join you ? I remember, every body remembers, when you 
 did force them. All our misfortunes are owing to those daring, wicked 
 councils'. Subsidies annihilated ten millions in the last war; our 
 navy brought in twelve millions. This day, I hope, will give a color to 
 my life — though nothing, I fear, can resist the torrent. Out of those 
 
 f I Mr. Fox and the Duke of Newcastle. ' Lord Granville's.
 
 2S0 MR. PITTS SPEECH ON THE ADDRESS. 
 
 CHAP, rash measures sprung up a ministry — (what if a ministry should spring 
 
 17.5.0. out of this subsidy?) I saw that ministry; in the morning it flou- 
 
 ^"^"^^"^^"^ rishcd ; it was green at noon ; by night it was cut down and forgotten. 
 
 " But it is said that it will di.sgrace the King to reject these 
 treaties ! But was not the celebrated treaty of Hannau transmitted 
 hither, and rejected here ? If this is a preventive measure, it is only 
 preventive of somebody's exit', 
 
 " Mr. Pitt then taxed Murray's pathetic commiseration of the even- 
 ing of the King'.slife, with premeditation. He (Mr. Pitt) too, could draw 
 a pathetic commiseration of his Majesty. He could figure him far from 
 an honest council, could figure him surrounded all the summer by 
 aftrighted Hanoverians, and with no advocate for England near him. 
 But ala.s ! we cannot suspend the laws of nature, we cannot make 
 Hanover otherwise than an open defenceless country. He then op- 
 posed a pathetic picture of the distressed situation of this country ; 
 and reverting to Murray's image of the King, said, he believed that 
 within two years his Majesty would not be able to sleep in St. James's 
 for the cries of a bankrupt people. He concluded by saying, that we 
 imitated every thing of France, but the spirit and patriotism of their 
 Parliament; and that the French thought we had not .sense and virtue 
 enough, (perhaps he thought so too,) to make a stand in the right place. 
 
 " This speech, accompanied w itli variety of action, accents, and 
 irony, and set off with happy images and allusions, particularly in the 
 admired comparison of the Rhone and Saone, (though one or two of 
 the metaphors were a little forced,) lasted above an hour and a half, 
 and was kept up with inimitable spirit, though it did not begin till 
 past one in the morning, after an attention and fatigue of ten hours." 
 The address was carried by a large majority. 
 
 " After the debate, Fox said to Pitt, ' Who is the Rhone ?' Pitt 
 replied, ' Is that a fair question V ' Why,' said Fox, ' as you have 
 said so much that I did not desire to hear, you may tell me one thing 
 that I would hear. Am I the Rhone, or Lord Granville ?' Pitt an- 
 Jiwered, ' You are Gran\ ille.' Lord Temple, no bad commentator of 
 
 • That of tlie Duke of Newcastle.
 
 MR. PITT IS DEPRIVED OF THE PAYMASTERSHIP. 231 
 
 Pitt's nieanino; said, ' that the Rhone meant the Duke, Fox, and CHAP. 
 
 IX. 
 Lord Granville; the Saone, the Duke of Newcastle, the Chancellor, 175.3, 
 
 and Murray.' Yet it was generally understood, that the former was 
 
 personal to Fox, the latter to Newcastle. The description languid, 
 
 yet of no depth; was scarce applicable to the Chancellor, by no 
 
 means to Murray'." 
 
 Mr. Fox received the seals on the 15th November; and on the 
 20th of the same month Lord Holderness wrote to Mr. Pitt, Mr. 
 Legge, and Mr, George Grenville, signifying that his Majesty had 
 no farther occasion for their services. Mr. Pitt answered the let- 
 ter in terms of great submission and respect. Mr. James Grenville 
 resigned his appointment at the board of trade on the following day. 
 
 Mr. Pitt's fortune was, at this time, extremely small. Lady 
 Hesther Pitt, at the urgent request of her brother, Lord Temple, was 
 therefore induced to urge upon Mr. Pitt the propriety of accepting u 
 pension of a thousand pounds a year. He, accordingly, accepted it. 
 
 I have had occasion to notice two instances of high disinterested- 
 ness which marked the conduct of Mr. Pitt during the first years in 
 which he held the office of paymaster. He was distinguished for the 
 same integrity during his continuance in that department, and his 
 virtue appeared never more manifest than upon his dismissal. It was 
 then found, that the balances belonging to his office were all deposited 
 in the bank of England. His character thus high, whilst he was in 
 office, was not lowered by the pension he received on quitting it. 
 He, surely, was not to be consigned to indigence because he had dis- 
 dained to enrich himself at the expense of his country. 
 
 Mr. Ellis having moved in the House of Commons for 50,000 
 seamen, including 9113 marines, observed that in time of peace we 
 have a fund but for 40,000 sailors. Mr. Pitt said he shuddered at 
 hearing that our resources for the sea service were so narrowed, espe- 
 cially as the Attorney-general had pronounced that we ought to be 
 three times as strong as France to be able to cope with her. He re- 
 
 ' Memoires, page 41 8.
 
 232 MR. PITT'S SPEECH ON MR. ELLIS'S MOTION. 
 
 CHAP. meml)cred the "fatal measure of the reduction to 8000; he had stated 
 
 FX • 
 
 1755 the danger then in the face of power, and against that combined ad- 
 ^""^"^^^"^^ ministration, and that collusion of power which was playing the land 
 and sea services into one another's hands. He would pursue the au- 
 thors of those measures which made the King's crown totter on his 
 head. Never was a noble country so perniciously neglected, so un- 
 done by the silly pride of "one man, or the timidity of his colleagues, 
 who would share his power, but not his danger. This must one day 
 be answered for, unless a fatal catastrophe from our hereditary enemy 
 overtakes us. The peril comes from little struggles for a thing called 
 power — is it the power of doing good? On an English question he 
 Avould not hinder, but implore unanimity; would ask favors of any 
 minister for his country; would have gone that morning to the Ho- 
 norable Gentleman's levee", to desire him to accept 50,000 seamen, 
 not including marines. If he could obtain it, it would be the first 
 thing done for this country since the peace of Aix. There would be 
 proofs that this war had been colluded with and abetted, till broad 
 shame had stared them in the face, till shame and danger had come 
 together. He had been frightened with these sensations from the 
 highest authority; the House had adopted those terrors, and was will- 
 ing to grant more assistance. The House, indeed, is a fluctuating 
 body, but he hoped would be eternal. It was different from our 
 councils, where every thing was thought of but the public. On the 
 contrary, we were a willing giving House of Commons: the King 
 might call for any thing for an English object. He (Mr. Pitt) dare 
 not move for 10,000 more seamen because he would not blemish 
 unanimity. Mr. Pitt concluded with a prayer for the King, for his 
 posterity, for this poor, forlorn, distressed country \ 
 
 Mr. Fox said he was surprised that such a trifle as the reduction 
 of 2,000 seamen, in 1751, should be made of such moment. So, not 
 voting 2,000 more, in a year after the war, was betraying this country! 
 
 " In the year 1751. ' The Duke of Newcastle. 
 
 f It was the morning of Mr. Fox's first levee. * Lord Orford's Memoires, p. 424.
 
 DEBATE ON MR. ELLIS'S MOTION. 233 
 
 If voting one man more would raise one man, he would agree to it : but cHAP. 
 voting more, if they could not be raised, would only increase expense, j^^; 
 This number was greater than we had ever had on foot, even in de- ==^ 
 clared wars against France and Spain. He would never hear Mr. 
 Pelham's measures censured without defendinp; them. The reduction 
 mentioned had been the consequence of Mr. Pelham's economy, and 
 of his provision against a war. He had discharged, too, artificers from 
 the dock-yards, and, when Lord Anson represented against it, Mr. 
 Pelham answered, you will never pay your debt, if you always go to 
 the extent of what you can do. He had wanted, the same year, to 
 reduce the garrison of Port Mahon, but was told, by a great officer, 
 that Port Mahon could bear no diminution. 
 
 " With regard to struggles ; what the motives of these struggles 
 have been, let those who have struggled most and longest for power 
 tell. For himself he had been called to his present situation, and had 
 exerted his strength cheerfully upon a melancholy occasion. We had 
 been told, that nobody who approached the King had sense and vir- 
 tue ! that sense and virtue are somewhere else — but how shall the 
 King hear of them? He feared this House would not inform him. 
 What conversation will lead him to that superior degree of it? He 
 (Mr. Fox) should exert his strength as cheerfully as if he had struggled 
 for it. Perhaps he had expressed his wishes for an earlier augmenta- 
 tion. Mr. Pitt had asked, why it was not made sooner? He (Mr. 
 Fox) would ask. Why not demanded sooner? Why did Mr. Pitt not 
 call sooner to arms ? It came too late now, for no sense and virtue 
 could be added to the reigning spirit of augmentation." 
 
 Mr, Pitt rose again, and said, " that neither that day nor ever 
 had he said that there was no sense and virtue near the throne. If 
 he had been misunderstood, he might also have been misrepresented. 
 If ever man had suffered by those stilettos of a court which assassinate 
 the fair opinion of a man with his master, he had. The accusation of 
 his having struggled for power had been received with such assent by 
 the House, that he must speak to it. Was he accused of it because 
 
 VOL. I. H h
 
 234 DEBATE ON MR. ELLIS'S MOTION. 
 
 CHAP, he had not yielded to poor and sordid measures which he saw tended 
 1755. to destroy his country ? If he had so yielded, he might have been 
 
 "^^^^"""^ introduced to that august place. It was impossible to go into all the 
 private details of a whole summer, though compelled, in such an un- 
 candid manner, to notice them. He should only say, he might have 
 had, what the Honorable Gentleman, at a long distance of time, so 
 gladly accepted. He had been unfortunate, but the measures were 
 so ruinous, that he could not, with conscience and honor, concur in 
 them ; he could have strained the former a httle, as far as to make a 
 compliment, in order to be admitted to that august conversation. 
 The having struggled for power was not the cause of his present situ- 
 ation. Was it not, that he could not submit to these treaties ? The 
 challenge was a bold one; let those who know the truth tell it! If 
 they did not, he desired not their suffrage." 
 
 Mr. Fox here rejoined : that the mention o( struggles had called 
 hirti up again, and that he had chosen to forget the gentleman's 
 former words of no sense and virtue near the throne. Mr. Pitt inter- 
 rupted him, and, speaking to order, said, '* he averred on his honor 
 that those words were not his. His words had been, that France 
 liould found her hopes on the want of sense, nnderstandhig, and 
 virtue, in those that govern here. He had not interrupted Mr. Fox 
 before, because he did not like to stop those whom plain truth would 
 answer. Mr. Fox's modesty had taken those words to himself. No- 
 body feared personal invectives less than he (Mr. Pitt) did. He was 
 not fond of using them. He would not put the gentleman in mind 
 of struggles to limit the power at which he had hinted. He had 
 urged these things strongly, in order to ground judicial proceedmgs. 
 Sir Thomas Robinson's notable information of the answer of the court 
 of France to tiieir merchants, had descended to the public papers. 
 He must congratulate the government on having some intelligence. 
 Would France build, too, on his wishing for 50,000 seamen ? He 
 did believe our information would improve, now Mr. Fox had got the 
 seals. He wished the latter would tell him what language to hold 
 which, instead of encouraging, would terrify France. He could not
 
 DEBATE ON MR. ELLIS'S MOTION. 235 
 
 say he had treated Mr. Fox as the minister — it was not quite that yet. CHAP. 
 He (Mr. Pitt) never went to the place where so many bets were made, 1755. 
 but, if he might talk familiarly, would bet on Mr. Fox's sense and " 
 spirit, although some little things were against him. But he asks 
 why, (continued Mr. Pitt,) I did not call out sooner ? My calling out 
 was more likely to defeat than promote. When I remonstrated for 
 more seamen, I was called an enemy to government. Now I am told 
 that I want to strow the King's pillow with thorns. I am traduced, 
 aspersed, calumniated, from morning to night. I would have warned 
 the King; did Ae .'* If he, with his sense and spirit, had represented to 
 the King the necessity of augmentation, it would have been made. 
 But what ! If there is any man so wicked — don't let it be reported 
 that I say there is — as to procrastinate the importing troops from Ire- 
 land, in order to make subsidiary forces necessary ! This whole sum- 
 mer I have been looking for government — I saw none — thank God 
 his Majesty was not here ! The trade of France has been foolishly 
 spared. There has been a dead stagnation. Orders contradicting one 
 another were the only symptoms of spirit. When his Majesty re- 
 turned, his kingdom was delivered back to him more like a wreck 
 than a vessel able to stem the storm. Perhaps a little sustentation of 
 life to this country will be obtained by a wretched peace. These are 
 my sentiments ; and when a man has truth on his side, he is not to 
 be overborne by quick interrogatories. Mr. Pitt proceeded to state 
 that he had not uttered a word of personality to Mr. Fox. Want of 
 virtue was not only the characteristic of the ministry, but of the age. 
 He was happy to shew a zeal not inferior to that of the ministers. 
 Let them shew him how to contribute to the King's service, before 
 they taxed him with strowing the royal pillow with thorns ! But 
 what were the services of those who were so alert in loading him ? 
 The Attorney General, indeed, had vaunted that 140,000 of the best 
 troops in Europe were provided for the defence of Hano\er — who 
 boasts of what numbers are prepared for England ? for America ? 
 Compare the countries, compare the forces that are destined for the 
 defence of each ! Two miserable battalions of Irish, who scarce ever 
 
 H h2
 
 236 DEBATE ON MR. ELLIS'S MOTION. 
 
 CHAP, .saw one another, had been sent to America, had been sent to be sacri- 
 1755 ficed — if this parallel was exaggerated, he desired to be made happy 
 ^^^^^^^ by being told so," 
 
 Mr, Fox, \vith great temper, observed, that it was most unpar- 
 liamentary to speak so long to order. He was glad to hear that he 
 Mas not minister, though he certainly had been treated so. Upon his 
 honor he did not know to the offer of what Mr. Pitt had said no. He 
 himself had staid till every body had said no. He had lived near 
 Town, all the summer, as happy as any man that then heard him. 
 His opinion had been for subsidies — was asked if it was ; on affirming 
 it, was told, " Then support them." He would quit, when his opinion 
 should be otherwise. He wished every ill might happen to him, if he 
 had done Mr. Pitt any hurt in the closet. He thought it the strongest 
 point of honor not to accuse a man where he could not defend him- 
 self. If he underwent any loss of power, he should Be amply recom- 
 pensed by not being treated as if he had it. 
 
 " Mr. Fox," says Lord Orford, " keeping thus almost wholly upon 
 the defensive, was chiefly to be admired for his great command of 
 himself, which the warmth he had been accustomed to shew now 
 made remarkable. The Attorney-General, who had laid in wait to 
 profit of any slips that Mr. Pitt might make in this contest, rose with 
 an artful air of affected doubt — hinted at the irregularity of the de- 
 bate ; observed tiiat Mr. Pitt's proposal of more seamen was unneces- 
 sary ; do not all estimates come from the crown ? The ministers 
 must know what supplies they shall want, and what to demand — 
 invectives were to be slighted — How great the power of eloquence 
 M-hich could dress up the want of 2000 men, in 1751, into the cause 
 of the war ! There never was an honester man than the minister who 
 determined upon that reduction — thought he (Mr. Pelham) had died in 
 friendship with that gentleman. Here Mr. Pitt interrupted him, and 
 said, his friendship for Mr. Pelham had been as real as Mr. Murray's. 
 The latter, as if corrected, continued coolly, that Mr. Pelham wanted 
 to introduce a system of economy — were he alive, perhaps we should 
 have fewer struggles, if all, who supported measures under him, did so
 
 DEBATE ON LORD PULTENEY'S MOTION. 237 
 
 still. He begged to ask one question — it was to clear up something CHAP, 
 to himself, and for the information of others — he believed those who 1755 
 sat near him understood that Mr. Pitt said he had refused to be secre- =^=^ 
 tary of state, had he ? Mr. Pitt replied no, he had only refused to 
 
 come into measures %" 
 
 In consequence of the resolution of the government to make 
 prizes of French vessels, many had been captured. These it was de- 
 termined should not be sold and divided among the captors, but 
 carefully sequestered, with all their cargoes and effects, in order to 
 be restored to their lawful owners, in the event of the disputes be- 
 tween the two countries being adjusted without an open declaration 
 of war. There were various opinions as to the wisdom and justice of 
 this measure. Whilst many condemned it as rash and undecided, 
 others considered it as maintaining a proper medium between a tame 
 acquiescence in the insidious proceedings of the French, and an un- 
 justifiable appropriation of their property. Mr. Pitt appears to have 
 thought that as we had adopted the violent measure of seizing the 
 vessels of France, it was now weakness and folly to recede. On the 
 2nd December Lord Pulteney moved for leave to bring in a bill to 
 encourage seamen by a distribution of the prizes among the captors. 
 The motion was opposed by several ministerial members. Mr. Charles 
 Townshend spoke with great ability in its favor. In the course of his 
 speech he thus alluded to Mr. Pitt's dismission from the paymaster- 
 ship : " If a gentleman, with virtue unparalleled, offered any thing 
 for his country, he was to be removed, as if whoever would strengthen 
 government was obnoxious to it." Mr. G. Grenville delivered a fine 
 and pathetic speech in favor of the motion. Sir R. Lyttleton made 
 
 I The above sketches, although extremely interesting, are rendered occasionally obscure by 
 the omission of many particulars which arose out of previous debates, and out of some minute 
 circumstances of the times. Had Lord Orford given the speeches of each debater entirely in 
 the first person, instead of varying, and generally adopting the third, a happier effect would, 
 perhaps, have been produced. I have followed his Lordship, almost literally, with the occasional 
 omission of a sneer. — Lord Orford' s Memoires, pages 424 — 429.
 
 •238 DEBATE ON LORD PULTENEVS MOTION. 
 
 CHAP, allusions to Sir R. Walpole's administration. Mr. Fox, after ridi- 
 
 IX 
 
 1755 culing the introduction of pathetic speeches upon such immaterial 
 occasions, observed, that he should be for giving the whole capture to 
 those who made or should attempt to make prizes ; that is, he would 
 reserve a portion for those who sought them without success. The 
 whole dispute turned upon the word now. If sailors did not under- 
 stand the previous question, the more pity it was that the bill should 
 be moved when it was necessary to put that question. The latter 
 part of his speech consisted of a confutation of what had been ad- 
 vanced by Sir R. Lyttleton, and of a defence of, and panegyric upon 
 Sir R. Walpole, 
 
 Mr. Pitt said, that it did Mr. Grenville honor to be told ironically 
 and maliciously of his pathetic speech by Mr. Fox, who had spoken 
 logically, not feelingly, and who, he wished, would think farther than 
 that little narrow now. For himself, he had always spoken, all that 
 minister's family had heard him speak, with respect of Sir Robert 
 Walpole after the determination of his power. These last words oc- 
 casioning a laugh in the House, Mr. Pitt angrily and haughtily ob- 
 served, that it was a blundering laugh. Was it, or was it not, more 
 honorable to respect a man after his power had determined ? He de- 
 fended Sir R. Lyttleton. He laughed at the more than stoic patience 
 of the administration ; spoke much of the American war, and con- 
 cluded that the French prizes were reserved as a deposit to recover 
 Hanover : he could account for this unintelligible tenderness in no 
 other vvay. 
 
 It was known that the French were at this time making very 
 active naval and military preparations, and apprehensions were enter- 
 tained that England itself was menaced by invasion. On the 5th 
 December, the secretary at war made a motion in the House of Com- 
 mons for an army of 34,263 men, which was an augmentation of 
 15,000 men to the force already subsisting. The motion was se- 
 conded by Mr. Pitt ; and it will be seen from the following animated 
 speech, how warmly he could support the ministry when he deemed 
 their plans conducive to the public welfare.
 
 MR. PITT'S SPEECH ON THE AUGMENTATION OF THE ARMY. 239 
 
 Mr. Pitt observed, " that last year he had pronounced 18,000 CHAP, 
 men not sufficient. Our whole force was necessary at this dangerous 1755. 
 and critical conjuncture. Other efforts were requisite, than sending' 
 two miserable battalions as victims to America. Every step since had 
 tended to provoke a war, not to make it — and at last the crown itself 
 was to be fought for, by an army so ineffective and so raw ! He 
 hoped, by alarming the nation to make the danger reach the ears of 
 his Majesty, who was likely, after so gracious a reign, to be attacked 
 in his venerable age ! to see such a country exposed by the neglect of 
 his ministers ! He could not avoid turning from the venerable age of 
 the King, to his amiable posterity, horn among us, yet given up by 
 some unskilful minister or ministers ! He meaned no invectives ; he 
 made no accusation ; he spoke from his feeling. He then drew a 
 striking and masterly picture of a French invasion reaching London, 
 and of the horrors ensuing, whilst there was a formidable enemy 
 within the capital itself, which was as full of weakness as of multitude ; 
 a flagitious rabble, ready for every nefarious action. The consterna- 
 tion that would spread through the City, when the noble, yet artificial 
 and vulnerable fabric of public credit should crumble in their hands ! 
 How would the ministers be able to meet the aspect of so many 
 citizens dismayed ! How could men, so guilty, meet their country- 
 men ! How could a British Parliament assemble without these con- 
 siderations ! The King's speech of last year had been calculated to 
 lull us into a fallacious dream of repose — or, had his ministers not 
 had understanding, or foresight, or virtue — he repeated the words 
 that he might not be misquoted, had they had none of the qualifica- 
 tions to prompt them to lay the danger before his Majesty ? Was it 
 not a proof of his assertions, that where his Majesty himself had a 
 foresight even of fancied, not threatened, danger, we knew what pro- 
 vision, what vast provision had been made? Did the subjects of the 
 crown want a feeling which the subjects of the Electorate possessed in 
 so quick a degree? Did he live to see the day, when a British 
 Parliament had felt so inadequately ? There were but 10,000 men 
 in this part of the united kingdom — not more than half would be left
 
 210 MR. PITT'S SPEECH ON THE AUGMENTATION OF THE ARMY. 
 
 CHAP, to defend the royal family and the metropoli-s. Half security is full 
 1755. find ample danger. Accursed be the man, and he would have the 
 "^^"""^^^^ malediction of his country, who did not do all he could to strengthen 
 the King's hands ! He, (Mr. Pitt) would have him strengthened by 
 laying open the weakness of his councils. He would substitute 
 reality for incapacity and futility, and for the frivolous love of power. 
 To times of relaxation should be left that fondness for the disposal of 
 places. Wisdom ought to meet such rough times as these. It was 
 that little spirit of domination that had caused the decay of this 
 country, that ambition of being the only Jigure among cyphers : 
 when that image was first used, perhaps, it was prophecy, to day it 
 was history. 280,000/., the charge of this augmentation, would, last 
 year, have given us security. For that sum, our stocks would fall, 
 and hurry along with them the ruin of this city — vulnerable in pro- 
 portion to its opulence. In other countries, treasures remain where a 
 city is not sacked. But paper credit may be invaded even in Kent. It 
 is like the sensitive plant, it need not be cropped ; extend but your 
 hand, it Avithers and dies. The danger had been as present last year 
 to any eye made for public councils ; for what is the first attribute of 
 a wise minister, but to leave as little as possible to contingencies ? 
 How do thoughtlessness, folly, and ignorance, differ from wisdom and 
 knowledge, but by want of foresight ? He would not, like Lord 
 Harrington, recur to the Romans for comparisons ; our own days had 
 produced examples as great. In 1746, thirteen regiments, raised by 
 noblemen, who, although they did not leave their ploughs, left their 
 palaces, had saved this country ; he believed it. With what scorn, 
 depression, cruelty, as far as contempt is cruelty, were they treated by 
 the hour ! With what calumny ! He wished the government would 
 encourage the nobility and gentry to form a militia, as a supplement 
 to the army. He wanted to call this country out of that enenated 
 state, that 20,000 men from France could shake it. The maxims of 
 our government were degenerated, not our natives. He wished to 
 see that breed restored, which, under our old principles, had carried 
 our glory so high ! What would the age think they deserved, who,
 
 DEBATE ON THE AUGMENTATION BILL. 
 
 241 
 
 after Washington was defeated, and our forts taken ; who, after con- cHAP. 
 nivance, if not collusion, had advised his Majesty to trust to so ^^'^ 
 slender a force ? On cool reflection, what would they deserve ? He ^^^'^^ 
 did not call for the sagacity of a Burleigh or a Richelieu to have fore- 
 seen all that must happen — that may happen in two months. He had 
 no vindictive purpose, nor wanted to see penal judgments on their 
 heads. Our calamities were more owing to the weakness of their 
 heads than of their hearts." 
 
 Mr. Fox rephed, that he wished Mr. Pitt had made this 
 awakening speech when we were asleep, and before France had 
 awakened us. But the Honorable Gentleman had judged by the 
 event. If he had foreseen, he would undoubtedly have made this 
 noble speech sooner. If he had made it, (continued Mr. Fox,) I am 
 sure I should have remembered it. I am not apt to forget his speeches. 
 Was it ever reckoned virtue to advise the King to ask for more money ? 
 It was rather a mark of understanding than of virtue. Let Mr. Pitt 
 prescribe a method to quicken recruiting. Let him suggest a militia 
 bill. Yet (said Mr. Fox) I have been told by a wise man, that it is 
 too nice a line to draw a scheme for a militia in the hands of the 
 crown. The House alone could do it. Yet he should think it less to 
 be despaired of, since Mr. Pitt thought it practicable. The scheme 
 for recruiting must be to enlist for a term of years. The total silence 
 of Parliament was an excuse for not having made the augmentation 
 sooner. With regard to the thirteen regiments, he would always 
 own, if he repented, or persist, if he thought his opinion right. He 
 remembered at that time there was a noble Duke' able and wilhng, 
 (thank God he was able and willing now !) at the closet door, who, as 
 soon as it was opened, went in and offered his services, saying, he 
 would go with his Lowlanders and see if he could not oppose those 
 Highlanders. He remembered another anecdote; he was now forced 
 to tell it; it was a scheme for a cheap regiment of dragoons, which 
 by another Duke" was converted into two dear regiments ot horse. 
 
 ' The Duke of Bedford. ' The Duke of Montague. 
 
 VOL. I. I i
 
 242 MR. PITTS SPEECH ON THE MILITIA BILL. 
 
 CHAP. But he would ask, did all those noblemen act from public spirit ? 
 ,753 Did they all raise their regiments ? There had been a mixture which 
 he wished to unmix. 
 
 Mr. Pitt repUed ; why had he not alarmed last year ? He had 
 been deluded by the speech. Those then in the confidence of the 
 minister, (Mr. Fox then was not of the number,) declared they did 
 not believe we should have a war. Could he believe it in defiance of 
 that speech which smoothed over all the horrors of our situation ? 
 Ministers could no longer secrete our danger ; they had concealed it 
 for fear of awakening speeches. Could he (Mr. Pitt) pronounce those 
 speeches, till overpowered by the conjuncture ? He did in private. 
 While he was suffered to represent in private, he did. Now we must 
 sound the alarum in Parliament, when we have invited into our 
 bowels a war that was the child of ignorance and connivance. — If 
 there is justice under heaven, the ministers must one day answer it\ 
 
 On the 8th December, the Hon. George Townshend moved for 
 a committee of the whole House, in order to bring in a bill for the 
 better regulation of the militia throughout the several counties of 
 England. Mr. Pitt, who opened the measure, now presented himself 
 to the House under a new and unexpected point of view. He had 
 long been known as the most brilliant speaker in Parliament. He 
 now evinced a memory as accurate in detailing, as his mind was ca- 
 pacious in comprehending business. He laid aside all unnecessary 
 ornament of speech, and described the objects of the bill, and the 
 methods proposed of accomplishing them, with the greatest clearness 
 and precision. 
 
 He said he should do liimself real honor by seconding a gen- 
 tleman of a family that had preserved so exact a medium between 
 duty to the crown and to their country. Yet, though Mr. Towns- 
 hend's friend and servant, he should have no hope, unless government, 
 the army, the law, and, (what in this case was most material,) the 
 country gentlemen would give their assistance. He, unfortunately, 
 
 ' Horace, Lord Orford's Memoires.
 
 MR. PITT'S SPEECH ON THE MILITIA BILL. 243 
 
 was out of all these descriptions. He knew no secrets of government ; CHAP, 
 he had too early been driven from the profession of arms; he had 1755. 
 never studied the law ; he was no country gentleman. It was, per- 
 haps, rash in him, (it was dangerous for any man,) to touch our con- 
 stitution, which had not been the result of chance, but of the wisdom 
 of ages. He only spoke to call government not to sit with their hands 
 across. But, indeed, here the country gentleman would be more 
 first minister than any minister in the land. He would venture, too, 
 to offer some considerations. The heads of his scheme were, that the 
 militia should be reduced to about 50,000 or 60,000 men ; a kind of 
 half-trained army. That the crown, which now was not at liberty to 
 march them out of their several counties, should have that power. 
 That there should be a compulsory call under the civil power. That 
 they should all be foot. He hoped never to see the standing army 
 less than 18,000 : the militia as a supplement, that we may not be 
 looking all round the world for subsidiary troops. It must be a 
 lasting body, paid and clothed — exercised twice a week — re- 
 viewed four times a year by the lords lieutenants of counties, and by 
 generals of the king's army — have the same pay as the foot soldiers, 
 but with plain clothing, not pretending to all the lustre of an army. 
 What, if they should be exercised on Sundays, after church ? — unless 
 the clergy or the dissenters disapproved of it. He would retract the 
 proposal if it gave offence. The exercise, comprehending 110 days, 
 if they were to be exercised on Sundays, and one other day in the 
 week, with sixpence a day ; they would receive a shilling for losing 
 one day in the week from their work. He would have no deduction 
 from their pay, but would have their clothes provided for them, which, 
 with being sure of a shilling a week all the year round, might be a 
 compensation. They should wear their clothes three years, and only 
 when exercised. The officers to have no pay, but either possess a 
 certam qualification in land in their own county, or be sons of men ot a 
 larger estate; of, for instance, 1,500/. a year. They (the militia) 
 were not to be under military law, but subject to civil punishment, in 
 time of peace. When inarched, they were to be subject to military 
 
 I i 2
 
 244 MR. PITT'S SPEECH ON THE MILITIA BILL, 
 
 CHAP, discipline ; for what is martial law, (growing, as it does, out of the 
 1755 nature of the service,) but the law of peace? There could not be 
 '== too many Serjeants to such comj)anies. He would have private sol- 
 diers of the army to be Serjeants of militia. Not fewer than four 
 Serjeants to eighty men. The crown should name an army-adjutant 
 with Serjeant's pay. The expense would not rise nearly to what was 
 imagined ; it would come under 300,000/. What millions had gone 
 out of England for the last thirty years which this expence would 
 have saved ! What an inglorious picture for this country, to figure 
 gentlemen driven by an invasion like a flock of sheep, and forced to 
 send their money abroad to buy courage and defence ! If this scheme 
 should prove oppressive provincially or parochially, he was willing to 
 give it up. But how preferable was it to waiting to see if the wind 
 would blow you subsidiary troops ! You would never want them again 
 — they are an eye-sore ! He praised the army and its constitutional 
 inclinations ; and pointed out the stability which a militia would give 
 to our system." 
 
 It may be well supposed that Mr. Pitt gained general applause 
 for the forcible and able manner in which he thus developed his plan. 
 But however desirable and necessary the establishment of a national 
 militia might be, the execution of it was attended with too many in- 
 conveniences and difhculties to render it a favorite with the ministry, 
 the country gentlemen, or the people. 
 
 Sir George Lyttleton compared a militia to the longitude ; ne- 
 cessary, but hitherto sought in vain. The subject had often heated 
 his imagination, but his judgment had cooled it again. If soldiers 
 assisted the plan, he should hope better from it ; they might avoid 
 the errors of civil men. Hints from Mr. Pitt were important advices. 
 A sketch from him was almost a fmished picture, but it ought to b§ 
 finished, the lines should be very correct. The whole people would 
 not betray the whole people, but 60,000 might. The most material 
 part of our affairs was our finances; if this institution would hurt 
 them, it was inadmissible. The smaller the number the more practi- 
 cable ; yet there might be danger of another kind. He never wished
 
 DEBATE ON THE TREATIES WITH HESSE AND RUSSIA. 245 
 
 to see foreigners, but when no other force was to be had. With ever CHAP, 
 so great a miUtia you may want them ; you cannot march mihtia 1755. 
 abroad. ^^^^^^^^ 
 
 The material parts of Mr. Pitt's speech were incorporated into a 
 bill upon the subject, and considerable time was occupied in consider- 
 mg it. 
 
 After receiving several amendments, the bill passed the House of 
 Commons, but was subsequently negatived in the House of Peers. 
 
 On the 10th December, the treaties with Hesse and Russia were 
 again discussed in both Houses of Parliament. 
 
 In the House of Commons, Lord Barrington moved that the 
 treaties should be referred to the Committee. He was opposed by 
 Mr. Potter, who affirmed that the treaties were unconstitutional acts, 
 and express violations of the act of settlement, &c. &c. The appro- 
 priation of 'the late vote of credit was a violation of that settlement. 
 He proceeded in terms of strong censure, till he checked himself, and 
 said, he could not call it a profligate age, when such men had fallen 
 victims to their integrity ''. 
 
 The Honorable Hume Campbell began his speech, by professing 
 his reverence for the act of settlement, — the act of Kinor William, 
 to whom we owed our existence as a Parliament. Yet the sense of 
 the House should be taken in form on the legality or illegality of 
 the measure in discussion. The charge ought to be well made out. 
 If not illegal, let the House punish the eternal invectives. He was 
 here called to order by Mr, Pitt, who said he thought Mr. Campbell 
 had been too good a member to describe debates in that manner. 
 The elder Horace Walpole observed that Mr. Pitt ought to be the 
 last man in the house to complain of irregularity. This occasioned 
 much disorder. Mr. Pitt said, he had risen to put Mr. Campbell in 
 mind of words that struck directly at the liberty of debate. He (Mr. 
 Pitt) had him in his power, if he insisted on taking down the words,- 
 but should decline doing so rill Mr. Campbell had explained. Mr. 
 
 "■ Alluding to Mr. Pitt's dismissioa from office.
 
 246 MR. HUME CAMPBELL'S SPEECH. 
 
 CHAP. Campbell then continued : He censured the unlimited reflections that 
 J755 were daily thrown on the ministers ; adding, that when people make 
 - charges against acts of state, they ought to be obliged to substantiate 
 
 them. Hard would it be, if that house might not resent unjust accu- 
 sations against our anperiors. He then passed to the objections raised 
 from the act of settlement, to which he should pay no compliment. 
 It had been intended as a censure upon King William. The clause 
 specified was only declaratory, and did not take from the crown the 
 power of making treaties. In 11121, a treaty of mutual guaranty was 
 made w ith the court of Wolfenbuttle, and was signed by great men 
 and w higs, by the Duke of Devonshire, Lord Trevor, Lord Townshend, 
 and, by the greatest of all. Sir R. Walpole. It was debated, written 
 against, yet was never once thought a violation of the settlement, &c. 
 &c. The present treaties were a great system of preventive measures. 
 What was the most hostile part of them ? That levelled against 
 Prussia ? Yet that Prince could not be sorry that we should have 
 future greatness. His maxim was that no ally was well worth keep- 
 ing, unless he could do without you. In the present case that king 
 may be glad to plead his fear of the Russians, against admitting the 
 French into Germany. For his own part, he would rather censure 
 the negociators than the treaties themselves, which were calculated 
 for the interests, and navy, and commerce of Great Britain. But if 
 the ministers were so guilty as it was pretended, the times were too 
 dangerous not to remove them. He concluded with a short defence 
 of himself ; denied being in the power of any individual ; and said he 
 must plead, as an excuse for his egotism, that rule of Plutarch, never 
 to say any thing in defence of yourself but when mankind could not 
 possibly know it without. Let his warmth be taken as a proof of his 
 honesty ? 
 
 Mr. Vyner, and Mr. George Grenville then spoke against the 
 treaties ; in answer to the latter, the Attorney-General observed, 
 that the sense of the house on the legality might be taken collaterally 
 in the committee. But were we engaged, or to be engaged in a war 
 for Hanover ? The first act of settlement, which obliged Privy-council-
 
 MR. PITT'S SEVERE REPLY. 24-7 
 
 lors to sign their opinions, had been repealed by Lord Somers himself, chap. 
 Allowing the present charge, the act would not be infringed till the 1755. 
 troops were reclaimed. But these arguments would disable the King 
 from leaving a single clause in a treaty for his electoral defence. If 
 this treaty violated the act of settlement, it had been broken by all 
 defensive treaties ; it had been broken by the quadruple alliance. That 
 treaty engaged the contracting powers mutually to defend all the 
 dominions of each other; and if the stipulated succours proved insuf- 
 ficient, they were to engage in a war. It was the same in the treaty of 
 Hanover. But the bare conclusion of the treaty had never been 
 charged. In the year 1739, we contracted for Hessians and Danes. 
 It was thought prudent to secure them, though then we were involved 
 only in a war with Spain. No previous application had been made to 
 Parliament. All subsequent subsidiary treaties have been concluded in 
 the same way. We could not enjoy the blessings resulting from the 
 present royal family without the inconveniences. In the year 1740, a 
 vote of credit had been applied in the same manner. But granting 
 that it perverted, would the misapplication spoil the treaty ? 
 
 It is said that the extreme severity of language in the following 
 speech, chiefly directed against Mr, H. Campbell, was greatly height- 
 ened by the contemptuous tone, action, and countenance with which 
 Mr. Pitt pronounced it. He said : 
 
 " Such little matter had been offered on the defensive side, that 
 he did not know where to go. If Mr. H. Campbell had had any 
 thing else to say, he would not have dwelt for half an hour on the 
 treaty of Wolfenbuttle. What had he produced ? A hst of great 
 Lords who signed it ! How were their names to induce the House 
 to refer these treaties to a Committee ? Such poor little sliifts and 
 evasions might do in a pie-poudre court ; they \\e:e unworthy of a 
 great House of Parliament. Once Mr. H. Campbell had been his 
 great friend, and they had trod the same paths of invectives together, 
 which now Mr. Campbell wanted to have punished, so ready was he 
 by a side wind to level the laws, and so fond of superiors ! Nay, he 
 had urged that the act of settlement w as not obligatory till the treaties
 
 248 MR. PITT'S SEVERE REPLY. 
 
 CHAP, were ratified ! He, (Mr. Pitt) prayed to heaven, that doctrines, dan- 
 1755. gerous as rnanifestoes, might not prevail there ! The Gentleman had 
 
 "^^^^^^^ dared to avow such doctrine — but a court would never want one ser- 
 vile lawyer for any purpose. In the profligate, prerogative reign of 
 James I., when a great Duke* was at the head of power, even that 
 House of Commons possessed a member who dared to call him Stet- 
 lio7iatus\ And there did not want a servile lawyer to call for punish- 
 ment on the honest Burgess. We have a King who disdains to keep 
 peace with such a senile laui/cr. But," said Mr. Pitt, turning to, and 
 directly nodding at Mr. Hume Campbell who sat three benches above 
 him, " I will not dress up this image under a third person, I apply it 
 to him. His is the slavish doctrine. He is the slave, and the shame 
 of this doctrine will stick to him as long as his gown sticks to his back 
 — but his trade is words ; they were not provoked by me — but they 
 are not objects of terror, but of my ridicule and contempt. 
 
 " Then," said he, turning to Mr. Murray, " I would come to an- 
 other learned Gentleman, but it is difficult to know where to pull the 
 first thread from a piece so finely spun. Constructions ought never to 
 condemn a great minister, but I think this crime of \iolating the act 
 of settlement is within the letter. If the dangerous illegality of it is 
 to be inquired into, it should be referred to a Committee of the whole 
 House, not to a Committee of supply. Inquired into it must be. 
 Will I suffer an audacious minister to run before Parliament ? I do 
 not say superiors, I hate that miserable, poor word. But if a cabinet 
 have taken upon them to conclude subsidiary treaties without consent 
 of Pariiament, shall they not answer it ? I affirm that there is not 
 the smallest similarity between these and the treaties quoted. In 1717 
 and 1718, the ministers stated dangers from Sweden, and then asked 
 for money. The treaty of Hanover was grounded on the Ostend 
 Company, and on the negociation respecting Gibraltar, &c. Time, 
 the great discoverer of truth, had not yet discovered whether there 
 
 ' The Duke of Buckingham— alluding to the Duke of Newcastle. 
 ' Spotted like a weasel.
 
 MR. PITT'S SEVERE REPLY, 249 
 
 was any truth in the assertion that the Emperor and Spain designed CHAP, 
 to set the Pretender on the English throne. Would any lawyer plead 175.5. 
 that when his Majesty speaks in a treaty and says dominions, that he 
 can mean any thing but his British dominions? We were not to be 
 explained out of our liberties, nor, by being taught to subtilize, to lose 
 respect for the essential. In the last war, the Hessians did once go 
 into aliena castra, and excepting that time, when they were obliged 
 to exert themselves at Munich, never behaved well." Mr. Pitt then 
 said, " he thought there was an equal violation by both the treaties 
 which were before the House, but that the one with Russia was the 
 most dangerous : yet he would not avow that we were so exhausted 
 as to be obliged to declare, that we could not assist Holland. Because 
 this treaty stipulated for succours for England, and Holland, and Ha- 
 nover, did the legality of the two first prove the third stipulation not 
 illegal ? But even the protection of Holland was not mentioned in 
 the address of last year. Where, said the Attorney-general, is the 
 harm of holding my troops ready ? The crown reserves it as an ope- 
 rative act. But that was a precision at which we could not arrive ! 
 It was all an unmeaning verbiage ! You had not the troops, therefore 
 it was no war! But there was levy money, and raising men without 
 firing a gun, was constructive treason. He wished he could hear any 
 more of the shining lights of Westminster ! The long robe that was 
 made use of in all arbitrary times. How often had they attacked 
 Magna Charta with explanations of nisi per mandatum Domini Regis! 
 Where, (it might have been said in the late rebellion,) was the harm of 
 a few men ready to rebel ? Dr. Foigard asks ' AVhere is the harm of 
 being in a closet V These vigorous measures would pull a war out ot 
 the closet. He denied that the crown had the power of making sub- 
 sidiary treaties that lead to war. That Hanover was concerned in all 
 these treaties quoted, he was sorry to hear — then surely it was time to 
 stop it, since we have improved so much in adulation, as to speak out 
 and avow Hanover in all. He wished the circumstances of this 
 country could permit us to extend such care to Hanover — but he 
 VOL. I. K k
 
 •250 DEBATE ON THE TREATIES. 
 
 CHAP, would not, for any consideration, have set his hand to these trea- 
 
 IX. • k " 
 1755. ^■^^^ ' 
 
 Lord Harrington's motion was carried by a majority of 318 
 
 against 126. 
 
 On the 12th December, Lord Barrington opened the treaties in 
 the committee. In the course of his speech, he owned that he wished 
 the royal family had been a younger branch, and that our foreign 
 dominions do take oft' from our insularity. On the other hand, he 
 said, the connection with England takes away the insularity of 
 Hanover. 
 
 Much was said by different members as to the situation of this 
 country with regard to Russia and Prussia. Mr. Hume Campbell's 
 mention of the words invectives and superiors, and Mr. Pitt's appli- 
 cation of the word servility, appear to have sunk deep in the memory 
 of those who heard them. Mr. Charles Townshend, and several 
 others, reverted to these terms with effect and severity. Lord George 
 Sackville alluded with much sense to the differences of opinion to 
 which the treaties had given rise, and concluded his speech by saying, 
 they who on this occasion have declined employments, have acted 
 honorably; they who have gone into an unenvied ministry to support 
 it, deserve not reproach. They will deserve support, if their conduct 
 continues upright. 
 
 The elder Horace Walpole defended the treaties. 
 
 Mr. Pitt appears to have been unwell, and, although he spoke at 
 cbnsiderable length, did not express himself with his usual animation. 
 He said he looked with respect upon the King's prejudices; with con- 
 tempt upon those who encouraged them. Was every thing to be 
 styled invective, which had not the smoothness of a court compliment? 
 Must it be called so unless a charge was brought judicially on paper? 
 He complimented Mr. Charles Townshend, who had displayed such 
 abilities as had not appeared since that house was a house. He talked 
 much of the situation of the King of Prussia; if he were well-disposed, 
 
 » Lord Orford'8 Memoires, p. 459, 460, 461, 462.
 
 DEBATE ON THE TREATIES. 251 
 
 this measure' was unnecessary: if he were ill-disposed, it was a war. CHAP. 
 But he would not enter into all the ambages of the corps diplomatique^ 1755. 
 and of the gentleman" wrapped up in a political cloak. He and ^^ 
 
 others had said, " talk against Hanover! oh ! you will raise a rebel- 
 hon!" Such language was for a boarding-school girl ! LordTowns- 
 hend and Sir Robert Walpole had withstood Hanover. The latter 
 (said Mr. Pitt) thought well of me; died in peace with me. He was 
 a truly English minister, and kept a strict hand on the closet — as soon 
 as he was removed the door was flung open. His friends and fol- 
 lowers transferred themselves to the minister" who transplanted that 
 English minister — and even his reverend brother, who still adorns this 
 house, is gone over to the Hanoverian party. 
 
 The treaties were agreed to in the committee by a large majority. 
 
 On the 15th December, this agreement was reported to the 
 house. Lord Egmont, who spoke in favor of the treaties, introduced 
 into his speech several pedantic quotations from the Grecian and 
 Roman histories. The Attorney-general expressed his opinions with 
 his usual ingenuity. He asked, if the treaties should be rejected, how 
 we were engaged in a war ? Could the King make it alone ? How 
 did the house even know that the money had been advanced ? It 
 was usual to advance money out of services voted, which was replaced 
 afterwards, when the new occasions were allowed : but this was 
 always done at the risk of the ministers. In the present case the 
 lords-justices were responsible. It was not preventing a war to abandon 
 the continent ; it was only giving it up to France. On the growing 
 power of Russia, he quoted an expression of Sir J. Jekyll, who said, 
 he thought he saw a northern star arising, which, if properly managed, 
 might preserve the liberties of Europe. If no war ensue, we should 
 have displayed our force to our allies — to our enemies. The most 
 dangerous kind of invasion was to be apprehended from Sweden — 
 but would she dare to attack the ally of Russia ? In territorial con- 
 tests, we are not bound to assist Hanover : but in this quarrel Hanover 
 
 ' That of the treaties. ■" The elder Horace Walpole. " Lord Granville. 
 
 K k2
 
 25'i MR. PITT'S SPEECH ON THE TREATIES. 
 
 CHAP, has nothing to do ; they could sufter only for us. France will not 
 1755. %lit where we please, nor be so complaisant as to distinguish between 
 ~ the King and the Elector. What disgrace had fallen on the nation 
 
 for abandoning the Catalans ! If we should desert our most intimate 
 allies, what ally would stand by us? The King of Prussia would 
 hear of our debates : would be told that many opposed the treaties, 
 as offensive to him ; that the rest denied that there was any intention 
 to give offence ; therefore he would hear that all England was for 
 him. Mr. Murray then applied with great aptness, and told with 
 great address, the fable of the shepherd treating with the wolf. The 
 beast objected that the shepherd had damned dogs, whom he men- 
 tioned like Cossacs and Calmucs — not that he feared them — but their 
 barking disturbed him. The shepherd would not give up his dogs, 
 yet the neutrality was well kept. 
 
 To Mr. Murray, Lord Egmont, and to the other champions of the 
 treaties, Mr. Pitt replied in a speech of most admirable and ready 
 wit that flashed from him for the space of an hour and a half; and 
 which was accompanied by action that would have added reputation 
 to Garrick. 
 
 He said, " the Attorney-general had spoken so long, not because he 
 had not thought enough to shorten his discourse, but because he was 
 glad to lose the question in the immensity of matter. However, he 
 hoped that the King of Prussia, who, it seems, was so well informed 
 of our debates, Mould not hear the application of this fable, and that 
 Murray had treated him like a Fera iSatia-a: ! But, in fact, these 
 treaties from simple questions had become all things to all men. As 
 a man with slight of hand presents a card to the company, ' 'tis yourV 
 now ' 'tis yourV — and very pleasantly takes the money out of the 
 pockets of all the spectators. But whatever explanations were used 
 to pervert its meaning, the Act of Settlement did intend to divest the 
 crown of the power of declaring war for foreign dominions. He 
 would quote poetry ; for truth in verse was as good as if delivered in 
 the dullest prose—
 
 MR. PITT'S SPEECH ON THE TREATIES. 253 
 
 Corruption's gilded hand CHAP. 
 
 May put by justice. JX. 
 
 If to make war eventually was a breach of that act, as a juror he 
 should find these treaties such a violation. The very payment of 
 money to Hesse and levying troops was an overt-act — but a daring 
 ministry had presumed to identify themselves with the Parliament of 
 Great Britain ! He desired to know whether the 12,000 men formerly 
 stipulated for by England from Muscovy, were to be included in the 
 55,000 now engaged for Hanover. If included, the bargain was still 
 dearer ; and we were to give 500,000/. to 30,000 men to invite them 
 to live upon rapine and murder ! But this shifting measure, like a 
 diamond, the more it was brillianted the more it shone. But come, 
 said Mr. Pitt, let us consider this northern star that will not shine with 
 any light of its own — Great Britain must be the sun of all this solar 
 system. Could Russia without our assistance support her own troops? 
 She will not prove the star of the wise men — they must go with pre- 
 sents. It is a miserable star that you must rub up before you can 
 make it shine. The real wise man, — 
 
 Quae desperat tractata nilescere posse, relinquit. 
 
 *' By this measure, is not Prussia thrown into the power of France ? 
 What can he (the King of Prussia) answer, if France proposes to 
 march an army into Germany ? If he refuses to join them, will they 
 not threaten to leave him at the mercy of the Russians ? This is 
 one of the effects of our sage negociations — not to mention that we 
 have wasted between ten and eleven millions in subsidies ! Were our 
 circumstances equal to the avarice of German courts, our system 
 might last a little longer ; but now we are lost in limine, in the first 
 outset of the war. Shall we not set the impossibility of our support- 
 ing such an extensive war against the argument that his Majesty's 
 honor is engaged ? or shall we continue to go begging to every beg- 
 garly court in Europe ? The ministers foresaw our ill success at sea, 
 and prudently laid a nest-egg for a war on the Continent. Indeed,
 
 1755. 
 
 254 MR. PITT'S SPEECH ON THE TREATIES. 
 
 CHAP, to induce us, we have been told of antient and modern story, of 
 Greece and Carthage. I have not read those histories these many 
 years ; they are very well for declamation. But I think I recollect 
 enough to see how improperly they are quoted in this debate. Sup- 
 pose Thebes and Sparta, and the other Grecian Commonwealths 
 fallen from their former power; would Athens have gone alone and 
 paid all the rest ? would Demosthenes have alarmed Greece, when 
 thev would no longer hear him ? — But Athens put herself on board 
 her fleet, and recovered her land, because she fought where she could 
 be superior. Not giving succour to Hannibal was indeed wrong, be- 
 cause he was already on land and successful, and might have done 
 like Prince Eugene, in later times, who proposed to march with a 
 torch to Versailles. Another poet, (I recollect a good deal of poetry 
 to day,) says, Expcnde Hannihalem — weigh him, weigh him — I have 
 weighed him — what good did his glory procure his country ? It re- 
 minds me of what the same poet says, 
 
 I, demens, curre per Alpes, 
 
 Ut pueris placeas, et declaiuatio fias !" 
 
 Mr. Pitt then dwelt on his duty to the King, and how harsh it 
 must be for ministers to be honest. But perhaps the resistance given 
 to these treaties might save the administration from a continental 
 war. Yet himself would never more place confidence in the authors, 
 advisers, adopters of this measure. He ended with a prayer, that 
 conviction might induce perverted ministers to change and save us ; 
 that British spirit might exterminate these measures which shake our 
 government ; and that British spirit might exercise its influence in 
 British councils. 
 
 The Russian treaty was approved by 263 against 69- The 
 Hessian treaty by 259 against 72. 
 
 The commencement of the year 1756 witnessed the fears of 
 Great Britain, The most warlike preparations were making on the 
 coast of France. Minorca was the real object of their designs, but
 
 DEBATE UPON THE CHARGES OF THE HANOVERIAN TROOPS. 255 
 
 England was ostensibly threatened with invasion °. The ministry, CHAP, 
 after inefifectually demanding of the Dutch the contingent of troops 1756. 
 which they had by treaty stipulated to furnish, made a requisition of ~ 
 
 a body of Hessian, and soon afterwards of Hanoverian troops, to come 
 over to our assistance. How humiliating is the consideration that our 
 own internal resources were deemed inadequate to our defence, and 
 that we were compelled to summon foreigners to protect us from 
 invasion ! In the year 450 the degenerate Britons, harassed by the 
 incursions of the Picts, invoked the assistance of the Saxons ; in the 
 year 1756 we had again recourse to Germany for protection. Hap- 
 pily the analogy extends no farther. Nothing could be more inof- 
 fensive and exemplary than the conduct of our new defenders. 
 
 When the estimate of the charge of the Hanoverian troops was 
 laid before the House of Commons it was applauded by Lord Barring- 
 ton, the Secretary at War, who stated that it was more economical 
 than the former estimate with Hesse. Mr. Pitt, with much ingenuity 
 of sarcasm, commended it also, and condemned the extravagance of 
 the Secretary at War in relation to the Hessian estimate. He said ; 
 the one was the bargain of the ministers ; the other, the simple mea- 
 sure of his Majesty. There one saw the distinction I Nothing but 
 good flowed from the King : nothing but ruin from his servants. The 
 condemnation of his friends and patrons comes from the noble Lord 
 himself ^ But must we engage, (asked Mr. Pitt,) mercenaries be- 
 cause France does ? She has not blood enough in her own veins for 
 the purposes of universal monarchy. This waste on Hessians would 
 have conquered America or saved Minorca, which he now despaired of. 
 Why did not the house enquire wherefore we had been so neglected ? 
 It we were indeed so weak, why had means of defence been delayed 
 till now ? From what other cause was Minorca now hkely to be lost? 
 What poor conduct ! They waited till a private man (Lord George 
 
 " Ces demonstrations epouvanterent les Anglois ; il y ont des momens ofi cette nation, qui 
 passe pour si sage, se crut perdue. — Hist, de la Guerre de Sept Ans, p. 74. 
 '' Lord Barrington.
 
 •256 DEBATE UPON THE CHARGES OF THE HANOVERIAN TROOPS. 
 
 CHAP. Sackville) dared to ask for foreign troops. Had we been secure at 
 1756. lioniP> the fleet might have gone safely to Minorca. Tiie neglect 
 
 • looked wilful — as if they hoped that trade would call out for peace, 
 
 and that Minorca to be regained would be a screen for compounding 
 for America. But, (continued Mr. Pitt,) I do not call this an admi- 
 nistration, it is so unsteady. One is at the head of the treasury ; 
 one, chancellor ; one, head of the navy ; one great person, of the 
 army — yet is that an administration ? They shift and shulKle the 
 charge from one to another. Says one, I am not general. The trea- 
 sury says, I am not admiral. The admiralty says, I am not minister. 
 From such an unaccording assemblage of separate and distinct powers 
 with no system, a nullity results. One, two, three, four, five lords 
 meet — if they cannot agree — oh ! we will meet again on Saturday. 
 Oh! but, says one of them, I am to go out of town. Alas ! when no 
 parties remain, what an aggravation it is of the crimes of the ministry 
 that no good can come from such unanimity ! 
 
 Mr. Fox answered seriously, that nobody could be glad of, or 
 receive advantage from the loss of Minorca. Did Mr. Pitt wish to 
 see a sole minister ? Mr. Pitt replied that he did not. He only 
 wished to see a system and decision. The loss of Minorca must be 
 caused by infatuation or design, for that miners, for the defence of 
 Fort St. Philip, were only raising thi:n. Were Mr. Fox, indeed, sole 
 minister, there w^ould be decision enough. Lord G. Sackville said, 
 that he had moved for the Hanoverian troops from the consideration 
 of our unprovided state, to act as a temporary militia ; and because, 
 if the fleet which was sent into the Mediterranean, and which was not 
 superior to the French, were beaten, the French might follow their 
 blow and come hither. He was glad the subject had been mentioned, 
 because every body was struck that Minorca should be left as in time 
 of profound peace. It would become ministers to prove that neglect, 
 necessity. 
 
 These remarks appear unanswerable. The ministry had received 
 undoubted intelligence, several months before, of the designs of France, 
 but they were so overwhelmed with the fear that our own shores were
 
 SIR G. LYTTLETON'S MOTION. 257 
 
 threatened with invasion, that they neglected altogether to provide for chap. 
 the relief of Minorca. The Duke de Richelieu commenced an attack lyVe. 
 upon the fort of St. Philip's on the 25th April. Admiral Byng was === 
 not despatched to the Mediterranean before the 5th April. He then 
 sailed with only ten ships, which, neither in point of men nor condi- 
 tion, were at all adequate to the demands of the service. 
 
 The militia bill was again discussed in the House of Commons, 
 and recommended by Mr. Pitt in another fine dissertation. 
 
 On the 11th May, a copy of the treaty with the King of Prussia, 
 signed at Westminster, January 16, 1756, was laid before the House 
 of Commons, with the copy of a secret and separate article. Mr. Fox 
 also delivered a message from the crown, " hoping that his Majesty 
 would be enabled by his Parliament to concert and take such mea- 
 sures as may be necessary to disappoint or defeat any enterprizes 
 or designs of his enemies, and such as the exigency of affairs re- 
 quired." 
 
 On the following day Sir G. Lyttleton moved that a sum, not 
 exceeding one million, be granted to his Majesty upon account. To 
 the objections of Messrs. Northey and Beckford, Sir G. Lyttleton 
 observed, that the money would be restricted and subject to account. 
 Was government not to be supported, he asked, on the first misfor- 
 tune that happened ? When one happens, would you not prevent a 
 second? If, whilst we guarded Minorca, our own coasts had been 
 neglected, the ministry would indeed be blameable. Nothing had 
 raised the supplies but the security of our coasts. When the foreign 
 troops should arrive, our fleets would be more at liberty. Our spirit 
 and activity had been admired by all Europe ; and it was more diffi- 
 cult to defend our spirit than our neglect. 
 
 Mr. Pitt in very pathetic terms bewailed the disastrous situation 
 of the country, and very ably exposed the miserable pretensions of 
 the ministry to spirit and activity. He begged them to disclose, if 
 they knew, the purposes for which this vote of credit was intended. 
 Was it to raise more men ? We had 40,000 national, and 14,000 
 foreign troops. Was it to make marine treaties ? In such case he 
 
 VOL. I. L 1
 
 258 MR. PITT'S SPEECH. 
 
 CHAP, would joyfully assent. If Sir George Lyttleton could not say for 
 1756. ^'^^^''^^ it ^^as designed, would he at least peremptorily say for what it 
 ==" was not designed? Still he was of so compounding a temper, that he 
 would assent, although votes of credit had been so much abused. 
 The ministers boasted of their unanimity, activity, spirit — what had 
 all this harmony of councils and talents operated? — safety?— were 
 we safe? Damage to the enemy? — when and where? With this 
 universal aye, all our out-lying parts were exposed. But he, alas ! 
 had no particular joy on being so strong on this question. He did 
 not want to load unhappy men who had undone their country. Men 
 most unhappy if they did not feel it. We were told that there was 
 no option but between this country and America and the Mediterra- 
 nean. So this great country could neither provide for defence nor 
 offence ! yet our activity teas admired ! Philosophers, indeed, had a 
 term, vis inertia, the activity of inaction ; was it by that we were to 
 be saved ? His (Mr. Pitt's) charge was, that we had provoked before 
 we were able to defend, and had, neglected after provocation ; that 
 we were left inferior to France in every quarter ; that the vote of 
 credit had been misapplied to secure the Electorate ; and that we 
 had bought a treaty uith Prussia by sacrijicing our rights. He 
 would not have signed that treaty for the five great places held by 
 those who had signed it. They had left us unprovided, as a gap for 
 German troops, and thus German troops at last became an English 
 measure ! The deceased Mr. Pelham had meant economy, and was 
 dragged into foreign measures by one who now had the treasury. 
 
 Could he (Mr. Pitt) every day arraign, and yet continue to 
 trust ? and whilst fresh foreign treaties were in embryo ?■ — If the pre- 
 sent treaty were confined to the defence of the King's dominions, he 
 should not know how to oppose it. He had no resentment; nobody 
 had injured him. Of the measures and incapacity of ministers, indeed, 
 he thought ill. If he saw a child (the Duke of Newcastle) driving a 
 go-cart on a precipice, with that precious freight of an old king and 
 his family, surely he was bound to take the reins from his hands. 
 He prayed to God that his Majesty might not have Minorca, like
 
 MINORCA— ADMIRAL BYNG. 259 
 
 Calais, written on his heart ! He concluded with proposing to take CHAP, 
 the very words of the last vote of credit. 1756 
 
 Whilst the nation was under the most intense anxiety respecting ' 
 the fate of Minorca, an indirect account was received by the ministry, 
 that the English squadron had been repulsed by the French admiral, 
 and compelledto retire without throwing succours into the garrison. 
 A general feeling of indignation now arose against Mr. Byng, but 
 when the ministry, soon afterwards, published an abstract from his 
 own despatch, which they curtailed and altered, the rage of the people 
 knew no bounds. Every artifice was practised by the ministry to 
 prevent this ferment from subsiding. They knew how culpable their 
 own conduct had been, and they eagerly sought to turn the whole 
 tide of public fury upon the admiral. Agents were employed to ex- 
 aggerate his miscarriage, to vilify his person, and to goad on the mul- 
 titude to every species of outrage and indignity against his name. 
 Accounts of the loss of Minorca reached London on the 14th July. 
 The garrison, after displaying acts of the utmost heroism, and after 
 protracting the siege far longer than it was deemed possible, had, at 
 length, been compelled to surrender. From the time the French 
 landed, and made themselves masters of all the defenceless parts of 
 the island, the situation of the garrison of Mahon was most embar- 
 rassing and forlorn. Still hope was not excluded from the breasts of 
 these brave men. They could not suppose that England, with all 
 her navies, would abandon one of her most valuable possessions with- 
 out an eflfort to relieve them. The siege, mean time, went on, the 
 French pressed them close, their numbers declined, their provisions 
 began to fail. How much longer could they hope to defend them- 
 selves ? It was now that the English squadron appeared ? I need 
 not dwell upon the joy of the garrison. Now the time was come when 
 all their anxiety was to cease; an abundant supply of troops and pro- 
 visions to pour in upon them, and the French in their turn to suffer all 
 the miseries of a siege! But no ! These hopes were soon destroyed 
 and succeeded by the most bitter disappointment. Rejoicings are 
 heard in the camp of the enemy. The anxious garrison are soon 
 
 L 12
 
 2()0 ADMIRAL BYNG. 
 
 cilAP. informed that the Enghsh squadron has been defeated by the French 
 J 756. admiral, and compelled to leave them to their fate. Such tidings 
 "^ were indeed calculated to depress them. But whatever injury their 
 
 ramparts had sustained, their hearts were sound, and inaccessible to 
 despair. Every exertion was still made that ingenuity could suggest, 
 or courage enforce, and the siege was protracted till the 27th June. 
 The numbers of the enemy then prevailed, and the town surrendered 
 upon the terms of a most honorable convention. It is not my inten- 
 tion to enter into any minute discussion respecting the conduct of the 
 unfortunate Byng. I shall briefly state my opinion; for the voice of 
 faction upon that subject now no longer prevails, and truth may be 
 heard with impunity. 
 
 The misconduct of Byng rests principally upon the three fol- 
 lowing charges: First, That after sailing from St. Helen's, he unneces- 
 sarily delayed his arrival at Minorca. Second, That he neglected to 
 throw reinforcements into the garrison of St. Philip's. Third, That 
 owing to his fear or error of judgment, he neglected to come to a 
 general engagement with La Galissoniere"'; and thus lost a fine oppor- 
 tunity of gaining a victory, and all the happy consequences that must 
 thence have resulted. 
 
 After a very careful enquiry', I venture to pronounce the two 
 first charges to be without foundation. The condition of Byng's 
 ships compelled him to remain several days at Gibraltar to undergo 
 some necessary repairs. By the shameful neglect of the English mi- 
 nistry, the garrison of Gibraltar was itself so weak, that General 
 Fowkc, the governor, was unable to spare any of his men, and it was 
 not possible for Byng, without extremely crippling his own inadequate 
 force, to reinforce St. Philip's from his own squadron. 
 
 The testimony of Admiral West, upon the subsequent court-mar- 
 tial, fully acquitted Mr. Byng of the first two charges. The third 
 charge, I fear, is not to be overcome. 
 
 In the critical hour of action, when Admiral West, the second 
 
 « The French Admiral.
 
 EMBARRASSMENTS OF THE DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 2G1 
 
 in command, impetuously bore down upon the enemy, the conduct of chap. 
 Byng was marked by hesitation. Some apology for this, has indeed, i75t;.' 
 been offered. The English were not then accustomed to consider an === 
 enemy, at all equal in force to themselves, as a certain or an easy con- 
 quest. The times of Nelson had not then arrived. The fleet of Admiral 
 Byng although numerically stronger than that of La Galissoniere, 
 was not so effective in the complement of his men, the state of his 
 ships, or the weight of his metal. What the result of a general en- 
 gagement, under such circumstances might have been, is known to 
 the Almighty alone. But it appears certain that the backwardness of 
 Byng lost an opportunity which English sailors have ever so ardently 
 desired, and, in general, so nobly improved. 
 
 The situation of public affairs was so unfavorable that the mi- 
 nistry, far from being able to spare any one of their defenders, was in 
 the utmost need of additional strength. An event occurred during the 
 summer which proved, in its consequences, most adverse to their 
 interests — the death of Sir Dudley Rider, Chief-Justice of the Court 
 of King's Bench. The Attorney-General desired and, it was univer- 
 sally allowed, deserved the vacant appointment. In vain did the 
 Duke of Newcastle, dreading the loss of his ablest defender in the 
 House of Commons, endeavour to persuade Mr. Murray to receive 
 some other lucrative oflices, to forego the Chief-Justiceship, and to 
 postpone, for a time, the acceptance of a peerage. Although Mr. 
 Murray possessed much influence in the senate, his ambition was 
 principally fixed upon his profession. He would hear of no alterna- 
 tive, but plainly affirmed that if the Chief-Justiceship was refused 
 him, he would no longer remain Attorney-General. His claims were 
 too strong to be resisted, and, painful as they were to the Duke of 
 Newcastle, arrangements were made to gratify his wishes. 
 
 The national misfortunes were not at an end. In the month of 
 June the East India Company were deprived of Calcutta. In August 
 the fort of Oswego in America was taken by the French. In the 
 latter place more than 1,200 men in our service surrendered them- 
 selves prisoners of war ; one hundered and twenty-one pieces of artil-
 
 262 THE YOUNG PRINCE OF WALES. 
 
 CHAP, lerv, fourteen mortars, with a considerable quantity of ammunition, 
 IX " • • • I ^ 
 
 I75fi warlike stores and provisions, besides two sloops and two hundred 
 
 == batteaux, fell into the enemy's hands. 
 
 These disasters and several internal subjects of complaint, arising 
 principally from inattention and want of judgment in the ministry, 
 made a deep impression upon the public mind. But there was an- 
 other great interest in the state to which the ministry were displeasing. 
 This was the court of Leicester House. The age of the King was so 
 advanced that he could not be expected to survive many years, and 
 the time was evidently not distant when the Prince of Wales would 
 be called to the throne. Under these circumstances the influence 
 which he exercised in the state became every day more considerable. 
 Neither the Duke of Newcastle nor Mr. Fox were agreeable to his 
 Royal Highness. The truth is, the prejudices of his mother and 
 of Lord Bute possessed great influence over his amiable but inexperi- 
 enced mind. The Duke of Newcastle had treated Lord Bute with 
 neglect and contumely, and Mr. Fox was in the intimate confidence 
 of the Duke of Cumberland, between whom and the Princess Dowager 
 of Wales no cordiality subsisted. Nor was the Lord Chancellor upon 
 better terms at Leicester House. Mr. Pitt had for some time at- 
 tended the levees of the Prince of Wales. As an old servant of the 
 late Prince's, it was both natural and becoming in him to pay every 
 mark of respect towards his widow and his son. Neither Mr. Dod- 
 dintrton nor Lord Orford, those treasurers of the sneers and scandal of 
 the day, have presumed to charge Mr. Pitt with sycophancy. The 
 known lofty temper of the man would have rendered the charge 
 ridiculous. At the same time I acknowledge that the dislike to the 
 existing ministry which prevailed at Leicester House, and the esteem 
 which was there manifested towards Mr. Pitt, concurred, with the 
 other circumstances I have mentioned, to promote his subsequent 
 advancement. 
 
 Unwilling as the Duke of Newcastle was to relinquish power, he 
 now saw the precarious tenure by which he possessed it. The nation 
 was indignant at the situation to which they were reduced by the in-
 
 MR. FOX RESIGNS. 263 
 
 capacity of the ministry. The loss of Minorca, the chief subject of chap. 
 complaint, was now attributed to its proper cause. Addresses upon 1755 
 the occasion, were presented to the throne, by the city of London, and ' 
 by many counties and corporations. A pamphlet published by the 
 unfortunate Byng exposed the base artifices which had been practised 
 against him, and, although it failed to establish the character of the 
 admiral for intrepidity and conduct, it fully exposed the shameful 
 weakness and neglect of his employers. 
 
 Such was the general spirit of disgust and resentment against the 
 government that Mr. Fox, not choosing to be implicated in the dis- 
 grace of measures in which he had but little share, suddenly threw up 
 his employment. He was well aware of the distractions which sub- 
 sisted amongst all parties, and knowing how few men there were who, 
 in point of parliamentary abilities, could be compared to himself, he 
 hoped, at no distant period, to resume his station under happier au- 
 spices, and with real power. Both before and subsequent to his re- 
 signation, Mr, Fox offered to connect himself with Mr. Pitt. His 
 Majesty was himself desirous that he should do so. On the 27th 
 October the King, finding that it was the intention of the Duke of 
 Newcastle to retire, sent for Mr. Fox, and desired him to endeavour 
 to unite with Mr. Pitt. The next day Mr. Fox went to the Prince's 
 levee, and taking Mr. Pitt aside, the following conversation took 
 place between them. Mr. Fox. " Are you going to Stowe ? I ask, 
 because I believe you will have a message of consequence, by persons 
 of consequence." Mr. Pitt. " You surprise me. Are you to be 
 of the number ?" Mr. Fox. " I don't know." Mr. Pitt. " One 
 likes to say things to men of sense, and to men of your great 
 sense, rather than to others ; and yet it is difficult even to you." 
 Mr. Fox. "What! you mean that you will not act with me as a 
 minister V Mr. Pitt. " I do." Then to soften the abruptness of 
 this declaration, Mr. Pitt, on leaving Mr. Fox, said, " I hope you 
 will take an active part, which my health will not permit me 
 to do." 
 
 In thus rejecting the overtures of Mr. Fox, the conduct of Mr. Pitt
 
 264 RESIGNATION OF THE DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 
 
 CHAP, appears in rather an ungracious point of view. But there were two 
 j^'^g nioti\es by which he was influenced. In the first place, lie had not 
 ■ forgotten the disavowal of all connexion between them made by Mr. 
 Fox in the preceding year, and he was unwilling now to owe any thing 
 to his intervention. In the second place, he knew the close attach- 
 ment of Mr. Fox to the Duke of Cumberland, and as the influence of 
 his Royal Highness was considerable, he conceived that by concurring 
 with the proposed union, he must, in some degree, be subordinate to 
 Mr. Fox. 
 
 The eyes of all, who either expected power or dreaded the loss 
 of it, were now fixed upon Mr. Pitt. As the nation reposed the most 
 implicit confidence in his zeal, integrity, and abilities, his popularity 
 was prodigious. In the House of Commons, since Mr. Fox had left 
 the ministry, and Mr. Murray was about to enter the House of Peers, 
 there was no longer an orator who, in the approaching session of 
 Parliament, would have courage to look him in the face. Although 
 no cordiality subsisted between the Duke of Newcastle and Mr. Fox, 
 the resignation of the latter proved a serious calamity to his grace, as 
 it obstructed the operations of government, and threw the odium of 
 our late disasters almost wholly upon himself. In this emergency, 
 the Duke made one more effort to unite with Mr. Pitt, but the latter, 
 possessing too much experience of his Grace's irresolution and inca- 
 pacity, absolutely refused to confer with him. Proposals were then 
 made, and the Seals of Secretary of State offered, first to Lord 
 Egmont, and, secondly, to Lord Granville. They were refused by 
 both. The former was only desirous of an English peerage ; and the 
 latter having no wish, in the evening of his days, to run again the 
 race of ambition, was perfectly satisfied with the ease and dignity of 
 his present appointment. Finding it impossible to form an efficient 
 ministry, the Duke of Newcastle formally resigned his situation on 
 the 11th November. On the 19th November, Lord Hardwicke fol- 
 lowed his example, and, much to the regret of the nation, retired from 
 his arduous office. 
 
 Mr. Pitt was now appointed Secretary of State. The Duke of
 
 MR. PITT APPOINTED SECRETARY OF STATE. 265 
 
 Newcastle was succeeded, at the Treasury, by the Duke of Devonshire, CHAP, 
 and Lord Anson, at the Admiralty, by Earl Temple. Mr. Legge 1756. 
 became Chancellor of the Exchequer, in the room of Sir George ^ 
 Lyttleton, who was now elevated to the peerage ; and George Gren- 
 ville became Treasurer of the Navy in the place of Mr. Doddington. 
 With the exception of a few other changes that took place in the 
 Boards of Treasury and Admiralty, no material alterations occurred in 
 the remaining offices of administration. 
 
 VOL. I. Mm
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 1756. 
 
 Peculiar embarrassing Situation of Mr. Pitt as Secretary of State — His Plans with regard 
 to North America — Admiral Bi/ng's Sentence and Execution — Reflexions upon the 
 Conduct of Austria — Count Kaunitz — Combination of several European Powers — 
 Views and Conduct of the King of Prussia — He invades Saxony — Money voted for his 
 Assistance by the English Parliament — Duke of Cumberland is appointed to the Com- 
 mand of the Army of Observation in Germany — The King's Dislike to his Ministers — 
 Mr. Pitt is deprived of the Seals — State of the Country at this Time — Ineffectual 
 Negociationsfor a neiv Administration — Mr. Pitt is re-appointed Secretary of State. 
 
 CHAP. Although the Duke of Newcastle and Mr. Fox, the leaders ol" 
 1756 ^^ great parties, had retired from the administration, they left so 
 many of their adherents in office, that scarcely at the court of Ver- 
 sailles would the new secretary have found himself more destitute of 
 friends, Mr. Pitt, in commencing his administration, had to contend 
 against the most appalling difficulties. He possessed neither the con- 
 fidence of the crown, nor the friendship of many of its servants. 
 Every measure which he suggested, every word that he uttered, every 
 action in which he was concerned, became the vehicles of malice and 
 reproach against him. From the hour of his appointment he was 
 confined with the gout, which afflicted him during the whole of the 
 winter. The dependants of the Duke of Newcastle and Mr. Fox 
 were busy in reviling him, and as they could urge little against his 
 conduct, poured forth torrents of abusive sarcasms upon his bodily 
 infirmities. But these, of course, he despised. His mind was occu-
 
 A 
 
 / 
 
 it.
 
 /,>, / 
 
 .../ 
 
 , 'a 
 
 
 '///^r 4fu/' 
 
 '^'. 
 
 >^ 
 
 J2 / 
 
 7^^ 
 
 ^a^^^%^ecM^ 
 
 
 
 
 '■/'■/' c^/ ' t?^-<i<fe»%< 
 
 i7>t. 
 
 ryit J^ (?
 
 I 
 
 
 
 // / 
 
 ^/^ 
 
 ' i4-r/5 «v4X -^-^ J yi c:&^ ^ . • ><'V';^^:?77 <^/ '^n^ 
 
 ^/ 
 
 -c^ j^i^Ui 
 
 
 
 
 /a 
 
 •yf'-Z--^- ;hi e>-/ 
 
 
 'j^' 
 
 CC c/'!^'^ 
 
 f 
 
 ^ 0^//.^^!^ /> ^ -^ 
 
 ^
 
 / 
 
 
 J%^^.M^. 
 
 J- 
 
 i?^ ^^^ .^ «^ ir£^y^r?2^ ^7y\ 
 
 
 iT?t^ 
 
 ryjt 
 
 e 
 
 ' ^ #t^^ j^i^/" a^ ^^^ c^i^ (ht^ t 
 
 / 
 
 ' /y /? u^n <^^^ <!t^ 
 
 '^y^^-A^^Y cr-X^^ 
 
 *7 i^ /? U^fi ^^^ ^^^^ ^ ^^' 
 
 V 
 
 cZi^i^c^ 
 
 -^t 
 
 ^'/z^ 
 
 /fc 
 
 1" ^O ^^^-HL^ 6^2^ 
 
 y 
 
 ^Z^X;'
 
 EMBARRASSING SITUATION OF MR. PITT. 267 
 
 pied upon subjects infinitely more important. The posture of public CHAP, 
 affairs was, in all respects, deplorable. Three quarters of the globe 1756. 
 were witness to the losses and calamities which Great Britain had 
 sustained in the course of a single year. In Europe, we had been 
 stripped of Minorca. In America, Oswego was taken from us. In 
 Asia, we lost Calcutta, the principal settlement in Bengal. The 
 ministry had hitherto been so unsteady, and public actions had been 
 so much reduced to the standard of party-feeling, that the officers 
 entrusted with the command of our fleets and armies knew not in 
 what light their most meritorious services might be regarded, and, of 
 course, became languid and dispirited in their operations. Some time 
 must necessarily elapse before confidence, and all the happy conse- 
 quences that result from confidence, could be restored to the govern- 
 ment. Whilst the people were enraged at the discomfiture of our 
 arms abroad, their discontent was still further inflamed by a scarcity 
 of corn at home. This was an evil against w hich it was almost im- 
 possible to contend, in a manner satisfactory to the public. For what 
 wisdom can reconcile a people to the want of food, or induce them to 
 think that their sufferings are not, in a great measure, attributable to 
 their governors ? But the high spirit of Mr. Pitt w as not to be 
 depressed by the difficulty of his situation. He possessed the fullest 
 confidence in his own abilities. He was determined to spare no effort 
 by which he might restore his country ; and the able and vigorous 
 manner in which he commenced his administration, shackled as it 
 was, convinced all judicious minds that if England could be rescued 
 from her disastrous situation by any man's councils, it might be 
 rescued by his. 
 
 One of the first objects of Mr. Pitt's administration was to pro- 
 \ide for the security of North America, which owing to the divisions 
 which had prevailed in the cabinet, and to the feebleness of our coun- 
 cils, had hitherto been shamefully neglected. Our colonists, although 
 wealthier and more numerous than those of France, were infinitely infe- 
 rior to the latter in point of military discipline. Almost all the French 
 colonists were expert soldiers. The Indians were generally attached 
 
 M m 2
 
 ••268 HIS PLANS WITH REGARD TO NORTH AMERICA. 
 
 CHAP, to their interests, and whilst our possessions were defenceless, their 
 175«. o""^ were guarded by a chain of forts. The defeat of Braddock and 
 
 ^^^^'"'^"^ other losses which we had sustained, were attended by the worst con- 
 sequences, and had inspired our colonists with the utmost dread of 
 the Indians. It was necessary, therefore, to take some measure 
 which, whilst it recruited their strength, might revive their courage. 
 We have seen how strongly Mr. Pitt condemned the conduct of the 
 late ministry in sending what he termed " two miserable battalions of 
 Irish, who scarce ever saw one another, to be sacrificed in America." 
 The question was, what forces it was now expedient to send ? In a 
 paper submitted to the Duke of Cumberland during the previous year, 
 it was suggested, that two battalions of Scotch Highlanders might be 
 extremely effective in the British .service in America. This paper, 
 containing many other military plans and proposals, was, by the com- 
 mand of his Royal Highness, laid before Mr. Pitt. The Secretary 
 was at once struck by the suggestion I have mentioned above. He 
 conceived that whilst the Americans would derive the greatest assist- 
 ance from these hardy Highlanders, Great Britain also would be bene- 
 fitted by a measure which gave to a considerable body of men, an occu- 
 pation suited to their bold habits and their ardent dispositions, and 
 that thus their allegiance might be transferred from the Stuarts to the 
 1757. House of Hanover. Accordingly, on the 1st of January, 1757* 
 orders were sent to Scotland to raise two battalions. The command 
 of the first battalion was given to the Hon. Archibald Montgomery, 
 brother to the Earl of Egllngton ; the command of the second, to 
 Simon Fraser, son of the late Lord Lovat. This gentleman, as being 
 the head of the Erasers, and the only man under whom that clan 
 would enlist, was recommended to the appointment by the Duke of 
 Argyle. The battalions were raised in a few weeks, and, (it is an agree- 
 able truth to record it,) no men were ever more distinguished for 
 their own honor and the public advantage. 
 
 It was Mr. Pitt's design, (and nothing but the subsequent inter- 
 val in his administration prevented it from being carried into effect,) 
 to send a powerful fleet under Admiral Hawke to co-operate with Lord
 
 HIS PLANS WITH REGARD TO NORTH AMERICA, 269 
 
 Loudoun in America; Louisburg was to be attacked by sea and land; CHAP. 
 we were afterwards to proceed to Quebec, take that also, and thus ^-j^^^ 
 expel the French from the whole continent. This w as a bold and -== 
 comprehensive scheme, desponding politicians then called it a wild 
 one, but the success which attended it two years afterwards, when 
 Mr. Pitt's power enabled him to prosecute it with vigour, fully 
 proved its wisdom. Had it been at first adopted, what an expense of 
 men and treasure had been spared ! With what effect might the 
 forces, subsequently sent to America, have been employed elsewhere ! 
 But this was a portion only of that vigorous system of policy which it 
 was Mr. Pitt's determination to pursue. He was resolved to be inde- 
 fatigable himself, and to allow no idleness in others. It was his wish 
 to employ every ship, every seaman, and every soldier in the manner 
 best adapted to the exigencies of the country. 
 
 The following; extracts from Mr. Pitt's letters to the commanders 
 of the Northern provinces in America forcibly display his energy as 
 minister. 
 
 Whitehall, February Ath,\lo7. 
 
 " The King, having nothing more at heart than the pre- 
 servation of his good subjects and colonies of North America, has 
 come to a resolution of acting with the greatest vigour in those parts 
 throughout the ensuing campaign, and all necessary preparations are 
 making for sending a considerable reinforcement of troops, together 
 with a strong squadron of ships for that purpose, and in order to act 
 offensively against the French in Canada. 
 
 " It is his JMajesty's pleasure that you should forthwith call to- 
 gethery our Council and Assembly, and press them in the strongest 
 manner to raise, with the utmost expedition, a number of provincial 
 troops, at least equal to those raised the last year, for the service of 
 the ensuing campaign, over and above what they shall judge necessary 
 for the immediate defence of their own pro^ ince ; and that the troops 
 so raised, do act in such parts, as the Earl of Loudoun, or the Com- 
 mander-in-Chief of his Majesty's forces for the time being, shall judge 
 most conducive to the service in general : and the King doubts not.
 
 •270 HIS PLANS WITH REGARD TO NORTH AMERICA. 
 
 CHAP. l>ut that the several provinces, truly sensible of his paternal care in 
 . ji; sending so large a force for their security, will exert their utmost cn- 
 ^ deavours to second and strengthen such operations against the French, 
 as the Earl of Loudoun, or the Commander-in-Chief for the time 
 being, shall judge expedient, and will not clog the enlistments of the 
 men, or the raising of the money for their pay, &c., with such limitations 
 as have been hitherto found to render their service difficult and inef- 
 fectual. And as a proper encouragement, I am to acquaint you, that 
 the raising of the men, their pay, arms, and clothing, will be all that 
 will be required on the part of the several provinces, measures having 
 been already taken for laying up magazines of stores and provisions of 
 all kinds at the expense of the crown." 
 
 Whitehall, February 19//;, 1757. 
 
 " Having in my letter of the 4th instant informed you 
 that it M^as the King's intention to send a strong squadron of ships of 
 war to North America. I am now to acquaint you, that his Majesty 
 has been pleased to appoint Rear Admiral Holburne to command the 
 said squadron, and it is the King's pleasure that in case any naval as- 
 sistance shall be wanted for the protection of your government, you 
 should apply for the same to the said Rear Admiral, or to the Com- 
 mander-in-Chief for the time being, of his Majesty's ships in those 
 seas, who will send you such assistance as he may be able to do, con- 
 sistently with the service, with which he is charged by his Majesty's 
 instructions; and you will regularly communicate to the said 
 Commander all such intelligence as shall come to your know- 
 ledge, concerning the arrival of any ships of war, or vessels having 
 warlike stores on board ; and likewise all such advices as may concern 
 their motions and destination, or may in any manner relate to that 
 part of his Majesty's service, with which the commanders of the King's 
 ships should be acquainted. And for the better execution of the 
 orders sent you in this letter, you will be diligent in employing proper 
 persons and vessels, not only to procure you the earliest intelligence, 
 but likewise to be dispatched from time to time, to the said Com-
 
 ADMIRAL BYNG'S SENTENCE AND EXECUTION. 271 
 
 mander of his Majesty's ships with such accounts as you shall have CHAP, 
 occasion to communicate to him. i?-;?. 
 
 " It is also his Majesty's further pleasure that you should use all 
 legal methods, whenever the Commander-in-Chief of his Majesty's 
 ships shall apply to you, to raise such a number of seamen from time 
 to time, as shall be wanted to recruit the ships in North America." 
 
 As the enemy had hitherto maintained a superior naval force in 
 the West Indies, Rear Admiral Cotes was sent, with large reinforce- 
 ments, to convoy our merchantmen to Jamaica; and Commodore 
 Moore, upon the same service, to the Leeward Islands. Admiral 
 Osborn was appointed to command the fleet in the Mediterranean ; 
 and Commodore Stevens was dispatched to the East Indies, with a 
 squadron to join Admiral Watson. Such was the energy, which, not- 
 withstanding the dulness and jealousy of many of his colleagues, 
 characterized the first measures of Mr. Pitt. Already the nation 
 felt confidence under his administration, and the dread of invasion, 
 which had so lately prevailed, was now regarded as an empty 
 dream. 
 
 I have already mentioned the error, I shall now revert to the fate, 
 of the unfortunate Byng. The part which Mr. Pitt took upon this 
 occasion was consistent with his general conduct ; it was honorable, 
 manly, and humane. After a delay of several months. Admiral Byng 
 was tried by a court martial, and on the 28th January, 1757, sen- 
 tence of death was pronounced against him. This sentence was, 
 however, accompanied by an earnest recommendation of mercy to the 
 throne. That mercy was arrested by the malice of his enemies. In 
 the mean time Mr. Pitt stood forward to save, if possible, the friend- 
 less and sentenced man. But the agents of the Duke of Newcastle 
 and of Mr. Fox were too numerous and too active to allow of a suc- 
 cessful interposition on the part of Mr. Pitt. The humanity of this 
 great man was calumniated and misrepresented in the blackest co- 
 lours. As the day appointed for the execution of Byng drew near, 
 many members of the court martial felt great compunction for the
 
 i:-2 ADMIRAL BYNG'S SENTENCE AND EXECUTION. 
 
 CHAP, sentence they had pronounced. Captain Keppel was particularly 
 175; shocked that the accompanying recommendation to mercy had proved 
 
 === unsuccessful. On the 23rd February he, in company with More and 
 Dennis, two other members of the late court martial, waited on Lord 
 Temple, and besought liim to renew their application to the throne 
 ibr mercy. On the same day a discussion upon the twelfth article of 
 war", for the violation of which the Admiral was condemned, arose 
 in the House of Commons, Mr. Beckford upon this occasion scru- 
 pled not to say that the late sentence was considered a cruel one. 
 Mr. Pitt, though owning how sensibly he felt the difficulty of speak- 
 ing on that melancholy occasion, with true spirit avowed himself on 
 the favorable side. The sentence, he said, had undergone discussion : 
 for himself, he never could have agreed to it ; but he thought the 
 legislature had nothing to do to advise the King on that his peculiar 
 prerogative, mercy. He did wish it might he extended to the pri- 
 soner ; and owned that he thought ?no)-e good nouhl come from mercy 
 than rigour. That it was more likely to flow from his Majesty if he 
 was left entirely free. As to the article, he did not w ish to see disci- 
 pline relaxed : but no article could be enforced but when it was intel- 
 ligible. And this being proved so obscure, it was not for the honor 
 of national justice that a sentence, issuing from its obscurity, should 
 be carried into execution. Were Mr. Byng condemned of cowardice 
 or disaffection, he himself, though single, would petition for his exe- 
 cution. Of all men the commissioners of the Admiralty ought the 
 least to interpose. But what indeed could add weight in the prisoner's 
 favor to the recommendation of his judges ? 
 
 Mr. Fox, who chose to wear, like the day, an aspect of compas- 
 sion, and at the same time to fasten difficulty and unpopularity on 
 
 • Article Xir. " Every person in the fleet, who through cowardice, negligence, or disaf- 
 fection, shall, in time of action, withdraw or keep back, or not come into the fight or engage- 
 ment, or shall not do his utmost to take or destroy every ship which it shall be his duty to 
 engage, and to assist and relieve all and every of his Majesty's ships, or those of his allies, 
 which it shall be his duty to assist and relieve, every such person so offending, and being con- 
 victed thereof by the sentence of a court martial, shall suffer death."
 
 ADMIRAL BYNG'S SENTENCE AND EXECUTION. 273 
 
 the new minister and his friends, rose to say, that " he could not CHAP, 
 comprehend the deUcacy of the Admiralty in not laying their scruples 17.57. 
 before the King. That during the nine years that himself had been 
 the Secretary at War, it had been his constant practice on all courts 
 martial to acquaint the King with any favorable circumstances that 
 appeared. That he had always found his Majesty disposed to lenity, 
 and when he (Mr. Fox) said nothing, the King would ask, ' Have you 
 nothing favorable to tell me ?' Silence always implied that there was 
 nothing. If the Lords of the Admiralty thought the court martial 
 meant error of judgment, they ought to tell the King so. Any one 
 Lord of the Admiralty might ; Admiral Forbes * might. That in sign- 
 ing the warrant, never till now had been used the words, ' It is his 
 Majesty's pleasure.' He recommended it to them to consider the 
 circumstances, and inform the King of them ''." 
 
 Mr. Pitt, in reply, bade him consider all that had passed for the 
 last six months, and then judge if the Lords of the Admiralty were 
 the proper persons to make representations on this case. He had no 
 reason to expect any tenderness to himself or to his friends ; and in- 
 deed he supposed Mr. Fox's speech was calculated to throw them 
 under difficulties in another place. For himself, he had too much 
 awe on his mind to make so free with descriptions as Mr. Fox had 
 of personal colloquies. On the following day Mr. Pitt did move the 
 King for mercy, but was cut very short, nor did his Majesty remem- 
 ber to ask his usual question, whether there were any favorable cir- 
 cumstances ? 
 
 The 28th February was appointed for the execution of Admiral 
 Byng. The 25th arrived. Captain Keppel was now most anxious 
 to communicate to the House of Commons certain doubts and scru- 
 ples respecting the late sentence, which oppressed his mind. But he 
 was a diffident man, and wholly unaccustomed to public speaking. 
 His anxiety and embarrassment were observed by the younger Horace 
 
 * Admiral Forbes had refused to sign the warrant for Mr. Byng's execution. 
 •■ Lord Orford's Memoires. 
 
 VOL. I. N n
 
 271 DOUBTS OF MR. KEPPEL ON THE SUBJECT. 
 
 CHAP. Walpole, whose conduct was now most benevolent and kind. Find- 
 
 Y . . . 
 
 1757. '"S ^' "^ ^'^^^ ^^ press Mr. Keppel to make his own application to the 
 ===^ House, he eagerly besought Mr. Fox to do so. Mr. Fox was sur- 
 prised, knew not what to determine, said he was uncertain, and left 
 the House. Sir Francis Dashwood, with the most prompt humanity, 
 then informed the House of Mr. Keppel's desire that some method 
 might be found of empowering him, and the other members of the 
 court martial, to declare what had been their intention in pronouncing 
 Mr. Byng guilty. 
 
 Sir J. Phillips expressed himself against the interference of the 
 House upon the subject. 
 
 Mr. Pitt rose, and requested the House to consider seriously 
 before they proceeded on so nice a matter ; he wished first to see a 
 direct application to the House. For himself, he should probably 
 smart for it ; he had received a menacing letter that very morning. 
 He then addressed himself to Mr. Keppel ; wished he would break 
 through his bashfulness and rise : it would be a foundation for him 
 (Mr. Pitt) to vote for the bill demanded, and then he should despise 
 threats. 
 
 Mr. Keppel then rose, and, speaking with much sense and se- 
 riousness, declared that he did desire to be absolved from his 
 oath. He had, he said, something on his mind which he wished to 
 express. Many others of the court martial had been with him that 
 morning, and exhorted him to make the demand. 
 
 Mr. G. Grenville and Lord G. Sackville then gave their opinion 
 that the members of the court martial might speak without a bill 
 being passed on the subject. Mr. Keppel still professed that he had 
 doubts whether he could speak without a dispensing act. 
 
 Mr. Pitt said, he honored Mr. Keppel for his doubt; wished 
 him to consult his friends that night ; and told him that in regard to 
 them, the House would sit the next day. For himself, he should, in 
 their case, have no hesitation in speaking without the act, as they 
 only desired to tell what was most proper to be told : he hoped they 
 would lay their sentiments at his Majesty's feet the next morning.
 
 HIS MAJESTY'S MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 275 
 
 On the 26th February a cabinet council was held to consider the CHAP, 
 propriety of Mr. Keppel's demand. Mr. Pitt told the King, that the 1757. 
 House of Commons wished to have the Admiral pardoned. His Ma- ^^ 
 jesty shrewdly and severely replied, " Sir, you have taught me to 
 look for the sense of my subjects in another place than in the House 
 of Commons." 
 
 On the same day, however, the following message was presented 
 to the House of Commons by Mr. Pitt. 
 
 " George R. 
 
 " His Majesty, agreeably to his royal word, for the sake 
 of justice, and of example to the discipline of the navy, and for the 
 safety and honor of the nation, was determined to have let the law 
 take its course with relation to Admiral Byng, upon Monday next, 
 and resisted all solicitations to the contrary. 
 
 " But being informed that a member of the House of Commons, 
 who was a member of the court martial which tried the said Admiral, 
 has, in his place, applied to the House, in behalf of himself, and 
 several other members of the said court, praying the aid of Parlia- 
 ment to be released from the oath of secrecy imposed on courts mar- 
 tial, in order to disclose the grounds whereon sentence of death passed 
 on the said Admiral, the result of which discovery may shew the 
 sentence to be improper ; his Majesty has thought fit to respite the 
 execution of the same, in order that there may be an opportunity of 
 knowing, by the separate examination of the members of the said 
 court, upon oath, what ground there is for the above suggestion, 
 
 " His Majesty is determined to let this sentence be carried into 
 execution, unless it shall appear from the said examination that Ad- 
 miral Byng was unjustly condemned." 
 
 Mr. Pitt had no sooner delivered this message, than Mr. Fox 
 rose and desired that it might again be read to the House. There 
 were words in the message, he said, that struck his ear in a very ex- 
 traordinary manner. The King having been informed that a member 
 
 N n 2
 
 276 DEBATE ON THE MESSAGE. 
 
 CHAP, in his place ! Who intbmied liiin ? Who betrayed to the crown 
 1757. what was said in parhament ? What minister was so ignorant as to 
 advise the crown to take notice of having had such intelhgence? 
 Did ministers dare to avow that they made representations of the 
 speeches of particular men ? It had, indeed, now been done for a 
 laudable purpose ; but, by the same rule, it might be practised for a 
 bad one ; and, on no account, must it be suffered to strengthen into a 
 precedent. He desired to be shewn one instance, since the reign 
 of James I., where the privileges of Parliament had been so sported 
 Mith. 
 
 Mr, Pitt replied, with great indignation, that the time had been 
 too pressing to consult precedents. He had not thought that the life 
 of a man was to be trifled with whilst clerks were searching records. 
 He founded his conduct on the peculiarity of a case, which was its 
 own precedent, and could be so to no other — a precedent that 
 could never be extended but by a wicked parhament. He had been 
 doing his duty in Parliament the day before ; he had heard the 
 momentous doubts of Mr. Keppel, and had represented them. He 
 should have been ashamed to run aziaij basely and timidbj, and hide 
 his head, as if he had murdered somebody under a hedge "=. It had 
 been the sense of the House, that what had passed should be laid 
 before his Majest}' ; and he had accordingly thought it his duty to re- 
 present it. What w ould Mr. Fox have done ? — not have represented it? 
 
 However we must admire the warmth of humanity by which 
 Mr. Pitt was actuated upon this occasion, yet as Mr. Fox's objection 
 to the message was well-founded, and as the same information might 
 have been regularly conveyed to the House, it is to be regretted that 
 any breach of parliamentary privilege should thus unnecessarily have 
 been committed. 
 
 Several members took part in the debate which followed. 
 
 Mr. Fox distinguished himself by the extreme subtlety of his re- 
 marks. Mr. Potter and Sir Francis Dashwood were ordered by the 
 
 " Alluding to the abrupt manner in which Mr. Fox had left the House when applied to by 
 Horace Walpole.
 
 BILL TO ABSOLVE THE COURT MARTL^L FROM THEIR OATH. 277 
 
 House to prepare a bill to release from the obligation of the oath of CHAP, 
 secrecy, the members of the court-martial appointed for the trial of 1757. 
 Admiral Bjng, pursuant to the exception contained in the same oath. ^^^^^^^ 
 A bill was accordingly prepared, presented, read, amended, and ordered 
 to be engrossed on the same day. 
 
 On the adjournment of the House, an order was despatched to 
 Portsmouth to respite the execution of Admiral Byng till the 14th 
 March. On the 28th February, the bill was reported to the House 
 of Commons, and Mr. Potter moved to have it read the third time. 
 
 It was advanced by Mr. Fox and others, as a reason for not passing 
 the bill, that two of the four members of the court-martial, described 
 by Mr. Keppel as equally desirous with himself of being absolved 
 from their oath of secrecy, had asserted that he (Mr. Keppel) had 
 mistaken their meaning. 
 
 It was in consequence of some remarks which fell from Mr. 
 Charles Townshend, that Mr. Pitt uttered the following impassioned 
 sentences : " May I fall when I refuse pity to such a suit as Mr. Keppel's, 
 justifying a man who lies under captivity and the shadow of death ! 
 I thank God I feel something more than popularity — I feel justice !" 
 
 Mr. Velters Cornwall divided the house upon the question, and 
 the bill passed by 153 against 23. 
 
 It met with a different fate in the House of Lords. 
 
 Men, strangers to bodily fear, are sometimes awed and embar- 
 rassed by the pomp and circumstance of power. Such appears to 
 have been the case with several members of the court martial when 
 summoned to appear before the House of Lords. Discrepancies 
 appeared in their opinions, and different answers were given by them 
 to the questions which arose, respecting the necessity of the bill pro- 
 posed. The bill was, almost unanimously, rejected. But, as Mr. Pitt 
 had observed in the House of Commons, the strongest recommendation 
 in favor of the prisoner was that of his judges ; when that Avas 
 rejected, it was not to be expected that any other would have weight. 
 One more effort was however made in favor of the sentenced Admiral. 
 " On the 9th, at eleven at night, four Tory Aldermen went to Dicken-
 
 278 EXECUTION OF ADMIRAL BYNG. 
 
 CHAP, son, the Lord Mayor, to desire he Mould summon a Common Council, 
 1757, intending to promote a petition to the King to spare the Admiral. 
 
 == The motion was imputed to Mr. Pitt. The magistrate, as unfeelingly 
 formal as if he had been the first magistrate in the kingdom, replied, 
 that it was too late ; he would be at home till noon of the next day. 
 On the morrow they sent to him not to dismiss his ofticers — but he 
 heard no more. Thus the last chance was lost. Had the first mid- 
 night emotion been seized, it might have spread happily — at least the 
 King could not have pleaded his promise of severity pledged to the 
 
 City . 
 
 The last scene of this tragedy was performed on the 14th March. 
 Through the inveterate malice of his enemies, and the mistaken * sen- 
 tence of his judges, an Admiral of the British Navy, a Member of the 
 British Parliament, the son of a noble and heroic father, then underwent 
 the horrors of an ignominious death. Whatever might have been th? 
 error of Admiral Byng on the day of battle, it certainly was not pro- 
 portioned to the severity of his fate. That fate will ever remain an 
 example, that weakness of counsels and cruelty of purpose proceed 
 from the same source. 
 
 The period to which my history is now arrived renders it neces- 
 sary to consider a change in the policy of Cireat Britain with re- 
 gard to her German connexions, which is almost without parallel. 
 To support the House of Austria against the preponderating influence 
 of France, had for ages been received as an incontrovertible axiom of 
 English policy. To this interested attachment to Austria had been 
 added a generous and enthusiastic feeling in favor of its sovereign. 
 The zeal we had evinced, the sums we had expended, and the blood 
 we had shed in support of Maria Theresa had been sufficient, it might 
 have been supposed, to warm with gratitude even the cold heart ot 
 self-interest. England had preserved Austria from destruction. But 
 
 ^ Lord Orford's Memoires. 
 
 * I say mistaken, for it was passed under the impression that the accompanying recommen- 
 daiion to mercy would prevent its being carried into execution. It was pronounced legal by the 
 twelve Judges.
 
 INGRATITUDE OF MARIA THERESA— COUNT KAUNITZ, 279 
 
 ambition filled the breast of Maria Theresa, and left little room for CHAP. 
 
 X. 
 
 kinder feelings. Far from thinking herself oppressed with any load 1757. 
 of obligation, she regarded the efforts which the English had made in " 
 
 her favor as prompted, solely, by the consideration of their own advan- 
 tage. 
 
 The proud heiress of Charles the Vlth, although she had conde- 
 scended to receive and to solicit the bounty of England, resented 
 deeply the high tone of remonstrance which that country, in its com- 
 munications with Vienna, thought necessary, on some occasions, to 
 adopt. A few uncourtly expressions from the British government 
 were sufficient to expel from her heart all sense of gratitude to the 
 British people. But the great cause of her alienation from England 
 arose, not so much from a sense of offended dignity, as from that of 
 self-interest. Maria Theresa considered that her claims and rights 
 had been sacrificed by the English at the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle. 
 The loss of Silesia rankled in her breast. No parent ever more 
 acutely deplored the loss of a child stolen from her by banditti, than 
 she did the loss of that country. No parent ever more intensely de- 
 sired or projected the recovery of her child than Maria Theresa did 
 that of Silesia. It was this feeling which softened and subdued in 
 her breast the hereditary hatred of Austria to France. Even before 
 the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle she had made advances to Louis the 
 XVth, and proffered the cession of part of the Low Countries, pro- 
 vided he would assist her in the recovery of Silesia. But Louis, then 
 eagerly desirous of peace, was unwilling to contract engagements 
 which might impede its negociation. The first efforts of the Empress- 
 Queen to effect a close connexion with France were, from this cause, 
 ineffectual. Still her confidential ministers at Paris kept this object 
 constantly in view, and Kaunitz, at length, accomphshed it. 
 
 Antony Wenceslaus, Count of Kaunitz, was born in 1711. He 
 was early distinguished for his diplomatic abilities. Being empowered 
 to act as plenipotentiary by the court of Vienna at the congress of 
 Aix-la-Chapelle he supported the interests of his mistress with the 
 most determined zeal. He was subsequently appointed ambassador
 
 280 FORMIDABLE COMBINATION AGAINST THE KING OF PRUSSIA. 
 
 cilAi'. to Paris, where the fri\ohty of" his taste was as agreeable to the habits 
 1757. o^ the French people, as his known penetration and capacity for busi- 
 ■ ness were satisfactory to his own government. Whilst at Paris, he 
 laboured with incessant assiduity and address to remove that invete- 
 rate hatred which, e\er since the reign of Francis the 1st, had pre- 
 vailed between the houses of Hapsburg and Bourbon. His great 
 object was to detach France from Prussia. With this view he dwelt 
 upon the high tone of superiority which it became France to adopt 
 towards those Princes of Germany whom she had assisted with money 
 or with troops. He represented Frederick as the pensioner of Louis, 
 and, in the most artful manner, asserted that it was highly derogatory 
 to the honor of the latter to allow the King of Prussia to put himself 
 upon an equal footing with the Monarch of France. These repeated 
 insinuations were not without effect. The court of Versailles in its 
 communications with Berlin became much more haughty, and em- 
 ployed a language very offensive to the quick feelings of Frederick. 
 
 But it was not France alone that tho Kmpress-Queen endeavoured 
 to engage in hostilities with Prussia. Saxony was secretly associated 
 in her cause, and every effort was made to procure the co-operation of 
 Sweden and of Russia. By representations from the courts of Vienna 
 and Dresden, the Czarina Elizabeth became exceedingly prejudiced 
 and incensed against the King of Prussia. She was induced to believe 
 that he harboured designs against her life, in order to place upon 
 her throne Ivan, the nephew of his Queen. She gave, therefore, a 
 willing ear to the proposals of the Empress-Queen, and determined 
 to espouse her cause. 
 
 What an unexampled combination was now preparing ! We 
 first behold two gigantic powers of Europe agreeing to cancel all mu- 
 tual animosities, uniting their councils and their armies, and then 
 adding to the compact the alliance of Sweden, and that of the most 
 extensive kingdom in the world. France, Austria, Sweden, and 
 Russia, putting forth their strength in one common cause ! Could the 
 remaining nations of the world, it may be asked, oppose any adequate 
 opposition to such an union as this ? Yes ! In one corner of Ger-
 
 FORMIDABLE COMBINATION AGAINST THE KING OF PRUSSIA. 281 
 
 many a hero reigned, lord of an inconsiderable territory, whose CHAP, 
 genius was able to confound this multitude of enemies, and excite 1757 
 him to actions surpassing the achievements of Greece or Rome. ' 
 
 Perhaps the annals of the world afford no stronger instance of what 
 the talents of one man can effect than the actions of Frederick, during 
 the seven years' war. His campaigns and victories form a new aera in 
 military history. But whilst we admire the hero, we must condemn 
 the man. When our astonishment at that courage and those abilities 
 which could encounter and surmount such dangers, has abated, we 
 must ask, (if the stern language of patriotism may be heard,) what 
 right he had to involve his country, in all the horrors of so hopeless 
 a war ? The only apology that can be offered for his conduct is, that 
 he knew not the strength of the confederacy against him till it was too 
 late to arert it. Let us consider the motives upon which Frederick 
 acted, and the circumstances in which he was placed with regard to 
 the great powers of Europe during the year previous to the war. 
 
 The Empress-Queen was, at that time, the only sovereign whose 
 enmity he had reason to regard as certain, and against whose exer- 
 tions it was a point of necessity to be on his guard. As to France, 
 although he felt indignant at the dictatorial tone which she latterly 
 had assumed, and although he suspected that an alliance was forming 
 between the courts of Versailles and Vienna, still, as he was himself 
 in treaty with Louis, he had no reason to dread immediate hostilities 
 from that quarter. 
 
 The sentiments of the Czarina, he knew to be most unfavorable 
 to himself, but he also knew that without large subsidies of money 
 she could send no powerful armies against him. 
 
 When he looked towards England, he saw a wealthy people, 
 whose liberal hand had extricated his implacable enemy from the 
 lowest depths of misfortune. He knew that they had met with an 
 ungrateful return for their generosity, and were disgusted at the 
 selfish conduct of the Empress-Queen. 
 
 Although it was highly probable that France would attack Hano- 
 ver, yet, from his own vicinity, Frederick felt himself to be the great- 
 
 VOL. I. 00
 
 -82 GEORGE II. ENTERS INTO ALLIANCE WITH FREDERICK. 
 
 CHAP, est object of fear to the King of England. He was well aware of 
 1767. the extreme anxiety of that monarch on account of his electorate, and 
 " therefore saw the probability that overtures of alliance would be made 
 
 to him from Great Britain. How then was Frederick II. to act in a 
 system so complicated and involved ? Since the peace of Aix-la- 
 Chapelle, he had been forming a very powerful army, which was pre- 
 pared by the severest discipline to meet, on the instant, every variety 
 of war. His forces were so numerous and so admirably trained, that 
 he knew it would require a very extraordinary association of powers 
 to prevail against him. But his confidence was scarcely warranted 
 even by the wonderful extent of his abilities. It became apparent 
 that his desire of enterprize was greater even than his political fore- 
 sight, and that his judgment was blinded by his ambition. 
 
 He was at this time informed, that the King of England had 
 concluded a treaty with the Czarina Elizabeth, and had stipulated for 
 a large body of troops to defend his electorate in the event of invasion. 
 Upon this, Frederick at once formed his resolution. He caused it to 
 be declared in every court of Europe, that he would resist, with his 
 utmost might, the admission of foreign forces into the empire, whether 
 they came as principals or as auxiliaries. Although this declaration 
 was professedly directed against Russia, he foresaw that it would be 
 equally offensive to France, whose troops were already marching in 
 considerable numbers towards the frontiers of the empire. But he 
 concluded that it would be the means of securing the alliance of Great 
 Britain^ which country he hoped would prove a common bond of 
 union between Russia and himself The subsequent conduct of 
 England justified in part his policy. His conclusions with regard to 
 Russia were erroneous. George II. sought, and obtained his alliance, 
 but the enmity of Elizabeth was not to be subdued. 
 
 The hatred of the Czarina towards Prussia was greater than her 
 thirst for the subsidies of Great Britain. When she found that 
 George II. had concluded a treaty with Frederick, she dissolved the 
 alliance which she had contracted with the former, and united with 
 Austria and France. But although the Empress-Queen had long
 
 BAD POLICY OF THE MEASURE. 283 
 
 been secretly negociating tliese alliances, she had still preserved the CHAP, 
 appearance of friendship to Great Britain, and therefore assumed a 175". 
 tone of extreme indignation when informed of the treaty between 
 that country and Prussia. She accused George II. of deserting his 
 former connexions, of combining with her inveterate enemy, and thereby 
 compelling her, as a measure of self-defence, to unite with France. 
 Under such pretences she endeavoured to mask her ingratitude. 
 
 When we consider the aifairs of Great Britain, it must be ad- 
 mitted that nothing could be more contradictory and impolitic than 
 our past conduct and our present engagements. We had precipitated 
 a war before we had made preparations to support it, and by so doing 
 had left Hanover exposed to the attacks of France and Prussia. To 
 guard against such incursions, we first entered into a treaty with 
 Russia. That treaty becoming virtually annulled by the declaration 
 of Frederick, the King of England at once forgets his former antipa- 
 thies, and secures the solitary alliance of Prussia, at the risk of losing 
 every other connexion, and at the expense of immense supplies ^ 
 
 In the summer of 1756, the King of Prussia, knowing the vast 
 confederacy that was forming against him, determined to try whether 
 his own promptitude and abilities might not turn the scale against the 
 numbers of his enemies. His great hope was to defeat their designs 
 by anticipating them. He knew that the Saxon army, at that time 
 consisting of not more than 18,000 men, might, during the succeed- 
 ing winter, be increased to 40,000 ; he also knew that it would require 
 another year, before Russia could put her unwieldy forces in motion ^. 
 Under all these circumstances, he determined to strike a sudden and 
 effective blow before the preparations of his enemies were completed. 
 Desirous, however, of preserving the appearance of moderation to the 
 last, he demanded of the Empress-Queen with what intention she was 
 forming two formidable armies in the neighbourhood of Konigsgratz 
 
 ' The treaty between Great Britain and Prussia was signed on the 1st January, 1756. Sge 
 Appendix, No iv. paper 6. 
 
 E He learned this through a Commis at Dresden, who was in his interests, and who communi- 
 cated to him the despatches of that court to and from Vienna and Petersburg. 
 
 O o2
 
 284 FREDERICK COMMENCES HOSTILITIES WITH SUCCESS. 
 
 CHAP, and Prague; requiring from her Majesty a positive assurance that 
 1757. she would not attack him either during that or the following year. 
 ^^^'^^^'^ Receiving no satisfactory answer to this and another similar interroga- 
 tion, the execution of his purpose was no longer delayed. At the 
 conclusion of a great supper in August, 1756, Frederick took the 
 British resident, Mr. Mitchell, aside, and desired that gentleman to 
 come to him at three o'clock in the morning. At that hour, he led 
 Mr. Mitchell to his camp and said, " a hundred thousand men are 
 now departing they know not whither." It was upon a somewhat 
 similar occasion that Xerxes pathetically observed to his attendant, 
 that out of the vast multitude then in military array before them, not 
 one in the course of a century would be found alive. Had Frederick 
 been inclined to moralize, he might have added infinite strength to 
 the observation of the Persian monarch, by limiting it, in the case of 
 his own army, to the brief space of seven years. Within that period, 
 almost every one of those brave men, then going forth in the buoy- 
 ancy of hope, in the pride of health and strength, sacrificed their lives, 
 the victims of his ambition. 
 
 Saxony, which in the former war had been subjected to the 
 King of Prussia, was now the first scene of his invasion. On the 
 10th September he took possession of Dresden, The King of Poland " 
 with the Saxon army had previously withdrawn to the celebrated 
 camp of Pirna. Frederick demanded that this army should quit their 
 position and be immediately dispersed. This demand being refused, 
 the King of Prussia formed a blockade around the Saxon camp, in 
 order to reduce it by famine. The Austrian general. Brown, soon 
 afterwards advanced to relieve the Saxons, and Frederick, never 
 backward in engaging an enemy, gave him battle at Lowositz, The 
 Austrians, although much more numerous than the Prussians, were 
 defeated, and compelled to retire. They subsequently renewed their 
 purpose, and the Saxons, endeavouring to join them, were surprised 
 by the extreme vigilance of Frederick, and obliged to surrender 
 
 " Augustus, Elector of Saxony.
 
 VIGOROUS CONDUCT OF MARIA-THERESA. 285 
 
 themselves prisoners of war. The King of Prussia now treated Saxony CHAP, 
 as a conquered province ; he appropriated the revenues of the country, 1757. 
 and by a mode of usage practised against slaves or beasts of burden, ""^""""^ 
 he compelled the troops to enter into his service, and fight in oppo- 
 sition to their own cause. 
 
 The winter season, which prevented his farther operations in the 
 field, was occupied by Frederick in the most vigorous preparations 
 for the ensuing campaign. Nor was his illustrious adversary less 
 assiduous. Every method of engaging the various powers of Europe 
 to act heartily in her cause was now practised by Maria-Theresa. 
 Europe resounded with the charges of violence and injustice which 
 were urged against the King of Prussia. Process had before been 
 commenced against him in the Emperor's Aulic council, and in the 
 diet of the empire. He had there been condemned for contumacy, 
 and the Fiscal had orders to announce to him that he was put under 
 the ban of the empire, and adjudged fallen from all his dignities and 
 possessions. 
 
 Early in the year 1757 the King of Prussia made a proposition 
 to George II. to assemble an army in a convenient position between 
 Wesel and Lippstadt, in order to cover Westphalia, and protect the 
 electorate of Hanover, However desirous the King of England might 
 himself be of adopting this measure, he knew that it would be con- 
 sidered too extensive by his administration. The plan was therefore 
 circumscribed, and an army of observation, consisting only of the 
 Hanoverian and auxiliary troops, was proposed to act defensively on 
 the Wesel. Had Mr. Pitt then possessed sufficient influence with the 
 crown, there is little doubt that he would have resisted even this 
 limited assistance in a continental quarrel. But he judged it vain to 
 oppose measures which he could not prevent '. Perhaps the admira- 
 tion which he always had expressed of the King of Prussia, in some 
 degree influenced his conduct, and induced him to acquiesce in, 
 
 ' " Mr. Pitt seems to me to }iave almost as many enemies to encounter as his Prussian ma- 
 jesty. The late ministry and the Duke's party will, I presume, unite against him and his Tory 
 friends." Lord Chesterfield to his son, January, 1757.
 
 286 THE KING'S MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE ON THE SUBJECT. 
 
 CHAP, as it afterwards did so warmly to espouse, the cause of that sove- 
 
 17.57. •■fcign- 
 
 On Thursday the 17th February, the very day on which he took 
 
 his seat in the House of Commons, and attended for the first time 
 
 since his promotion, Mr. Pitt presented the following message from 
 
 the Kin2:\ 
 
 '& 
 
 " George R. 
 
 " It is always with reluctance that his Majesty asks any 
 extraordinary supply of his people ; but as the united counsels and 
 formidable preparations of France and her allies threaten, with the 
 most alarming consequences, Europe in general ; and as these most 
 unjust and vindictive designs are particularly and immediately bent 
 against his Majesty's electoral dominions, and those of his good ally 
 the King of Prussia, his Majesty confides in the experienced zeal and 
 affection of his faithful Commons, that they will cheerfully assist him 
 in forming and maintaining an army of observation for the just and 
 necessary defence and preservation thereof, and to enable his Majesty 
 to fulfil his engagements with the King of Prussia, for the security of 
 the empire against the irruption of foreign armies, and for the support 
 of the common cause." 
 
 Amongst the few observations made by Mr. Pitt in opening this 
 message to the House, the following one, regarding the conduct of 
 Maria-Theresa towards England, was marked by his characteristic 
 strength. " If it had not been for the blood and treasure of Britain, 
 the Empress-Queen would not have had it in her power to be un- 
 grateful now." 
 
 Lord G. Sackville said, that at this time he saw a prospect of 
 carrying on the war with success, as great part of the money was to 
 be given to the King of Prussia — a better method than that of sub- 
 sidiary treaties. 
 
 ' This occasion of sneering at his inconsistency was not lost by his opponents.
 
 DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S DISLIKE TO MR. PITT. *287 
 
 Mr. Fox said, that he should neither provoke nor avoid alterca- CHAP, 
 tions : it was sufficient for him that his own part had been a consistent 175*7. 
 one. He had, indeed, been told that the German measures of last = 
 
 year would be a mill-stone about the neck of the minister : — he hoped 
 this German measure would be an ornament about the present mi- 
 nister's neck ! It was in truth the greatest instance of courage and 
 capacity, and promised stability to Mr. Pitt's administration. 
 
 Mr. Pitt replied, that he only rose again to show that he would 
 keep his temper and his word ; although Mr, Fox's reflections were 
 but an ugly presage of his kind wishes to the new administration. 
 For minister — the word never belonged so little to any body as to 
 himself : he had neither ministerial power nor influence. All he had 
 done was, having had an opportunity of saying, " This I will do — 
 that I will never do." 
 
 The sum of 200,000/. was unanimously voted to his Majesty for 
 the purposes specified in the message. 
 
 The Duke of Cumberland was appointed to the command of the 
 army of observation in Germany. He accepted this difficult employ- 
 ment with reluctance. He had been unsuccessful against the French 
 when the situation of affairs was far more promising than at present, 
 and he was unwillina; to act in concert with Mr, Pitt. The favor 
 with which Mr. Pitt was received at Leicester House was not likely 
 to recommend him to the Duke, whose dislike to this gentleman was 
 increased by his own attachment to Mr. Fox. His Royal Highness 
 was urgent with his Majesty to change his ministers, and, indeed, 
 almost stipulated for the dismissal of Mr. Pitt and Lord Temple, 
 before his departure to Germany. His suggestions were by no means 
 disagreeable to the King. Neither the respect and veneration which 
 Mr. Pitt thought it his duty to observe to the sovereign ', nor the 
 
 ' " No infirmity, occasioned by disease, nor even the solicitation of the sovereign, could 
 prevail on him (Mr. Pitt) to be seated in his presence. When he was not able to stand, he 
 received his commands kneeling upon a stool ; and with this elegant and flattering mark of 
 respect the King expressed himself highly pleased to one of his attendants, after the first au- 
 dience he ever afforded to the minister, not chosen by himself." Seward's Anecdotes Lord 
 
 Cliatham,
 
 288 MR. PITT DISMISSED BY THE KING. 
 
 CHAP, great talents he had e\ inced for active business had jet been able to 
 1757. overcome the prejudices of his master. Lord Temple was infinitely 
 
 ''^^^'^'^ more disagreeable to his Majesty than Mr. Pitt. However open and 
 however pleasing to the world in general, the manners of this noble- 
 man were too familiar to please at St. James's. In addition to this, 
 Lord Temple had used expressions, during the consideration of Ad- 
 miral Bjng's sentence, which were extremely offensive to the King. 
 But although most desirous of removing Lord Temple and Mr. Pitt, 
 his Majesty m as aware of the difficulties which would arise from their 
 dismissal. The previous events of his rcign had slicwn upon how few 
 of his servants he could rely, when their own interests and their poli- 
 tical connections were opposed to their loyalty. 
 
 The Duke of Newcastle, although not actually in office, still {as- 
 sessed immense influence in both Houses of Parliament. The weak- 
 ness and irresolution of his character were well known, but his eager- 
 ness for power was equally notorious. He appeared therefore to his 
 Majesty the most proper person to treat with respecting a change in 
 the administration, and the Earl of Waldegrave was accordingly di- 
 rected to confer with him on the subject. Lord Waldegrave, also, by 
 his Majesty's command, had frequent consultations with the Duke of 
 Cumberland and Mr. Fox. The Duke of Newcastle's conduct was 
 now marked by even more than his usual vacillation. He entered 
 into arrangements on one day, from which he departed on the next. 
 Eager to come into office, yet fearful of consequences, and jealous of 
 all whose abilities pointed them out as fit persons for employment, it 
 was found impossible to rely upon him firmly in any arrangement 
 that was proposed. Several weeks passed in this vain system of con- 
 sultations. Before any regular scheme of administration was adopted, 
 Lord Temple was dismissed from the Admiralty, and Lord Winchelsea 
 appointed in his stead. Some days afterwards Mr, Pitt, by his Ma- 
 April 5. jesty's command, resigned the seals of Secretary of State, and Mr, 
 Legge those of the Exchequer. 
 
 The place which Mr. Pitt now occupied in the affections of the 
 public was in one respect more extraordinary and more honorable
 
 MR. PITT'S POPULARITY. 289 
 
 than that which he subsequently acquired by all the glories of the war. CHAP. 
 Few opportunities had yet been offered him of proving his abilities as 17.57. 
 a minister. Attracted only by the ardour of his eloquence, the integ- ^^"^^^ 
 rity of his character, and the supposed purity of his intentions, the 
 nation, with one voice, hailed him as the only man who could save 
 his country. No conqueror upon his return from the field of victory 
 was ever crowned with more enthusiastic applause than was Mr. Pitt 
 upon his dismission from power. 
 
 As it was judged unconstitutional to address the throne upon the 
 recent changes in the administration, another method was adopted of 
 conveying to his Majesty the sentiments of the people. Addresses 
 of thanks, expressed in the warmest language, and the freedom of the 
 principal corporations throughout the kingdom, contained in boxes of 
 high value and curious workmanship, were therefore presented to Mr. 
 Pitt, and Mr. Legge. 
 
 In the meantime the Duke of Cumberland departed for the 
 Continent, whilst anarchy prevailed in the cabinet. Applications 
 were next ineffectually made from the crown to secure the services of 
 Lord Egmont, Lord Halifax, Charles Townshend, Lord Duplin, and 
 Sir T. Robinson, but these persons severally declined undertaking the 
 responsible situation of minister of state. Another negociation was 
 consequently opened with the Duke of Newcastle. It is humiliating 
 to reflect upon the influence which that nobleman is said to have still 
 possessed. " At the period of detected misgovernment with regard 
 to his country, of ingratitude and disobedience to his master, of 
 caprice, duplicity, and irresolution towards all factions ; when under 
 prosecution by Parliament and frowned on by his Sovereign, at this 
 instant were the hopes, the vows of all men, addressed to him ! The 
 outcast of the ministry, the scorn of the court, the jest of the people, 
 was the arbiter of Britain : her King, her patriots, her factions, waited 
 to see into what scale he would fling his influence "." 
 
 On the 19th April the enquiry into the loss of Minorca com- 
 
 ■ Lord Orford's Memoires, vol. ii. p. 204. But this description is somewhat exaggerated by 
 the dishke of the writer to the Duke of Newcastle. 
 
 VOL. I. P p
 
 290 DISCREDITABLE SITUATION OF THE COUNTRY. 
 
 CHAP, nienced in the House of Commons. The greatest number of papers 
 1757. 6ver produced upon one subject were now laid before the members, 
 ==^ and referred to a committee of the whole House. The proceedings of 
 the committee were not marked by much judgment or vigour. After 
 sitting many weeks they passed several resolutions which ill agreed 
 with the evidence upon which they were alleged to be founded. It 
 was expected that the result of the enquiry would be decisive as to a 
 new administration. But no such consequence followed. As the 
 conduct of no ministers and of no individual were denounced by the 
 resolutions of the committee, none were proscribed as unworthy of 
 power ; but as approbation was equally withheld from all, none impli- 
 cated in these resolutions could thence advance a claim to be em- 
 ployed in future. 
 
 To what a fearful and disgraceful condition was the country 
 now reduced ! Precipitated as we had been into a war without any 
 adequate provision, we had now to prosecute that war without an ad- 
 ministration. I know not whether the situation of the King indi- 
 \idually, or of the nation collectively, was then most deeply to be 
 deplored. Upon the earnest recommendation of Lord Chesterfield, 
 an administration founded upon the union of the Duke of Newcastle, 
 Mr. Pitt, and the friends of Leicester House, was next proposed and 
 submitted to his Majesty. But when the King found that all his 
 favorite points were to be abandoned ; that Lord Winchelsea was to 
 be displaced, and the Admiralty to undergo a total change ; that 
 Mr. Fox was not to be paymaster ; and that Lord Temple was to 
 have a cabinet councillor's employment, he at once rejected the pro- 
 posals. Again the Duke of Newcastle was applied to and again he 
 disappointed and deceived his master. It was now that the virtue 
 and the loyalty of Lord Waldegrave proved him to be, even to a 
 mighty monarch, a friend in need. Although unused and averse to 
 official employment, he consented, at this arduous crisis, to become 
 first Commissioner of the Treasury. Mr, Fox was to be Chancellor 
 of the Exchequer, and the Earl of Egremont Secretary of State. 
 Upon the first meeting of this designated administration, at which
 
 RE-APPOINTMENT OF MR. PITT. -91 
 
 they were joined by the president of the council, and the first Lord of CHAP, 
 the Admiralty, it was soon found how incompetent they were to the 17.57. 
 task which they had undertaken. The sanguine temper of Lord 
 Granville, indeed, induced him to assure them of success ; and the 
 courage and integrity of Lord Winchelsea kept him firm to his post ; 
 but the good sense of Lord Waldegrave, and the shrewdness of Mr. 
 Fox, easily taught them the real weakness of their condition. After 
 a second and third meeting of the same persons, his Majesty was 
 compelled to resort to other measures. 
 
 On the 11th June, Lord Chief Justice Mansfield was summoned 
 to attend at Kensington, in order, as it was stated, to deliver back 
 the Exchequer seals which had been in his possession from the time 
 of Mr. Legge's resignation. The King conversed, for a considerable 
 time, in the most confidential manner with his Lordship, and finally 
 empowered him fully to negociate with Mr. Pitt and the Duke of 
 Newcastle. It was some time before the demands of all parties could 
 be satisfactorily adjusted. The negociation between Mr. Pitt and the 
 Duke of Newcastle, which was commenced by Lord Mansfield, was 
 concluded by Lord Hardwicke, and a ministry at length satisfactorily 
 arranged. 
 
 The following appointments were thus announced in the London 
 Gazette. 
 
 Kensington, June 29. — The King was pleased to re-deliver the 
 Seals to the Right Hon, William Pitt, Esq. one of the Secretaries of 
 State. 
 
 Whitehall, July 2. — The King has been pleased to appoint the 
 Duke of Newcastle, Henry Billson Lcgge, and Robert Nugent, Esqrs. 
 Lord Viscount Duncannon, and James Grenville Esq. Commissioners 
 for executing the Office of Treasurer of his Majestjj's Exchequer. 
 
 ' to appoint the Right Hon. H. B. Legge, Esq. Chan- 
 cellor of the Exchequer. 
 
 to appoint Lord Anson, Edward Boscawen, and Tem- 
 ple West, Esqrs. Dr. George Hay, Thomas Orby Hunter, Gilbert 
 Elliott, and John Forbes, Esqrs. to be Commissioners of the Admiralty. 
 
 p p 2
 
 29-2 COALITION OF THE THREE PARTIES IN THE STATE. 
 
 CHAP. to appoint Earl Gower Master of the Horse, in the 
 
 1757. room of the Duke of Dorset. 
 =^== IVhitchaU, July 5. — The King has been pleased to appoint the 
 
 Duke of Dorset Constable of Dover Castle, and Warden of the 
 Cinque Ports, during his life. 
 
 to appoint the Right Hon. Henry Fox, Esq. Paymaster 
 
 of all the Land Forces. 
 
 The custody of the Privy Seal was given to Lord Temple. 
 At Mr. Pitt's desire, Mr. Pratt, then a favorite pleader at the 
 bar of the House of Commons, was made Attorney-general in the 
 room of Sir Robert Henley, who was appointed Lord Keeper, with a 
 pension, and a profitable reversion for his son. Mr. Potter became 
 one of the Vice Treasurers of Ireland, in the room of the Earl of 
 Cholmondeley, to whom was assigned a very considerable pension on 
 the Irish establishment. 
 
 Thus, after an interval of more than eleven weeks, the three 
 great parties, into which the state was divided, were brought to act 
 together for the welfare of their country. 
 
 Mr. Pitt's administration is, properly speaking, to be dated from 
 this period. During the short time in which he was before Secretary 
 of State, his influence in the Cabinet was so inconsiderable, that the 
 measures which originated with him were not supported with the 
 full strength of the government, and consequently had not a fair 
 chance of succeeding. The estimation in which he was held by the 
 nation, not the favor of the sovereign, now placed him in that pre- 
 eminent station, which Lord Carteret formerly occupied under more 
 hostile auspices with a less happy exercise of power. 
 
 The above coalition of parties, although displeasing to the Towns- 
 hends, and to some others of narrow and exclusive sentiments, gave 
 general satisfaction to the nation. Men of sense considered it the 
 best, because it w£is the most healing measure. They saw that it was 
 little less than impossible for any one party to support the weight of 
 public business by its own individual strength. The most sanguine 
 expectations of the country were, on this occasion, surpassed. Unlike
 
 MR. PITT'S PRACTICE WITH REGARD TO THE ADMIRALTY. 
 
 293 
 
 many anterior and subsequent coalitions, the present was productive CHAP, 
 of the happiest consequences. It tied up the hands of opposition, 1757. 
 and gave scope to the mighty genius of Mr. Pitt. 
 
 Lord Waldegrave, (from whose account I have principally derived 
 my statements,) was present at Kensington when the new ministry 
 appeared before his Majesty, and narrowly watched the countenance 
 and demeanour of those before him. He says : " The behaviour of 
 Mr. Pitt and his party was decent and sensible : they had neither the 
 insolence of men who had gained a victory, nor were they awkward 
 and disconcerted, like those who come to a place where they know they 
 are not welcome, 
 
 " But as to the Duke of Newcastle and his friends, the resigners, 
 there was a mixture of fear and of shame in their countenances : they 
 were real objects of compassion"." 
 
 When Lord Anson was proposed for the Admiralty by the Duke 
 of Newcastle, Mr. Pitt declared that his Lordship should not possess 
 the correspondence. The Duke replied, that this would be an altera- 
 tion in the usual business of the board, which could not be settled 
 without the consent of his Majesty. In consequence of this, Mr. Pitt 
 had an audience of the King, who then consented that the corres- 
 pondence with the naval officers, which is usually vested in the Board 
 of Admiralty should be given to Mr. Pitt, and that the Board should 
 only sign the despatches without being privy to their contents". It 
 was at this audience that the following remarkable sentences, (repeated 
 by Lord Nugent, many years afterwards in the House of Commons,) 
 were uttered by his Majesty and his minister. Mr. Pitt — " Sire, 
 
 ° Lord Waldegrave's Memoires, page 138. 
 
 ° The usual practice is for the Secretary of State to send all the orders respecting the navy, 
 which have been agreed to in the Cabinet, to the Admiralty, the Secretary of which Board writes 
 those orders again, in the form of instructions from the Admiralty to the Commanding Officer 
 for whom they are designed. These instructions must be signed by three of the Board. During 
 Mr. Pitt's administration, he wrote the instructions himself, and sent them to their Lordships to 
 be signed ; always ordering his Secretary to put a sheet of white paper over the writing. Thus 
 they were kept in perfect ignorance of what they signed. — Anecdotes of the Life of Lord Chatham, 
 by Almon. — I believe Almon received this information from Lord Temple.
 
 294 MR. PITT'S EVENTUAL INFLUENCE WITH THE KING. 
 
 CHAP, give me your confidence, and I will deserve it." The King — " De- 
 
 175?. serve my confidence, and you shall have it." Lord Nugent added, 
 
 ' that Mr. Pitt, at length, won so upon the King, tliat he wa.s able to 
 
 turn his very partialities in favor of Clermany to the benefit of his 
 
 country.
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 1757. 
 
 Operations of the armi/ of observation — The Duke of Cumberland is defeated at Hasten- 
 beck — His Royal Highness adopts an injudicious line of retreat — Disastrous state of 
 public affairs — The energy and application of the Secretary of State — Projects a de- 
 scent upon the coast of France — An expedition is prepared — Military force employed— 
 Character of the officers — Naval force — Operations of the feet — Failure and return of 
 the expedition — Haiuke and Boscawen despatched to intercept the French squadron 
 returning from Louisburg — Convention of Closter-seven — The Duke of Cumberland 
 arrives at Kensington — Manly conduct of Mr. Pitt — Wonderful exertions of the King 
 if Prussia — Victory of Rosbach — Bold system of operations recommended by Mr. Pitt 
 — Parliament meets — King's Speech — Celebrated Speech of Mr. Pitt — Astonishing 
 success of the King of Prussia. 
 
 The Duke of Cumberland, upon his arrival in Germany, found him- cHAP. 
 self placed in a very difficult and perplexing situation. Early in the ^..^j 
 spring, the French had assembled two considerable armies on the 
 Rhine. The Duke of Cumberland was opposed to the one under 
 Marshal d'Etrees, and was not only inferior to the enemy in number, 
 but at the head of a body of Germans, less under his own command 
 than that of the Hanoverian ministers. His Royal Highness, how- 
 ever, displayed considerable abilities in obstructing, as much as pos- 
 sible, the progress of D'Etrees, But the superior numbers of the 
 enemy soon compelled the Hanoverian army to give way, and to 
 allow the French to cross the Weser without opposition. Germany 
 now presented a most gloomy prospect both to Hanover and to 
 England. The King of Prussia, who on the 6th of May had been 
 victorious at Prague, was, on the 18th of June, completely defeated
 
 1757. 
 
 296 OPERATIONS OF THE DUKE OF CUMBERLAND. 
 
 CHAP, at Kolin by the Austrian General Daun. The Duke of Cumberland 
 '■ had continued to retire before d'Etrces, but conceiving that Ilastenbeck 
 afibrded a position admirably .suited to the purpose, determined to 
 make a stand in that place. On the 26"th of July he was attacked by 
 the French troops who possessed themselves of a very important bat- 
 tery in the centre of his army. The admirable conduct of the here- 
 ditary Prince of Brunswick soon retrieved this disaster, and a charge 
 made by the Hanoverian Colonel Breitenbach produced such an im- 
 pression upon the enemy, that D'Etr6es, concei^'ing the battle lost, 
 had ordered a retreat. This was opposed by the Duke of Orleans, 
 and, soon afterwards, the French army learned, with astonishment, 
 that the Duke of Cumberland himself was in full retreat towards 
 Hamelen. It is difficult to say, what induced his Royal Highness, 
 ■whose courage was undoubted, to abandon a field where victory 
 seemed to await him. He had evinced great discernment in the early 
 part of the battle, his judgment then appears to have become confused, 
 and induced him not only to retire, but to adopt the worst line of 
 retreat which he could possibly ha\e taken. Supposing that the su- 
 periority of the enemy had rendered a retreat unavoidable, he should, 
 instead of falling back to Hamelen and the Lower Weser, and thence 
 proceeding to Stade, have retreated behind the Seine, and thence suc- 
 cessively to Wolfenbuttle, Halberstadt, and Magdebourg, under the 
 cannon of which last place he might have waited in an entrenched 
 camp, till he could effect a junction with the Prussians. Such was 
 the disastrous state of affairs in Germany, when Mr. Pitt was again 
 appointed Secretary of State. Our only ally had sustained a most 
 signal defeat by the Austrians. The Hanoverian army after the loss 
 of a battle was pursued by the French to Stade, and information was 
 every day expected in England, that they had been compelled to sur- 
 render themselves prisoners of war. 
 
 The prospect in America % was not more inviting. Mr. Pitt's 
 great plans with regard to that country, had either been neglected, or 
 
 ■ See letters of Governor Dinwiddee and of Governor Fitch to Lord Holderness and Mr. Pitt 
 in Appendix, No. xi.
 
 DIFFICULTIES OF MR. PITT'S SITUATION. 29; 
 
 rendered abortive by the miserable manner in which it was attempted chap. 
 to carry them into effect. j^^^ 
 
 Lord Loudoun had been compelled to abandon his expedition -- 
 against Louisburg ; and Holburne, one of the severest condemners of 
 Byng, with a fleet of seventeen ships, had declined engaging the French 
 admiral, whose force amounted to nineteen. Whilst such were our 
 reverses abroad, the internal condition of England was by no means 
 prosperous. The distress of the people, arising from the scarcity of 
 corn, had not yet been removed. Disorders, occasioned by the Mi- 
 litia Bill, were general throughout the country, and the knowledge 
 that Mr. Pitt was one great promoter of the measure was not calcu- 
 lated to give popularity to his administration. But the mind of Mr. 
 Pitt was well formed to meet the difficulties of his situation. From 
 his youth he had been no stranger to severe application. He did not 
 resemble those, who accept employment allured by the power or emo- 
 luments which attend it, but he accepted it, as a sacred trust which 
 he was determined most rigidly to discharge. He was accordingly 
 unwearied in his application to business ^ The parade of levees he 
 abjured. The distribution of places and pensions he resigned to his 
 colleagues in oftice. His capacious mind was entirely occupied in 
 plans for the benefit of his country. 
 
 It required, indeed, some time before the great qualities of Air. 
 Pitt, as a practical man of business, were understood by his colleagues, 
 and before he could infuse a portion of his own vigour into the diffe- 
 rent departments of government ; but it is most curious and interesting 
 to trace the effects which these produced when developed in the sub- 
 sequent course of his admmistration. 
 
 From the time Mr. Pitt undertook a principal share in the admi- 
 nistration, he was continually reflecting upon those measures which 
 might most effectually re^•ive the drooping spirits of the nation, and 
 cripple the hostile exertions of France. Under this idea, he conceived 
 
 '' See extracts from Mr. Pitt's despatches in the Appendix, No. I. These shew how promptly 
 his measures were taken upon his reappointment to the ministry, 
 
 VOL. I. Q q
 
 29S THE EXPEDITION AGAINST ROCHFORT. 
 
 CHAP, that a descent upon the French coasts, in order to surprise one of 
 
 YT 
 
 J 757 their important maritime towns, might be eminently useful. Should 
 
 ■ such an expedition be fortunately conducted, we might hope to inflict 
 a lasting injury upon the French na\y by destroying numbers of their 
 ships ; and, even should we be disappointed in the full accomplishment 
 of our purpose, we must excite such an alarm throughout France as 
 would prevent Louis XV. from reinforcing his armies in Germany and 
 America, and, perhaps, compel him to recall a large portion of his 
 troops for the defence of his own dominions. 
 
 Mr. Pitt reasoned widi great probability, that the French, having 
 seen the imbecility of our late administration, would not be under 
 the smallest apprehension of an invasion on the part of England. 
 From this cause, their vigilance would be relaxed. He moreover 
 concluded, that, as the French had made such great exertions, and 
 sent forth such large bodies of men in prosecution of the war in Ger- 
 many and America, their resources must be impaired, and their own 
 coasts left without an adequate defence. Whilst intently occupied in 
 such considerations Mr. Pitt was informed, by the Commander-in- 
 Chief of the Army % that he had received a letter from Captain Clark'', 
 an enterprising and scientific officer of engineers, stating that the im- 
 portant town of Rochfort, (whose harbour always contained a number 
 of most valuable ships,) might, at this time, be attacked with the 
 happiest prospect of success. Captain Clark alleged that his opinion 
 was founded upon the following facts. In the year 17o4 he had, by 
 the politeness of the governor, an opportunity of taking a deliberate 
 survey of Rochfort. He then saw several ships upon the stocks, and 
 a considerable rjuantity of naval stores. He observed that the fortifi- 
 cations of the town were so weak, and, in some places, so unfinished, 
 that it might easily be taken by assault, and the stores and shipping 
 as easily destroyed. 
 
 So daring an enterprise was well adapted to the ardent spirit of 
 
 Sir John Ligonier, soon afterwards created an Irish Viscount and a Field Marshal. 
 * Soon afterwards promoted to the rank of Lieutenant Colonel.
 
 THE EXPEDITION AGAINST ROCHFORT. 
 
 299 
 
 Mr. Pitt. There were, however, several important questions to be chap. 
 considered before any resolution could be adopted upon the subject. 1757. 
 It was necessary, in the first place, to be assured of the correctness of 
 the information. What was the character of Captain Clark as an 
 engineer, and a man of veracity ? In the second place, allowing the 
 state of Rochfort, in the year 1754, to be as described by Captain 
 Clark, had no subsequent alterations taken place, and was not the 
 town, at the present time, in a complete posture of defence ? In the 
 third place, was the landing of a body of English troops, sufficient to 
 assault Rochfort, practicable, and, if practicable, was not the number 
 of French troops, which could be drawn together to resist them, 
 sufficient to overwhelm the invaders ? 
 
 It appears that all these questions were carefully examined by 
 Sir John Ligonier, Sir John Mordaunt, General Conway, Lieutenant 
 Colonel Wolfe, and other members of a council assembled for the 
 purpose. The depositions of Thierry, a pilot by profession, and who 
 had been twenty years in the French service, were taken, and nothing- 
 transpired to shew that an attempt might not be made upon Rochfort, 
 and attended with the most complete success \ An expedition was 
 accordingly resolved on, and the most active preparations made to 
 provide every thing necessary for its equipment. The despatch with 
 which these arrangements were carried into effect, was only equalled 
 b}- the profound secrecy observed as to the destination of the arma- 
 ment. 
 
 *■ According to intelligence received by the Administration, the amount and disposition of the 
 French Army were as follows ; 
 
 In Germany - 119,000 
 
 In America and their Islands 25,000 
 
 In the East Indies • 4,000 
 
 On the sea coast of Franc, from St. Valery to Bayonne, an ex- 
 tent of 400 miles 1 0,000 
 
 In Garrisons and interior parts of France next the Empire, and 
 
 from Calais down to Provence • 29,000 
 
 Total 187,000 
 
 Q q2
 
 •300 THE EXPEDITION AGAINST ROCHFORT. 
 
 CHAP. The following is a list of the general and staff otllcers, with the 
 
 /757_ military force employed upon this occasion. 
 
 Commander-in-Chief, Lieutenant General Sir John Mordaunt, K.B. 
 Hon. Henry Seymour Conway, ? m ' C 1 
 
 Hon. Edward Cornwallis, j 
 
 Quarter-master General, Colonel James Wolfe. 
 
 First Brigade. Comniamlinp; Officers of Regiment!. Second Brigade. Commanding Officers of Uegimcnta. 
 
 3d Regt. of Foot, Col G. Howard. 5th Regt. Col. Lord G. Bentinck. 
 
 8th Lt. Col. Lafausille. loth Lt. Col. Hon. James Murray. 
 
 20th Col. W. Kmgsby. 24th Lt. Col. William Rufane. 
 
 25th Lt. Col. Scott. 30th Lt. Col. Sir William Boothby. 
 
 50th • CoL S. Hodgson. 51st Colonel Thomas Brudencll. 
 
 Each Regiment was completed to 700 men - - - - 7,000 
 
 Light Horse -------------. 100 
 
 Artillery 200 
 
 Total 7,300 
 
 The military command of this formidable expedition was, in the 
 first instance, offered to Lord George Sackville, who having declined 
 it, Major General Conway was recommended to the appointment, but 
 the King, thinking the service required an officer of greater experience, 
 thought proper to entrust it to Sir J. Mordaunt. 
 
 This gentleman had formerly gi\en proofs of courage and 
 capacity, but his health had latterly become impaired, and a nervous 
 disorder, imder Avhich he laboured, in a great measure disqualified 
 him from exerting that alacrity of spirit so necessary to the success of 
 every hazardous undertaking. General Conway was next in command. 
 But although this officer was universally esteemed and respected, and 
 possessed undoubted courage, his warmest friend allows that he was 
 deficient in decision, and in quickness of determination. 
 
 The most enterprising military officer on this expedition, and, in 
 every respect, most calculated to ensure its success, was the Quarter 
 Master General. But his youth and inferior rank in the service would 
 have rendered his appointment to the chief command, at that time, an 
 
 ' Horace, Earl of Orford.
 
 THE EXPEDITION AGAINST ROCHFORT. 
 
 301 
 
 invidious measure. Colonel Wolfe was then only thirty-one years of chap. 
 age; but he had already given signal proofs of that extraordinary 17.57. 
 ardour in the pursuit of his profession which has immortalized his ""^'"^^""" 
 name. The exact state of discipline to which he had brought his 
 regiment, and the spirit with which he performed every military duty, 
 were subjects of admiration to the whole army. 
 
 Captain Clark, who furnished the information which I have 
 mentioned, was appointed to act as chief engineer upon the expedition. 
 
 The Naval Force was as follows : 
 
 Ships. 
 
 Guns. 
 
 Men. 
 
 
 Commanders. 
 
 
 
 
 f Sir Edward Hawke, K. B. Admiral of the Blue, 
 
 Ramillies 
 
 90 
 
 815 
 
 (Capl 
 'Ch. 
 Capf 
 
 Commander in Chief. 
 
 t. James Hobbs. 
 
 Knowles, Vice Admiral of the Red. 
 
 Neptune 
 
 90 
 
 805 
 
 ;. J. Gdlbraith. 
 
 
 
 
 jTho, 
 
 , Broderick, Rear Admiral of the White. 
 
 Princess Amelia 
 
 80 
 
 681 
 
 
 
 
 
 i Capt, Stephen Colby. 
 
 Royal George 
 
 100 
 
 870 
 
 
 Matthew Buckle. 
 
 Namur 
 
 90 
 
 780 
 
 
 Peter Denis. 
 
 Barfleur 
 
 90 
 
 780 
 
 
 Samuel Graves. 
 
 Royal William 
 
 84 
 
 770 
 
 
 Whittwrong Taylor. 
 
 Magnanime 
 
 74 
 
 700 
 
 
 Hon. Rich. Howe. 
 
 Torbay 
 
 74 
 
 700 
 
 
 Hon. Aug. Keppel. 
 
 Dublin 
 
 74 
 
 600 
 
 
 Geo. Bridges Rodney. 
 
 Burford 
 
 70 
 
 520 
 
 
 J. Young. 
 
 Alcide 
 
 64 
 
 500 
 
 
 J. Douglas. 
 
 America 
 
 60 
 
 420 
 
 
 Hon. John Byron. 
 
 Achilles 
 
 60 
 
 420 
 
 
 Hon. Sam. Barringtou. 
 
 Med way 
 
 60 
 
 420 
 
 
 Charles Proby. 
 
 Dunkirk 
 
 60 
 
 420 
 
 
 Robert Digby. 
 
 Frigates. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Jason 
 
 50 
 
 250 
 
 
 William Paston. 
 
 Southampton 
 
 32 
 
 220 
 
 
 J. Gilchrist. 
 
 Coventry 
 
 28 
 
 200 
 
 
 Carr. Scroope. 
 
 Sloops. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Cormorant 
 
 18 
 
 120 
 
 
 Ben. Clive. 
 
 Postilhon 
 
 18 
 
 120 
 
 
 W. Cooper. 
 
 Beaver 
 
 16 
 
 150 
 
 
 E. Gascoigne.
 
 302 
 
 THE EXPEDITION AGAINST ROCHFORT. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 Sloops. 
 
 Guns. 
 
 Men. 
 
 Commanders. 
 
 XI. 
 
 Pelican 
 
 14 
 
 80 
 
 Capt. J. O'Hara 
 
 n.-JT. 
 
 Escort 
 
 Bomb- Ketches. 
 
 14 
 
 80 
 
 Cha. Inglis. 
 
 
 
 
 Firedrake 
 
 8 
 
 60 
 
 Owen Edwards. 
 
 
 Infernal 
 
 8 
 
 68 
 
 J. Mackenzie. 
 
 
 Fire Ships. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Pluto 
 
 8 
 
 45 
 
 John Lindsay. 
 
 
 Proserpine 
 
 8 
 
 4.5 
 
 Francis Banks. 
 
 
 Busses. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Canterbury 
 
 6 
 
 40 
 
 Thomas Lempriere 
 
 
 Med way 
 
 6 
 
 40 
 
 Cha. Lucas. 
 
 
 Hospiul Ship. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Thetis 
 
 Total, 
 
 18 
 
 1476 
 
 100 
 
 John Moutray. 
 
 
 11779 
 
 
 From the above list it m ill be seen, that the naval command of this 
 mighty armament was entrusted to Sir Edward Hawke, one of the 
 most distinguished admirals in the British navy ; and that the officers 
 under him were all men of established character. Amongst them we 
 find the illustrious names of Howe, Keppel, Rodney, and Byron. 
 
 It is worthy of observation, that, when Mr. Pitt ordered this fleet 
 to be equipped, and appointed the time and place of its meeting, Lord 
 Anson declared that it was impossible to comply with his orders : the 
 ships, he said, could not be prepared within the time specified ; he, 
 moreover, desired to know their destination, that they might be vic- 
 tualled accordingly. Mr. Pitt replied, that if the ships were not 
 ready at the time required, he should lay the matter before the King 
 and impeach liis Lordship in the House of Commons. This spirited 
 menace produced its effect, and the men of war were all equipped and 
 prepared according to the time and manner appointed. All Europe 
 beheld these mighty preparations with astonishment, and France with 
 the greatest alarm. She saw the black clouds gather, but she knew 
 not where the thunder was to fall. The embarkation of the troops
 
 THE EXPEDITION AGAINST ROCHFORT. 303 
 
 was obstructed for some time by the mismanagement of those who CHAP, 
 had contracted to furnish several transports for the service. Mr. Pitt 1757. 
 expressed the greatest uneasiness at this delay, and repeatedly urged === 
 the commanders to expedite their operations. At length the expected 
 transports arrived ; the wind, which had blown adversely from the 
 westward, changed ; the troops were embarked, and the expedition 
 sailed from Spithead on the 8th September. It was not known until 
 the 14th September, even to those on board the fleet % that a descent 
 was intended upon the coast of France, near Rochfort or Rochelle. 
 His Majesty's instructions to the commander-in-chief were : " To 
 attempt, as far as should be found practicable, a descent on the coast 
 of France, at or near Rochfort, in order to attack, and, by vigorous 
 impression, force that place ; and to burn and destroy to the utmost of 
 his power, all such docks, magazines, arsenals, and shipping, as shall 
 be found there." 
 
 On the 15th September directions were issued by Sir J. Mor- 
 daunt to the troops relative to their landing, and to the subsequent 
 conduct to be observed by them on shore. These were extremely to 
 the purpose, and were highly satisfactory to the troops. They were, 
 however, unnecessary, at the time, for no landing was as yet intended. 
 On the 20th the fleet made the isle of Oleron, and now it was that 
 time, so valuable upon these occasions, was first unprofitably consumed. 
 It was not till after much deliberation that any plan of executing the 
 object of the enterprise was undertaken. At length it was determined 
 to attack the small island of Aix w hich lies in the mouth of the river 
 Charente, and Sir E. Hawke gave directions for the purpose. But 
 this enterprize was delayed by a singular occurrence. Admiral 
 Knowles, w hen about to obey the orders of his superior, was informed 
 that a French ship of war, whether by accident or design, w as stand- 
 ing in to the very middle of our fleet. Perplexed by so unexpected 
 
 5 Lord Chesterfield, writing to his son from the neighbourhood of London, says, " We think 
 and talk of nothing here but Brest, which is universally supposed to be the object of our great 
 expedition. A great and important object it is. I suppose the afiair must be brus-que, or it 
 will not do. If we succeed, it will make France put some water to its wine."
 
 304 THE EXPEDITION AGAINST ROCIIFORT. 
 
 CHAP, an event, it was some time before Admiral Knowles gave the neces- 
 i'757 sary orders to chase the intruder. Even then he committed an error. 
 
 ==^ For in company with the Torbay, he despatched, upon this service, the 
 Magnanime, the ship which contained Thierry, the only pilot in the 
 fleet who was acquainted with the coast of France. The enemy's ship 
 escaped her pursuers, and reached the Garonne in safety. The French 
 had now had three days' notice of the approach of our armament, and 
 of course were not idle in collecting a force to resist us. Sir E. Hawke 
 determined to lose not another moment in attacking Aix. That 
 island is about five miles in circumference. Its fortifications, then in- 
 complete, were mounted with thirty cannon and mortars, and garri- 
 soned by about 600 men. Early in the morning of the 23d, the Vice- 
 Admiral and his di\ ision, attended by two bomb-ketches moved on 
 towards the island. They proceeded in the following order : the 
 JNIagnanime, Barfleur, Neptune, Torbay, and Royal William. As the 
 Magnanime approached, the enemy fired briskly upon her ; but Cap- 
 tain Howe, with that stern courage peculiar to his race, pursued his 
 course unmoved, dropped his anchors close to the walls, and poured 
 in a fire so hot and so incessant that the fort, within two hours, was 
 compelled to surrender. This success, howe\er inconsiderable, in- 
 spired the troops with great animation, and was hailed by them as a 
 prelude to greater achievements. It is most extraordinary that the 
 commanders neglected to avail themsehes of this spirit, and did not 
 immediately attempt to execute the main object of the enterprise ''. 
 
 ■■ In giving his opinion as to this neglect, in a letter to his son, dated October 26, 1757, Lord 
 Chesterfield says, •' I have seen an officer who was there, a very sensible and observing man ; 
 who told me that had we attempted Rochfort, the day after we took the island of Aix, our suc- 
 cess had been infallible ; but that after we had sauntered, (God knows why,) eight or ten days 
 in the island, bethinks the attempt would have been impracticable ; because the French had in 
 that time got together all the troops in that neighbourhood to a very considerable number. In 
 short, there must have been some secret in that whole affair which has not yet transpired ; and 
 I cannot help thinking that it came from Stade. We had not been successful there ; perhaps 
 we were not desirous that an expedition, in which we had neither been concerned nor con- 
 sulted, should prove so. M 1 was our creature ; and a word to the wise will sometimes 
 
 go a great way." The allusion to the Duke of Cumberland in this note is, I think, utterly 
 without foundation. The other statements of Lord Chesterfield I believe to be facts.
 
 THE EXPEDITION AGAINST ROCHFORT. 305 
 
 General Conway urged the necessity of doing so, but Admiral CHAP. 
 Knowles was, at that time, too much fatigued to proceed on a farther 1757. 
 attempt, and the next day Sir J. Mordaunt appeared incapable of 
 giving or forming an opinion on the subject. Some difficulties of 
 course presented themselves. But these would necessarily arise in the 
 execution of a project of this bold description. The only question to 
 be asked was, if these difficulties were not to be overcome ? In con- 
 sidering them, a despondency prevailed which was fatal to the en- 
 terprize. 
 
 Early in the morning of the 25th, a council of war, consisting of 
 the four senior officers of each service, was held on board the Neptune. 
 Their resolutions were influenced by too much diffidence in our own 
 strength, and by a magnified idea of the force collected to oppose our 
 landing. It was the first expedition, which, almost for centuries, had 
 been attempted on the coasts of France ; we had been too much ac- 
 customed to dread invasion ourselves ; and we were awed by the 
 boasted character and courage of the enemy. The council decided 
 that it was neither advisable nor practicable to proceed against Roch- 
 fort. This decision appeared to be final. Will it be believed, that 
 after the lapse of three days, the greater part of which was idly con- 
 sumed ', and in which the French had time to recover their courage 
 and collect their forces, an opposite opinion prevailed ? So, however, 
 it was. Another council of war was held on the 28th September. 
 The question being then put, whether it was advisable to land the 
 troops, and attack the forts leading to, and upon the mouth of the 
 river Charente, it was resolved, with the single dissent of the Hon. 
 General Cornwallis, that a descent ought to be made at Chatellailon, 
 with all possible despatch. Thus what was deemed unadvisable and 
 impracticable whilst the enemy was unprepared, was pronounced ex- 
 pedient after the alarm of invasion had, during several days, been 
 sounded through France ! Although the difficulties which attended 
 the attempt to land on the night of the 28th were considerable, they 
 
 ' Lord Orford says, " time was lost even in dining." 
 VOL. I. R r
 
 306 INGLORIOUS RETURN OF THE EXPEDITION. 
 
 CHAP, arose from temporary causes, which might not previously have ex- 
 1757. isted, and which might not again occur. A strong gale of wind blew 
 from the shore and impeded the progress of the boats. It was then 
 found that although one body of troops might be landed, five or six 
 hours must elapse before the debarkation of a second could be ef- 
 fected. Under these circumstances the general officers were induced 
 to relinquish the attempt for that night, and to order the return of the 
 troops to their ships. On the 29th many of the difficulties, which 
 before were either magnified or ideal, actually existed. The French 
 coast was alarmed, and lined with troops to oppose our landing. The 
 hopes of the most sanguine person in the fleet were by this time at 
 an end. Even Wolfe and Howe, who had borne with indignation the 
 previous indecision of their commanders, objected not now to the return 
 of the expedition. The whole fleet accordingly sailed, and reached 
 Spithead on the 6th October. 
 
 It may easily be imagined that the disappointment of the nation, 
 upon the inglorious return of the expedition, was fully proportioned 
 to the previous ardour of its hopes. This was a critical period for the 
 reputation of Mr. Pitt ! Popular applause is extremely fleeting, and 
 many idols of the people, after the occurrence of events less mortify- 
 ing than the failure of the Rochfort expedition, have subsequently 
 become the objects of scorn or hatred. It is gratifying to record 
 that, in the present instance, the esteem of Englishmen was more 
 deeply rooted. In Mr, Pitt they saw an actual verification of that 
 which the word minister originally imported. In him they saw 
 a most zealous servant of the state, as honest as he was intelligent, 
 and they would not impute to his obstinacy or ignorance any failure 
 which might have arisen from the mismanagement of others. The 
 general sense of the country was strongly evinced in favor of Mr. 
 Pitt. He, of course, participated most largely in the public disap- 
 pointment : but his conduct was dignified and manly. " He pressed 
 no violent resolutions against the officers ; he prevented the city from 
 addressing against them ; and only took the more sensible, though 
 not less severe style of punishing the miscarriage, by raising Wolfe at
 
 COURT MARTIAL ON GENERAL MORDAUNT. 307 
 
 once over the heads of a great number of officers ''/' The military CHAP, 
 commander of the expedition was so loudly censured by the public, 1757, 
 that he himself was desirous that a regular enquiry into his conduct ' 
 should take place. A board of general officers, consisting of the 
 Duke of Marlborough, Lord George Sackville, and General Walde- 
 grave, was accordingly appointed, to enquire why the forces had re- 
 turned without executing his Majesty's orders. This board bore the 
 same relation to a court martial, that, by the laws of England, a 
 grand jury bears to a petty jury. In consequence of the report of 
 these general officers, a court martial upon General Mordaunt was 
 appointed. The charge brought against him was that of disobedience, / 
 in not executing the orders and instructions of his Majesty. Of this 
 charge Sir J. Mordaunt was unanimously found not guilty, and was 
 therefore acquitted. The decision of a court martial is of too lofty a 
 character to be affected by the opinion of an individual. I must 
 however observe, that, although the general was acquitted of disobe- 
 dience, there were other charges against him of an indefinite, and 
 perhaps an indefinable character, which have never been removed. 
 Lord Chesterfield asserts that Sir J. Mordaunt was a creature of the 
 Duke of Cumberland's, and received intimations that the failure of 
 the expedition would be agreeable to his Royal Highness. Whilst I 
 reject as utterly incredible insinuations so injurious to the character 
 of a British Prince, and to that of a British officer, I must still think 
 that the miscarriage of the enterprise was principally occasioned by 
 the want of energy and ability which appeared in the general. Had 
 Wolfe been entrusted with the command, I believe the state of Roch- 
 fort at this day would have borne testimony to his visitation. 
 
 One of the strongest features of Mr. Pitt's character, was the 
 energy which accompanied his measures. Owing to the irresolution 
 of the military commander, the late expedition had failed ; but not a 
 moment was lost by Mr. Pitt in again employing the ships upon their 
 return from Rochfort. On the 6th of October they returned to 
 
 ' Lord Orford's Memoires. 
 
 R r 2
 
 308 DUKE OF CUMBERLAND— TREATY OF CLOSTER-SEVEN. 
 
 CHAP, Spithead ; on the 22nd of that very month almost all those ships, with 
 1757. several others, had sailed upon another most important commission. 
 Fifteen sail of the line with several frigates, under the Admirals Hawke 
 and Boscawen were the fleet now despatched to intercept the French 
 squadron on its return from Louisburg. Soon after its arrival at the 
 station, the English fleet was dispersed by a violent gale of wind, and 
 before they could reunite, the French squadron was enabled to reach 
 Brest in safety. He is the truly great minister, who leaves as little as 
 possible to chance, who does all that human prudence and energy can 
 accomplish. If he then fails, it is because a power superior to man is 
 pleased to interpose. Under such circumstances to blame the failure 
 is to arraign Pro\ idence. . 
 
 I have said, that the Duke of Cumberland after his defeat at 
 Hastenbeck had retreated to Stade. He there found himself sur- 
 rounded on all sides by the French. Unable to continue his retreat", 
 and too weak to offer resistance, he was novv entirely at the mercy of 
 the enemy, and was compelled to sign the convention of Closter-seven. 
 Much as the Duke of Cumberland was stigmatized for adopting that 
 measure, the terms of the convention appear less rigid than one would 
 suppose the French General would have exacted. The Duke de 
 Richelieu had come, after the battle of Hastenbeck, to wear the laurels 
 which d'Etrees had won. The superiority of his army enabled him 
 to drive the Hanoverian army to Stade, and it is singular that he then 
 should have consented to any thing less than their surrendering them- 
 selves prisoners of war. Richelieu was ignorant whether the conven- 
 tion would-rbe approved of by his own court, or acknowledged as 
 binding by that of Great Britain. The measure, in fact, proved 
 odious to all parties, and excited the most vehement indignation in 
 England. George H. was deeply incensed against his son, who was 
 accused of having acted without authority. This the Hanoverian 
 minister, Munchausen, attempted to prove by producing copies of his 
 own letters to the Duke. Mr. Pitt now evinced that noble candour 
 and manly spirit which ever marked his conduct towards friend or foe. 
 Although it was in a great measure owing to the enmity of the Duke
 
 THE DUKE RESIGNS HIS EMPLOYMENTS. 309 
 
 that he had been dispossessed of the seals of state, he would not suffer CHAP, 
 his Royal Highness to be the victim of an unjust aspersion. He con- 1757. 
 tradicted Munchausen, and observed that his letters were directly at 
 variance with his assertions. When the King told him that he had 
 given his son no orders for the treaty, Mr. Pitt replied with firmness, 
 " But full powers. Sir, very full powers." 
 
 The Duke of Cumberland arrived at Kensington on the 12th 
 October. Having experienced the most galling reception from his 
 father, who disowned the convention, he at once determined to resign 
 his military appointments. The King was not prepared for this, and, 
 wishing to soften the resolution of his son, desired the Cabinet Coun- 
 cil to wait on his Royal Highness. Lord Holderness first had audience, 
 but was not spoken to by the Duke. Mr. Pitt followed, and was 
 most kindly received by his Royal Highness, who wished to evince his 
 satisfaction at the late manly behaviour of the Secretary. 
 
 On the 15th October the Duke resigned every employment 
 which he held in the army, and a few days afterwards Sir J. Ligonier 
 succeeded him in the highest military command. 
 
 The situation of the King of Prussia had now become so des- 
 perate, that his ruin was regarded as certain. As scarcely any other 
 man would originally have encountered the dangers which threatened 
 him, so, perhaps, no other man could have extricated himself from 
 those calamities in which he was actually involved. The Russian 
 army under Apraxin had entered Ducal Prussia. One large body of 
 Austrians had penetrated into Silesia as far as Breslau. Another 
 body in Lusatia had made themselves masters of Zittau. Twenty- 
 two thousand Swedes had overrun Prussian Pomerania, taken the 
 towns of Anclam and Demmein, and laid the whole country under 
 contribution. On the side of Hanover there was now nothing to op- 
 pose the progress of Richelieu. The army of the Empire, reinforced 
 by that under Soubise, was in full march to Saxony. The very 
 capital of Prussia was under contribution : for the Austrian General 
 Haddick had penetrated through Lusatia, passed the Prussian armies, 
 and suddenly presented himself before the gates of Berlin. To all
 
 310 BRILLIANT VICTORY AT ROSBACH. 
 
 CHAP, human appearance the fate of Frederick was inevitable ; but he was 
 175V. ^^^ of ^ disposition to despair. With an army not amounting to 
 ' 25,000 men he attacked, at Rosbach, the united forces of the Prince 
 of Saxe Hilburghausen and the Prince of Soubise, consisting of 
 50,000 men. By one of the most brilliant mana'uvres recorded 
 in history, he rendered the superiority of the enemy's numbers com- 
 pletely ineffectual, and drove them from the field. His own loss did 
 not exceed 300 men; whilst on the side of the allies, 4,000 were 
 killed and wounded, 7>000, with eleven Generals taken prisoners, and 
 63 cannon and 22 standards seized by the victorious Frederick. 
 
 No event during the war was attended with such important con- 
 sequences as the battle of Rosbach. It changed at once the scene 
 and the principle of the war. Besides the emancipation which it 
 immediately gave to the King of Prussia, its effects on the councils of 
 Great Britain were no less instant and powerful. Mr. Pitt saw that 
 so great an opportunity was immediately to be improved. Intelli- 
 gence of the victory arrived at St. James's on the morning of the 
 9th of November. As soon as Mr. Pitt had read the despatches he 
 determined to advise his Majesty to postpone the meeting of Parlia- 
 ment for another fortnight, although every arrangement had been 
 made for opening the session on the 15th of November. His motive 
 for this sudden prorogation was to allow time for concerting a new 
 plan of operations, and for preparing another speech for the King, 
 adapted to this unexpected change in the posture of public affairs. 
 Whether there was any precedent for such prorogation, Mr. Pitt 
 stopped not to enquire. Where a mighty object was to be gained he 
 was not to be influenced by precedents. Mr. Pitt's suggestion was 
 agreeable to his Majesty. A prejudice operating in the King's mind 
 had long induced him to overlook many of Mr, Pitt's great qualities, 
 and to consider him more a man of eloquence, than of sound practical 
 sense. That prejudice had decreased, and was now removed by the 
 courage and intelligence evinced by his minister. It at once struck 
 both his Majesty and Mr. Pitt that this was the opportunity to place 
 arms again in the hands of those Hanoverians who had been dispersed
 
 INFRACTION OF THE CONVENTION OF CLOSTER-SEVEN CONSIDERED. -Jll 
 
 into different quarters of cantonment by the convention of Closter- CHAf. 
 seven ; and again to employ them against the enemy. Far be it from 1757. 
 me to recommend the expediency of a measure at the expense of justice. "= 
 But conceding that the Sovereign was not authorized to disown a 
 treaty made by his general, still the fulfilment of the articles of the 
 treaty of Closter-seven was evidently conditional, and depended upon 
 the faith of both the parties who had signed it. If, therefore, the 
 French first violated the terms of the treaty, that treaty was at an 
 end, and the other party was entitled to consider itself freed from its 
 obligations. Such a consequence resulted from the conduct of 
 Richelieu. From the moment the capitulation was signed, he thought 
 only of repairing by the plunder of the wretched Hanoverians the 
 fortune which he had squandered in every species of excess. In grati- 
 fying his own rapacity, continual infractions of the treaty were com- 
 mitted. The convention, moreover, had expressly stated that the 
 Hanoverian troops were not to be considered prisoners of war, yet the 
 French by insisting that they should be disarmed would have reduced 
 them to that very condition. Confined within the narrow district 
 which was assigned to them, exposed to the rigour of the season, and 
 deprived of all the conveniences and most of the necessaries of life, 
 there was scarce a hardship to which prisoners of war are subject, 
 which these troops did not experience. Surely then, as they had not 
 benefited by the advantages of the treaty, they had a right to con- 
 sider themselves unshackled by its restrictions, and to resume their 
 arms upon the first favorable opportunity '. 
 
 His Majesty first suggested to Mr. Pitt the resumption of his 
 
 ' However much the Duke of Richelieu complained of the resumption of their arms by the 
 Hanoverians, that measure was regarded by France as one naturally resulting from their situa- 
 tion. This is mentioned by Duclos. The same historian is of opinion that neither Richelieu 
 nor the Duke of Cumberland were authorized to conclude the convention of Closter-seven, 
 which he stigmatizes as the greatest fault committed by the French during the war. He also 
 states that the pamphlet, entitled " le parallele de la conduite du roi et celle d'Angleterre," 
 which made some noise a short time after the Hanoverians had resumed their arms, was written 
 by Bussy a creature of Richelieu's, whom we shall afterwards find employed in the negociation 
 for peace, between France and England.
 
 31- THE KING'S SPEECH AT THE MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. 
 
 CHAP. Hanoverian troops. It was the very measure uhich the minister had 
 
 1757. resol\efl to propose when he advised the prorogation of Parhament. 
 
 -== From this moment the King gave his confidence to Mr. Pitt, who, 
 
 having ascertained the views of his master, saw that he could render 
 
 them subservient to the interests of his country. 
 
 By Mr, Pitt's advice Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick was 
 placed at the head of these resumed forces, and that great com- 
 mander, repairing to Stade, assembled the army consisting of 30,000 
 men '". 
 
 . The English Parliament met on the 1st December, 1757, when 
 his Majesty went to the House of Peers and delivered the following 
 speech : 
 
 " It would have given me the greatest pleasure to have acquainted 
 you, at the opening of this session, that our success in carrying on the 
 war had been equal to the justice of our cause, and the extent and 
 vigour of the measures formed for that purpose. 
 
 " I have the firmest confidence, that the spirit and bravery of 
 this nation, so renowned in all times, and which have formerly sur- 
 mounted so many difiiculties, are not to be abated by some disappoint- 
 ments. These, I trust, by the blessing of God, and your zeal and 
 ardour for my honor, and the welfare of your country, may be re- 
 trieved. It is my fixed resolution to apply my utmost ellbrts for the 
 security of my kingdoms, and for the recovery and protection of the 
 possessions and rights of my crown and subjects m America and else- 
 where ; as well by the strongest exertion of our naval force, as by all 
 other methods. Another great object, which I have at heart, is the 
 preservation of the Protestant Religion and the liberties of Europe ; 
 and in that view, to adhere to and encourage my allies. 
 
 " For this cause, I shall decline no inconveniences; and in this 
 cause, I earnestly desire your hearty concurrence, and vigorous assist- 
 
 " The King of Prussia's account of these transactions, and the high opinion he entertained of 
 Mr. Pitt, will be found in the Appendix, No. i. paper 1.
 
 THE KING'S SPEECH AT THE MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. 313 
 
 ance. The late signal success in Germany has given a happy turn to chap. 
 affairs, which it is incumbent on us to improve; and in this critical 17.57. 
 conjuncture, the eyes of all Europe are upon you. In particular I "^"^""^^ 
 must recommend it to you, that my good brother and ally the King 
 of Prussia, may be supported in such a manner, as his magnanimity 
 and active zeal for the common cause deserve. 
 
 " Gentlemen oe the House of Commons, 
 
 " It gives me the utmost concern, that the large supplies 
 Mhich you have already granted for carrying on the war, have not 
 produced all the good efi^ects we had reason to hope for. But I have 
 so great a reliance on your wisdom, as not to doubt of your perse- 
 verance. I only desire such supplies as shall be necessary for the 
 public service ; and to that end, have ordered the proper estimates to 
 be laid before you. You may depend upon it, that the best and most 
 faithful economy shall be used. 
 
 " My Lords and Gentlemen, 
 
 " I have had such ample experience of the loyalty and 
 good affections of my faithful subjects towards me, my family, and 
 government, in all circumstances, that I am confident they are not to 
 be shaken. But I cannot avoid taking notice of that spirit of disorder 
 which has shewn itself amongst the common people in some parts of the 
 kingdom. Let me recommend it to you, to do your part in dis- 
 couraging and suppressing such abuses, and for maintaining the laws 
 and lawful authority. If any thing shall be found wanting, to explain 
 or enforce what may have been misunderstood or misrepresented, I 
 am persuaded it will not escape your attention. 
 
 " Nothing can be so conducive to the defence of all that is dear 
 to us, as well as for reducing our enemies to reason, as union and 
 harmony among ourselves." 
 
 Addresses to the throne were voted by both Houses without 
 opposition. 
 
 On the 14th December the army estimates were laid before the 
 House of Commons. In the course of the debate which followed, 
 
 VOL. I. s s
 
 XI. 
 
 1757. 
 
 ;{I1 MR. PITT'S SPEECH ON THE ARMY ESTIMATES. 
 
 CHAP. Mr. Beckford dropped this wild expression, " He did not know in 
 what hands we were." Mr. Pitt said, " In what hands are we ? — 
 in those of a most gracious King." He then pronounced a panegyric 
 upon his Majesty, chiefly on account of his goodness towards himself 
 since he received the seals. He said that the King had listened to 
 himself, wlio was least in the administration ; but, although least, he 
 hoped to continue that administration with honor. He next spoke o^ 
 the great concord which prevailed amongst the ministers. But nothing, 
 he said, could be well, until the army was subjected to the civil power. 
 It was the duty of military men not to reason, but to obey. Those sent 
 upon the late expedition" had laughed at it even at table — nay, so had 
 some of the Cabinet. He grew warm upon the subject, although, as he 
 said, he knew he ought not, as the commander" was then under trial. 
 Mr. Pitt then reverted to our want of success in North America, 
 and loaded Lord Loudoun, (whom Lord George Sackville had 
 defended,) with all the asperity peculiar to his style. He said that 
 he had scarcely any hopes now, although the people paid for such 
 vast armies in America. Not only was nothing done— nothing was 
 attempted. We had lost all the waters ; we had not a boat on them 
 now. Every door there was open to France. Although Lord George 
 Sackville had excused, he could not. He would not condemn ; yet 
 he believed that Lord Loudoun might have recovered our affairs had 
 he not loitered from the 9th July to the 5th August — consuming the 
 lime in enquiries whether, or not, the French were superior. For him- 
 self, our ill success had injured his repose and impaired his health. 
 He then burst into a panegyric upon our successes in the East. There, 
 he said, he found Watson, Pococke, and Clive. What astonishing 
 success had Watson had, with only three ships, which had been for 
 some time laid up on land ! He did not stay to careen this, and 
 condemn that, but sailed at once into the body of the Ganges. He 
 was supported by Clive, that man not born for a desk ; that heaven- 
 born general, whose magnanimity, resolution, determination and ex- 
 
 " That against Rochfort. ° Sir J. Mordaunt.
 
 ASTONISHING VICISSITUDES IN THIS YEAR'S CAMPAIGN. 31o 
 
 ecution, would charm a King of Prussia; and whose presence of mind chap. 
 astonished the Indies''! 1757. 
 
 If any thing could have added to the reputation which the King === 
 of Prussia had acquired, it was the victory of Lissa which he gained 
 on the 5th December, exactly one month after he had conquered at 
 Rosbach. By an astonishing evolution, similar to those which have 
 immortalized the generals of antiquity ^ he reversed in an instant his 
 order of battle, and completely deceived Daun, his illustrious anta- 
 gonist. According to the King of Prussia's statement, his own loss 
 in this battle did not exceed 2,600 men in killed and wounded, whilst 
 that of the Austrians, inclusive of those taken prisoners, amounted to 
 307 officers, and 21,000 soldiers. Breslau capitulated on the 10th 
 December, when 13 generals, 686 officers, and 17,635 soldiers sub- 
 mitted to the conqueror. Lignitz soon afterwards was compelled to 
 follow the example of Breslau, and Schweidnitz was blockaded by 
 the Prussian troops. 
 
 It is not a new observation, which the unprecedented situation of 
 affairs at this time impels me to repeat, that the compass of no single 
 year and of no single country ever displayed events and revolutions 
 more AvonderfuUy striking than those which occurred in Germany in 
 the year 1757. The commencement of that year saw the King of 
 Prussia at the head of the finest army in the world, flushed with con- 
 quest, and the power of Austria trembling before him. On a sudden 
 the scene is changed ! The victorious monarch and his only ally are 
 severally defeated : the gathering clouds of his enemies advance, and 
 destruction, to all appearance, impends over Prussia. Behold an- 
 other metamorphose ! Struck by the most Aagorous hand, the ball 
 rebounds not with such violence from the ground, as did the fortune 
 
 " This speech, (of which so weak and imperfect a sketch is here given from Lord Orford,) was 
 admired almost beyond any of Mr. Pitt's orations, and doubtless roused the energy and spirit of 
 our naval and military commanders.— ion</on Magazine, January, 1758.— Smollett's Histonj 
 of England. — Lord Orford' s Memoires. 
 
 •> The stratagem practised by Frederick on this occasion was probably derived from that 
 which gave Eparainondas the victory at Leuctra. — Coxe's Mem. House of Austria, vol. ii. p. 
 415, note. 
 
 s s 2
 
 •nf) ASTONISHING VICISSITUDES IN THIS YEAR'S CAMPAIGN. 
 
 CHAP, of the war when turned by the skill of Frederick. By one stupen- 
 1757. doiis victory he recovers his former ascendancy : by a second victory, 
 still more splendid, and gained within a month of the former, he an- 
 nihilates many thousands of his enemies, and deprives the rest, for the 
 present, of all power to hurt him. Actions, approaching these in 
 magnitude, have been related of fabulous heroes in ages of remote 
 antiquity. But military success in modern times, under the disad- 
 vantage of such inferior numbers, is infinitely more wonderful than 
 any authenticated exploits of the conquerors of old. When the art 
 of war was in its infancy, much depended upon personal prowes.s, and 
 a few gigantic warriors often prevailed over a host of men as brave 
 as themselves, but inferior in muscular strength. The modern imple- 
 ments of destruction have levelled these personal inequalities, and it 
 can only be by the most extraordinary superiority in its commanders, 
 that a small body of men can now obtain any permanent ad\ antage 
 over a numerous enemy. 
 
 What a theatre and what scenes are before us ! French and 
 Austrians, Swedes and Russians, Hanoverians and Prussians crowd 
 the stage. Six pitched battles are fought. Not the collected ellbrts 
 of conquerors of distant ages and nations ; but the iiero is Frederick, 
 the scene is Germany, and the action confined within the period of a 
 single campaign !
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 1758. 
 
 The strenuous system of Mr. Pitt's administration begins to produce its effects — The alli- 
 ' ance of England with Prussia considered — Message from the King to the House of Com- 
 mons — A supply granted — Mr. Pitt's bold and extensive system with regard to North 
 America — Instructions from Government to General Abercrombie and Admiral Bos- 
 cawen — Commodore Holmes obliges a garrison of French and Austrians to evacuate the 
 city of Emden — Commodore Marsh takes possession of the French settlement of St. 
 Louis — East Indies — Clive, Coote — M. de Lalli/ — Another enterprise against the coast 
 of France — Forces employed — Operations of the squadron — The army lands, and burns 
 several Fre/ich ships and a great quantity of naval stores near St. Malo — The feet re- 
 turns to Spithead — The Attorney-generaF s bill for explaining and amending the writ of 
 Habeas Corpus — Singular incident which gave rise to this bill — Prince Ferdinand of 
 Brunsivick compels the French to recross the Rhine — Enormities committed by the French 
 soldiery — Noble conduct of the Due de Randan — Mr. Pitt sends reinforcements to 
 Prince Ferdinand's army — A third expedition against the French coast — Bason and piers 
 of Cherbourg destroyed — Cape Breton taken by General Amherst and Admiral Bosca- 
 wen — Gallantry of Wolfe — Letter from Mr. Pitt to General Amherst — Character of 
 General Amherst — Account of the fourth expedition against the coast of France — The 
 King of Prussia defeats the Russians at Custrin — but is himself defeated at Hochkirchen 
 — Fort Frotitenac in America taken by Colonel Bradstreet — Expedition against Goree — 
 ojiother against the French Caribbee Islands — Meeting of Parliament — Mr. Pitt's 
 speech — Treaty with Prussia renewed — Conclusion of the year 1 738. 
 
 Mr. Pitt was now fixed in that eminent situation in which every cHAP. 
 lover of his country wished to behold him, and in which, the con- ."^y" 
 sciousness of his own great abilities taught him that he might effect ~ 
 the highest services for the nation. He had said to the Duke of De-
 
 •5 IS GOOD EFFECTS OF MR. PITT'S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 CHAP, vonsliire in the preceeding year, " My Lord, I am sure I can save this 
 1758. country, and nobody else can'," 
 === It is the pecuhar praise of Mr. Pitt, that in him were concen- 
 
 trated several powers of the most opposite description, any one of 
 which is sufficient to distinguish its possessor, and the union of which 
 in one man has generally been deemed impossible. In him, intense 
 powers of application were joined to the quickest perception, and the 
 most brilliant imagination to the soundest judgment. He astonished 
 Europe as much by the energy of his measures, as he shook the senate 
 of Great Britain by the thunders of his eloquence. As a minister his 
 whole attention was devoted to the interests of his country, and 
 perhaps history shews nothing equal to the system of intelligence, 
 the vigour of counsels, and the promptitude and success of execution 
 which marked his administration. It was now that the strenuous 
 system of Mr. Pitt began to produce its effects. As he had taken, 
 in a great measure, the superintendence of every department of govern- 
 ment upon himself, his authority and example now began to excite 
 in others a proper sense of their own responsibility. When they 
 saw the minister regular and indefatigable in his country's service, 
 they also were naturally impelled to adopt similar habits of apph- 
 cation. The generous were actuated by the noble ambition of the 
 minister, the mean and selfish knew that they had to deal with 
 one who would call them to a severe account for any dereliction of 
 their duty. 
 
 The British ministers resident at foreign courts, during Mr. Pitt's 
 administration, unanimously acknowledged the wonderful exactness 
 with which all communications were made to them, and the clearness 
 and perspicacity with which all their instructions were expressed. Sir 
 James Porter, the principal part of whose life was diplomatically em- 
 ployed, often declared to his friends, that so correct a knowledge and 
 so acti\e a spirit then pervaded all the departments of state and the 
 concerns of government, and so striking an alteration was evinced as 
 
 * Lord Orford's Memoires, vol. ii- p. 271.
 
 THE ALLIANCE WITH PRUSSIA CONSIDERED. 319 
 
 well in the manner as the matter of the official communications, that CHAP. 
 
 XII. 
 these circumstances alone Avould have convinced him of Mr. Pitt's 1758. 
 
 appointment or resignation, had he received no other intimation of the ^^"^"^"^^^ 
 
 event. 
 
 Order and despatch, confidence and knowledge, naturally pro- 
 ceeded from such a system of government, success and victory were 
 its rewards. 
 
 As France persevered in her attachment to the enemies of the 
 King of Prussia, Great Britain cemented her engagements with that 
 extraordinary man. How far those engagements were consistent with 
 the interests or previous policy of this country, is a question easily 
 determined. Considered in themselves, they were unwise and con- 
 tradictory. Why, then, it will be asked, did Mr. Pitt, the previous 
 adversary of continental warfare, not only acquiesce in the existence 
 of such connections, but vehemently support them throughout his 
 administration ? Before we presume to condemn the conduct of this 
 great minister, let it be remembered that the alliance with Prussia 
 was already concluded ; that the war had assumed its shape before he 
 came into power. The only alternative then in his choice was to serve his 
 country in the way prescribed to him, or not to serve her at all. Had 
 he declined coming forward, the same war would inevitably have 
 taken place, and conducted, as it would have been, without abilities, 
 without energy, and without popularity, its consequences must have 
 been fatal to Great Britain. Mr. Pitt well knew the resources of the 
 country, he knew that if the efforts of the people could be called 
 forth by a confidence reposed in the minister, if the spirit of the officers 
 •could be revived by fear, by shame and ambition, the impending 
 ruin might be warded off', and the Mar itself be converted into the 
 means of national glory and advantage. 
 
 Under this impression, Mr. Pitt coincided with his Sovereign 
 as to the expediency of supporting the King of Prussia and Prince 
 Ferdinand of Brunswick. 
 
 On the 18th January he presented to the House of Commons the 
 following message from the King.
 
 320 MESSAGE OF THE KING TO THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 CHAP. " Geokge R. 
 
 XII. 
 
 1758. 
 
 " His Majesty having ordered the Army, Ibrnicd last year 
 = in his Electoral Dominions, to be put again into motion from the iJ8th 
 November last, and to act with the utmost vigour against the common 
 enemy, in concert with his good brother and ally the King of Prussia; 
 and the exhausted state of that Electorate, and of its revenues, having 
 rendered it impossible for the same to maintain and keep together 
 that army, until the further necessary charges thereof, as well as the 
 more particular measures now concerting for the effectual support of 
 the King of Prussia, can be laid before this House ; his Majesty, 
 relying on the constant zeal of his faithful Commons, for the support 
 of the Protestant Religion and of the liberties of Europe, against the 
 dangerous designs of France and her confederates, finds himself, in 
 the mean time, under the absolute necessity of recommending to this 
 House the speedy consideration of such a present supply as may 
 enable his Majesty, in this critical exigency, to subsist and keep 
 tocrether the said army." 
 
 In consequence of this message, 100,000/. was unanimously 
 granted to his Majesty for the purposes of the war. 
 
 To cement more closely the alliance between the Kinjxs of Great 
 Britain and Prussia, a new treaty '' of convention was signed, on the 
 11th April, by the respective counsellors of each. By this treaty the 
 King of England stipulated to pay 6/0,000/. at the requisition of 
 the King of Prussia, who engaged lo apply the money in augmenting 
 and employing his forces in such manner as might most effectually 
 contribute to the mutual defence and security of the two sovereigns. 
 In other points this treaty was a confirmation of the one ratified by 
 the same parties in the year 1756, by which they engaged themselves 
 not to conclude any treaty of peace, truce, or neutrality, nor any other 
 sort of convention or agreement with the powers engaged in the pre- 
 sent war, without mutual concert and asreement. 
 
 '' See Appendix, No. iv. paper 7.
 
 MR. PITT'S PLAN OF OPERATIONS IN NORTH AMERICA. •■5'2I 
 
 Although it would be impossible to enter into a minute detail of chap. 
 all the measures which emanated from the minister, I shall endeavour 1753 
 to present the reader with a connected series of such as were most con- 
 spicuous throughout his administration. I shall begin with North 
 America. In this part of the world we had long been strangers to 
 success. An irresolute and tardy' system of operations, arising prin- 
 cipally from a want of confidence in the ministers at home, had de- 
 feated all our undertakings. This was no longer to be endured by 
 Mr. Pitt. After sound deliberation he determined to carry into exe- 
 cution the bold and extensive suggestion of expelhng the French from 
 the whole continent of America, which I before have mentioned. 
 
 The Earl of Loudoun was recalled, and the chief command con- 
 ferred upon General Abercrombie. The plan of operations was to com- 
 mence with the siege of Louisburg in Cape Breton by General Amherst. 
 General Abercrombie was to proceed against Canada by the way of 
 Crown Point, and General Forbes was to undertake the reduction of 
 Fort du Quesne. In contempt of weak and vulgar prejudices, the 
 minister was determined to employ young and daring officers, of ap- 
 proved ability, for the execution of his designs. Colonel Wolfe was 
 accordingly sent to America, and although subordinate to General 
 Amherst, Mr. Pitt knew, that the success of the enterprize would be 
 materially assisted by his zeal and discernment. The command of a 
 most powerful fleet, destined to this service, was given to Admiral 
 Boscawen. Under this excellent officer. Rear Admiral Sir C. Hardy 
 and Commodore Durell were appointed. Sir C. Hardy sailed early 
 in the month of January for HaUfax, with orders to proceed to Louis- 
 burg as soon as the season would permit, and to intercept any supplies 
 which the enemy might attempt to throw into the place. 
 
 « The promptitude of Mr. Pitt's measures, and the sound intelligence which his known 
 anxiety in the cause enabled him to obtain respecting North America will be clearly seen by a 
 perusal of Number xi. in the Appendix to this work. The papers written by Governor Pownall, 
 which I have there inserted, are particularly interesting, and evince great judgment and ob- 
 servation. 
 
 VOL. r. T t
 
 :J22 EXTRACT FROM THE INSTRUCTIONS TO GENERAL ABERCROMBIE. 
 
 CHAP. The following extracts from the instructions given to General 
 
 ,_. • Abercronibie and Admiral Boscawen, will explain the intentions of the 
 ^^ ^ government. 
 
 Extract from the Instructions to Major-general Abcrcrombie. 
 
 St. James's, 30th December, 1767. 
 
 " Whereas, we have by our commissions, bearing date 
 the 28th day of December, and the 29th day of the said month, 
 (which will be delivered to you herewith,) appointed vou to be Gene- 
 ral and Commander-in-Chief of all and singular our forces, employed 
 or to be employed in North America ; for your better direction and 
 discharge of the trust thereby reposed in you, we have judged proper 
 to give you the following instructions. 
 
 " You shall immediately upon the receipt of your commissions 
 and these our instructions, take our said forces under your command. 
 And we do hereby require you to cultivate a good understanding and 
 correspondence with the Commander of the squadron of our ships of 
 war on the American station, during your continuance upon the ser- 
 vice, with w hich you are now entrusted ; we having given directions of 
 a like nature to the Commander of our said squadron with regard to 
 his conduct and correspondence with you. 
 
 " We having directed our several Governors in North America 
 to apply to and correspond with you, about all such matters as may 
 relate to our service, and we having also ordered them to observe and 
 obey all such directions as shall be given by our Commander-in-Chief 
 from time to time ; you are hereby required not only to keep a con- 
 stant correspondence in writing with them, but will likewise visit the 
 said provinces or any of them, if you shall think it necessary. And 
 you will remind our said Governors to use all possible despatch, that 
 the execution of our designs may not be retarded by the slowness of 
 the levies to be made in their respective provinces, and by their not 
 repairing in due time to such place or places as you shall think fit to 
 appoint for their rendezvous. And we do hereby authorize and em-
 
 EXTRACT FROM THE INSTRUCTIONS TO GENERAL ABERCROMBIE. 023 
 
 power you to contract for such a number of carriages as shall be neces- ^J^^^^- 
 sary for the use of our forces in North America. And with regard to i758. 
 all other preparations necessary for carrying on our service, and on 
 which you shall have no particular instructions or orders from us ; you 
 shall, with the concurrence of the Governors who are to assist in any 
 such service, make any such preparations as you shall judge proper. 
 And you will, in all such emergencies and occurrences that may 
 happen, whether herein mentioned or not, not only use your best 
 circumspection, but shall likewise call to your assistance a Council 
 of War when necessary, which we have thought fit to appoint on this 
 occasion, consisting of yourself, the Commander-in-Chief of our ships 
 in those parts, such Governors of our colonies or provinces, and such 
 General-officers, Colonels, and other of our Field-officers, as shall 
 happen to be at a convenient distance. 
 
 " You will not only cultivate the best harmony and friendship 
 possible, with the several Governors of our colonies and provinces, but 
 likewise with the Chiefs of the Indian tribes, and you will keep a con- 
 stant correspondence with Sir William Johnson, Colonel, sole agent, 
 and superintendent of the northern, and Mr. Atkin, agent and super- 
 intendent of the southern Indians, and assist them in endeavouring to 
 engage the said Indians to take part and act with our forces in all 
 operations as you shall judge most expedient. 
 
 " You will inform yourself from time to time, of the nature and 
 value of the presents that shall be voted or ordered by the Assemblies 
 of our different colonies and provinces in the accustomed manner, 
 for the inviting and engaging the Indian tribes to our alliance and 
 interest; and you will be very watchful that a just and faithful distri- 
 bution be made of the same, by all such persons who shall be entrusted 
 therewith, and you shall assist the said persons with your best advice 
 in the said distribution. 
 
 " Whereas it has been represented to us, that an illegal corres- 
 pondence and trade is frequently carried on between the French and 
 our subjects in the several colonies and provinces ; you will diligently 
 take all possible measures to prevent the continuance of all such 
 
 T t 2
 
 .'J21 EXTRACT FROM THE INSTRUCTIONS TO GENERAL ABERCROMBIE. 
 
 CHAP, dangerous practices, and particularly that a due and exact obedience 
 1758. ^^ P'^i^l to an act passed last session of Parliament, entitled, ' An Act 
 === to prohibit, for a limited time, the exportation of Corn, Grain, Meal, 
 Malt, Flour, Bread, Biscuit, Starch, Beef, Pork, Bacon, and all other 
 victual, (except Fish and Roots and Rice to be exported to any part 
 of Europe southward of Cape Finisterre,) from our Colonies and 
 Plantations in America, unless to Great Britain or Ireland, or to some 
 of our said Colonies and Plantations, &c/ 
 
 " Whereas, for the greater encouragement of the levies directed 
 to be made in our several colonies and provinces, we have thought it 
 necessary to establish new regulations, (which you will receive here- 
 with,) with regard to the rank of the provincial oflicers, when acting 
 in conjunction with our regular forces ; it is our will and pleasure, 
 that you do cause the said rank to be observed upon all occasions ; 
 and that you do publish, affix, and disperse the same, as you shall judge 
 proper in America. 
 
 " We having directed the Earl of Loudoun to put into your hands 
 copies of all instructions and orders received from us, or from one of 
 our principal Secretaries of State, since he was appointed General and 
 Commander-in-Chief of our Forces in North America, and also of 
 all other material papers relating to our service, you will consider the 
 same as informations, and, where necessary, as instructions to yourself. 
 " In order that our forces in North America may not be unsup- 
 plied with officers to command them whilst they are in the said 
 service, we do hereby give you full power and authority, in case of 
 deatl), removal by sentence of court-martial, or the quitting of any 
 of our officers in the said service, to supply such vacancies by granting 
 commissions to such persons as you shall make choice of for that 
 j)urpose, who are to be acknowledged, and to command in their 
 respective stations, as if they had received commissions from us ; but 
 if any commission, appointing to the command of any regiment or 
 battalion, or giving the rank of Colonel in our army, shall become 
 vacant, then our will and pleasure is, that it shall remain vacant till 
 our pleasure shall be known thereupon ; and you shall give immediate
 
 EXTRACT FROM THE INSTRUCTIONS TO GENERAL ABERCROMBIE. 325 
 
 notice of all vacancies to one of our principal Secretaries of State, and CHAP, 
 to our Secretary at War for the time being." 1758. 
 
 Extract of a Letter from Mr. Pitt to Major-general Ahercromhie, 
 dated fVhitehall, December 30, 1757. 
 
 " His Majesty having nothing more at heart, than to repair the 
 losses and disappointments of the last inactive and unhappy campaign, 
 and by the most vigorous and extensive efforts, to avert, by the 
 blessing of God on his arms, the dangers impending on North America; 
 I am to begin with acquainting you, in the greatest confidence, that 
 the King has come to a resolution to allot an adequate proportion of 
 his forces in North America, amounting, (as you will see by the en- 
 closed paper, containing the destination of the troops,) with two 
 battalions to be sent from England, to upwards of 14,000 men, for 
 the siege of Louisburg, to be begun as early in the year as the 20th 
 of April, if the season shall happen to permit, under the direction of 
 an officer, to be appointed by his Majesty's particular commission for 
 the command of that operation ; and you will take the most particular 
 care that no part of the requisites for that siege, which were prepared 
 last year, be dissipated ; but that the same be kept in the best con- 
 dition, and forthcoming on the shortest notice ; and you will also be 
 very attentive that the battering train and stores be constantly kept 
 in most perfect repair and order, and fit for immediate service ; and I 
 hope soon to be able to apprize you of the various additions to sucii 
 train and stores, which are now preparing to be shortly sent from 
 England. 
 
 " I am next to signify to you his Majesty's pleasure, that you do 
 immediately concert the properest measures for pushing the operations 
 of the campaign, with the utmost vigour, early in the year, by an 
 invasion of Canada, by the way of Crown Point, with such of the 
 remaining part, as you shall judge proper, of the King's troops, (not 
 allotted, as above, for the siege of Louisburg, and for the other 
 services pointed out,) in conjunction with such a numerous body of
 
 326 EXTRACT FROM THE INSTRUCTIONS TO GENERAL ABERCROMBIE. 
 
 CHAP, the forces of the Northern Provinces, as you will perceive, by the 
 175S. enclosed copy of my letter to the Governors'' thereof, it is hoped, will, 
 '~ in consequence of those strong and pressing orders to that effect, be 
 ready to join in this important service. And to this great end, his 
 Majesty relying on your fidelity and zeal for the honor of his arms, 
 and preservation of America, has commanded me to signify to you, 
 that it is his Majesty's pleasure, that in case it shall be found practi- 
 cable, you do attempt an invasion of Canada by the way of Crown 
 Point, in order to proceed, if practicable, to an attempt on either 
 Montreal or Quebec, or both of the said places successively, with 
 the whole force in one body, or at one and the same time, by a 
 division of the troops into separate and distinct operations, according 
 as you shall, from your knowledge of the countries through which 
 the war is to be carried, and from emergent circumstances not to 
 be known here, judge any of the said attempts to be practicable ; 
 and as you will perceive that Brigadier General Stanwix is not men- 
 tioned in any of the three distributions of the forces, I am to inform 
 you, that it is the King's intention that the said Brigadier should 
 be left at Fort Edward, Albany, or New York, as you shall judge 
 proper, in order to have the care of the frontiers during your 
 absence, and of all things necessary for the proper communication 
 with, and supply of the army under your command ; and it is the 
 King's pleasure that you do, to the utmost of your power and influ- 
 ence, assist and encourage the several Governors of the northern pro- 
 vinces in the full and most expeditious execution of the necessary and 
 important orders now sent them. And in order that nothing may be 
 wanting to enable the troops, to be employed in attempting the said 
 irruption into Canada, to take the field early, and push their opera- 
 tions with the greatest vigour, the King has been pleased to direct 
 the Governor or Lieutenant Governor of New York to provide such a 
 number of boats and such vessels as you and the said Governor or 
 Lieutenant Governor shall judge suflicient for the use of the troops, 
 
 * See Appendix.
 
 EXTRACT FROM THE INSTRUCTIONS TO GENERAL ABERCROMBIE. 32^ 
 
 &c. on the above most essential service, as the enclosed copy of my CHAP, 
 letter to him on this occasion will particularly explain to you. And j^^g 
 that this work may be carried on with all possible dispatch, his Ma- === 
 jesty has been further pleased to appoint Captain Loring, who will 
 deliver this despatch to you, and whose zeal and abilities for this ser- 
 vice have been strongly recommended to the King, to superintend and 
 inspect the building and providing a sufficient number of such boats 
 and vessels, agreeably to the directions he shall receive from you or 
 from the Governor or Lieutenant Governor of New York for this pur- 
 pose. You will, therefore, in concert with the said Governor or Lieu- 
 tenant Governor, forthwith consider the number of boats, as well as 
 such vessel or vessels as may be requisite on this occasion, and give 
 the necessary orders for preparing the same without loss of time, so 
 that they may be ready at Lake George, or such other waters to which 
 you shall direct the same to be conveyed, (in consequence of such 
 plan of operations as you shall finally determine to put in execution 
 agreeable to the above instructions,) as nearly as may be by the time 
 limited in my letter above mentioned to the Governor of New York ; 
 and you will give all proper and necessary assistance and encourage- 
 ment to Mr. Loring for the effectual execution of this most essential 
 service. I must not conclude this article without strongly recom- 
 mending to you the taking, in due time, a proper post on such part 
 of Lake George as you may judge necessary for protecting the boats 
 and preparations for an embarkation. 
 
 " I am further to signify to you his Majesty's pleasure that you 
 do appoint Colonel Forbes, (who will by this conveyance receive a 
 commission of Brigadier-General in America,) to command such 
 forces as you shall judge proper to leave in the southern provinces ; 
 and that Brigadier Forbes do proceed, without loss of time, to Penn- 
 sylvania, or such other of the southern provinces as shall be thought 
 most proper, in order the better to concert any operations to be un- 
 dertaken by the said troops, who in conjunction with the forces, 
 directed by my letter, (of which the enclosed is a copy,) to the 
 southern governors, to be raised in those provinces, are to be em-
 
 ^{•28 EXTRACT FROM THE INSTRUCTIONS TO GENERAL ABERCROMBIE. 
 
 CHAP, ployed, under the command of the said Brigadier Forbes, on any 
 1758 •'^^'^^^ offensive operations as may be judged by him most expedient 
 ^== for annoying the enemy, and most ellicacious towards removing and 
 repelling the dangers that threaten the frontiers of any of the southern 
 colonies on the continent of America. And it is his Majesty's plea- 
 sure, that Lieutenant-Colonel Bradstreet, to w horn the King has given 
 that rank, should be employed as Deputy Quartermaster-General, 
 under Brigadier Forbes, in the southern colonies. 
 
 " You uill observe, by the copies of my letters to the governors, 
 that his Majesty has been pleased to promise, that his commissaries 
 shall issue provisions to the men, raised by the several provinces, in 
 the same proportion and manner as is done to the rest of the King's 
 forces : I am therefore to signify to you his Majesty's pleasure that 
 you do give the necessary directions to all the commissaries and other 
 officers who may have the charge of the provisions, to furnish the said 
 men with the same, in the proportion and manner above mentioned ; 
 for which purpose the contractors have received directions to have 
 constantly in store a sufficient quantity of provisions, as well for the 
 regular national troops, as for the provincials which shall be raised in 
 consequence of his Majesty's orders ; and it is the King's pleasure 
 that yon should keep a particular account of the same, and that no 
 provisions should be delivered to the provincial troops but in conse- 
 quence of an order from you, or from the commander-in-chief of his 
 Majesty's forces in those parts, where the said provisions may be 
 wanted ; and you will, in case of necessity, draw bills for any extra- 
 ordinary expences incurred for this service. And with regard to the 
 arms and tents, mentioned in my letters to the several governors, I 
 am to acquaint you that the King has been pleased to order ten 
 thousand arms and four thousand tents to be sent to New York, for 
 the service of the provincials raised in the northern governments, and 
 two thousand arms and one thousand tents to Philadelphia, for the 
 service of those raised in the southern governments. And it is his 
 Majesty's pleasure that you do, in concert with the several governors, 
 give the most pressing orders, that all the serviceable arms be col-
 
 EXTRACT FROM THE INSTRUCTIONS TO GENERAL ABERCROMBIE.' 329 
 
 lected in the respective provinces, be forthwith put into the best CHAP, 
 condition, in order that the same may be employed, as far as they 1758 
 will go, in the present exigency. ^^^""^^ 
 
 " His Majesty is further pleased to empower you, and has com- 
 manded me strongly to recommend to you, to raise as considerable 
 a number of rangers as may be practicable for the various operations 
 of the campaign ; and in particular, that you do not fail to cause a 
 body of the said rangers, amounting to not less than six hundred, 
 to be sent with the forces to Halifax, for the expedition to Cape 
 Breton. 
 
 "I am further to signify to you his Majesty's pleasure, that you 
 do direct Lieutenant-Colonel Williamson, and Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Montresor to obey all such orders as they shall receive from the Lieu- 
 tenant-General and Board of Ordnance, with regard to the detaching 
 part of the royal regiment of artillery and engineers to Halifax ; and 
 for their immediate repairing to that place, in order to make with all 
 possible expedition and diligence the necessary preparations for the 
 intended siege of Louisburg. And with regard to the whole entire 
 battering train, and all stores of every kind thereunto belonging, which 
 were prepared and destined for the siege of the said place last cam- 
 paign, and which it is understood are at present at New York; it is 
 the King's pleasure, that you do take particular care to send in due 
 time the said entire battering train, together with the stores above 
 mentioned to Halifax, in order that the same may be in readiness to 
 be employed for the siege of Louisburg, intended to be undertaken as 
 early as is pointed out in the foregoing part of this letter. 
 
 " You will see^y the paper above enclosed, containing the distri- 
 bution of the forces m North America, the allotment of such part of 
 the same as are destined for the siege of Louisburg; and I am to 
 signify to you his Majesty's pleasure that you do cause the several 
 regiments, so appointed by the said list for the siege of Louisburg, to 
 be employed accordingly in that siege without making any change 
 therein, unless some alteration should be found absolutely necessary 
 irom extraordinary inconvenience that might otherwise arise to the 
 
 VOL, I. u u
 
 .{30 EXTRACT FROM THE INSTRUCTIONS TO GENERAL ABERCROMBIE. 
 
 CHAP service from the unforeseen circumstances or situation of any particu- 
 1753 lar regiment. And in case it should be found absolutely necessary to 
 '^'''^''^^^^ change any regiment or regiments in the allotment herewith trans- 
 mitted of the forces destined for the above siege, you are to take espe- 
 cial care, that notwithstanding any such change of particular corps, 
 the total of regular forces, prescribed and fixed for the siege of Louis- 
 burg, do amount to the full number allotted in the enclosed paper for 
 the said service. It is also the King's pleasure that you do take care 
 that the troops above mentioned be rendezvoused at Halifax, as nearly 
 as may be by the twelfth day of April, and you will not fail to order 
 forthwith, all proper provision to be immediately made for their recep- 
 tion at that place ; and that all the preparations there and elsewhere 
 for the siege of Louisburg be so quickened and pressed, that no disap- 
 pointment may happen in proceeding from Halifax, in case the season 
 permits, to Cape Breton, by the twentieth of April, as directed in the 
 former part of this letter. 
 
 " A considerable number of transport vessels are actually pre- 
 paring here, and will shortly proceed to New York, in order to be in 
 readiness to convey the troops above mentioned to Halifax ; and you 
 will detain the transports that are now in their passage to America 
 with the additional Highland companies, to be also employed as you 
 shall judge necessary for the use of the troops. And to prevent, as far 
 as possible, any delays or disappointments happening in this essential 
 service, from a deficiency in the transports to be sent from England, 
 either on account of their late arrival in America, or from any of the 
 same being rendered, through accidents during their voyage, unfit 
 when they arrive for immediate service ; it is the King's pleasure that 
 you do forthwith take up in America six thousand tons of transport 
 vessels, at such place or places as you shall judge proper, and that 
 you do order the said vessels to be fitted and prepared m every respect 
 and ready wherever you shall direct for the embarkation of the troops, 
 the train, the stores, and all other requisites for this service. And that 
 you may not fail being able to procure the said quantity of transports, 
 or any farther quantity that may hereafter happen to be wanted, you
 
 EXTRACT FROM THE INSTRUCTIONS TO ADMIRAL BOSCAWEN. -i'-ii 
 
 will, whenever necessary, apply to the several Governors to lay a strict chap. 
 embargo on all ships, during such time as you shall judge proper for {^^jg 
 this purpose, and the said Governors are directed by the King to 
 comply with any such application from you. And as it may pro- 
 bably happen, notwithstanding your great care to the contrary, that 
 all the transports necessary for conveying the troops, train, and stores, 
 may not be altogether ready so nearly at the same time as is to be 
 wished ; I am to signify to you, that it is the King's pleasure, that you 
 do send the forces to Halifax, (so as that they may be there by the 
 time above directed,) in such division as you shall judge proper, with- 
 out making the whole of this important service wait, on account of 
 some part only of the troops destined for the same not being quite 
 ready ; and in that case, such remaining part thereof is to be sent 
 with all expedition as soon after as possible, so as to join the main 
 body assembled at Halifax, for the siege of Louisburg, as before 
 directed." 
 
 Extract from the Instructions to Admiral Boscawen. 
 
 St. James's, 27th Jamiarij, 1758. 
 
 " In case, on your arrival in North America, you shall find that 
 the orders you have been directed to give to Rear Admiral Sir Charles 
 Hardy, for blocking up the port of Louisburg, shall not have had their 
 effect, you are, with all possible diligence, to take the most effectual 
 measures for blocking up the said harbour. 
 
 " You are to give such further orders as may be necessary for 
 the safe and speedy conveying of such part of our troops as shall not 
 be already at Halifax, when you arrive in North America, for which 
 purpose you shall retain, over and above the transport vessels, already 
 engaged in our service, such further transport vessels in America, as 
 you and the Commander-in-Chief of our said forces shall judge neces- 
 sary and most expedient for our service. 
 
 " Whereas we have ordered the fifteen thousand tons of transport 
 vessels, taken up here and now under your command, to be victualled 
 
 u u 2
 
 332 EXTRACT FROM THE INSTRUCTIONS TO ADMIRAL BOSCAVVEN. 
 
 CHAP, with three months provisions, whole allowance, you shall in case of 
 
 XII 
 
 1758. necessity, and that the same can be spared, cause our troops to be 
 ^'"^''^^ supplied on shore with the said provisions ; and you will also cause 
 the whole or such part of the sea-bedding to be landed for the use of 
 our said troops on shore, as shall be required by our Commander-in- 
 Chief, which sea-bedding is to be returned on board the transports, 
 when it shall be no longer wanted on shore. 
 
 " Whereas we have directed certain operations of our land forces 
 to be carried into execution before the arrival of Major General 
 Amherst, under the orders of Brigadier General Whitmore, and 
 Brigadier General Lawrence, to whom we have given our instructions 
 respectively to that purpose, which they are directed to communicate 
 to you ; our will and pleasure is that you do concert with the said 
 Brigadier Generals all proper measures for carrying into execution the 
 several services prescribed in our orders to them. 
 
 " As soon as the season of the year, and the navigation of those 
 seas shall allow, and in case the force of our fleet under your com- 
 mand shall be sufficient to extend to that additional serAice without 
 prejudice to the first and principal object, namely, the siege of Louis- 
 burg, you are to take the earliest measures for disposing such of your 
 ships as you shall judge proper at the mouth of the river St, Lawrence, 
 in such manner as effectually to prevent all ships and succours going 
 to Quebec. 
 
 " Whereas it cannot be foreseen by what time the siege of Louis- 
 burg may have its issue, or what the state and number of our troops 
 may be, when that service shall be over; and also considering, in case, 
 by the blessing of God upon our arms, our troops should make them- 
 selves masters of that place, the necessary garrison which must be left 
 for the defence thereof; we judge it most expedient to leave it to 
 you, and to Major General Amherst, or the Commander of our forces 
 that shall have been employed at Louisburg, to consider the state and 
 circumstances of things as they shall then be found, and thereupon 
 to determine and concert such ulterior operations with our fleet or 
 forces as you and Major General Amherst or the commander of the
 
 EXTRACT FROM THE INSTRUCTIONS TO ADMIRAL BOSCAWEN. 333 
 
 aforesaid body of troops shall judge most practicable and expedient chap. 
 for our service, and for making the most effectual impressions on the ]7.5«. 
 enemy ; and our will and pleasure is, that you do use your utmost " 
 
 endeavours for that purpose, in such manner as you and the said 
 Major General or Commander of the troops shall judge most advis- 
 able, either by proceeding against Quebec with the whole of the land 
 forces remaining, in case it shall at that time be judged adequate to 
 so great and arduous an enterprise, as well as that the sezison of the 
 year shall still permit of an operation of such length, or by making 
 any other attempts which may occur on the French settlements near 
 the gulf or river of St. Lawrence, Bay of Fundy, and river of 8t. 
 John's ; or by detaching such ships as you shall judge most adapted 
 for that service, in conjunction with such a body of our land forces 
 as Major General Amherst or the officer on whom his command may 
 have devolved, shall judge sufficient for the following services, namely, 
 an attack upon the forts and places lying on the river Mobile, as well 
 as those on the river of Mississippi. 
 
 " Whereas it is necessary that, upon certain occasions, Councils 
 of War should be held, we have thought fit to appoint, and do hereby 
 appoint such a council which shall consist of four of our principal sea- 
 commanders, and of an equal number of our principal land officers, 
 including the Commanders-in-Chief of our sea and land forces, (ex- 
 cept in cases happening at land, relating to the carrying on any siege, 
 or other military operations to be performed by our land forces only ; 
 and in like manner except in cases happening at sea, with regard to 
 operations to be performed by the fleet only ;) and all such sea and 
 land officers are hereby respectively directed, from time to time, to be 
 aiding and assisting with their advice as often as they shall be called 
 together by you, or the officer commanding our land forces for that 
 purpose. 
 
 " Whereas the success of this expedition will very much de- 
 pend upon an entire good understanding between our sea and land 
 officers, we do hereby strictly enjoin and require you on your part, to 
 maintain and cultivate such a good understanding and agreement,
 
 Ml. 
 1758. 
 
 334 EXTRACT FROM THE INSTRUCTIONS TO ADMIRAL BOSCAWEN. 
 
 CHAP, and to order the sailors and marines under your command to assist 
 our land forces, and to man the batteries when there shall be occasion 
 for them, and when they can be spared from the sea service; as we 
 have instructed our General and Commander of our land forces on 
 his part to maintain and cultivate the same good understanding and 
 airreement, and to order that the .soldiers under his command shall 
 man the ships when there shall be occasion for them, and when they 
 can be spared from the land service. And in order to establish the 
 strictest union that may be between you and the said General and 
 Commander of our land forces, you are hereby required to communi- 
 cate these instructions to him, as he is directed to communicate those 
 he shall receive from us to you. 
 
 " You are hereby directed upon all occasions, so to dispose and 
 order our ships under your command as may be most advantageous 
 for our service, the security of our dominions in North America, and 
 the protection of the trade of our subjects, as far as shall in no wise 
 impede any service or enterprise to be undertaken pursuant to these 
 our instructions ; and we have directed the governors of our several 
 colonies and provinces in North America, to send you the earliest in- 
 telligence of any motions of the enemy, and to apply to you for a.ssist- 
 ance in case of emergency, and we have further directed our said 
 governors to use all legal methods to supply the ships under your 
 command with such seamen and workmen as shall be wanting to re- 
 cruit the same, and which you shall from time to time apply to them 
 to furnish. 
 
 " As our service may require that you or the Commander of our 
 land forces should, on particular occasions, despatch a sloop or small 
 frigate to England with intelligence, you shall always take care to 
 have with you one or more sloops or small frigates for that purpose. 
 
 " When the season shall be so far advanced, that nothing mate- 
 rial can be effected by your longer continuing with the main of our 
 fleet in North America, nor that any thing shall be to be apprehended 
 from any fleet of the enemy in those parts, you are to return to Eng- 
 land with so many of the ships under your command, as you shall
 
 EXPULSION OF THE FRENCH FROM EMDEN. 335 
 
 think proper, taking care to leave there such a force under the command chap. 
 of a flag officer or of a captain only, according as the same may be pro- 17.58. 
 
 per, as shall be superior to any force which, from the best intelligence 
 you shall be able to obtain, the enemy may have in those parts." 
 
 The expulsion of the enemy from Emden, a city belonging to 
 the King of Prussia, which had fallen into the hands of the French 
 and Austrians, was another object of importance to the English govern- 
 ment. Emden is the capital of East Friesland, and is situated on 
 the north side of the river Ems, on the Dollert Bay. It was justly 
 considered that, as most of the supplies for the garrison came down the 
 river Ems, by cutting off these means of support, the enemy might be 
 compelled to evacuate, not only the city of Emden, but the whole 
 Prussian territory. Commodore Holmes, with a small squadron, was, 
 accordingly, appointed to execute this important service, in which he 
 so well succeeded, that the garrison, amounting to 3,700 men, soon 
 abandoned the place. The other great consequences anticipated from 
 this success ensued. 
 
 Soon after this, Mr. Pitt having received intelligence that a large 
 fleet of merchant vessels with troops and stores were preparing to sail, 
 under a strong escort of men of war, from the isle of Aix to the French -^'arcli 
 American colonies, commissioned Sir E. Hawke to intercept them. April. 
 Although the English Admiral, meeting with adverse winds, was unable 
 to execute his commission so fully as he desired, by making captures, 
 he completely defeated the object of the French armament. By chasing 
 them into their own harbours, he pre\ ented them from succouring 
 their colonies in America, and thus materially contributed to the 
 subsequent successes of Admiral Boscawen and General Amherst. 
 
 On the 8th March, a squadron, under Commodore Marsh, was 
 despatched to reduce the French settlements on the river Senegal in 
 Africa. 
 
 Tlie design of attacking these settlements was first suggested by 
 Mr. T. Cumming, a quaker, in the year 1756. But his communica- 
 tion with the English administration long subjected this patriotic
 
 ^36 CAPTURE OF ST, LOUIS— HISTORY OF COL, CLIVE. 
 
 CHAP, person to mortification and disappointment. When he learned that 
 I7;3s. hostihties had commenced between France and England, he formed a 
 ^^^^"^^"^ most sensible plan of reducing the factories of the former in Africa, 
 through the aid of a native prince of the country. Mr. Pitt at once 
 perceived the beneficial consequences which would attend the execu- 
 tion of Mr. Cumming's proposition, and therefore gave him every 
 encouragement in his power'. But his first administration was too 
 short and too unsettled to enable him to carry it into execution. He 
 was now enabled to do so. 
 
 Mr. Gumming, as the principal promoter and director of the 
 expedition, sailed with the squadron. The principal object of attack 
 was the French settlement on the island of St. Louis. This, with a 
 garrison of 250 men, 92 pieces of cannon, 16 vessels, and a very 
 valuable booty, soon surrendered to the English, who achieved the 
 conquest without the loss of a man. Tliey afterwards proceeded to 
 attack the island of Goree; but here they were repulsed, and, finding 
 their force inadequate to the purpose, the execution of it was deferred 
 till a later period of the year. 
 
 I have stated that Commodore Stevens was sent, early in the 
 year 1757, to strengthen the fleet under Admiral Watson in the East 
 Indies. Before he reached his destination the lamented Admiral was 
 no more. He died on the l6th August, 1757, leaving a name most 
 highly distinguished for conduct, integrity, and benevolence. He 
 was succeeded in the conmiand of the fleet by Rear Admiral Pococke. 
 Colonel Clive was still proceeding in his career of victory. This cele- 
 brated man was the son of a gentleman of small fortune in Shropshire. 
 From his youth he was remarkable for his daring and impetuous spirit. 
 He was averse to application and restraint, and from this cause, and 
 from the unsteadiness of his father's disposition, he received his educa- 
 tion at \ arious schools. At the age of nineteen he obtained a writer- 
 ship ni the ser\ice of the East India Company, and proceeded to 
 Madras. Finding his talents more adapted to military than to civil 
 
 ' See a letter from Mr. Pitt to Mr. Cumming in the Appendix, No. ii.
 
 SUCCESSES OF CLIVE AND COOTE— COMTE DE LALLY. 337 
 
 pursuits, he relinquished his appointment, and was allowed to enter CHAP, 
 upon his new career with the rank of an Ensign. His character i758_ 
 for courage and resolution was established at the siege of Pondicherry, =^= 
 and in an enterprize against Devi Cotah. Common observers, indeed, 
 charged him with rashness, but the discerning remarked a coolness of 
 determination and a presence of mind which presaged his future 
 
 renown '. 
 
 One of the first advantages to the East India Company, resulting 
 from Mr. Clive's conduct and intrepidity, was the possession of Arcot, 
 from which he expelled the enemy, and which he afterwards defended 
 with extraordinary ability. His name was now familiar to fame. In 
 concert with Admiral Watson he compelled the fort of Geriah to 
 surrender, and, with the same partner in success, he reduced Calcutta 
 and Hooghly, the former the capital of Bengal, and the latter a city 
 of great trade and resources. On the 23d June, 1757j he obtained 
 the celebrated \ictory of Plassey, which destroyed the power of Suraja 
 Dowla. 
 
 Great as were these successes, and others obtained by Major 
 Coote in Bengal, the affairs of the British in other parts of India were 
 not, at this time, in a flourishing condition. The French were expect- 
 ing very powerful reinforcements from Europe, and, in the mean time, 
 were active in insinuating themselves into the favor of several of the 
 native Princes. On the 4th May, 1757, the French reinforcements, 
 with a strong squadron under the Comte d'Ache, sailed from Brest. 
 At the head of the land forces, and with very extensive powers to act 
 as Governor-General of their possessions in India, the French govern- 
 ment had placed the Comte de Lally. This officer was the descendant 
 of an Irish family which emigrated to France when James II. abdi- 
 cated the throne of Britain. De Lally was a man of extraordinary 
 courage and resolution and very well qualified to undertake the exe- 
 cution of the most daring enterprise. But his temper was too im- 
 
 * The experienced Major Lawrence was in particular struck with these qualities in Clive. — 
 Mill's British India, 
 
 VOL. I. X X
 
 .{38 
 
 ANOTHER ENTERPRISE AGAINST THE COAST OF FRANCE. 
 
 CHAP, petuous for the judicious management of interests so involved and 
 1768. delicate as those of the French in India. D'Ach^ was long delayed 
 
 '^''^^^^ by the sickness which prevailed amongst his men, and did not reach the 
 coast of Coromandel until the 25th April, 1758. I shall reserve the 
 account of his proceedings and those of De Lally for my narration of 
 the following year, before which they had not reached England. 
 
 With a view to keep up a constant alarm on the coasts of France, 
 and thus detain a very considerable portion of the enemy's forces in 
 their own country, a new design was concerted by the minister. For 
 this purpose a large body of infantry was assembled in the Isle of 
 Wight, and every preparation, which prudence and foresight could 
 suggest, was adopted to ensure success to the undertaking. Officers 
 of highly approved conduct and courage were selected for the com- 
 mand, and as the term expedition had become open to ridicule from 
 the last year's failure, the armament was designated an enterprise. 
 Lieutenant General the Duke of Marlborough * was appointed to "the 
 command of the land forces, and the following General and Staft^ 
 Officers were employed under him. 
 
 Lieut. Generals, J ^"^. ^^""'^^ SackvUle. 
 
 C William Earl of Ancram. 
 
 /- Hon. John Waldegrave, 
 
 \ John Mostyn, 
 Major Generals, /Alexander Dury, 
 
 yHon. George Boscawen, 
 
 V Granvill Elliot. 
 Brigadier-General, Colonel G. A. Elliot. 
 
 Adjutant-General, Lieut. Col. C. Hotham. 
 
 Quarter-Master-General, Lieut. Col. R. Watson. 
 
 The whole army amounted to 14,000 men, constituting a force 
 formidable by its numbers and actuated by the warmest gallantry and 
 zeal. The nation at large participated in the martial ardour of the 
 troops. Lord Downe, Sir J. Lowther, Sir J. Armitage, Mr. Berkley, 
 
 * .Maternal grandson of the great Duke of Marlborough.
 
 THE ARMAMENT ATTACKS ST. MALO. 3.39 
 
 and Mr. Delaval, gentlemen of distinguished rank and property, en- chap. 
 gaged as volunteers in the service, and every lover of his country pre- n^g. 
 saged a happy issue to the undertaking. ^^^^^^^ 
 
 The naval part of this expedition was composed of two squa- 
 drons. The one designed to co-operate with the troops consisted of a 
 few ships of the hne, with a number of frigates and sloops of war, 
 bomb-ketches, and other vessels. This was under the command of 
 Captain the Honorable Richard Howe, a name already terrible to the 
 enemy. The other squadron was composed of upwards of twenty 
 ships of the line ; the command of which was given to Lord Anson 
 and Sir Edward Hawke. The last and greater squadron was directed 
 to cruize off Brest, in such manner as to prevent the French ships from 
 disturbing the operations of Commodore Howe. 
 
 I have said that the main design of this expedition was to create 
 a diversion in favor of the Kino; of Prussia and Prince Ferdinand of 
 Brunswick, by compelling France both to withhold and to withdraw 
 her troops from Germany. In addition to this, the destruction of the 
 enemy's ports and marine in the British channel was an object of 
 much importance. The destination of this armament was profoundly 
 concealed even from the EngUsh, and filled the enemy with the most 
 dreadful apprehensions. 
 
 As the failure of the expedition against Rochfort had, in some 
 degree, been attributed to the want of proper means of landing, at 
 one time, a sufficient body of troops upon the French coasts, a consi- 
 derable number of flat-bottomed boats, upon a new construction, were 
 provided for this purpose. These were each rowed by twelve oars ; 
 they drew only two feet of water, and were calculated to contain 
 seventy soldiers. 
 
 On Thursday, the 1st June, both squadrons weighed anchor and 
 put to sea, and, as they took dift'erent directions, they soon lost sight 
 of each other. On Monday, the 5th, the whole fleet, under Commo- 
 dore Howe, reached St. Malo, and put into the bay of Cancalle. On 
 the evening of the same day the grenadiers of the army embarked in 
 the flat-bottomed boats, preparatory to landing ; the volunteers ac- 
 
 X x 2
 
 340 BRAVERY OF AN OLD FRENCH SOLDIER. 
 
 CHAP, companied this detachment, and acted with them upon all occasions. 
 1758. '^^ resistance they experienced from the enemy in landing was most 
 contemptible. Tliey were fired upon, indeed, from the shore, but the 
 French battery consisted but of two guns, and the garrison but of a 
 single veteran. This brave old man, alone and unaided, continued 
 to oppose the fire of his two guns against the thunder of the British 
 ships, nor would he desist, till disabled by a wound from a musket- 
 ball, which he received in the leg. When charged with rashness by 
 our officers, he said, " I have done no more than my duty ; had my 
 countrymen done so, you had never landed at Cancalle." His coun- 
 trymen deserved his reproach ; for when our fleet first appeared, there 
 were in Cancalle seven companies of foot, and three troops of dra- 
 goons, who, as soon as our grenadiers began to move towards the 
 shore, made a precipitate retreat in the direction of St. Malo. Upon 
 the first landing of the English troops, the people of the country 
 abandoned their houses in the greatest consternation, and carried off 
 their effects. None remained but the infirm and aged, some of whom 
 were first rifled, and afterwards butchered by the brutality of the sol- 
 diery and seamen. Notwithstanding the most severe prohibitions 
 against these enormities, notwithstanding the strictest vigilance and 
 the most admirable example of the officers, these ruffians plundered 
 and destroyed all they met with, to the deep disgrace of humanity. 
 But such are the horrors of invasion. The Marquis de Landal, in- 
 tendant of the coast, coming to reconnoitre the position of the Eng- 
 lish, fell in with one of our advanced parties, and refusing to surren- 
 der, was shot dead with his servant. 
 
 On Wednesday, the 7th, the Duke of Marlborough and Lord 
 George Sackville, w ith the first column of the army, and Lord An- 
 cram at the head of the second, advanced, by different routes, to St. 
 Malo. After marching without opposition through a very woody 
 and enclosed country, they arrived in the neighbourhood of the town, 
 and proceeded to encamp before it. It was now reported to the Com- 
 mander-in-chief that a number of ships, and houses filled with naval 
 and militarv stores, in the suburbs of St. Servan and Solidore, were
 
 =s= 
 
 DESTRUCTION OF SHIPPING AND NAVAL STORES. 341 
 
 not protected by the cannon of St. Malo, and might easily be de- CHAP, 
 stroyed, A detachment of troops were accordingly sent upon this 1758. 
 service, and, favored by the night, they hastened to perform their " 
 commission. Imagination can scarcely conceive the grandeur of the 
 scene which followed. The dark and silent hour of midnight was 
 disturbed by the shouts of British triumph, and by the conflagration 
 of the ships reflected in the wave, giving notice to the trembling na- 
 tives that the work of destruction was proceeding "". 
 
 The city of St. Malo is very strongly situated on a rock, almost 
 surrounded by the sea, and has no communication with the land but 
 by a narrow causeway, nearly seven hundred yards in length. Al- 
 though the place is not capable of withstanding a regular siege, it was 
 found too strong to be carried by escalade. It was judged expedient, 
 therefore, by the general officers to return to Cancalle bay, where the 
 re-embarkation of the troops was eflfected with great ease and expe- 
 dition. The fleet, before its return to England, reconnoitred the town 
 of Granville, on the coast of Normandy, but as a large body of troops 
 were encamped in the neighbourhood, no descent was attempted. 
 After a delay of several days, occasioned by adverse winds, and the 
 
 •■ The following is an accurate statement of the loss sustained by the enemy upon this occa- 
 sion, estimated at 800,000^, 
 
 At Solidore, 
 
 1 ship of 32 g^ns, never at sea, completely rigged. 
 
 All these had masts, yards, rigging, and a considerable quantity of 
 stores on board, 
 lips I " " 
 1 ship of 30, just laid on the stocks, the keel and timber burned. 
 6 merchant ships, two of them new. 
 6 sloops. 
 
 At St. Servan. 
 
 1 ship of 50 guns on the stocks.' 
 
 1 36 ^ V • 1 
 
 kmg s snips. 
 
 1 22 
 
 1 18 
 
 62 merchant ships, and many small craft, 

 
 U2 
 
 RETURN OF THE ARMAMENT. 
 
 CHAP, consequent variation of their course, the whole fleet bore away for 
 1758. Cherbourg, the bay of which is open to the sea, and affords no se- 
 "'^^''''^^ curity for shipping. Here it was decided that a landing should take 
 place. The Commander-in-chief determined that the forts Querque- 
 ville. Hornet, and Gallet should be attacked in the night by the first 
 regiment of Guards. Dispositions to this effect were accordingly 
 made; but a strong gale of wind blowing in to the shore, occasioned 
 so great a surf, that the attempt to land was pronounced to be ex- 
 tremely dangerous. It was, therefore, postponed ; and as the provi- 
 sion, both for the soldiers and the horses, began to fail, it was consi- 
 dered expedient to return to England. The fleet accordingly weighed 
 anchor, and on the 1st of July arrived at Spithead. 
 
 Such was the issue of the first enterprise against the French 
 coast in the year 1758. Considering the objects for which it was 
 undertaken, it was certainly attended vvith much success, and this 
 success was obtained with as little loss as an invading army ever ex- 
 perienced, the mortality having scarcely exceeded that to which the 
 same number of persons is liable upon ordinary occasions '. 
 
 The time of the minister was so fully engrossed in considering 
 and directing the great operations of the war, that it was imposible 
 for him to devote any great portion of it to the internal legislation of 
 the country. This was for the greater part conducted by others. 
 Mr. Pitt's commanding situation, however, induced his friends to bring 
 forward several measures which they thought conducive to the public 
 welfare. His relations, Earl Temple and Mr. George Grenville, with 
 his assistance, carried through both Houses of Parliament a very 
 humane and excellent bill for the encouragement of seamen, by the 
 punctual and frequent payment of their wages. The Attorney-gene- 
 ral prepared and brought before the House of Commons, a bill for 
 explaining, extending, and ascertaining the full operation of the writ 
 of Habeas Corpus. As this measure excited great attention at the 
 
 ' The account of this expedition is principally taken from the journal of an officer employed 
 upon the service.
 
 THE HABEAS CORPUS ACT CONSIDERED. 313 
 
 time, and is one of great national importance, I shall consider, at CHAP, 
 some length, the object at which it aimed, and the fate which it ex- 1758^ 
 perienced. ~ 
 
 Arbitrary imprisonment is an evil, which, in some degree, pre- 
 vails in almost every government but that of Great Britain, It is 
 singular that our exemption from this evil, should chiefly be owing to 
 a Parliament held in the corrupt reign of Charles II. But the truth 
 is, that the violent conduct of three kings gave rise to the three great 
 bulwarks of our constitution. The great charter was extorted from 
 the tyrant John ; the petition of right, which renewed and extended 
 that charter, was occasioned by the offensive and arbitrary conduct of 
 Charles I.; and the writ of Habeas Corpus, which completed the two 
 former acts, resulted from the violent projects of the famous Cabal. 
 It is well known, that the great object of the act of Habeas Corpus 
 was to rescue prisoners from all evasion and delay, both from their 
 judges and those by whom they were committed, and to enable them 
 to insist upon being brought to trial within a limited time after their 
 commitment. With this invaluable privilege of the subject, the 
 power of impressing seamen, and some other acts of the government, 
 appeared to clash. The Attorney-general's bill was intended to re- 
 medy these defects. It originated in a singular occurrence. By an 
 act passed in the preceding session, for recruiting his Majesty's land 
 forces and marines, certain commissioners were empowered to decide 
 whether the persons brought before them, were such as ought, by the 
 regulations of the act, to be impressed into the service. It was, more- 
 over, expressly provided, that no person so impressed by those com- 
 missioners should be removed from his Majesty's service by any other 
 process than that of a criminal accusation. During the recess of Par- 
 liament, a gentleman having been impressed before the commissioners, 
 and confined in the Savoy, his friends made application for a Habeas 
 Corpus in his favor. This involved a question of a delicate and con- 
 tradictory nature. For the act of Charles II. related only to persons 
 committed for alleged crimes, and the gentleman in question did not 
 stand in that predicament. Before the point could be determined, the
 
 344 ATTORNEY-GENERAL'S BILL FOR EXTENDING IT. 
 
 CHAP, party was discharged in consequence of an application to the Secre- 
 
 1753 tary at War. But although the individual was no longer a sufferer, 
 
 '^^ the principle upon which he had been detained was a general one, 
 
 which appeared to call for the interference of the legislature. Mr. 
 
 Pratt's bill was intituled " An Act for giving a more speedy remedy 
 
 to the subject upon the writ of Habeas Corpus." 
 
 It imported that the several provisions made in the act of 
 Charles II. for awarding writs of Habeas Corpus in cases of commit- 
 ment or detainer, on account of any criminal or supposed criminal 
 matter, should be extended to all cases of persons restrained or con- 
 fined under any pretence whatever; that upon the oath of such persons, 
 or upon that of any other on their behalf, stating that such confine- 
 ment was not by virtue of a commitment for any alleged criminal 
 matter, a Habeas Corpus should be granted to them in the same 
 manner as to those specified in the previous act; that the person or 
 persons before whom the party so confined should then be brought by 
 Habeas Corpus, should, within three days after the return was made, 
 proceed to examine into the facts alleged in such return, and into the 
 cause of such confinement, and thereupon discharge, bail, or remand 
 the party as the justice of the case should require. The bill also pro- 
 vided that a writ of Habeas Corpus might be required of the judges 
 during the time of vacation. 
 
 The motives which induced the Attorney-general to bring the bill 
 forward, reflect great honor upon his humanity and public spirit. The 
 measure was, however, inopportune. It was unwise, I think, to move 
 a question so likely to impede the operations of government, at a time 
 when the sudden emergencies of the service called for such vast supplies 
 of men. The bill was supported with great firmness'' by Mr. Pitt, and 
 passed the House of Commons by a considerable majority. Lord Temple 
 was its warmest advocate in the House of Lords. It was opposed by 
 Lord Hardwicke, Lord Mansfield, and a great majority of the Peers. 
 
 ' This was the more manly in the minister as his Majesty's sentiments were known to be un- 
 favorable to the bill.
 
 SUCCESSES OF PRINCE FERDINAND. .345 
 
 The opinions of the twelve Judges were taken upon the subject, and chap. 
 found, as to the greater part, to be against it. In a speech which oc- 1758. 
 cupied two hours and a half, and which is described to have been one ^^"^"^ 
 of the most splendid specimens of sense, oratory, and argument, Lord 
 Mansfield opposed the bill, which was eventually rejected by the 
 House'. 
 
 Such unanimity now prevailed that very little discussion arose 
 during; this session in the House of Commons. Almost the only de- 
 bate, of any interest, proceeded from a motion, (which was re- 
 jected,) for leave to bring in a Bill to shorten the duration of future 
 parliaments. An Act was passed to remedy some defects in the re- 
 gulations respecting the mihtia. 
 
 Several other subjects of importance to the country came before 
 Parliament, and several useful enactments were made. 
 
 The deadly feeling of revenge which actuated the German 
 powers, was not arrested by the barriers which nature presented. 
 The dreadful winter of 1757, although it impeded, was not able to 
 prevent the progress of- hostilities. Wherever war was practicable, 
 there it was carried on, and whenever it was necessarily suspended, 
 the time was employed in designs and preparations to extend it. 
 
 Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick first opened the campaign of 
 1758. He had a difficult task to perform — no less than that of ex- 
 pelling 80,000 Frenchmen from Lower Saxony and Westphalia with 
 the very same army of 30,000 Hanoverians, whom they had com- 
 pelled four months previously to lay down their arms. The Prince, 
 however, succeeded to admiration. Assisted by a reinforcement of 
 ^Prussians under Prince Henry, within a month, he drove the French 
 from their conquests, and compelled them, with the loss of 10,000 
 men, to re-cross the Rhine. What a change had the French experi- 
 enced since their victory of Hastenbeck, and the convention of Closter- 
 seven ! Then insolent with success, they had given way to every de- 
 scription of licentiousness, and plundered a conquered people without 
 
 ' Lord Orford's Memoires. 
 
 VOL. I, - Y y
 
 346 GENEROUS CONDUCT OF THE DUKE OF RANDAN. 
 
 CHAP, the smallest feeling of remorse. It was now their turn to suffer, and 
 
 Y IT . . . 
 
 ,75g their cup of retribution was indeed full. It is impossible to describe 
 == the wretched condition of the French troops retiring before the army 
 of Prince Ferdinand. Officers and soldiers involved in one common 
 distress forgot, the first their rank, the latter their obedience. Ex- 
 posed to the rigours of a most severe season they were without food 
 and without clothing, and continually suffered from the desultory 
 attacks of the pursuing army. Exasperated by their sufferings, they 
 forgot all mercy to the inhabitants of the country through which they 
 passed, and conducted themselves more like banditti or savages than 
 an army of disciplined soldiers. There were, however, some noble 
 exceptions. The Duke of Randan, the French governor of Hanover, 
 at the time when his countrymen so abused their success, had, by the 
 strictness of his discipline and the moderation of his conduct, saved 
 the Electorate from destruction. His behaviour now was equally 
 grand. Resentment was no more able to impel him to acts of seve- 
 rity, during this adverse vicissitude, than the pride of conquest, during 
 his previous prosperity. The generous conduct of the Duke of Randan 
 adds dignity to France, and must consecrate his name to posterity as 
 long as honor and benevolence are cherished amongst the foremost 
 virtues of man. 
 
 After some very splendid instances of miUtary judgment and 
 exertion. Prince Ferdinand, on the 23d June, gave the enemy battle 
 at Crevelt, and obtained the victory. Seven thousand of the best 
 troops of France were there killed, wounded, and taken prisoners. 
 Accounts of this success reached London on the 27th June, and, of 
 course, occasioned the most lively joy. 
 
 Mr. Pitt never neglected to improve an advantage. He saw 
 that this opportunity of enabUng Prince Ferdinand to pursue his vic- 
 tory should immediately be seized, and he determined to send him a 
 considerable reinforcement from England. The Duke of Marlborough 
 was appointed to the command of the troops. He was accompanied 
 by Lord G. Sackville, Major-General Waldegrave, together with the 
 Adjutant and Quarter-master-Generals upon the late expedition to
 
 A THIRD EXPEDITION AGAINST THE FRENCH COASTS. 347 
 
 St. Malo, and one brigade of infantry from the same service, consist- CHAP. 
 
 XI? 
 
 ing of the 20th, the 23rd, and the 25th regiments of foot. 1753 
 
 Although the expedition against St. Malo had not answered the ^^^""^"^^ 
 expectation of many sanguine persons in England, it fully accom- 
 plished the great end of creating a diversion in favor of Prince Ferdi- 
 nand of Brunswick. It was chiefly owing to that great general's 
 representations of the utility of these designs, that Mr. Pitt directed 
 another attempt to be made against the coast of France. The nature 
 of this service was not agreeable to military men. After several 
 officers had declined taking the command of the forces upon this 
 occasion, it was accepted by Lieutenant-general Blighe, an experienced 
 and honorable soldier, but too old for the conduct of so bold and 
 hazardous an enterprise, and entirely unacquainted with the geography 
 of the French coast. The following general and staff officers were 
 appointed under Blighe. 
 
 /"John Moystyn, 
 
 -_ . -, , 1 Alexander Durv, 
 Maior-Generals <,, ^ „ ■^ 
 
 1 Hon. G. Boscawen, 
 
 v. Granville Elliott. 
 
 Brigadier-General, Col. G. A. Elliott. 
 
 Quarter-master-General, Lieut. Col. Robert Clark. 
 
 " Adjutant-General, Captain William Viscount Fitzmaurice. 
 
 The troops employed were those returned from St. Malo, with 
 the very considerable reduction, however, of the brigade which accom- 
 panied the Duke of Marlborough to Germany. 
 
 His Royal Highness Prince Edward, second son of the late Prince 
 of Wales, embarked as a midshipman in the expedition ; thus offering 
 to the world a noble instance of contempt of fatigue and danger in an 
 English Prince of the blood royal. 
 
 The squadron having been refitted, and reinforced by the Mon- 
 tague of sixty guns, the troops embarked ; and, on the 31st July, 
 the fleet fell down to St. Helen's. On the following day they sailed, 
 and, after a passage much delayed by calms and contrary winds, 
 anchored in the bay of Cherbourg on the 7 th August. Since the 
 
 Yy2
 
 'H8 CAPTURE OF CHERBOURG. 
 
 CHAP, former appearance of our fleet off this place the enemy had been 
 I75y. actively employed in preparations to oppose any future attempts to 
 
 ^^"'^^^ invade them. They had thrown up entrenchments for several miles 
 along the coast on each side of Cherbourg ; they had collected a con- 
 siderable body of troops, and all the militia of the district, to the 
 shore, and altogether they presented a very formidable appearance of 
 resistance. This general state of alarm and preparation was singularly 
 contrasted by the apathy and indifference evinced by an individual 
 peasant, who continued his occupation of making hay whilst the English 
 were preparing to land their forces. 
 
 Commodore Howe had disposed the men of war and the bomb 
 ketches so judiciously, and directed so warm a fire against the enemy, 
 that they never ventured to quit their entrenchments. The landing, 
 therefore, was effected in excellent order, and with very little loss. 
 An enemy who had thus, almost passively, allowed us to land upon 
 their shores, were not likely to offer any violent opposition to our 
 subsequent advance. The French, in fact, deserted their lines in the 
 most shameful state of despair, and suffered the English to enter 
 Cherbourg, without molestation, the day after they landed. 
 
 The town of Cherbourg, in Normandy, is situated on the north 
 coast of the peninsula of the Cotentin, at the bottom of a large bay 
 between the capes of La Hogue and Barfleur. The harbour is naturally 
 bad. But the situation of the place is well adapted to injure the 
 English commerce, to protect that of France, and perhaps to facilitate 
 an invasion of Great Britain. 
 
 ' Impelled by motives now unknown, Louis XIV. had caused the 
 
 fortifications of Cherbourg to be destroyed, but, in the subsequent 
 reign. Cardinal Fleury employed the celebrated engineer, De Caux, to 
 repair them, and to improve the harbour. At an immense expense, 
 and after the labor of many years, a most capacious bason w<is con- 
 structed with sluices and flood-gates. Tlie works, indeed, had latterly 
 been neglected ; but, as the most material expense and labor had 
 already been incurred, they might at any time have been resumed, and 
 their subsequent completion have proved of much importance to France.
 
 DEMOLITION OF ITS HARBOURS AND BATTERIES. 349 
 
 To render these labors of the enemy vain, and to prevent their chap. 
 successful continuation, the English immediately proceeded to destroy 17.58, 
 the bason, w ith the two piers at the entrance of the harbour ; to ===== 
 render the harbour itself useless to ships of burthen; and to demolish 
 the forts, batteries, and magazines of Cherbourg. Whilst the engineers 
 were occupied in this work of destruction, the light-horse penetrated 
 into the country in the direction of Walloign, about four leagues 
 distant, where the French were encamped, and receiving constant 
 reinforcements. Several skirmishes ensued between the out-parties of 
 the two armies, in one of which Captain Lindsay, a most valuable cavalry 
 officer in our service, was mortally wounded. 
 
 The invaders had now completed their object, and reduced the 
 ingenious labors of the French at Cherbourg to utter insignificance. 
 Its harbour"' and bason, with nearly 200 pieces of artillery, and an 
 
 "° On one of the sluices of the harbour were found the following inscriptions. 
 
 On the tast side. 
 
 Hanc jussit Ludovix, suasit Floraeus, et undis 
 
 Curavit mediis Asfeldus surgere molem : 
 
 Non aliis votis almae praesentior urbis, 
 
 Ars frsenavit aquas, fluctus domuitque minaces. 
 
 Hinc tutela viget, stat copia, gloria crescit, 
 
 Hinc rex, hinc sapiens, herosque manebit in sevum. 
 
 On the west side. 
 
 Ludovici XV. jussu, 
 
 Florsei consilio, 
 
 Asfeldi ductu. 
 
 In iEvum stat heec moles. 
 
 Ars, naturae victrix, aquarum impetum refraenat, facilera navibus tenipestate actis aditum dat, 
 
 tutelam asserit, copiam invehit, gloriam perpetual, simulque principetn, sapientem, heroa, 
 
 posteritati commendat. 
 
 This was parodied by an officer in the expedition, with more truth than elegance, thus : 
 Louis and Fleury must, with Asfeld, now 
 Resign to George, to Pitt, to Blighe, and Howe. 
 One blast destroyed the labor of an age ; • 
 Let loose the tide, and bid the billows rage ; 
 Their wealth and safety gone, their glory lost ; 
 The King's, the Statesman's, and the Hero's boast.
 
 350 SUCCESSES AT CAPE BRETON. 
 
 CHAP, immense quantity of ammunition, were destroyed, and 22 brass can- 
 1758_ nons and 2 brass mortars were, with several colors, sent in triumph to 
 ^^^"^^^^ England. 
 
 On the l6th August the forces, having been ten days unmo- 
 lested in France, reimbarked with the same expedition and safety 
 which had marked their landing. Whilst the nation was rejoicing at 
 these successes, and the people were gazing with admiration at the 
 trophies borne off from Cherbourg, advices were received of still 
 greater triumphs in America. Cape Breton had fallen under the 
 power of Great Britain. This island is situated between the 45th and 
 47th degrees of north latitude, and, with the island of Newfoundland, 
 forms the entrance of the Gulph of St. Laurence. The harbour is 
 fine, and no place in the new world is more commodious for ships 
 commg from every part of America, whether chased by an enemy, 
 driven by stress of weather, or destitute of wood, water, or provisions. 
 On every account, therefore, the possession of this island was an ob- 
 ject of the first importance to the English. 
 
 Admiral Boscawen and General Amherst, with a fleet of one 
 hundred and fifty sail, and an army of nearly 12,000 men, had ap- 
 peared before Louisburg on the 2nd June. The French had made 
 the best dispositions to receive them. A chain of posts extended two 
 leagues and a half along the beach, and at every place where a land- 
 ing appeared practicable, entrenchments were thrown up and bat- 
 teries erected. But the natural difficulties which the English had to 
 encounter were even greater than those arising from the ingenuity of 
 the enemy. They were six days on the coast before a landing was 
 found practicable. So violent a surf prevailed along the shore, that 
 no boat could possibly surmount it. At length this surf somewhat 
 abated, and the opportunity to effect a landing was instantly seized. 
 The troops were distributed into three divisions. That on the left, 
 consisting of the four oldest companies of grenadiers, and the light 
 infantry and companies of rangers, supported by the Highland regi- 
 ment and the remaining companies of grenadiers, was conducted by 
 the celebrated Wolfe, This was intended for the real service ; the
 
 GALLANT CONDUCT OF GENERAL WOLFE. 351 
 
 other two divisions were merely designed to distract the attention of CHAP, 
 the enemy, and to weaken their defence of the particular part to be ]758_ 
 attacked. General Wolfe's division now moved towards the shore. " 
 The enemy, in cool determination, awaited their approach, and, as 
 the boats drew near, poured in the whole fire of their cannon and 
 musquetry upon them. The effect was terrible indeed, and would 
 have proved fatal to their enterprise, had not their leader been spared. 
 But he, preserving the coolest self-possession, inspired his men with 
 the warmest courage. Amidst the scene of carnage which ensued, 
 when the fire from the shore was aided by the violence of the surf; 
 when the boats were overset, and the wave was overwhelming those 
 whom the enemy had spared, Wolfe assured his troops that he was 
 leading them on to victory. He leaped into the water, and was fol- 
 lowed by his men. They hastened to the shore, formed instantly 
 upon the beach, and, with fixed bayonets, drove the enemy from 
 their posts in the utmost confusion. Before that day closed, all the 
 troops were landed from the ships. But although this great object 
 was effected, the greater task was to be performed — the siege was 
 now to be undertaken. Fresh difficulties presented themselves. The 
 enemy had five ships of the line in the harbour, which would have 
 been enabled to bring all their guns to bear upon the English troops 
 in their approaches to the town. The principal object of the English 
 was to secure a point, called the light-house battery, from which their 
 own guns might play upon the vessels in the harbour, and upon the 
 batteries on the other side of it. This service also was committed to 
 General Wolfe, who performed it with the most extraordinary celerity 
 and success. Then leaving a detachment at light-house point, he 
 returned with a great part of his corps to the camp before the town — 
 formed an attack against the western gate, where he made the most 
 rapid advances, and erected batteries, which fired with the greatest 
 success upon the town and shipping. 
 
 It was now that the British admiral displayed a zeal and a pre- 
 sence of mind which greatly accelerated the exertions of the army. 
 Of the five ships of the enemy which were in the harbour, three had
 
 352 LETTER OF MR. PITT TO GENERAL AMHERST. 
 
 CHAP, been destroyed ; Admiral Boscaweii detached six hundred seamen in 
 17.58. boats to take or burn the two which remained. This force, led on by 
 " the two young captains Laforcy and Balfour, in the darkness of the 
 
 night made their way through a terrible fire of cannon and musquetry, 
 and boarded and took possession of the ships. The one they burned, 
 the other they triumphantly towed from the harbour. The enemy 
 were now unable to continue their resistance, and surrendered the 
 town on the 26"th July ". 
 
 This was the severest blow which the French had received since 
 the commencement of the war. By the surrender of Louisburg they 
 lost the only place where they could carry on their valuable cod 
 fishery — the only place where they could conveniently receive the 
 reinforcements which were sent to support the war in the other parts 
 of America. With Louisburg fell St. John's, The governor reluc- 
 tantly yielded up this fine island to Lord Rollo, whom General Am- 
 herst had despatched to possess it in his sovereign's name. 
 
 The followino; is an extract of a letter from Mr. Pitt to General 
 Amherst, upon the reduction of Cape Breton. The same letter, mutatis 
 mutandis, was addressed to Aflmiml Roscawen. 
 
 Whitehall, September 9th, 1758. 
 
 " On the 18th past, Captain Amherst delivered to me the favor 
 of your letters of the 11th and 23d June, and 6'th, 23d, 27th, and 
 30th July ; and on the 4th instant Captain Hathorn arri\ cd with that 
 of the 10th past ; both of which were immediately laid before the 
 King. I cannot sufficiently express the satisfaction your success 
 against the very important fortress of Louisburg, gave his Majesty ; 
 and the King has commanded me to acquaint you with his full and 
 entire approbation of your whole conduct during the course of the 
 siege of that place. 
 
 " His Majesty has the firmest reliance that by the blessing of 
 
 " See two letters from General Amherst to Mr. Pitt, in the Appendix, No. ii. Letters 5 
 and 6.
 
 HISTORY OF GENERAL AMHERST. 35.3 
 
 God, the further operations of so fine an army, which has suf- chap. 
 fered such a small loss, will be attended with hke success in the ]75g 
 prosecution of the ulterior objects, which by your letter of the 10th 
 past, the King is informed that you and Admiral Boscawen have 
 determined to pursue, and which his Majesty hopes from your 
 nearer view of things, and judgment formed from further enquiry 
 on the spot may best answer the great purposes of his Majesty's ser- 
 vice in America ; and the King doubts not but that all the said opera- 
 tions will be pushed with the utmost ability and vigour. 
 
 " It is the King's pleasure that you should in the manner you 
 shall judge most proper acquaint the officers and men under your 
 command, with his Majesty's satisfaction at their brave and good be- 
 haviour which, as you justly observe, must always insure success. 
 
 " I cannot conclude without adding my most hearty congratula- 
 tions on the great honor you have acquired, and assuring you of the 
 sincere part I shall take in every thing that can contribute to the in- 
 crease thereof." 
 
 Jeffery Amherst, the descendant of an old and most respectable 
 family in the county of Kent, was born on the 29th of January 1717. 
 At a very early age he devoted himself to the profession of arms. 
 He received an ensign's commission in the guards when not more than 
 fourteen years old. At the age of twenty-four he was made aid-de- 
 camp to General Ligonier, and in that capacity was present at the 
 battles of Dettingen, Fontenoy, and Rocoux. After this he was ad- 
 mitted upon the staff of the Duke of Cumberland, and was engaged 
 in the fatal battles of Lafeldt and Hastenbeck. In the year 1756, he 
 was appointed to the command of the 15th regiment of foot, and in 
 two years more obtained the rank of major-general. Mr. Pitt, ever 
 attentive to the character of the officers he employed, saw that the 
 qualities of General Amherst rendered him a proper person to command 
 the army in North America. He was accordingly appointed, and 
 the brilliant operations of the campaign amply confirmed the high 
 opinion entertained of him by Mr. Pitt. General Amherst, although 
 
 VOL. I. z z
 
 354 DISASTROUS REVERSES OF THE BRITISH ARMS. 
 
 CHAP, a firm disciplinarian, was ever the soldier's friend. He was a man of 
 XII. . . 
 
 1738, Strict economy, of a collected and temperate mind, and in the whole 
 
 of his conduct appears to have been animated by a just sense of what 
 
 was due to his country °. 
 
 The exultation of the English now knew no bounds. But pride 
 was not made for man. Three days after these joyful tidings were 
 received from Louisburg, despatches arrived from General Aber- 
 crombie detailing the mournful reverse which his army had experi- 
 enced. The gallant Lord Howe had lost his life in a skirmish with 
 an advanced guard of the enemy. A few days afterwards, General 
 Abercrombie made a precipitate attack upon Ticonderago, and was 
 repulsed with the loss of nearly 2,000 men. 
 
 The sequel of our enterprises on the coast of France was of an 
 equally tragical description •■. The English fleet after leaving Cherbourg 
 was driven to the coast of England. Happy would it have been had 
 the troops then been permitted to disembark, and to forego, at least 
 for the sejison, all further thoughts of invasion. They had done all 
 that could reasonably be expected from them. Had they desisted 
 here, their triumph would have been perfect. It was known that the 
 whole of the French coast was now alarmed ; that large bodies of 
 troops had been collected to oppose our future descents, to harreiss 
 and impede our progress in the country, and to cut off our retreat. 
 In addition to this, the advanced season of the year exposed our fleet 
 to considerable danger, and our forces, already diminished by other 
 causes, to farther reduction. These arguments were, however, either 
 disregarded or overruled, and the fleet again sailed on the 31st Au- 
 gust. On the 3d September they anchored in the bay of St. Lunaire, 
 
 ' General Amherst was, in May, 1776, raised to the peerage by the title of Baron Amherst. 
 For several years he held the chief command of the army in Great Britain, with the lieutenant 
 generalship of the ordnance. He was made a field-marshal in July, 1796, and died at Mon- 
 treal, his seat in Kent, on the 3d August, 1797. 
 
 ■■ Lord Chesterfield speaks of both these disasters in proper terms. He says : " Our expedi- 
 tion to St. Malo, I cannot call so much an unlucky, as an ill-conducted one ; as was also 
 Abercrombie's affair in America." — cccxi. Letter to his Son.
 
 GENERAL BLIGHE MAKES A DESCENT ON THE FRENCH COAST. '■i35 
 
 on the coast of Britanny, about two leagues to the westward of St. CHAP. 
 Malo. The next day the army landed without opposition, and en- ]7.58 
 camped within half a mile of the shore. Far be it from me, at this ^"""""^ 
 distance of time, unjustly to reproach the memory of a brave, honor- 
 able, and veteran officer. But truth obliges me to declare that this 
 descent was as weakly designed by General Blighe, as the subsequent 
 operations of the army were rashly and unskilfully conducted. His 
 great object in landing at St. Lunaire appears to have been the reduc- 
 tion of St. Malo. But surely General Blighe had no reason to sup- 
 pose that he could accomplish that, to which the late commander, 
 with a much more considerable force, and when the town was less 
 prepared for resistance, had found himself unequal. Every person 
 acquainted with the state of St. Malo knew that it was not to be 
 taken by the force then before it. Its situation rendered it extremely 
 difficult of access by land. As to the operations of the fleet : the 
 mouth of the river which forms the bason from St. Malo to St. 
 Servan, is, at the narrowest part, above two miles in breadth ; it is 
 defended by several strong forts ; and the navigation is so difficult 
 that none of the pilots would undertake to conduct the English ves- 
 sels through it. 
 
 On the 5th of September, General Blighe detached 500 men to 
 St. Briac, a small port in the neighbourhood, where he had heard, that 
 in time of peace there were upwards of 1200 ships. But whatever 
 number might be collected there during peace, no more than thirteen 
 inconsiderable vessels were now found by the detachment. These 
 they burned, and then returned to the camp. The design against St. 
 Malo being now abandoned, General Blighe was unwilling to return 
 to England without undertaking some farther enterprise. His desire 
 was brave and laudable, but, unfortunately, no practicable object pre- 
 sented itself to authorize the perilous measure which he adopted. He 
 penetrated farther into the country, proceeding, however, in such a 
 manner as to be near the fleet, which had now quitted its former sta- 
 tion and anchored in the bay of St. Cas, about three leagues to the 
 westward of St. Lunaire. In two days, the army reached the village 
 
 z z 2
 
 356 HE IS OBLIGED TO RETREAT. 
 
 CHAP, of Matignon, having had several skirmishes with small bodies of the 
 1758. enemy, who had occasionally appeared on our flanks, but who always 
 
 ■ ' dispersed when they were briskly encountered. 
 
 General Blighe now learned, that the Due d'Aguillon, the Gover- 
 nor of the province, with eleven battalions of infantry, five regiments 
 of cavalry, ten pieces of cannon, and two mortars was encamped within 
 the distance of three miles, and intended to attack him on the follow- 
 ing morning. To engage an enemy so vastly superior, would have 
 been the extremity of rashness. It was therefore determined, that a 
 retreat should take place to St. Cas, and that the troops should re-em- 
 bark with the utmost expedition. When a general is compelled to 
 retreat before a "superior force, his operations should be conducted 
 with the most cautious secrecy. On this occasion, an opposite system 
 was pursued. Very early in the morning. General Blighe ordered the 
 drummers to beat the signal called the gencralc. This, of course, 
 alarmed the enemy, who immediately struck their tents and pursued 
 us. The object of their pursuit was to intercept our troops before they 
 reached the point of embarkation, and this would have entirely suc- 
 ceeded but for the badness of the roads, which obstructed the advance 
 of their artillery. The same and other causes retarded the progress of 
 the English, and although they had commenced their retreat at three 
 o'clock in the morning, and although the distance to the shore did not 
 exceed three miles, the interruptions they experienced were so frequent 
 that they did not arrive until nine upon the beach of St. Cas. Here a 
 second error was committed. In so pressing an emergency the safety 
 of the men should surely have been first consulted, and if any sacrifice 
 became necessary, it should have been that of the cannon and horses. 
 Unhappily, the re-embarkation commenced with the field artillery 
 and the light cavalry. This was, however, effected, and the greater 
 portion of the army was also on board the ships, when an attack by 
 the enemy was commenced. It is not often that one has the painful 
 task of recording instances of want of valour or want of conduct in 
 British officers and in British troops. It is my duty to do so on the 
 present occasion. After the French had taken possession of the village
 
 RE-EMBARKATION EFFECTED WITH GREAT DIFFICULTY AND LOSS. 357 
 
 of St. Cas, the grenadiers of the British army, amounting to 1,100 CHAP, 
 men with four companies of the first regiment of guards, drew up to 1758. 
 cover the embarkation of the battaUons. A very steep hill formed a ' 
 
 sort of amphitheatre about the bay of St. Cas, and the ships were 
 enabled to bring their guns effectually to bear upon the enemy when 
 they attempted to descend upon our men. By doing this, they had 
 compelled the French to retreat more than once, with considerable 
 slaughter. By an error of the General, who commanded the forces 
 then on shore, this advantage was lost. In consequence of his orders, 
 a body of our own troops became exposed to the guns from the ships, 
 which, in mercy to them, were directed to cease firing. This fatal 
 interval was instantly improved by the enemy, who, pouring down 
 their numbers, committed a fearful havoc amongst our men. Lord 
 Howe, perceiving the sailors in the boats to be staggered by the fire 
 of the enemy, here displayed a signal instance of intrepidity. He 
 ordered himself to be rowed in his own boat through the thickest of 
 the fire, and standing upright, proceeded to the shore and bore off as 
 many as it would contain. In the mean time, an unequal contest was 
 maintained against the enemy by the grenadiers of the English army, 
 and half of the first regiment of guards. At length their ammunition, 
 which was at first shamefully deficient, began to fail, they were seized 
 with panic, they faltered, they broke, they fled in the utmost confu- 
 sion. Some directed their course to the sea, and endeavoured to 
 save themselves by swimming to the boats, which were ordered to give 
 them every possible assistance. Sir John Armitage was shot upon a 
 rock. General Dury, after receiving a wound, perished in the sea. 
 Numbers shared his fate. As the enemy had now entire possession 
 of the beach, and still kept firing upon our men, who no longer op- 
 posed a resistance, Connnodore Howe directed the cannonading to 
 cease from the ships, upon which the French gave quarter to our 
 troops. The loss we sustained on this melancholy day was about COO 
 killed and wounded, and 400 who were taken prisoners by the enemy. 
 The disastrous termination of our attempts upon the French 
 coast threw a temporary gloom over the nation, but this was quickl}'
 
 358 ACTIONS OF THE KING OF PRUSSIA. 
 
 CHAP, dispersed by the glad intelligence we continued to receive from other 
 1758. quarters, and by the internal prosperity of the country. Whilst most 
 ^'''^^^^^ other kingdoms of the world were the scenes of a desolating war, 
 England saw her own commerce increasing, her agriculture advancing, 
 and her civil institutions enjoying all those advantages usually attendant 
 upon a state of repose. When we consider the additional burthens 
 which our exertions rendered necessary ; the severity with which the 
 impressment of seamen was, during certain times, carried on; the great 
 e.\tension of our military forces, and the establishment of a national 
 militia, it is singular that the country should have been so tree from 
 disturbance. Nothing can more strongly evince the confidence which 
 the people placed in the government than this state of tranquillity. 
 
 The King of Prussia's actions this year, although much inferior 
 m splendor to those of the preceding one, were prodigious instances of 
 military skill and activity. With a rapidity with which it seemed 
 wholly impossible that a great army could be transported, he had 
 flown from the siege of Olmutz to invade Bohemia, attacking his 
 enemies every where, whilst his generals could scarcely preserve them- 
 selves upon the defensive. With 20,000 men he then marched against 
 the Russians, w ho were besieging Custrin ; attacked them on the 25th 
 of August, and, after a furious engagement, which lasted from nine 
 o'clock in the morning till half-past eight in the evening % obtained a 
 decisive victory. 
 
 Intelligence of this success reached London on the 2d of Sep- 
 tember, The following month brought accounts of a different com- 
 plexion. We were then informed that Frederick had been surprized 
 and defeated at Hochkirchen. His baggage and artillery there fell 
 into the hands of the enemy. His brother-in-law, Prince Francis of 
 Brunswick, and Marshal Keith, one of the ablest of his generals, and 
 several thousand of his best troops, fell in the engagement. 
 
 It is singular that Austria should not have improved this opportu- 
 nity to overwhelm the King of Prussia. It is scarcely possible to suppose 
 
 "* Mem. de Mon Temps.
 
 SURRENDER OF FORT FRONTENAC TO COLONEL BRADSTREET. ^59 
 
 that, if Daun had then pursued his advantage with vigour, Frederick CHAP, 
 could have supported another campaign. But the diffidence and 1758. 
 hesitation evinced by the Austrian general, are the strongest proofs ^^^'^'''^^^ 
 of the awe he entertained of the activity and resources of his an- 
 tagonist. 
 
 A multitude of interesting events, of almost daily occurrence, 
 prevented the public from dwelling upon any individual disaster. 
 
 On the 31st of October despatches were received by Mr. Pitt 
 from General Abercrombie, relating the surrender of Fort Fron- 
 tenac to the force under Colonel Bradstreet. This officer not only 
 made himself master of the fort without the loss of a man, but also 
 possessed himself of all the shipping of the enemy upon the lake Ontario, 
 amounting to nine armed vessels. The following is an extract from his 
 letter to General Abercrombie upon the occasion. 
 
 " Oswego, August 31, 1758, 
 
 " I landed with the troops within a mile of fort Frontenac without 
 opposition, the 25th. The garrison surrendered prisoners of war the 
 27th, between seven and eight in the morning. It was a square fort 
 of 100 yards the exterior side, and had in it 110 men, some women, 
 children, and Indians, sixty pieces of cannon, (half of which were 
 mounted,) sixteen small mortars, with an immense quantity of pro- 
 visions and goods, to be sent to the troops gone to oppose Brigadier- 
 General Forbes, their western garrisons, Indians, and to support the 
 army under the command of M. Levy, on his intended enterprise 
 against the Mohawk river, valued by the French at 800,000 livres. 
 We have likewise taken nine vessels, from eight to eighteen guns, 
 which are all they have upon the lake, two of which I have brought 
 here, and the rest and the provisions I have burnt and destroyed, to- 
 gether with the fort, artillery, stores, &c. agreeably to your Excel- 
 lency's instructions, should I succeed. The garrison made no scruple 
 of saying, that their troops to the southward and western garrisons 
 will suffer greatly, if not entirely starve, for want of the provisions and
 
 'idO EXPEDITION AGAINST GOREE, AND THE CARIBBEE ISLANDS- 
 
 CHAP, vessels we have destroyed, as they have not any left to bring them 
 1758. home from Niagara." 
 
 The success which had attended the expedition against the French 
 settlements in Senegal being deemed imperfect whilst France retained 
 possession of Goree, the administration determined to effect the re- 
 duction of that fortress. The Hon. Augustus Keppel, brother of the 
 Earl of Albemarle, was appointed to the command of a squadron 
 sent upon this sen'ice. It consisted of four ships of the line, several 
 frigates, two bomb ketches, and some transports. The land forces 
 were composed of the second battalion of Lord Forbes's regiment, 
 and some piquets from other corps, and amounted in the whole to 
 seven hundred men. They were commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Worge, who had lately been appointed governor of Senegal. Com- 
 modore Keppel sailed with his squadron on the 11th November, and, 
 after the loss of one of his ships, the Litchfield, and of a transport, 
 which were unhappily wrecked, arrived at his destination. 
 
 Goree is a small island on the coast of Africa, near Cape de 
 Verd. Although barren, its situation renders it a place of consider- 
 able importance to the nations who have settlements on the coast. 
 
 I shall relate the success of the expedition amongst the events of 
 the following year. 
 
 Intelligence having been received that the French Caribbee 
 Islands, from the weakness of their garrisons, might easily be reduced, 
 an expedition was planned to attack them. A body of nearly 5000 
 troops, under the command of Major-General Thomas Hopson ', was 
 employed upon this occasion. This strong armament sailed from 
 Spithead on the 10th November, escorted by eight ships of the line, 
 
 ' The military command of this force was first offered to General Moystyn ; when he de- 
 clined it, " Mr. Pitt carried a list of names to the Kin^, who selected Hopson — a choice not 
 consonant to Mr, Pitt's practice, who, considering that our ancient oflScers had grown old on 
 a very small portion of experience, which by no means compensated for the decay of fire and 
 vigour, chose to trust his places to the alertness and hopes of younger men." 
 
 Lord Orford's Memoires, vol. ii. p. 345.
 
 MEETING OF PARLIAMENT— IMPRESSIVE APOSTROPHE OF MR. PITT. 361 
 
 under Captain Hughes, who was ordered to join the larger squadron chap. 
 in the West Indies, under Commodore Moore. 1758. 
 
 ParUament assembled on the 23rd November. Mr. Pitt opened ^^^^""^" 
 the business of the session. In the course of his speech he pretended 
 not to disguise the expence and difficulties under which the country 
 laboured — heaps of millions, he said, must be raised — we could not 
 make the same war as the French, or as our ancestors did, for the 
 same money. He painted in strong colours what the exertions of the 
 country had obtained. Then, availing himself of the impression 
 which he had produced, he placed himself in an attitude of stern 
 defiance, but of perfect dignity, and exclaimed in his loudest tone — 
 " Is there an Austrian among you ? Let him stand forward and 
 reveal himself. I invite him now to speak out, instead of dispersing 
 anonymous pamphlets ' amongst the people." 
 
 The thanks of the House were presented to General Amherst, 
 and to the Admirals Boscawen and Osborn for their respective ser- 
 vices. Various supplies of men and money were voted for the ensuing 
 year. 
 
 Thus ended the year 1758. A year marked by the display of 
 the greatest energy and ability on the part of the British nation, and, 
 notwithstanding a few reverses, crowned with extraordinary success. 
 That confidence in their own powers, so necessary in all arduous enter- 
 prises, had now been called forth in the members of our armies and 
 navies; and the deeds of Wolfe, of Boscawen, and Howe, and num- 
 berless others, prove that the genial influence of a sensible and encou- 
 raging government is alone wanting to produce the most strenuous 
 exertions of courage and ability. 
 
 On the 7th December, a new treaty was concluded between 
 
 ' Lord Orford says this apostrophe was levelled at Doddington, who had published severe 
 reflections against Mr. Pitt, and the cause of Prussia, in a pamphlet called an " Examina- 
 tion of a Letter attributed to General Blighe." Mr. Butler, in his Reminiscences, (article. 
 Earl of Chatham,) gives an animated account of the extreme impressiveness of this apos- 
 trophe. 
 
 VOL. I. 3 A
 
 362 TREATY BETWEEN FRANCE AND AUSTRIA. 
 
 CHAP. Great Britain and Prussia. This was no more than a renewal of the 
 
 Y f T 
 
 j75g subsidy stipulated for in the previous treaty of the 11th April. 
 ■ Whilst these arrangements Mere made in London, a fresh treaty 
 
 of alliance between France and Austria was in preparation at Ver- 
 sailles. By this measure France engaged to exert herself to the utmost 
 in procuring the restitution of Silesia and Glatz to the House of 
 Austria; to furnish the stipulated succours, either in men or money, 
 according to the option of the Empress-Queen ; to pay the subsidy to 
 Sweden which had hitherto been discharged conjointly by Austria; 
 and, to maintain in Germany, during the whole war, 100,000 troops 
 against the King of Prussia. In return for these and other great con- 
 siderations, Maria Theresa confirmed to France the cession of Ostend 
 and Nieuport during the war, and renounced her right to the eventual 
 succession of the duchies of Parma and Placentia guaranteed to her 
 at the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle*. 
 
 ' Coxe's House of Austria, vol. ii. chap. 35.
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 1759. 
 
 Letter from Mr. Pitt to General Amherst — Intelligence from General Forbes respect- 
 ing his capture of Fort du Quesne — Goree taken by Commodore Keppel — Death of 
 the Princess Govemante of the United Provinces — Conduct of the Dutch towards 
 England — Firmness of Mr. Pitt — Guadaloupe and Marigalante taken by the English 
 — Affairs of Spain — Correspondence between Mr. Pitt and the Earl of Bristol. 
 
 The seeds of victory had been previously sown, and some partial CHAP, 
 gatherings had taken place, but the full harvest was not reaped until 1759. 
 the year 1759. 
 
 Adequately to record the brilliant exploits of my countrymen 
 during that wonderful year is wholly beyond my power. Were I to 
 attempt to describe them with spirit and fire proportioned to their 
 merit, I might be in danger of falling into bombastic expression; 
 and were I to detail them minutely, I should swell my work to a 
 size incompatible with my plan. But although I pretend not to do 
 them justice, I must also endeavour not to sully their brightness 
 by any poverty of expression, nor to deprive them of their proper 
 portion of renown by reducing them to a mere chronicle of dates and 
 names. 
 
 The ensuing campaign in North America occupied the unremitting 
 attention of Mr. Pitt. The following is an extract from one of his 
 letters to General Amherst upon that most important subject: 
 
 3 A 2
 
 3<>* LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO GENERAL AMHERST. 
 
 CHAP 
 XI, , " Whitehall, December 29, 1758. 
 
 1759. 
 
 " I am now to acquaint you, that the King has come to a 
 resolution to allot an adequate proportion of his forces in North Ame- 
 rica, amounting, (as you will see by the enclosed paper containing 
 the destination of the troops,) to 12,005 men, to make an attack upon 
 Quebec by the River St. Lawrence, against which place they are to 
 proceed from Louisburg, as early in the year as on or about the 7th 
 May, if the season shall happen to permit, under the direction of 
 Brigadier General Wolfe, whom the King has appointed for the com- 
 mand of that operation, and who will have the rank of Major General 
 for that expedition only ; and I am to signify to you his Majesty's 
 pleasure, that you do cause the several regiments, appointed by the 
 said list, to be employed accordingly on that service, without making 
 any change therein, unless some alteration should be found absolutely 
 necessary from extraordinary inconvenience that might otherwise arise 
 to the service from the unforeseen circumstances or situation of any 
 particular regiment or regiments in the allotment herewith transmitted, 
 of the forces destined for the above operation ; and in case it should 
 be found absolutely necessary to change any regiment or regiments in 
 the said allotment, you are to take especial care that notwithstanding 
 any such change of particular corps, the total of regular forces pre- 
 scribed and fixed for this ser\ice do amount to the full number allotted 
 in the enclosed paper for the same. It is also the King's pleasure that 
 you do forthwith cause such part of the troops above mentioned, 
 except General Brag's regiment, which is already at Louisburg, to be 
 so disposed that they may be ready and embarked at New York, 
 Boston, Halifax, or such other place as shall be most convenient, on 
 board the transports which shall be provided for that purpose, in such 
 time as that all the troops above mentioned for this service may be 
 rendezvoused at Cape Breton, as nearly as may be on or about the 
 20th April, if the season shall happen to permit, and you will, without 
 loss of time, despatch all necessary orders, and in particular to the 
 Governor or Commander-in-chief at Halifax, and to the Governor at
 
 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO GENERAL AMHERST. 365 
 
 Louisburg, with regard to any troops in their respecti\e departments chap. 
 destined for this expedition, as by the enclosed state of the troops, in 1759' 
 order that no disappointment may happen in proceeding from Louis- ^^"^"^^"^ 
 burg, in case the season permits, by the river St. Lawrence to Quebec, 
 on or about the 7th May, as directed in the former part of this letter; 
 and you will not fail to order forthwith all proper provision, and parti- 
 cularly fresh provision as far as may be, to be immediately procured 
 for the subsistence and refreshment of the troops, during the stay they 
 may happen to make at Cape Breton, the place appointed for their 
 rendezvous ; and that all the preparations there and elsewhere for this 
 service be quickened and pressed with the utmost diligence. And 
 you will particularly direct that the battering train, and the stores of 
 every kind thereunto belonging, (which by your letter of August 28, 
 you informed me was sent to Halifax under the command of Colonel 
 Williamson, and which I am now informed, by the Office of Ordnance, 
 has been sent to Boston,) be forthwith put into most perfect repair 
 and order for immediate service, so as that the same may be in readi- 
 ness to be employed on the expedition against Quebec, as early as is 
 already pointed out in this letter; and the necessary additions to the 
 said train and stores are now preparing and will shortly be sent from 
 England. You will also direct Colonel Williamson and the chief 
 engineer to obey all such orders as he or they shall receive from the 
 Lieutenant-General and Board of Ordnance with regard to the de- 
 taching part of the Royal Regiment of Artillery and Engineers on this 
 expedition, and you are to cause the battering train and stores, toge- 
 ther with three companies of the Royal Regiment of Artillery, to be 
 embarked in such manner as you judge proper, and sent to Louisburg, 
 so as to be there, as near as may be, by the 20th April. 
 
 " Twenty thousand tons of transport vessels are actually preparing 
 here, and will shortly proceed to New York, to be in readiness to 
 convey the troops above mentioned to Louisburg, from such ports and 
 in such divisions as you shall judge most expedient for the service 
 proposed. 
 
 " But to prevent, as far as possible, any delays or disappointments
 
 366 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO GENERAL AMHERST. 
 
 CHAI'. happening in this essential service from a deficiency in the transports 
 ,759 to be sent from England, either on account of their late arrival from 
 ■ England, or from any of the same being rendered, through accidents 
 during their voyage, unfit when they arrive for immediate service; it 
 is the King's pleasure that you do forthwith take up, at such place or 
 places as you shall judge proper in North America, six thousand tons 
 of transport vessels, or any additional quantity that you shall find 
 necessary for the troops, the train, the stores, and the other requisites 
 to be employed in the expedition up the river St. Lawrence, and you 
 will order the said vessels to be fitted and prepared in every respect, 
 and ready whenever you shall direct for the embarkation of the troops, 
 the train, the stores, and all other requisites for this service. And that 
 you may not fail being able timely to procure a suflficient quantity of 
 transports, I am particularly to recommend it to you, and you are 
 hereby directed to order an embargo to be laid, as soon as necessary, 
 on all ships in the difiJerent ports of the respective provinces in North 
 America, the Governors of which were directed, by my letter of Sep- 
 tember 18, (copy of which was transmitted to you,) to comply with 
 any application from you for this purpose ; and you will direct the 
 said embargo to continue until such time as all the transport vessels 
 with the troops, the train, the stores, and all the other requisites for 
 the expedition against Quebec shall be actually sailed for their desti- 
 nation. But I am persuaded you will of yourself see the necessity of 
 not mentioning the above circumstances in your orders to the Go- 
 vernors to lay such an embargo ; and as it may possibly happen, not- 
 withstanding the greatest care to the contrary, that all the transports 
 necessary for conveying the troops, train, and stores, may not be 
 altogether ready so nearly at the same time as is to be wished ; I am 
 to signify to you that it is the King's pleasure that you do send the above 
 forces to Louisburg, (so as that they may be there by the time above 
 directed,) in such divisions as you shall judge proper, without making 
 the whole of this important service wait, on account of some part only 
 of the troops, destined for the same, not being quite ready ; and in 
 that case such remaining part thereof is to be sent with all expedition.
 
 LETTER FROM MR, PITT TO GENERAL AMHERST. 367 
 
 as soon after as possible, so as to join the main body assembled at CHAP. 
 Cape Breton for the service before directed. 1759* 
 
 " His Majesty is further pleased to empower you, and has com- === 
 manded me strongly to recommend to you, to keep up and raise as 
 considerable a number of rangers as may be practicable, for the vari- 
 ous operations of the campaign ; and in particular that you do not 
 fail to cause a body of the said rangers, amounting to not less than 
 600, to be sent with the forces to Cape Breton, for the expedition 
 against Quebec ; but at the same time it is his Majesty's pleasure, 
 that you shall not, on account of the said rangers, should they not 
 happen to be ready, detain the troops from repairing with all expedi- 
 tion to their destination as directed, and you are to order the said 
 rangers, when ready, to follow and join the troops as soon after as 
 possible. 
 
 " I am also to signify to you his Majesty's further pleasure, that 
 you do forthwith take the proper steps to engage Colonel Gridley, 
 (whom you appointed on the death of Mr. Meserve to command the 
 carpenters at the siege of Louisburg,) or such other officer as you shall 
 think proper, to collect the number of eighty carpenters and to pro- 
 ceed with them without loss of time to Cape Breton, in order that the 
 said carpenters may be employed under the command of Colonel 
 Gridley on such works as shall be necessary for the operation of the 
 troops in the above expedition, or in such other manner as the Com- 
 mander-in-chief of the King's troops on that expedition shall judge 
 proper ; and in case you shall think it expedient, you will endeavour 
 to prevail on Mr. Gridley to decline accepting any command in the 
 troops of his province the ensuing campaign, in order that his whole 
 time and attention may be employed in the above most essential 
 service. 
 
 " It having been represented that a number of schooners and 
 sloops, together with whale boats, will be of the greatest utility to the 
 operations to be undertaken by the way of the river St. Lawrence ; 
 it is the King's pleasure that you do immediately cause a considerable 
 number of schooners and sloops, not less than forty as far as may be.
 
 •'J68 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO GENERAL AMHERST. 
 
 CHAP, to be provided in the most expeditious manner, and held in readiness 
 1759. ^t New York for the service of the river St. Lawrence, and seventy 
 
 ^^^^^^^ whale boats to be built with the utmost diligence, which schooners, 
 sloops, and whale boats are to be sent to Louisburg for the same ser- 
 vice ; and you will exert every means in your power to forward this 
 essential service, in such manner that the above number of schooners, 
 sloops, and whale boats may not fail, on any pretence whatever, to be 
 finished by the 1st April at the latest, and that they be in every re- 
 spect ready, and that they do proceed to Louisburg with the troops 
 ordered to be assembled there. You will see by the enclosed copy of 
 my letter to the Lieutenant-Governor of New York, that he has the 
 strongest orders to give you all possible assistance in the execution of 
 this very necessary work ; and you will accordingly concert with him 
 the projjcr measures for the punrtnal and full performance of the said 
 service, so as that no delay or disapjjointnient may happen therein. 
 
 " You will observe in the allotment herewith transmitted to you 
 of the forces to be employed against Quebec, that the 28th regiment 
 is to be taken from the garrison of Louisburg ; and in order to pro- 
 vide for the security of that most important place, during the absence 
 of the said regiment, it is the King's pleasure that you do employ all 
 proper means in order that a battalion of the provincials, consisting of 
 not less than 1000 men, may, in case it be consistent with the terms 
 of their enlistments, as well as with their inclinations, repair to 
 Louisburg, and there remain in garrison, on the express condition of 
 being relieved at the end of the campaign, by his Majesty's regular 
 forces ; and you will also take proper and effectual measures for the 
 safety and defence of the town of Halifax and the province of Nova 
 Scotia, during the absence of such part of the troops now there, and 
 which are destined for the expedition above mentioned. 
 
 " I come now to that part of the operations for the ensuing cam- 
 paign in North America, which are to be under your own immediate 
 direction, and which for their importance and extent, as well as from 
 the correspondence and intercourse that they will constantly demand 
 with the several governors throughout the whole of North America,
 
 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO GENERAL AMHERST. 369 
 
 must necessarily require the presence of the officer on the Continent chap. 
 of America, vested with the command-in-chief of the King's forces 1759" 
 there, by his commission under the great seal ; and his Majesty hopes ^^^^""^^^ 
 from your distinguished zeal for the honor of his arms and your known 
 abilities and experience, that the execution of a plan of operations of such 
 weight, and formed at such expence for an irruption into Canada, will 
 be attended with a happier and more honorable event than heretofore. 
 " I am therefore to signify to you the King's pleasure that vou 
 do immediately concert the properest measures for pushing the opera- 
 tions of the campaign with the utmost vigor early in the year, by an 
 invasion of Canada with such part as you shall judge proper of his 
 Majesty's troops, (not allotted as above for the expedition against 
 Quebec,) in conjunction with such a numerous body of the forces of 
 the Northern Provinces, as you will have seen by the copy of my 
 letter of the 9th instant to the governors thereof, it is hoped will, 
 in consequence of those pressing orders to that effect, which are re- 
 newed and enforced in the strongest manner by my letter of this date, 
 (copy of which I now enclose,) be ready to join in this most impor- 
 tant service ; and to this great end, it is his Majesty's pleasure that 
 you do attempt an invasion of Canada by the way of Crown Point, 
 or La Galette, or both, according as you shall judge practicable, and 
 proceed if practicable and attack Montreal or Quebec, or both of the 
 said places successively with such of the forces as shall remain under 
 your own immediate direction in one body, or at one and the same 
 time, by a division of the said forces into separate and distinct opera- 
 tions, according as you shall, from your knowledge of the countries 
 through which the war is to be carried, and from emergent circum- 
 stances not to be known here, judge all or any of the said attempts to 
 be practicable. 
 
 " It is also the King's pleasure that you should give a due atten- 
 tion to the Lake Ontario, and facilitate as far as possible, consistent 
 with other main operations of the campaign, the re-establishment of the 
 important post of Oswego, a place so highly essential to his Majesty's 
 possessions in North America in time of peace as well as war ; and 
 VOL. I. 3 b
 
 370 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO GENERAL AMHERST. 
 
 CHAP, you will accordingly not fail to concert with the Lieutenant-Governor 
 1759! of New York, within whose province Oswego is situated, all necessary 
 and effectual measures for re-establishing that post, in the course of 
 the ensuing year, and for building a sufficient and proper fort for the 
 security and defence thereof, and the enclosed copy of my letter to 
 Mr. De Lancey will show you that he has similar orders to concert 
 with and assist you in the execution of this very important service. It 
 were much to be wished that any operations on the side of Lake 
 Ontario could be pushed on as far as Niagara, and that you may find 
 it practicable to set on foot some enterprise against the fort there, 
 the success of which would so greatly contribute to establish the 
 uninterrupted dominion of that lake, and at the same time effectually 
 cut off the communication between Canada and the French settle- 
 ments to the south, and the utility and importance of such an en- 
 terprise against Niagara is of itself so apparent, that I am persuaded 
 it is unnecessary to add any thing to enforce your giving all proper 
 attention to the same, as far as the great and main objects of the 
 campaign shall permit. 
 
 " You are already, by my letter of the 9th instant, directed to 
 exert your utmost endeavours to incite and encourage the several pro- 
 vinces to the full and due execution of the King's commands; and 
 the success of the ensuing decisive campaign depends so much on com- 
 mencing the several operations as early as shall be practicable, and 
 thereby preventing the last efforts there is reason to suppose the enemy 
 is preparing to make, to save their possessions in North America from 
 total ruin, that you cannot be too urgent with the provinces to quicken 
 and expedite the levies, so as that the said provincial troops may be 
 assembled at the rendezvous, and be in every respect ready, in con- 
 junction with the regular forces, to open the campaign by the 1st 
 May ; as nothing can contribute so much to the success of the opera- 
 tions to be undertaken in different parts of North America, and par- 
 ticularly of the attempt on Quebec, as putting the forces early in 
 motion, on the other frontiers of Canada, and thereby distracting the 
 enemy and obliging them to divide their strength.
 
 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO GENERAL AMHERST, 371 
 
 " With regard to the southern operations, I am to signify to CHAP, 
 you his Majesty's pleasure, that you do continue Brigadier-General ^^^g 
 Forbes in that command, or if his health shall not permit him to ^^""^^^ 
 undertake that service, that you do appoint such other officer as 
 you shall think proper to command such forces as you shall judge 
 proper to leave in the southern provinces; and that Brigadier Forbes, 
 or such other officer do proceed, without loss of time, to Pennsylvania, 
 or such other of the southern provinces as shall be thought most expe- 
 dient, in order to concert any operations to be undertaken by the said 
 troops, who, in conjunction with the forces directed by my letter of 
 the 9th instant to the southern governors to be raised in those pro- 
 vinces, are to be employed under the command of Brigadier Forbes, 
 or such officer whom you shall appoint as above, or any such offensive 
 operations as you shall judge most expedient for annoying the enemy, 
 and most efficacious towards removing all future dangers from the 
 frontiers of any of the southern colonies on the continent of America. 
 
 " You will have observed by my letters to the governors, that 
 his Majesty has been pleased to promise that his Commissaries shall 
 issue provisions to the men raised by the several provinces, in the 
 same proportion and manner as is done to the rest of the King's 
 forces. I am therefore to signify to you his Majesty's pleasure, that 
 you do give the necessary directions to all the Commissaries and 
 other officers, who may have the charge of the provisions, to furnish 
 the said men with the same in the proportion and manner above men- 
 tioned. For which purpose the contractors have received directions 
 to have constantly in store a sufficient quantity of provisions, as well' 
 for the regular national troops as for the provincials which shall be 
 raised in consequence of his Majesty's orders ; and it is the King's 
 pleasure that you should keep a particular account of the same, and 
 that no provisions should be delivered to the provincial troops, but 
 in consequence of an order from you or from the Commander-in- 
 chief of his Majesty's forces in those parts where the said provisions 
 may be wanted; and you will, in case of necessity, draw bills for 
 any extraordinary expenses incurred for this service. And I am here 
 
 3b 2
 
 372 GENERAL FORBES'S SUCCESS IN NORTH AMERICA. 
 
 CHAP, particularly to recommend it to you, as a principal means of preserv- 
 1759. ^"g ^^^ health of the men, that you do cause them to be furnished with 
 fresh meat whenever the situation and circumstances of the troops 
 shall make the same anyways practicable; and you will take care, 
 that, for so long time as fresh meat shall be provided for the forces, 
 the enclosed clause of the contract be duly observed on the part of 
 the contractors or their agents, and that the delivery of provisions of 
 beef and pork by the contractors be accordingly in part or in the 
 whole suspended, and a proportionable allowance only made for the 
 se\'eral other species, as shall be agreed upon and certified by you. 
 
 " Such a considerable number of arms and tents have been 
 already sent to North America, that it is hoped a sufficient quantity 
 will be found there for the service of the next campaign. I am how- 
 ever to acquaint you that the King has been pleased to order 10,000 
 arras and 6,000 tents to be forthwith sent to New York for the 
 service in North America, Avhich you will cause to be distributed 
 according as the same shall be necessary. 
 
 " In my letter of the 9th instant, you were directed to refit and 
 build boats for the service of the troops on the lakes, and I am now to 
 signify to you the King's pleasure, that you do procure such a number 
 of battoe-men as you shall judge necessary for the boats attending the 
 troops, and men suilicient for navigating the vessels." 
 
 Whilst the Minister was facilitating the departure of that great 
 armament which was to decide the ascendancy of Great Britain over 
 France in America ', intelligence of a most favorable nature was 
 received by him from General Forbes. It is extremely probable 
 that the previous destruction of Frontenac greatly aided the execu- 
 tion of Brigadier-General Forbes's measures against Fort du Quesne. 
 This active officer commenced his march from Philadelphia to the 
 river Ohio early in July, 1758. After a detachment from his little 
 army had received a very unfortunate check in an engagement with 
 
 * The expedition against Quebec under General Wolfe is particularly alluded to here.
 
 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO GENERAL FORBES. 373 
 
 the French, in which 300 men were either killed or taken prisoners, CHAP. 
 
 XIII 
 
 the Brigadier advanced to Fort du Quesne. But the enemy had not 1759'. 
 the resolution to sustain a siege. On the 24th November'' they 
 abandoned the fort, of which, on the following day, the English 
 took possession. General Forbes changed the appellation of Du 
 Quesne and bestowed upon it a name which would have reflected 
 honor upon the proudest city, calling it Pittsburg, after that states- 
 man from whose counsels so many more illustrious conquests pro- 
 ceeded. 
 
 Mr. Pitt, in a letter to General Forbes, dated January 23, 1759, 
 thus expressed the feelings of satisfaction which the Sovereign and 
 himself entertained towards that meritorious officer. 
 
 " On the 19th instant I received the favor of your letter of the 
 20th October, and at the same time I received from Major-General 
 Amherst the copy of that you had wrote to the Commander-in-chief 
 of his Majesty's forces in North America, dated the 26th and 30th 
 November, from Fort du Quesne, (Major Halkett having, by some 
 accident, been detained in America,) which was immediately laid 
 before the King ; and I take the first opportunity to acquaint you, 
 that his Majesty saw, with the highest satisfaction, that the well con- 
 certed plan against Fort du Quesne, which had been formed with so 
 much prudence and judgment, and executed with equal steadiness 
 and resolution, had been attended with the success it so justly me- 
 rited ; and I have the King's commands to assure you of his most 
 entire approbation of your whole conduct through every step of an 
 enterprise of the highest importance to the safety and welfare of his 
 Majesty's possessions in North America, and attended with such 
 various difliculties, that nothing less than the indefatigable zeal you 
 
 SmoUet is severe upon the King's speech which was delivered on the 23rd November, 1 758. 
 Amongst his objections, is the omission of the surrender of Fort du Quesne in the mention of 
 our successes. Whether this was possible, when that surrender did not take place till the 
 24<A November, I leave the reader to determine.
 
 374 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO GENERAL FORBES. 
 
 CHAP, have shown for the King's service, and your constant and unwearied 
 
 1759! application and perseverance could have surmounted ; and that at a 
 
 ^'^^''^'^ time while you laboured under such an unhappy state of health, as 
 
 your distinguished duty alone to the King, and uncommon ardor for 
 
 the honor of his Majesty's arms, could have enabled you to struggle 
 
 with. 
 
 " You are yourself so truly sensible of the high consequence of 
 the post you have now possessed yourself of, that the King is persuaded 
 you will have taken every possible measure to make a secure esta- 
 blishment there, and that you will have neglected no means in your 
 power to maintain his Majesty's subjects in the undisputed possession 
 of the Ohio, and thereby effectually to cut off all trade and commu- 
 nication this way, between Canada and the western and southern In. 
 dians ; protect the British colonies from the incursions to which they 
 have been exposed since the French built Fort du Quesne, and thereby 
 made themselves masters of the navigation of the Ohio ; and fix again 
 the several Indian nations in their alliance with, and dependance 
 upon his Majesty's government. And though you mention not to 
 have found all the assistance from some provinces which you so justly 
 expected and required, yet it is hoped that the success, notwithstand- 
 ing such innumerable obstructions, which you have at last obtained, 
 and in which all the inhabitants of that part of America are so imme- 
 diately and so nearly interested, will animate their zeal, and double 
 all efforts on their parts, expeditiously and effectually to maintain a 
 post, on the possession whereof the safety and prosperity of those 
 colonies so essentially depend ; and the enclosed copy of my letter to 
 the governors of Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, will inform 
 you of the strong orders they have received on this subject. I have 
 also had his Majesty's orders to direct the Commander-in-chief of his 
 forces in North America to lose no time in concerting with you the 
 properest and speediest means for completely restoring, if possible, 
 the ruined fort to a defensible and respectable state, or for erecting 
 another in the room of it of sufficient strength, and every way ade- 
 quate to the great importance of its several objects above mentioned ;
 
 CAPTURE OF GOREE BY ADMIRAL KEPPEL. 375 
 
 and he is further directed to give you all possible assistance herein, CHAP, 
 as well as for such other operations, as in concert with the General, j^^g] 
 shall be judged proper for pushing on that side the successes of his ==" 
 Majesty's arms the ensuing campaign." 
 
 On the 27th January, Mr, Pitt received the following letter 
 from Commodore Keppel relating the capture of Goree : 
 
 « Sir, 
 
 " I arrived here with the squadron under my command 
 the 28th December past in the evening, and the next morning, 
 agreeable to his Majesty's instruction, I attacked with the ships the 
 fort and batteries on the island of Goree, which were soon reduced 
 to desire to capitulate; and the Governor's demands were, to be 
 allowed to march the French troops out of the garrison with the 
 honors of war. His terms I absolutely rejected, and began a fresh 
 attack; it was, however, but of very short duration, when the island 
 &c. surrendered at discretion. Lieutenant-Colonel Worge had his 
 troops embarked in the flat-bottomed boats in good order and readi- 
 ness, at a proper distance, with the transports to attempt a descent 
 when it should be found practicable or requisite. 
 
 " Two days after the surrender of the island, I ordered it to be 
 delivered up with the cannon, artillery, stores, and provisions, &c. found 
 in it, to the officer and troops Lieutenant-Colonel Worge thought lit to 
 garrison the place with; and the Colonel is taking all imaginable 
 pains to settle and regulate the garrison in the best manner, and as 
 fast as things will admit of. 
 
 " The enclosed. Sir, is the state of the island, with the artillery, 
 ammunition, and provisions found in the place at its surrender. 
 
 " French made prisoners of war, 300. 
 
 " Blacks in arms, a great number, but I am not well enough 
 informed as yet to say precisely. 
 
 " The loss the enemy sustained, as to men, is so very differently
 
 376 DEATH OF THE PRINCESS GOUVERNANTE OF HOLLAND. 
 
 CHAP, stated to me by those that have been asked, that I must defer saying 
 1759. the number till another opportunity. 
 
 " Iron ordnance of different bores 93; one brass twelve- 
 pounder; iron swivels mounted on carriages 11; brass mortars 
 mounted on beds, two of thirteen inches; ditto, one of ten inches; 
 iron, one of ten inches. In the magazine, powder 100 barrels. Pro- 
 visions of all species for 400 men for four months." 
 
 The death of the Princess Gouvernante of the United Provinces 
 occurred at this period, and affected George II. very sensibly both 
 as a father, and as a king. He was much attached to his daughter, 
 and he knew that her death might be attended with serious conse- 
 quences in Holland. 
 
 The Dutch had for some time taken a very unfair advantage of 
 that neutrality which, contrary to their treaties, they had been per- 
 mitted by England to observe. They had become carriers to the 
 French, not only of mercantile commodities, but of military stores. 
 The English government, incensed at such conduct, issued orders that 
 all neutral vessels, having French property on board, should be ar- 
 rested by our cruisers. A great number of Dutch ships were, con- 
 sequently, taken and condemned as legal prizes, both in England and 
 Jamaica. The loudest clamour now arose amongst the subjects of the 
 United Provinces. Remonstrance after remonstrance were presented 
 by the merchants to the Princess Gouvernante, and a war with Eng- 
 land seemed inevitable '. The Duke of Newcastle interfered to pre- 
 vent this ; and, without communicating the proceeding to Mr. Pitt, 
 directed Mr. Yorke, the British resident at the Hague, to make strong 
 promises of satisfaction to Holland. The complaints of the Dutch 
 
 ' The Dutch themselves, in conjunction with the English, had formerly practised this system, 
 (of seizing neutral vessels employed in the service of an enemy,) of which they now so loudly 
 complained. In the reign of King William III., the two countries were at war with France, the 
 commerce of which country the northern powers of Sweden and Denmark then attempted to 
 carry on, but the English and the Dutch at once united to seize their vessels and to prevent the 
 system.
 
 FIRMNESS OF MR. PITT. 377 
 
 had of course reached Mr. Pitt, but he knew that their shameful par- chap. 
 
 Y F 1 1 
 
 tiaUty to the French had merited the treatment which they expe- j^^y' 
 rienced, and he empowered Mr. Yorke to be sparing of his promises === 
 of satisfaction. Mr. Yorke answered, that this was now too late ; 
 he had received a different commission from the Duke of Newcastle, 
 and had accordingly given the Dutch encouragement to hope for 
 fuller redress. But the firmness of Mr. Pitt was not to be shaken by 
 the timid counsels of his colleague. He represented with becoming 
 warmth, to his Grace, the weakness of his instructions to Mr. Yorke; 
 he perse\ ered in his own resolution, and declared that as the Duke 
 had occasioned the British resident to make unwarrantable pro- 
 mises to the Dutch, he must now incur the odium of retracting 
 them. 
 
 The Princess of Orange had constantly endeavoured to compose 
 the differences between Holland and Great Britain, and her death, 
 at this period, was felt by both countries as a great calamity. The 
 French had been active in exciting the Dutch against England, and 
 the prudent and mild administration of her Royal Highness had 
 been eminently useful in repressing the violence of the former. 
 
 The firmness and severity of our administration towards the 
 Dutch, although it materially checked them m lending an unfair and 
 fraudulent assistance to the commerce of France, was productive of 
 one evil, by affording certain miscreant masters of privateers a pre- 
 text for boarding ahd searching ever}' Dutch vessel they encountered. 
 The real object of these wretches, of course, was plunder, and they 
 evinced this, by many instances of extraordinary atrocity. 
 
 Complaints of these piracies being made to the court of St. 
 James's, the Lords of the Admiralty proffered a reward of 500/. to 
 any person who should discover the offenders. Several of them were 
 consequently apprehended, condemned, and executed. But the ad- 
 ministration, wishing to put an effectual stop to these enormities, 
 passed, in the following session of Parliament, " An act to explain 
 and amend an act of the 29th George H. for the encouragement of 
 seamen, and the more speedy and effectual manning of his Majesty's 
 
 VOL. I. 3 c
 
 378 GUADALOUPE AND MARIGALANTE TAKEN BY THE ENGLISH. 
 
 CHAP, navy ; and for the better prevention of piracies and robberies by pri- 
 1759. ^'^te ships of war :" which produced the desired effects. 
 =^ On the 14th June Mr. Pitt received despatches from the Hon. 
 
 General Barrington, informing him of the surrender of the island of 
 Guadaloupe to his Majesty's forces. Martinique had been the first 
 object of the expedition. The attempt against that island had failed, 
 partly on account of some misunderstanding between the commodore 
 and the general of the land forces, and partly owing to the age and 
 infirmities of the latter, which prevented him from exerting those 
 energies which such a service requires. 
 
 Although the enterprise against Martinique had failed, the lead- 
 ers of the armament knew that the minister would not excuse any 
 want of spirit and activity in their subsequent proceedings. In pur- 
 suance of their instructions, they therefore determined to attack 
 Guadaloupe. 
 
 This very fine island derives its name from a resemblance which 
 it bears to a chain of mountains called Guadaloupe, in Old Spain. 
 It is extremely fertile and productive, and abounds in every thing 
 conducive to the conveniences and luxuries of life. 
 
 After a campaign of nearly three months, during which General 
 Hopson died, and the forces in general suffered greatly from sickness, 
 Guadaloupe fell into our hands. The reduction of the small island 
 of Marigalante immediately followed. Tliese Avere most important 
 conquests, and naturally afforded the greatest satisfaction to the mi- 
 nister and the country. 
 
 The cares and labours of the secretary were by no means con- 
 fined to the direction of the war, or to transactions with those nations 
 in union with, or against whom we were engaged in hostilities. A 
 country with which we were then at peace, but whose conduct gave 
 ground to fear that they might take a decided part with our enemies, 
 was the object of his most vigilant attention. This country was Spain. 
 The King of Spain was himself at this period in the most frightful 
 state both of body and mind. The right of Don Carlos, King of 
 Naples, to tlie throne of Spain was undoubted, and the lamentable
 
 AFFAIRS OF SPAIN. 379 
 
 condition of his brother's health rendered his own accession an event CHAP. 
 
 V I [I 
 
 of almost daily probability. No endeavours were omitted by the 1759" 
 French to attach Don Carlos to their interest, and it must be admitted " 
 
 that the services which they were able to render him were extremely 
 important. The Spanish minister, M. Wall, although apparently 
 desirous of preserving the friendship between England and Spain, 
 occasionally evinced a disposition of resentment to this country, and of 
 partiality towards France, which were calculated to alarm Mr. Pitt. 
 
 Sir Benjamin Keene, who had for many years been our ambas- 
 sador at Madrid, dying in December, 1757, William, Earl of Bristol, 
 was, on the 17th June, 1758, appointed to succeed him. This noble- 
 man was well qualified for his situation, possessing much good sense 
 and shrewdness, an even temper, and conciliating manners. Although 
 no open quarrel had arisen, several causes of difference at this time 
 existed between Great Britain and Spain. These disputes principally 
 regarded the following points : The restitution of certain vessels bear- 
 ing the Spanish flag, alleged to have been captured by the English : — 
 The privilege claimed by the Spaniards of fishing upon the banks of 
 Newfoundland : — The demolition of the English settlements upon the 
 Spanish territories in the Bay of Honduras. These, together with 
 the claim of the English to cut logwood in certain of the Spanish 
 settlements, were the subjects of repeated discussion between the two 
 countries. With regard to the first point — the captures alleged to 
 have been made by the English — Mr. Pitt desired Lord Bristol to re- 
 present to the Spanish minister that the conduct of England would 
 be guided by the determinations of our courts of admiralty. The 
 second point — the Spanish claim to fish off the bank of Newfound- 
 land — Lord Bristol was directed absolutely to deny. Upon the third 
 point Lord Bristol had instructions to negociate '\ But before orders 
 were issued to destroy the English forts erected in the Spanish settle- 
 
 ^ In his first letter from Madrid, Lord Bristol thus does justice to the ability of Mr. Pitt. 
 " I beg leave to return you my thanks for the great accuracy and precision with which you 
 have explained every part of my instructions : I only wish I may be able to discharge my duty 
 in fulfilling them, as well as you have accomplished yours in the direction of them." 
 
 3c 2
 
 380 CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN MR. PITT 
 
 CHAP, nients, Mr. Pitt was desirous of obtaining a regular permission from the 
 1759. Spanish crown, authorising the British to cut logwood in Honduras. 
 
 Extract of a Letter from Mr. Pitt to the Earl of Bristol. 
 
 " Whitehall, August I, 1758. 
 " Agreeable to my letter of the 20th June last, I now 
 despatch this messenger with his Majesty's orders to your Excellency 
 on the several points of business depending with the Court of Spain. 
 In order first to inform your Excellency fully of the present state of 
 things relative to establishments in the Bay of Honduras, and other 
 parts of that coast in the West Indies, I send your Excellency here- 
 with the several papers mentioned in the enclosed list', which contain 
 every thing that has passed between the two Courts since September, 
 1756, when that matter was stirred by a memorial in form, delivered 
 on the subject, and which has since been pressed with a good deal of 
 warmth on the part of Spain. Your Excellency will see the unfriendly, 
 not to say offensive, manner in which M. D'Abreu was, in November 
 last, order to return the answer which I had given to that minister on 
 the 9th of the preceding September. It was scarcely to be doubted, 
 that the temperate and measured reply which the King ordered me to 
 make to M. D'Abreu, on the 29th November, would have induced 
 M. Wall to have entered into such explanations, as common usage 
 and decorum require on such an occasion, and as are absolutely 
 necessary, in order to the bringing this matter to a just and amicable 
 conclusion. But M. Wall has hitherto disappointed this reasonable 
 expectation, and, as your Excellency will see by Colonel De Cosne's 
 letters, has constantly refused to declare wherein the King's answer of 
 the 9th September had been thought inadmissible, and, contrary to 
 the promises made by any of his Majesty's ministers : M. D'Abreu, 
 at the same time, constantly declaring here, that he had no instruc- 
 tions from his Court to give any explanation upon the subject. His 
 
 • I have published as much of Mr. Pitt's correspondence with Lord Bristol and other ministers 
 as I thought would explain his policy. The papers to which he refers I have, from their number 
 and length, been almost always compelled to omit.
 
 AND THE EARL OF BRISTOL. 381 
 
 Majesty, nevertheless, from a principle of equity and moderation, still CHAP, 
 continues in the same resolution, which your Excellency will observe 1759'. 
 has been often repeated in the course of the correspondence herewith ^^^^" 
 transmitted to you, of giving all reasonable and just satisfaction to the 
 Court of Spain, and the King only waits for such openings from the 
 Spanish minister as are necessary to enable his Majesty to give the 
 Catholic King this fresh and effectual proof of his Majesty's constant 
 desire to remove every obstacle to the establishment of the most lasting 
 friendship and union between the two crowns : but, until some opening 
 of this sort be made on the part of Spain, your Excellency will 
 decline entering particularly into the subject of the Honduras, taking, 
 nevertheless, all opportunities of repeating to the Spanish ministers the 
 strongest assurances of his Majesty's sincere and cordial dispositions 
 towards that Court as far as is consistent with the rights of his people 
 and the honor and dignity of his crown : Euid your Excellency will 
 use your utmost endeavours to make M. Wall sensible of the rectitude 
 of the King's intentions, and, if possible, to soften the asperity, and 
 eradicate the diffidence, which have, for some time past, but too much 
 appeared in the conversation of that minister. 
 
 " I am particularly commanded by the King to caution your 
 Excellency in your discourses with the Spanish ministers, on the sub- 
 ject of the Honduras, to be constantly attentive to distinguish between 
 the privilege which his Majesty's subjects have long enjoyed and 
 practised, (and which was confirmed by the first article of the Treaty 
 of Commerce between England and Spain concluded at Utrecht,) of 
 repairing to the uninhabited parts of the province of Yucatan, merely 
 for the purpose of cutting logwood, and between that which relates to 
 such settlements or establishments as may have been made in violation 
 of the territorial jurisdiction of the crown of Spain. For it is ex- 
 tremely material that your Excellency should not, in your conversations 
 with the Spanish ministers, drop any thing that may be interpreted 
 into a facility on the part of his Majesty with regard to the above 
 right of cutting logwood. 
 
 " The enclosed copy of a memorial, lately delivered by M.
 
 .•>82 CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN MR. PITT 
 
 CHAP. D'Abreu, will inform your Excellency of a new point which that 
 j7^g' minister has, on occasion of two ships detained by our privateers, started 
 ^== with regard to a right which the Spaniards, and particularly the 
 Guiprescoans, have formerly pretended to have, to fish at Newfound- 
 land, which right M. D'Abreu claims by the fifteenth article of the 
 Treaty of Utrecht, and the second of that of Madrid, in the year 1721, 
 of both of which articles I send your Excellency the enclosed extracts, 
 whereby you will see, how entirely without foundation this pretension 
 is, the former only giving to the Spaniards such privileges as they are 
 able to make claim to by right, jure stbi vindivart poterunt, and the 
 latter simply confirming the stipulation of the Treaty of Utrecht 
 without giving any new right whatever. 
 
 " The inclosed report of the Board of Trade, dated the 13th 
 January, 1712-13, on a memorial of the Marquis de Monteleon, not 
 only shews the sense of the English ministers upon this subject at that 
 time, but also the impossibility of granting a privilege which is ex- 
 pressly prohibited to all aliens and strangers by a particular act of 
 Parliament made in the reign of King William, when England was 
 in amity and alliance with Spain: and some judgment may even be 
 formed of the sentiments of the Court of Spain itself from the 
 inclosed copy of a pass, dated 27th February, 1712-13, subsequent 
 to the claim set up by the Marquis de Monteleon's memorial, for a 
 Spanish ship to go to Newfoundland to buy fish, caught and cured 
 by the English, but with an express clause, that the said ship do not 
 fish on any of the banks of Newfoundland. For it is hardly to be 
 imagined that the Court of Spain would have accepted of such a pass, 
 had they supposed that their subjects had any well-founded right to 
 fish themselves in those parts; and the enclosed extract of M. Me- 
 thuen's instructions, dated 1st February, 1714-15, (which was renewed 
 in the same words the 1st June, 1715, to Mr. Bubb.) together with 
 the copy of a letter wrote by Mr. Secretary Stanhope to the Lords 
 of the Admiralty, on the Qth May, 1715, when the Spaniards were 
 said to be fitting out some ships for this trade, and the extract ot 
 the standing instructions to the Commander of his Majesty's ships
 
 AND THE EARL OF BRISTOL. 383 
 
 on that station, fully prove that the English ministry have never chap. 
 understood such a right to have been given by the Treaty of Utrecht, j^^g 
 
 " No further step appears to have been taken on this subject till === 
 the year 1719> when Colonel Stanhope, the late King's minister with 
 the French army, transmitted a memorial from the States of Guipus- 
 coa, claiming this privilege, not only in virtue of the Treaty of 
 Utrecht, but because their ancestors always enjoyed the same, as the 
 first discoverers of those parts, which memorial having been referred 
 to the Board of Trade, their Lordships on the 11th September, 1719> 
 made a very full and judicious report in answer thereto, (copy whereof 
 I enclose to your Excellency,) in which report the only proof attempted 
 to be brought in support of this supposed right of the Guipuscoans, 
 as first discoverers, is not only clearly confuted but it is also demon- 
 strated, that was there any foundation for the notion of their ancestors 
 having been the first discoverers of Newfoundland, they are absolutely 
 excluded from all such pretended right by the 7th and 8th articles of 
 the American Treaty in l670, between Great Britain and Spain, 
 (copies of which articles I also enclose). The several papers above 
 mentioned will furnish your Excellency with such strong proofs and 
 arguments, that there can be little doubt of your being thereby able 
 to convince the Spanish ministers that this claim is totally void of all 
 foundation ; and that it is impossible for the King, on any account, 
 to admit of a trade to which the Spaniards have no right by treatv, 
 and which they have never enjoyed or practised ; and as this memorial 
 of M. D'Abreu seems only founded on the complaints made to him 
 by the captains of the two Spanish ships the privateers have detained, 
 and that it does not appear to have been delivered in consequence of 
 any particular order from his Court, or that even he has any instruc- 
 tions on this subject, it is scarcely to be imagined that the Spanish 
 ministers will seriously take up and support this pretension. 
 
 " M. D'Abreu having, in the memorial above mentioned, re- 
 newed his complaints of the behaviour of the privateers in general, I 
 am naturally led to that disagreeable subject, on which it is unneces- 
 sary to trouble your Excellency with many papers as you will be able to
 
 '^84 CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN MR. PITT 
 
 CHAP, inform yourself of all that has passed relative to this point from the late 
 1759. ^i'* Benjamin Keene's papers, which have been left in the hands of 
 ^^^^"^^^^^ Colonel De Cosne for your perusal ; I therefore only enclose copies 
 of three of M. D'Abreu's memorials, and of the two answers which I 
 had the King's commands to return to that minister and which indeed 
 contain every thing that can be said on such a subject. His Majesty 
 sees, with real concern, the irregularities which many privateers have 
 doubtless committed ; and no opportunity, that the nature and con- 
 stitution of this government allow, has been neglected, not only to 
 give the Spanish sufferers all possible satisfaction by the immediate 
 release of their ships, in such cases where the same could be obtained, 
 but also to inflict the most exemplary punishment on the offenders, of 
 which the actual execution of four persons at Antigua, is a convincing 
 proof; and if more examples have not been made, it has been entirely 
 owing to the Spanish complainants, though invited thereto, not having 
 been able to produce sufficient evidence of the facts alleged." 
 
 " I cannot leave this subject of privateers and captures, without 
 recommending to your Excellency, in a particular manner, the cases 
 of two of his Majesty's subjects : the one, Mr. Irwin, Master of his 
 Majesty's ship the Experiment, who has been long confined in a castle 
 called Denia in Valencia, under pretence that the Experiment had 
 taken a French privateer called Telemaque in violation of the terri- 
 torial jurisdiction of Spain, and though Mr. Irwin's liberty has been 
 offered to him, yet it was on a condition, not in his power to comply 
 with, viz. giving security to abide the sentence that should be given 
 by the council of war. The other case I have to mention is that of 
 Captain Tate, of the Duke of Bedford privateer, against whom the 
 extraordinary sentence, which your Excellency will see in the inclosed 
 extract of a letter from Consul Jordan, is said to have been lately 
 passed, after a long confinement at Ferrol, on pretence of his having 
 plundered some Spanish and other neutral vessels oft' that coast — 
 Colonel de Cosne is so fully acquainted with the two cases above men- 
 tioned that it is unnecessary for me to do more than refer vou to him."
 
 AND THE EARL OF BRISTOL. 385 
 
 " It is the King's pleasure that your Excellency should employ CHAP, 
 your best offices with M, Wall for the immediate release of Mr. 1759, 
 Irwin and Captain Tate, in the passing of which offices, you will be par- === 
 ticularly careful not to use any expressions that may tend to increase 
 the aigreiir with which that minister has always treated these matters; 
 but your Excellency will, on the contrary, endeavour to cool and soften 
 M. Wall by laying before him in a friendly manner the natural ten- 
 dency of such rigorous proceedings towards his Majesty's subjects." 
 
 " Postscript. — Since writing this letter I find by my last confer- 
 ence with M. D'Abreu ' that M. Wall had expressly instructed him to 
 support the pretension of going to fish on the banks of Newfoundland. 
 I, on that occasion, declared to that minister without any reserve, 
 that on the present state of this affair the King would never admit 
 that pretension. No proofs having ever been produced by Spain to 
 support the same since the first loose mention of this matter in the 
 15th article of the treaty of Utrecht, and I am fully persuaded that 
 no proofs which are valid can ever be produced with regard to this 
 pretension. I declined entering with much detail into this matter with 
 M. D'Abreu, telling him that I had the King's order to transmit to 
 your Excellency, all the papers and documents relating thereto, w ith 
 directions to communicate, with all candour and openness, the con- 
 tents thereof to the Spanish ministry ; and his Majesty doubts not 
 from the equity and sincere intentions of the court of Spain, that 
 when they come to see the force and weight of such a series of facts 
 and proofs as are contained in the said papers, that court will no 
 longer insist on a point so untenable on their part, and so totally in- 
 admissible on that of England." 
 
 In a letter dated Whitehall, August loth, 1758, addressed to 
 the Earl of Bristol, and delivered to him by Colonel De Cosne, Mr. 
 Pitt expresses himself in the following forcible manner : 
 
 " The King still hopes that when his Catholic Majesty is in- 
 
 ' Minister from the court of Madrid to that of London. 
 VOL. I. 3d
 
 y^O CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN MR. PITT 
 
 CHAP, formed of such a series of established facts and uncontrovertible evi- 
 1759! dence, the court of Spain will no longer insist on this pretended right, 
 '^^'^'^^'^^ having as yet produced no other ground of this extraordinary and in- 
 admissible proceeding except the treaties above, concluding nothing 
 to the point, but that which is contained in a letter M. D'Abreu read 
 to me from M, Wall, wherein that minister says, that Bacalao ' being 
 very scarce and dear in Spain his Catholic Majesty had thought pro- 
 per to give passports to his subjects to go and take it themselves ; on 
 which I could not help asking M. D'Abreu whether he thought the 
 King, his master, would consider a scarcity of gold and silver in Eng- 
 land, as any foundation for his Majesty to give passports to his sub- 
 jects to fetch it themselves from Mexico or Peru." 
 
 In one of his earliest letters to the Secretary, Lord Bristol thus 
 describes the conduct of the Spanish minister : 
 
 " Madrid, Monday, \%th September, 1758. 
 
 " Monsieur Wall sent for me into his closet on Saturday, he did 
 not open himself in the least concerning our disputes in the Gulphs of 
 Honduras and Campeachy, nor did he mention the Spanish claim to 
 fishing on the banks of Newfoundland, he only exclaimed in general 
 against our privateers, and spoke with warmth of w hat had happened 
 to M. Pignatelli's baggage. He said I could not be ignorant of the 
 solicitation of the Empress, or the promises of the court of France to 
 induce the Catholic King to take a share in the present war, and that 
 all Europe saw how strictly his royal master had adhered to his en- 
 gagements of observing a strict neutrality, but that the English seemed 
 determined to exhaust their patience; he added, that Spain was not 
 at present a formidable power, but still was a respectable one : he 
 flung out some menaces of not suffering English privateers to come 
 into ports of Spain, and concluded with saying, that when the Conde 
 de Fuentes, (whose departure he was pressing,) arrived at London, his 
 
 ^ Bacalao is a species of cod-fish, which, when dried, forms a principal article of food in 
 Spain. The coasU of Newfoundland abound with these fish.
 
 AND THE EARL OF BRISTOL. ^^" 
 
 Catholic Majesty would then know the real intention of the court of CHAI'. 
 Great Britain. I heard all General Wall had to say without inter- nsy, 
 rupting him, or adding fuel to a fire that might have blazed out, 
 and which if it had, I should only have left to consume itself; I 
 assured him, I hoped every thing might still be well, for my instruc- 
 tions were such, when he would allow me to expatiate upon them, 
 as should convince the Catholic King how sincerely his Majesty 
 desired to cement the friendship between the two crowns, and to 
 remove every obstacle that might retard a union so much to be 
 wished for. During our conversation, I pressed twice for the release- 
 ment of Mr. Irwin now confined in Denia castle, but Mons. Wall 
 gave me no direct answer of the time." 
 
 Extract of a Letter from Mr. Pitt to the Earl of Bristol. 
 
 " Whitehall, December 5th, 1758. 
 " I had before received his Majesty's commands not to lose 
 this post in transmitting to your Excellency a piece of intelligence 
 the King has received by an authentick channel, concerning more 
 than ordinary movements which M. Pignatelli has been some time 
 making at the court of Denmark, and that there are strong symp- 
 toms of that minister's being at work with those of Denmark for 
 some particular concert between the two respective crowns the imme- 
 diate object of which is, as yet, somewhat mysterious; but it is sur- 
 mised, that some sort of naval union between those two powers may 
 be the thing in agitation. Though a coalition of this kind would, in 
 the present conjuncture, tally but ill with the temperate and reason- 
 able spirit M. Wall appears to be now in with regard to disputes 
 about captures, and with the favorable and cordial sentiments towards 
 England, which his Majesty observes with the highest satisfaction 
 that minister has so recently expressed to your Excellency. Yet the 
 King has nevertheless thought proper that your Excellency should be 
 apprized of the above intelligence, which his Majesty cannot but 
 hope, from M. Wall's late conversation with you, wijl not prove 
 founded. Under these circumstances, it is the King's pleasure that 
 
 3 D 2
 
 ySS CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN MR. PITT 
 
 CHAP, your Excellency should use the utmost circumspection not to manifest 
 
 1759 a distrust, (which might give pain, and perhaps indispose M. Wall 
 
 towards us,) but at the same time, that you should be particularly 
 
 watchful and vigilant to discover whether there may be any ground 
 
 for such surmises." 
 
 The King of Naples' intentions with regard to setting aside his 
 eldest son, in the succession to the Spanish throne, were mentioned 
 to Mr. Pitt by Lord Bristol. In a letter dated Madrid, 15th January, 
 1759, Lord Bristol says, " The French and Austrians would leave no- 
 thing unattempted to induce his Sicilian Majesty to declare against the 
 English. They have promised to guarantee, in the strongest manner, 
 his present possessions to his third son, (for the eldest is an avowed 
 idiot,) and the second, of course, would be declared the Prince of 
 Asturias, in case the crown of Spain devolved upon the King of Naples." 
 In the first part of a letter, dated Whitehall, March 1, 1759, 
 Mr. Pitt alludes, with great delicacy, to the probable consequences 
 which would result from the death of the King of Spain, and instructs 
 Lord Bristol as to the language he should adopt with regard to the 
 rights and prospects of the King of Naples and the King of Sardinia. 
 He then thus adverts to the complaints of the Spanish government 
 regarding the outrages of the Englisii privateers : " M. Wall having 
 in his conversations frequently mentioned that unhappy source of dis- 
 satisfaction which arises from the undue practices of our privateers, 
 I cannot conclude this despatch without informing your Excellency, 
 with much pleasure, that several persons are actually in custody, and 
 will speedily be brought to trial, when there is great reason to hope, 
 in case they are guilty, sufficient evidence will be produced to convict 
 them capitally, and, by such a necessary example, to deter others 
 from the like enormities. It is also under consideration to propose a 
 law in Parliament for restraining such excesses of privateers, as have 
 given but too much scandal. I am further to inform your Excellency 
 that the Commander-in-chief of his Majesty's ships in the Mediter- 
 ranean will have the strictest orders to avoid giving any possibility of
 
 AND THE EARL OF BRISTOL. 389 
 
 umbrage or complaint to the court of Spain, or any other power in CHAP. 
 Italy, in alliance with his Majesty, as well as to exert all his influence 1759) 
 to keep the privateers in those parts within just bounds ; and the ^^^^^^"^^ 
 King does not doubt but that orders will also be given-on the part of 
 Spain, to prevent any partialities in their ports, and that no undue 
 protection or shelter be given to the small French privateers, which 
 have so frequently interrupted the trade of the British subjects in the 
 neighbourhood of Gibraltar, I have a particular pleasure in acquaint- 
 ing your Excellency of the King's entire approbation of your conduct, 
 and of the prudent manner in which you have managed the several 
 conversations you have had with M. Wall, as well as those with the 
 Neapolitan and Sardinian ambassadors/' 
 
 Extract of a Letter from the Earl of Bristol to Mr. Pitt. 
 
 " Madrid, Monday, March 5, 1759. 
 
 " Prince Yaci ' has acquainted me with his having received 
 orders for every one to continue in employment after the demise of 
 his Catholic Majesty, till the arrival of the King of Naples ; but he 
 said, at the same time, that I should perceive very great changes, 
 before it was long, at his court. That M. Wall was to be one of 
 the very few who was intended to remain in his present situation ; and 
 he, (Prince Yaci,) should not stay many months at Madrid, for his 
 Sicilian Majesty had determined to place him at the head of the army 
 in the kingdom of Naples, by appointing him the Captain General in 
 the room of the present one, who is blind, and will retire, with a 
 considerable pension, from business. The Marquis Grimaldi, ambas- 
 sador from the crown to the States General, who has been at Madrid 
 above a year, with leave of absence, has been strongly soliciting to 
 be sent in the same character to Paris. He is commonly reputed to 
 be a man of parts, yet I have never been able to discover any talents 
 
 * The Neapolitan ambassador.
 
 •590 CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN MR. PITT 
 
 CHAP, in him, except a peculiar gift of noise and impudence ; and from the 
 jy,-,, confident assurance with which he deUvers his opinion upon all sub- 
 jects, those who do not attend to his superficial reasoning might be 
 imposed upon. This man, a Genoese by birth, entered into high life 
 with the character of an Abbe, but not thinking he was likely to rise 
 so quick in his ecclesiastical profession as his ambition would have 
 carried him, laid aside his cloak and band, and adopted himself into 
 the class of those who sought preference as a foreign minister. He 
 has devoted himself to M. Wall, whose partiality to him surprises 
 every one, and as Monsieur Grimaldi is one of the most avowed of 
 the whole French party at this court, 1 thought it migiit not be im- 
 proper for you, Sir, to be acquainted with his connections, his cha- 
 racter, and his views." 
 
 The next extract which I insert in this place is one from the am- 
 bassador to Mr. Pitt, descriptive of the characters of the various 
 ministers then resident at Madrid. 
 
 " Madrid, Mmday, \6lh April, 1759. 
 
 " As I have been several months at Madrid, during which time 
 I have endeavoured to study the characters of most of the foreign 
 ministers, I will venture to transmit to you the opinion I have formed 
 of the gentlemen employed by the difterent potentates of Europe at 
 this Court. I must premise, that excepting the Nuncio, the French 
 Ambassador, and the Imperial Minister, who have set dinner meetings, 
 there is very little connection amongst the rest, who seem to have 
 caught the infection of unsociability which reigns so generally in this 
 country, 
 
 " I will begin by M, Spinola, a Genoese, and the Papal Nuncio, 
 both as he is of the smallest consequence to the political state of 
 Europe, and that I can have the least connection with him, although 
 he very attentively came to see me, which visit I returned the next 
 day. He is no bigot, a well-bred, inoffensive man, and liked by all 
 who know him.
 
 AND THE EARL OF BRISTOL. 391 
 
 " M, Aubeterre is Ambassador from France, and, as such, will CHAP. 
 
 XIII. 
 
 always make the principal figure at this Court. He is sensible, and, 1759" 
 though exempt from the self-sufficiency so peculiar to his nation, feels ' 
 the dignity of his character, and the weight of the sovereign he repre- 
 sents ; very properly zealous for his royal master's cause, but has ever 
 shewn himself as properly reserved when we have been together. 
 
 " The Abb6 de Saldanha, the Portuguese Ambassador, is an un- 
 affected, open, worthy, but retired man, who always professes a great 
 attachment for the EngUsh nation. 
 
 " I have, in some former letter, written so much about the Prince 
 Yaci, that I need not add any thing concerning him here, only that I 
 am perfectly satisfied with his conduct, and shall prove to him how 
 ready I am to cultivate his friendship, without giving him any uneasi- 
 ness about the jealousy the French have already shewn concerning his 
 conferring with me. 
 
 " The Sardinian Ambassador, Comte de la Tour, has good parts, 
 but is such an incessant talker, that he has, with truth, acquired the 
 reputation of being indiscreet. He came here against M. Ossorio's 
 consent, is still upon bad terms with him, and therefore, I believe, but 
 half-informed from his own Court ; yet, as he will appear to be 
 thoroughly so, and must give vent to his loquacity, often starts argu- 
 ments without any grounds. The King of Sardinia might be better 
 served by a man with inferior talents and more judgment. 
 
 " Monsieur Foscarini's abilities are sufficient to execute any 
 commission the Republic of Venice, whose ambassador he is, can be 
 likely to have at Madrid. 
 
 " The Baron Wasner, Ambassador from the States General, has 
 been a long time in this country, and is very impatient to return 
 home, as his successor, M. de Gronsfeld, is appointed. M. Wasner is 
 speculative ; a great reasoner upon all incidents, inquisitive, and makes 
 about the same figure in Spain that his Republic does in Europe. He 
 would be considerable, but the power he represents neither enables 
 him to make any figure by his expense, nor to obtain the consideration 
 he seeks from their influence in public affiiirs.
 
 392 CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN MR. PITT 
 
 CHAP. " The Maltese Ambassador is a cypher, and therefore I only 
 
 J759 name him, as he is one or our corps. 
 ' " Monsieur Rosenberg, Minister from the Empress-Queen, is 
 
 conscious of his capacity ; although he has a very good one, he very 
 much over-rates his own genius. He is superlati\ely insolent, and so 
 hurt at not having the first rank, that he will not give the title of Ex- 
 cellency to those who do not give it to him ; and he endeavours to 
 put himself upon a par, in all respects, with ambassadors. 
 
 " Count Colowrat, the Saxon Minister, has little to do here, but 
 to solicit the payment of some money due from this crown to his 
 master, who has made over that debt to him, instead of appointments, 
 which he is never likely to obtain. He is in low circumstances; an 
 honest, worthy man, but constantly drunk after dinner till night. 
 
 " Monsieur Bachoff, Envoy from Denmark, bears a good private 
 character, has bad health, which confines him at home, and is by far 
 the most silent man I ever met with ; but, although he never enters 
 into conversation, and only answers by monosyllables, and sometimes 
 asks some indifferent question, it is easy to perceive that his genius is 
 not of the first class. 
 
 " The Swedish Envoy, M. Hildebrand, is not very communi- 
 cative ; he had some wrong-headed quarrel with the late Venetian 
 Ambassador, M. Justiniani, in which he went so far as to challenge 
 him, because he would not give him the title of Excellency, which 
 makes him, in general, avoided and treated coolly. 
 
 " The Bavarian and Modonese Ministers, M. Sami, and the 
 Count Pogi, seem unnecessary expenses to their respective sovereigns, 
 for they are, as well as Count Colowrat, soliciting arrears of money 
 which they will never be paid the smallest part of. 
 
 " Monsieur Zoagli, the Minister of Genoa, has good parts, and, 
 from his long residence in Spain, is thoroughly acquainted with the 
 country. 
 
 " Monsieur Torre, the Extraordinary Minister from that Republic, 
 has been here but a few months, to execute a particular commission, 
 relating to the prohibition of some Genoese manufactures from coming
 
 AND THE EARL OF BRISTOL. 393 
 
 into this kingdom, which the Cathohc King's ill health has hitherto chap. 
 prevented his setting about. He is retired and reserved." j759' 
 
 I shall conclude the chapter with an extract of a letter from Mr. 
 Pitt to the Ambassador. 
 
 " Whitehall, June 5th, 1759. 
 
 " Though during the continuation of the melancholy 
 suspense in which Spain is held by the prolongation of the sufterings 
 of their unhappy monarch, there cannot be much room for trans- 
 mitting to your Excellency particular instructions, or corresponding 
 on immediate points of business, I have the pleasure to acquaint your 
 Excellency that the King has found your letters, from time to time, 
 full of very interesting relations, and that his Majesty approves the 
 manner in which you have managed the several important conver- 
 sations of which you give an account. 
 
 " The King has a particular satisfaction in seeing the very con- 
 fidential foot on which you live with General Wall, and the just and 
 cordial sentiments which he has so fully expressed towards the King, 
 and it is unnecessary to add, that your Excellency cannot act more 
 agreeably to his Majesty's views and inclinations than in cultivating 
 with the utmost attention the friendship and confidence of that 
 minister. 
 
 " The King likewise sees with great pleasure your intimate 
 connection with Prince Yaci, the Neapolitan Ambassador, and his 
 Majesty cannot but consider in this critical conjuncture, when all 
 eyes in Spain are turned towards Naples, such an intercourse to be 
 of great utility and importance to his service, and the King rehes 
 on your Excellency's prudence and address to improve such an 
 advantage. 
 
 " With regard to what your Excellency mentions to have come 
 from that Ambassador in conversation, and as from himself, of an 
 idea of his Majesty's squadron in the Mediterranean accompanying 
 the King of Naples to Spain; there is all reason to believe that such a 
 
 VOL. I. 3 E
 
 394 CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN MR. PITT 
 
 CHAP, suggestion must have been made without any direction from his Court, 
 j^gg a comphment of that kind having been, a considerable time since, 
 
 -■ intimated at the court of Naples, who declined it, and in consequence of 
 which, Prince Sanseverino has very fully expressed here the sense the 
 King of Naples had of so friendly an offer on the part of his Majesty. 
 At the same time your Excellency may let Prince Yaci understand, 
 that in case on a second reflection, such a public mark of the King's 
 firm and cordial friendship should be agreeable to that court, his 
 Majesty will with pleasure give orders accordingly, thinking that a 
 squadron of his could be no way so honorably employed or so per- 
 fectly to the King's satisfaction. 
 
 " The pretended fears of M. D'Aubeterre for St. Domingo, 
 and the trite artifice of endeavouring to alarm Spain for her interests 
 in Hispaniola, correspond with the like labours of M. D'Ossun at 
 Naples, and with regard to which, I am to acquaint your Excellency, 
 that I have desired Prince Sanseverino to assure his court that far 
 from having any intention of attacking St. Domingo he sees his 
 Majesty's arms are turned in the West Indies another way, against 
 the French Caribbee Islands, 
 
 " I have as yet no commands from the King on the subject of a 
 credential to the Queen Dowager. The difiiculties attending your 
 Excellency's presenting such a credential, in the only two supposable 
 cases, either that of Queen Dowager or of Regent, before you shall 
 have presented any credentials as the King's Ambassador to the 
 Crown of Spain, as well as before notification of a demise and new 
 accession in Spain, are, from your Excellency's present situation, so 
 peculiar and of such weight, that it is thought the matter deserves 
 further consideration. 
 
 " I enclose herewith to your Excellency his Majesty's message 
 to the two Houses of Parliament with regard to the actual prepara- 
 tions making in the ports of France with a design to invade this 
 kingdom ; together with their addresses thereupon. Your Excellency 
 will, no doubt, have heard something in general, not only of these 
 avowed designs, but of the actual preparations of France for this pur-
 
 AND THE EARL OF BRISTOL. -395 
 
 pose, and I am now to acquaint you, that after repeated intelligence chap. 
 of such a nature, it became necessary to make a communication to ]759' 
 Parliament, m order to derive the fullest powers to Government of 
 calling forth every measure of defence ; but your Excellency may be 
 thoi'oughlv persuaded, that whatever danger there may be of an in- 
 vasion being attempted, such is the situation of these kingdoms by the 
 wise precautions of his Majesty, that the apprehension of the conse- 
 quences of such an attempt neither disturb nor fluctuate the councils 
 of the King, nor tend in the least to break the measures, or check the 
 vigour of any part of the plan of the war; his Majesty's regular 
 forces in Great Britain and Ireland amounting to above 40,000 men, 
 thirty-five ships of the line, besides frigates, equipped and manned for 
 home service." 
 
 3 e2
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 1759. 
 
 Tlte French project an Invasion of Great Britain — Admirable slate of the country under 
 Mr. Pitt's administration — Message from the King to Parliament respecting a French 
 Invasion — Exertions throughout the Country in defence of Governtnent — Prime Ferdi- 
 nand of Brunswick — Battle of Minden — Lord George Sackville — Impartiality of Mr. 
 Pitt — Operations of the British Navy — Fleet under Boscawen — Victory over De la 
 Clue — King of Prussia is defeated at Cunnersdorf — Brilliant successes of the English 
 in America under General Amherst and Sir William Jo/mson — Letter from General 
 Amherst to Mr. Pitt, and from Mr. Pitt to General Amherst — Spanish correspon- 
 dence. 
 
 CHAP. The French ministry recollecting the alarm which their menaces, in 
 1759" the year 1756, had excited in this country, and the benefit which 
 ^"^^^^""^^ themselves had derived from them ; and probably supposing that the 
 strong terrors which Mr. Pitt's expeditions against their own coast had 
 occasioned throughout France might now be thrown back upon Eng- 
 land, renewed their purpose of invasion. All their ports evinced the 
 activity of their preparations ; transports were collected, large ships 
 of the line equipped, and troops ordered to assemble on the coast for 
 embarkation. They asserted and they supposed that from the power- 
 ful squadrons and armaments which England had sent to different parts 
 of the world, her internal strength must be greatly exhausted, and 
 her navies in the European seas insuflicient to protect her coasts. 
 But the times had changed. Another minister was at the head of 
 the British administration, and other principles prevailed. The reign
 
 MESSAGE OF THE KING TO PARLIAMENT. 397 
 
 of terror was passed in England, and was transferred to her enemies. CHAP. 
 The lapse of three years had made us a warrior people. A very nu- 1759! 
 merous and admirably disciplined militia was now formed through- 
 out the country, and ready to assist the operations of our regular 
 troops. 
 
 The people most cheerfully acquiesced in every burthen which the 
 parliament imposed. The King, the ministry, the Parliament, the 
 people were all unanimous in the prosecution of the war, in resent- 
 ing and resisting the hostile intentions of France. On the 30th May, 
 the following message was communicated to the House of Commons 
 by Mr. Secretary Pitt : 
 
 " George Rex, 
 
 " The King has received advices that the French court 
 is making preparations with a design to invade this kingdom ; and 
 though his Majesty is persuaded, that, by the united zeal and affec- 
 tion of his people, any such attempts must, under the blessing of God, 
 end in the destruction of those who shall be engaged therein ; yet his 
 Majesty apprehends that he should not act consistently with that pa- 
 ternal care and concern, which he has always shewn for the safety 
 and preservation of his people, if he omitted any means in his power, 
 which may be necessary for their defence. Therefore, in pursuance 
 of the late Act of Parliament, his Majesty acquaints the House of 
 Commons with his having received repeated intelligence of the actual 
 preparations making in the French ports to invade this kingdom, and 
 of the imminent danger of such an invasion being attempted ; to the 
 end that his Majesty may, (if he shall think proper), cause the militia, 
 or such part thereof as shall be necessary, to be drawn out, and em- 
 bodied, and to march as occasion shall require/' 
 
 Tlie address of the House of Commons, upon this occasion, 
 evinced the greatest zeal in support of his Majesty and the country, 
 and was most satisfactory to the King. 
 
 The exertions which the English people are able to make in a
 
 398 EXERTIONS IN AID OF GOVERNMENT. ' 
 
 CHAP, popular cause are prodigious, and were now fully exemplified. Whilst 
 J759" the devoted and ardent minded minister was continually reflecting 
 ~ how he might most eft'ectually employ the strength of the country, 
 iiis measures were every where supported with enthusiasm. Encou- 
 ragements from the crown, rewards from public conmiunities, and from 
 private individuals, all stimulated a willing people to fresh efforts of 
 exertion. 
 
 A proclamation was issued offering a considerable bounty to 
 every seaman and every landsman who should voluntarily enter the 
 service by the 3d July. As an additional encouragement, the King 
 proffered a pardon to all deserters who should surrender themselves 
 M itliin the same time ; but declared that those who neglected this op- 
 portunity of returning to their duty, or abused it with a view to de- 
 fraud the country, should be punished with the utmost severity. 
 The magistrates, throughout the kingdom, were ordered to institute a 
 rigorous search for straggling seamen fit for service, and to cause all 
 that should be found to repair to the nearest sea-ports and there 
 receive the instructions of the respective naval commanding officers. 
 Whilst such methods of severity were practised, others of a gentler 
 nature were by no means neglected. 
 
 Fresh regiments were raised, upon the promise of his Majesty, 
 that, at the expiration of three years, every man, then enlisting, should 
 be entitled to his discharge. Ampler bounties were awarded. 
 
 The common council of London resolved, that voluntary sub- 
 scriptions should be received, and appropriated to those who entered 
 into his Majesty's service. Large sums were immediately subscribed 
 for this purpose by the corporation of the metropolis, by different 
 companies, and by private individuals. The public spirit and libera- 
 lity of the capital soon spread throughout the kingdom, and produced 
 the most satisfactory results. 
 
 Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick had commenced the campaign 
 of 1759 unsuccessfully. He was repulsed at Bergen with consider- 
 able loss, and compelled to retire before the enemy. Elated with 
 their success, the French spoke only of securing conquests which they
 
 PRINCE FERDINAND OF BRUNSWICK. 399 
 
 had not won, and of preventing a second expulsion from Hanover, CHAP. 
 which was not then in their possession. The measures they proposed 1759' 
 for the retention of this country were as unwarrantable and merciless === 
 as their confidence of possessing themselves of it was rash and pre- 
 sumptuous. The despondency of the Hanoverians was equal to the 
 arrogance of the French. The archives of the electorate, and other 
 of the most valued property, were removed from Hanover to Stade, 
 and all seemed to anticipate a second and more severe subjugation. 
 Prince Ferdinand, amid this general gloom, retained his usual serenity. 
 He was too tried a soldier, and too firm a man to allow himself to be 
 dejected by any reverses. Although he knew that a victory on his 
 side could alone save the electorate ; although he knew that the eyes 
 of all Europe were upon him, he displayed a self-possession, which 
 scarcely any other man then alive could feel. His great object was 
 to draw the French from their strong camp before Minden, and force 
 them to an engagement. By a very beautiful arrangement he strength- 
 ened the position of his forces, whilst he appeared to the enemy to 
 weaken and disperse them. The French were completely deceived. 
 They imagined that the Prince's array was disjoined and divided, and 
 that this was the proper moment to attack them. They accordingly 
 quitted their encampment and advanced into the plain. Their asto- 
 nishment was great when, upon gaining an eminence which stretched 
 along their front, they beheld the whole army of the allies drawn up 
 before them in perfect order of battle. But it was now too late to 
 recede. It was about five o'clock in the morning of the 1st August 
 when the action between the two armies began. On the right, six 
 regiments of Enghsh infantry and two battalions of Hanoverian guards 
 not only sustained the whole fire of the French carbineers and gen- 
 darmerie, but absolutely broke every body of horse and foot which 
 advanced to attack them. It is said that the English commenced 
 the engagement with less promise of valour. At first they began to 
 give way. General Waldegrave, affecting not to perceive that their 
 motion tended towards a retreat, cried out, " Wheel to the right !" —
 
 4^00 BATTLE OF MINDEN— LORD G. SACKVILLE. 
 
 CHAP, they did so, and recovered the day '. The Hessian cavalry, with 
 1759. some regiments of Holstein, Prussian, and Hanoverian dragoons, ex- 
 orted themselves with great courage on the left. As yet the cavalry 
 on the right had no opportunity of engaging. These consisted of the 
 British and Hanoverian horse, commanded by Lord George Sack- 
 \ ille. They were posted at a considerable distance from the first line 
 of infantry, and were divided from it by a scanty wood which bor- 
 dered upon a heath. It was at that critical minute of the battle, 
 when the centre of the enemy had gi\en way, and their right was 
 repulsed, that Prince Ferdinand saw that the cavalry, by pursuing the 
 advantage which the infantry had gained, might ensure and complete 
 the victory. He therefore instantly despatched one of his aides-de- 
 camp to Lord George Sackville with orders to bring up the cavalry. 
 Immediately afterwards he sent Colonel Fitzroy to Lord George with 
 orders to march to the left with the British cavalry alone. Lord 
 George received tliese orders with confusion. " This cannot be so," 
 said he to Fitzroy, " would he have me break the line ?" " I am 
 out of breath with galloping," said Fitzroy, " which makes me speak 
 very quick : but my orders are positive. The French are in disorder ; 
 here is a glorious opportunity for the English to distinguish them- 
 selves, and your Lordship, by leading them on, will gain immortal 
 honor \" Lord George still hesitated, saying it was impossible the 
 Prince could mean to break the line. Fitzroy again urged the Prince's 
 commands. Lord George enquired which way the cavalry was to 
 march, and who was to be their guide. Colonel Fitzroy instantly 
 oft'ered to conduct them. Lord George persisted in declaring that 
 these orders were neither clear in themsehes, nor exactly delivered, 
 and desired Colonel Fitzroy to conduct him to the Prince'. Before 
 a regular explanation with the Commander could take place, the 
 decisive minute had passed away, and the French, although defeated, 
 
 * Lord Orford's Memoires, vol. ii. p. 367. 
 
 ^ Letter from Colonel Fitzroy to Lord G, Sackville, dated 3Iinden, August 3, 17i9. 
 
 ' Colonel Fitzroy's Letter to Lord G. Sackville.
 
 LORD GEORGE SACKVILLE. 401 
 
 retired in tolerable order from the field. Had our cavalry advanced, CHAP. 
 
 XIV 
 
 upon the instant, there is little doubt that the victory of Minden 1759 
 would have been as complete as that of Blenheim, and that the "^ 
 
 French would have been left without an army in Germany. The 
 loss of the French in this memorable battle amounted nearly to 7000 
 men, in killed, wounded, and prisoners, amongst whom were several 
 officers of rank. The loss of the allies did not exceed 2000 men. 
 The exertions of the English, which had mainly secured the victory, 
 had exposed them also to the severest loss, no less than 1200 of them 
 being killed and wounded. 
 
 An army of 70,000 men thus defeated by half that number, and 
 this principally effected by the valour of their countrymen, was joyful 
 intelligence to the English, Their satisfaction, however, was not 
 without alloy. Prince Ferdinand had passed a severe reflection upon 
 the General of their forces. In praising the Marquis of Granby, he 
 had conveyed a galling insinuation against Lord George Sackville. 
 In the public orders issued by the Prince, the day after the battle, 
 were these expressions : " His Serene Highness further orders it to be 
 declared to Lieutenant-General the Marquis of Granby, that if he had 
 had the good fortune to have had him at the head of the cavalry of the 
 right wing, his presence would have greatly contributed to make the 
 
 decision of that day more complete and more brilliant." " And 
 
 his Serene Highness desires and orders the Generals of the Army that 
 upon all occasions, when orders are brought to them by his Aid-de- 
 Camps, that they be obeyed punctually, and without delay." 
 
 The situation of Lord G, Sackville was too disagreeable to allow 
 him to remain with the army in Germany ; he solicited, and obtained 
 permission to resign his command and to return to England. But his 
 reception from his own countrymen was not calculated to console him. 
 Great as were his talents, high as were his connexions, public opinion 
 was not to be controuled, and was now manifested most decidedly 
 asainst him. Although Mr. Pitt was the friend of Lord George 
 Sackville, he was a greater friend to justice. " Though he went to 
 visit Lord George in form, he by no means meant to protect him. He 
 
 VOL. I. 3 F
 
 402 IMPARTIALITY OF MR. PITT. 
 
 CHAP, would not, he said, condemn any man unheard. But he was sworn 
 
 XIV 
 
 1759. to the German cause, and to the heroes whose success reflected such 
 ^^^""^^"^^^ lustre on his own administration, and concurred so much to give it 
 stabiHty. When Fitzroy returned to the army, Mr. Pitt charged him 
 with the strongest assurances to Prince Ferdinand. ' Tell him,' said 
 Mr. Pitt, ' he shall have what reinforcements, what ammunition he 
 pleases — tell hini I will stand or fall with him.' Hearing, too, that 
 Lord Mansfield connected himself with Lord George, and the law 
 intended to support him ; ' The law,' said Pitt, ' have nothing to do 
 with that question.' Lord Granby succeeded Lord George Sackville 
 in the ordnance, and General Waldegrave in the regiment *"." 
 
 A very short interval elapsed between the arrival of this happy 
 intelligence from Germany, and that announcing our triumphs over the 
 French by sea, and in America. Before I relate Boscawen's victory, 
 on the 18th and 19th August, I shall briefly sketch some previous 
 operations of the English na\y. 
 
 As it had long been understood to be the intention of the French 
 to make a triple descent upon England, Ireland, and Scotland, at the 
 same time, every preparation was made, on the part of the British 
 administration, to place, each country in the most complete posture of 
 defence and resistance. Large reinforcements were made to the army, 
 and the militia was disciplined with the strictast attention. But the 
 navy was wisely regarded as the principal defence of the country, 
 and this was stationed in such manner as to block up the various 
 harbours of France in which any important naval armaments were pre- 
 paring. 
 
 For the invasion of England, the French had collected a very 
 considerable army upon the coast of Normandy, This force was to 
 embark at Havre de Grace, where the narrowness of the channel 
 induced them to hope that the enterprise might be effected in flat- 
 bottomed boats of a peculiar construction. 
 
 For the invasion of Ireland, a large body of troops, commanded 
 
 ' Lord Orford's Memoires, vol. ii; p. 381.
 
 OPERATIONS OF THE BRITISH NAVY. 403 
 
 by the Due D'Aguillon, was assembled at Vannes in Lower Brittany. ^"-^^ 
 This embarkation M'as to be covered by the fleet under M. de Conflans, 1759. 
 which was then preparing at Brest. 
 
 For the invasion of Scotland, a squadron was to sail from Dun- 
 kirk, commanded by the enterprising Thurot. 
 
 To defeat these dangerous intentions of the enemy, Admiral 
 Rodney was sent to bombard Havre de Grace, at which place the 
 boats designed to act against our shores were collected. 
 
 Sir Edward Hawke, with a powerful fleet, blocked up the harbour 
 of Brest, whilst Admiral Smith commanded a lesser fleet in the Downs. 
 
 A squadron of men of war, under the command of Commodore 
 Boys, was stationed off" Dunkirk to observe the motions of Thurot. 
 
 These divisions of the British navy were connected by a chain of 
 separate cruisers, so that the whole coast of France, from Dunkirk to 
 the extremity of Brittany, was under actual blockade. 
 
 On the 2d July, Admiral Rodney sailed to Havre de Grace in 
 order to destroy the boats and magazines in that place by means of 
 bombardment. He performed this service with great zeal and some 
 execution. No less than 1,900 shells, and 1,150 carcasses were 
 thrown against the town. Many of the flat boats were burned, and 
 others damaged, whilst several of the principal magazines were con- 
 sumed. 
 
 Whilst the designs of the French were thus thwarted in the British 
 Channel, their hopes, their cost, and their labours in the Mediterranean 
 were utterly overthrown by the glorious exertions of Boscawen. The 
 French had long been equipping a very considerable squadron of ships 
 in Toulon, which it was their object to unite with that under Conflans, 
 that thus having obtained a superiority in the Channel, they might 
 execute, with greater certainty, their design of invading Great Britain. 
 They hoped that the immense armaments which had been sent by 
 Mr. Pitt to the East and West Indies and to North America, had 
 so weakened the British navy, that it was not possible for him to 
 strengthen the fleet of Admiral Broderick in the Mediterranean. 
 But in this they were disappointed by the vigilance of the Enghsh 
 
 3 f2
 
 404 
 
 FLEET UNDER BOSCAWEN. 
 
 CHAP, minister. Mr. Pitt was well acquainted with their operations in 
 1759. Toulon, Much as he desired to extend and strengthen the foreign 
 dominions of Great Britain, he was too sagacious to leave our own 
 shores without adequate protection. He well knew the importance 
 of preventing a junction betweeen the fleets of the enemy ; and to 
 defeat their purpose, he selected one whom he knew would execute 
 whatever an English sailor can perform — he selected Boscawen'. 
 
 Admiral Broderick had been for some time in the Mediterra- 
 nean, thither Admiral Boscawen was now sent with several additional 
 ships. The united forces of the two Admirals formed the following 
 most powerful fleet. 
 
 Ships. 
 
 Guns. 
 
 Commanders. 
 
 ( Honorable Edward Boscawen, 
 
 Namur 
 
 90 
 
 < Admiral of the Blue. 
 
 (Captain Matthew Buckle. 
 
 f Thomas Broderick, Vice Admiral 
 
 Prince 
 
 90 
 
 ) of the Blue. 
 
 ( Captain Joseph Peyton 
 
 Newark 
 
 80 
 
 W. Holbume. 
 
 Warspite 
 
 74 
 
 J. Bentley. 
 
 CuUoden 
 
 74 
 
 S. Callis. 
 
 Conqueror 
 
 70 
 
 W. Lloyd. 
 
 Swiftsure 
 
 70 
 
 T. Stanhope. 
 
 Edgar 
 
 64 
 
 F. W. Drake. 
 
 St. Albans 
 
 64 
 
 E. Vernon. 
 
 Intrepid 
 
 60 
 
 E. Pratten. 
 
 America 
 
 60 
 
 James Kirk. 
 
 Princess Louisa 
 
 60 
 
 R. Harland, 
 
 Jersey 
 
 60 
 
 J. Barker. 
 
 Guernsey 
 
 50 
 
 Lt. M. Cearney, acting. 
 
 Portland 
 
 50 
 
 Jerv-is Maplesden. 
 
 Ambuscade 
 
 40 
 
 Rd. Gwynne. 
 
 Rainbow 
 
 40 
 
 Chr. Basset. 
 
 Shannon 
 
 36 
 
 C. Meadows. 
 
 Active 
 
 36 
 
 H. Sawyer. 
 
 Thetis 
 
 32 
 
 J. Moutray. 
 
 * " When I apply," said Mr. Pitt to this Admiral, " to other officers, respecting any expe- 
 dition I may chance to project, they always raise difficulties ; you always find expedients." 
 
 Seward's Anecdotes — Admiral Boscawen,
 
 VICTORY OVER DE LA CLUE. *05 
 
 Lyme 
 
 24 
 
 J. Baker. 
 
 Gibraltar 
 
 24 
 
 W. M'Cleverty. 
 
 Glasgow 
 
 24 
 
 Andrew Wilkinson, 
 
 Sheerness 
 
 24 
 
 T. Clerk. 
 
 Tartar's Prize 
 
 24 
 
 T. Baillie. 
 
 Favorite 
 
 16 
 
 Timothy Edwards. 
 
 Gramont 
 
 16 
 
 Philip Afflesh. 
 
 Etna 
 
 7Fireships 
 3 8 
 
 Richard Bickerton. 
 
 Salamander 
 
 Hon. J. L. Gower. 
 
 CHAP. 
 XIV. 
 
 1759. 
 
 From such a fleet, commanded by such officers, Mr. Pitt had 
 reason to anticipate the most favorable result, should the enemy 
 venture to sail from Toulon. His expectations were not disappointed, 
 although the first proceedings of the English Admiral may be charged 
 with temerity. On the 7th June, Boscawen perceived two French 
 frigates directing their course to Toulon. To these he immediately 
 gave chase, but was unable to prevent their reaching an adjoining 
 bay, in which they were protected by some batteries of heavy cannon. 
 Still desirous of destroying them, Admiral Boscawen ordered three 
 large ships of the line to advance and burn them in the bay. His 
 orders were promptly and ably, but not successfully obeyed, for the 
 English ships, after suffering much loss by the cannon from the shore, 
 were obliged to retire, and to abandon their attempt. 
 
 The fleet then put into the bay of Salo in Spain, where they 
 were plentifully supplied with water and provisions. Thence they 
 sailed to Gibraltar, where the squadron underwent some necessary 
 repairs. It was now that the French Admiral de la Clue sailed 
 out from Toulon. De la Clue was an officer of established reputation, 
 and the promptitude with which he availed himself of Boscawen's 
 absence, proves that his reputation was not undeserved. But it was 
 his misfortune to be opposed to an adversary whose vigilance and 
 courage were never surpassed. 
 
 The French squadron had very nearly reached Gibraltar, when 
 Boscawen was informed of their approach. Although our ships were 
 not prepared for sailing, such strenuous exertions were made that, 
 two hours after the intelligence was received, the English fleet was in
 
 406 VICTORY OVER DE LA CLUE. 
 
 CHAP, pursuit of the enemy. It was on the morning of the I8th August, oft' 
 I75y[ Cape Lagos in Portugal, that Admiral Boscawen came up with De la 
 ==^ Clue. The wind, which before had been favorable, subsided at noon, 
 and it was not until half past two o'clock, that the headmost of our 
 ships could close with the rear of the enemy, who, although greatly 
 outnumbered, fought with extraordinary resolution. Admiral Bos- 
 cawen in the Namur, without waiting to return the fire of their stern- 
 most ships, which he received in passing, pressed on to engage M. de 
 la Clue in the Ocean. The French Admiral perceiving the Namur 
 and other English ships advancing to attack his van and centre, by a 
 very skilful manceuvre, caused his fleet to bear up into the form of a 
 crescent, by which our foremost ships were thrown out of action, and, 
 from the failure of the breeze, were unable to resume their position. 
 It was not until half-past four o'clock that the Namur came up with 
 the Ocean, into which she then poured a tremendous broadside. But 
 the contest between the two Commanders was of short duration, for 
 the Namur becoming disabled, De la Clue hoisted his sails and 
 endeavoured to retire with his squadron. The English Admiral, 
 having shifted his flag from the Namur to the Newark, fell upon the 
 French seventy-four gun ship Centaur, and soon obliged her to strike 
 her colours. He then renewed his pursuit of the French squadron, 
 and continued it through the whole night, during which two of De la 
 Clue's ships altered their course, and deserted their Commander. 
 When day broke, the ill-fated De la Clue, both of whose legs had been 
 shattered in the engagement, perceiving the close approach of the 
 English squadron, determined to burn his ships, to prevent their 
 falling into the hands of the victors. With this intention he ran the 
 Ocean ashore near the fort of Almadana. One of the Captains 
 of his fleet followed his example. Both of these ships fell into our 
 hands, but it being found impossible to bring them off", we performed 
 the desperate intention of their own Commanders, and burned them 
 on the shore. The Temeraire, a French ship of seventy-four guns, 
 struck her colours to the Warspite. The Modeste of sixty-four guns, 
 was captured by Admiral Broderick.
 
 DECLINING FORTUNES OF THE KING OF PRUSSIA. 407 
 
 Thus five of the finest ships in the French navy were either taken CHAP. 
 
 ■ • XIV 
 
 or destroyed in this glorious engagement. The noble fortitude with 1759 
 
 which the French admiral bore up against the pressure of mental and == 
 bodily anguish ^, renders him an object of respect and compassion. 
 He died, shortly afterward, of his wounds at Lagos. 
 
 The joy which this victory occasioned in England was greatly 
 enhanced by the consideration that it had not been dearly purchased. 
 Fifty-six men killed, and I96 wounded was the total of our loss. 
 
 It may be supposed that the victorious Admiral was received by 
 his royal master with high tokens of regard. He was, soon after- 
 wards, sworn a member of the Privy Council, and appointed General 
 of the marine forces, with a salary of 2,000Z. a year. The three 
 prizes were bought by the Government, and, under the same names, 
 bore that triumphant flag to which they had been obliged to strike. 
 
 As the fortunes of Great Britain and Hanover advanced, those 
 of Prussia seemed to decline. In the year 1757, when the humiliating 
 convention of Closter-seven, and the failure of the Rochfort expedition 
 filled England and the Electorate with disappointment and dismay, 
 the Prussians exulted in the astonishing victories of Rosbach and 
 Lissa. The year 1758, which was much more favorable to the Eng- 
 lish, was by no means prosperous with the King of Prussia ; and the 
 year 1759, which brought more triumphs to the former than any year 
 since they had been a nation, was, proportionably, disastrous to the 
 latter. 
 
 Frederick conceiving that he could only overcome the multitude 
 of his enemies by superior activity and decision, removed General 
 Dohna from the command of the army which was opposed to the 
 Russians, and appointed General Wedel in his stead, with strict in- 
 junctions to hazard an engagement. The General obeyed, and 
 was totally defeated at Zulichau. The King undisturbed by this 
 overthrow, hastened to unite his own troops with those of Wedel, and. 
 
 ' See his letter (dated Lagos, August 29th, 1759,) to the French Ambassador at Lisbon, in 
 the Gentleman's Magazine for 1759.
 
 408 THE KING OF PRUSSIA DEFEATED AT CUNNERSDORF. 
 
 CHAP, on the 12th August advanced, with 50,000 Prussians, to encounter the 
 1759' Russian army consisting of 80,000 men. Nothing could resist the 
 ^^^^^"^^ impetuosity of his first attack. The Russians were driven, with great 
 slaughter, from their intrenchments. Seventy-two pieces of cannon 
 were taken. For six hours fortune favored the efforts of the Prussians. 
 They drove the enemy from the village of Cunnersdorf, and pursued 
 their advantage with the highest gallantry and zeal. Confident of 
 success the King despatched a letter to the Queen containing these 
 vaunting words, " Madam, we have beaten the Russians from their 
 entrenchments. In two hours expect to hear of a glorious ^•ictory." 
 It is extraordinary that one who had so often experienced the reverses 
 of fortune, and who so well knew the stubborn character of the 
 enemy he opposed, could be guilty of such presumption. 
 
 That presumption was severely punished. The Russian General 
 Soltikoff now collected the remains of his right wing, and, with sup- 
 plies drawn from his centre, reinforced his left. Then, bringing for- 
 ward troops which had not been engaged, he made his stand upon a 
 most advantageous eminence. In vain the Pnissian oftirers repre- 
 sented to their meister the strength of the enemy's position, their 
 numbers, and their fresh condition. In vain they pointed out the 
 state of their own troops, exhausted by the labours which they had 
 already sustained. Frederick was not to be satisfied with incomplete 
 success. Fainting with heat and weariness the Prussian infantry were 
 led on to the attack, and were repulsed with dreadful slaughter. 
 With astonishing and, indeed, with injudicious perseverance, they 
 were again ordered to advance, and again they were repulsed with 
 greater slaughter than before. The cavalry were then directed to 
 charge. But both horse and rider were spent with fatigue and made 
 no impression upon the enemy. It was then that the Austrian ca- 
 valry, with animation and vigour yet untried and unimpaired, joining 
 a large body of the Russians, poured down upon the Prussians, and 
 threw their whole army into confusion. Nothing was neglected by 
 Frederick to restore the fortune of the day. Every effort which the 
 most discriminating science and the most impetuous courage could
 
 MISUNDERSTANDING BETWEEN THE RUSSIANS AND AUSTRIANS. 409 
 
 accomplish, was tried in vain. A total defeat ensued, and night alone CHAP, 
 saved his army from utter destruction. Never were the feelings of a 17.59. 
 people more cruelly reversed, than those of the inhabitants of Berlin 
 by the second despatch of their sovereign. " Remove," said he, in 
 his second letter to the Queen, " with the royal family. Let the 
 archives be carried to Potzdam. The town may make conditions with 
 the enemy." They were not, however, reduced to this extremity. 
 Great as was always the conduct of Frederick as a general, it, perhaps, 
 never shone more brilliantly than after he had sustained a defeat. Who 
 would not have supposed that an overthrow like that of Cunnersdorf 
 would have decided his fate ? Yet the opposing armies, flushed as 
 they were with victory, and superior as they were in point of numbers, 
 were unable to derive any considerable advantages from their late 
 success. Their wonderful adversary remained, as much as before, the 
 object of their dread. They remembered with what extraordinary 
 splendour he emerged from a cloud of misfortunes in the year 1757? 
 and their confidence withered at the thought. In addition to this, a 
 misunderstanding; subsisted between the Russians and the Austrians, 
 which operated greatly to the advantage of the King of Prussia. The 
 Russians had suffered all the severity of the late action, yet the honor 
 of the victory was claimed by the Austrians, who had not pressed 
 forward till nearly the close of the day. This exasperated Count 
 Soltikoff, who, when urged by Daun to act with vigor, replied, " I 
 have done enough for one year. Sir ; I have gained two victories which 
 have cost the Russians 27,000 men. Before I again put myself in 
 action, I shall wait till you also have gained two victories. It is not 
 fair that the whole business of the war should be performed by the 
 troops of my sovereign alone ^." Notwithstanding this want of har- 
 mony, it is astonishing that the Austrians themselves should have re- 
 mained so inactive. The Russians had so weakened the forces of 
 Prussia, that had Daun then followed up the blow, it is scarcely pos- 
 sible that Frederick could have supported another campaign. 
 
 8 (Euvres Posthumes, vol. iv. p. 40. 
 VOL. I. 3 G
 
 410 SUCCESSES OF THE BRITISH ARMS IN NORTH AMERICA. 
 
 CHAP. The defeat of the King of Prussia occasioned much disappoint- 
 
 1759.' ment in England. But the sanguine still relied upon his ultimate 
 
 success, and the sensible still hoped that, should the worst befal him, 
 
 his enemies would quarrel amongst themselves and allow their prey to 
 
 escape, in the heat of the altercation as to whom it should belong. 
 
 On the 8th September, Lieutenant-Colonel Amherst brought the 
 most satisfactory despatches from America to Mr. Pitt, respecting the 
 success of General Amherst against Ticonderoga and Crown Point, 
 and the still more important reduction of Niagara by Sir William 
 Johnson. This happy intelligence had been expected, with some con- 
 iidence, by the minister, as the probable result of those vigorous and 
 extensive measures which he had pursued in America. Preceding 
 ministers had been content to order the attack of but one place at the 
 same time, by which they protracted the war, without the possibility 
 of effecting any thing decisive. Another system had now been 
 adopted, by which the attention of the enemy was distracted and their 
 strength divided. An immense force was sent, under very superior 
 officers, to America, and four grand objects were simultaneously un- 
 dertaken by four different divisions. General Amherst, who had the 
 supreme command, undertook the reduction of the forts upon the 
 lakes George and Champlain. General Wolfe besieged Quebec. 
 General Prideaux proceeded against Niagara, and General Stanwix 
 against the French settlements upon the lake Erie. All these enter- 
 prises were connected with each other, and the forces which were 
 first successful, were ordered to co-operate with and assist the others. 
 The army under General Amherst was the first in motion. His own 
 fimmess and the fears of the enemy enabled him to succeed fully in 
 his object with scarcely the loss of a man\ 
 
 On the 7th July the French abandoned Ticonderoga, of which 
 General Amherst immediately took possession. On the 14th August 
 he made himself master of Crown Point, and, on that very day, he 
 
 ' The Hon. Colonel Townshend, a very amiable and excellent officer, was killed in the 
 entrenchments before Ticonderoga.
 
 LETTER FROM GENERAL AMHERST TO MR. PITT. 41 1 
 
 received the joyful intelligence that Niagara had submitted to Sir CHAP. 
 William Johnson. This intelligent man was not bred to the profession 1759.' 
 of arms. But in critical circumstances every man may be called upon 
 to act the soldier's part. This had been the case with Sir William 
 Johnson several years before, and the services which he then performed 
 in America were not unworthy of the most experienced officer. By 
 the accidental and melancholy death of General Prideaux ' the force 
 sent against Niagara now devolved upon him. His kind and conci- 
 liating conduct won the hearts of his soldiers, with whom his influence 
 was productive of the most salutary effects. He taught them to 
 despise the hideous yell of the natives which had struck such terror 
 into the troops of Braddock. He defeated a body of 1,700 men com- 
 posed of French and Indians, and, on the 27th July, compelled the 
 fort of Niagara to surrender. 
 
 The following letter from General Amherst informed the Secre- 
 tary of these gratifying events : 
 
 " Camp off Crown Point, August 5th, 1759. 
 
 " I did myself the honor of writing to you a very short 
 letter on the 27th July, as I Mould not retard Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Amherst from setting out, that he might acquaint you of his Majesty's 
 troops being in possession of the fort and lines of Ticonderoga ; and 
 I now send Captain Prescott with this, to inform you of the great 
 event of the reduction of Niagara, and at the same time to give you 
 an account of my arrival here with a part of the army under my 
 immediate command. 
 
 " The 27th, I encamped within the lines, and began to level the 
 trenches and batteries, filled up the road I had made from Lake 
 Champlain to the Saw Mill River for the carrying on the siege, 
 encamped four battalions of provincials near the fort for repairing the 
 
 • General Prideaux lost his life by the carelessness of a gunner, who, not observing him, fired 
 a cohom, which killed the General on the spot. — See General Amherst't letter, 
 
 3 G 2
 
 412 LETTER FROM GENERAL AMHERST TO MR. PITT. 
 
 CHAP, works, sent 500 men to Fort George for provisions, &c. ordered all 
 
 XIV 
 
 1759. the French boats to be fished up, and the brig and boats I had 
 
 ordered to be built for carrying guns, to be finished in all haste, that I 
 
 might be superior to the enemy's sloops on the lake. 
 
 " 28th. The fire was not totally extinguished ; I forwarded every 
 thing as fast as possible that I might get possession of Crown Point 
 without loss of time. In the afternoon I received an account of a 
 most unlucky accident, the death of Brigadier-General Prideaux, 
 who was walking in the trenches on the evening of the 19th ; the 
 gunner carelessly fired a cohorn and shot him, when the approaches 
 were within 140 yards of the covered way. I immediately ordered 
 Brigadier-General Gage to set out for Oswego to take on him the 
 command of that army. 
 
 " 29th. Five companies of provincials arrived this day from the 
 provinces — intelligence that the enemy's troops, which were encamped 
 on the eastern side of the lake, were now moved to Crown Point. 
 I kept small parties constantly looking from the mountains into 
 Crown Point — they have two sloops and a schooner there, and depend 
 on my not getting boats over, and that I shall be obliged to build 
 some of force. 
 
 " 30th. It rained hard last night and this day, which put a 
 great stop to getting the battcaus over the carrying-place. 
 
 " 31st. I ordered the fort by the water-side to be put in thorough 
 good order and to be completed, as the enemy had not quite 
 finished it ; — ordered the fort of Ticonderoga to be repaired upon the 
 same plan as the enemy had built it, which M'ill save great time and 
 expenses, as it is but a small part of the whole that is ruined ; — the 
 costs the enemy has been at in building the fort and houses are very 
 great ; — the glacis and covered way quite good ; the counterscarp of 
 the glacis, masonry ; the counterscarp of the ditch, masonry ; two 
 ravelins of masonry that cover the only front to which approaches 
 can be carried on. The fort a square with four bastions, built with 
 logs on the rocks which are covered with some masonry to level the 
 foundation ; the wood part of it is the worst finished. One bastion
 
 LETTER FROM GENERAL AMHERST TO MR. PITT. 413 
 
 and a part of two courtins demolished but not in the front that can be CHAP, 
 easiest attacked ; the casemates are good, the walls of the burnt 1759' 
 barracks are not damaged ; eleven good ovens have helped us greatly. - 
 
 As the situation of the fort is very advantageous for the protection 
 of his Majesty's dominions, and the approaches may be rendered 
 as difficult to the enemy as they have been to the King's troops, 
 and that there is no fault in it but its being small ; I have thought 
 proper to have it repaired, which I hope will meet with your 
 approbation. 
 
 " 1st August. At noon a scouting party came in, said the enemy 
 had abandoned Crown Point ; this makes no alteration in my 
 motions, as I am already trying all I can to get forward : but on this 
 I sent away Major Graham with all expedition to command the 
 second battalion of the Royal Highland regiment, and to march them 
 to Oswego, that in case from the unfortunate death of Brigadier- 
 General Prideaux the reduction should not have taken place, 
 Brigadier-General Gage may return to the attack with the utmost 
 vigor and dispatch, and to pursue the ulterior operations of the 
 campaign. 
 
 " 2nd. Very rainy weather, put a stop entirely to getting boats 
 over the carrying-place this day. 
 
 " 3rd. A party I had sent to Crown Point brought in a 
 deserter from late Forbes's in a French coat ; one that I had pardoned 
 for desertion when I was at Fort George. I thought it so necessary 
 to make an immediate example that I had him hanged directly ; sent 
 200 rangers through the woods to Crown Point. 
 
 " 4th. The general at two in the morning, assembly half an hour 
 after, and the rangers, hght infantry, grenadiers, and two brigades 
 of regulars were soon embarked, except the Royal Highland regiment 
 that waited for boats which detained me some time. I however 
 arrived at Crown Point before the evening, landed and posted all 
 the corps ; some encamped and some lay on their arms. At night 
 Lieutenant Moncrief, whom I had sent with Brigadier-General Pri- 
 deaux, arrived with a letter from Sir William Johnson, enclosing the
 
 114 LEITER FROM MR. PITT TO GENERAL AMHERST, 
 
 CHAP, capitulation of Niagara, both which I have the satisfaction to send to 
 
 XIV 
 
 =^^ 5th. I ordered Lieutenant-Colonel E^-re to trace out the ground 
 
 for a fort, which I will set about with all possible expedition. This 
 post secures entirely all his Majesty's dominions that are behind it 
 from the inroads of the enemy, and the scalping parties that have 
 infested the whole country, and it will give great peace and quiet to 
 the King's subjects, who will now settle in their habitations from this 
 to New York. I shall take fast hold of it, and not neglect, at the 
 same time, to forward every measure I can to enable me to pass Lake 
 Charaplain." 
 
 The high sense which the King and his minister entertained of 
 the services of General Amherst, is expressed in the following letter 
 from Mr. Pitt. 
 
 " Whitehall, September 29, 1759. 
 
 " I take the earhest opportunity to acquaint you that his Ma- 
 jesty received, with the highest pleasure, the accounts of the xery 
 important successes of his arms, under your command, at Niagara, 
 Ticonderoga, and Crown Point ; which operations you had, pursuant 
 to the plan pointed out in my several letters, concerted with so much 
 punctuality and judgment, and executed with such singular vigor and 
 ability. And the King, who will expect with impatience to learn the 
 ulterior operations of this most critical and decisive campaign, is 
 firmly persuaded, from your experienced zeal and activity for his ser- 
 vice, that you will have continued to push the enemy in all parts in 
 the most vigorous manner. 
 
 " It is with very particular satisfaction, that I am to inform you 
 of the distinguishing mark his Majesty has been graciously pleased 
 to confer upon you, of his royal favour and approbation, by appoint- 
 ing you to be governor of Virginia ; and your commission, which is 
 passing under the great seal, will be, as soon as ready, transmitted to 
 you by the Board of Trade. The King was much concerned at the
 
 LETTER FROM THE EARL OF BRISTOL TO MR. PITT. 415 
 
 loss of two such brave and able officers as Brigadier Prideaux and chap. 
 
 • XIV 
 
 Colonel Roger Townshend : and his Majesty entirely approves your 1759 
 having immediately despatched Brigadier Gage to take upon him the ~ 
 
 command of the corps employed on the side of Niagara. You will 
 express to the officers and soldiers under your command the King's 
 entire approbation of the signal zeal and spirit which they on all oc- 
 casions manifest for the honor of his Majesty's arms. 
 
 " The Gazettes, which have been sent you from my office, will 
 have informed you of the glorious successes with which it has pleased 
 God to bless his Majesty's arms in Europe. I have the satisfaction 
 to inform you that Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick is still pursuing 
 the French army, who continued to retire before his victorious troops, 
 and do not seem yet to have recovered from their consternation. 
 The King of Prussia, notwithstanding the unfortunate check he re- 
 ceived on the 12 th past, in the battle with the Russians, has main- 
 tained his ground, and been able, from the infinite resources of his 
 genius, not only to prevent the enemy from making any advantage 
 of their success on that day, but has also detached a considerable 
 corps to Saxony, who, under the command of Major-General Winch, 
 having defeated a very superior body of the army of the empire, 
 joined by some Austrians, have retaken Leipzick, and are now prose- 
 cuting their ulterior offensive operations in those parts." 
 
 I shall close this chapter with extracts from two letters upon 
 Spanish affairs, the one from Lord Bristol to Mr. Pitt, the other from 
 Mr. Pitt to his Lordship. They are replete with the most curious 
 and interesting information. 
 
 " Madrid, August 13, 1759. 
 
 " The important event of the Cathohc King's demise, which 
 happened at about a quarter after four in the morning, on Friday 
 last, the 10th instant, will undoubtedly be known in England before 
 this letter can reach the office. I applied early to General Wall for 
 an order for post horses, that I might despatch the messenger Potter,
 
 416 
 
 LETTER FROM THE EARL OF BRISTOL TO MR. PITT. 
 
 CHAP, but, as usual upon such occasions, I received answer, I should have 
 XIV. ... 
 
 1759! one as soon as any could be granted to tlie foreign ministers, and this 
 
 "''^'^^^ morning only, leave has been given to send away our expresses. I 
 will not omit giving you, Sir, by so safe an opportunity, some account 
 of w hat happened previous to his Catholic Majesty's last attack, and 
 I will mention a few circumstances relative to his illness, as well as 
 the measures that have been taken subsequent to this great change. 
 
 " It had long been the opinion of the physicians that the late King 
 of Spain was irrecoverably out of his senses, and that though his 
 bodily disorders were daily increasing, yet it was possible, though not 
 probable, he might continue alive for some months longer. This de- 
 cision had been often conveyed to Naples, and strong private repre- 
 sentations had been sent to that court, from .different quarters, of the 
 indispensable necessity of not letting these kingdoms remain any 
 longer in the state of anarchy they then were. In consequence of 
 orders transmitted to Prince Yaci by his royal master, his Excellency, 
 on the 4th and 5th of this month, writ circular letters to the Go- 
 vernor and Council of Castille, to most of the members of that tri- 
 bunal, to the Captain.s-General of the diflerent provinces, and to the 
 Commandants in the several garrisons ; copies of which letters I have 
 the honor of sending you, enclosed together with the English transla- 
 tions, marked 1, 2, 3, and 4. The surprise and consternation this 
 occasioned amongst those to whom the letters were addressed, as they 
 were required to give answers, subsided only by the news from Villa 
 Viciosa that the Catholic King was struck with a fit of an apoplexy 
 on Monday night, the Gth, at a little after nine, which attack it was 
 impossible his Majesty could long survive. 
 
 " On Sunday, the 5th, the Catholic King asked for the Curate 
 of the palace, whose name is Rada, told him he was determined to 
 confess himself, and, to the astonishment of the priest, went through 
 a thorough examination of his past conduct with the utmost devotion 
 as well as penitence, and was perfectly sensible during the whole 
 time. The Curate granted his Catholic Majesty the absolution, but, 
 as the King began, very soon after, to rave, it was not judged expe-
 
 LETTER FROM THE EARL OF BRISTOL TO MR. PITT. 417 
 
 dient to let him receive the sacrament. He continued furious till he CHAP. 
 
 XIV 
 
 was seized with the apoplectic fit, and, after many repetitions of 1759^ 
 stronger ones on Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thursday, his Catholic "^"""""^ 
 Majesty expired at the hour I have before mentioned, without seem- 
 ing to suffer any pain, even when he resigned his last breath. The 
 Pope's nuncio was sent for on Thursday afternoon, and gave his Ca- 
 tholic Majesty the Apostolic benediction, and the absolution that 
 is customary ?n articulo mortis. Messengers were immediately de- 
 spatched to St. Ildephonso, two were directly sent to Naples by land, 
 and one is gone from Carthagena in a frigate, that had been waiting 
 for some time for that purpose. The Cadiz squadron, which, not 
 long since, had orders to pass the Streights of Gibraltar, in order to 
 form one fleet with that of Carthagena, was also to set sail, upon 
 certain signals being made, towards Naples, to attend the orders of 
 his present Catholic Majesty. 
 
 " Prince Yaci went to St. Ildephonso on Friday morning last, a 
 few hours after the King's demise. His Catholic Majesty's will, 
 which had been signed by the Duke of Bejar, Great Chamberlain of 
 the household, in presence of several grandees, and by the express 
 command of the late King, who was not able to put his own hand to 
 it, contained what I had the honor of sending you word some months 
 ago, as soon as the substance of it came to m}^ knowledge : the prin- 
 cipal dispositions in it are to appoint the Queen Dowager Regent of 
 these kingdoms till the arrival of Don Carlos, the lawful successor, 
 whom his late Majesty made also his universal heir, recommending to 
 him only to pay the debts of Philip V., desiring him to take care of 
 all those who composed his own household, or those of his consort, 
 the late Queen Barbara of Portugal, and ordering a great number of 
 masses to be said for his soul. His Catholic Majesty gave express 
 orders not to have his body embalmed, and to have it conveyed and 
 deposited near that of his Queen, in the monastery of the Salesas, a 
 magnificent convent, built and founded by her late Catholic Majesty 
 at Madrid for a certain number of nuns. 
 
 " The Royal corpse was accordingly brought early yesterday 
 VOL. I. 3 n
 
 ♦ 18 LETTER FROM THE EARL OF BRISTOL TO MR. PITT. 
 
 CHAP, morning from Villa Viciosa, and arrived at the convent about ten in 
 1759 ^^^ morning. It will be laid in the vault after the usual ofiices have 
 == been performed for nine days. The funeral convoy was private, a 
 selected number from each of the three troops of horse guards accom- 
 panied it. The Catholic King's corpse was placed in a state coach 
 drawn by six mules, three others empty following it, eight more with 
 different attendants belonging to the household, and five, with the 
 twenty senior gentlemen of the bed-chamber. The great officers, as 
 well as all the other grandees which went to join in the procession at 
 some distance from Madrid, were on horseback. Tlie Queen mother, 
 Regent of these kingdoms, (for that is the stile in which all orders are 
 at present issued in her Majesty's name,) has determined to leave St. 
 Ildephonso on Thursday next, the l6th, to stop that night at a house 
 called Campillo, where Philip the Vth used to pass in his way from 
 Madrid to the Royal Palace, which her Majesty has so long made her 
 residence, and from thence to arrive at the Buen Retiro on Friday 
 night. 
 
 " It is impossible. Sir, to describe the hurry and confusion which 
 appears, notwithstanding this event has been so long expected ; there 
 is mystery, either real or feigned, painted on all countenances. Few 
 seem to guess whether the Queen mother is entrusted with the exten- 
 sive powers apparently lodged in her during the Regency, or whether 
 directions from Naples have abridged her Majesty of that extensive 
 sway she has been aiming at. Scarce any know in what degree to 
 pay their court, from their uncertainty of her real interest with the 
 new Catholic King. Many apprehend making too great a tender of 
 their services, lest her Majesty's power should cease, ^•irtually as well 
 as apparently at her son's arrival, and yet none care to be too back- 
 ward in their professions. Those who had slighted the Queen mother 
 during the last reign, knowing it to be the most effectual method of 
 ingratiating themselves with the late Catholic King and Queen, and 
 the surest means to obtain any graces, feel the impropriety of a 
 wrong conduct. But whatever the Queen Regent may inwardly 
 think, every one does her the justice to believe that she will at least
 
 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO THE EARL OF BRISTOL. 419 
 
 appear to have forgot the ingratitude of such ill-judging courtiers, chap. 
 and that her outward behaviour will not disclose what she must feel 5759 
 within her breast. === 
 
 " Perhaps no changes may take place till after the arrival of the 
 Catholic King. That there will be great ones no one doubts of. The 
 Duke of Alva has long talked of retiring on account of the badness of 
 his health ; he has almost fitted up two sumptuous houses, the one in 
 Old Castille, the other in Estremadura, and the nearest of them is at 
 least 30 leagues, or about 120 English miles, distant. The Conde 
 Valdeparaiso, Secretary of State for the Finances, and who owes his 
 rise entirely to that Duke, is expected to be removed from his employ- 
 ment. Every one allows him to be an honest well-intentioned mi- 
 nister, his capacity for that particular branch of his business is dis- 
 puted, but it is certain he has, by the greatest economy, filled the 
 royal treasury, and that without any additional burthensome taxes 
 upon the nation." 
 
 " Whitehall, September Uth, 1759. 
 
 " As it is hoped that their Catholic Majesties will soon safely 
 arrive at Madrid, I have the King's commands to lose no time in 
 redespatching this messenger to your Excellency with your new- 
 credential letters to the King and Queen of Spain, (together Mith 
 copies thereof for your information,) and it is his Majesty's pleasure 
 that your Excellency should present the same in the manner directed 
 by the King's instructions of the 20th June, 1/58, which instructions 
 your Excellency is to observe, and to consider as renewed in all their 
 points. 
 
 " With regard to the Queen Dowager I can only repeat what 
 your Excellency will have already seen in my letter of the 20th June, 
 1758, viz. that there is no precedent of the King's having given a 
 credential to that Princess, to which it may not be improper to add, 
 that no Spanish minister has ever brought a credential from the Queen 
 Dowager to his Majesty ; and as your Excellency was then directed 
 to wait upon her Majesty, and to compliment her in the manner that 
 
 3h 2
 
 420 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO THE EARL OF BRISTOL. 
 
 CHAP, has always been practised by the King's ambassador, it is probable, 
 1759. ^ this circumstance will have been explained to the Queen Dowager, 
 '^^^''^''^ (which your Excellency very properly desired it might be,) that her 
 Majesty will not have continued to make a difficulty of admitting 
 your Excellency to an audience ; and the King hopes to find, by your 
 next letter, that you will have had an opportunity of expressing in the 
 strongest terms to the Queen Dowager, the high and constant regard 
 and esteem which the King has always had for her royal person. 
 With respect to there being no letter from the King to compliment 
 her Majesty as Regent, it is superfluous to observe to your Excellency, 
 who is on the spot, that the Queen Dowager herself has not notified 
 that event to his Majesty, neither has his Catholic Majesty thought it 
 proper to notify that appointment in his letter to the King, which 
 unfortunately leaves his Majesty under an utter impossibility to take 
 formal notice of a measure, on which his Majesty would otherwise 
 have expressed great satisfaction. 
 
 " I must not omit to acquaint your Excellency that his Catholic 
 Majesty has notified the demise of the King his brother, and his 
 accession to the Crown of Spain, by a letter in Spanish, of which I 
 send your Excellency the enclosed copy. This letter was despatched 
 by a courier from Naples to M. D'Abreu who delivered the same to 
 his Majesty in an audience ; and I have taken the opportunity of the 
 return of the same courier to transmit to Sir James Gray the King's 
 answer to his Catholic Majesty, of which I also inclose a copy for 
 your information. The King of Spain's letter being wrote in Spanish 
 made it necessary for his Majesty's answer to be in English, agreeable 
 to the rule invariably observed in that case. I also sent, at the same 
 time, to Sir James Gray the King's letters to their Catholic Majesties 
 notifying the death of the Princess Elizabeth, second daughter to the 
 late Prince of Wales, which happened on the 4th instant, after a very 
 short illness ; and I also inclose to your Excellency the King's letter 
 to the Queen Dowager, notifying that event, which your Excellency 
 will deliver in the usual and proper manner : and this circumstance 
 will furnish a fresh proof that the King does not fail to shew every
 
 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO THE EARL OF BRISTOL. ■421 
 
 mark of attention to that Princess, which is authorized by the CHAP. 
 
 " XIV. 
 
 indispensable forms and rules constantly observed between the two n^g 
 courts. ==- 
 
 " My long despatch of the 1st August, 1758, and my several 
 letters to your Excellency from that time to the 31st past, (of which 
 last, for the greater certainty, I herewith send a duplicate,) contain 
 such full instructions, that it is unnecessary to do more than to refer 
 your Excellency to them ; I am, therefore, only, at present, to com- 
 municate to you, by the King's commands, a matter of the greatest 
 delicacy, and which, from the recent event of the demise of the late 
 King of Spain, (which soon followed the overture I am going to men- 
 tion,) is become an object more interesting and important. T am to 
 acquaint your Excellency, then, that some short time before that 
 event in Spain happened. Prince Sanseverino came to me, by his own 
 appointment, and informed me that he had received orders from M. 
 Tanucci to communicate to me the substance of a conversation at 
 Madrid, from the late Lord Marishal to Prince Yaci, which it is pre- 
 sumed, from your Excellency's silence with regard to the said con- 
 versation, is a circumstance which has never come to your knowledge, 
 and which was to this effect : that he. Lord Marishal, could not help 
 observing to the Neapolitan ambassador, that the King of the two 
 Sicilies being so closely united in friendship with the King, and in 
 alliance with the King of Prussia, and also being the relation of the 
 most Christian King, how glorious it would be for his Neapolitan 
 Majesty to employ his good offices for bringing about a peace ; that 
 the Marquis Tanucci had informed him, Prince Sanseverino, that the 
 King of Naples had expressed great satisfaction in this idea ; and that 
 he was ordered by his court to let me understand, though he was not 
 charged with any formal proposition, that the King, his master, was 
 extremely ready to mediate peace between his Majesty, together with 
 his allies, and the crown of France, if it would be agreeable to his 
 Majesty ; desiring withal that these sentiments of the King of Naples, 
 though not reduced into a formal offer, might reach his Majesty. In 
 consequence of this discourse, extremely delicate in the matter, and
 
 422 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO THE EARL OF BRISTOL. 
 
 CHAP, still more embarrassing from its indistinctness, being somewhat be- 
 1759. t^^'cen a formal office and a mere conversation, I was authorised by 
 - the King, (I, on my part, avoiding also the air of an answer in form, 
 to an opening not containing a proposition,) to let Prince Sanseverino 
 understand, that whatever might have given occasion to the discourse 
 of the late Lord Marishal, in which there was great reason to doubt 
 his having been authorised by the King of Prussia ; yet, founded or 
 unfounded, that incident had given rise to such cordial expressions of 
 friendship from the King of Naples towards his Majesty, as could not 
 but at all times be most highly agreeable to the King. That as to 
 the rest, such had been the blessing of God on his Majesty's arms, 
 that it was more natural for France than for the King to turn their 
 thoughts towards the good offices of neutral powers for procuring a 
 peace. That many important operations of the campaign were yet to 
 have their issue, especially in America, the knowledge of all which 
 could not for some considerable time arrive in England, and which, 
 however, it was necessary should be known, in order to guide the 
 judgment concerning a future peace. That a great event, of a very 
 different kind, and probably not far off, was also in every light of the 
 utmost importance in the present conjuncture, namely, that either 
 from a catastrophe of nature, or arrangements taken in Spain, the 
 King of Naples might find himself at the head of the Spanish mo- 
 narchy, and consequently possessed of all that due weight inseparable 
 from that crown, which cannot but greatly affect the system of Eu- 
 rope. That, in the mean time, I had only to let him understand, in 
 general, that whenever peace shall come to be under consideration, 
 his Majesty would, in the first place, consult his ally the King of 
 Prussia as to the mode and manner of negociating ; and, if the cir- 
 cumstances of things should then lead to the good offices of any 
 neutral powers, his Majesty would constantly place the most entire 
 and invariable confidence in the friendship and known uprightness of 
 the King of Naples. 
 
 " I am further to inform your Excellency, that the day after the 
 news arrived of the demise of the King of Spain, Prince Sanseverino
 
 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO THE EARL OF BRISTOL. 423 
 
 again came to me, and repeated, more strongly than before, insinu- CHAP, 
 ations of the same nature with those in his first conversation above 1759' 
 mentioned, in return to which, I again held, in substance, the same ==== 
 language as above."
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 1759. 
 
 1759. 
 
 Character of General Wolfe — Military force under him — Naval force under Admiral 
 Saunders — Instructions of the Government to General Wolfe — Manifesto issued by tliat 
 General — Description of Quebec — Difficulties opposed to the English — Wolfe's cele- 
 brated Letter to Mr. Pitt — Lord Orford's description of the Death of General Wolfe — 
 Quebec surrenders — Successes of the English arms in the East — Pococke, Lally, S^c— 
 Public Thanksgiving in England — Parliament meets — Mr. Pitt's Speech — Curious 
 Anecdote respecting the Duke of Neivcastle and Mr. Pitt — Sir Edward Ilawke's 
 Victory over Confans — Forlorn Condition of France — Proposals of a General Peace 
 by the Kings of England and Prussia — The Difficulties attending these Overtures — 
 Spanish Correspondence. 
 
 CHAP '^"^ success which had attended our otlier operations in America 
 XV. excited a confident expectation in England that Quebec would 
 : quickly be added to our possessions. The difficulties which General 
 Wolfe had to encounter were little known, the hopes of the nation 
 were founded upon his high character. With the single exception, 
 perhaps, of a robust constitution, nature had bestowed upon Wolfe 
 every requisite for military command. His courage was of the 
 highest order, mental and bodily ; it was not only undaunted, even to 
 a contempt of danger, but steady and unvaried to avert, overcome, 
 or encounter difficulties and death. With an unusual sensibility, 
 amounting almost to impetuosity of temper, he was not subject to 
 passion; with the loftiest independence, he was free from pride. 
 Generous, almost to profusion, he not only despised every sordid 
 method of enriching himself, but sought out objects of charity and
 
 CHARACTER OF GENERAL WOLFE. 425 
 
 beneficence. The needy subaltern frequently partook of his bounty, CHAP, 
 and the deserving soldier never went unrewarded from his presence. 1759 
 His other great qualities, which were also eminently useful to him as == 
 a soldier, must have raised him equally in other professions ". His 
 memory was retentive, his judgment sound, and his perception quick, 
 clear, and comprehensive. Gentle and conciliating in his manners, 
 he was manly and unreserved in his deportment and conversation. 
 Although he was discerning in his attachments, his friends were 
 numerous and warm. The most ardent love of glory glowed in his 
 breast, and for ever excited his energies and thoughts, his studies and 
 pursuits. He lost no moments in qualifying himself for every depart- 
 ment of his profession. His written compositions are inferior to those 
 of no other military author''. 
 
 By the selfish and the ignorant such a character may be con- 
 sidered as highly exaggerated, or as altogether fabulous ; but why, I 
 ask, should not English history produce a character as illustrious 
 as that of Thebes, or in what respect is Wolfe inferior to Epami- 
 nondas? 
 
 General Wolfe was a soldier by descent. He was the son of an 
 experienced and respected officer, and very early adopted the profes- 
 sion of arms. In the battle of La-feldt he exerted himself in so pe- 
 culiar and masterly a manner that he attracted the observation and 
 high approbation of the Duke of Cumberland. Without one act of 
 unnecessary severity he introduced such exact discipline into his 
 corps, that as long as British valour on the plains of Minden is 
 recorded with veneration, so long shall Kingsley's battalion stand 
 
 ' The minds of some men are so elevated above the common understanding of their fellow- 
 creatures, that they are by many charged with enthusiasm, and even with madness. When 
 George H. was once expressing his admiration of Wolfe, some one observed that the General 
 was mad. " Oh! he is mad, is he?" said the King with great quickness, " then 1 wish he 
 would bite some other of my generals." 
 
 '' In proof of this assertion, I refer the reader to General Wolfe's letter to Mr. Pitt which I 
 have inserted. 
 
 VOL. I. 3 I
 
 i26 MILITARY FORCE UNDER GENERAL WOLFE. 
 
 CHAP, amongst the foremost in the ranks of fame". In Kingsley's regiment 
 1759_ he continued a Lieutenant-Colonel, until the kindred genius of that 
 great minister, who roused the slumbering genius of the country, 
 called forth his talents into active exertion. He was early admitted 
 into the most secret consultations upon the plan of attack against 
 Rochefort. He was consulted, and he was employed. But the con- 
 duct of the enterprise did not centre in him, or probably the result 
 would have been different. His subsequent success at Louisburg 
 shewed what he might have effected at Rochefort, had his energy 
 been unrestrained. After the glorious reduction of Louisburg he 
 returned to England, an ornament to his profession, and the pride and 
 delight of his parent. He had formed an attachment to an amiable 
 girl, but his services were again required by the country, and their 
 marriage did not take place. Mr. Pitt knowing the great resources of 
 mind which Wolfe possessed, selected him for the command of the 
 forces sent against Quebec. The following were the officers and the 
 strength of the military force under him. 
 
 f Hon. 'Robert Monckton "i 
 Colonel -? Hon. George Townshend > Brigadier-Generals. 
 ^ Hon. James Murray j 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Guy Carleton, Quarter-Master-General. 
 Major Isaac Barre, Adjutant-General. 
 
 . Hervcy Smith i Aides-de-Camp to the 
 
 \Thomas Bell i Commander-in-Chief. 
 
 Captain /Richard Gwillim -\ 
 
 /John Spittal f ot. • i 
 
 f Hon. Rd. Maitland > Majors of Bngade. 
 
 Lieut. Henry Dobson j 
 
 First Brigade. 
 
 Regiments, 16th, 43rd, 48th, 78th. 
 
 Second Brigade. 
 
 Regiments, 28lh, 47th, 60th, Monckton's ^nd Battalion. 
 
 Third Brigade, 
 llegiments, 35th, 58th, 60th, Lawrence's 3rd Battalion. 
 
 « Wolfe, himself, was in America when the battle of Minden was fought.
 
 NAVAL FORCE UNDER ADMIRAL SAUNDERS. 
 
 427 
 
 The Grenadiers of the above ten regiments. 
 
 The Grenadiers of the 22nd, 40th, and 15th regiments from Louisburg. 
 
 A corps of Light Infantiy from the regiments of the line. 
 
 A corps of Rangers. 
 
 It is singular that the Commander-in-chief, and the three officers 
 immediately subordinate to him in command, were all in the flower of 
 their age. The three last resembled each other not only in years and 
 qualifications, but also in family rank, all being the sons of noblemen. 
 
 The command of the naval forces was given to that excellent 
 officer. Admiral Saunders, and, when its whole strength was united in 
 America, constituted the following fleet : 
 
 CHAP. 
 XV. 
 
 1759. 
 
 Ships. 
 
 Neptune 
 
 Guns. 
 
 90 
 
 Princess Amelia 80 
 
 Dublin 
 
 74 
 
 Men. 
 
 780 
 750 
 600 
 
 Royal William 
 
 84 
 
 750 
 
 Terrible 
 
 74 
 
 700 
 
 Shrewsbury 
 
 74 
 
 600 
 
 Northumberland 
 
 70 
 
 620 
 
 Vanguard 
 
 70 
 
 520 
 
 Devonshire 
 
 66 
 
 520 
 
 Oxford 
 
 66 
 
 520 
 
 Somerset 
 
 64 
 
 520 
 
 Alcide 
 
 64 
 
 500 
 
 Bedford 
 
 64 
 
 620 
 
 Captain 
 
 64 
 
 620 
 
 Trident 
 
 64 
 
 500 
 
 Stirling Castle 
 
 64 
 
 620 
 
 Prince Frederick 
 
 64 
 
 620 
 
 Medway 
 
 60 
 
 420 
 
 Pembroke 
 
 60 
 
 420 
 
 Prince of Orange 
 
 60 
 
 420 
 
 Commanders. 
 
 r Charles Saunders, Vice-Admiral 
 
 3 of the Blue. 
 
 /Captain Broderick Hartvvell. 
 
 I Philip Durell, Rear-Admiral 
 
 J of the Red. 
 
 ^ Captain John Bray. 
 
 f Charles Holmes, Rear-Admiral 
 
 J of the White. 
 
 ^Captain W. Goostrey. 
 
 3 i2
 
 428 
 
 NAVAL FORCE UNDER ADMIRAL SAUNDERS. 
 
 CHAP. 
 XV. 
 
 1759. 
 
 Ships. 
 
 Guns. 
 
 Men. 
 
 Centurion 
 
 50 
 
 420 
 
 Sutherland 
 
 50 
 
 420 
 
 Diana 
 
 32 
 
 350 
 
 Richmond 
 
 32 
 
 220 
 
 Trent 
 
 28 
 
 220 
 
 Lizard 
 
 28 
 
 200 
 
 Echo 
 
 28 
 
 200 
 
 Lowestoff 
 
 28 
 
 200 
 
 Seahorse 
 
 24 
 
 180 
 
 Scarborough 
 
 24 
 
 180 
 
 Eurus 
 
 20 
 
 160 
 
 Nightingale 
 
 20 
 
 160. 
 
 Hind 
 
 20 
 
 160 
 
 Squirrel 
 
 20 
 
 160 
 
 Fowey 
 
 20 
 
 160 
 
 Scorpion -\ 
 Porcupine/ 
 Hunter (T 
 
 14 
 
 120 
 
 14 
 10 
 
 120 
 100 
 
 Zephyr J 
 
 10 
 
 100 
 
 Baltimore ^ 
 
 8 
 
 80 
 
 Racehorsej 
 
 . 8 
 8 
 
 80 
 80 
 
 Vesuvius \ 
 
 16 
 
 100 
 
 Cormonintf 
 
 \ Fire 
 
 Strombolo ^ ships. 
 
 16 
 16 
 
 100 
 100 
 
 Boscawen j 
 
 16 
 
 100 
 
 Halifax \ tr" 
 
 I Ship. 
 
 12 
 
 80 
 
 Rodney Cutter. 
 
 4 
 
 40 
 
 Crown 1 J^" 
 
 18 
 
 100 
 
 General Wolfe "^ sailed from England in February, 1759. 
 The following are the principal instructions with which he vvas 
 charged by the government'. 
 
 '' All the correspondence of this enthusiastic soldier must excite interest. The reader will find 
 two letters from Wolfe in Number iii. of the Appendix, the first to Governor Whitmore, the 
 second to Mr. Pitt. 
 
 * I have given copious extracts from these and similar official documents respecting the con- 
 duct of the war, because they were drawn up by the immediate direction of Mr. Pitt.
 
 INSTRUCTIONS OF GOVERNMENT TO GENERAL WOLFE. '^-^ 
 
 " St. James's, 5th February,, 1759. ^xv"' 
 
 " You are immediately, upon the receipt of these our instruc- = 
 tions, to repair to Portsmouth, and there embark on board one of our 
 ships of war, and proceed without loss of time to Louisburg in the 
 Island of Cape Breton, where you are to take under your command 
 the troops we have ordered to rendezvous at that place, on or about 
 the 20th April, if the season shall happen to permit ; and you are, on 
 your arrival at Louisburg, to use all possible diligence and expedition, 
 in concert with Rear- Admiral Saunders, or the Commander-in-chief of 
 our ships, in embarking the troops, artillery, stores, and all the other 
 requisites for the expedition against Quebec, and to proceed there- 
 with, at or about the 7th May, or as soon as the season of the year 
 shall permit, up the river St. Lawrence, and attack and endeavour to 
 reduce Quebec. And it is our will and pleasure that you do carry 
 into execution the said important operation with the utmost applica- 
 tion and vigor. 
 
 " In case, on your arrival at Louisburg, you shall find that the 
 troops which we have ordered Major-General Amherst to send, with 
 all expedition to that place, together with the artillery, stores, and all 
 other requisites for the operation directed, shall contrary to our expec- 
 tation, and by any unfavorable accidents, not be yet arrived at Louis- 
 burg ; you are without loss of a moment's time, and by the most ex- 
 peditious and sure means, to make the most pressing instances to 
 Major-General Amherst, or the Commander-in-chief of our forces in 
 North America, and to Rear-Admiral Saunders, or the Commander- 
 in-chief of our ships in North America, in order to quicken and expe- 
 dite, with the utmost diligence and despatch, all possible measures for 
 most speedily assembling and collecting the said troops at Louisburg, 
 as well as the artillery, stores, and all requisites for the expedition 
 against Quebec. 
 
 " In case, by the blessing of God upon our arms, you shall make 
 yourself master of Quebec, our will and pleasure is that you do keep 
 possession of the said place ; for which purpose you are to appoint, out 
 
 1759.
 
 ♦•''O INSTRUCTIONS OF GOVERNMENT TO GENERAL WOLFE. 
 
 CHAP, of the troops under your command, a sufllcient and ample garrison, 
 1750. under the command of such careful and able officer as you .shall judge 
 best qualified for so important a trust, effectually to defend and secure 
 the said place. And you will immediately make, in the best manner 
 practicable, such repairs to the works, as you shall find necessary for 
 the defence thereof, until you shall receive further orders from us ; 
 and you are forthwith to transmit an exact account, to be laid before 
 us, of the state and condition of the said place. 
 
 " As it cannot be foreseen by what time the attempt against 
 Quebec may have its issue, or what the number and state of our 
 troops and ships may be when that service shall be over ; and also 
 considering, in case, by the blessing of God upon our arms, you should 
 make yourself master of that place, the necessary garrison that must 
 be left for the defence thereof; we judge it expedient to leave it to 
 3'ou and Rear-Admiral Saunders, or the Commander-in-chief of our 
 ships, to consider the state and circumstances of things, as they shall 
 then be found, and thereupon to determine what ulterior operations, 
 higher up the river St. Lawrence, (in case the navigation of that river 
 shall be found safe for such vessels as shall be best suited to the ser- 
 vice,) may be practicable and expedient for making still farther and 
 effectual impressions on the enemy. And in case any such ulterior 
 operations as above in con.sequence of the reduction of Quebec, shall 
 be judged by you and Rear- Admiral Saunders expedient to be under- 
 taken, our will and pleasure is that you do carry the same into exe- 
 cution, in the manner which you shall think most conducive to the 
 good of our service ; and you will not fail, as expeditiously as may be, 
 to inform thereof Major-General Amherst, Commander-in-chief of our 
 forces in North America, and as far as may be, to concert the same 
 with our said General, in order that the operations in different parts 
 may coincide and mutually facilitate and strengthen each other. 
 
 " With regard to such of our forces under your command, as 
 shall be remaining after the above services are over, (and having first, 
 in case of success, left a strong garrison at Quebec, as well as provided 
 lor the defence of any other posts which you shall find necessary to be
 
 INSTRUCTIONS OF GOVERNMENT TO GENERAL WOLFE. i3l 
 
 maintained,) you are to cause the same to be disposed of in such chap. 
 
 • ■ XV 
 
 manner as Major-General Amherst, or the Commander-in-chief of our i75c,\ 
 
 forces in North America, shall direct, (for which purpose you will ■ 
 take all timely opportunities of corresponding with Major-General 
 Amherst,) but if, from the distant operations, in which the said Major- 
 General or Commander-in-chief may happen to be engaged, prejudice 
 may arise to our service, by waiting for such orders, you are to use 
 your best discretion in disposing of our troops in the manner the most 
 conducible to our service ; and our will and pleasure is, that you do 
 then put yourself under the command of Major-General Amherst, as 
 Brigadier-General in North America. 
 
 " Whereas the success of this expedition will very much depend 
 upon an entire good understanding between our land and sea officers, 
 we do hereby strictly enjoin and require you, on your part, to main- 
 tain and cultivate such a good understanding and agreement, and to 
 order that the soldiers under your command shall man the ships, 
 when there shall be occasion for them, and when they can be spared 
 from the land service ; as the Commander-in-chief of our squadron is 
 instructed on his part to entertain and cultivate the same good under- 
 standing and agreement, and to order the sailors and marines under 
 his command, to assist our land forces, and to man the batteries, when 
 there shall be occasion for them, and when they can be spared from 
 the sea service. And in order to establish the strictest union that 
 may be, between you and the Commander-in-chief of our ships, you 
 are hereby required to communicate these instructions to him, as he 
 is directed to communicate those he shall receive from us, to you." 
 
 Towards the end of June the whole embarkation reached the Isle 
 of Orleans, w ithout having experienced any of those difficulties and 
 dangers which, as it was reported, usually attend the navigation of 
 the river St. Lawrence. Their success, in this particular point, was 
 owing to some excellent charts of the river which they had found in 
 vessels captured from the enemy. 
 
 The troops were no sooner landed upon the island of Orleans
 
 432 MANIFESTO ISSUED BY GENERAL WOLFE. 
 
 CHAP, than Wolfe distributed the followiii"; manifesto amongst the colo- 
 
 XV. . » B 
 
 1759. n'sts: 
 
 " The formidable sea and land armament which the people of 
 Canada now behold in the heart of their country, is intended by the 
 King, my master, to check the insolence of France, to revenge the 
 insults offered to the British colonies, and totally to deprive the French 
 of their most valuable settlements in North America. For these pur- 
 poses is the formidable army under my command intended. The 
 King of Great Britain wages no war with the industrious peasant, the 
 sacred orders of religion, or defenceless women and children : to these, 
 in their distressful circumstances, his royal clemency offers protection. 
 The people may remain unmolested on their lands, inhabit their 
 houses, and enjoy their religion in security. For these inestimable 
 blessings, I expect the Canadians will take no part in the great con- 
 test between the two crowns. But if, by a vain obstinacy and mis- 
 guided valour, they presume to appear in arms, they must expect the 
 most fatal consequences ; their habitations destroyed ; their sacred 
 temples exposed to an exasperated soldiery; their harvest utterly 
 ruined ; and the only passage for relief stopped up by a most formi- 
 dable fleet. In this unhappy situation, and closely attacked by ano- 
 ther great army, what can the wretched natives expect from oppo- 
 sition ? The unparalleled barbarities exerted by the French against 
 our settlements in America, might justify the severest revenge in the 
 army under my command. But Britons breathe higher sentiments, 
 and listen to the merciful dictates of the Christian Religion. Yet, 
 should you suffer yourselves to be deluded by an imaginary prospect 
 of our want of success ; should you refuse those terms, and persist in 
 opposition ; then surely will the law of nations justify the ravages of 
 war, so necessary to crush an ungenerous enemy ; and then the mise- 
 rable Canadians must in the winter have the mortification of seeing 
 the very families, for whom they have been exerting a fruitless and 
 indiscreet bravery, perish by the most dismal want and famine. In 
 tliis great dilemma, let the wisdom of the people of Canada shew
 
 DESCRIPTION OF QUEBEC. ^3» 
 
 itself. Britain stretches out a powerful, yet merciful hand ; faithful *^!^^^- 
 to her engagements, and ready to secure her in her most valuable 1759. 
 rights and possessions. France, unable to support Canada, deserts 
 her cause at this important crisis, and, during the war, has assisted 
 her with troops, who have been maintained only by making the na- 
 tives feel all the weight of grievous and lawless oppression. 
 
 " Given at Laurent, in the island of Orleans, this 28th day of 
 June, 1759. 
 
 " James Wolfe." 
 
 This manly and humane declaration produced no adequate 
 effect. 
 
 Quebec is situated at the confluence of the rivers St. Lawrence 
 and St. Charies, in lat. 46. 55. N. in long. 69. 48. W. The river St. 
 Lawrence, upon which it stands, from its mouth as far as the isle of 
 Orleans, is no where less than four or five leagues broad. After it 
 passes that island it contracts, and, opposite to Quebec, its breadth 
 does not exceed a mile. It is from this contraction of the river that 
 Quebec derives its name, the word, in the Algonquin language, signi- 
 fying a strait. The harbour is so extraordinarily large that it will 
 contain 100 ships of the line. It is partly formed by a basin, into 
 which the river St. Charles discharges itself from the North- West. 
 Quebec consists of an upper and lower town. The former is situated 
 upon a lofty rock, the latter upon a strand beneath it. This rock, 
 presenting a bold and steep front, extends itself westward for a con- 
 siderable distance along the St. Lawrence. On the North- West it is 
 washed by the river St. Charles. The difliculties which the general 
 had to encounter were now presented to his view. On one side of 
 Quebec he saw a precipice, defended by the whole force of the enemy. 
 On the other side he knew the country to be extremely rugged, broken 
 by gullies and ravines, and intersected by numerous rivulets. The 
 position of the enemy's forces was no less impregnable. The whole 
 north shore of the river St. Lawrence, for many leagues above and 
 below Quebec, is extremely bold. A sand bank, of great extent, 
 
 VOL. I, 3 k
 
 484 WOLFES CELEBRATED LETTER TO MR. PITT. 
 
 CHAP, prevents the approach of large vessels, and the few points which na- 
 1759. t"'"^ has left unguarded were most strongly defended by the French 
 ""^"^^^^^ general Montcalm. The main body of Montcalm's army, amounting 
 to 14,000 men, was encamped at Beauport, on the North-East side of 
 Quebec, having the river and the sand bank in their front, and im- 
 pervious woods in their rear. Their right extended to the river St. 
 Charles, and their left towards the falls of Montmorenci. Greatly 
 superior as was the army of Montcalm, the strength of his position, 
 and the hope of exhausting the patience of his adversary, determined 
 him to act wholly upon the defensive. 
 
 Such a combination of difficulties would have induced a general 
 of less firmness, ardour, or resources than Wolfe, at once to abandon 
 the enterprise. But although he determined to persevere, the mental 
 and bodily agitation to which he was exposed preyed upon his health, 
 and threatened his existence. A complication of bodily disorders, 
 fever, flux, and stone, each of them the bitter enemy of life, all united, 
 with a mind ill at ease and disappointed, to depress and overwhelm 
 him. It was when he was recovering from these cruel maladies that 
 he despatched the following most elegant and perspicuous letter to 
 Mr. Pitt. 
 
 " Head Quarters at Montmorenci, 
 in the River St. Lawrence, Sept. 2, 1 759. 
 
 " Sir, 
 
 " I wish I could, upon this occasion, have the honor of trans- 
 mitting to you a more favorable account of the progress of his Majesty's 
 arms ; but the obstacles we have met with, in the operations of the 
 campaign, are much greater than we had reason to expect, or could 
 foresee ; not so much from the number of the enemy, (though supe- 
 rior to us,) as from the natural strength of the country, which the 
 Marquis de Montcalm seems wisely to depend upon. 
 
 " When I learned that succour of all kinds had been thrown into 
 Quebec ; that five battalions of regular troops, completed from the 
 best inhabitants of the country, some of the troops of the colony, and
 
 WOLFE'S CELEBRATED LETTER TO MR. PITT. 435 
 
 every Canadian that was able to bear arms, besides several nations of CHAP, 
 savages, had taken the field in a very advantageous situation, I could 1759, 
 not flatter myself that I should be able to reduce the place. I sought, 
 however, an occasion to attack their army, knowing well, that with 
 these troops I was able to fight, and hoping that a victory might dis- 
 perse them. 
 
 " We found them encamped along the shore of Beauport, from 
 the river St. Charles to the falls of Montmorenci, and entrenched in 
 every accessible part. The 27th June we landed upon the isle of 
 Orleans ; but receiving a message from the Admiral, that there was 
 reason to think that the enemy had artillery, and a force upon the 
 point of Levi, I detached Brigadier Monckton, with four battalions, 
 to drive them from thence. He passed the river the 29th at night, 
 and marched the next day to the point ; he obliged the enemy's irre- 
 gulars to retire, and possessed himself of that post. The advanced 
 parties, upon this occasion, had two or three skirmishes with the Cana- 
 dians and Indians, with little loss on either side. 
 
 " Colonel Carleton marched with a detachment to the western- 
 most point of the isle of Orleans, from whence our operations were 
 likely to begin. 
 
 " It was absolutely necessary to possess these two points, and 
 fortify them, because, from either the one or the other, the enemy 
 might make it impossible for any ship to lie in the basin of Quebec, 
 or even within two miles of it. 
 
 " Batteries of cannon and mortars were erected with great des- 
 patch on the point of Levi, to bombard the town and magazines, and 
 to injure the works and batteries. The enemy perceiving these works 
 in some forwardness passed the river with I6OO men to attack and 
 destroy them. Unluckily they fell into confusion, fired upon one 
 another, and went back again ; by which we lost an opportunity of 
 defeating this large detachment. The effect of this artillery had been 
 so great, (though across the river,) that the upper town is considerably 
 damaged, and the lower town entirely destroyed. 
 
 " The works, for the security of our hospitals and stores on the 
 
 3 K 2
 
 436 WOLFE'S CELEBRATED LETTER TO MR. PITT. 
 
 CHAP, isle of Orleans, being finished, on the 9th July, at night, we paased 
 1759. the north channel, and encamped near the enemy's left, the river 
 '^ Montmorenci between us. The next morning Captain Bank's com- 
 
 pany of rangers, posted in a wood to cover some workmen, were 
 attacked and defeated by a body of Indians, and had so many killed 
 and wounded, as to be almost disabled for the rest of the campaign. 
 The enemy also suffered in this affair, and were in their turn driven 
 off by the nearest troops. 
 
 " The ground, to the eastward of the falls, seemed to be, (as it 
 really is,) higher than that on the enemy's side, and to command it in 
 a manner which might be made useful to us. There is, besides, a 
 ford below the falls, which may be passed for some hours in the latter 
 part of the ebb and beginning of the flood tide ; and I had hopes that, 
 possibly, means might be found of passing the river above, so as to 
 fight M. Montcalm upon terms of less disadvantage than directly 
 attacking his entrenchments. In reconnoitring the river Montmorenci, 
 we found it fordable at a place about three miles up ; but the opposite 
 bank was entrenched, and so steep and woody that it was to no pur- 
 pose to attempt a passage there. The escort was twice attacked by 
 the Indians, who were as often repulsed ; but in these rencounters we 
 had forty (officers and men) killed and wounded. 
 
 " The 18th July, two men of war, two armed sloops, and two 
 transports with some troops on board, passed by the town without any 
 loss, and got into the upper river. This enabled me to reconnoitre the 
 country above, where I found the same attention on the enemy's side, 
 and great difficulties on ours, arising from the nature of the ground, 
 and the obstacles to our communication with the fleet. But what 
 I feared most was, that if we should land between the town and the 
 river Cape Rouge, the body first landed could not be reinforced before 
 they were attacked by the enemy's whole army. 
 
 " Notwithstanding these difficulties, I thought once of attempting 
 it at St. Michael's, about three miles above the town ; but perceiving 
 that the enemy were jealous of the design^ were preparing against it, 
 and had actually brought artillery and a mortar, (which being so near
 
 WOLFE'S CELEBRATED LETTER TO MR, PITT. 437 
 
 to Quebec, they could increase as they pleased,) to play upon the chap. 
 shipping ; and, as it must have been many hours before we could 1759, 
 attack them, (even supposing a favorable night for the boats to pass " 
 
 by the town unhurt,) it seemed so hazardous that I thought it best to 
 desist. 
 
 " However, to divide the enemy's force, and to draw their atten- 
 tion as high up the river as possible, and to procure some inteUigence, 
 I sent a detachment, under the command of Colonel Carleton, to land 
 at the Point de Trempe, to attack whatever he might find there, bring 
 off some prisoners, and all the useful papers he could get. I had been 
 informed that a number of the inhabitants of Qubec had retired to 
 that place, and that probably we should find a magazine of provisions 
 there. 
 
 " The Colonel was fired upon by a body of Indians the moment 
 he landed, but they were soon dispersed and driven into the woods. 
 He searched for magazines, but to no purpose, brought off some 
 prisoners, and returned with little loss. 
 
 " After this business, I came back to Montmorenci, where I found 
 that Brigadier Townshend had, by a superior fire, prevented the French 
 from erecting a battery on the bank of the river, from whence they 
 intended to cannonade our camp. I now resolved to take the 
 first opportunity which presented itself of attacking the enemy, 
 though posted to great advantage, and everywhere prepared to re- 
 ceive us. 
 
 " As the men of war cannot, (for want of a sufficient depth of 
 water,) come near enough to the enemy's entrenchments to annoy 
 them in the least, the Admiral had prepared two transports, (drawing 
 but little water,) which upon occasions could be run aground, to favor 
 a descent. With the help of these vessels, which I understood would 
 be carried by the tide close in shore, I proposed to make myself master 
 of a detached redoubt near to the water's edge, and whose situation 
 appeared to be out of musket-shot of the entrenchments upon the hill ; 
 if the enemy supported this detached piece, it would necessarily bring 
 on an engagement, what we most wished for; and if not, I should
 
 438 WOLFE'S CELEBRATED LETTER TO MR. PITT. 
 
 CHAP, have it in ray power to examine their situation, so as to be able to 
 
 XV 
 
 1759. determine where we could best attack them. 
 
 " Preparations were accordingly made for an engagement. The 
 Slst July, in the forenoon, the boats of the fleet were filled with grena- 
 diers, and a part of Brigadier Monckton's brigade from the point of 
 Levi. The two brigades under the Brigadiers Townshend and Murray 
 were ordered to be in readiness to pass the ford when it should be 
 thought necessary. To facilitate the passage of this corps, the Admiral 
 had placed the Centurion in the channel, so that she might check the 
 fire of the lower battery which conimanded the ford. This ship was 
 of great use, as her fire was very judiciously direrterl. A great quan- 
 tity of artillery was placed upon the eminence, so as to batter and 
 enfilade the left of their entrenchments. 
 
 " From the vessel which run aground nearest in, I observed that 
 the redoubt was too much commanded to be kept without very great 
 loss ; and the more as the two armed ships could not be brought near 
 enough to cover both with their artillery and musketry, which I at 
 first conceived they might. But as the enemy seemed in some con- 
 fusion, and we were prepared for an action, I thought it a proper time 
 to make an attempt upon their entrenchment. Orders were sent to 
 the Brigadiers-General to be ready with the corps under their com- 
 mand. Brigadier Monckton to land, and the Brigadiers Townshend 
 and Murray to pass the ford. 
 
 " At a proper time of the tide the signal was made, but in rowing 
 towards the shore many of the boats grounded upon a ledge that runs 
 off a considerable distance. This accident put us into some disorder, 
 lost a great deal of time, and obliged me to send an officer to stop 
 Brigadier Townshend's march, whom I then observed to be in motion. 
 While the seamen were getting the boats off, the enemy fired u number 
 of shells and shot, but did no considerable damage. As soon as this 
 disorder could be set a little to rights, and the boats were ranged in a 
 proper manner, some of the officers of the navy went in with me to 
 find a better place to land. We took one flat-bottomed boat with us 
 to make the experiment, and as soon as we had found a fit part of the
 
 WOLFE'S CELEBRATED LETTER TO MR. PITT. 439 
 
 shore, the troops were ordered to disembark, thinking it not yet too CHAP, 
 late for the attempt. 1759_ 
 
 " The thirteen companies of grenadiers, and 200 of the Second ^""^^^^^^^^ 
 Royal American Battalion got first on shore. The grenadiers were 
 ordered to form themselves into four distinct bodies, and to begin the 
 attack, supported by Brigadier Monckton's corps, as soon as the troops 
 had passed the ford, and were at hand to assist. But whether from the 
 noise and hurry at landing, or from some other cause, the grenadiers, 
 instead of forming themselves as they were directed, ran on impetu- 
 ously towards the enemy^s entrenchments in the utmost disorder and 
 confusion, without waiting for the corps which were to sustain them, 
 and join in the attack. Brigadier Monckton was not landed, and 
 Brigadier Townshend was still at a considerable distance, though upon 
 his march to join us in very great order. The grenadiers were checked 
 by the enemy's first fire, and obliged to shelter themselves in or about 
 the redoubt, which the French abandoned upon their approach. In 
 this situation they continued for some time, unable to form under so 
 hot a fire, and having many gallant officers wounded, who, (careless of 
 their persons,) had been solely intent upon their duty. I saw the 
 absolute necessity of calling them off, that they might form themselves 
 behind Brigadier Monckton's corps, which was now landed and drawn 
 up on the beach in extreme good order. 
 
 *' By this new accident, and this second delay, it was near night, 
 a sudden storm came on, and the tide began to make ; so that I 
 thought it most advisable not to persevere in so difficult an attack, 
 lest, (in case of a repulse,) the retreat of Brigadier Townshend's corps 
 might be hazardous and uncertain. 
 
 " Our artillery had a great effect upon the enemy's left, where 
 Brigadiers Townshend and Murray were to have attacked ; and it is 
 probable, that if those accidents I have spoken of had not happened, 
 we should have penetrated there, whilst our left and centre, (more 
 remote from our artillery,) must have borne all the violence of their 
 musquetry. 
 
 " The French did not attempt to interrupt our march. Some of
 
 440 WOLFE'S CELEBRATED LETTER TO MR. PITT. 
 
 CHAP, their savages came down to murder such wounded as could not be 
 1759 brought off, and to scalp the dead as their custom is. 
 • •• ■ " The place, where the attack was intended, has these advantages 
 
 over all others hereabout. Our artillery could be brought into use. 
 Tlie greatest part, or even the whole of the troops, might act at once ; 
 and the retreat, (in case of a repulse,) was secure, at least for a certain 
 time of the tide. Neither one or other of these advantages can any 
 where else be found. The enemy were indeed posted upon a com- 
 manding eminence. The beach upon which the troops were drawn 
 up, was of deep mud, with holes, and cut by several gullies. The 
 hill to be ascended, very steep, and not every where practicable. The 
 enemy numerous in their entrenchments, and their fire hot. If the 
 attack had succeeded, our loss must certainly have been great, and 
 theirs inconsiderable, from the shelter which the neighbouring woods 
 afforded them. The river of St. Charles still remained to be passed, 
 before the town was invested. All these circumstances I considered ; 
 but the desire to act in conformity to the King's intentions induced 
 me to make this trial, persuaded that a victorious army fmds no dif- 
 ficulties. 
 
 " Immediately after this check, I sent Brigadier Murray above 
 the town with 1200 men, directing him to assist Rear- Admiral Holmes 
 in the destruction of the French ships, (if they could be got at,) in 
 order to open a communication with General Amherst. The Briga- 
 dier was to seek every favorable opportunity of fighting some of the 
 enemy's detachments, provided he could do it upon tolerable terms, and 
 to use all the means in his power to provoke them to attack him. 
 He made two different attempts to land upon the north shore without 
 success ; but in a third was more fortunate. He landed unexpectedly 
 at De Chambaud, and burnt a magazine there, in which were some 
 provisions, some ammunition, and all the spare stores, clothing, arms, 
 and baggage, of their army. 
 
 " The prisoners he took informed him of the surrender of the 
 fort of Niagara ; and we discovered, by intercepted letters, that the 
 enemy had abandoned Carillon and Crown Point, were retired to the
 
 WOLFE'S CELEBRATED LETTER TO MR. PITT. 
 
 441 
 
 isle Aux Noix ; and that General Amherst was making preparations CHAP, 
 to pass the lake Champlain, to fall upon M. Bourlemaque's corps, 1759. 
 which consists of three battalions of foot, and as many Canadians as ==""^ 
 make the whole amount to 3000. 
 
 " The Admiral's despatches and mine would have gone eight or 
 ten days sooner, if I had not been prevented from writing by a fever. 
 I found myself so ill, and am still so weak, that I begged the general 
 officers to consult together for the public utility. They are all of opi- 
 nion, that, (as more ships and provisions have now got above the 
 town), they should try, by conveying up a corps of 4 or 5000 men, 
 (which is nearly the whole strength of the army, after the points of 
 Levi and Orleans are left in a proper state of defence,) to draw the 
 enemy from their present situation and bring them to an action. I 
 have acquiesced in their proposal, and we are preparing to put it in 
 execution. 
 
 " The Admiral and I have examined the town, with a view to a 
 general assault ; but after consulting with the chief engineer, who is 
 well acquainted with the interior parts of it, and, after viewing it with 
 the utmost attention, we found, that though the batteries of the lower 
 town might be easily silenced by the men of war, yet the business of 
 an assault would be little advanced by that, since the few passages 
 that lead from the lower to the upper town, are carefully entrenched ; 
 and the upper batteries cannot be affected by the ships, which must 
 receive considerable damage from them and from the mortars. The 
 Admiral would readily join in this, or in any other measure for the 
 public service ; but I could not propose to him an undertaking of so 
 dangerous a nature, and promising so little success, 
 
 " To the uncommon strength of the country, the enemy have 
 added, (for the defence of the river,) a great number of floating bat- 
 teries and boats. By the vigilance of these and the Indians round our 
 different posts, it has been impossible to execute any thing by sur- 
 prise. We have had almost daily skirmishes with these savages, in 
 which they are generally defeated, but not without loss on our side, 
 
 " By the list of disabled officers, (many of whom are of rank,) 
 
 VOL. I. 3 L
 
 H^"2 LORD ORFORDS DESCRIPTION 
 
 CHAP, vou may perceive, Sir, that the army is much weakened. By the na- 
 1759. ture of the river, the most formidable part of this armament is de- 
 
 ^== prived of the power of acting, yet we have ahiiost the whole force of 
 Canada to oppose. In this situation, there is such a choice of dilll- 
 culties, that I own myself at a loss how to determine. The affairs of 
 Great Britain, I know, require the most vigorous measures ; but then 
 the courage of a handful of brave men should be exerted only, where 
 there is some hope of a favorable event. However, you may be as- 
 sured. Sir, that the small part of the campaign which remains, shall 
 be employed, (as far as I am able,) for the honor of his Majesty and 
 the interest of the nation ; in which I am sure of being well seconded 
 by the Admiral and by the Generals. Happy if our efforts here can 
 contribute to the success of his Majesty's arms in any other parts of 
 America. I have the honor to be, w-ith the greatest respect. Sir, your 
 most obedient, and most humble servant, 
 
 " James Wolfe." 
 
 " Return of the killed, wounded, and missing. 
 
 
 
 Killed 
 
 Wounded 
 
 Missing 
 
 Officers 
 
 
 11 
 
 46 
 
 
 
 Serjeants 
 
 
 9 
 
 26 
 
 
 
 Drummers 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 Rank and file 
 
 162 
 
 572 
 
 17 
 
 
 Total 
 
 182 
 
 651 
 
 17" 
 
 Three days after Mr. Pitt had received Wolfe's letter, " an express 
 arrived that Quebec was taken, — a conquest heightened by the pre- 
 ceding gloom and despair. The rapidity with which our arms had 
 prevailed in every quarter of the globe, made us presume that Canada 
 could not fail of being added to our acquisitions ; and however ardu- 
 ously won, it would have sunk in value if the transient cloud that 
 overcast the dawn of this glory had not made it burst forth with 
 redoubled lustre. The incidents of dramatic fiction could not be 
 conducted with more address to lead an audience from despondency
 
 OF THE DEATH OF GENERAL WOLFE. 443 
 
 to sudden exultation, than accident prepared to excite the passions of CHAl\ 
 a whole people. They despaired — they triumphed — and they wept 1759 
 — for Wolfe had fallen in the hour of victory ! Joy, grief, curiosity^, - ~ 
 
 astonishment were painted in every countenance ; the more they 
 enquired, the higher their admiration rose. Not an incident but was 
 heroic and affecting ! Wolfe between persuasion of the impractica- 
 bility, unwillingness to leave any attempt untried that could be pro- 
 posed, and weariness and anxiety of mind and body, had deter- 
 mined to make one last effort above the town. He embarked his 
 forces at one in the morning, and passed the French sentinels in silence 
 that were posted along the shore. The current carried them beyond 
 the destined spot. They found themselves at the foot of a precipice, 
 esteemed so impracticable, that only a slight guard of 150 men de- 
 fended it. Had there been a path, the night was too dark to dis- 
 cover it. The troops, whom nothing could discourage, for these 
 difficulties could not, pulled themselves and one another up by stumps 
 and boughs of trees. The guard hearing a rustling, fired down the 
 precipice at random, as our men did up into the air ; but, terrified by 
 the strangeness of the attempt, the French picquet fled — all but the 
 captain, who, though wounded, would not accept quarter, but fired at 
 one of our officers at the head of 500 men. This, as he staked but 
 a single life, was thought such an unfair war, that, instead of honoring 
 his desperate valour, our men, to punish him, cut off his croix de St. 
 Louis before they sent him to the hospital. Two of our officers, 
 however, signed a certificate of his courage, lest the French should 
 punish him as corrupted ; our enterprise, unless facilitated by corrup- 
 tion, being deemed impossible to have taken place. Day-break dis- 
 covered our forces in possession of the eminence. Montcalm could 
 not credit it when reported to him — but it was too late to doubt, 
 when nothing but a battle could save the town. Even then he held 
 our attempt so desperate, that being shewn the position of the English, 
 he said, ' Oui, je les vois ou ils ne doivent pas etre.' Forced to quit 
 his entrenchments, he said, ' S'il faut done combattre, je vais les 
 ecraser.' He prepared for engagement, after lining the bushes with 
 
 3 L 2
 
 Hi SURRENDER OF QUEBEC. 
 
 CHAP, detachments of Indians. Our men, according to orders, reserved 
 1759. their fire with a patience and tranquillity equal to the resolution they 
 ^^^^^^^ had exerted in clambering the precipice — but when they gave it, it 
 took place with such terrible slaughter of the enemy, that half an 
 hour decided the day. The French fled precipitately, and Montcalm, 
 endeavouring to rally them, was killed on the spot. General Monck 
 ton was wounded early, and obliged to retire. 
 
 " The fall of Wolfe was noble indeed. He received a wound in 
 the head, but covered it from his soldiers with his handkerchief. A 
 second ball struck him in the belly, that too he dissembled. A third 
 hitting him in the breast, he sunk under the anguish, and was carried 
 behind the ranks. Yet, as fast as life ebbed out, his whole anxiety 
 centred on the fortune of the day. He begged to be borne nearer to 
 the action ; but his sight being dimmed by the approach of death, he 
 entreated to be told what they who supported him saw ; he was 
 answered, that the enemy gave ground. He eagerly repeated the 
 question, heard the enemy was totally routed, cried, ' I am satisfied !' 
 — and expired '." 
 
 General Wolfe being killed, and General Monckton wounded, and 
 compelled to retire from the field, the command of the army de\olved 
 upon General Townshend, who exerted iiimself with great activity 
 and judgment in completing the victory. Our loss, considering the 
 great advantages resulting from the battle, was, in point of numbers, 
 few ; fifty men being killed and 500 wounded. But the single death 
 of Wolfe was, perhaps, more than a balance to our success. What 
 might not have been hoped for from the maturity of such a general, 
 had his life been spared ! In five days subsequent to the battle, 
 Quebec surrendered. Thus, after a campaign of three months, not 
 exceeded by any in point of severity, the capital of French America 
 fell into our hands. The glory of the conquest will be seen from a 
 recapitulation of the difliculties which attended it. Quebec, w onder- 
 
 ' Lord Orford's Memoires, page 484. I have extracted the whole passage from the Me- 
 moires, and a more animated and beautiful description is rarely to be found in any author.
 
 SUCCESSES IN THE EAST. *45 
 
 fully strong by nature and by art, was defended by an army greatly CHAP, 
 superior to our own, and entrenched under the walls of the city, in an 1759. 
 impregnable position. That army was to be compelled to engage us ^^^"^^"^^ 
 contrary to the determination of its sage and experienced commander. 
 The operations on our side were necessarily extended over more than 
 five leagues of country, and were all of them admirable specimens of 
 courage and military science. Nothing but the genius of the General, 
 and the enthusiasm with which the troops fought under his command, 
 could have enabled them to overcome such various obstacles to 
 success. 
 
 Early in the month of October intelligence was received from 
 Asia of the same glorious description with that which had arrived 
 from the three other quarters of the globe. 
 
 In the account which I gave of the transactions of the last year, 
 I mentioned that the French government had sent M. De Lally, with 
 a strong squadron under D'Ache, to the East Indies, with the same 
 intention that the English minister had sent such large forces to Ame- 
 rica — to strike an effective blow at the possessions of their great Eu- 
 ropean adversary by dint of superior numbers. The French general, 
 De Lally, was by no means deficient in abilities, but his passions 
 overmastered his judgment. He had no other idea of separating the 
 Gordian knot of Eastern policy than by the sword. He seemed to 
 suppose that Indians and Europeans must submit alike to the same 
 rigid rule of military obedience. Disregarding the prejudices and 
 customs of particular castes, he compelled the natives to act as pio- 
 neers to his army, and to perform offices which many of them consi- 
 dered as utterly degrading. Such conduct, of course, rendered him 
 highly unpopular, and was most injurious to the interests of the 
 French. 
 
 The first enterprise of Lally was almost his only successful 
 one. He besieged and took possession of Fort St. David. Had 
 he thence immediately marched to Fort St. George, there is little 
 doubt that it would have proved an easy conquest. But his pro- 
 ceedings were greatly impeded by want of money ; and his delay
 
 446 SUCCESSES IN THE EAST. 
 
 CHAP, enabled Governor Pieott to complete and extend the fortifications of 
 XV 
 
 1759. Madras. 
 ^^'"''''^^ In the mean time Admiral Pococke, with a far inferior fleet, 
 
 encountered D'Ache, and had he been bravely supported by all his 
 captains, there is little doubt that he would have gained a decisive 
 victory. As it was, he compelled the French squadron to retire with 
 considerable loss. M, de Lally, after having been severely repulsed 
 by the native forces of the King of Tanjore, retreated to Carical. A 
 few months after his former engagement, and with even a lesser force 
 than before, Admiral Pococke again encountered D'Ache, and again 
 obliged him to retire with heavier discomfiture and loss. On the 
 14th December, 1758, M. De Lally commenced the siege of Madras. 
 The place was defended, for upwards of nine weeks, by the governor, 
 his officers, and men, with unwearied perseverance and zeal. On the 
 l6th Februar}', 1759, their gallantry was rewarded by the arrival of 
 reinforcements. The siege was raised, and with the next day's dawn 
 De Lally and his forces withdrew. 
 
 The great force which the French had sent to the East Indies 
 had naturally excited much alarm in England ; the intelligence of its 
 failure, therefore, occasioned the most lively satisfaction. The note 
 of triumph now seemed to be full. But these repeated successes had 
 not rendered the King, his minister, or his people unmindful of that 
 Almighty Being who is the only giver of victory. Whilst the streets 
 of the metropolis resounded with the exulting shouts of the populace, 
 and the illuminated windows exhibited the signs of conquest, the 
 temples of the land were ordered to observe a solemn and public day 
 of thankssivins:. 
 
 Parliament met on the 13th November. Mr. Beckford having 
 passed some warm eulogiums upon the Secretary of State, Mr. Pitt 
 disclaimed particular praise, and professed his determination of keeping 
 united with the rest of the ministers. Fidelity and diligence, he said, 
 were all he could boast, though his bad health, perhaps, had caused 
 him to relax somewhat of his application. Notaweek had passed in the 
 ■summer but had been a crisis, in which he had not known whether he
 
 MR. PITT'S SPEECH AT THE MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. 4*7 
 
 should be torn to pieces, or commended, as he was now by Mr. Beck- chap. 
 ford. The more a man was versed in business, the more he found the 1759. 
 hand of Providence every where. Success had given us unanimity, " 
 not unanimity success. For himself, however, he could not have 
 dared, as he had done, but in these times. Other ministers had hoped 
 as well, but had not been circumstanced, (not so popular,) to dare as 
 much. He thought the stone almost rolled to the top of the hill, but 
 it might roll back with dreadful repercussion. A weak moment in the 
 field, or in council, might overturn all ; for there was no such thing as 
 chance ; it was the unaccountable name of nothing. All was Provi- 
 dence, whose favor was to be merited by virtue. Our allies must be 
 supported ; if one wheel stopped, all might. He had unlearned his 
 juvenile errors, and thought no longer that England could do all by 
 itself; he who had never been subject to a panic, was not likely to be 
 terrified now^ He stated that Prince Ferdinand's army contained 
 but 60,000 effective men. France the next year would have 100,000; 
 was Prince Ferdinand, therefore, as strong as we wished him ? He 
 did wish 10,000 more could be found for him ; believed France 
 meaned to invade us, though he should not look on the attempt as 
 dangerous if she did. He balanced his attention between the landed 
 and the monied interest ; said he did not prefer the monied men and 
 the eighty millions in the funds to the landed interest, though he 
 thought our complaisance for the former ought to increase as public 
 credit became more delicate. He ended with a mention of peace. 
 Any body, he said, could advise him in war : who could draw such a 
 peace as would please every body ? He would snatch at the first 
 moment of peace, though he wished he could leave off at the war*". 
 
 This glorious year was not to close without another victory, even 
 more splendid than those which preceded it '. The invasion of Great 
 
 ' Alluding to Prince Ferdinand. '' Lord Orford's Memoires, vol. iv. p. 389, &-c. 
 
 ' The following very singular incident which preceded Sir E. Hawke's victory is thus related 
 by a French author : 
 
 " Le Due de Newcastle etoit dans le ministfere depuis plus de trente ans,et se trourait alors
 
 **^ CURIOUS ANECDOTE, 
 
 CHAP. Britain, which the French had long projected, although it was retarded 
 1759. by the defeat of their fleet under De la Clue, was by no means relin- 
 ^"^^^^ quished. They hoped that, as the winter season approached, the 
 British fleet would be compelled to retire to their own harbours, and 
 thus afford them an opportunity of executing their great design. 
 Their expectations were in some degree fulfilled, for, on the 9th No- 
 vember, Sir Edward Hawke was driven from his station by a violent 
 gale of wind, into Torbay. On the 14th M. de Conflans ventured to 
 sail from Brest. The English Admiral had himself put to sea on that 
 very day. On the 15th, Sir E. Hawke was informed that the French 
 
 chef de la tresorerie, departetnent qui, en Angjleterre, dispense tous les eniplois, d'oii decoulent, 
 (sous le Roi,) toutes les graces, et de la constitue le premier ministre ; mais M. Pitt avoit sub- 
 jugu6 tous les esprits, formoit tous les plans pour la guerre, et laissoit au Due de Newcastle le 
 soin de trouver I'argent pour les mettre en execution, ainsi que I'agreinent de donner les places 
 qui ne dependoient point de ses mesures. lis avoient souvent des demSles ensemble pour 
 soutenir leur credit ; et M. Pitt I'emportoit toujours sur le Due, qui etoit force de ceder, malgre 
 qu'il en eftt. II arriva un jour un trait assez plaisant, dans une contestation qu'ils turent 
 ensemble : il etoit question d' envoyer I'Amiral Hawke en mer, pour observer M. de Conflans ; 
 c'etoit dans le mois de Novembre, temps orageux, et dangereux pour une flotte. M. Pitt, etant 
 retenu au lit par la goutte, se trouvoit oblige de recevoir ceux qui avoient k lui parler, dans une 
 chambre k deux lits, oil il ne pouvoit souffrir d'avoir du feu. Le Due de Newcastle, qui fetoit 
 fort frileux, vint le trouver au sujet de cette flotte, qu' il repugnoit k envoyer en mer. A peine 
 fut il entre, qu'il s'ecria tout grelottant de froid : ' Comment, vous n' avez poit de feu V 
 ' Non,' dit M. Pitt, ' je ne puis le souffrir quand j'ai la goutte.' Le Due de Newcastle, oblige 
 d'en passer par la, s'assit a cote du malade, enveloppe dans son manteau, et commenqa a entrer 
 en mati^re ; mais ne pouvant r^sister long temps k la rigueur de la saison ' Permettez,' dit il, 
 ' que je me mette k I'abri du froid dans ce lit qui est a cote de vous ;' et sans quitter son 
 manteau, il s'enfonce dans le lit de Lady Esther Pitt, et continue la conversation sur le sujet qui 
 I'avoit amene. Le Due n' 6toit point du tout d' avis de risquer la flotte dans le moisde No- 
 vembre ; M. Pitt vouloit absolument qu' elle mlt a la voile; et tous deux s'agitoient avec 
 chaleur. ' Je veux absolument que la flotte parte,' disoit M. Pitt, en accompagnant ses paroles 
 des gesticulations les plus vives : ' Cela est impossible, elle perira,' r^pliquoit le Due, en faisant 
 mille contorsions. Le Chevalier Charles Frederick, du departement de 1' artillerie, arrivant la- 
 dessus, les trouva dans cette posture ridicule ; et il cut toutes les peines du monde a garder son 
 serieux, en voyant les deux Ministres d' Etat deliberer sur un objet aussi important, dans une 
 situation si nouvelle et si singuli^re. 
 
 " La flotte partit cependant ; et M. Pitt avoit eu raison, car 1' Amiral Hawke d^fit M. de Con- 
 flans ; et ce fut la victoire la plus decisive que les Anglois remport^rent sur la France pendant 
 cette guerre." — Memoires d'un Voyageur qui se Repose.
 
 SIR E. HAWKE'S VICTORY OVER CONFLANS. *49 
 
 fleet had quitted their harbour. This was most important, and as he CHAP, 
 hoped to overtake them, most joyful intelhgence. An Enghsh sailor 1759. 
 is not apt to decline the combat when inferior to his enemy in point 
 of numbers. But in this case, owing to the admirable manner in 
 which the naval as well as the other departments of government were 
 administered, Sir Edward's fleet was rather superior to that of 
 Conflans. 
 
 Sir Edward, rightly judging that Conflans would steer for 
 Quiberon bay, thither directed his course''. But he was long 
 thwarted by contrary winds, and it was not till the 20th November 
 that one of his ships made signal that the French fleet was in sight. 
 He came upon them most opportunely, for they were themselves then 
 giving chase to a small English squadron under Commodore Duff", 
 whom they would quickly have overpowered. The pursuers, to their 
 great consternation, now found themselves pursued. They recalled 
 their ships which were in chase of Commodore Duff"s squadron, and 
 endeavoured to form a line of battle. As there was but little 
 inequality in the two squadrons, all now supposed that a long, 
 and most furious encounter was about to ensue. But whilst every 
 English heart beat high in anticipation of a glorious victory, the 
 courage of Conflans began to fail. He made dispositions to retire. 
 In doing this, he was probably actuated by a double motive. He 
 knew the difficulties and dangers of the French coasts, and whilst 
 he thought his own knowledge would enable his fleet to escape them, 
 he hoped they would prove fatal to the EngUsh ships should they 
 venture to pursue him. But the English squadron was too near upon 
 him, and Sir Edward Hawke was too determined a sailor to suffer 
 an enemy to escape him thus. He ordered the master of his ship to 
 reserve his fire, to pass by all the rest of the enemy, and to lay him 
 alongside of the Soleil Royal, the finest ship in the French navy, and 
 commanded by Conflans. The master pointed out the extreme and 
 almost inevitable danger of the coast. " You have done your duty 
 
 'Sir Edward Hawke's letter to the Admiralty after the engagement. 
 VOL. I. 3 M
 
 *50 SIR E. HAWKE'S VICTORY OVER CONFLANS. 
 
 CHAP, by this remonstrance," replied Hawkc, " now obey my orders '." A 
 1759. French seventy-tour gun sliip interposed between them. Hawke was 
 here obliged to bestow the lire which he had reserved for a greater 
 purpose, and with one broadside sunk her to the bottom. The battle 
 now raged with the greatest fury. Captain Digby, in the Dunkirk, 
 received the fire of twelve of the enemy's ships, yet lost not a man "\ 
 Captain Keppel's ship was full of water, and he thought her sinking — 
 a sudden squall emptied the ship, but he was informed that all his 
 powder was wet — " Then," said he, " I am sorry, I am safe." They 
 came and told him, that a small quantity was undamaged — " Very 
 well," said he, " then attack them again "." 
 
 At five o'clock, two ships of the enemy had struck, and two 
 others had been sunk ; the approach of night saved the rest from 
 capture or destruction. The most pitchy darkness, and the most 
 violent tempest now succeeded. The elements seemed to imitate the 
 warfare of men. Sir Edward, unable to pursue his victory through 
 the night, made the signal for his fleet to anchor. From the gross 
 defect in the night signals then in use, the judicious measure now 
 adopted by the English Admiral might have been attended with fatal 
 consequences to his fleet. The signal to anchor by night, was, at 
 that period, the discharge of two guns from the Admiral's ship, un- 
 accompanied with lights, or any thing to distinguish them from other 
 guns which might be firing at the time °. Novv it is clear, that, 
 towards the conclusion of a battle, terminated only by the absence of 
 day, there would be firing on every side, and consequently, that two 
 guns fired from the Admiral's ship, would be lost as a signal, in the 
 multitude of other sounds. The result was such as may be imagined 
 — very imperfect obedience to the order. A few only of his ships 
 were acquainted with the Admiral's directions, the rest stood out to 
 sea, or anchored in various places, as expediency or necessity urged. 
 
 ' Annual Register, 1 759. 
 
 " Lord Orford's Memoires. " Idem. 
 
 ' Beatson's Naval and Military Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 331.
 
 SIR E. HAWKE'S VICTORY OVER CONFLANS. 451 
 
 Had the French Fleet availed themselves of this circumstance, had CHAP. 
 
 XV. 
 
 they, from a knowledge of the coast, kept together, they might on 1759, 
 
 the morning of the 21st, have fallen upon Sir Edward Hawke and" 
 the few ships which were with him, and fully have retrieved the 
 disaster of the previous day. But their fears prevailed over all other 
 feelings. That night was indeed terrible both to the victors and to 
 the vanquished. The dangers of the coast, the darkness of the night, 
 the fury of the tempest, all united to perplex the scattered fleets both 
 of England and France. Although minute-guns were heard on every 
 side, yet none could afford relief either to friend or foe ^ To the 
 bellowing of the waves from below, and the thunders of the heavens 
 from above, was added the constant roar of cannon from the ships. 
 The next day's dawn brought no comfort to the French Admiral. 
 He then found that he had anchored in the midst of the Endish 
 fleet ^ He instantly endeavoured to effect his escape, and was nearly 
 as instantly pursued. Finding it impossible to preserve his ship, he 
 burned her on the shore to prevent her falling into the hands of the 
 enemy. L'Heros, one of his seventy-four gun ships also run on shore, 
 and was there destroyed by the English. Unfortunately two of our 
 own ships, the Resolution of seventy-four and the Essex of sixty-four 
 guns were wrecked upon the Four Bank, and, although their crews 
 were preserved, were irrecoverably lost. The remainder of the French 
 squadron took shelter in the river Vilaine. 
 
 Such was the fate of that armament which the French fondly 
 hoped was to retrieve their previous disasters, and strike an effectual 
 blow at the welfare of Great Britain. 
 
 p Sir Edward Hawke's letter to the Admiralty. 
 1 sensit medios delapsus in hostes 
 
 Obstupuit, 
 
 Iniprovisum aspris veluti qui sentibus angiiem 
 Pressit humi nitens, trepidusque repents refugit, 
 AttoUentera iras, et caerula coUa tumentera : 
 Haud secus Androgens visu tremefactus abibat, 
 Irruimus, densis et circumfundimur armis. 
 
 Virgil, Mneid, lib. ii. 
 
 3 M 2
 
 452 SIR E. HAWKE'S VICTORY OVER CONFLANS, 
 
 CHAP. The anxiety which prevailed in England when it was known 
 
 1759. that Conflans had quitted Brest, may easily be imagined. But it was 
 an anxiety far different to that unmanly feeling of despair which the 
 fear of invasion produced in the year 1756". Now every man ranged 
 himself under the banner of the minister, and prepared to exert his 
 best energies to repel the enemy should they dare to land upon our 
 shores. Now every man considered himself a soldier. The measures 
 adopted by Mr. Pitt well merited the confidence of the people. I 
 have mentioned the great and spirited exertions which were previously 
 made by all classes of the community to reinforce the army and navy. 
 These exertions were now redoubled. The militia, throughout the 
 kingdom, were carefully inspected. Ireland and Scotland were placed 
 in the best posture of defence. Public notice was given, by beat of 
 drum, that all soldiers and seamen belonging to his Majesty's ships 
 at Spithead, or in the harbour, should repair on board their respective 
 ships, and all the ships in the harbour received orders to proceed to 
 Spithead. Rear-Admiral Geary, with a strong squadron, was sent 
 to reinforce Sir Edward Hawke. But such was the patriotic spirit of 
 the age, that the zeal of the officers, in some cases, outwent the orders 
 of the government. Vice-Admiral Saunders, returning from Quebec 
 in triumph, entered an English port immediately after Sir Edward 
 Hawke had sailed. He had already endured a long and severe cam- 
 paign. He had effected the most essential services for the nation, 
 and his countrymen were eager to testify their sense of his deserts. 
 But he heard that an enemy was at sea, and he thought Sir Edward 
 Hawke might want reinforcements. Obedience he knew to be the 
 soul of all military and naval operations, but the circumstances were 
 pressing, and there was no time to wait for the orders of his govern- 
 ment. Impelled by the highest zeal for his country, he sailed at 
 once in quest of Conflans. Admiral Saunders was not so fortunate 
 as to arrive in time to participate in the action, but conquest could 
 scarcely have added to the heroism of his intention '. 
 
 ' Annual Register, and Gent. Mag. for 1759. Smollett's England.
 
 FORLORN CONDITION OF FRANCE. 453 
 
 To what a fearful state was France now reduced ! The measure chap. 
 
 XV. 
 
 of her misfortunes appeared, before, to be full : this added disaster iVsg. 
 caused it to overflow. She had fallen from that lofty eminence on ===■ 
 which she had formerly given law to Europe, and was now plunged 
 into the deepest distress. Within the last year she had been unfortu- 
 nate in her military and naval operations in every quarter of the globe. 
 Her armies had marched only to be defeated ; her fleets had sailed 
 only to be taken or destroyed '. Nor was her internal condition at 
 all more prosperous. To raise the necessary supplies for the ensuing 
 year, the public faith was violated, and payment ceased upon several 
 of the national funds '. A King addicted to ease and luxury, a nobi- 
 lity fond of display, a clergy devoted to the ornaments and pomps of 
 religion, were all obliged to sacrifice the objects of their pride and 
 splendour to the pressing emergencies of the state. A vanquished 
 army, a ruined navy, a bankrupt nation ! Such was the spectacle 
 which France presented towards the conclusion of the year 1759. 
 It was at this season of depression with France, that the Kings of 
 Great Britain and Prussia proposed an accommodation. On the 25th 
 November, Prince Lewis of Brunswick delivered, in their names, a 
 declaration respecting the establishment of a general peace ". This 
 was answered by the respective powers of France, Austria, and Russia 
 in the same amicable tone. But however sanguine many persons 
 
 * Voltaire thus describes the deplorable state to which the navy of France was reduced : 
 
 " Ce royaume n'a pu essuyer de si grands desastres sans perdre encore tous les vaisseaux qu'il 
 envoyait pour les prevenir ; a peine une flotte 6tait-elle en mer qu'elle etait ou prise ou detruite : 
 on construisait, on armait des vaisseaux a la hate ; cetait travailler pour I'Angleterre, dont ils 
 devenaient bient6t la proie." — Voltaire precis du Siecle de Louis XV. tome cinquieme. 
 
 ' The French court stopped payment of the following public debts^ viz. 1. The three kinds of 
 rents created on the posts. 2. Those constituted upon the chest of redemptions. 3. The 
 CDupens of bills on the same chest. 4. Those of the two royal lotteries. 5. The reimbursement 
 of bills drawn to bearer on the same chest. 6. The bills of the two royal lotteries. 7. The 
 rents created on the two sols per pound of the tenth penny. 8. The reimbursements of the 
 capitals of rents. 9. The payments of bills dischargeable in nine years known under the name 
 of annuities. 10. Those of the new actions on the benefit of the farms. 11. All the bills 
 drawn by the colonies ujwn the government amounting to 1,333,000/. 
 
 ° See Appendix, No. III. paper 5.
 
 454 DIFFICULTIES ATTENDING THE OVERTURES FOR PEACE. 
 
 CHAP, might be in their hopes of peace, the few who were capable of form- 
 1759. i"g '<^ (hspassionate judgment, saw with what difliculties the overtures 
 "^^^^ were fraught. Tiie situation of France was, indeed, most depressed, 
 but, on tliis account, she could only expect a peace upon the most 
 humiliating conditions. Than submit to these, it were almost better 
 for her to continue the war. Fortune might at length befriend her, 
 and the successful issue of another campaign in Germany might once 
 more place her in a formidable position. In addition to this, there is 
 little doubt that France entertained the warmest hopes of obtaining 
 the co-operation of Spain, should the war be continued against Eng- 
 land and Prussia. 
 
 The vindictive feelings which prevailed between the Empress- 
 Queen and Frederick lid, offered little prospect of a speedy adjust- 
 ment of their quarrel, Maria Theresa had commenced the Avar, and 
 continued it through every change of fortune, with the determined 
 resolution to persist till she recovered Silesia. But even supposing 
 that Frederick was now reduced to the necessity of relinquishing that 
 country for which he had undergone such astonishing labours, the 
 single cession of Silesia would by no means satisfy the demands of 
 others upon his treasury and his dominions. The Russians had ob- 
 tained possession of Ducal Prussia, and it was little likely that they, 
 whose character was so mercenary, would resign their conquest with- 
 out an adequate equivalent. But of all the alHes of Austria, the King 
 of Poland was the greatest claimant of compensations, and Maria 
 Theresa could never hope for assistance from other powers unless he 
 was now indemnified for the cruel losses which his Electorate of 
 Saxony had sustained. 
 
 Such and other considerations which Mr. Pitt derived from his 
 own penetration, and from the information conveyed to him by the 
 English ministers employed in several of the courts of Europe, im- 
 pressed him with a conviction that peace, upon a permanent basis, 
 was not then to be expected. 
 
 I shall conclude this chapter by inserting three letters from Mr. 
 Pitt to the Earl of Bristol upon various important subjects.
 
 SPANISH CORRESPONDENCE. 455 
 
 CHAP. 
 " Whitehall, November 2d, 1759. XV. 
 
 1759. 
 " His Majesty has observed with great attention the very in- 
 
 teresting anecdotes transmitted by your Excellency concerning the 
 interior of the court of Spain, and your Excellency will not fail to be 
 particularly watchful of the supposed very important consequences 
 which you think may probably sooner or later happen. 
 
 " In preference to the other matters which I have to mention to 
 your Excellency, I cannot but begin with the affair of the Guerrero, 
 and the pretended disregard shewed to the Spanish flag. The King sees, 
 with the greatest concern, that the arguments used by your Excellency 
 have had no weight with M. Wall, or any way tended to change his 
 opinion on this unfortunate incident; and as your Excellency perceives 
 that that minister has writ in very sharp terms to M, D'Abreu, in 
 relation to this business, as well as very strong ones to the court of 
 Naples, too much attention cannot be given to endeavour to prevent a 
 pretension so untenable and so subversive of the common right of war, 
 from strengthening in the mind of the Spanish ministers, and perhaps 
 finally fixing in a fatal notion at the court of Spain that they ought 
 to expect a satisfaction where, in effect, were we disposed to complain, 
 they owe one to us. The strong impressions which M, Wall has taken 
 on this point are most truly lamented here, where that minister is so 
 particularly esteemed and honored, and where the real interests of 
 Spain have so many sincere well-wishers. I must add, that it cannot 
 but occasion some surprise that so respectable and enlightened a 
 minister should have taken up conclusions, as fixed and unalterable, 
 as your Excellency represents them, upon reasonings and distinctions 
 so loose and precarious which must open the door to endless collusions, 
 and upon facts not only unascertained, but variously and contra- 
 dictorily stated, in the several representations that have been made of 
 this incident in two memorials of M. D'Abreu, and in one delivered 
 by Prince Sanseverino; and this too in opposition to the clearest and 
 most indispensable right of war, namely, that no flag of a neutral 
 power has a right to protect the ships of one belligerent party against
 
 456 SPANISH CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 CHAP, another, unless in support of the immunities of their own harbours, or 
 XV .... 
 
 1759. of the territorial jurisdiction of their coasts. Your Excellency is 
 
 ^^^"^^^^ already in possession of the first memorial of M, D'Abreu ; and in 
 order to prove what is here advanced of the discordancy and contra- 
 diction in regard to all the essential facts which constitute this sup- 
 posed insult upon the Spanish flag, I here further send, for your 
 Excellency's information, the memorial deUvered by Prince Sanse- 
 verino, and that since delivered by M. D'Abreu, communicating to 
 me copy of the letter which the Captain of the Guerrero wrote to 
 Don Andres de Peggio on this subject. With regard to another most 
 material fact, on which M. Wall has laid so much stress, namely? 
 Moorish ships taking shelter under the English colours, your Excel- 
 lency will, with candour and openness, which a clear cause dictates, 
 demand of his Excellency two things : first, as to the fact itself; that 
 he will be so good as to tell you what instances of this kind have 
 authentically come to his knowledge. Next, if the thing has ever 
 happened, which I have not yet been able to discover, whether the 
 court of England has ever made claim to a pretension so untenable, 
 and, as I believe, so totally unheard of. 
 
 " It is unnecessary to recommend to your Excellency the utmost 
 temper in discoursing on this most important matter m ith the Spanish 
 Minister, of whose wisdom and upright intentions I think too highly 
 not to hope that his opinion may alter, upon a more mature consider- 
 ation of the principles and the facts which decide this great question. 
 I will only add on this subject, that the coolest and ablest heads, as 
 well as the most learned and respectable authorities in this country, 
 consider such a prerogative claimed by the flag of Spain as founded 
 in no right, and as totally inadmissible. 
 
 " I now come to matters of a more agreeable nature, and that is, 
 to execute the King's commands in transmitting to your Excellency 
 his Majesty's letter in answer to one from his Catholic Majesty, noti- 
 fying his donation of the kingdoms of the two Sicilies to Don Fernando, 
 his third son: and I herewith send, for your Excellency's information, 
 a copy of the King of Spain's letter on that subject, conceived in terms
 
 SPANISH CORRESPONDENCE. *57 
 
 most handsome and friendly to his Majesty. Your Excellency will CHAP, 
 take the first opportunity of presenting his Majesty's letter to the 1759. 
 King of Spain, accompanying the same with the strongest assurances ===== 
 of his Majesty's sincere and cordial sentiments towards that Monarch. 
 Your Excellency will further acquaint the King and Queen of Spain, 
 (whom his Majesty hopes are long since arrived, in perfect health at 
 Madrid,) that the King not only continues Sir James Gray at the 
 court of the King of the Two Sicilies, but that his Majesty has 
 been graciously pleased to grant to that minister the character and 
 additional appointments of Plenipotentiary. 
 
 " I am further commanded by the King to acquaint your Excel- 
 lency that Prince Sanseverino has, in a conference with me, verbally 
 made a communication, on the part of the King of Spain to his 
 Majesty, to the following effect: that his Catholic Majesty had thought 
 proper, upon his departure from Naples, to give ear to repeated offers 
 on the part of the court of Vienna, and that his Catholic Majesty had 
 consented to an agreement, whereby the court of Vienna cedes, in 
 perpetuity, all right of reversibility to the Duchies of Parma and 
 Guastalla in favor of the infant Don Philip, his Catholic Majesty 
 ceding on his part to the Emperor all the Allodials of the House 
 of Medicis, and a portion of the Presidii, (not specifying what that 
 portion comprehends). To this communication I have been ordered 
 to make an answer in substance as follows : That the King receives 
 with satisfaction, as a fresh mark of friendship on the part of his 
 Catholic Majesty, a participation of whatever concerns his interests 
 and those of the Princes of the House of Spain, the King having con- 
 stantly desired to see the repose and prosperity of Italy secured upon 
 solid and durable foundations, and no way doubting of the equitable 
 intentions to satisfy entirely the rights of the King of Sardinia, so 
 clearly expressed and guaranteed by the last treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, 
 and recognized by his Majesty in virtue of his engagements as a con- 
 tracting party to that treaty. 
 
 " The very long and extraordinary memorial, together with the 
 extract of a letter annexed, herewith transmitted to your Excellency 
 
 VOL. I. 3 N
 
 458 SPANISH CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 CHAP, for the information of the King and Queen of Spain, and which were 
 1759. iound among Prince Xavier of Saxony's papers, taken in Germany, 
 ^'^^^ will serve as a further proof of the King's particular confidence in their 
 Catholic Majesties, and must, at the same time, shew how far his 
 Majesty carries his attentions to w hatcver touches the interior and 
 domestic scenes of personages, so near by blood to her Catholic 
 Majesty. Your Excellency will employ all possible precaution and 
 delicacy in conveying to their Catholic Majesties this most singular 
 and affecting matter ; and you will endeavour to find the properest 
 means of letting the Queen of Spain understand that no motive less 
 powerful than the King's extreme consideration for her royal person 
 could have prevailed to have kept such an authentic detection of the 
 unlimited designs of France so long privileged from the public eye, 
 nothing being more evident than the utility which the cause of his 
 Majesty and of his ally the King of Prussia must have derived in 
 Europe from making known the contents of this extraordinary and 
 
 dangerous memorial'. 
 
 " Whitehall, Mw. 20lh, 1759. 
 
 " My letter of the 14th September will have informed 
 your Excellency, in substance, of all which then passed between Prince 
 Sanseverino and me, in consequence of that minister's opening, by 
 order of his court, and which professed to take rise from Prince Yaci's 
 relation of Lord Marishal's suggestions at Madrid, but which evi- 
 dently had its foundation in a pui-pose long before meditated, and 
 much wished at the court of Naples, of interposing in order to recon- 
 cile the powers engaged in the present war, and restore peace to 
 Europe. 
 
 " I am now commanded by his Majesty to inform your Excel- 
 lency of what has since passed on this very interesting subject, in 
 itself suf!iciently embarrassing, and rendered still more so both by 
 
 * The forbearance of the English government, with regard to Prince Xavier's papers, was as 
 handsome and as delicate a compliment as one court can pay to another, and must have been 
 truly gratifying to the Queen of Spain.
 
 SPANISH CORRESPONDENCE. 459 
 
 the very undefined and varying manner of conveying it, and from CHAP, 
 pressing expectations of categorical answers even before a distinct 1759 
 proposition has been made. ""^^""^ 
 
 " I am to acquaint your Excellency, then, that Prince Sanseve- 
 rino, having received instructions by a courier from Naples, in conse- 
 quence of his relation of what had passed between us, and which has 
 been communicated to your Excellency, informed me, after the 
 strongest assurance on the part of the Catholic King of friendship 
 for his Majesty, that the King of Spain had received the most sen- 
 sible satisfaction in the assurances of the particular confidence which 
 his Majesty reposed in him, and thereupon that his Catholic Majest}' 
 might have thought himself sufficiently encouraged to have offered 
 his mediation. But as his only object was to conciliate, he did not 
 judge it consistent with his prudence, uninformed as he is of the views 
 of Great Britain in a future peace, to take a step, which, if accepted, 
 might lead to his being charged with propositions which might irri- 
 tate instead of tending to reconcile : that it was therefore much to be 
 desired that his Catholic Majesty should have an idea, pretty nearly, 
 of the conditions which might, in the opinion of Great Britain, serve 
 as a basis for peace. All this was accompanied with many reason- 
 ings, which it would be long and superfluous to transmit to your 
 Excellency. 
 
 " I had, in consequence, his Majesty's commands to express to 
 Prince Sanseverino, in the strongest terms, the just sense -which the 
 King had of his Catholic Majesty's friendship and pure intentions, 
 and to reiterate in the amplest manner the confidence the King re- 
 poses in the court of Madrid. But at the same time to let that 
 minister understand how very delicate a matter at all times, and even 
 in a congress formed, the first overture of conditions for a peace to 
 be concluded, had ever been held by all powers at war : that in the 
 present case the King would refer to the consummate lights of his 
 Catholic Majesty, how very premature and rash it would be, before 
 the final conclusion of the campaign, to form, even to ourselves, an 
 idea of the conditions of a future peace : how much more so, then, to 
 
 3 N 2
 
 160 SPANISH CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 CHAP, make any communication of such a nature ? That this surely cannot 
 1759. possibly be attributed to want of confidence in the court of Spain, or 
 
 ^== to a repugnance on the part of Great Britain, to entertain thoughts 
 of peace, in conjunction with the King of Prussia, on solid and dura- 
 ble foundations, and upon conditions safe and honorable, and propor- 
 tioned to the successes of our arms. Nor can it be reasonable for 
 France to expect, at the hands of the other powers of Europe, that 
 she should be suffered, at the conclusion of all her successful wars, to 
 reap the fruits of the prosperities of her arms, and never to pay the 
 price of disturbing the peace of the world when Providence favors 
 the cause of others. That w ith regard to recurring to formal media- 
 tions at any time, especially where many powers are concerned, the 
 delicacies and difficulties must ever be extreme, and often insurmount- 
 able ; but that I would venture to observe to him, as from myself, 
 that there is something less formal, though perhaps not less real, and 
 consequently free from many of the above difficulties — that is, good 
 offices, and that good ofKces can never be understood to be declined 
 or precluded by any first steps relative to peace, which powers at war 
 may find it most expedient for their prudence and their dignity to take. 
 " Having now deduced, in substance, whatever has passed with 
 the court of Naples and the Catholic King, relative to the subject of 
 peace, I am commanded by his Majesty to communicate in great 
 secrecy to your Excellency, for the confidential information of their 
 Catholic Majesties, the important measure which his Majesty and the 
 King of Prussia have come to a resolution conjointly to take, in order 
 to make known to the belligerent powers and to all Europe the justice 
 and purity of their intentions. For the particular detail of this great 
 measure, I am to refer your Excellency to the protocolle inclosed, 
 which is sent in extenso for vour own more full and entire informa- 
 tion of every circumstance relative thereto '. At the same time, your 
 Excellency w ill understand that the declaration, to be made word for 
 word as contained in the protocolle referred to, and the channel by 
 
 ' See Appendix, No. HI. paper 5.
 
 SPANISH CORRESPONDENXE. 461 
 
 which it is proposed to make the same, namely, Prince Lewis of CHAP. 
 Brunswick, in his private capacity, (in case his Serene Highness shall ]7.59, 
 be willing to charge himself therewith,) are the only parts of the said ''^^'^^''^^ 
 protocolle which constitute the object of communication to the court 
 of Spain, or which, in effect, tend to mark to their Catholic Majesties 
 the King's particular confidence and attention. The very critical 
 situation of the court of Turin is so fully known to your Excellency, 
 that you will of yourself see the delicacy of their name being in any 
 way brought in question. 
 
 " It is unnecessary to add, what your Excellency's discernment 
 will abundantly suggest, that in case you should perceive the court 
 of Spain to conceive the least dissatisfaction at this first general step 
 towards peace, your Excellency will, in order to dissipate any such 
 cloud, avail yourself of the indispensable motives of prudence and of 
 dignity, touched in the protocolle, with regard to the determination 
 of his Majesty and of the King of Prussia, to offer peace, not to de- 
 mand it ; and you will not fail to resort to, and, as far as may be, 
 inculcate the observation contained in the former part of my despatch, 
 namely, that good offices can never be understood to be declined or 
 precluded by a first step of this nature." 
 
 It will be seen that circumstances induced Mr. Pitt to depart 
 somewhat from the friendly sentiments towards Spain expressed in the 
 above letter. 
 
 « Whitehall, December Uth, 1759. 
 
 " The King was impatiently expecting the news that the King 
 of Spain with his Royal Family had reached Madrid ; and also an 
 account from your Excellency of the effect which my despatches of 
 the 2nd past, by Maddoch, (not received by your Excellency when 
 you last wrote,) and the confidential communication you was directed 
 to make of their contents, should have produced at the court of Spain, 
 when M. D'Abreu received a courier despatched by the Marquis 
 Squillace from Saragosa, in consequence of which, he, in a very few
 
 't62 SPANISH CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 CHAP, hours after, delivered to me a memorial, whereof I inclose to your E.vcel- 
 ■ XV , ' . 
 
 1759_ lency a copy. I also send you a copy of the answer thereto, which 
 
 ^^^^^^^^ after being very maturely weighed by all his Majesty's servants, who 
 are consulted in his most secret alTiiirs, the King was pleased to direct 
 me to return. This answer so fully shews his Majesty's sentiments 
 that it is unnecessary to enter into any particular explanation on the 
 subject, I will therefore only observe, that it could not but administer 
 matter of no small surprise here, that before his Catholic Majesty had 
 reached his capital, or so much as seen the ministers of Spain, as well 
 as before an ambassador had been appointed for the court of England, 
 M. D'Abreu should receive orders of so delicate and important a 
 nature. But, above all, I am to let your Excellency understand 
 that that part of the memorial which declares his Catholic Majesty 
 cannot see with indifference our successes in America, seems very 
 little consistent with the expressions in other parts of that 'piece, 
 where Spain desires to be considered as in a pure neutrality, and as a 
 disinterested equal friend, and, in that quality, to become an object of 
 confidence to both belligerent powers, 
 
 " It would be totally superfluous to extend myself on that sup- 
 posed balance, established by the treaty of Utrecht between Great 
 Britain and France in North America, nothing being more esident 
 both from the circumstances of that memorable sera, and from the 
 whole tenor of the treaty itself, that the minister, who sent M. D'Abreu 
 such instructions, must either not have duly considered the general 
 scope and expressions of the said treaty ; or that he is but little ac- 
 quainted with the wisdom, stability, and firmness of his Majesty's 
 counsels wherever clear justice warrants, and the indispensable pre- 
 servation of his people is essentially concerned. 
 
 " It is the King's pleasure that your Excellency should be ex- 
 tremely attentive to disco\er what may have given rise to a measure 
 of such high moment, taken as it were at a start and upon the road ; 
 and whether this step may not be the result of the French Ambassa- 
 dor's infusions since their Catholic Majesties left Naples ; and your 
 Excellency will be particularly watchful to penetrate the dispositions
 
 SPANISH CORRESPONDENCE. 463 
 
 of M. Wall and M. Squillacci to each other, and to what degree the CHAP, 
 last of these ministers may be understood to possess or aim at the I'y^g*. 
 chief confidence of the King and Queen of Spain, and whether the ^^^^^^ 
 former, M. Wall, may not in consequence of French intrigues be 
 struck at in this measure taken while the court was at so great a dis- 
 tance, and perhaps without the previous participation of that able 
 minister, of whose wise and upright intentions for the well-being of two 
 countries so naturally connected by mutual interests, the King has 
 always entertained the justest sentiments."
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 1760. 
 
 Letter from Mr. Pitt to General Amherst — Severity of the Winter of 1759 and 1760— 
 Expedition and death of Thurot — Dr. Warbitrton is elevated through Mr. Pitt's inte- 
 rest to the Bench of Bishops — General Murray sallies out of Quebec and is repulsed by 
 the French — Correspondence with Mr. Pitt respecting the Disaster before Quebec, and 
 the subsequent happy turn of affairs — Situation cf England with regard to Spain — jEt- 
 tractsfrom two letters from Mr. Pitt to the Earl of Bristol — Death of George II. — 
 Review of his Character. 
 
 <-|HAP. The events of the year 1760 are not to be compared with those 
 1760. which so brilhantly distinguished the year 1759. So much, indeed, 
 had then been done, that few objects, comparatively, remained to be 
 accomphshed. We had captured or destroyed so many of the ships 
 of France, and taken so many of her possessions, that no activity on 
 our part could have enabled us to obtain successes equal, in point of 
 number or splendour, to those of the preceding year. Our ope- 
 rations, however, were by no means relaxed. Nearly 16,000,000/, 
 were granted by Parliament for the service of the year. Our fleets 
 were maintained in the same degree of strength, and our armies con- 
 tinued to receive reinforcements. At the same time, great judgment 
 was observed in the distribution of the forces, none being allowed to 
 remain where the nature of the service did not imperatively require 
 them ', 
 
 * See two letters in the Appendix No. iv. from Mr. Pitt and from Lord Ligonier, on the sub- 
 ject of the demolition of the fortifications of Louisburg, and of the removal of the garrison.
 
 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO GENERAL AMHERST. 
 
 465 
 
 The followincf letter from Mr. Pitt to General Amherst will shew CHAP. 
 
 .... 1 . XVL 
 
 that the previous successes of the campaign m America only stimu- 176O. 
 
 lated him to fresh exertions \ 
 
 " Whitehall, January 1th, 1760. 
 
 " The King having nothing so much at heart as to improve the 
 great and important advantages gained the last campaign in North 
 America, I am now to inform you that his Majesty has judged it ex- 
 pedient to despatch his orders to the several governors in North 
 America, for levying the same or a greater number if possible of men 
 than they did for the last campaign ; and the King's directions on 
 this subject are so fully stated in the enclosed copies of my circular 
 letters to the northern and southern governors, that I have only to 
 add, that it is the King's pleasure that you should exert your utmost 
 endeavours to incite and eiuiourage the several provinces to the full 
 and due eAeculioii uf the King's cuiiiiiiands in a matter so essential to 
 their own future welfare and prosperity ; and the success of the ensu- 
 ing decisive, and it is greatly hoped last, campaign in North America, 
 depends so much on commencing the several operations as early as 
 .shall be practicable, and thereby preventing any efforts of the enemy 
 to prevent the remainder of their possessions in those parts from fall- 
 ing under the arms of his Majesty, that you cannot be too urgent 
 with the provinces to quicken and expedite the levies, so as that the 
 provincial troops may be assembled at the rendezvous, and be in every 
 respect ready, in conjunction with the regular forces, to open the cam- 
 paign by the 1st May, as nothing can contribute so much to the suc- 
 cess of the operations to be undertaken in different parts of North 
 America, as the putting the forces early in motion. You will also 
 particularly enforce that part of my letters to the governors, which 
 relates to the collecting and putting into a proper condition, all the 
 serviceable arms that can be found in America, and not to allow the 
 
 ' See also letter 3, in No. IV. of the Appendix. 
 VOL. I. 3 o
 
 '*^^ LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO GENERAL AMHERST. 
 
 CHAP, sendee there to suffer from a dependance on those to be supphed from 
 i76o'. England. 
 ^^""""^ " In my letter of the lltli past I observed to you that the reduc- 
 
 tion of Montreal was evidently the great and essential object which 
 remained to complete the glory of his Majesty's arms in North America ; 
 and I am now to signify to you his Majesty's pleasure, that you do 
 immediately concert the properest measures for pushing the operations 
 of the next campaign with the utmost vigour early in the year by an 
 invasion of Canada with such part of his Majesty's forces, in conjunc- 
 tion with so many of the forces of the northern provinces as you shall 
 judge proper, which latter, you will see by the copy of my letter 
 above mentioned to the governors thereof, it is hoped will in conse- 
 quence of those pressing orders to that effect, be ready to join in this 
 most important service. And to this great end, it is his Majesty's 
 pleasure that you do attempt the invasion of Canada with the forces 
 under your command, either in one body or by diffprmf operations at 
 one and the same time by a division of the said forces into separate 
 and distinct bodies, according as you shall from your knowledge of 
 the countries through which the war is to be carried and from emer- 
 gent circumstances not to be known here, judge the same to be most 
 expedient ; and that you do proceed to the vigorous attack of Mont- 
 real and exert your utmost efforts to reduce that place, as well as all 
 other posts belonging to the French in those parts, and farther to 
 annoy the enemy in such manner as you shall judge most proper. 
 
 " As a very considerable number of boats and vessels were built 
 for the service of the last campaign, it is not doubted but that the 
 necessary care will have been taken to preserve and secure them, so 
 as that the greater part thereof may, by proper repairs, be rendered 
 again serviceable for the ensuing campaign; and it is the King's plear 
 sure that you should not lose a moment's time in having not only 
 such as are remaining refitted, but in building an ample and sufficient 
 quantity of boats to replace those which may have been lost or de- 
 stroyed, and in providing such an additional number as shall be 
 judged necessary. In the performance of which most essential ser-
 
 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO GENERAL AMHERST. 467 
 
 vice, you will see by the enclosed cop}' of my letter to the Lieutenant- CHAP. 
 Governor of New York, that his Majesty's orders are renewed to him 1750. 
 in the strongest manner to give you all possible assistance ; and you ^^^^^"^^ 
 will also procure such a number of battoe men as you shall judge 
 necessary for the boats attending the troops, and men sufficient for 
 navigating the vessels. 
 
 " His Majesty is further pleased to empower you, and has com- 
 manded me strongly to recommend to you to keep up and raise as 
 considerable a number of rangers as may be practicable for the various 
 operations of the campaign. 
 
 " With regard to the southern operations, I am to signify to you 
 his Majesty's pleasure that you do direct such officer to whom you 
 think fit to entrust the command of such forces as you shall judge 
 proper to leave in the southern provinces, to proceed without loss of 
 time to Pennsylvania or such other of the southern provinces as shall be 
 judged most expedient, in order to concert any operations to be under- 
 taken by the said troops, who, in conjunction with the forces directed 
 by my letter of this date to the southern governors to be raised in 
 those provinces or such part of the same as you shall judge necessary, 
 are to be employed under the command of such officer whom you 
 shall appoint as above, on any such offensive operations as you shall 
 judge most expedient for annoying the enemy, and most efficacious 
 towards removing all future dangers from the frontiers of any of the 
 southern colonies on the continent of America ; and it is his Majesty's 
 pleasure that you should early take into consideration and duly weigh 
 what operations in those parts may be undertaken with the most rea- 
 sonable prospect of success, whether by endeavouring to carry some 
 operations against Cayahoga or any other parts of Lake Erie, in case 
 it shall be judged that their distance as well as various other circum- 
 stances not to be known here, shall not render the same impracticable ; 
 all which his Majesty is pleased to leave to your judgment and deter- 
 mination, the King relying on your approved zeal for the honor of his 
 arms and on the sense you must have of the great utility of pressing 
 the enemy in different parts, as far as may be without prejudice to the 
 
 3 o 2
 
 468 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO GENERAL AMHERST. 
 
 CHAP, main and decisive objects of the campaign, prescribed in this letter, 
 
 1760. that you will not neglect any opportunity of concerting and causing 
 
 '^'^^'^'^^ to be carried into execution any such operations to the southward as 
 
 you shall judge may be most conducive effectually to distress and 
 
 reduce the enemy. 
 
 " You will observe by my letters to the Governors, that his 
 Majesty has been pleased to promise, that his Commissioners shall 
 issue provisions to the men raised by the several provinces in tlie same 
 proportion and manner as is done to the rest of the King's forces ; I 
 am therefore to signify to you his Majesty's pleasure, that you do 
 give the necessary directions to all the Commissaries and other oillcers 
 who may have the charge of the provisions, to furnish the said men 
 with the same in the proportion and manner above mentioned ; for 
 which purpose, the contractors have received directions to have con- 
 stantly in store a sufficient quantity of provisions, as well for the 
 regular national troops as for the provincials, which shall be raised in 
 consequence of his Majesty's orders ; and it is the King's pleasure 
 that you should keep a particular account of the same ; and that no 
 provisions should be delivered to the provincial troops, but in conse- 
 quence of an order from you, or from the Commander-in-chief of his 
 Majesty's forces in those parts where the said provisions may be 
 wanted ; and you will, in case of necessity, draw bills for any extra- 
 ordinary expenses incurred for this service. And I am particularly to 
 recommend to you, as a principal means to preserve the health of the 
 men, that you do cause them to be furnished with fresh meat, when- 
 ever the situation and circumstances of the troops shall make the same 
 any ways practicable. And you will take care, that for so long time 
 as fresh meat shall be provided for the forces, the enclosed clause of 
 the contract be duly observed on the part of the contractors or their 
 agents ; and that the delivery of provisions of beef and pork by the 
 contractors be accordingly in part or in the whole suspended, and a 
 proportionable allowance only made for the several other species as 
 shall be agreed upon and certified by you. 
 
 " Such a considerable number of arms and tents have been
 
 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO GENERAL AMHERST. 469 
 
 already sent to North America, that it is hoped a sufficient quantity CHAP, 
 will be found there for the service of the next campaign. I am, how- [-jqq] 
 ever, to acquaint you that the King has been pleased to order some ^^^^"^ 
 supply of arms and tents to be forthwith sent to New York for the 
 service in North America, which you will cause to be distributed ac- 
 cording as the same shall be necessary. 
 
 " The King entirely approves the due care you have taken, agree- 
 ably to the orders you received last year, for causing sufficient respect- 
 able forts to be erected at the Oneida carrying-place, Oswego, Lake 
 George, and on the Ohio. His Majesty farther sees with great satis- 
 faction, in your several despatches, how justly sensible you are of the 
 high importance of Niagara, Ticonderoga, and Crown Point ; and the 
 King relies on your utmost attention for the effectual security of those 
 most essential posts, by strengthening and establishing such forts as 
 you shall have judged most proper and adequate for that purpose. 
 I am also commanded by the King to recommend to your attention 
 the establishing such other forts and posts as you shall judge necessary 
 for securing effectually, in all times to come, his Majesty's rights 
 and possessions in North America, now happily recovered from 
 the encroachments and usurpations of the enemy. And it is the 
 King's pleasure that you take effectual measures to secure, by a 
 proper chain of posts, the communication from the forts on the Ohio 
 to the Lake Erie, and to Niagara on the Ontario ; and you will accord- 
 ingly give such orders thereupon, as you shall judge most proper, whe- 
 ther by repairing the forts which the enemy abandoned at River Aux- 
 boeufs and Presqu'isle, or by erecting new ones at such other places 
 as you shall think most expedient. 
 
 " It is his Majesty's pleasure that you should give, as far as the 
 distance will permit, a constant and particular attention to the state 
 and situation of Quebec, and of the large body of troops at that 
 important place ; and you will not fail to send the officer there 
 timely information of your operations, as well as such directions for 
 his conduct as you shall judge most expedient for his Majesty's 
 service."
 
 470 AUGMENTATION OF THE BRITISH ARMY ON THE CONTINENT. 
 
 CHAP. One of the severest winters whicli liad for centuries occurred in 
 
 XVI. 
 
 1760. Europe, succeeded the memorable campaign of 1759. The season, 
 ^^''^^^^ during which the fury of war was necessarily stayed, was not less 
 destructive to the human species by the joint ravages of cold, pesti- 
 lence, and famine. The severity of the season was felt alike by man 
 and beast. Ten centinels were frozen to death at Leipsic. Birds 
 were seen to drop dead in their flight. The extreme suflerings of the 
 German peasantry w as one temporary cause of the increase of the 
 armies, for the allowances of food and payment to the soldier, scanty 
 as they were, oft'ered him an alternative to the horrors of famine. 
 
 The French army was now commanded by Marshal Broglio, and, 
 by dint of the utmost exertions, amounted nearly to 100,000 men. 
 The efforts of England, considering her maritime strength, were in 
 proportion greater than those of France. Six regiments of foot, com- 
 manded by Major-General Griffin, were sent to reinforce the allied 
 army in Germany. To these, Elliot's regiment of light horse were 
 soon added. The continent, perhaps never before, had seen so pow- 
 erful a British army. 
 
 But whatever advantages we had gained, the war in Germany, 
 upon the whole, did not promise any satisfactory consequences. Our 
 ally, the King of Prussia, had suffered such terrible shocks, that whilst 
 Europe saw him with astonishment at the head of another very 
 numerous army, his best friends perceived that the chances of war 
 were continually increasing against him. They could not but tremble 
 for the result of the present campaign. 
 
 But the attention of the British was at this time more particu- 
 larly fixed upon Ireland, and Mr. Pitt thought it necessary to caution 
 the Lord Lieutenant against a threatened invasion by Thurot. In 
 the month of October, 1759> that brave adventurer succeeded in 
 escaping the vigilance of the British fleet, and put to sea from the 
 harbour of Dunkirk. He first arrived at Gottenberg in Sweden, and 
 thence proceeded to Bergen in Norway. His instructions from the 
 French government were to facilitate the operations of Conflans, by 
 making descents upon the coasts Qf Ireland.
 
 EXPEDITION AND DEATH OF THUROT. 471 
 
 The force which he commanded was originally inadequate to any CHAP, 
 great undertaking; it was subsequently much reduced by sickness ; 1760. 
 
 but Thurot performed every thing within his power with the greatest '^ 
 
 gallantry and conduct. The humanity which marked his proceedings 
 reflects the highest honor upon his character, and gives a deep interest 
 to his fate. After learning the defeat of Conflans's squadron, he was 
 in vain entreated by several of his friends to desist from all attempts 
 upon the coast of Great Britain and Ireland, and at once to return to 
 France. With the trifling force of 600 men he landed in the bay of 
 Carrickfergus in Ireland, and, after overcoming the troops under 
 Colonel Jennings, who came out to oppose him, he took possession of 
 the town. But his triumph was short. The Irish people came forward 
 in great numbers to repel his invasion, and after having laid Carrick- 
 fergus under a moderate contribution, he was compelled to re-embark. 
 Captain Elliot, who commanded three frigates at Kinsale, gave chase 
 to Thurot, and on the 28th February overtook and engaged him. A 
 very severe action now ensued, in which Thurot, after exerting himself 
 with the most heroic gallantry, was killed. His ships then struck to 
 Captain Elliot. 
 
 The name of Thurot had become terrible in all the tradins sea- 
 ports of Great Britain and Ireland, and the defeat and capture of his 
 squadron were celebrated with the highest demonstrations of joy. 
 
 With the exception of one great event", the domestic occurrences 
 of this year were by no means important. The parliamentary pro- 
 ceedings were characterised by the same unanimity. The minister 
 interfered but little with the distribution of places and appointments. 
 The bench of Bishops, however, owed one ornament to his inter- 
 position. I say ornament, because, however we must condemn the 
 violence of Dr. Warburton's character, his astonishing learning must 
 command our admiration. At the beginning of the year, this celebrated 
 person, then Dean of Bristol, was advanced, through Mr. Allen's inte- 
 rest with Mr. Pitt, to the Bishopric of Gloucester. This ecclesiastic was 
 
 ' Tlic death of George II.
 
 472 GENERAL MURRAY'S UNSUCCESSFUL SALLY OUT OF QUEBEC. 
 
 CHAP, the friend of Lord Hardwick and of Lord Mansfield, but Mr. Pitt 
 
 XVI 
 
 j7gQ admired his erudition, and, in a letter to a friend, declared, " that 
 ===== nothing of a private nature, since he had been in ofiice, had given him 
 so much pleasure, as his bringing Dr. Warburton upon the bench/' 
 
 The first operations of the campaign in America were unsuccessful. 
 The French had determined to make a vigorous effort to recover 
 Quebec, and M. de Levi, the successor of Montcalm, undertook, with 
 nearly 14,000 men, to reduce the town. 
 
 Upon the first arrival of the enemy, General Murray, (upon whom 
 the command of the English forces had devolved,) sallied out to attack 
 them. But the numbers of the French were thrice as many as his 
 own, and, after sustaining considerable loss, he was compelled to retire 
 within the walls of Quebec. Had the enemy pursued their advantage, 
 and immediately proceeded to assault the town, the glorious conquest 
 of Wolfe had probably proved abortive, and the place again had fallen 
 into their hands. But the opportunity was neglected by the French* 
 and the garrison was enabled to protract the defence till the arrival of 
 Commodore S wanton, and subsequently of Lord Colville, obliged M. 
 de Levi to abandon the siege. 
 
 As any reverse of fortune on the part of the English arms was at 
 this period of rare occurrence, I shall here insert extracts from six 
 letters relating to the repulse experienced by General Murray, and to 
 his subsequent success. The language of the minister, upon both oc- 
 casions, will be found as temperate as it is firm. 
 
 General Amherst to Mr. Pitt. 
 
 " Albany, May 19, 1760. 
 
 " This instant that I am preparing my despatches to send by 
 Colonel Montresor in the Harriott packet, I receive a letter from 
 Governor Murray of the 30th April, at Quebec, acquainting me of his 
 having marched out and attacked the enemy on the 28th April, and 
 being forced to retire under the musketry of our block-houses, aban- 
 doning his cannon to the enemy.
 
 LETTER OF GENERAL AMHERST TO MR. PITT. 473 
 
 " Governor Murray's letter is sent to me by Governor Lawrence CHAP, 
 from Halifax, who very judiciously on the report of Captain M'Cartney ]76o. 
 of the Race Horse bomb, of what had happened at Quebec, determined 
 upon opening the letters, and taking copies to transmit them to you, if it 
 appeared necessary, by the Richmond which was to sail in a few days 
 for England. 
 
 " For your full information of every thing I have received on this 
 head, I enclose to you the copies of Governors Murray and Lawrence's 
 letters, as likewise one from Governor Pownall, who forwarded the other 
 letters to me from Boston, and a return of the officers and men killed 
 and wounded on the 28th April, as sent to me by Governor Murray. 
 
 " On the receipt of the above I have weighed with myself what 
 would be the best for me to do, and have determined to send instantly 
 Major Christie, D. Q. M. G. to Boston to take up two thousand ton 
 of transports to go to Louisburg, and I write to Governor Whitmore to 
 embark his regiment and late Barrington's to reinforce Governor Murray, 
 and to Governor Pownall to send three hundred piuneers to Louisbourg 
 in the vessels to assist in the demolition of the works of that place. 
 
 " This is every thing I judge can at present possibly be done. 
 
 " The last letter I did myself the honor of writing to you was 
 on the 28th April from New York by the Leicester packet-boat, and 
 as every thing was prepared for sending the recovered officers and 
 men belonging to the garrison at Quebec to their destination, I put 
 them under the command of Colonel Howe, and ordered the captain 
 of the Lizard man of war to convoy them. 
 
 " On the 2d May I set out for this place and arrived here on the 
 8th, where I have been forwarding provisions, artillery and stores, to 
 Crown Point and Oswego, that I may be ready to move forward so 
 soon as I can get the provincial troops assembled. 
 
 " I have had a meeting with Sir William Johnson, who promises 
 me as many Indians, if not more, than what we had the last campaign. 
 
 " The brig and sloops we took from the French are sailed down 
 Lake Champlain, and seamen are sent to the vessels on Lake Ontario 
 to forward every thing there. 
 
 VOL. I. 3 P
 
 474 LETTER OF GOVERNOR MURRAY TO GENERAL AMHERST. 
 
 CHAP. " As yet but twelve companies of the Massachusett troops and 
 
 1760. forty-six men of the Rliode Island are arrived here, and three com- 
 ^^^'^^ panies of the New York troops that are raised in this district. 
 
 " My present intentions are that the Inniskilling and Moncton's 
 regiments, the four companies of Independents, the Massachusett, 
 Rhode Island, and New Hampshire troops, with the rangers and 
 Stockbridge Indians shall form the corps to the northward, and make 
 hard against the Isle aux Noix. 
 
 " Abercrombie's regiment, which I intend to relieve at Niagara, 
 the Royal Highland, Murray's, Oughton's, 4th battalion of Royal 
 Americans, Gage's, and the remains of the Royal and Montgomery's 
 regiments, with the New York, Connecticut, and New Jersey provin- 
 cials, and Sir William Johnson's Indians, I purpose taking post at La 
 Galette, and attacking Montreal. 
 
 " Oughton's regiment and the remains of the Royal are arrived 
 here, and the remains of Montgomery's in the environs, so that I only 
 wait the junction of the provincial troops to move forward, when I 
 intend to press upon the enemy in the manner I have before said, and 
 you may be assured. Sir, I shall exert myself in pushing on the opera- 
 tions of the campaign with as much expedition as possible." 
 
 Governor Murray to General Amherst. 
 
 " Quebec, April 30th. 1760. 
 
 " The intelligence I had the honor to communicate to you by 
 Lieutenant Montresor of the enemy's designs proves true. 
 
 " The 17th of this month I was informed that they had every 
 thing in readiness to fall down the river with eight frigates the mo- 
 ment it was cleared of ice, and it did not break up here sooner than 
 the 23rd ; consequently, as the country was covered with snow, and 
 the earth was impenetrable, it was impossible for me to attempt en- 
 trenching myself on the heights of Abraham, which I formerly told 
 you was my plan of defence, before the 25th, and even then it will 
 no doubt appear, by the journal of the chief engineer, it was hardly
 
 LETTER OF GOVERNOR MURRAY TO GENERAL AMHERST. 475 
 
 possible to drive the first piquets, the thaw having reached no farther CHAP, 
 than nine inches from the surface. i76o. 
 
 " As the river was clear above, and I had reason to think the ==^ 
 enemy would take the first opportunity of making themselves masters 
 of the embouchure of the river Caprouge, the most convenient place 
 for disembarking their artillery and stores, and for securing their 
 retreat, I took possession of that post the 18th, with the light infantry 
 commanded by Major Bailing, which obliged them to land their 
 army twenty miles higher up, and to risk a battle without artillery, 
 after a march of thirty miles. At three o'clock in the morning of the 
 27th instant, I knew they had marched from the Point au Tremble, 
 with an intention to take post at St. Foix, and so cut off our commu- 
 nication with Major Bailing and the post I had established at Lorette ; 
 I instantly, with Amherst's regiment, the grenadiers and piquets of 
 the army, commanded by Colonel Burton, marched and took post so 
 advantageously as to frustrate their scheme, and to withdraw all my 
 posts with the loss of two men only, 
 
 " They had begun to form from the defile they were obliged to 
 pass, but thought proper to retreat on reconnoitring our position, and 
 receiving some shot from the two field pieces I had with me. 
 
 " About four that afternoon I marched back to town without 
 the loss of a man, though the enemy's irregulars did every thing in 
 their power to harass my rear. 
 
 " As the place is not fortified and commanded every where to- 
 wards the land, my garrison, which was now melted down to three 
 thousand fighting men by the most inveterate scurvy, were daily 
 mouldering away, and it was now impossible for me to fortify the 
 heights of Abraham, though fascines and every requisite material had 
 been provided long ago ; I could not hesitate a moment about giving 
 the enemy battle, as every one knows the place is not tenable against 
 an army in possession of the heights. I therefore this night gave the 
 necessary orders, and by seven o'clock next morning marched with 
 all the force I could muster, and formed the little army on the heights 
 in the following order. Amherst's, Anstruther's, the second battalion 
 
 3 p2
 
 476 LETTER OF GOVERNOR MURRAY TO GENERAL AMHERST, 
 
 CHAP, of Royal Americans, and Webb's'' composed the right brigade, com- 
 \y(H)[ manded by Colonel Burton ; Kennedy's, Lascelles's, Highlanders, 
 and Bragg 's the left brigade, commanded by Colonel Fraser; Otway's 
 and the third battalion of Royal Americans were formed as a corps 
 de reserve. 
 
 " Major Dalllng's corps of light infantry covered the right flank, 
 and Captain' Hazzen's company of rangers, with a hundred volunteers, 
 under the command of Captain Donald M'Donald, a brave and ex- 
 perienced officer, covered the left. 
 
 " The battalions had each two field pieces. While the line was 
 forming I reconnoitred the enemy, and perceived they had begun to 
 throw up some redoubts, though the greatest part of their army was 
 on the march. I thought this was a lucky moment, and marched 
 with the utmost order to attack them before they M-ere formed. We 
 immediately beat them from the works they had formed, and Major 
 Dalling, who cannot be too much commended, forced their corps of 
 grenadiers from a house they had occupied to cover their left. Here 
 he and several of his officers were wounded. His men, however, 
 pursued the fugitives to their second line, which soon checked our light 
 infantry, who dispersed along the front of our right wing, and pre- 
 vented Colonel Burton from taking the advantage of the first impres- 
 sion they had made on the enemy's left flank. They had immedi- 
 ately orders to clear the front, and regain the right flank, but in 
 attempting this they were charged, thrown into confusion, retired to 
 the rear, and could never again be brought up during the action. I 
 no sooner perceived this disorder than I sent to Major Morris, who 
 commanded Otway's regiment in the second line, to wheel to the 
 right and support our right flank. This soon recovered every thing 
 there ; but the left a little after began to retire, though they had 
 early made themselves masters of some redoubts. I ordered Ken- 
 nedy's regiment and the third battalion to sustain them, but they 
 
 "• This regiment had been commanded by General Webb who conducted himself so ill in 
 America previous to Mr. Pitt's ministry, but who was not related to General Richmond Webb 
 who, in Queen Anne's reign, defeated the French in the memorable battle of VVynendale.
 
 LETTER OF MR. PITT TO GOVERNOR LAWRENCE. 477 
 
 were too late. The disorder of the left soon communicated to the CHAP. 
 
 XVI. 
 
 right, and the whole retired under the musketry of our block-houses, i760. 
 abandoning their cannon to the enemy. == 
 
 " As we have been unfortunate, I am sensible I may be uni- 
 versally blamed at home, but I appeal to every officer in the field if 
 any thing was wanting in the disposition or my endeavours to ani- 
 mate the men during the whole affair. The superiority these troops 
 had acquired over the enemy ever since the last campaign, together 
 with the fine field train we were furnished with, might have tempted 
 me to an action, supposing I had not been thoroughly convinced of 
 the necessity of it. 
 
 " We lost in the battle about one-third of our army, and I have 
 certain intelligence the enemy had not less than ten thousand men in 
 the field. They have already completed their first parallel, but I am 
 in hopes we shall not be reduced to extremities till the arrival of the 
 fleet, which we expect daily. In that event I shall retreat with what 
 I can to the island of Orleans, and wait the arrival of reinforcements, 
 unless I can do better. Had we been masters of the river, in which 
 it is evident ships may safely winter, they never would have made the 
 attempt. 
 
 " I must do the justice to Colonel Burton in particular, and to 
 the officers in general, that they have done every thing that could be 
 expected of them. To reward them as far as in my power, as well as 
 from the necessity of such a measure, so many being absent, I have 
 ventured to appoint to the vacancies officers to act till your pleasure 
 is known ; and as I shall take care to do the utmost justice, hope you 
 will think proper to confirm them." 
 
 Mr. Pitt to Governor Lawrence. 
 
 " Whitehall, June 20th, 1760. 
 
 " On the 17th instant Captain Elphinston delivered to me your 
 letter of the 11th May, together with the very unhappy account from 
 Quebec, which was immediately laid before the King ; and I have the
 
 *"^ LETTER OF MR PITT TO GENERAL AMHERST. 
 
 CHAP, satisfaction to acquaint you that his Majesty entirely approves your 
 1760. ^'^'■y prudent foresight in having taken upon you to open the despatch 
 
 '== from Brigadier-General Murray to General Amherst, and your dili- 
 gence in transmitting in the most expeditious manner a copy thereof 
 to England, as it cannot but be of great utility to his Majesty's ser- 
 vice that advices of such high importance should be communicated 
 to the King before there was a possibility of their reaching France." 
 
 M7\ Pitt to Major-General Amherst. 
 
 " Whitehall, June 20th, 1760. 
 
 " A copy of Brigadier-General Murray's letter to you dated 
 Quebec, the 30th April, which Governor Lawrence will have informed 
 you he had for expedition-sake judged necessary to despatch to Eng- 
 land, (which precaution in such an emergency his Majesty has en- 
 tirely approved,) arrived by his Majesty's ship the Richmond, on the 
 17th instant, and brought us the account of an event, no less unex- 
 pected than unfortunate. 
 
 " The King observes with great concern that Brigadier Murray, 
 as he expresses himself in his letter to you, only hopes he shall not be 
 reduced to extremities till the arrival of the fleet which he daily ex- 
 pected. By this representation, the pos.session of so important a post, 
 and the preservation of so many brave troops, seem to depend on a 
 very uncertain and precarious navigation ; the gulf of St. Lawrence 
 continuing to be encumbered with ice a considerable time after that 
 river is open, 
 
 " In this state of things the King will wait with the most anxious 
 expectation for the final issue at Quebec, trusting however in the pro- 
 vidence of God, that from the spirit of his troops, and by the timely 
 arrival of his ships, no fatal catastrophe will have happened there. 
 
 " In the mean time, his Majesty persuades himself that this late 
 unhappy check which has been given to his arms, will but have ani- 
 mated the more your known zeal for his service ; and that your abi-
 
 LETTER OF MR. PITT TO GENERAL AMHERST. 479 
 
 lities will have been the more particularly exerted in pushing with the CHAP, 
 utmost vigor, the important and decisive operations on your side ; and ngo" 
 it is hoped that before this letter reaches you, you will, by the blessing ===' 
 of God, have the glory of having put his Majesty's arms into possession 
 of Montreal, and of having completed the reduction of Canada. 
 
 " The King doubts not but you will have sent to Brigadier 
 Murray all necessary orders and have taken the properest measures 
 with respect to Quebec, and to the circumstances of the troops of that 
 garrison ; and in case, as it is to be hoped, that place still continues 
 in his Majesty's possession, the King relying on your judgment and 
 thorough knowledge of America, commits it to you on the spot to 
 make such farther dispositions, whether for reinforcing or completing 
 the garrison of Quebec, or for changing any part of the same as you 
 shall judge necessary and most expedient for his Majesty's service ; 
 as well as for supplying that body of troops with artillery, arms, am- 
 munition, clothing, utensils, and all other requisites of any kind what- 
 ever that they may stand in need of. And as the demolition of 
 Louisbourg will probably be by this time very far advanced if not 
 completed, it is supposed the troops of that garrison will be at liberty 
 to supply the above-mentioned service if you shall find it necessary, 
 without breaking into the destination of any of the forces employed 
 in the great operations under your own immediate command, or of 
 those allotted for the services towards the Ohio and the lakes on that 
 side. 
 
 " As we have the satisfaction to understand by the most au- 
 thentic accounts, that the ships under Lord Colville as well as those 
 under Captain Swanton were so far advanced as to be undoubtedly 
 before any French ships with provisions or other succours for Canada, 
 I have further to add, for your information, that orders go by this 
 conveyance to Lord Colville, directing his Lordship that whatever shall 
 happen to be the event of Quebec, he is to continue with the utmost 
 vigilance to shut up the River St. Lawrence, and to prevent all possi- 
 bility of succour passing that way to Canada, in order to render your 
 operations more effectual and decisive for the final reduction of the
 
 480 LETTER OF MR. PITT TO GOVERNOR MURRAY. 
 
 CHAP, enemy this campaign, and to remain with the ships on this service as 
 i76ol long as ever the season of the year will in any way admit." 
 
 Mr. Pitt to Major-Gciieral Amherst. 
 
 " Whitehall, Julif 23d, 1760. 
 
 " You will have seen by my letter of the 20th June, that an 
 account of the check which the garrison of Quebec met with on the 
 28th April had reached England before your despatch above men- 
 tioned; and on the 27th June Major Maitland arrived with the news 
 of the happy turn of affairs in those parts, and of the enemy having 
 abandoned the siege of Quebec with a very considerable loss. This 
 fortunate event makes it unnecessary for me to do more than to 
 acquaint you of his Majesty's approbation of the orders you gave, on 
 receiving Governor Murray's letter of the 30th April, for sending 
 to Quebec the succours of two regiments from Louisbourg, which you 
 will have seen was agreeable to what was pointed out to you in my 
 letter of the 20th June." 
 
 Mr. Pitt to Governor Murray. 
 
 " Whitehall. July 23d, 1760. 
 
 " On the 27th past Major Maitland delivered to me your despatch 
 of the 25th May, which was immediately laid before the King; and 
 as his Majesty had received, ten days before, from Governor Law- 
 rence, an account of the unfortunate check which the garrison under 
 your command had met with on the 28th April, I need not express to 
 you the satisfaction your despatch above mentioned gave to the King ; 
 and his Majesty has commanded me to take the earliest opportunity 
 to acquaint you with his particular approbation of the zeal and activity 
 you showed for his service in defence of the important conquest of 
 Quebec, and for the preservation of so many brave men ; and you 
 will, in the manner you shall judge most proper, acquaint the officers 
 and men under your command with his Majesty's entire satisfaction
 
 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO GENERAL AMHERST. 481 
 
 at their good behaviour, and at the distinguished alacrity and resolu- CHAP, 
 tion with which they carried into immediate execution the vigorous neo. 
 measures you so prudently concerted during the siege ot" Quebec." === 
 
 The other great objects of the campaign were steadily pursued. 
 Without effecting any one dazzling exploit, the whole progress of 
 General Amherst was marked by the greatest ability. The English 
 had to contend with most serious difficulties, arising from the nature 
 of the country and the brutal disposition of the natives. 
 
 Mr. Pitt kept his eye steadily fixed upon their proceedings, and, 
 finding that the valour and perseverance of our troops, and the conduct 
 of our commanders were thwarted by certain mercenary persons who 
 supplied the French with provisions, he addressed a letter to the several 
 governors and councils in North America on the subject''. 
 
 Both the language and character of Mr. Pitt were too decided 
 to admit of mistake or compromise. The letter induced the governors 
 to act with the greatest vigilance and circumspection, and the cam- 
 paign closed with the entire conquest of Canada. 
 
 The following congratulatory letter from Mr, Pitt must have 
 been highly gratifying to General Amherst. 
 
 " Whitehall, Oct. 24, 1760, 
 
 " I cannot sufficiently express to you the satisfaction of his 
 Majesty on the further successes of his arms under your command, 
 and the happy completion of the great work entrusted to your care, 
 by the reduction of Montreal and all Canada under a capitulation 
 highly becoming the humanity, magnanimity, and wisdom of his 
 Majesty, which most important and extensive conquest, effected with 
 so little loss, stands almost without example, and justly merits the 
 universal applause and approbation of that well-combined and masterly 
 plan, which you had with such unwearied application and diligence 
 formed and concerted ; and in the execution whereof, in all its parts, 
 you have been so ably seconded by the zeal and activity of the 
 
 •^ This letter, and an answer to Mr. Pitt from Governor Hamilton, are in the Appendix, No. IV. 
 VOL. T. 3 Q
 
 482 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO GENERAL AMHERST. 
 
 CHAP, officers under your command, and by the indefatigable constancy and 
 ,75^,' intrepidity of the troops. It only remains that I should now signify 
 ^^"^^ to you the King's pleasure, that you should, in the strongest terms, and 
 in the manner you shall judge most proper, acquaint Brigadier-General 
 Murray, Colonel Haviland, and all the officers and soldiers under 
 your command, as well the provincials as the regulars, and likewise 
 his Majesty's faithful Indian allies under Sir William Johnson, with 
 tlie just sense the King has of the spirit and perseverance they have 
 exerted on all occasions in his service ; and his Majesty has learnt, 
 with sensible pleasure, that by the good order kept by Sir William 
 Johnson among the Indians, no act of cruelty has stained the lustre of 
 the British arms '. 
 
 " The King will impatiently expect further accounts from you with 
 regard to the state of the several forts and posts in North America, and 
 particularly the disposition of the forces which you shall have thought 
 proper to make for the defence of the same ; and whatever else you 
 may judge expedient to be further done for effectually maintaining 
 the possession and securing the quiet of the important acquisitions you 
 have added to his Majesty's dominions in that country ; and it is not 
 doubted that you will have had all due regard to South Carolina 
 under the present alarms of that province from the Cherokees and 
 other Indian nations. 
 
 " I am to acquaint you that we are not without hopes here, that 
 consistently with all the essential and indispensable purposes above 
 mentioned, it may appear by your disposition of the forces, (an 
 account of which is soon expected,) that a part of the troops under 
 your command, adequate to some important enterprise, may be spared 
 in order to be employed, either in some farther attempt against the 
 French islands in the West Indies, or against the French forts and 
 possessions on the Mobile or Mississippi, according as it may, on due 
 consideration, be found most practicable and expedient ; and in the 
 
 ' Great minds are generally humane. The indignation which Mr. Pitt expressed, seventeen 
 years aftenvards, at the horrible practices of the Indians employed in our ser\'ice, harmonizes 
 with the feeUng manifested in this passage of his letter. See Chap. XXVIIl, vol, ii.
 
 OUR SUCCESSES IN INDIA. 483 
 
 mean time it is the King's pleasure that you should use the utmost CHAP, 
 diligence in procuring the fullest information with regard to the navi- lygy' 
 gation of the two said rivers, Mobile and Mississippi, as well as to ===" 
 secure, if possible, pilots experienced in the same ; and also to obtain 
 the best and most authentic intelligence concerning the state of the 
 several forts, and the strength and resources of the French in those 
 parts of America. 
 
 " With regard to what you mention in your letter of the 21st 
 June, relative to an article in his Majesty's instructions to you of the 
 l6th November, 17595 as Governor of Virginia, I am to acquaint you 
 that that article is not to be understood as having any force with 
 respect to yourself, unless you shall go to Virginia, and take upon you 
 the office of governor ; in which case, it would become necessary in 
 form, for you to obtain his Majesty's leave of absence in the manner 
 prescribed in the article above mentioned, before you could return to 
 Europe, which you may be assured the King would immediately grant, 
 it never having been intended that your appointment to the govern- 
 ment of Virginia should confine you to reside in America, any more 
 than it did your predecessors in that employment. You may be 
 further assured, that there has never been a thought of protracting 
 your return to England a moment beyond the continuance of the war. 
 
 " I cannot conclude this letter, w ithout assuring you of the most 
 sincere part I take in the honor you have acquired, and the successes 
 with which your operations have been attended ; and I have the 
 further pleasure to acquaint you that all ranks and degrees of people 
 here have unanimously testified their sense of the many and great ser- 
 vices you have rendered your King and country." 
 
 The intelligence from the East Indies was equally satisfactory. 
 Admiral Pococke a third time encountered and repulsed the more 
 numerous squadron of D'Ache ; and the military successes of Colonel 
 Coote were almost equal to those which had so distinguished Clive. 
 
 The situation of Great Britain with regard to Spain remained un- 
 altered. Desirous as Mr. Pitt was, that Charles III. should not 
 
 3q 2
 
 i84 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO THE EARL OF BRISTOL. 
 
 CHAP, engage in the war against us, he yet strenuously maintained one even 
 1760. course, and refused to accede to the claims of Spain, in points where 
 he conceived that justice and expediency alike opposed them. 
 
 The following letters are important, not only with regard to the 
 subjects discussed, but also with reference to the conduct of Spain in 
 the subsequent year. Both letters are addressed by Mr. Pitt to the 
 Earl of Bristol. 
 
 " Whitehall, September 5, 1760. 
 
 " I have deferred troubling your Excellency with a copy 
 of a long memorial relating to captures made by his Majesty's ships 
 and privateers which the Conde de Fuentes delivered to me in the 
 month of June last, till I could, at the same time, transmit the answer 
 which the King should be pleased to direct me to make thereto. 
 Your Excellency will easily suppose, that the collecting the necessary 
 informations on a variety of complaints many of which are of old 
 date, as well as attended with much obscurity from the nature of 
 them ; and the forming an answer to so serious and important a matter, 
 urged as your Excellency will see by the Spanish memorial, not with- 
 out much exaggeration and national invective, must unavoidably take 
 up long time, and therefore I was not able till last Monday to return 
 an answer to the Spanish Ambassador, a copy whereof, together 
 with his Excellency's memorial, and the recapitulation therein referred 
 to, I now enclose. Your Excellency will observe, that the indepen- 
 dent and impartial course of proceedings of our courts of Admiralty in 
 general, and in particular, not only the uprightness and equity of the 
 court of Appeals, but even the great indulgence shewn by their Lord- 
 ships in fa\ or of Spanish claimants, are fully and clearly stated, and 
 that fair answers are made as far. as the nature of the cases would 
 admit, to the several heads of the recapitulation and abridgment. 
 To this I have to add that the Spanish ship laden with oats for Ostend, 
 taken by the Venus man of war, which case is mentioned in the reca- 
 pitulation under No. 8, has been actually restored. I also enclose to 
 
 f See Appendix, No. IV, paper 1 1 .
 
 1 
 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO THE EARL OF BRISTOL. 485 
 
 your Excellency copies of two letters I had the King's orders to write CHAP, 
 to the Lords of the Admiralty ; the one with regard to the courts of 1750^ 
 Admiralty, to which is joined Sir Thomas Salisbury's answer ; and == 
 the other, renewing and enforcing in the strongest terms the repeated 
 orders already given to the commanders of his Majesty's squadrons 
 and ships of war, to pay all due regard to the territories of neutral 
 powers, and not to interrupt or disturb such lawful navigation and 
 commerce of the subjects of the crown of Spain, as they are entitled 
 to by the treaty of 1667. 
 
 " I am further to add on this subject the extract of a letter from 
 Admiral Boscawen, with a paper of orders therein referred to, con- 
 taining his reasons for having detained a vessel under Spanish colours, 
 and I am to inform your Excellency, that notwithstanding the strong 
 grounds there are to believe that the said vessel is French property, 
 the immediate restitution thereof has been recommended to the 
 captors, and it is hoped will be complied with ; and the enclosed 
 copy of a letter from the Lords of the Admiralty gives an account of 
 the same Admiral having suffered a ship to pass as Spanish, though 
 there was no doubt that she was one of the French transports so long 
 blocked up at Vannes, which after many fruitless attempts to elude 
 the vigilance of his Majesty's ships, had been at last collusively sold 
 to the Spanish Consul at Bordeaux, (whose conduct merits the se- 
 verest animadversion,) in order by that means to get to sea. 
 
 " The several papers above mentioned, which have all been com- 
 municated to the Conde Fuentes, together with his Excellency's me- 
 morial and my answer, will fully inform your Excellency concerning 
 this disagreeable subject of captures, and it is hoped that they will not 
 only convince his Catholic Majesty and the Spanish Ministers of tlie 
 uprightness and sincerity of our prgceedings, but will at the same time, 
 shew them the collusions and irregularities practised by many Spa- 
 niards to cover the actual ships and property of the enemy. 
 
 " The King has commanded me to send your Excellency for your 
 information the inclosed extracts of three letters from Sir James 
 Gray, relating the conversations he had had with the Marquis Ta-
 
 486 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO THE EARL OF BRISTOL. 
 
 CHAP, nucci on the subject of die Plaisantinc, and the inclosed copy of my 
 i76o'. answer to Sir James Gray will shew your Excellency his Majesty's 
 ^'^^^ sentiments on this very delicate matter, and on the extraordinary and 
 not a little embarrassing method which has been taken of conveying to 
 the King his Catholic Majesty's ideas concerning it, and your Excel- 
 lency will observe that the above answer has been almost extorted 
 from the King by the repeated and pressing instances of M. Tanucci. 
 
 " The King took particular notice of the account your Excel- 
 lency gives in your letter of the 21st July, of the candid and seem- 
 ingly friendly manner in which the Marquis Squillace had opened 
 himself to you, and the sentiments expressed by that minister could 
 not but be very agreeable to his Majesty, with which your Excellency 
 will take some proper opportunity to acquaint M. Squillace. 
 
 " The King was sorry to observe, by your Excellency's letter of 
 the 4th past, that the orders sent to M. Carasco for his conduct with 
 regard to the keeping open the communication with Gibraltar had 
 not had the intended effect, from the obstinacy of that commander ; 
 but his Majesty hopes, that in case M. Carasco should persist in so 
 strange and equivocal a behaviour, that his Catholic Majesty will, as 
 your Excellency mentions he seems not disinclined to do, remove a 
 person so improper for that station. 
 
 " The several papers now transmitted to your Excellency, making 
 
 this despatch too large for the ordinary conveyance by the post, I 
 
 - have taken this opportunity to send a messenger by the Corunna, by 
 
 which means your Excellency will have two with you, and be able to 
 
 redespatch one on any occasion that may arise. 
 
 " I return again to the subject of M. Tanucci's conversation, 
 more fully to inform your Excellency, by his Majesty's commands, 
 that I have the strongest grounds to believe, even beyond the least 
 room for doubt, that the King of Sardinia will never accept a sum of 
 money as an equivalent for his rights on Placentia, which rights 
 Spain, as well as the other contracting parties to the peace of Aix-la- 
 Chapelle, has guaranteed to his Sardinian Majesty, and that the King 
 of Sardinia thinks he does enough for the satisfaction of his Catholic
 
 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO THE EARL OF BRLSTOL. 487 
 
 Majesty in giving way to some reasonable arrangement which Spain CHAP, 
 may propose to him, in order to serve as an equivalent in territory i-j^q 
 for Placentia. ===== 
 
 " I am further to inform your Excellency that Count Viry has 
 communicated here some discourses which M. Wall has held to the 
 Count de la Tour, about the beginning of February last, and another, 
 still more positive, on the 22nd of March, wherein M. Wall declared 
 that the Catholic King was disposed to fulfil all engagements of gua- 
 rantee contracted by the late King of Spain, his brother, and that he 
 would do rights to all the world, and with still greater pleasure to the 
 court of Turin, with whom his Catholic Majesty had always lived in 
 perfect good inteUigence, and whose friendship he valued so highly. 
 
 " The Conde de Fuentes still continues indisposed, and conse- 
 quently I still remain in ignorance as to the instructions his last cou- 
 rier brought. I am not a little impatient to learn whether his Excel- 
 lency is authorised to suggest such an expedient with regard to our 
 privilege of cutting logwood, as may be admissible, and to the satis- 
 faction of both courts." 
 
 " Whitehall, September ■26th, 1760. 
 
 " Your Excellency is already fully informed on this last-men- 
 tioned important point, and you are possessed of the amplest and 
 strongest proofs whereof any title is capable, of his Majesty's most 
 unquestionable right to the sole fishery of that island % exclusive of all 
 other nations, excepting only the liberty to take and cure fish there, 
 granted to the French under certain limitations and restrictions by 
 the treaty of Utrecht. It is almost needless to repeat to your Ex- 
 cellency, that his Majesty's paternal concern for his people, and just 
 sense of the dignity of his crown, will not suffer a right so clear to 
 be broken into ; nor permit an interest so essential as the Newfound- 
 land fishery, one great nursery of our seamen, and a principal basis 
 
 ' Newfoundland.
 
 *^^ LETTER FROM MR, PITT TO THE EARL OF BRISTOL. 
 
 CHAP, of the maritime power of Great Britain, to be in any degree pared off 
 1760. and divided. I have therefore no farther instructions to send your 
 Excellency on a matter held so sacred, than that you should let M. 
 Wall understand the utter impossibility of a concession on the part 
 of his Majesty, so destructive to the true interests of Great Britain. 
 You will at the same time insinuate, that it is greatly hoped, from 
 the prudence as well as the justice of that upright minister, that the 
 court of Spain will cease to expect, as a consideration of an union, 
 which it is at least as much her interest as ours to maintain inviolate, 
 a sacrifice which can never be made. 
 
 " I am to observe to your Excellency, that the Spanish ambas- 
 sador, in delivering the memorial relating to Newfoundland, added, 
 that his court does not insist on so immediate an answer on this 
 point as they do to the demands contained in the memorial relating 
 to their logwood coasts in America. The first-mentioned piece, how- 
 ever, containing a circumstance, I believe unexampled, and not a 
 little offensive, I was immediately commanded by his Majesty to 
 make thereupon (September l6) the verbal answer which I herewith 
 enclose for your Excellency's information. Though this answer be 
 conceived in terms less strong than the occasion might too well have 
 warranted, I trust it will have the necessary effect to make the court 
 of Madrid sensible of the imprudence as well as indecency of so 
 strange a step ; and that the Spanish ministers will receive, before it 
 is too late, an useful hint, given with no unfriendly intention, namely, 
 that hoping to intimidate, they will only indispose a court, which in 
 general most sincerely means every thing that is just and friendly 
 towards Spain, cordially wishes the prosperity of that crown, and has 
 so essentially contributed to the increase of its considerarion, and 
 to the extension of its influence in the disposition of the kingdom of 
 Naples. 
 
 " With regard in particular to the complaints concerning the 
 logwood coasts which are now pressed with such uncommon vehe- 
 mence and warmth, your Excellency will let M. Wall know that his 
 Majesty is desirous and ready to give all just satisfaction to the Ca-
 
 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO THE EARL OF BRISTOL. 489 
 
 tholic King with regard to fortifications and establishments erected there, chap. 
 and at the same time to adjust and terminate amicably and equitably j^go. 
 disputes about cutting logwood, if the court of Spain will enter into 
 negotiation on this last-mentioned point ; but you will observe to him 
 that the memorial of the Count de Fuentes on this subject, far from 
 proposing to open a negotiation, absolutely shuts the door to any; 
 and denying to the subjects of Great Britain all colour of privilege 
 or liberty to cut logwood on the American coasts of his Catholic Ma- 
 jesty, as directly as it complains of the fortified establishments there, 
 demands in the most peremptory and arbitrary tone, that his Majesty 
 should send immediate and positive orders for evacuating indiscrimi- 
 nately and entirely every part of the said coasts. 
 
 " This extraordinary memorial farther exacts that the King 
 should formally declare that he will no longer consider as his subject 
 whoever shall be found there, though in effect for the purposes only 
 of cutting logwood. 
 
 " I forbear to enter by way of answer here into the vehement 
 and very inconclusive deduction of proofs offered by Spain in support 
 of her absolute demand, which is accompanied too with the imputa- 
 tion of breach of promise and of that good faith, with which it is pre- 
 tended, the British ministry at the time the court of Spain desisted 
 from the intended expedition in 1754, had given to understand that 
 this affair should be terminated. With regard to that transaction I 
 will only say, that I have dispassionately compared, and I desire M. 
 Wall will do the same, the present demand as well as this imputation 
 with the express and remarkable words of that Minister's own letter on 
 this subject of the 15th September, 1754, to the King's Ambassador 
 at Madrid, Sir Benjamin Keene ; a copy and translation whereof I 
 herewith transmit to your Excellency. M. Wall therein acquaints 
 that Ambassador, that the Catholic King had directed orders to be 
 sent to the Spanish Viceroys and Governors in America, that they 
 should immediately desist from putting in execution measures for 
 destroying our settlements on those coasts. Then follow these 
 words, ' on account of the firm persuasion his Majesty is in that all 
 
 VOL. I. 3 R .
 
 +90 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO THE EARL OF BRISTOL. 
 
 CHAP, such points, as deserve to be discussed, will be amicably adjusted 
 1760. ^vith the King of Great Britain ; these orders have already been des- 
 patched, with which his Majesty commands me to acquaint your 
 Excellency that you may inform the King your master of it, and that 
 his Britannic Majesty, being convinced by this fre.sh proof of the sin- 
 cerity of the King's intentions, may in return on his part recal what- 
 ever orders he may have given to his Commanders by sea and land in 
 America, contrary to the good harmony and friendship which sub- 
 sists between the two nations, and which the King on his side is de- 
 sirous to preserve and increase, adjusting amicably all such diffe- 
 rences and accidents as might otherwise interrupt it.' 
 
 " Such were the views and motives of the court of Spain declared 
 in the above letter in 1754. They were equitable and amicable. All 
 such points as deserved it were to be discussed ; all such differences 
 and accidents as might otherwise interrupt good harmony and friend- 
 ship were to be amicably adjusted. This, beyond all contradiction, 
 supposes negotiation and something to be agreed between the two 
 powers. 
 
 " What language does the present memorial now hold on the 
 .same subject ? It precludes all discussion, proposes to adjust no- 
 thing, imperiously demands every thing, and insists, moreover, on an 
 immediate answer to all this in writing. All observations become 
 superfluous, where things themselves speak so strongly. It is then 
 inevitable, should Spain continue to insist on the terms of the above 
 memorial, that is, that England 7nust do every thing, and Spain will 
 do nothing, that the answer of his Majesty can in that case be such 
 only as the dignity of his crown, and the just care of the essential 
 interests of his subjects suggest. Interposing this delay therefore in 
 such a circumstance, is not only wise in his Majesty, but surely it 
 is friendly, in order to give time thereby for sounder policy and more 
 temperate councils to prevail at Madrid. If the desired effect follows, 
 the conclusion may be happy for both countries ; if otherwise, England 
 will not have to reproach herself. 
 
 " All this your Excellency will let M. Wall most clearly under-
 
 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO THE EARL OF BRLSTOL. 191 
 
 stand, and at the same time you will as expressly declare, that his CHAP. 
 Majesty has most sincerely at heart to maintain and cultivate the 1760' 
 closest friendship and union with Spain ; and this not from tempo- == 
 rary considerations of the present conjuncture, but in the lasting 
 views of a permanent system for the mutual happiness of both na- 
 tions ; that from these motives alone, worthy of the magnanimity and 
 wisdom of his Majesty, the King is desirous and ready entirely to 
 remove with all good faith every just cause of complaint on the part 
 of his Catholic Majesty, with regard to all fortifications and esta- 
 blishments on the logwood coasts of America, belonging to the crown 
 of Spain. But at the same time, your Excellency will on the other 
 hand explicitly declare, that merely resorting to the less inhabited 
 parts or rather wastes of those immense provinces, only for the 
 cutting of logwood, cannot be admitted by England as violations 
 of the territory or insults on the crown of Spain, as long as the 
 treaties of Utrecht, which placed Philip V, on the long contested 
 throne of that monarchy, are acknowledged to remain in force. For 
 at the peace of Utrecht, this ancient usage, though begun indeed in 
 connivance and frequently interrupted by Spain, received at last the 
 countenance of a solemn treaty. If, nevertheless, the loose and un- 
 defined manner in which the enjoyment of this privilege was at that 
 time provided for, shall be found on a due discussion liable to abuse, 
 or susceptible of real mischiefs to the crown of Spain, his Majesty is 
 ready to listen to any just overtures on the part of his Catholic Ma- 
 jesty for amicably adjusting the same, and for effectually removing 
 every source of reasonable complaint or dispute on this head, by re- 
 gulating to mutual satisfaction by some equitable agreement the 
 exercise of a privilege inconvenient perhaps to Spain on the present 
 foot, but in some shape or other indispensable to Great Britain. 
 
 " Your Excellency will confer and expostulate on this most in- 
 teresting occasion without reserve or disguise, and do it in a spirit 
 equally friendly and firm as is the steady purpose of his Majesty ; at 
 the same time making M. Wall sensible how much it really is that 
 the King is disposed to do for preserving union with Spain, and com- 
 
 3 r2
 
 402 DEATH OF GEORGE II. 
 
 CHAP, plying with the desires of his CathoUc Majesty, as well as what it is 
 i76o! impossible tor the King ever to submit to/' 
 
 With the exception of a battle lost by the allied army in Ger- 
 many, all things were proceeding in a prosperous course when George 
 the Second suddenly expired at Kensington \ His character, as King 
 of England, has been the subject of so much discussion, that little 
 can be added by me. His mind was not an enlarged one, and the 
 prejudices which he brought from Germany influenced his conduct 
 throughout his reign ; still he most sincerely desired to promote the 
 interests of this kingdom ; and the sacrifice he made of Hanover, 
 rather than relinquish any British rights in America, redound much 
 to his honor. He was extremely fond of business, and read with the 
 greatest interest and attention the despatches of his ministers. He 
 had no taste for literature, and the little encouragement he extended 
 to learned men is one of the reproaches upon his name. His reign 
 was long, and many of its events anxious and afflicting. But the 
 evening of his days was gilded by success, and his sun set in glory. 
 It is indeed one of the proudest eulogiums upon the administration of 
 Mr. Pitt, that notwithstanding the civil dissensions and foreign disasters 
 which marked the former part of the reign, the annals of George H. 
 are associated in the minds of Englishmen with the ideas of triumph 
 and renown. 
 
 ' His Majesty died on the 25th October.
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 1760. 
 
 Accession of George the Third — Lord Bute contrasted with Mr. Pitt — His Majesty's wise 
 and upright measure respecting the twelve Judges — Dismission of Mr. Legge — Cha- 
 racter of Mr. Legge — Lord Bute appointed Secretary of State — Affairs of Spain — 
 Extracts from Mr. Pitt's correspondence with the Earl of Bristol — Renewal of the 
 negociationfor Peace — Plenipotentiaries respectively appointed by Fraiwe and England 
 — Mr. Stanley despatched to Paris, and M. de Bussy to London — Instructions from 
 Government to Mr. Stanley — Letter from Mr. Pitt to Mr. Stanley — Letter from Mr. 
 Stanley to Mr. Pitt — French Memorial of 26th March, minutely considered — Firmness 
 of Mr. Pitt — Siege and Surrender of Belle Isle — Extracts from Mr, Stanley's corres- 
 pondence with Mr. Pitt. 
 
 The intelligence of George the Second's death was instantly commu- CHAP, 
 nicated to the Secretaries of State. Mr. Pitts carriage was waiting jveo.' 
 at his door to convey him to his country-seat, but its direction was 
 now changed, and he drove immediately to Kew. The Prince of 
 Wales had been apprised of his grandfather's death before the arrival 
 of Mr. Pitt, and, after an interview with the minister, proceeded at 
 once to London. 
 
 No man ever wished to discharge his duty as a sovereign and to 
 advance the best interests of his country more cordially than George 
 the Third. Few men in private life have been so distinguished for honor, 
 morality, and religious principle. It is, however, to be regretted that 
 he had been so much secluded from the world, and that his knowledge 
 of mankind was necessarily contracted within such narrow bounds. 
 From these causes, with the purest intentions, he was led to pay too
 
 l!>t LORD BUTE CONTRASTED WITH MR. PITT. 
 
 CHAP, much deference to the opinions of unenlightened and ine.xperienced 
 1760. nien, and to think that he was promoting the public welfare, whilst 
 
 ^^^'''''^^^ he was but gratifying the desires of selfish individuals. 
 
 Attachment to a favored servant of his father's, partiality to- 
 wards his own companion and adviser, operated very powerfully in his 
 breast, and, two days after his accession to the throne, he introduced 
 Lord Bute into the privy council. Soon afterwards the rangership 
 of Richmond Park was conferred upon the same nobleman. There 
 could scarcely be two more opposite characters than Mr. Pitt and 
 Lord Bute. There were, however, some points in which they resem- 
 bled each other, for the habits of both were retired, and the hearts 
 of both were sensible to the throbs of ambition. But the retirement 
 of Mr. Pitt was the necessary consequence of his devotion to the 
 afl'airs of state, to a fondness for literature, and to a want of health. 
 The retirement of Lord Bute resulted from a mixture of pedantry and 
 pride : a pedantry which contented itself with superficial accom- 
 plishments, and a pride which precluded him from that knowledge of 
 the world which is often a useful substitute for books. The ambition 
 of Mr. Pitt was the impulse of a vast and generous mind to render 
 England the first country in the world. The ambition of Lord Bute 
 was a vain and indefmite desire to engross the favor of the Sovereign, 
 and to hold the reins of government, which, (like the fabulous Phaeton 
 in his father's chariot,) he had neither strength to restrain, nor judg- 
 ment to guide. At the court of Frederick Prince of Wales, and at 
 that of his son. Lord Bute had necessarily associated with Mr. Pitt. 
 But there was no sympathy in their dispositions, and little intimacy 
 ever subsisted between them *. The great object which Lord Bute 
 professed with his master was to emancipate the crown from that de- 
 pendance upon a few great families which, during the preceding reign, 
 
 * In relating the occurrences of the year 1759, Lord Orford says, " their mutual haughtiness 
 and reserve had early impaired the connection of Lord Bute and Pitt. The Prince's court had 
 secrets of their own ; nor was Pitt more communicative to the successor of his grandfather's 
 measures. The aflair of Lord George SackviUe, who was patronized by the Prince, widened 
 the breach."
 
 LORD BUTE CONTRASTED WITH MR. PITT. 495 
 
 had so shamefully prevailed. None who considered the domination CHAP. 
 
 " XVII 
 
 under which George II. was brought by the Pelhams and their par- '1750. 
 tizans, in the year 1746, and who apprehended that his grandson == 
 might be subject to the same humiliation, could blame a faithful ser- 
 vant for struggling to free his Sovereign from that stale of servility in 
 which the constitution never intended to place him. But if the ob- 
 ject of Lord Bute was just and reasonable, it was attended with diffi- 
 culties far beyond his power to overcome. Although he was de- 
 scended from a very ancient Une in Scotland, he wanted family con- 
 nexion in England to enable him to break the strength of family con- 
 nexion in others. He was, moreover, utterly inexperienced in the 
 conduct of public affairs, and any attempt on his part to direct or 
 amend the system of government would, of course, be regarded as 
 extremely presumptuous. The favor with which he was regarded by 
 the King, although it gave him influence with the worshippers of 
 power, rendered him an object of jealousy with the greater number of 
 the ancient and powerful families in the kingdom. From the first 
 moment of George the Third's accession, Lord Bute desired and pro- 
 jected the removal of Mr. Pitt from office. But the talents and popu- 
 larity of the minister rendered that measure then impracticable. It 
 appeared safer, at first, to foment the dislike which the country had 
 partially manifested to the German war, and to form a connexion 
 with those who were known to dislike or to envy Mr. Pitt. Accord- 
 ingly, the greatest encouragement was given by Lord Bute to those 
 writers who deprecated the continuance of the war, and a close inti- 
 macy was formed with Mr. Fox and the Duke of Newcastle. Ever 
 since Mr. Pitt had refused to unite with Mr. Fox in 1756, the latter 
 had regarded him with feelings of personal animosity. As to the 
 Duke of Newcastle, he had been borne down by the commanding 
 talents of the secretary of state, and for a length of time had implicitly 
 acceded to his measures ; but he looked back with regret to the time 
 when the conduct of the government was vested in himself and his 
 followers, and would willingly have broken with Mr. Pitt could he 
 have hoped by so doing to obtain any accession of power.
 
 'i^6 WISE MEASURE OF THE KING RESPECTING THE JUDGES. 
 
 CHAP. Lord Bath was another of Lord Bute's pohtical associates. This 
 
 XVil. 
 
 1760. nobleman, in acquiring a peerage, had lost the public esteem, which 
 
 he never afterwards regained. Although he occasionally produced 
 a pamphlet upon public affairs, he had for many years possessed no 
 influence with the government, and his chief pleasure consisted in the 
 accumulation of his enormous fortune. 
 1761. On the 3d March, 17f>l, a measure most important to the country, 
 
 was thus recommended to parliament by the Sovereign. 
 
 " My Lords and Gentlemen, 
 
 " Upon granting new commissions to the Judges, the present 
 state of their oflices fell naturally under consideration. 
 
 " In consequence of the act passed in the reign of my late glorious 
 predecessor King William IIL, for settling the succession of the crown 
 on my family, their commissions have been made during their good 
 behaviour ; but, notwithstanding that wise provision, their offices have 
 determined upon the demise of the Crown, or at the expiration of 
 six months afterwards, in every instance of that nature which has 
 happened. 
 
 " I look upon the independency and uprightness of the Judges of 
 the land as essential to the impartial administration of justice, as one 
 of the best securities to the rights and liberties of my loving subjects, 
 and as most conducive to the honor of the crown ; and I come now 
 to recommend this interesting object to the consideration of Parlia- 
 ment, in order that such farther provision may be made for securing 
 the Judges in the enjoyment of their ofKce during their good behaviour, 
 notwithstanding any such demise, as shall be most expedient. 
 " Gentlemen of the House of Commons, 
 
 " I must desire of you, in particular, that I may be enabled to 
 grant and establish upon the Judges such salaries as I shall think 
 proper, so as to be absolutely secured to them during the continuance 
 of their commissions." 
 
 Provisions were immediately made by Parliament to enable his
 
 DISMISSAL OF MR. LEGGE FROM OFFICE. 497 
 
 Majesty to carry into effect the purposes specified in his speech. To CHAP, 
 dilate upon this subject is wholly unnecessary. The great importance j76j" 
 and utility of the measure is universally acknowledged : a measure which ==- 
 reflects high honor upon the monarch who adopted it, and upon Mr. Pitt, 
 in whose liberal and enlightened policy it is said to have originated. 
 
 After the termination of the session on the 19th, Parliament was 
 dissolved on the 21st March, 1761. 
 
 Mr. Legge was then dismissed from the Chancellorship of the 
 Exchequer. 
 
 Henry Bilson Legge, descended from an ancient and noble 
 family, was born on the 29th March, 1708. Although not educated 
 at any of those schools which have produced so many ornaments and 
 supporters of the country, he cultivated his talents with great diligence 
 and success. The quotations, which he occasionally introduced into 
 his speeches, evince both the justness of his taste, and his intimate 
 acquaintance with the Greek and Roman classics. Mr. Legge was 
 at first designed for the naval profession, and made one or two 
 voyages at an early age. But becoming known to Sir R. Walpole, 
 he quitted the navy, and was domesticated in the family of the 
 minister. For several years he was the confidential secretary of Sir 
 R. Walpole. He then obtained a seat in parliament, and, in the 
 course of a few years, was advanced to several offices of honor and 
 emolument in the state. The assiduity with which he attended to the 
 duties of the House of Commons, and to those of the various depart- 
 ments in which he was employed, is mentioned by a writer not gene- 
 rally remarkable for flattery, and by no means partial to Mr. Legge ''. 
 It must be admitted, that the popularity which Mr. Legge at one 
 time so largely enjoyed was in a great degree owing to the association 
 of his name with that of Mr. Pitt. But he possessed many qualities 
 to recommend him to general esteem. During Mr. Pitt's glorious 
 administration, the talents of Mr. Legge, as Chancellor of the Ex- 
 chequer, were most usefully exerted in supporting the gigantic plans 
 of the Secretary of State. Patient, laborious, and acute, a perfect 
 
 * Horace, Earl of Orford. 
 VOL. I. 3 s
 
 498 DISMISSAL OF MR. LEGGE FROM OFFICE. 
 
 CHAP, master of the minutia; of business, never attempting to affect the 
 
 jygj imagination or the passions of his hearers, he was well calculated to 
 
 ==== supply the deficiencies wliich the mighty orator had purposely or 
 
 undesignedly omitted. The praise which the poet assigns to Mene- 
 
 laus may be ascribed to Mr. Legge : 
 
 " He spoke no more than just the thing he ought." 
 
 To him also the words of Tacitus apply : " raro incaluit : pmici 
 sensus apte et cum quodam lumine terminabantur ; nihil eicerpere, 
 nihil referre potuiases." 
 
 As to moral character, Mr. Legge was a man of acknowledged 
 integrity, affable and engaging in his manners, and exemplary in the 
 relations of domestic life. The abrupt dismission of such a man from 
 office is certainly to be regretted. The conduct of Mr. Legge, 
 respecting the Southampton election in the year 1759, find the decla- 
 ration which he made in answer to an application from Lord Bute, 
 relative to his conduct upon a future election, however honorable and 
 firm, were certainly calculated to offend the heir apparent. 
 
 Upon the death of George IL a feeling of resentment against 
 Mr. Legge still existed in the mind of the youthful sovereign. But it 
 would well have become the favorite to soften a prejudice in the royal 
 mind which himself had produced, and I have ever considered the loss 
 which the country sustained by the dismission of Mr. Legge, as a 
 reproach to Lord Bute \ 
 
 Mr. Pitt has been severely censured for remaining in office after 
 the dismission of Mr. Legge. But the charge is unreasonable. The 
 spirit of party had carried the principle of resignation to a disgusting 
 and alarming excess during the late King's reign, and it would iia\e 
 ill become Mr. Pitt, at this time, to sanction and renew it. There 
 was no party, besides, with whom he had ever been strictly identified, 
 
 '■ Mr. Legge had refused to pledge himself to support, upon the Prince of Wales's solicita- 
 tion through Lord Bute, Mr, (afterwards Sir Simeon) Stuart at the next Hampshire election. 
 It was this refusal, according to Mr. Legge's statement, which occasioned his subsequent dis- 
 mission. See some account of the character of the Right Hon. Bilson Legge, by Dr. Butler, 
 Bishop of Oxford.
 
 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO THE EARL OF BRISTOL. ^99 
 
 and the only individual, whose resignation or dismission would have CHAP, 
 caused his own, was his brother-in-law, Lord Temple. 1751 ' 
 
 Lord Barrington succeeded Mr. Legge in the Chancellorship of 
 the Exchequer. 
 
 Two days afterwards Lord Holdernesse retired upon a consider- 
 able pension, and Lord Bute was made Secretary of State. Mr. Pitt, 
 I have said, continued in office. 
 
 The liberality of Parliament far exceeded any thing which had 
 been formerly known. Upwards of nineteen millions were voted for 
 the service of the year. The same activity continued to pervade the 
 various departments of government. The armies and fleets of the 
 country were maintained in the same degree of strength, and nothing 
 seemed to indicate any relaxation of national exertion. 
 
 Our connection with Prussia was preserved as strictly as it had 
 been during the three previous years ''. 
 
 Our position with regard to Spain continued upon the same pre- 
 carious footing. That country required certain cessions on the part 
 of England, whilst we demanded others on the part of Spain. The 
 uncompromising character of Mr. Pitt, wherever he thought the just 
 interests of his country concerned, was plainly manifested in his de- 
 spatches to the Earl of Bristol. His letter of the 26th September, 
 1760% had given offence to the Spanish minister. The unpleasant 
 feeling excited in the mind of General Wall, and the measures adopted 
 by Lord Bristol with respect to the points of difference between the 
 two countries, are the subject of the two follo\|Ving letters. 
 
 Extract of a Letter from Mr. Pitt to the Earl of Bristol. 
 
 " Whitehall, April 24. 1761. 
 " In order to introduce such a friendly spirit of transaction, it 
 was that my letter of the 26th September was calculated, and I am at 
 a loss, on the most careful review, to find in all that despatch any of 
 
 '' The treaties between the Kings of Britain and of Prussia, from January, 1756, to De- 
 cember, 1760, will be found in the Appendix, No. IV. pape^rs 6, 7, 8, &c. 
 ' See Chapter XVI. 
 
 3 s 2
 
 500 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO THE EARL OF BRISTOL. 
 
 CHAP, those words which M. Wall conceives to carry throughout the whole 
 
 xvn . . 
 
 1761. of it such a sense and air as has induced that minister to say, in his 
 
 - letter to your Excellency of the 24th January, that he is even ashamed 
 
 to make use of in his turn. I will not dwell on, much less will I 
 imitate, the peevishness of the Spanish Secretary of State, but will 
 acquaint your Excellency, by the King's command, that the sub- 
 stance, as well as the whole turn of expression of that piece, still con- 
 tinues to be thought here to contain nothing but the result of his 
 Majesty's equity and justice towards his own subjects, the sincerest 
 dispositions for conciliation and amicable accommodation of disputes 
 with the crown of Spain concerning logwood, and an indispensable 
 regard to his Majesty's own dignity. 
 
 " In this salutary view the court of Spain has been again and 
 again invited, on the part of England, to temperate and candid ne- 
 gociation, in order to some happy expedient to regulate, to mutual 
 satisfaction, our enjoyment of the privilege of cutting logwood, autho- 
 rised under the treaty of Utrecht ; his Majesty having at the same 
 time constantly and invariably declared that he is ready to remove 
 all the establishments of an undue nature which shall be found to 
 have been made in violation of the territorial jurisdiction of the crown 
 of Spain. 
 
 " Such are the pure and upright sentiments in which his Majesty 
 remains, and however fruitless the above invitations, on the part of 
 the court of England, have hitherto proved, there is still room to 
 hope, that unless some change in the political system of Spain has to 
 a considerable degree already taken place at Madrid, that court will, 
 on mature reflection, cease to think it reasonable, (in matters referred 
 by the Spanish Secretary of State's own letter, in 1754, in the name 
 of the King his master, to future discussion and amicable adjustment,) 
 that England should, on demand, do every thing, and Spain, on her 
 part, do nothing."
 
 LETTER FROM THE EARL OF BRISTOL TO MR. PITT. 501 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 Extract of a Letter from the Earl of Bristol to Mr. Pitt. ^vn. 
 
 " Aranjuez, May 20, 1761. 
 
 " After mentioning with what regret you had expressed yourself 
 Lo find, (in resuming our correspondence, which had been so long 
 interrupted by your illness,) the disputes between the two crowns 
 were as far from drawing to a happy conclusion as they had appeared 
 to be some months ago, I acquainted the Spanish minister, that upon 
 the strictest review of your letter of the 26th September, the whole 
 tenor of it was judged by our court to contain only what was the 
 result of the King's equity towards his own subjects, at the same 
 time that it plainly demonstrated, on the part of England, the most 
 cordial as well as the sincerest dispositions for an amicable adjustment 
 of the differences still subsisting with Spain concerning the logwood 
 trade. I appealed to his Excellency whether the bent of each pro- 
 posal from England had not been to enter into an amicable nego- 
 ciation, as the safest and most friendly manner of conciliating, to 
 mutual satisfaction, what had been so long a subject of variance be- 
 tween the two nations, and I desired the Spanish Secretary of State 
 lo recollect the substance of his own letter in 1754 to Sir Benjamin 
 Keene, wherein, by command and in the name of his late Catholic 
 Majesty, he. Monsieur Wall, acquainted the English ambassador that 
 all matters relating to our differences in America concerning the Cam- 
 peachy wood, should be referred to a future discussion and to a 
 friendly adjustment. 
 
 " No arguments which my various instructions had pointed out, 
 nor any expostulations that my own mind could suggest remained 
 unemployed upon this delicate occasion. I repeated all I had for- 
 merly advanced in support of our claim, I endeavoured to refute what 
 the Spanish minister advanced concerning the pretensions of the court 
 of Madrid, I took care to renew the assurances of the upright senti- 
 ments of his Majesty by recapitulating the constant and uniform de- 
 «:larations I had been ordered to make of the King's resolution to
 
 •i0"2 LETTER FROM THE EARL OF BRISTOL TO MR. PITT. 
 
 CHAP, remove all establishments of an undue nature which had been made in 
 
 XV'Il. 
 
 1761. violation ot the territorial juiisdiction of Spain, and I earnestly recom- 
 
 ' mended to his Excellency not to permit the frequent invitations made 
 by Great Britain to remain unsuccessful, since there could not be a 
 more favorable opportunity than what now ofiered itself for putting 
 an entire stop to all altercations by an amicable negociation, the 
 single method that ought to be observed by two great powers, (I 
 would hope,) alike disposed to live in the closest correspondence and 
 the most cordial friendship. I dwelt upon our long enjoyment of the 
 privilege of cutting logwood, authorised, (though not explicitly,) by 
 the treaty of Utrecht, and pressed General Wall to give me some 
 light into the manner it was intended to settle a convention for ensur- 
 ing that valuable and indispensable trade tons; for, as his Excellency 
 had frequently acquainted me, the Catholic King was determined to 
 let England, in some shape or other, reap the benefit of a commodity 
 we had been in possession of for near a century, I wished to be able 
 to communicate to my own court some favorable overture of that 
 kind from hence, and to know what idea had been adopted in Spain 
 for settling a convention towards an equitable and reasonable regula- 
 tion on this important head. Whilst I was enumerating a variety of 
 arguments in confirmation of the several rights which we claimed in 
 America, our conversation naturally led towards the Newfoundland 
 fishery, but I only dwelt enough upon that particular branch of busi- 
 ness to have it understood the King's paternal concern for his people 
 was such that his Majesty would never suffer that clear right to be in 
 any degree infringed upon or divided, and, recurring to the article of 
 logwood, I concluded by saying, it was as much the interest of Spain, 
 as it was the desire of England, finally to adjust the exercise of a pri- 
 vilege, perhaps susceptible of inconvenience to Spain upon the present 
 foot, yet in some shape absolutely necessary to England, confirmed to 
 us by a former treaty, and acknowledged by his Excellency to be the 
 present intention of this court to continue us in the possession of. 
 
 " You will easily imagine. Sir, that I did not continue to hold 
 the above discourse with the Spanish minister without various inter-
 
 LETTER FROM THE EARL OF BRISTOL TO MR. PITT. 503 
 
 ruptions from his Excellency, yet I hope you will approve of my CHAP, 
 placing together the substance of all I alleged and comprehending in 1761.' 
 another paragraph the several replies I received from M. Wall to- == 
 gether with his observations and the result of the whole, rather than 
 to intermix our reciprocal answers, which might render the recital of 
 the conferences prolix and not quite void of confusion. General Wall 
 listened to me for a long time with attention, and when I pressed the 
 entering into some negociation for settling our right to the logwood 
 trade, he said, the first proof the court of London ought to give of its 
 good faith, as well as of its sincerity, in desiring to accommodate our 
 disputes concerning that branch of commerce, was destroying all the 
 forts and establishments the British ministry allowed to be illegal, 
 without which, no effectual stop could be put to the repeated acts of 
 violation of the territorial jurisdiction of Spanish America ; and by our 
 relinquishing those usurpations upon the coasts of Yacatan already 
 made, it would be the surest means to prevent any others from being 
 undertaken, since hitherto as fast as the logwood cutters had been 
 drove from Campeachy, Honduras, or the Musquito shore, they had 
 only changed the situation of their encroachments by removing either 
 to the river Wallis, Rio Tinto, or the Loguna Agal. He proceeded 
 with the most explicit assurances in the name of his Catholic Majesty 
 that it was the King of Spain's firm resolution upon his royal word to 
 concur with Great Britain in finding out some expedient to secure to 
 the English the enjoyment of logwood, provided the British ministry 
 would but give the single testimony required of its upright intentions, 
 which was sending orders for the removal of all fortified establish- 
 ments, and withdrawing from thence the artillery and other warlike 
 stores that could only be destined to maintain an unauthorised pos- 
 session of what we ourselves owned to be illegal. General Wall even 
 went so far as to promise, in case these orders were issued out, that 
 till the time some agreement could be completely made for regulating 
 to mutual satisfaction our enjoyment of the logwood trade, the settlers 
 already fixed in huts upon that vast extent of coast wherever they were 
 employed in cutting the wood should, upon no pretence whatever, be
 
 504 LETTER FROM THE EARL OF BRISTOL TO MR. PITT. 
 
 CHAP, interrupted either on the shore, or molested at sea, when they were 
 1761. carrying off a commodity which his Excellency acknowledged we 
 
 == should never be deprived of in some shape or other. The Secretary 
 of State spoke to mc with the most friendly openness, and neglected 
 no expression which might tend to obviate all doubts that might arise 
 of this court's not being in earnest to fulfil what his Excellency so 
 solemnly advanced, if England would only consent to transmit those 
 orders which would at once put a stop to the clamorous reports of our 
 enemies, both in and out of Spain, of our persisting to re-establish the 
 ancient illegal forts, and persevering in the construction of additional 
 ones which we meant to retain as pledges of our security where he 
 made no scruple to own we had no right to be fixed. In relation to 
 the fishery upon the coast of Newfoundland, M. Wall only repeated 
 what he had formerly insisted upon, yet brought no new proof to 
 support the pretensions of the Guipuscoans or Biscay ners to thai 
 claim they had so constantly asserted but without any legal foun- 
 dation. 
 
 " When I touched upon what was mentioned in your despatch 
 concerning a change in the political system of the court of Madrid, I 
 
 > added that the style of his Excellency's letter to me of the 24th 
 
 January, together with many other circumstances at that time, had 
 appeared to corroborate the reports propagated even in these king- 
 doms of the intention of Spain's taking a share in the present distur- 
 bances, and as it was my duty to give an account of what was passing 
 in this country, I had not concealed from the King's ministers the 
 unpromising aspect and the gloomy politics which seemed to be pre- 
 ^ ailing at that period, yet I had been as ready afterwards, upon the 
 disappearance of those clouds, proceeding from his Excellency's con- 
 versation, as well as the slackening their naval preparations, to dispel 
 whatever impressions might have been received in England of the 
 probability of an interruption in our friendship and good corres- 
 pondence, which would not fail of subsisting for ever between these 
 crowns if an amicable negociation could be brought about to adjust 
 the disputes in question."
 
 RENEWAL OF THE NEGOCIATION FOR PEACE. 505 
 
 A short time before the date of Mr. Pitt's letter to Lord chap. 
 Bristol, the propositions of a general peace, which had terminated so ntn] 
 abruptly in 1759, were again renewed with a much greater prospect of ^ 
 success. 
 
 With the exception of Prussia, France had suffered infinitely 
 more by the war than any other of the leading belligerent powers. 
 There was this advantage, also, on the side of Frederick II. that whilst 
 he received considerable subsidies from England, Louis XV. had not 
 only been obliged to maintain his own armies, but also to supply those 
 sinews of war, money, for several of his allies. Humbled by a series 
 of disasters, and exhausted by enormous burthens, France was now 
 foremost to propose a general peace. As she had done and suffered 
 so much on account of her allies, they could not with propriety oppose 
 her inclinations. Accordingly, the five parties to the war, on the 
 one side, signed their respective declarations on the 26th March, 
 1761, and England and Prussia, on the other side, signed their 
 counter-declarations in the beginning of April ". Whilst it was pro- 
 posed to discuss the general affairs of Germany by Plenipotentiaries 
 at Augsburg, it was determined to argue the particular points in 
 dispute between France and England separately at Paris and in 
 London. 
 
 The King of England nominated the Earl of Egremont, a noble- 
 man of considerable talents. Lord Viscount Stormont, Ambassador in 
 Poland, and General Sir Joseph Yorke^, Ambassador at the Hague, 
 to act as his Plenipotentiaries at Augsburg. The Count de Choiseul ' 
 was appointed by Louis XV. to act in the same capacity in support of 
 the interests of France. 
 
 Mr. Hans Stanley was also despatched to Paris, and M. De 
 Bussy to London, to treat more particularly of the preliminaries of 
 peace between France and England. 
 
 * See Appendix, No. V. papers 1,2, 'J, &c. 
 
 ' Son of the Earl of Hardwicke, and afterwards Lord Dover. 
 
 ^ Brother of the Due de Choiseul. 
 
 VOL. I. 3 T
 
 506 INSTRUCTIONS FROM GOVERNMENT TO MR. STANLEY. 
 
 CHAP. The following are the principal articles of the instructions given 
 
 I7(;i. to Mr. Stanley. They are dated, 
 ^^"^^^""^^ " St. James's, May 18, 1761. 
 
 " 3. On your arrival at Paris, you are to notify the same to the 
 Duo de Choiseul, Minister and Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, 
 and to desire an audience of him ; at which you are to dehver to the 
 said minister, agreeably to what has been regulated in the Due de 
 Choiseul's letters of the 4th of May, and the answers thereto of the 
 11th of the same month, our credential letter to the most Christian 
 King, with a copy thereof; and you will accompany the same with 
 all proper expressions of our regard for the most Christian King, and 
 of our sincere desire to see an happy end put to the evils of a war, 
 which has so long subsisted between the two crowns ; and you will 
 likewise acquaint the Due de Choiseul, that conformably to what has 
 been agreed between the two courts, you have a full power from us, 
 a copy whereof you will deliver to that minister, at the same time 
 declaring that you are ready to produce the original when desired. 
 
 " 4. For your better guidance and direction in this important ne- 
 gociation, we have judged proper to lay down and fix two things, as 
 main and essential points, by which you are to govern yourself in your 
 conferences with the Due de Choiseul. First, you are to acquaint 
 that minister, that we, having accepted the proposal made by order 
 and in the name of the most Christian King, as contained in the 
 memorial of the 26th of March, namely, to agree that, relatively to 
 the particular war of England and France, the tuo crowns shall re- 
 main in possession of what they have conquered the one from the 
 other, and that the state wherein they shall find themselves to be at 
 certain epochs, shall be the position which shall serve as a basis for 
 the treaty, which may be negociated between the two powers '', which 
 epochs are, by the following part of the said memorial, offered to be 
 made an object of negociation ; and it being further therein expressed 
 that the proposal of France means to say, that the most Christian 
 
 ' Mr. Pitt here gives the spirit, but not the exact words of the memorial. See Appendix, 
 No. V. paper 3.
 
 INSTRUCTIONS FROM GOVERNMENT TO MR. STANLEY, 507 
 
 King, from motives of humanity, will make a sacrifice of the restitu- chap. 
 tio7is which he has room to claim, at the same time that he will retain jygi' 
 what he has acquired upon England during the course of this war : == 
 which proposal, made as above, having been by us already accepted, 
 you are to declare that you are come ready and desirous to learn 
 any ideas and intentions of the court of France, for carrying into 
 effect with more speed and certainty this salutary offer for happily 
 restoring peace and amity between the two crowns ; and in case you 
 shall be asked if you are ordered to make any proposal on this sub- 
 ject, or that you should be ever so much pressed on this head, you 
 will not find it difficult to maintain, without harshness, either in ap- 
 pearance or reality, constant possession of the strong ground, which 
 the Due de Choiseul's memorial of the 26th of March has given, viz. 
 that the most Christian King, having made a proposal which we have 
 accepted, it cannot, with any colour of reason, be expected, that you 
 should be charged to make any other on our part. 
 
 *' The second point which we have judged proper to lay down 
 and fix for your conduct is, that ynn are to make known to the Due 
 de Choiseul, that we having in view to avoid rendering precarious 
 the mutual blessings of peace between the two crowns, by subjecting 
 the same to the eventual success of objects, whose nature, it is agreed, 
 is totally foreign to the causes of our particular war ; and we also 
 judging that nothing can so much accelerate the general pacification 
 of the other belligerent powers as a speedy conclusion of the peace 
 betvveen Great Britain and France by a sincere and efficacious nego- 
 ciation, our intention is, that whatever shall be happily agreed be- 
 tween us and the most Christian King, relative to the particular war 
 between the two crowns, be rendered binding, final, and conclusive, 
 independent of the issue of the negociations at Augsburg for adjusting 
 and terminating the disputes of Germany, and for restoring the ge- 
 neral peace thereof. 
 
 " 5. With regard to any explanations which the Due de Choiseul 
 may give to the propositions already made by France, as well as with 
 regard to any new openings, insinuations, or ideas which may be 
 
 3x2
 
 •»08 INSTRUCTIONS FROM GOVERNMENT TO MR. STANLEY. 
 
 CHAP, thrown out by that minister, either relative to the particular peace of 
 j7gf ■ the two crowns, or in reference to any views or notions France may 
 '== entertain for conciliating the other belligerent powers, our will and 
 pleasure is, that you do receive all such matters ad referendum, pro- 
 mising to transmit the same faithfully to your court, and taking care 
 to hold such a language as may best avoid giving room to the court 
 of France to take umbrage or offence at your reserve ; and making 
 use of all those arguments which your prudence and address will sug- 
 gest, and which you will be able chiefly to derive from the two points 
 laid down and fixed in the fourth article of these instructions. 
 
 " 6. If the Due de Choiseul shall touch upon the subject of the war 
 of the King of Prussia, or even although that minister should be silent 
 on this head, you will take care to express our constant resolution to 
 fulfil the engagements of our crown towards that Prince, and to con- 
 tinue as an auxiliary to support his interests with the cordiality and 
 efficacy of a sincere and faithful ally. 
 
 " 7. Notwithstanding you are by our full power authorised to con- 
 clude and .sign any thing that may be agiend on between the two 
 courts, it is our express will and pleasure that you do not, in virtue of 
 the said power, proceed to the signature of any act whatever with the 
 court of France, without first having our special orders for that pur- 
 pose from one of our principal Secretaries of State. 
 
 " 8. Whereas, it is agreed between the two crowns, that you and 
 the Sieur de Bussy shall respectively enjoy in France and in England 
 all the rights, prerogatives, franchises, and liberties belonging to your 
 characters, as if the two courts were in full peace, you are to be duly 
 attentive to maintain our dignity in all things touching the same, and 
 to take care that you be treated in the same manner as ministers of 
 your rank from Spain, or any other crowned head, except as to the 
 form of not delivering our credentials yourself to the most Christian 
 King in an audience. 
 
 " 9. You shall use your particular endeavours to inform yourself of 
 the interior situation of the court of France, and of the actual state 
 and dispositions of the French nation. You will also give a watch-
 
 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO MR. STANLEY. 509 
 
 ful attention to the conduct and motions of the Spanish Ambassador CHAP. 
 
 XVII 
 
 there; and of all matters which may be of consequence and worthy 176).' 
 our knowledge you shall constantly give an account to us by one of" 
 our principal Secretaries of State, from whom you will receive such 
 further instructions and directions as we shall think fit to send you, 
 which you are to observe accordingly." 
 
 The first steps of the negociation on the part of the French envoy, 
 would in a heathen country have been considered as ominous of an ill 
 event. M. Bussy, contrary to arrangements previously made, did 
 not reach Calais till two days after Mr. Stanley had arrived there. 
 Whatever were the causes of his delay, it produced a bad impression 
 upon the mind of Mr. Pitt, who in a letter dated Whitehall, May 31, 
 176] , expresses himself thus : 
 
 " As to your ulterior conduct under a circumstance not a little 
 delicate and embarassing, I am to acquaint you that since M. de 
 Bussy is, though with a very ill grace, actually arrived in England, 
 but not yet at London, the King judges proper, that without any 
 farther delay, (which before this can now reach you, will have been 
 sufficiently protracted, to be thoroughly marked,) you should prose- 
 cute your journey to Paris, according to your first instructions. 
 
 " Whatever purpose there may be in this tardy arrival of M. de 
 Bussy, supposing so poor a subterfuge to be really directed to any, his 
 Majesty does not in his royal wisdom judge it proper, especially con- 
 sidering the great and superior situation of his kingdoms in the pre- 
 sent prosperous war, to suffer France to interpose an incident, just at 
 the eve of a negociation, all the circumstances whereof are so honor- 
 able to the crown of Great Britain, that the court of Versailles, feeling 
 perhaps too late the humiliating extent of her own propositions for 
 peace, may thus wish to put off the e^il hour by working up a 
 squabble to prevent entering into matter. 
 
 " Notwithstanding these considerations of prudence, his Majesty 
 can by no means suffer his dignity to remain unasserted on such an
 
 510 LETTER FROM MR. STANLEY TO MR. PITT. 
 
 CHAP, occasion. It is the King's pleasure therefore, that to this end you 
 176J ■ should in your first visit to the Due de Choiscul, and before you 
 ^== deliver your credentials, let that minister know, in terms of politeness 
 but of gravity, that you on your part, in consequence of the arrange- 
 ments fixed between the two crowns, had fulfilled the orders of your 
 court with the utmost punctuality, by not only repairing to Dover on 
 the 25th May, but by passing over to Calais in the course of the 
 same day, in full and entire confidence, that M. de Bussy would 
 on his part have proceeded with equal good faith ; but as that 
 minister had, by a total inobservation of formal engagements, left you 
 to remain two days in the town of Calais before his arrival there, your 
 court had therefore not thought it proper that you should put the 
 same empressement into your journey from Calais to Paris, as you had 
 done in that from London to Dover, and in your passage to France. 
 If upon this, the Due de Choiseul shall disown or excuse this failure, 
 you will let his Excellency know, that you then can venture to deliver 
 your credentials, which you will accordingly do, and proceed as di- 
 rected by your instructions. But if on the contrary, which it is 
 hardly possible to suppose, that minister should avow this proceeding 
 of M. de Bussy, you are in that case to acquaint his Excellency, that 
 you must suspend the delivery of your credentials till you hear again 
 from your court." 
 
 The first letter received by Mr. Pitt from Mr. Stanley is dated 
 Senlis, June 3, 1761. The following extract is replete with interest : 
 
 " I did not arrive at St. Omer's," writes Mr. Stanley, " till ten 
 that night. I was received there by the Lieutenant du Roi, who met 
 me at the gates, and pressed me extremely to sup and lay at his 
 house, but I excused myself from the lateness of the hour. When I 
 came to my inn an ofhcer waited on me, who said he had orders to 
 mount a guard for me : I begged he would not give himself that 
 trouble, and we at last compounded the affair for a single sentinel. 
 I received, both here and at Calais, all military honors.
 
 LETTER FROM MR. STANLEY TO MR. PITT. 511 
 
 " As I was determined to take a very high tone with M. de chap. 
 Bussy, I have observed, in all other instances, to behave myself with ]75i^' 
 the utmost modesty and humility, always seeking to make the first ^^^^^^ 
 visits, and avoiding every mark of ostentation. I find I have not 
 displeased the persons I have hitherto met with in my progress. 
 
 " With regard to my observations upon the country, so cursory 
 a view of it as mine has been, could not furnish many. At Calais I 
 was shewn a fort, which an officer there present said he remembered 
 formerly surrounded at all times by the sea : there was then at least 
 five hundred yards of sand between this fort and the water. Another 
 officer added, that the same alteration had happened along the whole 
 coast, and that the harbour of Dunkirk had been thereby in a great 
 measure choaked up, so as not to receive vessels of near the burthen 
 it fonnerly contained. 
 
 *' The College of Jesuits at St. Omer's contains at present 260 
 British and Irish students. 
 
 " Except at Calais there are no regular troops along this whole 
 frontier. St. Omer's, Arras, Aire, Bethune, &c. are garrisoned only 
 by militia ; Peronne and the inner places are guarded by burghers ; 
 the former appear to be composed of good, bad, and indifferent men, 
 their oflficers are taken from among the townsmen and farmers, they 
 serve for the present pay, and have no hopes of promotion : the latter 
 are miserable in their figure, clothes, arms, and accoutrements. 
 
 " The country of Artois, which I left at Bapaume, is a very rich 
 soil ; the subsidies are levied by their own states : the country is well 
 cultivated, and the commonalty appear at their ease. But in Old 
 France I found nothing but bad agriculture, scanty crops, and all the 
 signs of poverty. This subject reminds me of what I was told at 
 Calais from a very good hand, that the Due de Choiseul has under 
 consideration, and is inclined to follow, a plan for annulling these 
 privileges in the several provinces, who now possess them, and putting 
 the whole kingdom e7i Regie. The leases to the farmers-general 
 might be so managed as to produce a large sum in the first instance, 
 but upon the whole this would be wretched policy : it would occasion
 
 512 FIRMNESS OF MR. PITT. 
 
 CHAP, most violent discontents, and prove a most dangerous resource even 
 XVII. . , . ' ^ ^ 
 
 1761. in the utmost extremity. 
 
 ^^=^=^ « There are at Paris companies tliat undertake the renting of farms 
 
 in all parts of the kingdom, from the Rhine to the Pyrenees. This 
 establishment has arisen from the misery of the peasants, who soon 
 wanting money to buy seed-corn, horses, cattle, manure, &c. were not 
 able to go on with their bargains. The institution, and the regularity 
 obsened in all payments, seem at first sight advantageous to the 
 landlord, but, in reality, nothing can be more destructive to the state 
 than this usage. The consumption and population of the farmer's 
 family, his love and attachment to his native fields, his dutiful con- 
 nexion with the gentlemen, so useful and creditable to both, the tran- 
 sition and degree in society which he fills up between the former and 
 the poor labourer, all this oeconomical as well as truly beautiful 
 gradation of ranks is set aside, and sinks into a single bailiff sent there 
 by the company, who spends as Uttle money, and impoverishes the 
 estate as fast as he can." 
 
 To this letter the following curious postscript is attached : 
 
 *' I think it proper to inform you, that it was the opinion both of 
 the generals and all the other officers at Calais, and I find it the same 
 at Paris, that the defeat at Minden would have been decisive if 
 the French army had not been saved by Lord George Sackville's 
 cowardice." 
 
 The firmness and decision of Mr. Pitt were early manifested in 
 the course of the negociation for peace. By a reference to the state 
 papers ' it will be seen that the French memorial of the 26th March, 
 although it proposed certain epochs for the determination of the uti 
 possidetis, added, that as the periods proposed might be considered 
 either as too near or too remote for the interests of the British crown, 
 
 ' See Appendix, No. V. paper 3.
 
 EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO MR. STANLEY. 513 
 
 the King of France was willing to enter into negociation upon that CHAP, 
 subject. From the latter proposition the French court subsequently j^^j ' 
 
 \A ished to recede. For when Mr. Pitt, accepting the general terms, —^ ' 
 
 proposed an alteration in the epochs, the French memorial of the 19th 
 April states, that the basis of the proposition is necessarily connected 
 nith the epochas proposed ; for it is easy to conceive that such events 
 may happen on either side, as may absolutely prevent an acquiescence 
 to the uti possidetis, if the epochas are distant ; and his most Chris- 
 tian Majesty has the more reason to recul the whole proposition, if 
 the King of England does not acquiesce to the epochas annexed to it, 
 since no one can doubt but that those periods were proposed at a time, 
 when they were not advantageous to France^. 
 
 Such a departure from their former concessions was not tolerated 
 by Mr. Pitt, who, in a memorial dated the 28th April, urges and 
 establishes the right of his master to alter the epochs originally pro- 
 posed by France. 
 
 Mr. Pitt, of course, supported the same right in his conferences 
 with M. de Bussy, as we shall find expressed in the following letter to 
 Mr. Stanley, dated June 10th, 1761. 
 
 " I had, at the desire of that minister ', another conversation with 
 him yesterday morning, the sum of which was much to the same eft'ect 
 as the preceding referred to in my enclosed letter of the 5th instant, 
 with one difference however, which seems not inconsiderable, viz. 
 that M. de Bussy urged much more faintly than before the same 
 weak arguments which he employed on the former occasion, in order 
 to prove that the proposition of France had not been accepted, and 
 was consequently not to be considered as subsisting. To all this rea- 
 soning I continued to hold the same firm language as before ; and 
 gave that minister most explicitly to understand that the King's inten- 
 tion was fixed, not to depart from the offer which France had made, 
 and which his Majesty had accepted. In this state of things I has e 
 
 * See Appendix, No. V. paper 8. ' M, de Bussy. 
 
 VOL. I. 3 U
 
 514 LETTER FROM MR. STANLEY TO MR. PITT. 
 
 CHAP, nothing to add, but that you are to govern yourself agreeably to the 
 171)1. orders contained in the enclosed letter. 
 " " I must not omit to a<iquaint you for your information that 
 
 M. de Bussy has not been at court ; and he has given me to under- 
 stand that it is not the intention of his court that he should appear 
 there. 
 
 " We expect shortly to hear of your arrival at Paris, and how 
 your first conferences shall have passed." 
 
 Mr. Stanley begins his second letter to Mr. Pitt, dated Paris, 
 June 8th, 1761, with an account of the steps he had taken to obtain 
 an explanation as to the delay of M.de Bussy iu departing for London, 
 after taking leave of his own court ; and states that the Due de Choi- 
 seul disclaimed all knowledge of the motives by which that delay was 
 occasioned. 
 
 " On the 4th instant," continues Mr. Stanley, " I proceeded to 
 Paris, and immediately despatched a letter to the Due de Choiseul 
 desiring an audience, as the court was then at St. Hubert on a party 
 of pleasure, and all business of course suspended till their return, 
 which was on the 6th at night. He was not able to see me till yes- 
 terday the 7th, for which he made me many very civil excuses. 
 
 " During this interval, I found the opportunities, by means of a 
 person of the first rank, whom I know very intimately and who has 
 a great influence over the Due de Choiseul, to prepare him for my re- 
 ception. I very firmly declared to this person the absolute necessity 
 of a most formal disavowal of M. de Bussy 's disrespect. In this time 
 I was likewise informed that the Due de Choiseul had received a cha- 
 racter of me from England, (from whom I know not,) but he had 
 been told, that I was, though a man of talents and of strict honor, yet 
 of a temper full of difliiculties, and extremely an Englishman. I 
 owned the last part of the charge, and that I rejoiced and gloried 
 in it more than in any title with which the greatest prince could de- 
 corate me ; but that though Anglois, I was Homme, and had every
 
 LETTER FROM MR. STANLEY TO MR. PITT. 515 
 
 sentiment of humanity for foreigners, even for my enemies, of which ^^^^• 
 I had given many proofs ; that as to the rest, though I had never dealt I76i. 
 in false professions of friendship to individuals or had flattered the 
 great, I was well known at Paris, as well as in my own country, to 
 have conducted myself as quietly through life as most other people : 
 all w hich I believe has been told him by that person. 
 
 " On the 7th instant, I had my first conference with his Excel- 
 lency, whom I found just then going to council ; he began by express- 
 ing his regret and concern at M. de Bussy's delay ; to which I an- 
 swered by asking him, whether he ordered me to write to my court 
 that he formally disavowed and totally disapproved that step ? He 
 answered in the affirmative, and even declared that he was ready to 
 give me those assurances in writing, or to order M. de Bussy to ask 
 pardon if I thought it necessary ; but his apology was so full, and my 
 instructions so completely obeyed in this respect, that I thought the 
 going further would be as unnecessary as disgracious. 
 
 " I therefore delivered him my letter in the manner enjoined me, 
 and he went into the council, which, as I understood, had been wait- 
 ing while this passed ; he sent his brother, the Ambassador at Augs- 
 burg, to keep me company during his absence. This person appears 
 to me a man of sense and good breeding ; he is much esteemed 
 here. 
 
 " We dined together very cheerfully in a company of about eight 
 persons of the highest quality, before whom the Due, without form or 
 ceremony, expressed in all instances the greatest consideration for my 
 person and character ; after which we retired to his closet, where we 
 had an interview of above two hours. 
 
 " He began the conversation by telling me, ' that it was the 
 strong and determined personal resolution of his most Christian Ma- 
 jesty to terminate the war, if possible, and that all his ministers were 
 in the same sentiments ;' he said, ' he had many difficulties with their 
 allies to bring matters to such a point, as to be able to make the pre- 
 sent overture.' 
 
 " When we had done speaking, after the most proper introduction 
 
 3 u 2
 
 JlG LETTER FROM MR. STANLEY TO MR PITT. 
 
 CHAP. I could find relative both to what he had said, and to the method in 
 i-yi] which I chose to proceed, I read over to him the paragraph of his 
 letter exactly as it is contained in the fourth article of ray instructions, 
 and declared that as Minister Plenipotentiary I accepted the proposal 
 therein made : he replied, ' that he persisted therein M-ith the addition 
 of the epochas.' I answered, ' that in the nature of things there 
 must be some point in which there is a transition from the state of 
 war to that of peace, which was all the meaning I could find in the 
 word that had been used on this occasion.' I likewise added, ' that 
 as the war had been spread over the whole globe, it had been usual 
 to allow terms for the cessation of hostilities according to the various 
 distances of military operations, but that I was uninstructed as to any 
 particular ideas of his Britannic Majesty/ I could only say, ' that I 
 was equally unable to accept or reject particular days or modes of 
 determining this article, but would communicate to my court what he 
 chose to propose on that or any other subject.' 
 
 " He agreed, ' that the epochas were still left as a matter for 
 negociation, but he thought however that in the present state of the 
 affair, according to the natural and usual course of business, his most 
 Christian Majesty having already named the first days of September, 
 July, and May, his Britannic Majesty should proceed therein, either 
 by accepting the said days, or by naming others more agreeable to 
 his intentions, which would probably be guided by preparations and 
 designs to which their court was a stranger, that this appeared a more 
 speedy method than reiterated proposals from them which could be 
 founded only on conjecture.' 
 
 " I thereupon took occasion to say, ' that I was charged with an 
 overture which I believed might abridge many difficulties,' and I read 
 to him the second point of the fourth article "" of my instructions, at 
 which he expressed very great satisfaction and declared, ' that it was 
 totally agreeable to the King his master's instructions to Monsieur de 
 Bussy.' I found he had been alarmed at that part of your memoir 
 
 " See page 507.
 
 LETTER FROM MR. STANLEY TO MR* PITT. 517 
 
 of the 8th April in which you declare, ' that the disputes between the CHAP, 
 two crowns should not retard the conclusion of so salutary a work as 1761.' 
 the general peace of Germany °,' and that he concei ved those expres- ==^ 
 sions to imply that this pacification should perhaps precede the treaty 
 between the two crowns. I assured him, ' this declaration was only 
 a proof of his Majesty's humanity towards so many unhappy nations/ 
 
 " In our conversation upon these topics we carefully distinguished 
 that war of which the causes were merely British and French, from 
 the war of the King of Prussia, but without entering into local par- 
 ticulars. 
 
 " He attempted to discover the ideas of our court upon the 
 quality and nature of future compensations, upon which I assured him 
 I was totally ignorant. He endeavoured extremely to prevail with me 
 that some overture on that head might come from our court, but I 
 urged with so much strength and perseverance, that as the first pro- 
 posal came from France, the developement of that part must inevitably 
 proceed from them, that I have, I believe, made him totally despair 
 that any other method will be followed in the negociation. 
 
 " I then, according to the sixth article of my instructions, made 
 to him in the strongest terms a declaration of his Majesty's intentions 
 with regard to the King of Prussia, which he agreed to upon condi- 
 tion that his master was to observe the same conduct in regard to the 
 Empress Queen. He desired to take an abstract of this matter, which 
 was the only thing he wrote down, though he left me at full liberty as 
 to this point, of which indeed I could make little use. 
 
 " As I was leaving him, he mentioned the captures made before 
 the declaration of war, and the calamities they had caused to indivi- 
 duals, but rather as a matter submitted to the humanity of his Bri- 
 tannic Majesty, than as a condition of a future treaty, though he did 
 not disclaim any right of inserting it. I replied that I had no orders 
 
 " The precise words of the memorial are, that the conteslSy which might arise between the two 
 crowns concerning their particular differences, should not occasion the least delay to the speedy 
 conclusion of so salutary a work as the general peace of Germany. Sec Appendix, No. V. 
 paper 6.
 
 518 LETTER FROM MR. STANLEY TO MR. PITT. 
 
 CHAP, whatever upon that head, and could only speak as a private person, 
 I7fii ■ that national reprisals had almost always preceded wars; that the sen- 
 == timents of writers and the conduct of nations had been very various 
 as to what might affect private property on these unhappy occasions, 
 hut that even according to the opinions and proceedings of those 
 whose tenets and whose history were not favorable to such a preten- 
 sion, satisfaction must be first made for the sufferings of British sub- 
 jects in North America, which had long preceded those seizures. 
 
 " This led us into a digression upon the causes of the war, in 
 w Inch he said to me, ' that the Governor of Canada had in many in- 
 stances acted contrary to the intentions of his so\ereign.' We at last 
 agreed, that the real sources of that war had been the leaving the 
 treaty of peace at Aix-la-Chapelle imperfect and incomplete. ' What 
 is transacted with me,' (said the Duke,) ' be it good or bad, shall be 
 absolutely clear and definite/ I assured him of the same resolution 
 on our part. 
 
 " This, Sir, has been the substance of what- has passed in our first 
 conference, except that he said to me some things as a private person, 
 which I gave him my word that I would not write ; I shall certainly 
 keep that promise, but I am at liberty to say to you, that they are 
 not any way contradictory to what I ha\'e inserted. 
 
 " The particular arguments I used and the stile of our conversa- 
 tion, does not require a very minute detail. I set forth to him, in the 
 best manner I was able, the distresses France laboured under from the 
 state of her trade, and the benefits which England received from en- 
 joying a great part of it, as well as of that of the neutral nations 
 towards whom I maintained however she had always behaved with 
 the greatest equity and moderation, nor did he contradict me, but he 
 urged the renewal of those advantages was a natural consequence of 
 peace, and not to be stated as a particular compensation for any spe- 
 cific article, though he confessed it was a great inducement for accept- 
 ing terms that otherwise would not be eligible. 
 
 " When he spoke of the treaty as advantageous to Great Britain, 
 I stopt him upon that expression, and said, ' I had no clearer moral
 
 LETTER FROM MR. STANLEY TO MR. PITT. 519 
 
 idea of equality than that which the terms of a treaty upon the uti CHAP. 
 |?o.s.s/Je?2s necessarily contained : that every pacification sprung from ngi.' 
 the state of the war itself, and that the conditions thereof were regu- =^^-^— 
 lated by that state ; that therefore those treaties alone could be termed 
 advantageous, where the negociation gave what arms had not been 
 able to obtain.' 
 
 " I reasoned with him so fully upon this point, that I think he 
 will not return again to the same expression. 
 
 " I have expressed our desire to accelerate the conclusion of the 
 peace, and he has strongly professed the same inclination on the side 
 of France. 
 
 " I must confess that in the whole course of this conversation 
 the Due de Choiseul spoke with very fair appearances of candour, as 
 well as that I think him a person of very good natural abilities. I 
 found him much more serious and connected in his conversation than 
 he is here generally represented. When he chose to mix any sort of 
 pleasantry with his business, I complied with his humour, and I flatter 
 myself that I have not displeased him. 
 
 " The people here in general conceive a high opinion of his Ma- 
 jesty's wisdom and virtues. They likewise do justice to the vigour 
 and abilities of his ministers. This is neither compliment nor flattery, 
 but mere matter of intelligence. 
 
 *' I shall lose no time in complying with all other parts of my 
 first instructions, as well as those with which you shall honour me for 
 the future ; but as the mentioning of names may impede the due circula- 
 tion of papers, as it likewise is very dangerous and not extremely fair, 
 I shall beg to be excused upon that point." 
 
 The following postscript, dated June 9th, is annexed to the above 
 letter. 
 
 " In talking of the Austrian Alliance, the Due de Choiseul said 
 to me, ' Ce nest pas moi qui I'afaite.' 
 
 " In some of the less grave part of our conference I told iiim of
 
 •'*-<' LETTER FROM MR. STANLEY TO MR. PITT. 
 
 CHAP, the circumstance of Monsieur de Bussy's coming over in an English 
 
 r76i prize, to which he rephed, that my attention to that circumstance 
 
 "" must draw from him a confession that they had no ^•essel at Calais 
 
 or on the neighbouring coast, which could carry that minister either 
 
 with decency or con\ eniency. 
 
 " This day I dined again with his Excellency at Mouli, in com- 
 pany with the other foreign ministers. We had a short conversation 
 in his closet : he told me that he had imparted to the Austrian am- 
 bassador some parts of w hat had before passed between us. I replied, 
 that it must be left to his honor and discretion to act in his commu- 
 nications w ith other courts, as both should dictate. 
 
 " He likewise said, ' I suppose you will be told that I have a 
 great deal of finesse : the foreign ministers, who are used to find and 
 place a great deal of subtilty in negociations, often suspect me, when 
 I am dealing roundly and fairly with them.' I replied, ' I have not 
 heard your Excellency accused of this, and besides, from the long 
 conversation I had yesterday with you, I have formed too good an 
 opinion of your capacity to think you would employ arts which could 
 not prevail, and must prejudice the present affair, when a plain direct 
 proceeding can alone lead to that issue you desire.' 
 
 " He told me that he had a letter of the 5th, by which he be- 
 lieved that Belle-Isle was taken. I replied, ' that he could not ex- 
 pect me to express much sorrow upon the occasion, but that I could 
 sincerely assure him, that no man wished more than myself that the 
 day would soon come, when no events would any longer happen, in 
 which it would be impossible for me to share his Excellency's senti- 
 ments.' He did not express much concern or any resentment, but 
 spoke of it as an event long expected. He had before told Mr. 
 Sloane that he had directed Monsieur De Bussy to illuminate upon 
 the occasion. 
 
 " The Due d'Aiguillon is much blamed for having neglected the 
 defence of that island. The Duchess, with whom I supped at Ruel 
 on the 7th, seemed to be under concern : she is most grateful for his 
 Majesty's gracious condescensions in favour of the convent founded
 
 LETTER FROM MR. STANLEY TO MR. PITT. 521 
 
 by her ancestors tit Quebec. I beg leave again to recommend that CHAP, 
 affair to his princely generosity; they are a most worthy family, and j^g, ' 
 the Duke passes for a person of great honor and abilities. He has === 
 many friends, but I believe is not at present a particular favorite at 
 court. The Duchess has recommended to my care some holy oils, 
 to be used in the sacraments in Canada. If they reach you with this 
 packet, I do not doubt their being treated with that respect which 
 she deserves, and which even a mistaken religion has a right to 
 claim. You will please to order them to be safely conveyed as di- 
 rected. 
 
 " I have enclosed some private requests : it will be much for his 
 Majesty's service in these parts to comply with them, as it will make 
 me and my commission popular. That of Monsieur de Bougainville 
 is of particular importance, because it comes from persons of high 
 rank, well disposed towards the peace, and who have already been 
 useful to me. M^ Descars is a friend of Mrs. Anne Pitt's °, and the 
 favour is less considerable. Monsieur Burlamaqui is well known to 
 General Townshend, who has spoke to me of him with much esteem. 
 A speedy answer is desired, as the persons have some thoughts of 
 sening in other countries. 
 
 " M}^ presentations are deferred till the next court day. I have 
 left the method entirely to the Due de Choiseul. I understand he at 
 present means it by the Introductor of Foreign Ministers. He told 
 me that the King had said he remembered me very well, and had 
 asked several questions about me. 
 
 " I have visited most of the foreign ministers, and shall conclude 
 those ceremonies to-morrow. All has been right in that respect. 
 
 " Since the affair of Damien the King has never been easy in 
 his mind. If, when he is hunting, or on any occasion, he meets a 
 person whom he is not used to see, he starts and is extremely agi- 
 tated. The Jesuits are charged by the ^ ulgar as promoters of that 
 
 " I have already mentioned this lady. She was a sister of Mr. Pitt's, whom she resembled in 
 many qualities of the mind. 
 
 VOL. I. 3 X
 
 522 LETTER FROM MR. STANLEY TO MR. PITT. 
 
 CHAP, attempt. The Dauphin is esteemed much attached to that society, 
 
 1761. which does not make him beloved, as they are generally hated. The 
 
 ==== people express great joy on their having lost a law-suit of great value, 
 
 and which likewise has much affected their reputation. The King 
 
 is ^ into great contempt for having given up M. Argenson, who 
 
 is said to have been his only real friend ; that he has never had any 
 body since who could be trusted in his honor, or has had the least 
 esteem or regard for him. The Prince of Conti is at the head of a 
 large party, which in some sense braves the court. Nobody knows 
 whence he gets the vast sums which his continual feasts here, and 
 universal reception of persons in the country, cost him. The provinces 
 are in great misery, and though there is much luxury in this town, 
 all persons are deeply in debt. 
 
 " The Pretender's eldest son is drunk as soon as he rises, and is 
 always senselessly so at night, when his servants carry him to bed. 
 He is not thought of even by the exiles. 
 
 " The Minister is a man of lively parts, but no education for 
 business ; frank enough in talk, meaning often what he says at the 
 time, but fickle, very indiscreet; treats all affairs, and with the highest, 
 as matters of jest ; he has got a credit with the King quite independent 
 of the lady. He treats her often very slightly, sometimes roughly ; 
 tells her she is as handsome as an angel, when she talks of affairs ; 
 bid her throw a memoire, the other day, into the fire ; did not make 
 the Austrian Alliance, which was done by Bernis ; has expressed 
 his dislike thereof to his confidants ; envious of that court's gene- 
 rally-hated treaty, owing partly to Prussia's indiscreet expressions 
 about the mistress, and contempt of the Cardinal's verses most cer- 
 tainly. 
 
 " When your first letter of the 20th March was composed, or at 
 least wrote, there were in the room of your correspondent the late 
 Russian and Austrian Ministers, and a fourth person, I believe a 
 Frenchman, whose name I do not yet know : — depend on this. I 
 
 P Sic in MS.
 
 LETTER FROM MR. STANLEY TO MR. PITT. 523 
 
 have since discovered that this fourth person was Baron SchefFer, chap. 
 Minister from Sweden''." I7ei' 
 
 Mr. Stanley commences his letter of the 12th June, by stating, 
 that a second conference had passed between himself and the Due de 
 Choiseul, who expressed some uneasiness at not having received his des- 
 patches from M. de Bussy. A recapitulation of their former conver- 
 sation, with respect to the object of the mission, then took place. Mr. 
 Stanley continues thus : 
 
 " As the principal matters of my instructions were exhausted, 
 our conversation became rather of a general kind ; he complained to 
 me a second time of the great difficulties he had met with from the 
 allies of France, which he thought the more unreasonable, because 
 her stipulations were very express as to the aids and subsidies she was 
 to furnish, in which points she had exactly complied with her treaties : 
 and because France was engaged in the King of Prussia's war merely as 
 an auxiliary, he asked me whether his Britannic Majesty had stood 
 equally at liberty ? I replied ' those engagements did not directly 
 relate to the affair entrusted to me, I am not, therefore, minutely 
 informed of their full tenor, but I am persuaded that his Majesty has 
 punctually, in all respects, observed them :' upon which he rejoined, 
 ' that Prussia alone would be considered as our ally, that the rest 
 were mere subsidiaries.' I answered, ' that I could safely assure 
 him, that the declaration made by me from the King was consistent 
 with his Majesty's dignity and probity, as it was fully equal to the 
 terms of that alhance.' 
 
 " The Duke returned again to the subject which had occasioned 
 this discussion, inveighing, in strong terms, against the obstinacy of 
 the Empress Queen's temper; to demonstrate which, he related 
 the following story. ' While I was Ambassador at Vienna, the siege 
 
 "^ The conversation with the Due de Choiseul, mentioned in this letter, is expressly referred to 
 and quoted in the memorial of the British minister, dated 17th June, 1761. See Appendix, 
 No. V. 
 
 3x2
 
 524 LETTER FROM MR. STANLEY TO MR. PITT. 
 
 CHAP, at Olmutz was formed. Just before one of my audiences, a courier 
 
 XVII 
 
 1761. arrived to acquaint her Majesty that the place was hard pressed : 
 this news she imparted to me. I told her that affairs seemed to go 
 very indifferently, and advised her to consult .some of her generals about 
 repairing the fortifications of her capital, not then in good order.' She 
 answered, ' that she would defend them to the utmost, and then 
 retire from town to town till she came to the last village in Hungary;' 
 to which she added, turning to me, ' Sir, would you follow me there ?' 
 ' My personal service, (I replied,) should attend your Majesty to the 
 utmost, but I cannot answer that the King my master would go quite 
 so far with you. How would your Majesty act when you were driven 
 to that extremity ?' ' I would,' she .said, ' send the King of Prussia a 
 challenge, to meet me in a post-chaise with musket, powder, and ball, 
 thus would we decide the quarrel in j)erson.' She would have kept 
 her word, (added the Duke,) yet I have persuaded her to give up 
 Regal Prussia upon the future treaty,' 
 
 " As he had disclaimed his being the author of the Austrian 
 alliance, and had not expressed himself with an excessive tenderness for 
 her Imperial Majesty, I chose to push him farther on this head. The 
 style of our conversation had been easy and cheerful, which admitted 
 my saying, without impropriety, that she was a great lady, a charm- 
 in"- handsome lady, but that her fa\ ors were rather dear to those she 
 honored with them, that England could shew an account of about 
 forty millions. He laughed, saying, ' that their balance was like- 
 wise very heavy.' ' A friend of mine, (rejoined I,) when he heard of 
 vour treaty being concluded, remarked upon it, that she would often 
 pout out her Austrian lip and cry to you, Messieurs, subsidies ;' which 
 I mimicked both in the German accent and in grimace. ' Ay, and 
 so she does, (replied the Duke,) much oftener I am sure than I am 
 glad to hear her. I believe they have not got a farthing of their 
 own : upon the strength of which I will tell you an apologue. I 
 knew at Rome a cardinal, who vvas a rich miser : he kept in drawers, 
 round his room, coins of all the several countries of the world. After 
 dining for a paul, (which was his usual ordinary,) it was his constant
 
 LETTER FROM MR. STANLEY TO MR. PITT. 525 
 
 amusement, in the first place, to empty these drawers upon his table, CHAP, 
 shuffling and mixing together what they contained. His nextoccupa- nei.* 
 tion was to sort and separate these various species ; after which he "^^^^^"^^ 
 went quietly about any other business. Now, Sir, if France was to 
 take out her louis d'ors, and England her guineas, I believe those 
 Germans would be as quiet as my cardinal.' I told him, that as 
 poverty frequently begot quarrels, it was likewise sometimes the mother 
 of peace. 
 
 " Some very digressive discourse, remotely relative to this obser- 
 vation, led him to say, ' that after all battles fought, the longest 
 purse would decide the dispute between our two nations.' I did not 
 chuse to allow that France could ever be superior at that weapon : 
 I therefore replied, I must confess that the German war cannot be 
 carried on eternally, but a maritime war, with expeditions against the 
 French colonies, lays within six or seven millions per annum, which 
 Great Britain, fed with your trade and her own, together with that of 
 many neutral nations, not only encouraged, but enabled by conquest 
 and success, can for many years support. Our's is a nation, added I, 
 composed of politicians; some few of these are so whimsical as to 
 wish you already in that possession of Hanover, which you, however, 
 have not yet attained. He fairly owned to me, that neither the 
 Electorate nor Hesse were territories which France was either able or 
 desirous to keep ; but asked, how his Majesty would bear the loss 
 of the former ? 
 
 " I expatiated, upon the opportunity which he gave me, that it 
 v/as true the late King felt upon this point with a sensibility which 
 arose from his virtues ; that however his reason and his love for Great 
 Britain had, after some natural struggles, overcome that predilection 
 with which every good man considers the place of his birth ; that this 
 victory over himself had gained him that sincere love and profound 
 veneration of his people, which had attended him to the grave : that 
 our present monarch had not these difficulties in his own breast to 
 struggle with, that his heart was entirely British, that he even honored 
 us with a partiality which we could return by nothing but the most
 
 526 LETTER FROM MR. STANLEY TO MR. PITT. 
 
 CHAP, dutiful aflcction. The Due do Choiseul rejoined, ' tliat lie supposed 
 I76j' Hesse and Hanover, (this was the first time of their being expressly 
 named,) were not articles so indiil'erent as not to be included in the 
 present treaty.' 
 
 *' I replied, that on the contrary, all those matters, which arose 
 from the British war, were designed to be the sole objects of this 
 treaty, that his Majesty had for the Electorate those humane senti- 
 ments which their allegiance had a right to claim from a generous 
 protector, joined to a most compassionate sense of their sufferings ; 
 that the English nation had supported, even without a murmur, the 
 \ast expenses made in a foreign soil, but indeed in her own (juarrel, 
 vet that the King of England's innate equity and justice would alone 
 determine his conduct, in which no prevailing inchnation or fondness 
 would ever be found. 
 
 " I then observed to him, that our acquisitions were of a permanent 
 durable nature, suited to our maritime situation, perfectly connected 
 w ith all our other views and interests ; whereas those of France were, 
 by his own confession, transient, temporary, and such as she could in 
 no event retain. All which he frankly acknowledged, saying, ' that 
 indeed they cut more into the quick (an i'iJ,J than any success on 
 their part could do.' 
 
 " As we converse together with very great freedom, I men- 
 tioned to him my surprise, ' that France, instead of improving her 
 naval forces, strengthening her colonies, and in short defending her- 
 self by the same arms, with which she was attacked, chose to bring 
 the quarrel to an issue in parts where wc were not really \ ulnerable, 
 unless we pleased to think ourselves so.' He replied, ' that it was 
 very difficult for any power to be great both by land and sea ; that 
 the method, in which the war was carried on, was not originally 
 planned by him ; that a kingdom like France could not immediately 
 change an extensive system of politics in which she was engaged, 
 that probably she might in course of time apply to her marine ;' 
 ' This is very difficult,' I rejoined, ' during hostilities, especially after 
 that a very visible superiority is once acquired. Naval preparations
 
 LETTER FROM MR. STANLEY TO MR. PITT, 527 
 
 require long time, as well as open communications for carriage : nor CHAP, 
 are they ever practicable till you have that abundance of seamen j^^j ' 
 which trade alone can breed up, cherish, and maintain. What is still - 
 
 more, when with great labour and expense your new equipment ap- 
 pears, its fate is that of a young plant cut off by the scythe, while we 
 are incessantly bruizing the root from whence it springs. Here, sir, 
 is a metaphor in return for your apologue.' He confessed, * that with- 
 out trade and colonies, no nation could, in the present state of the 
 world, flourish at home or preserve any importance abroad. But it 
 was a maxim,' added he, ' with the Romans not to make peace in 
 such a situation as you have described.' ' That republic,' replied I, 
 
 * held a particular conduct suited to her general policy, which con- 
 stantly aimed at universal dominion. She, therefore, in every in- 
 stance risked the whole ; but I do not equally admire all the princi- 
 ples by which she governed herself, and I think that the happiness of 
 nations, which cannot often be found but in their tranquillity, is a no- 
 bler and a better object than even that superior splendor which Rome 
 acquired. Besides the state of Europe is greatly altered in so many 
 ages, and a real superiority of naval strength would, in certain cases 
 perhaps, have baffled all her wisdom and vigour.' 
 
 Hence we returned to the Austrian alliance. ' The King of 
 England,' said I, ' will support his Prussian Majesty as an auxiliary 
 not only with fidelity, but with the most cordial zeal ; thus will he 
 satisfy his own honor and magnanimity, whatever fortune decide upon 
 events ; meanwhile you are ruining yourselves in nursing up a future 
 ally for us ; though I believe we are a little disgusted, and shall make 
 you a compliment of her for some time.' ' I conceive,' replied he, 
 
 * that you have more taste for the Czarina : she is a little inconstant, 
 and her inclinations vary from one object to another.' 
 
 " I answered, ' that we northern people were not excessively 
 delicate and jealous, and that she being likewise a very fine lady, the 
 past successes of our predecessors would give us little pain, and her 
 favors would at all times make us very happy.' 
 
 " He again tried to obtain from our side the first overture on the
 
 ■'y2i> LETTER FROM MR. STANLEY TO MR. PITT. 
 
 CHAP, subject of compensations ; his arguments were much the same as those 
 1761.' he had before used, but more faintly and imperfectly urged, because I 
 ' soon reminded him of those candid answers he had already received, 
 
 to which he neither then could, nor now did make any reply. He 
 dwelled however upon one topic that he had not touched before : viz. 
 ' that as the inclinations of the nation and Parliament in England had 
 a considerable share in the decision of public measures, and might in 
 that light make one compensation more eligible to our ministry than 
 another, the speedy and happy result of this negociation would be 
 facilitated, if they would begin by declaring what part of the British 
 acquisitions appeared to them to claim a preference of diis sort, and 
 .so founded.' He added, ' that even in France, where the King and 
 w hoever derives power from him is much more the master of atiairs, 
 there was a great variety of opinions, neither indifl'erent nor void of in- 
 convenience and danger to a minister. Some persons,' added he, 
 ' consider Canada as a barren desert, and look on Guadaloupe as 
 a most important source of our national riches : while others as stre- 
 nuously maintain, that wldiout the former province and without the 
 fisheries the naval power of France is irretrievably lost for ever.' I 
 told him, ' diat as without doubt he had read our printed pamphlets,' 
 (which he confessed,) ' he must be sensible that there were likewise 
 many such dlfterences among us, founded both on private interest and 
 on mere speculation ; but that I most firmly believed that his Majesty 
 would be guided in his councils by more solid motives than the mere 
 breath of popularity, even if the fact should be better ascertained to 
 which side it inclined ; that as to myself, I was totally uninstructed 
 to what point the result of those solid reasons would lead his Majesty, 
 nor could I tell, which of these conquests the King would choose to 
 cede, whether both or neither. He complained with civility, but with 
 anxiety, that I was too inflexible in laying constantly without remis- 
 sion upon France the load of speaking first, which I must be sensible 
 was very unequal and he thought unmerited after so frank and ample 
 a proposal as she had made.' 
 
 " As I have never used any arguments that appeared to me fri-
 
 LETTER FROM MR. STANLEY TO MR. PITT. 529 
 
 volous or evasive with his Excellency, (because they suit neither my CHAP, 
 nature nor my character, and would be entirely useless,) I allowed nei, 
 what he asserted so far as that the making the first proposal was a real "^^^^^ 
 disadvantage ; but I maintained that this circumstance, though a dis- 
 advantage, was not a hardship, that it arose neither from my temper, 
 nor from any ill dispositions in those who authorised me, but that it 
 was a consequence naturally derived from that superiority of his Ma- 
 jesty's arms which he had so frequently and frankly confessed/ I 
 repeated, ' that every pacification sprung from the state of the war 
 itself,' adding, ' that this state not only regulated the terms and con- 
 ditions thereof, but directed and influenced the forms and modes of 
 conducting negociations ; that I hoped he did not think so ill of my 
 zeal and fidelity, or of the ability and wisdom of those who sent me, 
 as to conceive that either one or the other would from pure complai- 
 sance give up to him the better ground, on which he could not deny 
 that we were fairly placed without any trick or artifice on our side • 
 that in the present case, it would be doubly unreasonable to expect 
 such concessions ; first, because there could be no doubt that if we 
 entered into the matter of compensations, fact itself had already 
 spoken to him, since Minorca their single conquest on the crown of 
 Great Britain was inevitably and of course the only restitution we 
 could ask, therefore in such a case our part was now done, and what 
 he might, whether with or without reason demand, was already com- 
 plied with ; that surely we could not be expected to speak on botii 
 sides ; that the matter was totally different with regard to our con- 
 quests on France which were various, and that it was usual not only 
 in public transactions but in every common occurrence, for those who 
 had any thing to ask, (much more when a doubt must arise, what 
 that thing was ?) to apply first to those who had the power to grant it; 
 that as a minister he must have in view the condition in which his 
 country would stand upon the conclusion of the peace which he had 
 proposed, and must decide whether that state of affairs was or was 
 not in his mind preferable to a farther appeal to arms ; that it was 
 therefore easy for him to communicate through my channel, or what 
 
 VOL. I. 3 Y
 
 530 LETTER FROM MR. STANLEY TO MR. PITT. 
 
 CHAP. I greatly preferred, to convey by means of the superior abilities and 
 17G1, experience of M. de Bussy, his farther thoughts on these subjects, 
 
 which were indeed no more than necessary, and consequent explana- 
 tions of his first overture, that to shew how cordially I dealt with him, 
 though I would not part with any fair ground which afforded me 
 purchass in treating with him, I was now pressing his Excellency to 
 follow that method, which if his intentions were clear and ingenuous, 
 would give him the fullest security against any insincerity on the part 
 of the British ministry as to their real desire of peace, about which he 
 has slightly hinted to me some apprehensions, now I believe totally 
 removed ; because if in the present state of the negotiation they be- 
 gan to give their own explanation to his first overture, they then 
 would have it in their power to defeat this treaty by offering terms to 
 France which might appear plausible at home, but which they knew 
 would not be accepted abroad ; whereas on the contrary if his Excel- 
 lency fairly and explicitly stated the detail of a peace, which should 
 in the present state of the war, be just and reasonable, it would be 
 neither safe nor wise for any administration to oppose the humane 
 and benevolent disposition of his Britannic Majesty joined to the 
 pacific inclinations of the whole nation.' 
 
 " This last argument will appear needless to you. Sir, and the 
 other gentlemen to whom you communicate this letter, but as those 
 who endeavour to defeat the separate treaty of the two crowns, study 
 to misrepresent the councils of his Majesty, insinuating that they are 
 full of a boundless ambition, which the universal empire of the sea 
 and America can hardly satisfy ; it has cost me some trouble to re- 
 move opinions so false that you can hardly .suppose them to have ex- 
 isted. I have therefore been often obliged to enforce the tenor of my 
 instructions by assuring the Due de Choiseul in the strongest terms, 
 ' that a good peace was equally the desire of his Majesty, of all his 
 servants, and of his people, from every motive of humanity and 
 wisdom ;' though at the same time I declared as strenuously to him, 
 ' that I knew not a single man who would be bold and base enough 
 to conclude a bad peace in our present superior situation.'
 
 LETTER FROM MR. STANLEY TO MR. PITT. SSJ 
 
 " When his Excellency has preached moderation, I have told CHAP, 
 him, ' that England was a country of arts, manufactures, and com- nei' 
 merce ; that her delight, her interest, and her natural state was peace ; 
 that he would not find in us that haughty and imperious spirit which 
 conquests inspire, although I could not guess where or how they could 
 in future probability attack us with the least success ; and although I 
 foresaw many blows which they could with difficulty resist; that on 
 the contrary France had long both by arms and treaties encroached 
 upon her neighbours, whose very safety, void of all ambitious views, 
 compelled them to make a prudent though not ungenerous use of pre- 
 sent opportunities/ I have expressly asked him, ' how France became 
 possessed of Alsace, Franche Comte, Loraine, Flanders, &c. ? and 
 what moderation she had shewn upon such occasions ?' 
 
 " The Duke, in holding the discourse above mentioned, upon the 
 preference given by some of his countrymen to Guadaloupe, and by 
 pthers to Canada, fixed his utmost attention upon my countenance, 
 aiming at the same time by signs, by pauses, by half words, and by 
 every other subtilty to penetrate my thoughts upon the alternative ; I 
 did not, I am sure, by a single syllable or gesture afford him any 
 foundation for the most remote suspicion. 
 
 " I dined this day in the country at M\ D'Aiguillon's, who re- 
 news to you all her grateful expressions for your good offices towards 
 her nuns. I passed the evening at M\ de la Valieres, where the Due 
 de Choiseul came with his sister, for they are inseparable. We did 
 not see them till after the opera, where they had both been. She re- 
 proached me very obligingly with breaking my appointment with her, 
 (I had only said I should probably go there that evening,) and told 
 me that her brother and she had kept a place for me. Nothing can 
 add to the civilities I received from her, which is the more remarkable, 
 because she is in general very reserved, and takes as I observe very 
 little notice of their Excellencies. I shall do my utmost to cultivate 
 this acquaintance, as it may, if future disputes should arise between 
 the Duke and myself, be a very good means of mediation ; and as I 
 even might be able to say things to a lady in such cases, which would 
 
 3y 2
 
 532 LETTER FROM MR. STANLEY TO MR. PITT. 
 
 CHAP, be too great marks of condescension to a minister. I do not make 
 
 XVII 
 
 1761 ■ any very great merit of this plan; it is not the hardest of my tasks 
 '^''^''^^ to shew my respect for a very sensible and amiable young woman. 
 
 " I urn informed of an incident which gives me pleasure : they 
 were talking in a private party of the King's about me ; the conver- 
 sation was to my advantage in general, but a person said, ' Mais 
 pourquoi est il resU d, Senlis?' His Majesty himself did me the very 
 high honor to answer, ' Je crois que c'est un homtne d'esprit et de 
 merite, et il n a fait que ce qu'il a diifaire.' This I believe will quiet 
 persons who may be inclined to traduce me, for such are not wanting. 
 
 " The Due D'Choiseul told me the other day that an ambassador 
 had informed him of my having said, ' that if the French did not 
 immediately make peace, we would take from them every thing they 
 had ;' I answered, * that this ambassador had told him a lie.' He 
 replied, he pretended only to know it by hearsay : I begged the Duke 
 to tell him, * that if I found out who he was, he might depend on my 
 making him tell me his authors.' : 
 
 " Not having been yet presented at court, I have not been able 
 to pay my respects to M'. de Pompadour ; but I dined the other day 
 at a house, where her brother had desired to meet me. I was a little 
 surprised to find him there again at supper, where I was engaged with 
 a different party. We have since visited, and I shall endeavour to 
 improve his acquaintance when he returns out of the country, where 
 he is gone for a few days." 
 
 Extract of a Letter from Mr. Stanley to Mr. Pitt, 
 dated June l6, 1761. 
 
 " I had before received, from the Due de Choiseul, a note, in 
 which he very politely informed me of the reddition of Belle Isle : I 
 enclose it to you, together with my answer, written ad captandum 
 vulgus Gallicum, which eftect it has had in the highest degree 
 imaginable. 
 
 " He returned, in conversation to this subject, and expressed in
 
 LETTER FROM MR. STANLEY TO MR. PITT. 533 
 
 words a very great disregard for this conquest; although I could very CHAP, 
 plainly perceive, from his tone of voice and countenance, that this nai] 
 event had greatly affected him. He told me, ' that it would take at ^^^^^""^ 
 least twelve thousand men to garrison the island, and that he would 
 always keep forty thousand upon the opposite coast to invade and 
 recover it, if opportunity should serve/ 
 
 " I hear that this acquisition of his Majesty's arms is likely to 
 be attended with very great divisions in the court of France. M. de 
 St. Croix, a considerable time before our expedition set sail, wrote to 
 the Due D'Aiguillon, expressing his apprehension of the danger to 
 which that island was exposed. The latter slighted his fears upon 
 this head, did not conceive the armament to be destined thither, and 
 replied that the garrison actually at Belle Isle was sufficient, and as 
 ample as the other military services which he was commanded to 
 provide for, allowed him to send. M. de St. Croix, upon receiving 
 this answer, wrote directly to the Due de Choiseul, and immediately 
 informed him how much he was alarmed at the situation in which he 
 found himself. The Due D'Aiguillon has considered this application 
 as an infraction upon his command and authority. He has long 
 since expressed a violent resentment upon the occasion, but the event 
 has justified M. de St. Croix. It is now a doubtful point whether 
 the latter will be given up, and the dispute ended by saying, that he 
 had not properly defended the post entrusted to him ; or whether 
 the Due D'Aiguillon will bear the blame of this important loss. 
 Some persons are even so malicious as to say, that the Due neglected 
 the means of throwins: in succours in order to ruin a subaltern 
 officer, who had presumed to apply to the court in contempt of his 
 authority. 
 
 " The ministers of the Imperial Court and of Russia were this 
 day shut up together, with M. de Choiseul, for a long time. I am 
 informed, that the latter has been extremely angry at a report that 
 the Muscovite army had been recalled on account of the armament 
 made at Constantinople, but that the ambassador has assured him 
 that their troops have already crossed the Vistula. I have it from
 
 o.'Vi LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO MR, STANLEY. 
 
 CHAP. Aery good authority, liowever, that their further march will be ex- 
 1761.' tremely slow. 
 ^^^^^^ " The Imperial Court has made a proposition to her allies, to 
 
 refer their several interests to her management and direction at the 
 future Congress; intending, at the same time, that the affairs of those 
 who are engaged on our side should be left to the disposal and direc- 
 tion of his Britannic Majesty : but this overture has been rejected, in 
 very high terms, by all of them, and Sweden, in particular, has ex- 
 pressed a very strong aversion to this plan, which, I believe, is likewise 
 much discouraged by the Court of Versailles." 
 
 Mr. Pitt to Mr. Stanley, June 19, I76I. 
 
 " His Majesty has seen, with great satisfaction, the circumspec- 
 tion and ability with which you managed your long conference with 
 the Due de Choiseul ; and the propriety, force, and address, which 
 run through your discourse, and your answers on the several points 
 and various matters which fell under conversation between you and 
 that minister. 
 
 " Upon the whole, the language of the Due de Choiseul to you 
 appears fair and reasonable enough to have induced a belief that the 
 court of France really intends to proceed in consequence of their 
 proposition to the King, were it not that the contrary and even 
 variable language which M. de Bussy continues to hold here, affords 
 little room as yet for taking confidence in the sincerity of the inten- 
 tions of his court. The tenor of this minister's discourse here, with 
 regard to the proposition being no longer subsisting, is still the same ; 
 and to all this he did, on Sunday morning last, add a very new and 
 singular demand indeed, neither more nor less than that his court 
 expected that his Majesty, sans pre alahle et sans compensation, should 
 restore Belle Isle : to which, by the King's orders, I have returned 
 for answer, that his Majesty had heard, with much surprize, a demand 
 of so extraordinary a nature ; and that the King could never so 
 much as listen to an idea so void of reason and justice. I then pro-
 
 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO MR. STANLEY. 535 
 
 ceeded to give M. de Bussy to understand how little conformity there CHAP, 
 appeared between his language to me concerning the proposition and n^i.' 
 the epochs, and that which the Due de Choiseul had held to you on 
 the same subject. I farther acquainted him, that his Excellency had, 
 in the course of the conference with you, agreed not only " that the 
 epochs were still left as a matter for negotiation, but that that 
 minister had suggested the naming of others on the part of his 
 Majesty ; that this reasonable and candid invitation had determined 
 the King to order me to explain to him (De Bussy) his Majesty's 
 intentions, with openness and precision, on several points, tending to 
 bring the negotiation, without delay, to a due consistency, and to 
 prove the reality on both sides of mutual intentions for peace. I 
 then went through the matter of epochs with the conditions, on which 
 alone the King does offer to agree upon any. The rule, also, which 
 was to govern the restitution of captures ; an explicit declaration on 
 the part of his Majesty with regard to Belle Isle; and the reserve 
 the King thinks fit to make to himself with regard to any farther 
 further compensations. In the conclusion I told the French minister, 
 that in matters where absolute precision was indispensable, I thought 
 I could not do better, in order to prevent the possibility of mistakes, 
 and the loss of precious moments in the passing of couriers backward 
 and forward to set them right, than to put down upon paper, as a 
 p7'o memoridf rather to aid my own memory, than in any distrust of 
 his exactness, all that his Majesty had commanded me to say to him 
 in that conference. Hereupon I read to him the inclosed paper ; on 
 the several points whereof he made many observations, but none of 
 weight enough to be of any use to you ; as well as demanded several 
 explanations on some parts, which he soon admitted did not want 
 any; and then took the paper which I had offered to him for his use. 
 
 " To this inclosed paper I am to refer you for your instruction, 
 and to acquaint you that it is the King's pleasure that you should, in 
 all points therein contained, conduct yourself agreeably thereto. It 
 is quite superfluous to add any caution to excite your prudence and 
 sagacity, not to suffer yourself ever to be drawn out of the terms of
 
 ^36 EXPEDITION AGAINST BELLE ISLE. 
 
 CHAP, reserve which his Maiestv judsfes necessary to make to himself with 
 
 1761. regard to his intentions as to future compensations of conquests; on 
 
 ^'^^^^'^^ which critical matter it is highly for the King's service that France 
 
 should be held to the necessity of explaining her intentions nominatim, 
 
 without reservation or ambiguity. 
 
 " His Majesty has been graciously pleased to consent to the 
 request made by the Princess of Conti in favour of M. de Rosbeau 
 and his brother ; and to that of the Due de Rohan in favour of the 
 Sieur de Querangal : but it is not judged for the King's service that the 
 capitulation of Canada should be frustrated, which it must in conse- 
 quence be, should that door be any farther opened than it has been, 
 in distinction to the Chevalier de Levis ; nor can the military rule 
 admit of the Chevalier d'Escar's being permitted to serve before he 
 is exchanged. 
 
 " I send you inclosed a copy of the capitulation of the citadel of 
 Palais' ; and I most heartily congratulate you on this critical and im- 
 portant conquest. 
 
 " In order the better to effect the second clause of the ninth 
 article of your instructions, which is judged \ery material for the 
 King's service, his Majesty is pleased to give you a power of employ- 
 ing a reasonable sum of money, and, as a mark of his royal confi- 
 dence, to leave the extent of the same to ^-our judgment and dis- 
 cretion." 
 
 At the time these amicable arrangements commenced, and a short 
 time before the ministers of the respective countries had departed 
 upon their embassy of peace, an expedition, with very different in- 
 tentions, had sailed to the coasts of France. The expectation of 
 the English nation had been strongly excited, during the previous 
 year, by a very considerable armament which was then equipping 
 at Portsmouth. Several circumstances occurred to prevent it, at 
 that time, from proceeding against any of the enemy's possessions. 
 
 ' The capital of Belle Isle,
 
 SURRENDER OF BELLE-ISLE. 537 
 
 But the design, although postponed, was not rehnquished. Early CHAP, 
 in the year I76I Major-General Hodgson was appointed to the ']7gi' 
 
 command of an army, consisting of twelve battalions of infantry, 
 
 two battalions of marines, and three companies of the regiment of 
 artillery, which when completed, as it subsequently was, by four 
 regiments of light dragoons, amounted nearly to 10,000 men. This 
 force was escorted and assisted by a squadron, consisting of ten 
 sail of the line, eight frigates, three sloops, three bomb ketches, and 
 two fire-ships, which was commanded by Commodore Keppel. The 
 expedition sailed from Spithead on the 29th March. It was soon 
 discovered that Belle-Isle was the object of their attack. It is not my 
 intention to detail minutely the operations of our army against this 
 island. At fii"st we were unsuccessful. But Mr. Pitt was determined 
 that the progress of our arms should not be impeded by a want of 
 necessary supplies, or by any deficiency of men. Upon the first in- 
 telligence of the check which General Hodgson had received, he 
 ordered a reinforcement of four battalions of infantry, together with 
 a supply of flat-bottomed boats, cables, anchors, and all sorts of naval 
 and military stores, to be immediately sent to the besiegers. After 
 the greatest exertion, and after sustaining considerable loss, the Eng- 
 lish made themselves masters of Belle-Isle on the 7th June. The re- 
 duction of the place was generally received in England with the live- 
 liest joy. There were some persons, however, who pretended to de- 
 precate the conquest as most offensive to the feelings of France, at a 
 time when she was endeavouring to conciliate England, and to termi- 
 nate the war. Surely such arguments were unreasonable. Mr. Pitt's 
 system was, throughout, most vigorous. We must regard it as a 
 whole. Had the minister allowed any little considerations of com- 
 pliment or politeness to interfere with his general plan of operations, 
 himself had been but a cypher, and his administration had now been 
 forgotten. 
 
 VOL. I. 3 z
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 1761. 
 
 Further, and very important extracts from the correspondence between Mr. Pitt and Mr. 
 Stanley — Within three days, intelligence of as many Victories arrives at St. James's — 
 The King announces his intention of demanding tlie Princess Charlotte of Mecklenburgh- 
 Strelitz in Marriage — Suspicions in the mind of Mr. Pitt respecting the conduct of 
 France and Spain — Review of Spanish affairs — Extracts from Mr. Pitt's correspon- 
 dence with the Earl of Bristol — I'/ie celebrated Memorial of France respecting Spain is 
 returned to M. de Bussy by Mr, Pitt — Difference in the terms of Peace proposed by 
 England and France — Letter from Mr. Pitt to the Earl of Bristol — Letters from M. 
 de Bussy, and the Spanish Ambassador to Mr. Pitt — Family compact between the Sove- 
 reigns of France and Spain — Extract of a Letter from Mr. Stanley to Mr. Pitt — 
 Letter from the Earl of Bristol to Mr. Pitt — Mr. Pitt affirms, at three different tneet- 
 ings of the Cabinet Council, the necessity of an immediate declaration of war with Spain 
 — His advice is rejected — Resignation of Mr. Pitt — He receives a Pension of 3000/. a 
 year, and his wife. Lady Hester Pitt, is created Baroness of Chatham— Mr. Pitt, after 
 his resignation, is at first assailed by obloquy — His subsequent popularity — Review of 
 his Administration. 
 
 CHAP. That the reader might more fully comprehend the state of France in 
 xviii. . . 
 
 1761. the year 1761, the character of her principal minister, and the very 
 
 curious circumstances which attended the negociation then pending 
 between the two countries, I have introduced several long extracts 
 from Mr. Stanley's correspondence. With the same, and even with 
 added motives, (for the despatches advance in interest,) I here insert 
 nearly the whole of four other letters which passed between Mr. 
 Stanley and Mr. Pitt. The first contains matter of peculiar import- 
 ance.
 
 XVIII. 
 1761. 
 
 LETTER FROM MR. STANLEY TO MR. PITT. 539 
 
 Mr. Stanley to Mr. Pitt. JJAP. 
 
 " Paris, June \8th, 1761, half past one, a.m. 
 
 " This morning I had a conversation of three hours with the 
 Due de Choiseul ; I reproached him gently and respectfully about 
 Monsieur de Bussy's behaviour, so inconsistent with that frankness, 
 ^^hich himself had shewn : he laid the blame entirely upon that mi- 
 nister, who, he said, had been frighted at your peremptory insisting 
 on the admission of no other epochas but the signature of the treaty, 
 and in short entirely overawed by your presence. I represented to 
 him how fruitless this frivolous method of transacting business must 
 prove. He shewed me almost the whole of Monsieur de Bussy's long 
 letter, particularly the cyphered part, which he allowed me to exa- 
 mine so long and so freely, that if I had the least skill or practice in 
 that art as the interlineations were wrote, I must ha\'e made myself 
 entirely master of this method. 
 
 " I professed to him the utmost zeal for the peace. I assured 
 him that our ministry would act towards him with the highest honor 
 and sincerity. I repeatedly enforced and enlarged upon the reasons 
 I have formerly hinted to you, why the first overture must come from 
 him. He listened to me with the greatest anxiety and emotion : he 
 asked me at last very solemnly, ' whether he might firmly depend 
 upon my never mentioning either in France or in England what he 
 should entrust to me V I gave him the strongest assurances. 
 
 " He likewise desired to know, ' whether I could answer for you 
 and for those persons to whom his overture was to be communicated V 
 I said, he might equally depend upon you and upon them. I con- 
 jure you most seriously. Sir, that this engagement made by me may 
 be strictly respected. 
 
 " He likewise required that neither Monsieur de Bussy, nor any 
 foreign minister whatever, nor more of the King's servants than are 
 absolutely necessary, should be informed of the contents of this letter; 
 upon which I have likewise pledged my word to him. 
 
 " Another of his conditions is, that if no effect follows from this 
 
 3 z 2
 
 54^0 LETTER FROM MR. STANLEY TO MR. PITT. 
 
 CHAP, proposal, it is never to be urged against him in any future treaty, or 
 jygj ■ to be communicated to any person charged with the conduct of it. 
 ^=== " He then declared to me, * that the necessity of a peace had 
 
 made a very deep impression upon the King his master, who was the 
 only person privy to the discourse, which he now held to me.' He 
 confessed to me, ' that the matter of epochas and compensations had 
 been, in the letter of March 26th, stated in that chronological style 
 for the following reasons : first, that their allies might not entirely 
 understand it : secondly, that he might by this sort of previous veli- 
 tation ", whether his Britannic Majesty did or did not desire a peace 
 in the present circumstances ? thirdly, that if this appeared in the 
 negative, the ambiguity thrown by these propositions into the offer of 
 the Hti possidetis might furnish him with a retreat.' 
 
 " He then said to me, that the reason why he wished that this 
 affair might pass through my hands in profound secrecy was, that 
 Messrs. Staremberg'', Grimaldi% and Czernichen'' were acquainted with 
 all his correspondence through Monsieur de Bussy, who had likewise 
 orders to impart the same to Prince Galitzin ' and Monsieur de Fuentes ; 
 that until my arguments and protestations had prevailed upon him, 
 he had greatly feared the sincerity of our court ; that he had been un- 
 willing to speak in plainer terms, because if his ofi^ers should be re- 
 jected, he, without any fruit to his country or tranquillity of mind pro- 
 cured to his master, should draw upon himself a general odium at 
 home, and disregard from their allies. 
 
 " lie then verbally told me what you herewith receive enclosed. 
 I said, that according to my instructions, I should take any proposal 
 he pleased ad referendum, but begged to have it in writing for fear of 
 mistakes on my part, whereupon we retired from his gallery ; and he 
 dictated, walking about his closet in great agitation, this note which 
 is the original I there wrote down, and which he read over and very 
 much considered. 
 
 * Tliis is a very unusual word, of course derived from the Latin velitatio, a skirmish. 
 ' The Austrian, " Spanish, and '^ Russian Ambassadors at Paiis ; the e Russian and f Spanish 
 Ambassadors in London.
 
 LETTER FROM MR. STANLEY TO MR. PITT. oil 
 
 " He asked me with much anxiety, ' whether I believed this CHAP. 
 
 XVIII 
 
 proposal might prove the foundation of a treaty V I hesitated, till I 'lyei.* 
 found him so alarmed for the reasons above mentioned, that I feared 
 my giving him no answer would deprive his Majesty of the opportu- 
 nity of considering this affair, and drawing thence in future time 
 what shall appear most right to his royal wisdom. Therefore, after 
 entirely disclaiming my public character, and declaring that I spoke 
 to him merely as an individual, I said, ' that the price set on Minorca 
 appeared in my private opinion very high !' He answered that we 
 received a great empire in the second article which was as much in 
 our favor. Being farther pressed b}'^ him, I judged it for his Majesty's 
 service, not to leave him any sanguine hopes as to Louisburg and the 
 fisheries. I therefore said that huts became houses, housps became 
 castles, and castles became regular fortifications. I illustrated this by 
 the example of the neutral islands. He said, that Cape Breton 
 afforded no bricks or other materials for building ; that he was ready 
 to engage by treaty that none should ever be brought there ; that he 
 merely asked that the French fishermen might live there in the season 
 under their own laws ; that the Dutch and all other nations enjoyed 
 a share in the fishery ; that their being excluded would be a disgrace 
 and an inconvenience which the country could not bear ; that as Cape 
 Breton was an island, we could have no dispute about the boundaries, 
 that he gave up all Canada to avoid them ; that the Eaux Pendantes 
 seemed to him the best and most natural boundaries between that 
 country and Louisania % but that if any other was desired, this would 
 not be insisted on ; that Canada was not to be on the former terms of 
 Acadia, but absolutely submitted to the King's disposal ; that the re- 
 gulations of all matters in the East Indies should be submitted to his 
 royal pleasure ; that their troops should march immediately, not only 
 out of Hesse, but from Wesel and the King of Prussia's territories, 
 which he considered as engaged in the British war ; and that he did 
 not doubt that such a general peace as we should approve, would 
 immediately follow. 
 
 f Sic in MS.
 
 542 LETTER FROM MR. STANLEY TO MR. PITT. 
 
 CHAP. " I have always strenuously endeavoured to shift the negociation 
 
 J 761. i'lto Monsieur dc Bussy's hands ; all my entreaties that he would open 
 himself to our court were constantly attended with the most earnest 
 requests, that he would use that channel rather than mine, nor were 
 they ever more pressing than this day ; but whether the reasons given 
 are the only real motives, or whether there exists any secret difildence 
 towards him from the interior state of the court must be left now un- 
 determined. 
 
 " Under this necessity I have taken these various matters simply 
 and strictly ad referendum, upon the footing merely of explanations 
 of the Due de Choiseul's ideas upon the points of epochas and com- 
 pensations. He gave them me as such, and it is my duty merely to 
 transmit them ; nor have I hinted to him either dislike or approbation 
 of the method in which he chooses at present to state his thoughts 
 upon those two heads. You may. Sir, be fully assured, that no act or 
 word of mine shall ever make it in the least embarrassing for you to 
 follow closely and literally the chronological method, precisely upon 
 the basis of the letter of the 26th March, if on your better judgment 
 it should appear more advantageous. 
 
 " I do by no means conclude that these terms are the best that 
 can be made with France ; they are her first offer. I think, however, 
 that his Excellency will struggle hard for the fisheries, and had rather 
 part with almost any thing else. This transaction seems, at least, to 
 shew that France is serious. 
 
 ♦' The Due de Choiseul desires you will continue to talk to M. de 
 Bussy and all other persons whatever, except the most confidential of 
 his Majesty's servants, exactly as you w ould have done if you had not 
 received this letter. He says you have his plan laid before you as to 
 those points which might seem to want explanation, and that if you 
 disapprove it, he thinks you ought now to open your own, which, (he 
 added,) has been undoubtedly long formed. I believe the King of 
 France will be very impatient for an answer ; and I suspect that the 
 loss of Belle-Isle makes a deep impression on his mind ; though the 
 Duke says that he himself cares so little for it, that he leaves it upon
 
 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO MR. STANLEY. 513 
 
 the uti possidetis, and has not mentioned it among compositions, be- CHAP, 
 cause we may keep it if we choose. He called it to-day an estate nsj.' 
 belonging formerly to one Fouchet a financier, (you know, Sir, he 
 hates the Belle-Isle family.) His countenance contradicts these light 
 expressions, and convinces me that these grapes are extremely sour. 
 I hope some good use will be drawn from a conquest, on which I 
 most sincerely congratulate you, and of which every body here, with- 
 out exception, feels the importance." 
 
 The following is the paper of propositions communicated by the 
 Due de Choiseul to Mr. Stanley and transmitted by the latter to Mr. 
 Pitt. It is dated June 17th, I76I '. 
 
 " Monsieur le Due de Choiseul propose a Monsieur Stanley : il 
 demande la restitution de la Guadaloupe et de Mariegalante, ainsi 
 celle de Goree pour I'isle de Minorque ; il propose la cession entiere 
 du Canada a I'exception de I'isle royale ou il ne sera point etabli de 
 fortification, et fixer cette cession la France demande la conservation 
 de la peche de morue telle qu'elle est ^tablie dans le traite d'Utrecht, 
 et une fixation des limites du Canada dans la partie de I'Ohio deter- 
 minees par les eaux pendantes, et fixees si clairement par le traite 
 qu'il ne puisse plus y avoir aucune contestation entre les deux nations 
 par rapport aux dites limites. La France rendra ce que ses armees 
 ont conquises en Allemagne sur les Allies Britanniques." 
 
 The foregoing letter from Mr. Stanley, with the accompanying 
 note from the Due de Choiseul, produced the following state paper 
 from Mr. Pitt, dated June 26th, 176l,and addressed to Mr. Stanley. 
 
 " Your letter of the 18th instant has engaged the King's most 
 serious attention ; and has, by his Majesty's particular command, 
 
 ' We shall subsequently find this paper referred to in the correspondence as the little leafoi 
 propositions.
 
 514 
 
 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO MR. STANLEY. 
 
 CHAP, become the subject of the fullest and most mature deliberation of his 
 1761. servants consulted in the most secret aflkirs. I am first to acquaint 
 you, that with regard to the peculiar secrecy required by the Due de 
 Choiseul, and pledged by you to that minister ; the King has been 
 pleased to order me to recommend the utmost precaution to such of 
 his most confidential servants, as were necessarily to have communica- 
 tion of a matter of this high importance; and I trust that secrecy will 
 be strictly observed, and that even M. de Bussy, if he really does not 
 know this transaction from his own court, will never learn it here. 
 
 " The note dictated by the Due de Choiseul opens a most inte- 
 resting scene ; and I am first to remark, that this little leaf is so loose 
 and void of precision as to the objects it does mention, and so defec- 
 tive from its total silence as to matters of the highest importance 
 which must make essential parts of a future peace between the two 
 crowns, that this paper is to be considered, not as the full plan of the 
 Due de Choiseul, but a first breaking of his mind, or rather a mode of 
 feeling what may be his Majesty's fixed and final intentions as to the 
 conditions of our particular peace. The manner too of doing this is, 
 perhaps, rather artificial than confidential, however well personated the 
 anxious desire of mystery and secrecy even towards M. de Bussy may 
 have been in the course of the Due de Choiseul's conversation. But 
 be this circumstance as it may, your conclusion is certainly just, that 
 this transaction seems at least to shew that France is serious. 
 
 " In this situation I am commanded by the King to communi- 
 cate to you, for your further instruction in the most important ncgo- 
 ciation with which you are entrusted, his Majesty's sentiments on what 
 the Due de Choiseul calls his plan, loose and imperfect as it is. The 
 observations I shall make thereon, and which I will do with as much 
 precision as this method, as well as the state of the negociation can 
 admit, will contain in efi'ect that counter-plan which the Due de 
 Choiseul desires, and which it is judged more proper to convey in 
 this mode of observations on what France has loosely offered, than by 
 a formal proposal on the part of the King. 
 
 " To enter then into the matter : PVance has explained herself
 
 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO MR. STANLEY. 545 
 
 on three points. First, That by her proposal of the 26th March last, CHAP, 
 relative to conquests which were to form the %iti possidetis on her part, ]76i * 
 she meant, and still means, to comprehend the states of his Majesty's === 
 allies in Germany. 
 
 " Second, She offers to treat on the foot of compensation for 
 parts of the reciprocal conquests. 
 
 " Third, She makes an actual proposal for certain compensations 
 and cessions to be mutually made by each crown. 
 
 " I am here first to observe, that although the King's justice and 
 magnanimity will ever extend to his allies all equitable, generous, and 
 benevolent protection, yet France cannot but be sensible, that con- 
 quests of portions of the Germanic body are in strictness neither con- 
 quests made on the crown of Great Britain, nor susceptible of cession 
 on the part of his Majesty, neither are they of a nature to become 
 permanent acquisitions to France, but by consent of the whole empire. 
 Next, the idea of a just compensation implies a reasonable proportion 
 of value in the objects to be compensated, and above all, it is essen- 
 tial and indispensable on the highest reasons, and even in order to 
 give solidity and duration to the peace when made, that whatever 
 objects may be stated by France as matter of cession, the same be 
 ceded total and entire, not mutilated or dismembered ; that on this 
 unalterable principle the fixation of new limits to Canada towards the 
 Ohio or elsewhere, or an exception of the least part of that province, 
 or of the island of Cape Breton, can never, on any consideration what- 
 ever, be admissible. 
 
 " As to the fixation of new hmits to Canada towards the Ohio, 
 it is captious and insidious, thrown out in hopes, if agreed to, to 
 shorten thereby the extent of Canada, and to lengthen the boundaries 
 of Louisania ' ; and in the view to establish what must not be ad- 
 mitted, namely, that all which is not Canada is Louisania ; whereby 
 all the intermediate nations and countries, the true barrier to eacii 
 province, would be given up to France. 
 
 ' Sic in MS. 
 VOL. I. 4 a
 
 546 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO MR. STANLEY. 
 
 CHAP. " In addition to Accadia'', belonging to the crown of England 
 
 1761. by antecedent right, entire Canada and its dependencies, the whole 
 "^"^"""""^ coasts and all the islands of the gulph and river of St. Lawrence, and 
 all straits and passages leading thereto, together with the fishery, 
 invariably appendant to such possession, are, by the uti possidetis^ 
 already vested in the King : that to admit either the fixation of new 
 limits, or any exception of territory, or of that right of fishery inhe- 
 rent in the same, would be, in effect, to stipulate a restitution under 
 the name of a cession ; that with regard to the particular privilege, in 
 virtue of the thirteenth article of the treaty of Utrecht, allowed within 
 certain limits and under certain restrictions to the subjects of France, 
 to catch fish, and to dry them on shore in one part of Newfoundland, 
 I am to observe, that a demand of this most valuable benefit, founded 
 on a treaty which subsists no longer, cannot but meet with the utmost 
 difficulty, nor will ever be consented to without some great and im- 
 portant compensation. But, whatever shall be his Majesty's ultimate 
 determination thereon, this arduous matter can only with propriety 
 come under consideration, when the renewal of that treaty with regard 
 to other material points, and most particularly the demolition of Dun- 
 kirk, shall come to be discussed. 
 
 " I am further to observe, that the island of Minorca, thougli of 
 some utility from its harbour, being of no profit, and attended with 
 much expence. Belle Isle alone is more than a compensation for it, both 
 in value and in utility ; that if the King consents to the restitution of 
 the rich island of Guadaloupe, (together with Marigalante,) so valu- 
 able in produce, and so highly beneficial to France, it can only be, 
 supposing the least proportion kept between the objects compensated, 
 in consideration of the immediate evacuation of conquests made by 
 France in Germany on the allies of the crown of Great Britain ; that, 
 in this view of things, India, (the French settlement and trade whereof 
 contain, in point of value to France, more than double an adequate 
 compensation for all her conquests on our allies in Germany,) would 
 
 " Sic in MS.
 
 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO MR. STANLEY. 547 
 
 either remain to Great Britain on the foot of the uti possidetis^ or it CHAP, 
 is to be supposed, though not expressed in the proposal of the Due de nei. 
 Choiseul, that this immense object, transcending in profit all other ^^^"""^^^ 
 British conquests, is to return to France by a gratuitous restitution on 
 the part of England, and by the spontaneous effect of his Majesty's 
 moderation, magnanimity, and generous disposition for peace. 
 
 " Though the above observations, as far as they go, may convey 
 to you, with sufficient clearness, the King's intentions with regard to 
 the particular peace of the two crowns, I will, nevertheless, for greater 
 precision, and for your farther ease, in a negociation of so much de- 
 licacy, briefly sum up the whole matter ; and expressly distinguish to 
 you what are the points fixed and unalterable in his Majesty's mind, 
 without which he will consent to no peace with France, from those 
 which may be treatable, and are referred to future decision. 
 
 " First, then, the King will never depart from the total and en- 
 tire cession, on the part of France, without new limits, or any excep- 
 tion whatever, of all Canada and its dependencies ; neither will his 
 Majesty ever relax as to the full cession, on the part of France, of the 
 island of Cape Breton, and of all other islands in the gulph and river 
 of St, Lawrence, together with that right of fishery inherent in the 
 possession of all the coasts of the same, and of the straits and passages 
 leading thereto. 
 
 " Secondly, Senegal, (not yet mentioned by the Due de Choi- 
 seul,) together with all its rights and dependencies, up the river of 
 that name, must be ceded to Great Britain in the fullest and amplest 
 manner, as also the island of Goree, so essentially connected with 
 Senegal. 
 
 " Thirdly, Dunkirk must be reduced to the terms of the treaty 
 of Utrecht, without which no peace can be admissible. 
 
 " Fourthly, the neutral islands in America to be bona fide and 
 effectually evacuated by the French, or an equitable partition of those 
 islands to be fixed by the future treaty. 
 
 " Fifthly, it is understood that Minorca is to be forthwith re- 
 stored, and that Bencoolen, with all settlements on the island of Su- 
 
 4 A 2
 
 548 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO MR. STANLEY, 
 
 CHAP, matra, shall be evacuated without delay, if the French have not aJ- 
 1761 ■ ready left the same. 
 ' " Sixthly, the immediate restitution and evacuation of the con- 
 
 quests of France on the allies of his Majesty in Germany ; that is to 
 say, of all the states and places belonging to the Landgrave of Hesse, 
 to the Duke of Brunswick, and to the Electorate of Hanover ; and 
 also of Wesel, and of the other places and territories of the King of 
 Prussia, possessed by the armies of France ; and a general evacuation 
 of all her conquests on the side of Hesse and of Westphalia, and in 
 those parts. 
 
 " On the above points his Majesty's intentions will be found 
 fixed and unalterable. As to other matters, the final determination 
 whereof the King reserves to further consideration, it is left to your 
 judgment and discretion to let the Due de Choiseul see, in a greater 
 or less degree, according as the circumstances of the negociation may 
 require, that these matters may be open to consideration ; always 
 exerting your utmost endeavours, and employing all possible address, 
 to render the conditions, relative to these reserved and treatable 
 points, as advantageous to Great Britain as possible, watching at the 
 same time, with prudence and discernment, the critical and decisive 
 moments which occur in negociation, so as not to risk too far, by an 
 inflexibility without any prospect of success, the certain and speedy 
 conclusion of a peace, upon the conditions contained in those points, 
 on which I have so expressly informed you above, that his Majesty's 
 intentions are fixed and unalterable. 
 
 " It is, I am persuaded, superfluous to remind you here of the 
 seventh article of your instructions, not to sign any act whatever in 
 virtue of your full power, without the King's particular directions for 
 that purpose. 
 
 " I must not close this despatch without acquainting you that it 
 is his Majesty's pleasure that you should seize the first opportunity 
 the Due de Choiseul will, in order to sound the King's disposition, 
 probably give you ; and in case he does not, you will endeavour to 
 create a proper one, in order to give that minister to understand, in
 
 LETTER FROM MR. STANLEY TO MR. PITT. 549 
 
 a manner to alienate as little as may be, that the most indispensable CHAP, 
 interests of Great Britain can never allow his Majesty to acquiesce in nei.' 
 any views of acquisition, which it has sometimes been surmised France 
 might entertain with regard to Ostend and Nieuport." 
 
 Mr. Stanley to Mr. Pitt. 
 
 " Parts, June 23d, 1761. 
 
 " I had this day a long conference with the Due de Choiseul, 
 I began the conversation by informing that minister according to my 
 last instructions, that his candid and handsome disavowal of M. de 
 Bussy's delay had left nothing to desire on this subject. His answer 
 was extremely proper; he professed himself, (I dare say with truth 
 and sincerity,) utterly incapable of any proceeding inconsistent with 
 the high respect due to his Britannic Majesty. 
 
 " I then pursued the tenor of your last directions by acquainting 
 his Excellency, ' that the language he had held to me appeared to 
 my court fair and reasonable enough to induce a belief that he really 
 intended to proceed in consequence of his proposition to the King, 
 were it not for the doubts that arose from the contrary and even va- 
 riable discourses of M. de Bussy.' The Due de Choiseul enquired of 
 me, ' How I had represented his sentiments V upon which I reminded 
 him of the several passages in my former despatches which I had be- 
 fore communicated to him. I likewise explained to him how I under- 
 stood and had stated his opinions upon all other matters of any con- 
 sequence. 
 
 " His Excellency very fully and readily allowed, ' that I had in 
 all respects justly and fairly repeated what had passed between us.' 
 
 " I then acquainted him in those strong terms of your letter', 
 (which very properly express the astonishment which M. de Bussy's 
 extravagant demand has created,) that ' this minister had required the 
 restitution of Belle Isle sans prealablc et sans compensation.' To 
 
 ' See Mr. Pitt's letter of June 19th.
 
 550 LETTER FROM MR. STANLEY TO MR. PITT. 
 
 CHAP, which he replied, ' that M. de Bussy had in the first of these expres- 
 1761. sions totally mistaken his meaning, as the fact itself must fully de- 
 
 ""'"''"''^ monstrate, for that sans pr (salable implied a surrender of that island 
 previous to every other preUminary, and even to the negociation itself ; 
 whereas it was very evident that the treaty had been entered upon 
 and even had made some progress in the present situation of that 
 affair.' As to the second term, sans compensation, he repeated to 
 me what he had before declared, ' that he would not give up or ex- 
 change any acquisition of their crown in lieu of that island ;' and 
 added, ' that we might. keep it if we thought it worth while,' He 
 owned to me, however, that he had written to M. de Bussy imme- 
 diately on the reddition of Palais, and that possibly some expressions 
 of warmth might in that juncture have slipped into his letter. I took 
 the liberty, with as much caution and delicacy as I possibly could, to 
 rally him upon that indifference for M. Fouquet's estate, which did 
 not seem to be yet entirely a settled sentiment in his Excellency's 
 breast, since I perceived that at certain intervals this incident could 
 discompose him. He told me, ' that the citadel was now become of 
 no value, since there did not remain there one stone upon another ; 
 and that the town was likewise so demolished, that our commanding 
 oflicer left there had not been able to find a single house in which he 
 could lodge. This,' added he, ' is become the English method of 
 treating their conquests ; they have blown up the fortifications of 
 Louisburg, and if the King, my master, acts according to the same 
 principles of policy, he ought to demolish those of Minorca.' I con- 
 fess it did not occur to me to reply, that the casual events of a siege 
 are to be considered in a very difierent light from those measures 
 which any power takes in premeditately razing the fortresses which 
 she acquires by conquest. I shall repair this omission at our next in- 
 terview. My attention was naturally carried to the other object of 
 Minorca, with regard to which I replied to him, ' that if compensa- 
 tions came to be the question, they would totally act against their own 
 interest by rendering the only acquisition which they could offer us 
 in exchange for their possessions, of little or no use or value.' His
 
 LETTER FROM MR. STANLEY TO MR. PITT. 551 
 
 Excellency asked me, ' why we had never attempted the recovery of CHAP, 
 that island?' I answered in general terms, ' that we were wiser than j^gj " 
 he imagined us, and that I myself, who had sate at the Board of Ad- ==^ 
 miralty, could assure him that this post was by no means necessary to 
 maintain a superiority in the Mediterranean, of which his Excellency 
 might himself perhaps be not entirely unpersuaded.' 
 
 " I had immediately sent M. de Bussy's packet to the Due de 
 Choiseul's at Paris, but by some accident it did not arrive at Marli 
 till towards the end of our conversation : thus it was. Sir, that I first 
 imparted to him the paper which you. Sir, delivered to M. de Bussy. 
 He read it twice over aloud to me, and said, ' that he did not perceive 
 in the general tenor and purport thereof any ideas that denoted, on 
 the part of our court, such dispositions as he must look upon to be 
 haughty and impracticable ; but that, however, as the answer to my 
 last packet would probably not be long delayed, he thought it more 
 expedient for both parties not to enter into a circumstantial conside- 
 ration of your several proposals till this answer was received/ 
 
 " Our discourse now took a general turn : he said that France 
 was ready to make many sacrifices in order to restore peace, but that 
 she could not be expected to resign every thing : to which I replied, 
 ' that those objects of which we were already masters could not be 
 considered as sacrifices made by her, that we certainly had no others 
 in view/ He recommended to me sentiments of moderation in a 
 state of superiority, and represented to me the uncertainty of military 
 successes ; saying, ' that the first part of the war had been favorable 
 to France, that the present period was still more so to Great Britain, 
 but that the end of it might possibly prove more prosperous to their 
 side/ I replied, ' that he had not yet found, nor would he find, on 
 our part, that inflexible pride which often attends the victorious ; but 
 that, without any boast or ostentation, I was, in my own private opi- 
 nion, convinced, that future events would probably bring with them 
 farther advantages to my country ; that it was usual for England to 
 meet with checks on her first entrance into a state of hostilities, of 
 which I gave him several instances ; that my fellow-subjects applied
 
 552 LETTER FROM MR. STANLEY TO MR. PITT. 
 
 CHAP, greatly and successfully to commerce and to the arts of peace ; that 
 1761. ^^^ constitution and our situation did neither incline us, nor make it 
 ^^""^^^^ necessary to keep on foot those numerous armies which France at all 
 tiines maintained ; but that the nerve, spirit, and vigour of the Eng- 
 lish, together with their skill and discipline, were ever raised and 
 confirmed by that habit and practice of arms which attends a long 
 continuation of war.' I quoted to him, as a picture of their temper 
 and resolution, the line of Horace, ' A duro capit vires anhmimque 
 ferro.' 
 
 " The Due de Choiseul desired me to consider, that ' no acqui- 
 sitions were sure till they received that solidity which treaties of peace 
 carry with them ;' and represented to me, ' the security which a paci- 
 fication would give us for that part which we, by their consent, retained/ 
 I allowed, that the reciprocal consent of belligerent powers was cer- 
 tainly a more stable title of possession than any other ; if that title 
 was not respected, war must be eternal, yet I well knew that in future 
 hostilities all territories, however held or however acquired, were left 
 to be disputed by the sword ; that even the most solemn conventions 
 did not always bind those who contracted, of Avhich the Empress 
 Queen's designs against Silesia, were a most cogent proof, but that 
 to reason upon the actual state of afliairs, England had the best secu- 
 rity for her acquisitions that .she could, in her present predicament, 
 desire, since I could say to him, with the utmost candour and ingenuity, 
 that as far as my poor knowledge and faculties were able to extend, 
 I did not foresee a probability of their regaining what we now held of 
 their's, or of their compensating our actual advantages by any successful 
 attack upon any of his Majesty's dominions. 
 
 " I dare say you will easily perceive my reasons for holding this 
 firm language in the present situation, and I hope my conduct will 
 not appear injudicious to you. I carried it indeed so far, that he 
 asked me, ' whether in my ideas the prolongation of the war appeared 
 to me preferable to a good peace V I gave him the strongest and 
 fullest assurances to the contrary. 
 
 " However, for some minutes before he was sufficiently cooled,
 
 LETTER FROM MR. STANLEY TO MR. PITT. 553 
 
 he adopted the heroic style ; and though these matters are a httle CHAP, 
 foreign to my instructions, I presume, Sir, to trespass so far upon your 1761.' 
 time as to give you the notions of a French minister upon a topic """"^"^ 
 that often occurs in discourse, together with such answers as I hope 
 will not be thought entirely unworthy of an English subject. 
 
 " The Due de Choiseul said, ' that if the war in Germany, so 
 ruinous to both nations, were concluded, he should not be embarrassed 
 to engage England corps pour corps, and that he could, whenever he 
 pleased, land an army of 60,000 men in Great Britain, which the 
 superiority of our fleets would not be able to prevent ;' adding, ' thai 
 he would lay me a wager, that he conveyed 3,000 men there at any 
 time he pleased ; that, indeed, he did not answer for the final success 
 of his expedition, but that he should be glad to know what would 
 become of our funds and of our national credit in case of a formidable 
 invasion V I answered, that though I was morally sure of their dis- 
 appointment in such an operation, no man would be more sorry than 
 myself to see the contest between the two crowns decided by ex- 
 tremities, so full of horror, blood, and confusion ; that I should even 
 feel for those on their part who engaged in so desperate an attempt; 
 that the wager he offered me was a very bad proof of the possibility 
 of landing twenty times the number he mentioned ; that the armada, 
 vainly styled invincible, had taken the then predominating power of 
 the world many years of preparation ; that there were in Great Britain 
 neither places of arms, nor posts, nor fortresses, in which an enemy 
 could rest the sole of his foot; that the sea cut off every possibihty of 
 assistance from, and communication with, their native country ; that 
 there were many rivers, hills, and woods to be disputed before thev 
 could arrive at any objects worth either their or our attention, and 
 that a brave and numerous people would, on all hands, cut off their 
 provisions, and the necessary means of their subsistence ; that these 
 were not my crude opinions, but the sentiments of Mareschal Saxe, 
 who was not reckoned to want the spirit of enterprise. He asked me, 
 ' how that could be, since that General had been appointed to com- 
 mand an invasion upon Great Britain ?' I rejoined, that he obeyed 
 
 VOL. I. 4 b
 
 551 LETTER FROM MR. STANLEY TO MR. PITT. 
 
 CHAP, the orders of the King his master, but that his own memorial upon 
 1761. the occasion, (which I had formerly seen,) exactly contained the 
 ^^'"''^'^^ arguments I had mentioned to his Excellency. 
 
 " The Due de Choiseul said, ' that from the mouth of the 
 Thames to London was but a short way.' I asked him whether he 
 conceived we should ever be so silly as to let his transports go up the 
 river? 
 
 " I then thought it not improper to enlarge upon this subject : 
 I said, ' that it was a fijndamental maxim of our state, that she was 
 insuperable at home when united, as under his present Majesty, whose 
 birth among us we had the honor of claiming, whose endeavours to 
 extinguish parties, whose spontaneous and voluntary tenderness upon 
 points relative to our freedom, whose condescension and affability had 
 equally engaged and rivetted to him the unfeigned love and duty of 
 his subjects ; that if a defiance of all foreign enemies was in such a 
 situation, as I represented, an error, we had long lived under a very 
 inveterate hereditary delusion ; that the great Sir Walter Raleigh, as 
 early as Queen Ehzabeth, had held the doctrine I now maintained, 
 and that if France could demonstrate that we had so grossly imposed 
 upon ourselves, she must take us for our pains.' 
 
 " This historical and political digression gave his Excellency 
 time to resume all his former good humour, and he entered, of his own 
 accord, with me into a discourse about the French finances. He said, 
 ' he was greatly surprised that their stocks had not risen higher upon 
 my arrival at Paris, upon the amicable language I had held, and 
 upon the reception I had met with from all quarters." I replied, 
 that if he promised not to be offended, I would repeat to him the 
 solution of this problem, such as I had several times heard it given at 
 Paris. He assured me, he was not captious, (which is really the 
 case,) entreating me always to use an entire liberty of speech with 
 him. I said, that the cause generally assigned for this fact was, that 
 there really existed very little money in the country not already dis- 
 posed of or engaged. 
 
 " I softened this reply by observing, that if England bad not
 
 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO MR. STANLEY. 555 
 
 been assisted by foreign wealth, she would, notwithstanding the CHAF. 
 flourishing state of her trade, not have abounded with cash sufficient ^q]' 
 to give the speculators upon stocks full play for that discernment and """"""""^ 
 address upon which they pique themselves. He confessed to me, 
 that even in France those who had the command of money were their 
 masters, and that he himself had neither penetration nor experience 
 enough to account for their transactions, or the principles on which 
 they govern themselves ;' of which he gave me a singular instance, 
 viz. ' that he had had great disputes with M. de Silhouette, when that 
 minister resolved to stop the rescriptions, (i. e. the terms of payment 
 for the capital and interest of the public debt,) that he asked him 
 only for a delay of twenty-four hours, which had been promised, but 
 which was not complied with, that on the pubUcation of the King's 
 edict, the state had certainly committed a sort of bankruptcy, (une 
 espece de hancqueroupe,) that he expected their public credit to be 
 totally and inevitably ruined, but that, to his great surprise, they 
 raised their next supphes w ith more facility than they had been able 
 to procure them before while the national faith remained entire/ 
 Here we were interrupted by a servant's coming to inform us that 
 dmner was upon the table." 
 
 In a letter dated Whitehall, 26th June, Mr. Pitt acknow- 
 ledges the receipt of the preceding letter, and states the satisfaction 
 Avhich the King had expressed at the address which Mr. Stanley had 
 evinced in his recent conversation with the Due de Choiseul. Mr. 
 Pitt then relates the substance of his last conference with M. de 
 Bussy. 
 
 " The conversation," writes Mr. Pitt, " which was extremely 
 long and large on his part, begun by his telling me that he had the 
 pleasure now to be able to acquaint me that the Due de Choiseul 
 admitted that the proposition of the 26th March was subsisting, and 
 that epochs were matter of negociation, and proper ones to be settled- 
 On my saying to M. de Bussy that this was all I had ever expected 
 
 4 B 2
 
 556 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO MR. STANLEY. 
 
 CHAP, or desired on that subject, he fairly and readily confessed that to be 
 1751 ■ the case; and added, that there remained now only to open ourselves 
 ^^"^^^^"^ on the matter of compensations. Hereon I referred myself to the 
 paper transmitted to you by Monuet, in my despatch of the 19th 
 instant, and asked if he (De Bussy) had any instructions from his 
 court to open himself on this head ; to which he replied, that he had 
 not had one word to that effect ; but protesting his zeal for the ad- 
 vancement of the negociation, acquainted me that, in this view, his 
 court had ordered him to let me know, that he was ready to sign any 
 act to the following effect, viz. 
 
 " 1st, That the uti possidetis was to be the basis of the negoci- 
 ation. 
 
 " 2dly, That France comprehends in her conquests, which are 
 to form that uti possidetis on her part, the states she has conquered 
 on his Majesty's allies in Germany. 
 
 " 3dly, That the two crowns should mutually guarantee to each 
 other their new possessions. 
 
 " 4thly, That proper epochs were to be settled. 
 
 " I desired M. de Bussy to explain what could be meant by 
 7iouvelles possessio7is, which England might be to guarantee to France : 
 that I could not, in the whole extent of the objects of our peace, con- 
 ceive the possibility of a new possession to France, except Minorca, 
 which probably would not be left to her by the future treaty. Here- 
 upon that minister, after some little essay towards giving a sense to 
 those words, confessed that he did not very exactly see what might 
 be the idea of his court therein. I will just observe, that it is not 
 impossible that nouvelles possessions may squint towards Ostend and 
 Nieuport, however foreign that matter strictly is to our immediate 
 negociation. 
 
 " I am further to acquaint you that M. de Bussy opened to me 
 the kind of proposal as above, contained, as he said, in his last de- 
 spatches, in a manner so ample and so copious, and enforced this no- 
 thing, (except the particular expression of nouvelles possessions,) with 
 such emphasis and affected frankness, as bore strong marks of a
 
 NEWS OF THREE VICTORIES IN AS MANY DAYS. 557 
 
 personated ignorance of the offer made through you by the Due de chap. 
 Choiseul. ;76i. 
 
 " In the course of our conference, M. de Bussy farther apphed ^^^"^^^^^ 
 himself, not a httle, to leave on me the impression that the Due de 
 Choiseul would never recur to the common arts of negociation, by 
 throwing out a proposition in order to sound and feel dispositions ; 
 but that his Excellency, whenever he shall make an offer for peace, 
 would do it so as that his first word should be his last. All this, I 
 say, and abundance more to the same effect, leave no room to doubt 
 that M. de Bussy 's language was totally calculated to quicken facility 
 here towards the Due de Choiseul's proposition through you, be M. 
 de Bussy or be he not in his Excellency's secret. 
 
 " Our conversation ended by agreeing that all must stand re- 
 ferred to the answer which, he said, he hoped he might soon receive 
 from his court, to the contents of the paper I put into the hands of 
 M. de Bussy on the 17th instant, and which was transmitted to you 
 in my despatch of the 19th. 
 
 " I desire you will particularly acquaint me, for the King's in- 
 formation, what has been the manner of your presentation at Court, 
 as M. de Bussy demands to take audience of his Majesty, though it 
 is apprehended the etiquette of the court of France will not have 
 admitted of your having had an audience of his most Christian Ma- 
 jesty. If this should be so, you will represent to the Due de Choiseul 
 what an insurmountable difficulty this constitutes ; it being indispen- 
 sable that both ministers, as to the honors they are to receive, should 
 be, in all respects, on an equal footing." 
 
 I have said that notwithstanding the negociation for peace, the 
 operations of the war were not relaxed on the part of Great Britain. 
 Within three days, the news of as many victories arrived at St. 
 James's. On the morning of the 20th July, the King was informed 
 of the surrender of Pondicherry in the East Indies; on the evening of 
 that day, he learned that Dominica in the West Indies was added to 
 his dominions. On the 22nd of July despatches were received from
 
 558 MARRIAGE OF KING GEORGE THE THIRD. 
 
 (JHAP. Prince Ferdinand announcing his triumph over the French in West- 
 1761. phaha'". Such splendid successes must have been truly grateful to 
 ^ the youthful sovereign. But his heart had yielded to softer impres- 
 sions. 
 
 The King having summoned a Privy-council on the 8th July, 
 declared to them his intention of demanding the Princess Charlotte 
 of Mecklenberg-Strelitz in marriage. This Princess became Queen of 
 England on the 8th of the following September. At this season ot" 
 domestic rejoicing, it would, doubtless, have been very satisfactory to 
 George HI. to give peace to his people, and harmony to the rest of 
 Europe. But with whatever favor the King regarded others, the ne- 
 gociation of the peace, as had been the conduct of the war, was 
 almost entirely committed to Mr. Pitt, and it must be confessed that 
 this minister's terms were high. All the arts of French refinement 
 were put into practice to lower them, but in vain. Mr. Pitt well 
 knew the prodigious sacrifices which the English had made in the 
 prosecution of the war, and he was determined that she should not 
 lose her dear-bought conquests from motives of false delicacy or com- 
 plimentary forbearance. He was intimately acquainted with the 
 situation of France, and saw that this was the time to restrain her 
 ambition, and to bestow permanent influence and advantage upon 
 Great Britain. Unmoved, therefore, by the refinements of Choiseul, 
 or by the taunts of those who reproached him with violence and pride, 
 he consulted alone the honor and interests of his country, and he 
 thought that her situation entitled him to prescribe the terms of a 
 most advantageous peace. He had never ceased to contemplate the 
 probability of a continuance of the war. The olive branch was in one 
 hand, but the sword lay beside him, and he knew he could resume it 
 and add to the laurels already acquired by liis country. If Mr. Pitt 
 was not at this period sincerely desirous of peace, it was because he 
 was not con\ inced of the sincerity of those who professed to desire it. 
 
 " At Fillinghausen. The battle lasted two days, the 15th, and 16th July. It was very severe, 
 and ended in a most important victory.
 
 REVIEW OF SPANISH AFFAIRS. 559 
 
 He had for some time seen the communion of councils which pre- chap. 
 vailed in the courts of Paris and Madrid, and a strong suspicion arose nei. 
 in his mind that the present proposals of peace on the part of France ===" 
 originated chiefly in her desire to excite the sympathy and the jea- 
 lousy of Spain ; a sympathy towards herself, and a jealousy towards 
 England. 
 
 For the full information of the reader with respect to the affairs 
 of Spain, I shall briefly retrace the conduct of that government for 
 several years previous to the period at which I am now arrived. 
 During the reign of Ferdinand, a prince always inactive, and latterly 
 wholly insane, many circumstances had transpired which alarmed the 
 court of England as to the intentions of Spain with regard to the 
 belligerent powers. France had neglected no arts of persuasion to 
 induce Ferdinand to take part in the war. Several times he appeared 
 upon the point of doing so, and several indications appeared of his 
 decided partiality to France. The prospect of his brother's accession 
 to the throne was far from being more favorable to England. The 
 Queen dowager, the mother-in-law of Ferdinand, and the mother of 
 Don Carlos, was known to be friendly to France, and it was feared 
 that her son would adopt her principles. For some time, however, 
 after his succession to the Spanish monarchy, Charles the Third ap- 
 peared desirous of preserving peace with England. But the ties of 
 blood naturally connected him with Louis, and to this attachment 
 from relationship was added the sense of a very important obligation. 
 By an article of the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, it was stipulated, that 
 in the event of the succession of Don Carlos to the Spanish throne, 
 the kingdom of the two Sicilies should devolve upon his brother Don 
 Philip, Duke of Parma, and that whilst certain districts were assigned 
 to his Sardinian Majesty, the Duchies of Parma, Placentia, and 
 Guastala should revert to the House of Austria. The King of Naples 
 naturally regarded this article as injurious to his rights, accordingly 
 he never acceded to it, and upon Ferdinand's death entirely altered 
 the destination. His eldest son, from an infirmity of mind approach- 
 ing to idiotcy, was pronounced incapable of succeeding him as King
 
 560 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO THE EARL OF BRISTOL, 
 
 CHAP, of Spain ; his second son was, therefore, declared Prince of Asturias 
 ,7gj ■ and his own immediate successor, and his third son was placed on the 
 
 --^ throne of Sicily. The Duke of Parma, the King of Sardinia, and, 
 
 wiiat was of much more importance, the Empress-Queen were, with 
 much difficulty, induced to acquiesce in these arrangements. The 
 consent of the court of Vienna was obtained by the good offices of 
 France. This, I have said, was a most important obligation, and the 
 new King of Spain was not of a nature to forget it. Whilst Charles 
 the Third regarded France with feelings of gratitude and affection, 
 those very feelings, together with the points of difference between 
 Spain and Great Britain, produced in him a dislike to the latter 
 country. But his fear was greater than his dislike, and the former 
 feeling had hitherto prevented him from taking part in the war 
 against us. 
 
 The following extracts from the correspondence of Mr. Pitt with 
 the Earl of Bristol are replete with interest. 
 
 Mr. Pitt to the Earl of Bristol. 
 
 " Whitehall, July 3, 1761. 
 
 " With regard to your letter of the 20th May % by Walker the 
 messenger, I am again to repeat to your Excellency, that it continues 
 to occasion here the most sensible regret to find, that, notwithstanding 
 the sincerity of intentions on both sides, amicably to adjust and ter- 
 minate, by a fair and equitable regulation, all disputes concerning the 
 privilege of cutting logwood, the court of Spain still continues, un- 
 happily, to dwell on that capital point of difficulty, which, your Ex- 
 cellency has so often been acquainted, is not admissible on the part 
 of his Majesty ; namely, that the King, on his side, should do every 
 thing for the satisfaction of Spain, while he is to rely only on general 
 promises, on the part of that court, for securing, by some proper regu- 
 
 ■• See Chapter xvii.
 
 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO THE EARL OF BRISTOL. 5<il 
 
 lation, which Spain still declines to explain, the privilege which his chap. 
 Majesty's subjects are entitled to enjoy by long usage, authorised by 176].' 
 the treaty of Utrecht. Having so fully exhausted in my preceding ' 
 
 despatches, all the arguments that arise on this subject, I will only 
 add now, that it is the King's pleasure, that your Excellency should 
 continue to hold to M. Wall the language prescribed by the said 
 despatches, always observing to temper your reasonings with a true 
 spirit of conciliation, and to urge them, though firmly, yet with the 
 tone of friendly expostulation between two courts, who mean sincerely 
 to live, as it is their mutual interest, in perfect amity and harmony 
 with each other. If the court of Spain does really not meditate a 
 change in her political system, and if they will divest themselves but 
 for a moment, of that force of prevention Avhich seems to shut their 
 eyes to the equal view of both sides of the question, there is still room 
 to hope, that M. Wall will open himself with regard to some equitable 
 regulation for terminating, once for all, these embarrassing and long 
 depending disputes. 
 
 " Having, in my secret letter of the 24th April ", transmitted to 
 your Excellency, copies of the Due de Choiseul's letter and memorial 
 of the 26th March, and of my answers thereto of the 8th April, I 
 am commanded by the King to make use of this opportunity to inclose 
 to your Excellency the several other papers, which have passed, pre- 
 vious to the respective missions of Mr. Stanley, and of M. de Bussy, 
 which will fully inform your Excellency of the state of this important 
 transaction down to that period. 
 
 " I am now to acquaint your Excellency what gave occasion to 
 the enclosed paper, entitled. Fro Memoria donne h M. de Bmsi/ le 
 17' JuiHf 1761 ■". That minister had, in his conferences with me, con- 
 tended, that, the King not having accepted the epochs offered in the 
 Due de Choiseul's memorial of the 26th March, the proposition with 
 regard to the uti possidetis, made by the court of France in the said 
 memorial, was no longer subsisting. The Due de Choiseul, at the 
 
 " See Chapter xvii. " See Appendix, No. V. paper 1 3. 
 
 VOL. I. 4 c
 
 562 LETTER FROM THE EARL OF BRISTOL TO MR. PITT. 
 
 CHAP, same time, had held to Mr. Stanley, at Paris, a language very dit- 
 1761. ferent from this extraordinary logic of M. de Bussy. In this situation, 
 
 ''^^^ and in order to fix the state of a variable and contradictorv negocia- 
 tion, his Majesty judged proper to direct me, for greater accuracy and 
 precision, to put the Pro Meinoria above mentioned into the hands of 
 M. de Bussy, and at the same time, to transmit a copy thereof to Mr. 
 Stanley. The answer of the court of France to this paper will shew 
 what consistency the negociation between the two courts is likely to 
 take, and I don't doubt, but I shall have the King's commands to give 
 your Excellency an account thereof by the first safe conveyance." 
 
 The Earl of Bristol to Mr. Pitt. 
 
 " Segovia, August 10, 1761. 
 
 " The loss of Pondichcrry must be an irretrievable one to the 
 enemy's commerce in that part of the globe, and dispossessing them 
 of the island of Dominica must make the French feel the superiority 
 of Great Britain, w herever they are attacked by the King's troops. 
 What contributes to the glory of these important e\ents, is the dis- 
 cretionary capitulation to which General Lally was compelled to 
 submit, and our seizing upon Fort Roseau by assault. 
 
 " Upon my acquainting General Wall with this news, he asked 
 me how far we intended extending our conquests. I told his Ex'cel- 
 lency that I flattered myself we should not stop till we had brought 
 our enemies to subscribe to the reasonable terms we send for a safe 
 and lionorable peace. As the Spanish Minister expressed some con- 
 cern at the King's troops having taken Dominica, I could not avoid 
 replying, that in case the Catholic King had any claim to the neutral 
 islands, I thought the deposit of Dominica in our hands full as safe as 
 when it was in the custody of France, and since our enemies had 
 been suffered to build a fort there, it was equally reasonable that 
 England should have the possession of it, since the Caribbees were 
 not the sole possessors of the island. 
 
 " It is not diflUcult to perceive that the great and uncommon
 
 LETTER FROM THE EARL OF BRISTOL TO MR. PITT. 563 
 
 .success which has for so many years attended our just cause now be- CHAP, 
 gins to excite the jealousy of this court, from the constant apprehen- i76i. 
 sions infused into his Cathohc Majesty by the Marquis d'Ossun, as 
 well as from the repeated representations made by the Due de Choi- 
 seul to M. Grimaldi, and from Paris transmitted here ; wherein it has 
 been asserted that what England aims at is to dictate to all Europe, 
 the commerce each nation shall be allowed to carry on, and the naval 
 force every sovereign will be permitted to maintain for the future." 
 
 The Earl of Bristol to Mr. Pitt. 
 
 " Segovia, August 31,1761. 
 
 " In order to give you a thorough light into the Spanish system, 
 I lay hold of this opportunity to acquaint you, not only with the 
 characters of the different personages who compose this court, but 
 also with their present connexions, or friendships, by which you will 
 be enabled to judge of the situation of affairs here. 
 
 " I will begin with the very respectable one of the Catholic 
 King, who has good talents, a happy memorj', and an uncommon 
 command of himself upon all occasions. His having often been de- 
 ceived has rendered him suspicious. He ever prefers carrying a 
 point by gentle means, and has the patience to repeat exhortations, 
 rather than to exert his authority even in trifles. With the greatest 
 air of gentleness he keeps his ministers and attendants in the greatest 
 awe. As a branch of the House of Bourbon, the Catholic Kin"- has 
 an affection for France, but as a Spaniard, and as a powerful Prince 
 upon a distinct throne, he wishes not to have it thought that this 
 kingdom during his reign is directed by French councils as it was in 
 Philip the Fifth's time. What the Catholic King has most at heart is 
 to secure to his son, the King of Naples, that throne where he has 
 himself placed him. Every view, and each negociation to procure 
 tranquillity to Spain is with the prospect of being entirely at liberty to 
 assist to the utmost the young Sicilian monarch, in case any power 
 should attempt to disturb him in the quiet possession of his dominions. 
 
 4 c 2
 
 ^•>* LETTER FROM THE EARL OF BRISTOL TO MR. PITT. 
 
 CHAP. " The Queen Mother's capacity is not equal to what it was once 
 
 X V 1 1 1 . 
 
 i7(ji. reputed to be. Her Majesty, one may infer from many little artifices, 
 ^ has not yet discovered, what every other person is convinced of, that 
 
 she neither has, nor ever will obtain, any influence in affairs. The 
 Queen Mother not only slights the three principal persons here, 
 General Wall, Marquis Squillace, and the Duke of Lossada, but I 
 have myself been present when she has ridiculed some of them in a 
 manner, which was not to have been expected from one in her Ma- 
 jesty's station. 
 
 " Although the Infant, Don Lewis, constantly accompanies the 
 Catholic King, his Royal Highness, so far from interfering in public 
 concerns, does not even venture to ask the most trifling favor. 
 
 " I have frequently, Sir, acquainted you with my opinion of 
 General Wall, and his abilities are sufficiently known in England. 
 Notwithstanding all that has past, I am persuaded he is too good a 
 Spaniard not to be a friend to England, but, if he acted in the man- 
 ner we have reason to expect he should, he thinks his conduct would 
 be attributed to that predilection he has ever been accused of towards 
 Great Britain, and that no one would believe he was influenced by 
 Spanish principles ; therefore, to obtain that impartiality he aims at, 
 he is often hurried on to appear, and to conduct himself, as if he was 
 in interests diametrically opposite to ours. His Excellency is, like 
 every other person here, in the greatest awe of his royal master, and, 
 I fear, does not constantly report what I advance, lest he should be 
 suspected to be pleading our cause, whilst he was only reciting what 
 he had heard from me. 
 
 " Monsieur de Squillace'' is not bright; he is fond of business, and 
 never complains of having too much, notwithstanding the variety of 
 departments that centre in him. He would be averse to any war, 
 as the royal coffers are far from being full, and the measures he has 
 already taken to replenish them have occasioned so great a clamour 
 against him, he thinks he never could stand his ground if the exigency 
 
 1 Secretary of State and of Despatch, and Superintendant General of the Finances.
 
 LETTER FROM THE EARL OF BRISTOL TO MR. PITT. 505 
 
 of the state drove him to invent new methods for raising additional chap. 
 taxes: I beheve his Excellency is incapable of taking any bribes, but nei. 
 
 I would not be equally responsible for his wife, the Marquise's, indif- 
 
 ference with regard to presents. She is suspected to receive no in- 
 considerable remittances from France, but this, being difficult to prove, 
 I relate it only as the general opinion; however, the Marquis D'Ossun's 
 behaviour gives ground to these suspicions. 
 
 " The Duke of Lossada has a moderate genius, but an incom- 
 parable character for worth and honesty ; the strongest encomium of 
 him is the King of Spain's having so invariably distinguished him for 
 upwards of thirty years : for had there been any thing amiss in this 
 nobleman, the discernment of his sovereign would have detected it, 
 and that would have occasioned his Catholic Majesty's withdrawing 
 his friendship from his confidant. The Duke of Lossada does not 
 interfere in the political affairs of Europe, therefore my mentioning 
 him here, is chiefly because he bears so principal a part in the palace. 
 
 " As several other persons have opportunities of talking to the 
 King of Spain, who are, from their offices, immediately about the 
 royal person, and, for that reason, can now and then drop words or 
 hints about affairs, without presuming to offer advice, I will con- 
 tinue to give the characters of some whose names have never reached 
 England. 
 
 " The Marquis Monte Allegre, Mayor-Domo-Mayor, is a thorough 
 Spaniard ; one who concerns himself only in the discharge of his 
 office, and who will be ever inclined to peace, yet, from bigoted 
 principles, would choose to have a war with heretics rather than 
 against those of his own communion. 
 
 " I have, upon a former occasion, sent word that the Duke of 
 Medina Celi was an illustrious cypher, whose great name procured 
 him the post of Master of the Horse, in which employment he attends 
 upon the Catholic King every day at his hunting; but this great 
 nobleman's capacity does not reach far enough even to govern the 
 royal stables, or those who are dependant upon himself, with propriety ; 
 and I believe, if he was to be asked where England lay upon the map,
 
 .j6C letter from the earl of BRISTOL TO MR. PITT. 
 
 CHAP, he would be at a loss to point out the spot, yet he is so good a cour- 
 J7P1 ■ tier, that he would clamour for any war the instant he thought his 
 == sovereign was inclined to it, 
 
 " Don Pedro Stuart, grandson ot" the late Marshal Berwick, 
 waits upon his Catholic Majesty as regularly in the oflice of Gentleman 
 of the Horse, and olliciates in the absence of the Duke of Medina 
 Celi ; he is a Lieutenant-General in ihu Marine, and reckoned the 
 best sea officer in the Spanish service : he has great vi\acity in his 
 imagination, though uncultivated; is well looked upon by the King his 
 master, and has ever been explicit in his sentiments how prejudicial 
 to Spain a war with England at all times must be. 
 
 " Prince Masseran, the Dukes of Bournonville and Banos, the 
 three captains of the body guards, have frequent occasions of being 
 in conversation with their sovereign. The iirst, by descent an Italian, 
 is most servilely attached to the French interest. The Duke of Bour- 
 nonville, with excellent talents but the most corrupted morals, is by 
 birth a Flemish man, and though he wishes well to France, there is 
 no cause he would not either adopt or relinquish to serve any private 
 purpose. The Catholic King likes neither of them, but distinguishes 
 the Duke of Bahos, a Spaniard of the ancient house of Ponce de Leon, 
 who thinks of nothing but the business of his profession, and, with a 
 moderate capacity, has conduct enough to behave unexceptionably to 
 all parties. 
 
 " Monsieur Arriaga, the Secretary of State for the Marine, is a 
 quiet worthy man, but too easily led by the Jesuits ; he is convinced 
 that the Spanish navy neither is nor can be in a situation to cope 
 with that of Great Britain ; he would be against a war, and is from 
 principle, as well as experience, satisfied that Spain could not be a 
 gainer by interrupting the present peace it enjoys. 
 
 " I cannot omit Don Joseph Agostin de Llano, (nephew to Don 
 Sebastian De la Quadra, formerly Secretary of State for Foreign 
 Affairs,) the first Secretary to General Wall, who does almost the 
 whole business in his Excellency's department, and to whose opinion 
 Monsieur Wall pays the greatest deference. Although he is young.
 
 LETTER FROM THE EARL OF BRISTOL TO MR. PITT. 567 
 
 he has been for a great number of years in that office, and is as able CHAP, 
 a man as any in this country: I wish, for that reason, he was more iv^i. 
 inchned to England than I fear he is. As General Wall is not the • 
 
 most correct writer in the Spanish language. Monsieur De Llano pens 
 all the despatches and memorials of consequence. I have discovered 
 that the celebrated Peevish One from this court, delivered to me at the 
 Pardo, the beginning of the present year, was of this gentleman's 
 composition. 
 
 " Monsieur De la Ensenada must not be forgot ; he is vain and 
 presumptuous, has some experience, but never had any application. 
 The three first secretaries of the three different departments he once 
 possessed, did the whole business of those offices, they prepared 
 the notes for him, which were to be carried to the Despachos, 
 and he received his lessons from them, because he neither had the 
 capacity requisite to transact business of such importance, nor would 
 he give himself the trouble that was necessary to examine into 
 affairs." 
 
 However respectable the characters of the King of Spain and of 
 his minister might be, Mr. Pitt possessed too much experience and 
 perspicacity to abandon his suspicions. He weighed well the intelli- 
 gence which he received from Paris and Madrid. Lord Bristol had 
 before informed him of the machinations of the French at the latter 
 court, and he now learned from Mr. Stanley that the Spaniards were 
 by no means passive at the latter. If the French had long used every 
 argument to induce the Spaniards to take part in the war, the Spa- 
 niards, he now found, were equally urgent with the French in repre- 
 senting the impolicy of peace. Such appear to have been the feelings 
 of Mr. Pitt, when, together with a memorial of propositions relating 
 solely to the projected peace between France and England, M. de 
 Bussy presented a memorial from his master respecting those points 
 which had been so long in dispute between England and Spain. 
 France, then at war with England, took upon herself to remonstrate 
 in behalf of a neutral power — a power in professed amity with Eng-
 
 568 DIFFERENT TERMS OF PEACE PROPOSED BY FRANCE AND ENGLAND. 
 
 CHAP, land, having at the time an ambassador at the court of London, 
 1761. ^ho had himself given no intimation of such a de8ign. 
 
 " The circumstance was more than suspicious: it implied the al- 
 
 most certainty of a league concluded, or in progress, between the two 
 sovereigns of the House of Bourbon. It seemed to say, " Charles 
 the Third and Louis the Fifteenth are united, conjointly they offer 
 peace to Great Britain, or conjointly they will prosecute the war," 
 Other ministers might have disguised their feelings at an interposition 
 on the part of France, so irregular and insulting ; but Mr. Pitt, with a 
 manliness and a dignity which remind one of the loftiest characters of 
 ancient Rome, at once returned the memorial relative to Spain, as 
 wholly inadmissible. He also returned, as equally inadmissible, a 
 memorial relating to the conduct which England was required to ob- 
 serve towards Prussia. Having thus vindicated the dignity of her 
 country towards an enemy, and of her honor towards an ally, Mr. Pitt 
 gave specific answers to the propositions of the French minister re- 
 specting the peace. 
 
 The difference between the terms proposed by France, and those 
 suggested by England was very considerable. I shall give a few in- 
 stances of this. Mr. Pitt declared that England must retain both 
 Senegal and Goree, of one or other of which, the Due de Choiseul 
 had demanded the restitution. Considering the losses which France 
 had sustained in Asia, and that she had no equivalent to offer in that 
 quarter, the sixth article of the French minister's propositions was un- 
 reasonable. It states that, " it would be advantageous for the com- 
 panies of the two nations in the East Indies, to abstain for ever from 
 all military views and conquests, to restrain themselves, and mutually 
 to assist each other in the business of commerce, which more pro- 
 perly belongs to them. The precise situation in which the two 
 nations stand is not known in France, wherefore the King, in order to 
 confine himself in that respect to the object most useful both for the 
 present and hereafter to the two companies, proposes to the King of 
 England the treaty concluded between Sieurs Godeheu and Saunders, 
 as a basis for the re-establishment of the peace of Asia."
 
 DIFFERENT TERMS OF PEACE PROPOSED BY FRANCE AND ENGLAND. 569 
 
 This article was thus reiected by Mr. Pitt : CHAP. 
 
 XVIII. 
 1761. 
 
 " The treaty concluded between Messrs. Saunders and Godeheu ==^ 
 cannot be admitted as the basis of the re-establishment of the peace in 
 Asia, because that provisional treaty has had no consequences, and 
 because those provisions are by no means applicable to the present 
 state of affairs in the Indies, by the final reduction of the possessions 
 and settlements of the French company in the East Indies; but as the 
 perfect and final settlement with regard to that country can only be 
 made in conformity to certain rights absolutely appertaining to the 
 English company, and as the King cannot justly dispose of their 
 rights without their consent, it must necessarily be left to the com- 
 panies of the two nations to adjust the terms of accommodation and 
 reconciliation, according to those rules of reason and justice, which 
 the state and circumstances of their affairs may require and mutually 
 point out ; provided, nevertheless, that those conditions are not re- 
 pugnant to the designs and equitable intentions of their sovereigns for 
 the peace and reconciliation of the two crowns." 
 
 In the twelfth article the French, with great length of reasoning, 
 demanded the restitution of the captures made by England at sea be- 
 fore the declaration of the war. 
 
 This was rejected by Mr. Pitt upon the principle that " the abso- 
 lute right of all hostile operations does not result from a formal decla- 
 ration of war, but from the hostiUties which the aggressor has first 
 offered." 
 
 From the few points which I have mentioned, it will be seen 
 that the terms proposed by Mr. Pitt were so much more ad^ anta- 
 geous to Great Britain than those contained in the Due de Choiseul's 
 memorial, that the reply of France, without instantly breaking off the 
 negociation, shews either that her plans with regard to Spain were not 
 matured, or that peace was so necessary that she must make the 
 greatest sacrifices in order to obtain it. 
 
 But although Mr. Pitt thus went through the formalities of 
 
 VOL. I. 4 D
 
 570 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO THE EARL OF BRISTOL. 
 
 CHAP, answering the French propositions, he plainly saw that unless General 
 1761. Wall declared that the interference of France with regard to the difFe- 
 rences between England and Spain was unauthorised by his master, 
 the latter must in efi'ect be considered as an ally of Louis XV., and 
 that a war with both was almost inevitable. He therefore addressed 
 the following letter to the Earl of Bristol to ascertain the fact : 
 
 " Whitehall, July 28, 1761. 
 
 " With regard to the strange idea of the proposed guarantee of 
 Spain, mentioned in Mr. Stanley's despatches, as also with respect 
 to the engagements with Spain concerning our disputes with that 
 crown, which the Due de Choiseul now avows to have been taken 
 before the first overtures of France, for the particular peace with 
 England, and which, consequently, had been from that time as disin- 
 genuously suppressed as they were in the moment insolently produced; 
 the King's servants were unanimously of opinion to reject the thought 
 of suffering these disputes to be mixed in the negociation with France; 
 and submitted to his Majesty, that a peremptory declaration to that 
 effect, should be made to M. de Bussy, giving that minister withal 
 clearly to understand, that it would be considered here as offensive to 
 the dignity of the King, that farther mention should be made of such 
 an idea, and that it is likewise understood here, that France at no 
 time has a right to meddle in such discussions between Great Britain 
 and Spain. 
 
 " I am now to acquaint your Excellency, that M. de Bussy did 
 not come to me till last Thursday morning, when, after delivering to 
 me the same memorial which Mr. Stanley had received from the Due 
 de Choiseul, and transmitted to me, he also gave me two supplemental 
 . memorials of a most extraordinary nature, copies whereof I send 
 
 your Excellency enclosed, together w ith a copy of my letter to that 
 minister, returning the two said memorials as totally inadmissible. 
 
 " With regard to the memorial relative to the disputes between 
 England and Spain, that piece will best speak its enormity, and the 
 extreme offensiveness of the matter which it contains; at the same
 
 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO THE EARL OF BRISTOL. 571 
 
 time my letter, by order of the King, to M. de Bussy, sending back CHAP, 
 the said memorial, will sufficiently convey to your Excellency the just ivg] ' 
 sensations which such a paper has excited here in the breast of every == 
 one to whom it was imparted. 
 
 " It is the King's pleasure, therefore, that your Excellency 
 should immediately communicate to M. Wall the above-mentioned 
 memorial, together with my letter to M. de Bussy returning the same : 
 and in case the Spanish minister shall avow, that this strange piece 
 has really been authorised by the court of Madrid, your Excellency 
 will remonstrate, with energy and firmness, the unexampled irregu- 
 larity of such a proceeding on the part of Spain, not only still in 
 amity with Great Britain, (though discussions of difficulty unluckily 
 engage the two courts,) but whose intercourse has hitherto professed 
 itself to be friendly, and whose declared aims have all along seemed 
 to point to an amicable adjustment of the long-subsisting disputes 
 relating to the coasts of Honduras, &c. by some equitable regulation 
 of the enjoyment of the privilege of cutting logwood by the subjects of 
 Great Britain. You will farther express, with the utmost seriousness,, 
 to M. Wall, that nothing can equal the King's surprise and regret at 
 a transaction so unprecedented, except his Majesty's steady purposes, 
 and immoveable determination, not to be diverted, by any consider- 
 ations, from that even tenor of conduct towards Spain, which his just 
 and constant care of his people dictates, and which his royal wisdom 
 and magnanimity have hitherto pursued. 
 
 " On the one hand, then, his Majesty will by no means add 
 facilities for the satisfaction of that court, in consideration of any inti- 
 mation, on the part of a hostile power, of union of councils, or of pre- 
 sent or future conjunctions ; nor on the other hand will his Majesty's 
 equity and moderation cease to dispose his royal mind to the same 
 reasonable terms of accommodation with Spain, with regard to such 
 objects, and in such manner, as the King, excited by inclination, and 
 determined by system, has through the course of this negociation, in- 
 variably declared himself ready to embrace. 
 
 " As to the three points mentioned in this memorial ; first, con- 
 
 4 D 2
 
 572 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO THE EARL OF BRISTOL. 
 
 t'HAP. cernlng the restitution of prizes made against the flag of Spain, or 
 I7(ji ■ supposed to have been taken in violation of the territory of that king- 
 ■ doni, it suffices to say, that the courts here instituted to take cogni- 
 zance of all matters of such a nature, are always open to the parties 
 who think fit to seek redress in due course of justice ; and it is super- 
 fluous to observe, that the ministers of his most Christian Majesty are 
 not a tribunal to which Great Britain allows an appeal. 
 
 " Next, as to the stale and inadmissible pretensions of the 
 Biscayans and Guispuscoyans to fish at Newfoundland, on which im- 
 portant point your Excellency is already so fully instructed, you will 
 again, on this occasion, let M. Wall clearly understand that this is a 
 matter held sacred ; and that no concession, on the part of his Ma- 
 jesty, so destructive to this true and capital interest of Great Britain, 
 will be yielded to Spain, however abetted and supported ; and it is 
 still hoped, that prudence, as well as justice, will induce that court no 
 longer to expect, as the price of an union, which is at least as much 
 her interest as ours to maintain inviolate, a sacrifice which can never 
 be thought of. 
 
 " Thirdly, with regard to disputes relative to the logwood coasts, 
 the King will still receive with pleasure, agreeable to his Majesty's 
 repeated declarations to the court of Spain, any just overtures on the 
 part of his Catholic Majesty, (provided they be not conveyed through 
 the channel of France, by whose intervention the King will never 
 treat of these disputes,) for amicably adjusting the same, and for re- 
 moving effectually every source of reasonable complaint or dispute on 
 this head, by terminating to mutual satisfaction all things relating 
 thereto, by a candid and equitable regulation. 
 
 " After the above memorial of France, and the intimations 
 therein, little short of a declaration of war in reversion, and that not 
 at a distance, held out m terrorem on the part of France and Spain, 
 M. Wall cannot wonder that your Excellency is ordered by his Ma- 
 jesty, as you hereby are, to desire again, in this conjuncture, a pro- 
 per explanation with regard to the naval armaments that have been so 
 long preparing in the various ports of Spain ; and his Excellency can-
 
 LETTER FROM MR. PITT TO THE EARL OF BRISTOL. o7.'J 
 
 not but himself be sensible how strongly the King is called upon, in CHAP, 
 the order of things, and from the indispensable motives of what he 1751 ' 
 owes to his crown and people, to expect that the court of Madrid will ==" 
 come to some explicit and categorical eclaircissement with regard to 
 the destination of her fleets, as well as with respect to her dispositions 
 to maintain and cultivate friendship and good correspondence with 
 Great Britain : and this measure is become the more highly neces- 
 sary as the emissaries and partizans of France here are not a little 
 active in endeavouring to infuse, particularly into people's minds in 
 the city, for purposes too obvious to mention, that a rupture with 
 Spain, in conjunction with France, is approaching. 
 
 " Although in the course of this instruction to your Excellency, 
 I could not with such an insolent memorial from France before me, 
 but proceed on the supposition, that insidious as that court is she 
 could not dare to commit in such a manner the name of hLs Catholic 
 Majesty, without being authorised thereto. I must not, however, 
 conceal from your Excellency, that it is thought possible here that 
 the court of France though not wholly unauthorised, may with her 
 usual artifice in negociation have put much exaggeration into this 
 matter ; and in case upon entering into remonstrance on this affair, 
 you shall perceive a disposition in M. Wall to explain away and 
 disavow the authorisation of Spain to this offensive transaction of 
 France, and to come to categorical and satisfactory declarations 
 relatively to the final intentions of Spain, your Excellency will with 
 readiness and your usual address, adapt yourself to so desirable a 
 circumstance, and will open to the court of Madrid as handsome a 
 retreat as may be, in case you perceive from the Spanish Minister 
 that they sincerely wish to find one, and to remove by an effectual 
 satisfaction, the unfavorable impressions which the memorial of the 
 court of France has justly and unavoidably made on the mind of his 
 Majesty." 
 
 In the mean time a memorial entitled the " Ultimatum of France 
 in reply to that of Great Britain," was delivered to Mr. Pitt, accepting
 
 574 LETTER FROM M. DE BUSSY TO MR. PITT. 
 
 CHAP, the terms proposed by Great Britain, with the exception of the foUow- 
 
 1761.* "'g points: The restitution of the captures taken by England before 
 
 "^^^"^^""^^ the declaration of the war ; some port to act as a shelter for the 
 
 French in drying their fish caught in the Gulph of St. Lawrence; 
 
 the manner in which France was to assist her allies in Germany, 
 
 should the pacification not become general. 
 
 Upon these points France declared that her determination was 
 unaltered. The language of M. de Bussy at this time indicated symp- 
 toms of higher spirit than he before had manifested, a spirit un- 
 doubtedly derived from the reliance of his court upon the co-opera- 
 tion of Spain. The following note was delivered by the French mi- 
 nister to Mr. Pitt, at the same time with the above-mentioned 
 Ultimatum. 
 
 " August 5, 1761. 
 " SrR, 
 
 " I have acquainted my court with the letter of the 24th of last 
 month, with which your Excellency honored me on returning the me- 
 morial I laid before you in relation to the interests of the court of 
 Spain with respect to England, and the note which I thought it my 
 duty to communicate with regard to the intention of the King my 
 master, concerning the necessary steps to put a stop to the hostilities 
 in Germany. 
 
 " The King, Sir, orders me to acquaint your Excellency that as 
 to what relates to the interest of the Catholic King, his Majesty's pre- 
 caution expressed in the memorial which I remitted to you, is in con- 
 sequence of that sincerity which he professes constantly to adopt in the 
 course of all his negociations. The memorial which your Excellency 
 has returned me, neither contains any menaces nor any offer of medi- 
 ation. No other sentiment can be inferred from it than that of the 
 sincere desire which his Majesty entertains, that the projected peace 
 between France and England may be firm and durable. Moreover the 
 King refers himself to his Catholic Majesty concerning the manner in 
 which this memorial was received and remitted ; but his Majesty has
 
 LETTER FROM M. DE BUSSY TO MR. PITT. 575 
 
 charged me to declare to your Excellency that so long as Spain shall CHAP, 
 approve of it, his Majesty will interfere with the interests of that jyg] ' 
 crown, without desisting on account of a repulse from the power who === 
 opposes his good offices. 
 
 " With respect to the matter of the note likewise returned by 
 
 your Excellency, and which relates to the two necessary conditions 
 
 of the proposed expedient for evacuating the countries subdued by 
 
 his Majesty's arms, his Majesty explains himself fully on that article 
 
 in the Ultimatum, in answer to that of the court of London. His 
 
 Majesty has ordered me to declare further to you in writing, that 
 
 he will rather sacrifice the power which God has given him, than 
 
 conclude any thing with his enemies which may be contrary to the 
 
 engagements he has contracted, and that good faith in which he 
 
 glories. If England will undertake to yield no succour to the 
 
 King of Prussia, the King will engage, on the other hand, to afford 
 
 none to his alUes in Germany. But his Majesty will not adopt the 
 
 liberty of succouring his allies with a supply of men, because he 
 
 is sensible of the disadvantage which the present situation of the 
 
 armies might occasion to the Empress Queen. His Majesty may 
 
 stipulate not to act for the benefit of his allies, but he neither 
 
 can nor will consent to any condition which may be detrimental 
 
 to them. 
 
 " It remains for me to observe to your Excellency, how greatly 
 my court was astonished as well at the style of the letter as at the 
 Ultimatum of England. This style which is so little conformable to 
 the propositions of France, betrays the aversion of the court of London 
 to peace. The King, who is very far from insisting on forms, when 
 the happiness of Europe is at stake, has used every endeavour in 
 answer to the Ultimatum, which without injury to the honor of his 
 crown, were judged most effectual to recal the British court to senti- 
 ments of pacification : your Excellency will judge from the Ultimatum 
 of France, that I am ordered to acquaint you with what facility the 
 King, forgetting the imperative style so un fit for negociation, which 
 England makes use of in her answers, enters into the views of the
 
 576 LETTER FROM THE SPANISH AMBASSADOR TO MR. PITT. 
 
 CHAP. British court, and endeavours by the sacrifices he makes, to engage 
 1761. them to adopt the stipulations of a reasonable peace. 
 
 (( 
 
 If your Excellency is desirous of having a conference with me 
 on the subject of the Vltimatuin, I will attend your commands ; and I 
 shall be very earnest to testify the disposition of my court, to make a 
 happy issue of the negociation on foot, as also the peculiar regard 
 ■with which," &c. 
 
 " De Bussy." 
 
 The interposition of France was also thus sanctioned by the Am- 
 bassador of the King of Spain. 
 
 " The Most Christian King, who wishes to make the peace, con- 
 cerning which he proposed to treat with England, at once effectual 
 and durable, entrusted his intentions with the King my master, ex- 
 pressing the pleasure with which he embraced that opportunity of 
 acknowledg-inff his sense of the reiterated offers which his Catholic 
 Majesty had made both to him and England, in order to facilitate a 
 just and lasting reconciliation. 
 
 " It is from these principles of sincerity, that the Most Christian 
 King proposed to the King my master the guarantee of the treaty of 
 peace, as a measure which might be equally con\ enient to France and 
 England, and at the same time assured him, of his sincere intentions 
 with respect to the sacrifices he proposed to make, in order to restore 
 tranquillity to Europe, by an honorable and lasting peace. 
 
 " Such a proceeding of his Most Christian Majesty could not but 
 be highly acceptable to the King my master, who found it agreeable 
 to his own sentiments and to his desire of fulfilling on his part, w ith 
 the most distinguished conformity, all the connections which unite 
 them both by ties of blood and their mutual interest ; and moreover 
 he perceived in the disposition of the King of France, that magna- 
 nimity and humanity which are natural to him, by his endeavours, on 
 his side, to render the peace as permanent as, the vicissitudes of human 
 affairs will admit of.
 
 LETTER FROM THE SPANISH AMBASSADOR TO MR. PITT. 577 
 
 " It is with the same candour and sincerity that the Kingr mv CHAP, 
 master expressed in confidence to the Most Christian King, that he nei. 
 wished his Britannic Majesty had not made a difficulty of setthng the == 
 guarantee on the account of the grievances of Spain with England, as he 
 has all the reason to conclude that his Britannic Majesty has the same good 
 intentions to terminate them amicably according to reason and justice. 
 
 *' The confidence which the King my master reposed in France, 
 gave that court room to testify to his Britannic Majesty the sincerity 
 of their intentions for the re-establishment of peace, since, by propos- 
 ing the guarantee of Spain, they expressed their sincere desire of see- 
 ing the interests of Spain settled at the same time which might one 
 day rekindle the flames of a new war, which at present they wish to 
 extino-uish. 
 
 o 
 
 " If the intentions of the Most Christian King and the King my 
 master did not seem fraught with sincerity, the King my master 
 flatters himself that his Britannic Majesty will do him the justice 
 to consider his in that light, since, if they were founded on any other 
 principle, his Catholic Majesty giving fiill scope to his greatness, would 
 have spoken from himself and as became his dignity. 
 
 " I must not omit to inform you, that the King my master will 
 learn with surprise, that the memorial of France could raise a senti- 
 ment in the breast of his Britannic Majesty entirely opposite to the 
 intentions of the two sovereigns. 
 
 " But his Catholic Majesty will always be pleased, whenever he 
 sees that they make the progress which he has ever desired, in the 
 negociations of peace, whether it be separate between France and 
 England or general ; as his sincere wishes are to make it perpetual, by 
 obviating every source which might hereafter unhappily renew the war. 
 
 " For this reason, the King my master flatters himself that his 
 Britannic Majesty, animated with the same sentiments of humanity 
 towards the public tranquillity, will express the same intentions of 
 terminating the disputes of England with a power which has aflbrded 
 such reiterated proofs of her friendship, at the same time that it is 
 proposed to restore peace to all Europe in general." 
 
 VOL. I. 4 E
 
 578 LETTER FROM MR. STANLEY TO MR. PITT. 
 
 CHAP. Whilst Mr. Pitt was reflecting upon the extreme probabihty of 
 
 1761. &" approaching rupture witli Spain, and upon those vigorous measures 
 ^^^^^"^^ which a war with tliat country would render necessary, a stricter union 
 was torming between Louis and Charles than even the English mi- 
 nister had apprehended. I allude to the celebrated family compact 
 between those two sovereigns, which was signed on the 15th August, 
 1761. It has been aBlrmed, with a degree of probability, little short 
 of certainty itself, that direct information, relative to this compact, 
 was communicated to Mr. Pitt by Lord Mareschal Keith. That in- 
 dividual having been recently in Spain, had opportunities of ascer- 
 taining the fact, and is said, in gratitude for the obligation which he 
 had received from Mr. Pitt ', to have communicated this important 
 intelligence. The following private letter, which the minister at this 
 time received from Paris, was, of itself, a most just ground of suspicion 
 with regard to Spain. 
 
 Extract from a Letter, marked private, from Mr. Stanlei/ 
 
 to Mr. Pitt. 
 
 " Paris, September 2, 1761. 
 
 " I have secretly seen an article, drawn up between France and 
 Spain, in which the former engages to support the interests of the 
 latter equally with her own in the negociation of the peace with Eng- 
 land, it was entitled article 10. I am as yet a stranger to the other 
 nine, but shall endeavour to get them. This was on a separate piece 
 of paper, I read it twice over, but it was not left me long enough to 
 copy ; I conceive it to be very recent, for it was communicated in a 
 letter dated August 10th, to Monsieur de Bussy ; he was directed not 
 immediately to sign the peace, if it could be agreed with England ; 
 perhaps in order to get off from Spain more decently. I question 
 whether this article has been signed, or totally concluded, but he was 
 
 • The King of Prussia, through the intervention of Mr. Pitt, had obtained from George the 
 Second the pardon of Lord Mareschal Keith, and the restitution of his property in Scotland.
 
 LETTER FROM THE EARL OF BRISTOL TO MR. PITT. 579 
 
 not allowed to proceed contrary to it : Spain has been pushing her CHAP, 
 negociation ever since I came here, and had, about this time, gained nei. 
 great ground ; I had the hint given me, and then enquired into it ; =^= 
 you will find by mine of the 18th what answer I received. Some of 
 my intelligence is of so secret a nature, that I am very apprehensive 
 of the persons being guessed if it comes to be at all communicated. 
 I have seen some of Monsieur de Bussy's letters ; he knows more 
 than he ought. It is only to those to whom the little leaf was first 
 shewn, that I trust in your honor to communicate what I now dis- 
 close." 
 
 The impression upon the mind of Mr. Pitt was now so strong as 
 to be little weakened by the following letter which he received from 
 the Earl of Bristol on the 11th September, from which it appears that 
 his Lordship was himself deceived by the protestations of General 
 Wall. 
 
 " Segovia, August 31. 
 
 " I must now acknowledge the receipt of a copy of your letter 
 of the 24th July to M. de Bussy, together with copies of two memo- 
 rials presented by that minister, both of which performances you 
 returned back as totally inadmissible. 
 
 " A few hours after the messenger, Ardouin, arrived at Segovia 
 I went to St. Ildephonso, where I passed a considerable time with 
 General Wall ; and, as I have had four other conferences with his 
 Excellency since the first, I will set down, with the utmost precision 
 in my power, all that has passed between us. 
 
 " It was necessary for me to communicate what related to the 
 negociations for peace with the court of Versailles, as the Marquis 
 Grimaldi had transmitted copies of that whole transaction ; however, 
 from my shewing a readiness to give that mark of his Majesty's con- 
 fidence in the Spanish ministry, M. Wall told me, the Catholic King 
 was truly sensible of his Majesty's great attention towards Spain, and 
 was convinced the distance of England from hence occasioned this 
 
 4 E 2
 
 580 LETTER FROM THE EARL OF BRISTOL TO MR. PITT. 
 
 CHAP, court's not receiving the earliest information from us of what was in 
 XVIII. . . 
 1761. agitation. 
 
 " " I then dcHvered to M. Wall the copy of the memorial relating 
 
 to Spain, desiring him to read it over, and to acquaint me whether 
 it was word for word, such as had been authorised from hence ; on 
 returning it to me, his Excellency said, it was verbatim what had been 
 sent by order of the Catholic King to Versailles ; whereupon I read 
 your letter to M. de Bussy, in which the memorial was returned, say- 
 ing, it was impossible for me to give a stronger idea of the impres- 
 sion that irregular proceeding had made in England, than by com- 
 municating to this court the manner in which such an unexampled 
 overture had been received, looked into, and sent back, by the King's 
 command. 
 
 " Nothing has been omitted, on my part, to .shew what an un- 
 paralleled proceeding this was from a King, not only in amity with 
 Great Britain, but whose professions, (notwithstanding the difficult 
 discussions which had so long and so unhappily subsisted between the 
 two crowns,) had been uniformly calculated to convince my court the 
 only aim of that of Madrid was, amicably to adjust our differences 
 concerning the logwood coast. 
 
 " With relation to the idea of the proposed guarantee of Spain, I 
 desired to know of M. Wall, wherefore a power, that had no share in 
 the war, was to be invited to guarantee the future peace ? And I 
 entered very minutely into engagements taken by Spain with France, 
 in regard to our disputes with the Catholic King ; when I could not 
 help expressing the truest regret to find, not only of how long stand- 
 ing those engagements were, from the Due de Choiseul's own confes- 
 sion, but also to perceive, they had been so industriously concealed 
 during such a space of time, and to find them now produced in so 
 insolent a manner by our enemies, because, (for views too obvious to 
 be mentioned,) the French ministry looked upon that period as the 
 most critical moment ; yet I persuaded myself the proper reception 
 this transaction had met with at home, would clear all M. de Choi- 
 seul's doubts, and blast all his expectations, since he could not fail
 
 LETTER FROM THE EARL OF BRISTOL TO MR. PITT. 581 
 
 being at present convinced, no menaces of a union of councils, nor chap. 
 any threats intimating little less than the reversionary declaration of 1761.' 
 war from Spain and France, (perhaps not far off,) could shake, much ^^^^""^ 
 less intimidate 01 force England to permit her Spanish disputes either 
 to be blended with our present negociation with the court of Ver- 
 sailles, or to suffer France, on any occasion, to meddle in our discus- 
 sions with his Catholic Majesty ; and, moreover, M. de Bussy had been 
 acquainted, in the most explicit terms, that it would hereafter be 
 considered as offensive to the King's dignity, if any further mention 
 was made of such ideas ; this, I informed M, Wall, was the energetic 
 language that had been held to the French Minister at London, and 
 that my orders were, to remonstrate with his Excellency on the 
 unprecedented conduct of Spain, in conveying, at such a conjuncture, 
 through such a channel, and in such terms, her sentiments to Great 
 Britain. But I was commanded, whilst I expressed his Majesty's 
 surprise at so unheard of a transaction, equally to make known the 
 King's regret to find the court of Madrid had taken such a step ; yet 
 his eminent virtues would not permit even these considerations, or 
 these motives, in any way to divert his unalterable resolution of 
 adhering to the steady purpose and uniform conduct his royal wisdom 
 had hitherto observed towards Spain. 
 
 " I repeatedly enforced how strong my instructions were to 
 convince this court it was not to be expected or imagined, that the 
 intimations of a hostile prince, or any insinuations of a combination of 
 forces, or union of interest between Spain and France, would, in the 
 least, facilitate the satisfaction which was asked from hence, in relation 
 to our differences in America. But the same magnanimity that dic- 
 tated to the King these sentiments, prescribed also to his Majesty's 
 equity the following determination, which was the constant language 
 I had invariably held by my Sovereign's commands, of his royal 
 intention, being ever and alike disposed to come to any reasonable 
 terms of accommodation with Spain, finally to adjust our long-subsist- 
 ing differences. 
 
 " With regard to the three points contained in the memorial
 
 582 LETTER FROM THE EARL OF BRISTOL TO MR. PITT. 
 
 CHAP, presented as the Spanish grievances ; after dwelling upon the exact 
 17(51.' and unimpeached justice of the English courts of judicature, I 
 ^ observed, it was the fault of the parties who thought themselves 
 aggrieved, if they did not seek redress in that due course which was 
 ever open for them to pursue, since there was the regular courts 
 established to enquire into all matters of that nature, and those who 
 were not satisfied with the decrees issued from thence, had always 
 recourse to the laws of appeals ; but that, it must be owned, it gave 
 no favorable opinion of a cause about which the clients only clamoured 
 without seeking to have it decided in the proper forms of law ; and it 
 ■v\ as superfluous to add, how many instances might be met with to 
 ascertain this assertion; therefore the first article might be looked 
 upon only in order to swell the appearance of grievances : and in all 
 lights, the French ministers would never be authorised by us to take 
 cognizance of what was solely to be decided by English tribunals. 
 
 " As to the second article, containing the claim so often set up 
 by the Biscayans and Guipuscoans, to fish at Newfoundland, and as 
 often denied by England, I had, in the clearest terms I could make 
 use of, shewed, that the first discovery of that island was made at the 
 expense and by the command of Henry VII., and I had likewise 
 demonstrated the uninterrupted possession of it, from that time to 
 the present date, to have belonged to the English, from their being 
 constantly settled there, whilst the Spaniards never had any esta- 
 blishments in those parts ; therefore it was absolutely impossible for 
 Great Britain to make the least concession in so clear a right ; and 
 it was hoped Spain would no longer expect, as the price of our union, 
 a sacrifice which could never be granted by the court of London. 
 
 " Lastly, concerning the disputes about the coast of Honduras, 
 I could add nothing to the repeated declarations I had made, in the 
 King's name, of the satisfaction with which his Majesty would receive 
 any just overture from Spain, (upon condition that France was not to 
 be the channel of that conveyance,) for terminating amicably, and 
 to mutual satisfaction, every reasonable complaint on this matter, 
 by proposing some equitable regulation for securing to us the long-
 
 LETTER FROM THE EARL OF BRISTOL TO MR. PITT. 583 
 
 enjoyed privilege of cutting logwood, (an indulgence confirmed by CHAP, 
 treaty, and of course authorised in the most sacred manner,) nor j^qj" 
 could I give stronger assurances than the past, of his Majesty's steady ''^^'^^'''^ 
 purpose to cause all establishments on the logwood coast, contrary to 
 the territorial jurisdiction of Spain, to be removed. 
 
 " After having gone through these several points, General Wall, 
 as he had done upon a former occasion, desired me to put into writing 
 the principal heads of my discourse, promising me to make a proper 
 use of them at the despachos, for his incorrect memory rendered such 
 notes absolutely necessary for him : I readily complied with his Ex- 
 cellency's request, as I was certain by that method the Catholic King 
 would be exactly informed of what I meant to have conveyed to his 
 knowledge. The inclosed paper, marked A, is a copy of what I wrote 
 down and gave to the Spanish minister. 
 
 " I proceeded by saying, although a precipitated step could not 
 be entirely recovered, yet it might be remedied; for, without any 
 formal retraction, the expressing some concern for what had not been 
 considered in all its consequences, might soften, and even wipe off 
 any impressions, however unfavorable, that might, nay, must have 
 been made on the mind of his Majesty by this memorial from the 
 court of France. 
 
 " As I thought I perceived a disposition in M. Wall, in some 
 measure, to disavow the offensiveness of this step, I did not lose the 
 opportunity of suggesting every pretext, and offering to his Excellency 
 all kinds of handles to explain away what had so unavoidably given 
 disgust in England ; and I endeavoured, in pursuance of what you so 
 much recommended to me, to adapt myself to those circumstances 
 which were of a nature to furnish this court with the best retreat 
 imaginable. 
 
 " I have here related, M'ithout interruprion, what has been 
 alleged by me, and set down all the arguments I made use of; there- 
 fore I will now proceed to give an account of what was insisted upon 
 by General Wall, in support of his own reasonings, or advanced by his 
 Excellency in contradiction to mine.
 
 584 LETTER FROM THE EARL OF BRISTOL TO MR. PITT. 
 
 CHAP. " The Spanish minister began by acquainting me, that M. 
 
 I7gi ■ Grimaldi had conveyed to him all that had passed, either in wntmg 
 == or in discourse, beween yourself, Sir, and M. dc Bussy, as well as the 
 language Mr. Stanley had held nith the Due de Choiseul on the me- 
 morial relating to Spain. His Excellency told me, the Most Christian 
 King having early intimated his desire here, that his Catholic Majesty 
 should guarantee the intended peace between the courts of London 
 and Versailles ; in order to render that peace more permanent, the 
 King of Spain had thought proper to agree to that proposal's being 
 made by France to England, as well as to consent to France's express 
 offer of endeavouring to accommodate the disputes subsisting between 
 England and Spain, at the same time she was trying to put an end 
 to a WHf which had lasted so long between the British and French 
 crowns. But he affirmed to me, that the intention of the court of 
 Madrid, in assenting to that proposal, was totally void of any design 
 to retard the peace, and absolutely free from the least intention of 
 giving offence to his Majesty, though it appeared that step had been 
 productive of different effects ; that, as to England's declaring she 
 never would add facilities towards accommodating her differences 
 with another Sovereign, in consideration of any intimation from a 
 power at war, or the threatenings of an enemy, the Catholic King 
 could not but applaud those sentiments in his Majesty, which he felt 
 so strongly within himself; adding, it was certain the court of London 
 was at liberty to reject any proposals coming from the French ministry, 
 yet that could not in any way influence the King of Spain's communi- 
 cating whatever measures he thought conducive to his interests, to 
 the Most Christian King, his Catholic Majesty's friend, ally, and near 
 relation. 
 
 " M. Wall pursued his discourse by acquainting me with PVance's 
 having spontaneously offered to the Catholic King, (in case the dis- 
 putes between Great Britain and Spain should, at any time hereafter, 
 9ccasion a rupture between our two courts,) to unite her forces with 
 those of Spain to prevent the English encroachments in America upon 
 his Catholic Majesty's territory : an offer which the Spanish monarch
 
 LETTER FROM THE EARL OF BRISTOL TO MR. PITT. 585 
 
 had received with that cordiaUty which was due to a friend, who was CHAP. 
 
 XVIII. 
 
 determined even to invohe herself in a fresh war, in order to defend nei. 
 Spain, ^^^^^^^^"^ 
 
 " General Wall then asked me, whether it was possible to be 
 imagined in England, the Catholic King was seeking to provoke us; 
 especially at a time that the court of London was in the most fiourish- 
 ing and most exalted situation it had ever known, occasioned by the 
 greatest series of pi'osperities that any single nation had met with ? 
 And he assured me, the Catholic King, both before and at present, 
 esteemed as well as valued the frequent professions I had made by 
 command from my court, of his Majesty's desire to adjust our mutual 
 differences amicably ; but he perceived, the terms on which those dis- 
 putes were sought to be accommodated, occasioned the difficulty. 
 The Catholic King, he said, did not think England would look upon 
 the French ministers as a tribunal to which the court of London should 
 make an appeal, nor meant it as such, when the first article of griev- 
 ances was conveyed through that channel. As to the second, the 
 claim of the Guipuscoans and Biscayans to fish for Bacallao, it was 
 what Spain had always insisted upon, and never had receded from by 
 any treaty. And lastly, concerning England's evacuating all the 
 usurped settlements on the logwood coasts, it had never been offered, 
 but upon such conditions as were inconsistent with the dignity of the 
 Spanish crown to accept of; since the court of London would only 
 consent, that previous to her sending orders to those unjust settlers to 
 remove, and to cause the fortification to be demolished, the Catholic 
 King should be compelled to make known to the English, in what 
 manner the logwood was to be assured to the King's subjects not- 
 withstanding the Spanish monarch had repeatedly given his royal 
 word, a method should be found out for that purpose ; and that, till 
 it was adjudged in what manner Great Britain should enjoy that pri- 
 vilege, the English cutters of logwood should continue, without inter- 
 ruption or molestation of any kind, to carry on their commerce upon 
 the footing they at present exercise it. His Catholic Majesty only 
 asking, that for his own royal decorum the usurped establishments 
 
 VOL. I. 4 F
 
 586 LETTER FROM THE EARL OF BRISTOL TO MR. PITT. 
 
 CHAP, should be relinquished by the English, to prove that good faith we 
 1761. piqued ourselves upon, and to convince Spain we did not maintain 
 ^^^^^^ those forcible possessions, as pledges, which sooner or later we ima- 
 gined would compel the court of Madrid to grant us our own terms, 
 and in the meantime to increase, (which the British subjects did 
 daily,) the encroachments upon the coast of Honduras. 
 
 " This, Sir, to the best of my recollection, is what has been 
 advanced or replied by General Wall at our different interviews. Yet 
 for greater accuracy, and a fuller explanation of the sentiments of his 
 Excellency, I desire leave to refer you to the enclosed paper distin- 
 guished by the letter (B) % which includes the substance of what the 
 secretary of state first spoke from, then read to me, and afterwards 
 gave into my hands ; consenting to let me send it to England, not as 
 a memorial, but to be considered in the same light with that paper 
 which I had agreed to give his Excellency, containing some notes, 
 to enable him to represent to his royal master, with candour, what I 
 had been ordered to lay a stress upon ; and this was delivered to me 
 with the same view ; a proof whereof was, that there was no date to 
 either of our writings, no signature, nor any title prefixed. 
 
 " At my first conference, 1 told General Wall I had received the 
 King's commands to desire his Excellency would in the present con- 
 juncture, give me a proper explanation with regard to the naval arma- 
 ments which had been carried on in various ports of this country ; 
 and to ask for an explicit ecluircissement with relation to the destina- 
 tion of the Spanish fleet ; as Mell as to inform myself particularly, 
 from his Excellency, what were the dispositions of the Catholic King 
 to maintain friendship, and to cultivate a good correspondence with 
 his Majesty ; alleging that this measure was judged by England to 
 be the more absolutely necessary at present, as the French emissaries, 
 and the partizans of our enemies, were attempting by every method 
 to propagate the belief of an approaching rupture with Spain, in con- 
 
 ' Lord Bristol's letter is of itself so comprehensive that I have not thought it necessary to 
 insert the letters A and B.
 
 LETTER FROM THE EARL OF BRISTOL TO MR. PITT. 
 
 587 
 
 junction with France; therefore the King thought himself strongly CHAP. 
 called upon, from the indispensable motives of what his Majesty owes ngi ' 
 to his crown and to his people, to expect to have a categorical answer == 
 to the questions I had put by his royal command. The last time I 
 saw M. Wall, which was the fifth meeting we had together, I renewed 
 those questions, and then received exactly the same answer which 
 had been given me the first time : that Spain was surprised Great 
 Britain should take umbrage at any naval preparations she was or 
 had been making since the accession of his present Catholic Majesty ; 
 for, including both the ships of the line, as well as the frigates, the 
 whole number did not exceed in all that of twenty ; which M. Wall 
 assured me were by several fewer than those which had been equipped 
 during the reign of the late King Ferdinand. His Excellency told 
 me that, with regard to their destination, some were frequently going 
 backwards and forwards between this kingdom and Naples ; others 
 were intended to convoy the homeward or outward bound flotas, 
 assogues, or register ships ; and the remaining ones were to serve as 
 a check upon the Barbary Corsairs, and to defend their coasts or 
 smaller vessels from insults : and, in relation to the third question, 
 his Catholic Majesty's disposition and professions had invariably been 
 the same, and were ever meant to cement and cultivate the friendship 
 so happily subsisting between our two courts. 
 
 " I hope. Sir, it will be found I have minutely obeyed every 
 command I have been honored with from his JVIajesty. I am but too 
 conscious of the unreasonable and, (I apprehend,) tiresome length of this 
 despatch, which, on account of my frequent interviews with the Spanish 
 minister, and from my unfeigned zeal for the service of my gracious 
 royal master, has insensibly led me on to be as particular as it was 
 possible on so interesting a subject, and in so critical a conjuncture. 
 I wish this narration had proved a more satisfactory one ; yet, when 
 the style of General Wall's enclosed paper is compared with that 
 which was given to me last January, I hope it will appear there is less 
 peevishness at present here, than what was so strongly exhibited some 
 months ago. The strong avowal of a most intimate cordiality between 
 
 4 F 2
 
 588 CONVERSATION BETWEEN MR. PITT AND A GENERAL OFFICER. 
 
 CHAP. Spain and France, contained in his last production of the Spanish 
 
 1761. Secretary of State's, has hurt me. I could not avoid acquainting his 
 
 ==== Excellency, that it seemed calculated to serve as an apology for the 
 
 proceedings of the court of Versailles, and to be a justification of the 
 
 conduct of the French ministers, than for any other purpose. 
 
 " I am, &c. 
 
 " Bristol." 
 
 Lord Bristol's letter produced considerable effect in the minds of 
 several of Mr. Pitt's colleagues. General Wall had long been esteemed 
 as a good and honorable man, anxious to preserve harmony between 
 his own country and Great Britain. From his declarations it was 
 supposed that Spain had no intention whatever of taking part in the 
 war. But Mr. Pitt's opinion, when once formed, was not easily to be 
 shaken. Whatever respect he might personally entertain for General 
 Wall, he now considered him solely as the minister of Charles III., as 
 the minister of a King, whose Ambassador at Paris had labored to 
 impede the negociation of peace between France and Great Britain. 
 Notwithstanding, therefore, the representations of Lord Bristol, Mr. 
 Pitt's sentiments remained unchanged. He saw that the part which 
 Spain intended to take vvas no longer equivocal. He considered it as 
 a poor and irresolute policy any longer to keep measures with a 
 country which had given its sole confidence to the enemy ; and with 
 that decision which forms so prominent a feature of his character, he 
 declared the necessity of immediate war'. Mr. Pitt's resolution, with 
 regard to Spain", was thus made known to his colleagues. 
 
 ' Mr. Pitt's plans, with regard to the capture of Martinique, will be seen from his letters in 
 Appendix, No. IV. papers 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18. 
 
 " The following conversation is said to have taken place between Mr. Pitt and a general officer, 
 a few weeks before the resignation of the former. 
 
 " Sir," says Mr. Pitt, " I find the Spaniards are determined to break with us. It may prove 
 a fortunate circumstance, for although we have taken the French islands and colonies, they do 
 not afford us ready money, which we want. You must take possession of Panama : how many 
 regiments shall you want for such an expedition ? The ships can be provided for the purpose
 
 MR. PITT DECLARES THE NECESSITY OF A WAR WITH SPAIN. 589 
 
 On the 18th of September he represented to the cabinet council % CHAP. 
 
 . . XVI 1 1. 
 
 assembled to discuss the subject, the very irregular and alarming con- n^i\' 
 duct of Spain ; he declared himself convinced that she merely de- — 
 layed hostilities in order to collect her strength preparatory to striking 
 the blow. Honor, he said, warranted us in anticipating hostilities, 
 and prudence enjoined it, for, if any war could provide its own re- 
 sources, it was a war with Spain. Her supplies lay at a distance, and 
 as we were masters of the sea, might easily be cut off. Her Ame- 
 rican Plate fleet had not yet arrived, its capture by the English, whilst 
 it crippled her strength, would greatly add to our own. Such a bold 
 but necessary procedure would, he said, teach not only Spain but 
 
 immediately; I have no doubt of making up 5,000 men, if necessary, from the British colonies, 
 which are now secure. We have no reason to apprehend a disappointment; they may not be 
 ready in time, but must be sent you as they are raised, rather as recruits than part of your com- 
 mand." 
 
 General Officer. — " Sir, I shall not want a great number of disciplined troops ; I know the 
 exact force in that part of America ; give me three or four regiments, with instructions to the 
 middle and southern provinces to supply me with a few men accustomed to bush-fighting, and 
 about two thousand negroes to work in the heat of the day. Give me powers to form an alliance, 
 and a promise of protection in religion and commerce. I'll answer for the success, not only 
 against Panama, but for a resignation of all Spanish America, in all matters which may be 
 deemed beneficial to Great Britain." 
 
 Mr. Pitt. — " Sir, get yourself in readiness ; your commission shall be made out imme- 
 diately." 
 
 The minister also meditated an attack upon the Philippine islands ; and consulted Lord 
 Anson upon the subject, on account of his knowledge of those seas. Mr. Pitt's object was to 
 reduce Panama first, and thence to send a detachment against Manilla. His design against the 
 Havannah, although it was afterwards executed by his successors, would, had he continued to 
 direct the war, have been accomplished much sooner, and consequently great part of the force 
 employed there would have been ready for any other service. His projected expedition against 
 the Philippine islands was adopted by his successors, but materially altered, by joining the East 
 India Company in the measure. This expedition would not have been undertaken, had 
 not Lord Anson, in the strongest terras, repeatedly recommended and pressed it upon Lord 
 Egremont. — Anecdotes of the Life of Lord Chatham. 
 
 " Nine years afterwards Lord Chatham, speaking of the want of candour and good faith in 
 the Spaniards, thus reverts to the opinion which he delivered upon the present occasion : " On 
 tliis principle I submitted my advice to a trembling council for the immediate declaration of a 
 war with Spain." See Speech of the Earl of Chatham on the 22nd November, 1770. Vol.ii. 
 chap. 24.
 
 590 HIS ADVICE IS REJECTED. 
 
 CHAP. Europe, the dangerous presumption of dictating to Great Britain, and 
 1761. ^vould shew witli what energy we could repel and punish the measures 
 ' both of our secret and of our open enemies. 
 
 This decided opinion came most forcibly from him whose vigor- 
 ous measures had been crowned with so much success. It was not, 
 however, agreeable to the council. Lord Bute was the first to oppose 
 it. He declared Mr. Pitt's propositions to be rash and unadviseable. 
 Lord Granville, also, was of opinion that they were precipitate, and 
 desired longer time to consider them. The Duke of Newcastle gave 
 no opinion upon the subject. The Chancellor was absent. Lord 
 Temple alone supported Mr. Pitt. Before the council dispersed, the 
 two brothers left their written advice, signed by themselves, to be pre- 
 sented to the King. 
 
 A few days afterwards, a second council assembled for the far- 
 ther consideration of the subject. At this meeting, all the cabinet 
 ministers were present. 
 
 Some of the very persons, who in the year 1755 had been fore- 
 most to urge the seizure of the French ships before a declaration of 
 war, now condemned Mr. Pitt's proposition as violent, and contrary 
 to the laws of nations. They said that it would be madness to add 
 war to war and enemy to enemy, at a time when the springs of 
 government were overstrained by the weight already imposed ; that 
 whilst we were thus calling for new enemies, no mention was made of 
 new allies, or of new resources ; that by precipitating the war we 
 should excite the jealousy and terror of every neighbouring nation, and 
 disgust and alarm all Europe ; that as to the seizure of the Plate fleet 
 it might not be practicable, the flota being probably, at that time, 
 safe in a Spanish harbour ; but even supposing we could so seize it, 
 the acquisition would be purchased too dearly, as it might prove offen- 
 sive to neutral nations, and little advantageous to our own commerce. 
 If Spain, blind to her true interests, and deceived by the arts of 
 France, should more decidedly lend herself to the latter, it would be 
 time to declare war against her when every impartial power in Europe 
 was convinced that having acted with temper, we ought then to act
 
 THIRD MEETING OF THE CABINET ON THE SUBJECT. 591 
 
 with resolution, and when every reasonable man in England would CHAP, 
 acknowledge that we were not hurried into the war from any chime- 1761. 
 rical heroism, but, inevitably, upon the most just provocation. 
 
 Mr. Pitt again urged the necessity of an immediate war with 
 Spain. He did not, he said, ground his resolution upon what that 
 country had said or might say, but upon what she had actually done. 
 He did not feel himself authorised to communicate the intelligence 
 which he had received from Lord Mareschal Keith, respecting the 
 family compact, but he laid before the cabinet Mr. Stanley's private 
 letter, of which also he permitted ministers to take copies. 
 
 The majority declared themselves yet unconvinced of the neces- 
 sity or propriety of the measures proposed by Mr. Pitt. They re- 
 quired time for farther deliberation ; and the cabinet again broke up 
 without coming to a resolution. 
 
 At a third and final meeting of the cabinet, arguments, similar 
 to those which I have already mentioned, were reciprocally employed 
 by Earl Temple and Mr. Pitt, and by Lord Granville and others of 
 the council. The result of the conference was, that every member* 
 besides Mr. Pitt and his noble relative, declared against a war witli 
 Spain. 
 
 The minister must have been superior to human feelings if he 
 had not been stung -with such a decision. After having so trium- 
 phantly guided the vessel of the state, after having with such pene- 
 tration and enquiry discovered the shoal upon which she was likely 
 to be cast, he now found the other ofilcers of the ship desirous of 
 dri\ing him from the helm. His warm temper was known to his 
 enemies. They now took advantage of it to free themselves from a 
 colleague whose splendid abilities had so totally eclipsed their own. 
 Mindful of the wretched state into which the incapacity of many of 
 his present colleagues had plunged his country, conscious that his 
 own exertions had rescued it from that state and placed it on the 
 pinnacle of glory, Mr. Pitt could not but feel his own superiority, 
 and, in the moment of anger, he declared, that " this was the time for 
 humbling the whole House of Bourbon ; that if this opportunity were
 
 •>92 RESIGNATION OF MR. PITT AND EARL TEMPLE. 
 
 CHAP, neglected, it might never be recovered, and that if he could not pre- 
 1761. vail in this instance, it was the last time he should sit in council. He 
 ^== thanked the ministers of the late King for their support ; he said that 
 he was himself called to the ministry by the voice of the people, to 
 w horn he considered himself accountable for his conduct ; and that 
 he would no longer remain in a situation which made him responsible 
 for measures which he was no longer allowed to guide." 
 
 The manner in which this declaration was received by the coun- 
 cil has been variously represented. By one party we are told, that 
 the president of the council thus addressed him in terms of the bit- 
 terest reproof: " I find that the gentleman is determined to leave us, 
 nor can I say that I am sorry for it, for otherwise he would have 
 compelled us to leave him ; but if he be resolved to assume the right 
 of advising his Majesty, and directing the operations of the war, for 
 what purpose are we called to council ? When he talks of being re- 
 sponsible to the people, he talks the language of the House of Com- 
 mons, and forgets that at this board he is only responsible to the 
 King. However, although he may possibly have convinced himself 
 of his infallibility, it remains that we also should be equally con- 
 vinced, before we resign our understanding to his direction, or join 
 with him in the measure which he proposes." The other account is 
 widely different from this. Lord Granville is there said, whilst he 
 justified the decision of the council, to have lamented, in courteous 
 terms of regret, that the administration were about to be deprived of 
 the services of Mr. Pitt and those of his noble relation. These ac- 
 counts are balanced with some degree of equality; but I think it just 
 to state, that the former is countenanced by one who had then no 
 prejudices against Mr, Pitt, and that the above speech is by him at- 
 tributed to Lord Granville ". 
 
 The King having rejected the w ritten advice of Mr. Pitt and the 
 Earl Temple, they resigned their employments on the 5th October. 
 Mr. Pitt's resignation, and the plea upon which it was founded, have 
 
 ' See Annual Register for 1761, and the anonymous Life of Lord Chatham.
 
 MR. PITT RECEIVES A PENSION, 593 
 
 been the subjects of severe and, I think, unjust animadversion. The CHAP. 
 , . ... . XVIII 
 
 motives which occasioned his resignation were, I think, not only spi- lygi.' 
 
 rited but just. He considered responsibihty as the first principle of 
 a free government, and the confidence of the people as the true basis 
 of his own administration. If the successes of his previous ministry 
 were principally owing to the unanimity with which his measures had 
 been adopted and enforced by the cabinet, he surely was justified in 
 rehnquishing his station, as minister, when that unanimity no longer 
 existed. 
 
 The day after Mr. Pitt's resignation, a pension of 3000/. a-year 
 was settled upon him for three lives, and, at the same time, the title 
 of Baroness of Chatham was conferred upon his wife, with remainder 
 to her issue. With regard to Mr, Pitt's acceptance of these, it is 
 almost superfluous to ofter a defence. How malignant or how obtuse 
 must that mind be which cannot distinguish the case of Mr. Pitt from 
 that of the common herd of pensioners ! What ! Was he, who had 
 scorned every consideration of private emolument, and given his whole 
 time and thoughts to the promotion of the public welfare — who had 
 raised his country to a degree of unexampled glory, to be now pu- 
 nished for his patriotism, and consigned to indigence for the remainder 
 of his days ? So thought not the Sovereign of Great Britain. Al- 
 though by no means acquiescing in the motives which induced his 
 minister to retire, he well knew the infinite services which that mi- 
 nister had performed. He thought, and every honorable English- 
 man must think, that Mr. Pitt, in accepting a pension of 3000/. 
 a-year, and a title for his wife, still left the country immeasurably his 
 debtor. Such thoughts, however, were those of the just and gene- 
 rous alone : other language prevailed. No sooner were Mr. Pitt's 
 resignation and his acceptance of the pension made public, than his 
 character was assailed with the utmost violence and malignity. He 
 was branded with the names of pensioner and apostate. Although 
 Mr. Pitt possessed too much firmness to be painfully aft'ected by- 
 calumny and invective, yet, as he had received repeated testimonies 
 of respect and support from the City of London, he judged it 
 
 VOL. I. 4 G
 
 594 LETTER OF MR. PITT TO THE TOWN-CLERK OF THE CITY. 
 
 CHAP, necessary to explain his conduct, ni the following letter, addressed 
 
 XVIII. 
 
 1761. 
 
 to the town-clerk. 
 
 " Dear Sir, 
 
 " Finding, to my great surprise, that the cause and manner of 
 my resigning the seals, is grossly misrepresented in the City, as well 
 as that the most gracious and spontaneous marks of his Majesty's 
 approbation of my services, which marks followed my resignation, 
 have been infamously traduced as a bargain for my forsaking the 
 pubUc, I am under a necessity of declaring the truth of both these 
 facts, in a manner which I am sure no gentleman will contradict. A 
 difference of opinion, with regard to measures to be taken against 
 Spain, of the highest importance to the honor of the crown, and to 
 the most essential national interests, (and this founded on what Spain 
 had already done, not on what that court may farther intend to do,) 
 was the cause of my resigning the seals. Lord Temple and I sub- 
 mitted in writing, and signed our most humble sentiments to his 
 Majesty, which being over-ruled by the united opinion of all the rest 
 of the King's servants, I resigned the seals on Monday, the 5th of 
 this month % in order not to remain responsible for measures which I 
 was no longer allowed to guide. Most gracious public marks of his 
 Majesty's approbation of my services followed my resignation ; they 
 are unmerited and unsolicited, and I shall ever be proud to have 
 received them from the best of Sovereigns. 
 
 " I will now only add, my dear Sir, that I have explained these 
 matters only for the honor of truth, not in any view to court return 
 of confidence from any man, who, with a credulity as weak as it is 
 injurious, has thought fit hastily to withdraw his good opinion from 
 one who has served his country with fidelity and success, and who 
 justly reveres the upright and candid judgment of it, little solicitous 
 about the censure of the capricious and the ungenerous. Accept my 
 
 » October, 1761.
 
 REPLY OF THE CITY TO THE FOREGOING LETTER. 595 
 
 sincerest acknowledgments for all your kind friendship, and believe CHAP, 
 me ever, with truth and esteem, 1761. 
 
 " My dear Sir, 
 
 " Your faithful friend, &c. 
 
 " W. Pitt." 
 
 To this letter Mr. Pitt received the follo\^ing gratifying answer. 
 
 " Dear Sir, 
 
 " The City of London, as long as they have any memory, cannot 
 forget that you accepted the seals when this nation was in the most 
 deplorable circumstances to which any country can be reduced ; that 
 our armies were beaten, our navy inactive, our trade exposed to the 
 enemy, our credit, as if we expected to become bankrupts, sunk to 
 the lowest pitch ; that there was nothing to be found but despondency 
 at home, and contempt abroad. The City must also for ever remem- 
 ber, that when you resigned the seals, our armies and navies were 
 victorious, our trade secure, and flourishing more than in a peace, our 
 public credit restored, and people readier to lend than ministers to 
 borrow : that there was nothing but exultation at home, confusion 
 and despair among our enemies, amazement and veneration among 
 all neutral nations : that the French were reduced so low as to sue for 
 a peace, which we, from humanity, were willing to grant, though their 
 haughtiness was too great, and our successes too many, for any terms 
 to be agreed on. Remembering this, the City cannot but lament that 
 you have quitted the helm. But if knaves have taught fools to call 
 your resignation, (when you can no longer procure the same success, 
 being prevented from pursuing the same measures,) a desertion of the 
 public, and to look upon you, for accepting a reward, which can 
 scarce bear that name, in the light of a pensioner, the City of London 
 hope they shall not be ranked by you among the one or the other. 
 They are truly sensible that, though you cease to guide the helm, you 
 have not deserted the vessel ; and that, pensioner as you are, your 
 
 4 G 2
 
 596 REVIEW OF MR. PITT'S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 CHAP, inclinations to promote the public good is still only to be equalled by 
 
 1761. your ability ; that you sincerely wish success to the new pilot, and 
 
 will be ready, not only to warn him and the crew of rocks and 
 
 quicksands, but to assist in bringing the ship through the storm into a 
 
 safe harbour. 
 
 " These, Sir, I am persuaded, arc the real sentiments of the 
 City of London : I am sure you believe them to be such of, 
 
 " Dear Sir, your's," &c. 
 
 The tide of public favor, which had lately ebbed, soon returned 
 to its former channels. When Mr. Pitt joined the procession upon 
 the ensuing Lord Mayor's day, both on his way to the city, and sub- 
 sequently in Guildhall, his presence was hailed by the people with the 
 warmest tokens of praise and affection. As he passed along, the 
 gentlemen in the balconies waved their hats, and the ladies their 
 handkerchiefs : the mob clung about his carriage, and testified their 
 enthusiasm by the loudest shouts of applause. 
 
 This approbation was, for a short time, confined to the metropolis. 
 It was, however, soon manifested by the country in general. Several 
 cities and leading towns presented complimentary addresses to Mr. 
 Pitt, thanking him for his great services, and lamenting the cause of 
 his resignation. 
 
 There is no period of our history more interesting or more glo- 
 rious than Mr. Pitt's administration. It exhibits an unparalleled 
 series of surprising events and of splendid achievements. After giving 
 a minute detail, I shall now endeavour to exhibit a general estimate 
 of its nature and its merits. I trust, whilst my heart glows with the 
 subject, that I may be allowed occasionally to call in allegory to illus- 
 trate and assist my description. The authority of Mr. Pitt as minister 
 of Great Britain may be compared to some stupendous fabric, founded 
 upon no ordinary basis, and presenting no ordinary superstructure. 
 Cemented little by parliamentary and still less by court influence, 
 it towered above opposition with a strength and sublimity before
 
 REVIEW OF MR. PITT'S ADMINISTRATION. 597 
 
 unknown. Originally founded in the favor of the people it rose by their CHAP, 
 assistance; in its progress, it obtained the co-operation of parliament ^1761." 
 and of the crown ; upon its completion, power and popularity were its ^''^^''^ 
 joint supporters. Exalted upon this, so lofty and so durable an emi- 
 nence, the minister was enabled to take the justest and most compre- 
 hensive view of the British dominions, interests, and relations. Like 
 the astronomer who from his observatory discovers worlds in the mi- 
 nutest specks of heaven, the piercing eye of the statesman pervaded 
 every quarter of the political horizon, and hailed the feeblest glimmer- 
 ing of light which he thought capable of expanding to his country's 
 glory. As Mr. Pitt's authority was almost wholly obtained by his 
 individual merit, so was it almost exclusively exercised by his indivi- 
 dual strength. But his mental strength was like the bodily prowess 
 of the Scriptural Sampson, or of the classical Achilles, and when ex- 
 erted in behalf of his country, baffled the efforts of a multitude of 
 enemies. Under his direction Great Britain, alone and unassisted, 
 prosecuted the most arduous war in which she had ever been engaged, 
 with greater splendour and success than when she was the head of the 
 most powerful confederacy. The weight of one man's talents thrown 
 into the scale rendered Britain alone a more than balance to the rest 
 of Europe ". 
 
 The same spirit of party, indeed, which in a preceding age led 
 his political adversaries to question the military talents of the illustri- 
 ous Marlborough, now induced many persons to assert that the suc- 
 cesses of Mr. Pitt's administration were owing much more to the exe- 
 cution of the commanders than to the designs of the minister. In 
 himself, they said, he was headstrong and precipitate, and the fortune 
 which attended his undertakings was falsely ascribed to his wisdom. 
 Had the successes which attended Mr. Pitt's underlakinss been 
 partial, such an insinuation might, perhaps, be admitted ; but the 
 number and extent of the national triumphs during his superintend- 
 ance at once expose its malignity and its falsehood. In a single 
 
 ' See Annual Register for 1761.
 
 598 REVIEW OF MR. PITT'S ADMINISTRATION, 
 
 CHAP, instance, a man may be victorious without courage, and successful 
 XVIII . • • • 1 
 
 1761. without wisdom, but none but the grossly obstinate will deny that he 
 
 '== who is constantly successful and victorious must possess eminent wis- 
 dom and valour. In order to appreciate the merits of Mr. Pitt as a 
 minister we have but to contrast the first years of the war, with those 
 which ensued after he had assumed the chief direction of affairs. 
 During the former period, all was inactivity and discord, weakness 
 and dejection. During the latter, remissness gave place to energy — 
 hope beamed forth upon the nation and quickly dispelled despondency 
 and discord. It seems scarcely possible that the lapse of three years 
 could effect such a difference in the feelings, conduct, and success of 
 the nation, as that which appeared in 1756 and in 1759. Engaging 
 in the conduct of a war of which he originally disapproved, Mr. Pitt 
 prosecuted it with a vigour and success unknown to ministers who 
 have had every advantage in their favor. The system he pursued left 
 very little to fortune. From the moment of his accession to the mi- 
 nistry, an unwearied attention, a devotion to public affairs charac- 
 tssrized his conduct, which neither disappointment nor triumph were 
 able to diminish. His was the stern uncompromising resolution, nei- 
 ther to be softened by flattery, nor to be shaken by intimidation. His 
 was the eye to aim, and the arm to strike at the loftiest and most 
 glorious objects. Both in the affairs of kingdoms, and of individuals, 
 Providence generally assigns success to industry, courage, and sagacity. 
 It was almost impossible, therefore, that Mr. Pitt's administration, 
 ■when fully established, should prove unsuccessful. His great object 
 was the aggrandizement of his country by the depression of France. 
 And how did he pursue it ? When once his system of warfare was 
 adopted, the enemy was never allowed to breathe, but alarmed, har- 
 rassed, and attacked in every quarter. If one of his expeditions was 
 less ably projected, or less successfully executed, amends were made 
 by another and another. The spirit of the British nation once roused 
 was never permitted to subside ; and the French, confounded by the 
 multitude and celerity of his enterprises, appeared to lose all power of 
 resistance. He reduced the great enemy of his country to her last
 
 REVIEW OF MR. PITT'S ADMINISTRATION. 599 
 
 resources, and when his vigorous system had compelled her to take CHAP, 
 shelter in a new and surreptitious alliance, his penetration discovered 176]' 
 the artifice, and would have converted it to her own, and her confede- 
 rate's ruin. In short, he discomfited the enemies of Great Britain, he 
 revived the military genius of the people, he supported her allies, he 
 extended her trade, he raised her reputation, he increased her domi- 
 nions, and he quitted his exalted station with no other reproach 
 than that of having added largely to the pecuniary burthens of the 
 nation ''. 
 
 It has been customary with many who were unable to detract 
 from the splendid services of Mr. Pitt, to charge his administration 
 with a most causeless and profuse expenditure of the public money. 
 Now to suppose that the immense exertions of the country — our vast 
 armaments, engagements, and conquests by sea and land, could have 
 been effected without a most considerable augmentation of expense, 
 would be too absurd to deserve consideration. The great questions 
 to be answered on this head are, whether the burthens laid upon the 
 country during that wonderful period of success were greater than the 
 emergency required ? And, if they were, whether the blame of their 
 excess must be charged upon the minister ? 
 
 Upon Mr, Pitt's accession to power, he found the country in a 
 situation almost as hopeless as any which its history records. His 
 object was to rescue her from that situation, and he saw that this 
 could be effected by a vigorous system alone. Had he perplexed 
 himself with minute calculations of expense, had he, from any mistaken 
 notions of economy, neglected to give strength to his various enter- 
 prises, he would probably have left the country in a worse state than 
 he found her — the scorn and the prey of Europe. But even granting 
 that the expenses of the war under Mr. Pitt's administration were 
 greater than necessity required, and that a waste of the public reve- 
 
 ' See a very spirited description of Mr. Pitt's administration b the Annual Register for 1761.
 
 (>00 REVIEW OF MR. PITT'S ADMINISTRATION'. 
 
 CHAP, nues was incurred, the reproach falls only upon those whose immediate 
 1761 province it was to superintend them% 
 
 ■= Great national advantages cannot often be purchased without great national expenses. As 
 in private life we do not esteem the man extravagant who expends a large sum of money in the 
 purchase of a valuable estate, but him who dissipates his property upon frivolous objects, so in 
 the affairs of administration, we ought not to call that minister lavish, who applies the revenues 
 of the country to the attainment of some great end, but him who squanders it upon objects inade- 
 quate or unnecessary. When economy could be safely practised, no minister was more econo- 
 mical than Mr. Pitt. Upon his resignation in October, 1761, the King's revenue not only stood 
 clear of all incumbrances, but a balance in the exchequer was due to the crown of more thaa 
 130,000/. When Lord Bute and Mr. Fox resigned in April, 1763, the balance in the exche- 
 quer was not only expended, but tiie outgoings upon the establishment of the civil list exceeded 
 the income to the amount of upwards of 90,000/. a-year. 
 
 END OF THE FIRST VOLUiME. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PRINTED BY R. GILBERT, 9T. JOUN's SQUARC 
 
 / 
 
 (_/
 
 University of California 
 
 SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY 
 
 405 Hllgard Avenue. Los Angeles. CA 90024-1388 
 
 Return tills material to the library 
 
 from which It was borrowed. 
 
 m
 
 UCUk-College Ubrary 
 
 • DA 483 P6T3 v.1 
 
 L 005 762 713 5 
 
 OC SniiT^ca.. . 
 
 j 000 539 923