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 GIFT OF 
 SEELEY W. MUDD 
 
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 GEORGE I. COCHRAN MEYER ELSASSER 
 DR. JOHN R. HAYNES WILLIAM L. HONNOLD 
 JAMES R. MARTIN MRS. JOSEPH F. SARTORI 
 
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 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 SOUTHERN BRANCH 
 
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 EX LIBPvIS 
 
 JOHN 
 
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 Eftabliftied May 25th, 1858. 
 
 THE ANDROS TRACTS. 
 
 VOLUME THIRD. 
 
 Boston: 
 
 PRINTED FOR THE SOCIETY, 
 
 BY JOHN WILSON AND SON. 
 
 1874. 
 
 o : . ' .. 
 J. ^ 4
 
 
 
 Committee of publication: 
 WILLIAM H. WHITMORE.

 
 lUIIIHlillWilM 
 ' 7 'arufaffienf jrin-rif- .
 
 THE 
 
 ANDROS TRACTS 
 
 BEING A COLLECTION OF 
 
 PAMPHLETS AND OFFICIAL PAPERS, 
 
 ISSUED DURING THE PERIOD BETWEEN THE OVERTHROW 
 OF THE ANDROS GOVERNMENT AND THE ESTAB- 
 LISHMENT OF THE SECOND CHARTER OF 
 MASSACHUSETTS. 
 
 Beprfntelr from tfje rijjinal dftjitiong anti 
 
 WITH NOTES BY IV. H. WHITMORE. 
 
 Boston: 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE PRINCE SOCIETY. 
 
 1874.
 
 TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 [Each pamphlet and part is paged feparately; but at the foot will be 
 found the continuous pagination.] 
 
 PAGE 
 
 INTRODUCTION ix-xv 
 
 1. CONSIDERATIONS AGAINST THE CHARTER 1-9 
 
 2. ABSTRACT OF LAWS OF NEW ENGLAND 11-16 
 
 3. REPORT BY ANDROS OF HIS ADMINISTRATION, 1690 .... 17-27 
 
 4. ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS. 
 
 i. Andres's Charges againft the Government 3 1-33 
 
 ii. Anfwer to fame 34-38 
 
 iii. Anfwer of Agents to Weems, March, 1690 39~4 
 
 iv. Report of Privy Council acquitting Andros, April, 1690 . 41-43 
 
 v. Petition of Maffachufetts Colony, February, 1690 ... . 43-45 
 
 vi. Letter of fame to Earl of Shrewfbury, March 29, 1690 . 46-48 
 
 vii. Letter of fame to Earl of Shrewfbury, July 19, 1690 . . 48-51 
 
 viii. Governor and Council to Agents 5 2 ~57 
 
 ix. Appointment of Agents, January, 1689-90 58-59 
 
 x. Inflations to Agents 59~6o 
 
 xi. Payment of Agents 61-63 
 
 5. PAPERS RELATING TO ANDROS'S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 i. Lift of Documents already in print 67-69 
 
 ii. J. Palmer's Letter, July 4, 1686 69-70 
 
 iii. Petition of Eleutherian Immigrants 7-7 J 
 
 iv. Andros to Lords of Treafury, Aug. 31, 1687 .... 71-72 
 
 v. Andros to Lord Prefident, Aug. 31, 1687 7 2 ~74 
 
 vi. Andros to Secretary of the Admiralty, Sept. 5, 1687 . 74-75
 
 VI 
 
 PAGE 
 
 vii. Andres's Anfwer to the Onondagos, 061. 30, 1687 . 76-78 
 
 viii. Pierre Baudouin's Petition 79-80 
 
 ix. Pierre Baudouin, Order for Grant to, Oft. 8, 1687 . 80 
 x. John Scott's Petition, Feb. 13, 1867-68 .... 81-82 
 
 xi. Chriftopher Talbot's Petition 82-83 
 
 xii. William Hutchins's Petition, July 19, 1688 . . . 83-84 
 xiii. J. Blackwell, about the Bank, July 16, 1688 . . . 84-86 
 xiv. Andres's Letter to Major Gold, Aug. 25, 1688 . . 86-87 
 xv. Andres's Letter to Colonel Tyng, Sept. 20, 1688 . 87-88 
 
 xvi. John Stuart's Petition, O61. 19, 1688 89-90 
 
 xvii. Maffey's Petition about the Jail, 061. 30, 1688 . . 90-91 
 
 xviii. A6t againft Emigration 92-93 
 
 xix. Andres's Adherents imprifoned 94 " 
 
 xx. J. Weft's Petition, June 13, 1689 94 
 
 xxi. Letters about Andros's Capture, August, 1689 . . . 95-102 
 
 xxii. J. Weft's Petition, O6t. 10, 1869 103 
 
 xxiii. J. Dudley's Petition, 061. 4, 1689 104 
 
 xxiv. J. Sherlock's Petition, O61. 5, 1689 105 
 
 xxv. Sarah Palmer's Petition 106 
 
 xxvi. Rachel Whitmore's Petition 106 
 
 xxvii. Order againft Seditious Publications 107 
 
 xxviii. J. Dudley's Petition, Dec. 9, 1689 108 
 
 xxix. Petitions of Weft and others 109-110 
 
 xxx. J. Riggs's Letter to Danforth 1 1 1 
 
 xxxi. Extradition of Andros and others 111-113 
 
 xxxii. Maflacre at Schene6tady, February, 1689-90 . . . 114-120 
 
 6. REPRINT OF A PART OF COTTON MATHER'S MEMOIRS OF 
 
 REV. INCREASE MATHER 121-187 
 
 Containing as notes the following documents : 
 i. Addrefs of the Congregations in New England to 
 
 James II 131-132 
 
 ii. Addrefs of Plymouth Colony to James II 133 
 
 iii. Memorial of the Diffenters of New England .... 136 
 
 iv. Petition of Increafe Mather 137 
 
 v. Petition in favor of Harvard College 138
 
 Vll 
 
 PAGE 
 
 vi. Memorial of Grievances 139 
 
 vii. Petition of Agents to Commiflioners for Trade and 
 
 Plantations 143 
 
 viii. Samuel Mather's Account of the Plot in New England 145 
 
 ix. Increafe Mather's Petition to King William .... 146 
 
 x. Order in Council 147 
 
 xi. Increafe Mather's Petition to turn out Andros ... 149 
 xii. Petition and Reafons againft fending a Governor to 
 
 New England 151-152 
 
 xiii. Order in Council 156 
 
 xiv. Order in Council 161 
 
 xv. Order in Council 163 
 
 7. AN APPEAL TO THE MEN OF NEW ENGLAND, 1689 . . . 189-210 
 
 8. PAPERS RELATING TO RANDOLPH. 
 
 i. Biographical Sketch 211-212 
 
 ii. Lift of Documents already in Print 212-213 
 
 iii. Narrative of his Voyages to New England .... 214-217 
 iv. Letter from Randolph to Governor Leverett, June 23, 
 
 1676 218 
 
 v. Letter from Randolph to Council, July 6, 1678 . . . 219-221 
 
 vi. Letter from Blathwayt to Randolph, 061. 22, 1681 . . 222 
 vii: Elifha Hutchinfon's Quarrel with Randolph, June 23, 
 
 1682 223 
 
 viii. Commiffioners of Cuftoms to Randolph, Aug. 7, 1686 224 
 
 ix. Randolph to Lords of Trade, May 29, 1689 .... 225-235 
 
 x. Randolph to Brockholft, Dec. 28, 1689 236 
 
 xi. Randolph to Lords of Trade, May 30, 1698 .... 237-238 
 
 9. THE PRINCE SOCIETY 241 
 
 Act to incorporate the Society 242 
 
 Conftitution . 243 
 
 Rules and Regulations of the Council 244 
 
 Officers of the Society 247 
 
 Members 248 
 
 Publications 252 
 
 10. INDEX 255
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 HE third volume of thefe Tracts is but a con- 
 tinuation of the difcuffion of the matters 
 comprifed in the firft two volumes. No op- 
 portunity arifes for the memoir of a new 
 character, for the chief actors are ftill Andros, 
 and Increafe Mather. We may, however, be allowed here 
 to fay that the criticifms upon the preceding volumes have 
 not fhaken our belief that the view we have taken in regard 
 to Andros will be found to be nearer the truth than are the 
 current ideas as to his acts and character. We regard An- 
 dros as an able and confcientious agent of the Crown, by 
 no means rapacious or over-bearing, a good foldier and 
 adminiflrator, and the firft official who faw the political 
 advantages to be derived from alliances with the Indians to 
 counteract French intrigues. It was his misfortune that, 
 being a Churchman, he was fent to the ftronghold of Con- 
 gregationalifm ; that, as the agent of the Crown, he was 
 made governor over a number of disfranchifed colonies ; 
 that, as a soldier and a courtier, he was placed in a com- 
 munity in which the Puritan clergy ftill ufurped a com- 
 manding
 
 manding influence. We may add, that it was the peculiar 
 misfortune of Andros to encounter in Increafe Mather a 
 man of equal ability and more fervent convictions. It was 
 undoubtedly fortunate for us that Mather succeeded ; and 
 that, inftead of the great fmgle dominion of New England, 
 New York, and New Jerfey, over which Andros ruled, the 
 fyftem of fmall, independent, and difcordant colonies was 
 revived. We cannot doubt that the change which refulted 
 from the overthrow of the firft charter, and from the long 
 contefts with the Crown, was beneficial in the end to the 
 character of the colonifls. Still more evident is it that it is 
 unworthy in us, after our anceftors won in fo great a con- 
 teft, to continue to repeat the flanders which were bred in 
 the midft of the conflict. It feems far better to acknowl- 
 edge that Andros, at leafl, was neither a fool nor a rafcal ; 
 but that he acted firmly and wifely to carry out the fcheme 
 of creating a great northern dominion, without unduly 
 oppreffing his enemies, and certainly without caufing the 
 flighteft ftain upon his character. That the subordinate 
 agents of his government men appointed by the Home 
 authorities, and beyond his control may have been guilty 
 of petty extortions and abufes of power, is very probable. 
 But the fact remains, that Andros in the time when the 
 Papifts had fuffered from the fury infpired by the pretended 
 Popifh plots, when the ignorant followers of Monmouth 
 had afforded the chance for the ferocious brutality of Jef- 
 freys, when the Covenanters of Scotland were hunted like 
 wild beafts Andros neither killed nor imprifoned. In a 
 community which had freely exercifed the power of killing 
 
 or
 
 XI 
 
 or banifhing thofe who difputed its rules of political or 
 theological belief, a community which banifhed thofe who 
 reviled its charter, and which hung thofe who blafphemed 
 againft its church, Andros, fo far from affuming the part 
 of an avenging adminiflrator of its own bad laws, appears 
 only as the unwelcome tax-collector. Except the one ridic- 
 ulous ftruggle as to whether an Epifcopal church mail be 
 allowed here, the whole burden of complaint is in regard to 
 matters of money. Surely, then, it is well to ceafe com- 
 plaining about the tyranny of Andros ; and to dwell with 
 more reafonable fatisfaction upon the fact that, however 
 able and upright he was, he was overcome and driven away 
 by greater ability, fincerity, and patriotifm. 
 
 In our three volumes are collected all the pamphlets re- 
 lating to the Andros period, fo far as we have knowledge 
 of them, with one exception. In our fecond volume, p. 203- 
 221, is printed the pamphlet entitled " New England's Fac- 
 tion difcovered .... being an anfwer to a pamphlet 
 entitled 'News from New England, &c.,' 1690." As the 
 writer of the " Faction Difcovered " replies in detail to the 
 " News, &c.," we can form an idea of its contents, and can 
 fafely fay that this " News " was a different pamphlet from 
 any in our collection. Thus far, however, all fearches for 
 this pamphlet have been ufelefs ; and we can only hope 
 that it may hereafter be found. 
 
 In the prefent volume, we may call attention efpecially to 
 the three very rare pamphlets, Nos. i, 2, and 7. Of thefe, 
 the " Confiderations againft the Charter " and the " Abftract 
 
 of
 
 Xll 
 
 of Laws of New England " were referred to in our fecond 
 volume, and are reprinted from copies in the Britifh State 
 Paper Office, poffibly unique. The " Appeal to the Men 
 of New England " is alfo of confiderable bibliographical 
 value, as being heretofore unknown, and as being the pre- 
 curfor of the " Further Quaeries " printed in our firft volume. 
 A very few papers have been reprinted from the New York 
 Documents, edited by J. R. Brodhead, Efq. Some fixty 
 pages are given to a reprint of a part of Cotton Mather's 
 Life of his father, Increafe Mather. The portion thus 
 {elected covers the whole period of Mather's political fo- 
 journ in England; and, though we had before availed our- 
 felves of many of the facts, our readers will no doubt be glad 
 to have an exact reprint of the original narrative. As an- 
 notations to the text of this part, we have freely ufed that 
 portion of Prince's collection of papers which elucidated 
 the account ; ufing therefor the copies printed in the col- 
 lections of the Maffachufetts Historical Society. 
 
 The numerous documents in the archives of the State 
 have been again put under contribution to complete our 
 volume. Moft of our extracts refer directly to the pam- 
 phlets reprinted ; a few others have been felected as giving 
 curious bits of information in regard to the period. 
 
 As illuftrations to this volume, we have reproductions, by 
 the heliotype procefs, of two engravings made from the 
 fame portrait of Increafe Mather. The one engraved by 
 Sturt is reproduced from a copy printed by the fame pro- 
 cefs, fome years ago, at the fuggefKon of J. Hammond 
 
 Trumbull,
 
 Xlll 
 
 Trumbull, Efq. We are unable to ftate in what form the 
 original appeared, though pofTibly it was ufed as the fron- 
 tifpiece to fome book. The fame plate by Sturt was ufed 
 for the portrait prefixed to Cotton Mather's Life of Increafe 
 Mather (the " Parentator," which we have copied) ; but in 
 this impreffion the laft line has been altered to read, " ^tatis 
 suae 85, 1 724." ' The figures " 85 " and " 1 724 " are new ; and 
 the little line of dots under them is wanting on the " Paren- 
 tator " plate, mowing the alteration. We have preferred to 
 give the earlier form of the plate. 
 
 The other engraving, from the fame painting, is by 
 R. White, and is of value as mowing the name of the 
 painter, Vanderfpirit. The original engraving is prefixed 
 to a book entitled " Memoirs of the Life of the late Rev- 
 erend INCREASE MATHER, D.D., who died Aug. 23, 1723. 
 With a Preface by the Reverend Edmund Calamy, D.D. 
 London : printed for John Clark and Richard Hett at the 
 Bible and Crown in the Poultry, near Cheapfide, M DCC xxv. 
 Price is" 
 
 The painter of this portrait was probably John Vander 
 Spriett, or Vanderfpirit, of whom SPOONER writes that " he 
 ftudied under Verkolie, at Amflerdam, and executed a few 
 indifferent portraits. He went to London, where he died 
 about 1 700." We may fairly conclude that the portrait was 
 painted during Mather's official vifit to England, about 
 1690. 
 
 As to the engravers, the fame authority (Spooner) ftates 
 that JOHN STURT "was born at London in 1658, and died 
 
 there
 
 XIV 
 
 there in 1730. He was a pupil of Robert White, and his 
 chief excellence confifled in engraving ornamental letters." 
 " ROBERT WHITE, an Englifh defigner and engraver, born 
 at London in 1645, and died in 1704. He was a pupil 
 of David Loggan, for whom he defigned and engraved 
 feveral architectural views. He engraved an immenfe num- 
 ber of portraits of diflinguiflied perfonages, from his own 
 defigns, and after Kneller, Vandyck, and other eminent 
 painters. Mofl of his plates are executed with the graver, 
 in a neat, clear flyle. They are chiefly valued for their f ub- 
 jecls and their excellent likenefs. He alfo engraved a few 
 heads in mezzotinto ; but they are far inferior to his other 
 .prints. ... At his death, a printfeller purchafed his plates, 
 and realized a fortune from them." His fon, George White, 
 was alfo an artift and engraver. He flourimed from 1 700 
 to 1732. It will be noticed that this White engraving is 
 clearly from a plate different from the Sturt one. Yet, 
 though figned " R. White," if the date be that of the en- 
 graving (which it does not purport to be), the artift could 
 not be the famous Robert White, who died twenty years 
 before. 
 
 The moft plaufible folution which we can offer is this: 
 i st. That Robert White did engrave a portrait before 1704, 
 and that this either had no date or one correfponding with 
 fuch publication. 2nd. That in 1719 a copy was made by 
 White's pupil, Sturt ; and the plate was fent to this country, 
 to be ufed either for meet-impreffions or for the illuftration of 
 fome book. 3rd. That Sturt's plate was corrected as to date 
 in 1724, and prefixed to the " Parentator;" but this might 
 
 have
 
 XV 
 
 have been done as well in England, if the plate remained 
 there inflead of being fent here. 4th. That White's plate 
 received a dated infcription, which muft have been put on 
 after 1723, for the purpofe of being ufed in this fecond 
 Life of Increafe Mather; which, of courfe, would be per- 
 fectly compatible with the idea that the plate was White's 
 work.
 
 [Confiderations againft the Charter, 
 
 PRESENTED TO PARLIAMENT IN 1689, DURING THE DISCUSSION 
 ABOUT THE CORPORATION BILL.]
 
 PREFATORY NOTE. 
 
 IN prefenting the following two tracts as a part of the Andros and Mather 
 controverfy, it is proper to flate that the difcovery of thefe rare pamphlets 
 has modified or corrected the views I expreffed in the preface to the fecond 
 volume of this collection. 
 
 I withdraw the fuppofition there made (Preface, p. xv.), that Mather publifhed 
 his "New England Vindicated " in 1688, during the reign of James II. 
 
 It is clear that the following two tracts appeared before " New England 
 Vindicated" (Tract No. 8 of vol. ii.), and that this latter was followed by No. 10, 
 "A Short Difcourfe." Yet it feems very certain that thefe pamphlets were 
 called forth by the action of Parliament in 1689, when there was a bill for the 
 general reftoration of charters, commonly known as the Corporation Bill. 
 
 I therefore amend my previous conjectures (vol. ii. pp. xv. xviii. xx.), and 
 place the "Miferies of New England" firft, and "New England Vindicated" 
 fecond in date among Mather's publications in England. This alfo agrees 
 exactly with his own words, quoted in our fecond volume, p. 2, that he publifhed 
 the Narrative of the Miferies of New England, and afterwards wrote a Firft, 
 Second, and Third Vindication of the people there. 
 
 Thefe three Vindications would be : the firft, our Tract No. 8 of vol. ii., 
 " New England Vindicated," appearing in 1688 ; the fecond would be our Tract 
 No. 1 1 in vol. ii., entitled " A Brief Relation of the State of N. E.," publifhed 
 in 1689; and the third would be "A Vindication of New England," 1690, 
 which is Tract No. 5 in that volume. 
 
 Late in 1690, Mather prepared his "Reafons for the Confirmation of the 
 Charters," which is No. 15 of our fecond volume. 
 
 The following Tract was copied by Mr. Sainfbury from the printed docu- 
 ment in the State Paper Office ; the reference being to " New England B. T., 
 vol. i. p. 247." He adds that on p. 290 he finds what he believes to be the 
 original draft in the handwriting of Sir George Treby, Attorney-General. In 
 the notes, all the important alterations will be pointed out, our text following 
 the printed text 
 
 (2)
 
 CONSIDERATIONS 
 
 HUMBLY OFFERED TO THE 
 
 PARLIAMENT, 1 
 
 SHEWING 
 
 That thofe Charters relating to the Plantations were taken away upon quite 
 
 different reafons from thofe in England, thefe Charters being feized for 
 
 the abufe of their Power, in deftroying not only the Woollen and 
 
 other Manufaflures but alfo the very Laws and Navigation 
 
 of England, and making themfelves as it were 
 
 Independent of this Crown. 1 
 
 LL his Majefties Plantations in America have 
 been either difcovered or peopled under the 
 encouragement of Charters from the Crown of 
 England, and feveral great powers and privi- 
 ledges have been granted to Proprietors and 
 Corporations, with reftriclions neverthelefs that 
 they mould depend on the Crown, and as they have their 
 Protections from thence and from Old-England, fo it was 
 always underftood that thofe Priviledges, and efpecially the 
 powers of Government, mould be exercifed fo by the par- 
 ticular Proprietors and Corporations, as not to prejudice the 
 interest of England ; but upon all occafions procure the bene- 
 fit and be created by the authority refiding in England ; and 
 as often as the Proprietors and Corporations have acted con- 
 trary hereunto, their Powers have been queftioned and fet 
 afide. So the Great Charter of Virginia in the year 1632 was 
 
 voided 
 
 1 Inftead of this claufe the original more particularly relating to the Maffa- 
 draft has, " upon the Al for reftoring chufetts Bay in New England." 
 the Charters to all the Corporations 
 
 (3)
 
 [4] 
 
 voided and the Government of that Colony has ever fmce 
 refted in the Crown. So the Charter and Propriety of the 
 Earl of Carlifle, which made him abfolute Lord of the Carri- 
 bee Iflands, was call'd for at the Council Board in the year 
 1663 and there furrendered. So the Charters for the New- 
 found-Land in divers Reigns, as they became prejudicial to 
 the fimery, which is of fo great importance to England, was 
 fet afide. So were many other Charters annulled in the 
 reign of King Charles the Firft and King Charles the Sec- 
 ond, vacated by Quo Warrantos or otherwife, it not being 
 thought reafonable that while they enjoyed all other advan- 
 tages equally with their Native Country of England, they 
 mould abufe the priviledges granted them 2 by exporting 
 Wool and other materials for manufacture, befides Tobacco 
 and Sugar &c. to France, Hamburg, Holland, and other 
 places in Europe, and importing back from thofe places not 
 only Linnen but Woollen and all other Manufactures, (which 
 mould be of the Englim growth), Custom free ; and this not 
 only for their own confumption, but alfo fupplying therewith 
 mofl parts of the World, particularly the Englim Plantations, 
 which according to the Act of Navigation ought to be sup- 
 plyed from Old England, after Cuftoms paid in and out, 
 whereby they were inabled to bring thofe goods ^50 per 
 cent Cheaper to their market there, than our Merchants 
 could : which Trade incouraged their building fome hun- 
 dreds of mips which were imployed in thofe illegal trades, to 
 the ruin of the Englim Navigation, and tho their mips built 
 there, by our Law were as free as thofe built here in Eng- 
 land yet not above ten of them all do yearly come directly 
 for England, but were imployed fo indirectly as aforefaid. 2 
 For thefe 3 and many fuch like weighty confiderations and 
 
 other 
 
 1 Inftead of this, the draft reads : "by agement thereof, or by exercifing other 
 the Crown, either by fupplanting the powers inconfiftent with the Govern- 
 trade of this Kingdome and defeating ment of England." 
 the A6ls of Parliament for the encour- 3 The draft reads only " reafons." 
 
 (4)
 
 [5] 
 
 other practices inconfiftent with the intereft and government 
 of England, 3 in the laft year of the reign of King Charles the 
 Second the Charter of the Colony of the Maffachufetts Bay 
 was vacated upon a Scire Facias : Proof having been plainly 
 made, as it may be again when it fliall be neceffary, of their 
 afiuming the regal power of coyning many and different spe- 
 cies of filver, giving a bafer alloy than is practifed in Eng- 
 land ; Their making Laws and putting them in execution for 
 impofing Taxes upon the fhipping and Manufacture of Eng- 
 land coming into their Ports, difcouraging as much as in 
 them lay the Trade of the Englifh thereby to render the 
 (hipping of their own Built the more valuable and reffcrain- 
 ing and difcountenancing the execution of the Acts of Par- 
 liament by their Printed Laws. Their impofing an Oath cai. i 4 
 of Fidelity to their Commonwealth as their Law Books & 
 terms it. 
 
 Their incroaching upon the neighbouring Colonies, pof- 
 f effing themfelves in a hoffcile manner of the Propriety of 
 others not fubject to their Government, and upon complaints, 
 petitions and orders at the Council Board, giving no.redrefs, 
 but even affronting and contemning the authority of the 
 Commiffioners appointed by King Charles the Second to 
 determine the Appeals of others againft the invafions of that 
 Colony. 
 
 Their making Laws againft all other opinions in religion 
 except that of the Congregational Churches, and more efpe- 
 cially againft that of the Church of England. 
 
 Their treating ill the Captains of the King's Ships in time 
 of War for defiring permiffion to recruit themfelves with 
 men and victuals, in order to purfue the King's fervice in 
 the protection of his fubjects in thofe parts, particularly thofe 
 
 belonging to the Fifhery. 4 
 
 Their 
 
 3 See previous page ; the altered many of the Englifh feamen had with- 
 clause runs from 3 to 3 . drawn themfelves thither to avoid ferv- 
 
 4 The MS. adds : " Notwithftanding ing the King in his wars at home." 
 
 (5)
 
 [6] 
 
 Their entertaining Pirats and encouraging them to come 
 and victual there. 
 
 In the mean time they remain free from all the Taxes and 
 Impofitions which now or at any other time are laid upon 
 England, without contributing in any manner to the aid of 
 the Crown, or even to their own protection or fupport. 
 
 The people of New England in general are better fatif- 
 fied with the prefent Government, there being only fome men 
 in former authority that defire the reftoring the Charter ; 
 And if they mail be at liberty again to exercife their unlim- 
 ited and arbitrary power, they will draw 5 the inhabitants and 
 efpecially the labouring and manufacturing People of Eng- 
 land, who will find it more eafie to live there than in their 
 native Country ; and as the fame Manufactures are now car- 
 ried on there that are fet up in England, fo by this farther 
 encouragement as they will not depend in Government, fo 
 they will carry on a feparate Trade to the palpable impover- 
 ifhment of England, 6 and highly prejudicial as well as con- 
 trary to the Laws thereof. 6 
 
 The reftoring of this Charter will alfo be of very great 
 advantage to the French, who border upon New England 
 and will daily make incurfions upon them, which they will 
 be the better enabled to do by fuch a dif-union of this and 
 the many other Colonies of New England and their inde- 
 pendancy upon the Government of Old England. 
 
 Nor was the Charter firft profecuted in the late King's 
 reign, but in the reign of King Charles the I., tho' no judg- 
 ment was recorded, the Wars preventing till the reign of 
 King Charles the II. Neither was it done then upon the 
 late meafures, but upon other important reafons of State, 
 fome of which are above mentioned. 
 
 Upon the diffolution of this Charter, the illegal trade fo 
 
 notoriouily 
 
 6 The MS. has "drein," and the word Not in firft draft, 
 fhould probably be " drain." 
 
 (6)
 
 [7] 
 
 notorioufly carried on by the people of New England, was 
 then ftopt ; which when they found, and that they could not 
 trade but upon even terms with others of His Majefties fub- 
 jects, 7 fome of the inhabitants of New England 7 brought 
 over feveral indications of Mines of Copper &c. which they 
 had difcovered fome years fmce, 8 but were not arrived to 
 eftate enough to opperate the fame themfelves ; and being 
 prevented in their former trade were willing to take in part- 
 ners here in England, with whom they joined in a petition to 
 the late King James 9 to be incorporated with certain privi- 
 ledges & immunities the better to enable them to go on 
 with the Undertaking : which was gracioufly received and 
 in all probability had been accomplifhed before now, had not 
 the late Revolution hapned, feveral of His Majefties fubjects 
 having fubfcribed a fond of near ,100,000 for carrying on 
 the work, and have already expended confiderable fums of 
 money upon experiments and to obtain a Charter of Incor- 
 poration. 
 
 But fmce the vote paffed in the Houfe of Commons for 
 the reftoring of Charters and Corporations to the fame ftate 
 and condition they were in the Year 1660, the New Eng- 
 land men hoping thereby to be reftored to their old Gov- 
 ernment, whereby they might re-affume their former power 
 and with the fame freedom as heretofore, profecute their 
 former illegal trade. They have withdrawn themfelves from 
 any further folicitation for the Charter for working the Cop- 
 per Mines, pretending that when their old Charter is reftored 
 the King has no immunities to grant ; But if the Partners 
 will go on, they muft petition their Government for it ; pro- 
 pofmg that the Company for the management thereof, (which 
 
 was 
 
 7 " Several eminent merchants of 9 This mows that this tra<5l was 
 that place," in MS. printed after the Revolution in Eng- 
 
 8 MS. adds : " for the working whereof land, 
 they publifhed their propofals for a. joint 
 ftock for fuch perfons as were willing." 
 
 (7)
 
 [8] 
 
 was intended to refide here and would have brought in a con- 
 fiderable profit as well to His Majefty in his Revenue as to 
 the whole Nation) fhould refide in New England ; and that 
 all the Stock fhould be at their difpofal, which will wholly 
 overthrow the Undertaking. For that fuch as having Eftates 
 in England are concerned in their undertaking will never 
 agree that their Stock fhall be tranfported to parts fo far 
 remote and under a Government fo independent upon the 
 Crown as New England will then be. Whereas mould this 
 Undertaking fucceed, and the Mines prove as good as by the 
 many experiments the Undertakers have made of them, may 
 be reafonably expected, that Plantation would more enrich 
 this Kingdome than all His Majefties Dominions befides. 
 
 10 If thefe people be not prevented of their old way of 
 Trade, they being fo large and fruitful a Countiy muft necef- 
 farily in a fhort time deftroy the trade of England, by improv- 
 ing thofe Manufactures which the chief trade of England 
 depends on, and they do in fome meafure already effect it : 
 And this cannot be done if they have the Government in 
 their own hands, but may with eafe be performed by the 
 King's fuperintendancy, whofe Officers may have fuch in- 
 ftruclions as mall divert them from all prejudicial trade, and 
 incourage fuch as may redound as well to theirs as to the 
 advantage of Old England ; and nothing can be thought of 
 comparable to their Mines, which will occafion reciprocal 
 returns and ferve them as a ftaple Commodity, of which they 
 now have none. 
 
 Should the Charters for Plantations be reftored, as they 
 were in the Year 1660, then all thofe Grants made by any 
 of the King's Governours fince fuch Charters were feized, 
 would revert to the old Government, and many families 
 ruined thereby, they having laid out their fubftances in fub- 
 duing or clearing fuch tract of grounds as the Governours 
 
 granted 
 
 10 All this long feftion is omitted in the firft draft. 
 (8)
 
 [9] 
 
 granted them, and built upon them paying only fuch a quit 
 rent yearly to the Crown. 10 
 
 It is defired That the Charter of the 
 Maffachufetts Bay in New England, 
 their Law Book, and the A6ls of Trade 
 and Navigation, of the 14 th and 25" 
 of King Charles the II. be read. 
 
 10 See previous page. 
 
 B
 
 [Abftraft of Laws of New England, contrary 
 to the Laws of England. 
 
 Printed in 1689, during the difcuffion about the Corporation Bill.]
 
 'THHE following pamphlet was copied by Mr. Sainf bury from one in the State 
 -* Paper Office (reference, New England, B. T., vol. i. p. 249), and is 
 evidently the one referred to on p. 122 of our fecond volume. The recovery 
 of this very rare tra<5t will be undoubtedly a gratification to our readers. 
 
 (12)
 
 AN ABSTRACT OF SOME OF THE 
 
 Printed Laws of New England 
 
 Which are either contrary, or not agreeable to the Laws of England, which 
 
 Laws will immediately come in force, in cafe the Bill in Parliament for 
 
 the reftoring the Charters of the Plantations doth pafs, and 
 
 are not controllable, by any authority in England, as 
 
 they pretend by their Charters. 
 
 O Law to be fubmitted to, but what is made in 
 their General Court (the Parliament of England 
 not excepted). Adultery made Capital. 
 
 If any man confpire and attempt any invafion, 
 infurreclion or publique rebellion againfl our 
 Common Wealth, or mall endeavour to furprize any Town, 
 Fort or Forts therein or mail treacheroufly and perfidioufly 
 attempt the alteration and fubverfion of our frame of polity, 
 or Government fundamentally, he mall be put to death. 
 
 If any man have a ftubborn or rebellious Son of fufficient 
 years of underftanding (viz.) fixteen years of age, which will 
 not obey the voice of his father, or the voice of his [mjother, 
 and that when they had chaftened him will not hearken unto 
 them, then fhall his Father and Mother, being his Natural 
 Parents, lay hold on him and bring him to the Magiftrates 
 affembled in Court, and teflifie unto them, that their Son is 
 ftubborn and rebellious, and will not obey their voice and 
 chaftifement, but lives in fundry and notorious crimes : Such 
 a Son lhall be put to death. 
 
 Ravifhment 
 03) 
 
 Page i. 
 
 P- 'S. 9 
 12. 
 
 14-
 
 [2] 
 
 5l5 . Ravifhment left to be punifhed by difcretion of Judges. 
 
 P. 34. It is hereby declared, That the General Court confiding of 
 
 Magiflrates and Deputies is the chief Civil Power of this 
 Common-Wealth, which only hath power to raife Money 
 and Taxes upon the whole Country and difpofe of Lands, 
 (viz.) to give and confirm Proprieties, appertaining to, and 
 immediately derived from the Country, and may act in all 
 affairs of this Common- Wealth according to fuch power, both 
 in matters of Counfel, making of Laws, and matters of judi- 
 cature, by impeaching and fentencing any perfon or perfons 
 according to Law, and by receiving and hearing any com- 
 plaints, orderly prefented against any perfon or Court. 
 
 P- 43, ss, 56. None to be admitted to the freedom of their Common- 
 wealth unlefs of their Church and in full communion, and 
 members of their Church. 
 
 By which it appears, that that part of the Bill for reftoring Charters fet 
 forth in the preamble, (viz.) the Encouragement of the Eftablimed Reli- 
 gion, will not be anfwered, but on the contrary, by reftoring the Charters 
 of New-England thefe Penal and Prohibitory Laws in Ecclefiaftical mat- 
 ters will be revived, and the Eftablimed Religion thereby difcourag'd or 
 wholly fuppreffed, whereas by the vacating and Diflblution of thofe Char- 
 ters and Laws the Eftablimed Religion was promoted. 
 
 p. 45, 15- Penalty of not coming to their Meetings five millings. 
 P. 4 8, 4. None fuffered to vote in an Affembly, unlefs they come to 
 their Worfhip. 
 
 Whofoever mail be found obferving any fuch day as Chrift- 
 mafs, or the like ; either by forbearing labour, feafting, or any 
 other way upon fuch accompt as aforefaid, every fuch perfon 
 fo offending mall pay for every fuch offence, five (hillings 
 as a fine to the County. 
 
 Doth hereby Order and by the authority of this Court 
 be it Ordered and Enacted, That no Mafter or Commander 
 of any Ship, Barque, Pinnance, Ketch or other Veffel fhall 
 henceforth bring into any Harbour, Creek or Cove within 
 
 this 
 
 CM)
 
 [3] 
 
 this jurifdiction any known Quaker or Quakers, or any 
 Blafphemous Hereticks as aforefaid, upon the penalty of the 
 forfeiture of one hundred pounds. 
 
 Quakers banifhed on pain of death. P. 61. 
 
 Several laws to encourage the Manufacture of Leather in P. 6 3 , P . as, 
 that Country. 
 
 Nor fhall any man be compelled to go out of this jurif- P. 73. 
 diction upon any offenfive wars, which this Commonwealth 
 or any of our Friends or Confederates as* fhall voluntary 
 undertake, but only upon fuch vindictive and defenfive Wars 
 in our own behalf, or the behalf of our Friends and Confed- 
 erates as fhall be enterprized by the Council and Confent of 
 a General Court, or by authority derived from the fame. 
 
 It is therefore Ordered by this Court and authority thereof, P . . 
 That no Perfon whatfoever in this jurifdiction fhall joyn any 
 perfons together in marriage, but the Magiftrate, or fuch 
 other as the General Court, or Court of Affiftants fhall author- 
 ize in fuch place where no Magiftrate is near. 
 
 Memorandum. By this Law many thoufands not agreeing to the rea- 
 fonablenefs of it, live together unmarried, and great numbers of children 
 unbaptized by reafon of the like Reflraints. 
 
 This Court taking into ferious confideration the great p . 10 6. 
 neceffity of upholding the Staple Commodities of this Coun- 
 try for the fupply and fupport of the inhabitants thereof, 
 and rinding by experience, the bringing in of Malt, Wheat, 
 Barly, Bifket, Beef, Meal and Flower, (which are the princi- 
 pal Commodities of this Country) from Foreign Parts, to be 
 exceeding prejudicial to the fubfiftance of this place and peo- 
 ple here ; Have therefore Ordered, That no Perfon whatfo- 
 ever either Inhabitant or Stranger, fhall directly or indirectly 
 after the firft of March next, import into this jurifdiction 
 from any part of Europe, any of the aforefaid Provifions, 
 
 under 
 
 * as is clearly fuperfluous. 
 (15)
 
 [4] 
 
 under the penalty of confiscation of the fame, (except it be 
 for the fhips provifions) that fhall be fo imported, landed, fet 
 to fale, or otherwife difpofed contrary to the intent of this 
 order. 
 
 P. II7 . A Mint for coines of all values, fet up with all its appur- 
 
 tenances. No notice being of the King in the Stamp or 
 allay. 
 
 P. 119. ft is ordered, And by this Court Declared, That no man 
 
 fhall be urged to take any Oath, or fubfcribe to any Articles, 
 Covenants, or Remonftrances of publick and Civil Nature, 
 but fuch as the General Court hath confidered, allowed and 
 required. And no others to be taken, but fuch as are 
 allowed by the General Court. The Oaths of Allegiance 
 and Supremacy not excepted. 
 
 P. 137 -* Whereas, the keeping of fheep tends much to the benefit 
 vjd^the Laws at o f ^g Country, and may in fhort time make good fupply 
 towards the Cloathing of the Inhabitants if carefully pre- 
 ferved. And forafmuch as all places are not fit and con- 
 venient for that end, &c. 
 
 p I4f All fhips prohibited to unload till they have acknowledged 
 
 their Government, and greater impofitions upon fhipping of 
 
 England than others of New-England. 
 
 La^,Ide e to he The Execution of the Acts for Trade and Navigation 
 NfvSnlnd made ineradicable. 
 
 By which Laws and their Power and practice of making 
 others of like nature : It appears how neceffary it is that by 
 authority refiding in England thefe Northern Colonies, which 
 are endeavouring to improve, and have already fet up the 
 Principal Manufactures and Staple Commodities of Old 
 England, ought to be reflrained in the point of Government 
 and remain fubjec~t to, and immediately depending on the 
 Crown. 
 
 (16)
 
 [Report by Sir Edmond Andros 
 
 OF 
 
 HIS ADMINISTRATION OF NEW ENGLAND.] 
 
 (17)
 
 14 r I^HE following interefting report by Andros of his proceedings in New 
 * England is copied from the documents relating to the colonial hiftory of 
 the State of New York, vol. iii. pp. 722-726; the original being preferved at 
 London. As will be noticed, this defence was made after the return of Andros 
 to England, and his appearance at the Council Board. No notes have been 
 added to it, fince the reader will find in our previous volumes the reply to 
 the affertions made in this review of the tranfaction in New England. 
 
 (18)
 
 SIR EDMOND ANDROS' 
 
 Report of his Adminiftration. 
 
 [New England, V. 223.] 
 
 To the Right Hon ble the Lords of the Committee for Trade 
 
 and Plantations. 
 
 The Jlate of New England under the goverment of S r Edmond Andros. 
 
 HAT in the yeare 1686 S r Edmond Andros 
 was by commiflion und r the Create Seale of 
 England appoynted to fucceed the Prefident 
 Dudley & Councill in the goverment of the 
 Maffachufetts Collony, the Provinces of Hamp- 
 fhire and Maine and the Narraganfett Country, to w ch was 
 annexed the Collonyes of Rhoad Ifland New Plymouth and 
 the County of Cornwall. 
 
 In the yeare 1687. the Collony of Conneclicott was alfo 
 annexed and in the yeare 1688. he received a new Commif- 
 fion for all New England includeing the Province of New 
 Yorke and Eaft & Weft Jerfey, with particuler order and 
 directions to affert and protect; the Five warlike Nations 
 or Cantons of Indians, lying Weft from Albany above the 
 heads of o r rivers as far or beyond Maryland vizt Maquaes, 
 Oneydes, Onondages, Caeujes, and Sennekes, as the Kings 
 
 mbiects 
 (19)
 
 fubje<5ts upon whom the French had made feverall incur- 
 fions, & to demand the fetting at liberty feverall of them 
 furprized and deteyned by the French, and reparation for 
 fundry goods taken from feverall Chriftians His Majefties 
 fubjecls in the lawfull profecution of their trade. 
 
 S r Edmond Andros upon receipt of his Commiffion went 
 to New Yorke and Albany of which the Indians having 
 notice, altho' they were then mett in Councill 'about goeing 
 to Canada came thither, and were fetled, and confirmed 
 und r his goverment. 
 
 He forthwith fignifyed to the Gov r of Canada His Ma ties 
 pleafure relateing to the Indians, and made demand from 
 him, purfuant to the above orders, and alfoe to quitt a con- 
 fiderable fort which by incroachment he had built at Oniagra 
 in the Senneka's Country fouthward of the Lake within 
 His Ma ties dominion, about one thoufand miles diftant from 
 Quebeck in Canada (notwithflanding all the endeavours and 
 oppofition made by the Govern 1 of New Yorke, before the 
 annexation) upon an advantageous pafs, neare the Indians 
 hunting places, capable greatly to annoy and awe the Indians 
 and obftruct and hinder the trade with them ; That there- 
 upon the Govern r of Canada did accordingly withdraw the 
 garrifon and forces from the fayd Oniagra and thofe parts, 
 and did further fignifie that the Indians by him taken were 
 fent to France, but would write to the King his mafter 
 about theire releafement. 
 
 The feverall Provinces and Collonys in New England 
 being foe united ; the revenue continued and fetled in thofe 
 parts, for the fupport of the government, amounted to about 
 twelve thoufand pounds p r ann m and all places were well and 
 quietly fetled and in good pofture. 
 
 The Church of England being unprovided of a place for 
 theyr publique wofhip, he did, by advice of the Councill, 
 borrow the new meeting houfe in Boflon, at fuch times as 
 
 the 
 
 (20)
 
 [3] 
 
 the fame was unufed, untill they could provide otherwife ; 
 & accordingly on Sundays went in between eleven and 
 twelve in the morning, and in the afternoone about fower ; 
 but underftanding it gave offence, haftned the building of 
 a Church, w ch was effected at the charge of thofe of the 
 Church of England, where the Chaplaine of the Souldiers 
 p r formed divine fervice & preaching. 
 
 He was alwayes ready to give grants of vacant lands and 
 confirme defective titles as authorized (the late Corporation 
 not haveing paffed or conveyed any purfuant to the directions 
 in their Charter) but not above twenty have paffed the feale 
 in the time of his government. 
 
 Courts of Judicature were fetled in the feverall parts, foe 
 as might be moft convenient for the eafe and benefitt of the 
 fubject, and Judges appoynted to hold the Terms and goe 
 the Circuite throughout the Dominion, to adminifter juftice 
 in the beft manner and forme, and according to the lawes 
 Cuftomes and ftatutes of the realme of England, and fome 
 peculiar locall prudentiall laws of the Country, not repug- 
 nant therto ; and fees regulated for all officers. 
 
 That particuler care was taken for the due obfervance of 
 y e feverall Acts made for the encouragement of navigation 
 and regulateing the plantation trade, whereby the lawfull 
 trade and His Majeftys revenue of Cuftoms was confider- 
 ably increafed. 
 
 The Indians throughout the goverm 1 continued in good 
 order and fubjection untill towards the latter end of the 
 yeare 1688. by fome unadvifed proceedings of the Inhabit- 
 ants in the Eaftern parts of New England, the late rupture 
 with the Indians there commenced, feverall being taken and 
 fome killed, when Sir Edmond Andros was at New Yorke 
 more than three hundred miles diflant from that place ; and 
 upon his fpeedy returne to Bofton (haveing viewed and fetled 
 all parts to the Weft ward) great part of the garrifon foldiers 
 
 with 
 
 (21)
 
 [4] 
 
 with flores & other neceffarys were imediately fent Eaft- 
 ward to reinforce thofe parts, and veffells to fecure the coaft 
 & fifhery, and further forces rayfed and appoynted to be 
 under 7 the command of Maj r Gen 11 Winthrop, who falling 
 fick and declineing the fervice, by advice of the Councill he 
 went with them in perfon and by the fettlement of feverall 
 garrifons, frequent partyes, marches & purfuits after the 
 enemy, fometimes above one hundred miles into the defart 
 further than any Chriftian fettlement in w ch the officers 
 and fouldiers of the ftanding forces always imployed) takeing 
 and deftroying their forts and fettlem ts , corne, provifion, am- 
 municon & canooes, difperfed and reduced them to the utter- 
 moft wants and neceffitys, and foe fecured the Countrey, that 
 from the faid forces goeing out untill the time of the late 
 revolucon there, and diforderly calling the forces from thofe 
 parts, not the leaft lofs, damage or fpoyle hapned to the 
 inhabitants or fifhery, and the Indians were ready to fubmitt 
 at mercy. 
 
 About the latter end of March 1688. S r Edmond Andros 
 returned for Bofton, leaveing the garrifons and fouldiers in 
 the Eafterne parts in good condition, and fufficiently fur- 
 nifhed w th provifions and all flores and imply me nts of warr 
 and veffells for defence of the coaft and fifhery. 
 
 On the i8 th of Aprill 1689. feverall of His Ma ties Councill 
 in New England haveing combined and confpired togeather 
 with thofe who were Magiftrates and officers in the late 
 Charter Goverment annually chofen by the people, and 
 feverall other p r fons, to fubvert and overthrow the gover- 
 ment, and in ftead thereof to introduce their former Comon- 
 wealth ; and haveing by their falfe reports and afperfions 
 gott to their affiftance the greateft part of the people, whereof 
 appeared in arms at Bofton und r the comand of thofe who 
 were Officers in the fayd former popular goverment, to 
 the number of about two thoufand horfe and foote ; which 
 
 ftrange 
 
 (22)
 
 [5] 
 
 flrange and fudden appearance being wholly a furprize to S r 
 Edmond Andros, as knowing noe caufe or occafion for the 
 fame, but underftanding that feverall of the Councill were 
 at the Councill Chamber where (it being the Ordinary 
 Councill day) they were to meet, and fome pticularly by 
 him fent for from diflant parts alfo there, he and thofe with 
 him went thither. And tho' (as he paffed) the flreets were 
 full of armed men, yett none offered him or thofe that were 
 with him the leaft rudenefs or incivillity, but on the contrary 
 ufuall refpecl: ; but when he came to the Councill Chamber 
 he found feverall of the fayd former popular Majellrates and 
 other cheife p r fons then p r fent, with thofe of the Councill, 
 who had noe fuitable regard to him, nor the peace and quiet 
 of the Countrey, but inftead of giveing any affiftance to 
 fupport the Goverment, made him a prifoner and alfo 
 imprifoned fome members of the Councill and other offi- 
 cers, who in purfuance of their refpeclive dutyes and ftations 
 attended on him, and kept them for the fpace of ten months 
 und r fevere and clofe confinement untill by His Ma ties com- 
 and they were fent for England to anfwer what might be 
 objected them, Where, after fummons given to the p r tended 
 Agents of New England and their twice appearance at the 
 Councill Board, nothing being objected by them or others, 
 they were difcharged. In the time of his confinement being 
 denyed the liberty of difcourfe or converfation with any 
 p r fon, his own fervants to attend him, or any communication 
 or correfpondence with any by letters, he hath noe p r ticular 
 knowledge of their further proceedings, but hath heard & 
 und r ftands : 
 
 That foone after the confinem* of his p r fon, the Confed- 
 erates [took the] fort and Caftle from the Officers that had 
 the comand of them, whom they alfo imprifoned and dif- 
 perfed the few fouldiers belonging to the two ftanding Com- 
 panyes then there, as they did the reft, when they recalled 
 
 the 
 (23)
 
 [6] 
 
 the forces imployed againft the Indians Eaftward (which two 
 Companys are upon His Ma ties eftablifhment in England,) in 
 w ch fervice halfe a company of the ftanding forces at New 
 Yorke being alfo imployed, the officers were furprifed and 
 brought prifon rs to Bofton, and the fouldiers difperfed, as the 
 remaining part of them at New Yorke were afterwards upon 
 the revolucon there. The other company was, and remained, 
 at Fort Albany and are both upon eftablifhment to be payd 
 out of His Ma ties revenue there. And the Confederates at 
 Bofton poffeffed themfelves of all His Ma ties ftores, armes 
 ammunicon and other implements of warr, and difabled His 
 Ma ties man of war the Rofe frigatt by fecureing the Comand r 
 and bringing her fayles on fhoare; and at the fame time 
 haveing imprifoned the fecretary and fome other officers, 
 they broke open the Secrys Office and feized and conveyed 
 away all records papers and wrightings. 
 
 Thofe Members of His Ma ties Councill that were in con- 
 federacy with the before menconed popular Majeftrates and 
 other cheife actors in this revolucon, tooke upon them the 
 goverment, by the name of a Councill, who not content 
 with the inconveniency they had brought on themfelves in 
 the Maffachufetts Colony, but to the ruine of the poore 
 neighbours, on the twentieth of Aprill gave orders for the 
 drawing off the forces from Pemyquid and other garrifons 
 and places in the Eafterne parts, far without the lymitts of 
 their Collony and where the feate of warr with the Indians 
 was, and to feize feverall of the officers, and for calling home 
 the veffells appoynted to gard the fea coaft and fifhery ; w ch 
 was done accordingly, and the forces difbanded when moft 
 of the fouldiers belonging to the ftanding Companys there, 
 were difperfed ; of which, and their actings at Bofton, the 
 Indians haveing notice, (and being fupplyed with Amunicon 
 and provifion out of a veffell fent from Bofton by fome of 
 the cheife confpirators before the infurreclion to trade with 
 
 them) 
 (24)
 
 [7] 
 
 them) they were encouraged and enabled to renew and pur- 
 fue the warr ; and by the affiftance of fome French who have 
 been feen amongft them and engageing of feverall other 
 Indians before unconcerned, increafed their numbers, that in 
 a very fhort tyme feverall hundreds of Their Ma ties fubjecls 
 were killed and carryed away captive ; The Fort at Pemy- 
 quid taken ; the whole Cuntry of Cornwall, the greateft part 
 of the Province of Maine, and part of the Province of New 
 Hampfhire deftroyed and deferted ; and the principall trade 
 of that countrey, w ch confifted in a considerable fifhery, the 
 getting of marts, yards & c for the fupply of His Mat yes navy 
 Royall, and boards and other lumber for the fupply of the 
 other Weft India plantacons, is almoft wholly ruined. 
 
 By the encouragem' and p r fwafion of thofe of the Maffa- 
 chufetts the severall other provinces and collonys in New 
 England as far as New Yorke have difunited themfelves, 
 and fet up their former feparate Charter, or popular gover- 
 ments without Charter, and by that meanes the whole reve- 
 nue of the Crowne continued and fetled in the feverall parts 
 for the fupport of the Goverment is loft and deffcroyed. 
 
 The ufuall time for election of new Majeftrates at Bofton 
 comeing on in the begining of May 1689. great controverfie 
 arofe about the fetling of Civill Goverment; fome being 
 for a new election, and others that the Majeftrates chofen 
 and fworne in 1 686 before the alteracon mould reaffume ; 
 the latter of w ch was concluded on by them and the p r tended 
 rep r fentatives of the feverall townes of the Maffachufetts, and 
 affumed by the f d Majeftrates accordingly, and thereupon the 
 old Charter Goverment, tho' vacated in Weftminfter Hall, 
 was reaffumed without any regard to the Crowne of England, 
 and they revived and confirmed their former laws contrary 
 and repugnant to the laws and ftatutes of England, fetled 
 their Courts of Judicature, and appoynted new officers, and 
 have p r fumed to try and judge all cafes civill and criminall, 
 
 and 
 
 D (25)
 
 [8] 
 
 and to pafs fentence of death on feverall of Their Ma ties fub- 
 jects, fome of whom they have caufed to be executed. 
 
 Alltho in the revenue continued on the Crowne for fup- 
 port of the goverment dureing his time, the country pay'd 
 but the old eftablifht rate of a penny in the pound p r Ann m 
 as given and praclifed for about fifty yeares paft ; the prefent 
 Adminiftrators have of their own authority, for not above fix 
 months, rayfed and exacted from the people of the Maffa- 
 chufetts Collony feven rates and a half. 
 
 Since this infurrection and alteracon in New England 
 they doe tollerate an unlimited irregular trade, contrary to 
 the feverall acts of Plantations, Trade and Navigacon, now as 
 little regarded as in the time of their former Charter Gover- 
 ment ; they efteeming noe laws to be binding on them but 
 what are made by themfelves, nor admitt Englifh laws to be 
 pleaded there, or appeales to His Ma tie . And many fhipps 
 and veffells have fince arrived from Scotland Holland, New- 
 foundland, and other places prohibitted, they haveing imprif- 
 oned His Ma ties Collector, Surveyo r and fearcher, and difplaced 
 other Cuftomhouse officers. 
 
 That they fent to Albany to treat with the Indians in thofe 
 parts p r ticularly with the Five Nations Maquaes & c and 
 invited them to Bofton ; which is of ill and dangeroufe con- 
 fequence, by makeing the fayd Indians p r ticularly acquainted 
 with the difunion and feparate goverments, and mewing them 
 the countrey and diforders therof, as far as Bofton, giveing 
 thereby the greateft advantage to the French of gaining or 
 fubdueing the fayd Indians and attempting Fort Albany (the 
 moft advanced frontier into the country and great mart of 
 the beaver and peltry trade) and of infefting other parts. 
 
 The forces rayfed and fent out by them the lafl fummer 
 notwithftanding the great encouragem 1 they prom if ed of eight 
 pounds p r head for every Indian fhould be killed, befides their 
 pay, proved neither eff ecluall to fuppreffe the enemy or fecure 
 
 the 
 (26)
 
 [9] 
 
 the country from further damage and murthers ; and upon 
 the winters approaching the forces were recalled and the 
 country left expofed to the enemy, who have already over 
 runn and deftroyed foe great a part therof. And now by 
 the affiftance of the French of Canada may probably pro- 
 ceed further into the heart of the country, being foe devided 
 and out of ord r unlefs it mall pleafe His Ma tie by his owne 
 authority to redrefs the fame, and put a flop to the French 
 and Indians, and thereby p r event the ruine or lofs of that 
 whole dominion of New England & confequently of Their 
 Maj ties other American Plantacons ; endangered not only by 
 the want of provifions, but by the many fhips veffells, feamen 
 and other neceffarys in New England, capable to fupply and 
 tranfport any force, may annoy or attempt thofe plantacons ; 
 but may be by His Ma ties authority and comands effectually 
 fetled and p r ferved, and of fervice againft the French or any 
 other Their Ma ties enemys in thofe parts, with no greater land 
 force then is neceffary to be continued there, and a fufficient 
 revenue rayfed to defray the charge thereof, by dutyes and 
 rates as heretofore hath been praclifed amongfl them and is 
 ufuall in other Their Ma ties plantacons. Humbly fubmitted 
 
 by 
 
 E. ANDROS. 
 (Endorsed) 
 
 " S r Edmond Andres's Acco 1 
 " of the State of New England 
 " under his goverment. 
 
 Rec d 27 May. 1690." 
 
 (27)
 
 [ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS, 
 
 Chiefly from the Maffachufetts Archives.] 
 
 (29)
 
 PREFATORY NOTE. 
 
 15 TT 7E give in the firft place a copy of Andros's charges againft the Maffa- 
 ' * chufetts Government in regard to its management of military matters, 
 from a copy printed in the "Hutchinfon Papers," in the Collections of the 
 Maflachufetts Hiftorical Society, 3d feries, vol. i. pp. 85-87. Next follows the 
 Reply made by the Agents of the Colony. Third, papers in reference to Lieut. 
 James Weems, whofe cafe was brought before the Royal Council. Fourth, we 
 give the report of the impotent conclufion of the accufations againft Andros 
 before the fame Council. Fifth, we prefent copies of various Addrefles fent by 
 the Colonial Government to King William, as being public documents of much 
 intereft and importance, together with the Inftrudlions given to the Agents of 
 the Colony. 
 
 (30)
 
 I. 
 
 Andres's Charges againft the Government. 
 
 [Reprinted from Mafs. Hift. Soc. Coll. 3d Ser. vol. i. pp. 85-87.] 
 
 An Account of the Forces raifed in New England for 
 Defence of the Country againft the Indians, &c. in the 
 
 year 1 688 difpofed into ten Companies of Jixty Men 
 
 each the feveral Forts built, and how the faid Forces 
 
 were pofted at the Time of their Ma ts Officers and fub- 
 verjion of the Government there in April, 1689. 
 
 Men. 
 
 156 
 
 Pemyquid. 
 
 SETTLED garrifon commanded by Capt. 
 Antho. Brockholes and Lieut. James 
 Weems of the ftanding forces, . . 36 
 A new company commanded by 
 
 Capt. Ting, 60 
 
 Another by Capt. George Minot, 60 
 
 Upon the infurredlion, the forces being withdrawn, and only 
 1 8 of the ftanding companies left in garrifon, the fort is fince 
 taken by the Indians and French, and the country deftroyed. 
 
 New Dartmouth, i. e. New Castle, &*c. 
 
 A fort commanded by Lieut. John Jordane of the^j 
 
 ftanding forces, 24 V 84 
 
 A company of Capt. Withington's, .... 60 J 
 
 Moft of the men drawn off, and others debauched, they feized 
 their officer and carried him prifoner to Bofton, and thereupon 
 the fort was deferted. 
 
 (30
 
 [4] 
 
 A Redoubt on Damorafcotty River. 
 Relieved every week from New Dartmouth. 
 The men drawn off and place deferted. 
 
 Sacodehock, Newtown, Fort Anne, Pejepfcot. Men. 
 
 Thefe feveral forts in Kennebeck River were 
 
 1 80 
 
 commanded by Lieut-Col. Macgregory and Major 
 Thomas Savage, for which they had their own and 
 Capt. Manning's company, 
 
 The major and moft of the officers of the new forces revolted, 
 feized their lieutenant-colonel, drew off the forces, and thereby 
 deferted the feveral forts and river. 
 
 Falmouth. 
 A fort in Cafco Bay, commanded by Capt George ) fi 
 
 Lockhart with his company, j 
 
 The commander feized and forces withdrawn. 
 
 Saco River. 
 
 A fort commanded by Capt John Lloyd with his^j 
 company, and a detachment of 28 men from Major > 88 
 Henchman and Capt Bull, J 
 
 Kennebunke. 
 
 A fort commanded by Lieut Puddington, but to be 
 relieved from Saco. 
 
 Wells. 
 
 A fort relieved likewife from Saco. 
 
 The officers and foldiers at Saco all deferted, as did others 
 afterwards. 
 
 Merrymake River. 
 
 A company at the Upper Plantations, commanded ) 
 
 by Major John Henchman, . j 5 
 
 As alfo all the militia of that river. 
 
 The officers and foldiers debauched and quitted their ftations. 
 
 Conneflicatt 
 (32)
 
 [5] 
 
 Conneflicatt River. Men. 
 
 A company commanded by Capt. Jonathan Bull 
 at the Upper Settlement thereof, which, and all the 51 
 militia, was under the command of Col. Robert Treate, 
 The officers and foldiers deferted their pofts. 
 
 Befides 40 men more of the {landing companies,^ 
 detached at firft and conflantly employed in that fer- > 40 
 vice in feveral parts, J 
 
 709 
 
 The feveral veffels employed for the fecurity of the coaft 
 and fifhery at that time were, 
 
 His majefly's floop Mary, John Alden commander; 
 
 The brigantine Samuel, John Wife well mafler ; 
 
 His majefly's new lloop Speedwell, John Cooke com- 
 mander, finifhed and ready to take in flores and provifions 
 for the eafhvard. 
 
 There were four flanding companies in New England 
 two at Boflon and eaflern parts upon eflablimment in Eng- 
 land two at New York and Albany upon eflablimment 
 there all difperfed except that at Albany. 
 
 There was alfo, at the time of the fubverfion of the 
 government, provifions in the refpective places or principal 
 garrifons fufficed to fupply the forces for above three months, 
 and all flores and implements of war neceffary for that fer- 
 vice. 
 
 Befides, at the flores in Boflon and in the caflle was fifty- 
 four barrels of powder, and about two hundred fpare fuzees 
 and fnap h. mufkets, byonets, and great and fmall mot, 
 hand-granadoes and all other utenfils of war. 
 
 E. ANDROS. 
 
 (33)
 
 [6] 
 
 II. 
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Inter Charter, vol. xxxvi. p. 96.] 
 
 An Anfwer to S r Edmund Androfs's Account 
 of the Forces raifed in New England for Defence of the 
 Countrey againfl the Indians &c. in the Yeare 1688. 
 
 Humbly offered by the Agents of the Maffachufetts Colony 
 to the Right Hon ble the Lords of the Committee for the 
 Plantations. 
 
 | EGGING your Lordfhipps leave to Obferve in the 
 preamble of Sir Edmund Androfs's Account the 
 words (fubvertion of the Government) and after- 
 wards (Infurrection) which with fubmiffion Wee 
 take to be Expreffions of Difaffeclion to the prefent and a 
 vindication of the late foe Illegal and Arbitrary Govern- 
 ment, and doe moft humbly befeech your Lordfhipps that 
 what was done by the people of New England, with fo much 
 zeale and good affection, to fecure the Government there 
 to their prefent Majefties, may be favourably accepted and 
 vindicated from fuch unworthy and unjuft Reflections. 
 
 Upon the whole wee humbly reprefent to your Lordfhipps 
 that the new forts built by Sir Edmund Androfs were mere 
 fancies of his owne, ufelefs, (and foe efteemed by the experi- 
 enced Officers of the Army and others well acquainted with 
 the Countrey) to any purpofe of Defence as was pretended, 
 and may be eafily made [to] appeare unto your Lordfhipps 
 by the Mapp of that Countrey : and confequently the draw- 
 ing the fouldiers from thence hath been no prejudice to the 
 Countrey, nor hath any lofs or damage happened thereby, 
 but our frontier towns ftrengthened which in Sir Edmund's 
 
 time 
 
 (34)
 
 [7] 
 
 time were not onely left naked but alfo feverall perfons 
 threatned for fortifyeing their houfes. 
 
 As to the particulars in the Account we declare as fol- 
 loweth. 
 
 Was a Garrifon fetled by Sir Edmund Andros whilfl p emaqu i d 
 Governor of New Yorke, and in the Beginning of the pref- 
 ent Warr put under the command of Capt. Brockholes, a 
 Papift, and for that reafon was ordered home upon the happy 
 Revolution ; which order he never obferved, but afterwards 
 being fufpected to be in a plott for deferting and running 
 over with the floope Mary to the French, was feized by the 
 Inhabitants of Dartmouth and brought to Bofton : And his 
 Leiftenant Weems att the requeft of the Inhabitants left in 
 his roome with all the ftanding Garrifon, not a man drawn 
 off. The other fouldiers were defperfed by Coll. Tyng and 
 the reft of the cheife officers, thofe that were fick to their 
 owne homes, thofe that were fitt for fervice to pofts that 
 required their Affiftance ; there being force fufficient left as 
 they judged to defend the fort. True it is that afterwards 
 that fort and about twenty houfes were taken and deftroyed 
 by the Indians, but it was imputed to the carelefs fecurity 
 of the Garrifon, and not want of men, the Towne being 
 furprized att noonday and noe fcout abroad. 
 
 Was deftroyed all but four or five houfes and New Towne New Dartmouth 
 all but one by the Indians in the time of Sir Edmund 
 Androfs's Government, done as was fuppofed in revenge of 
 Sir Edmund's feizing Monfier Cafteen's houfe and taking 
 thence all his arms and merchandize and houfehold goods 
 in time of profound peace : the faid Cafteen having married 
 an Indian Sachim's daughter, and fo the Indians were 
 allyed to his Interefts. The Town being deftroyed and 
 the Inhabitants fent to Bofton, Sir Edmond A.'s fort was 
 needlefs, there being nothing to preferve. 
 
 There being no Inhabitants there after that Dartmouth Redoupton 
 
 was 
 (35)
 
 [8] 
 
 was deftroyed and deferted, Coll. Tyng and Major Thomas 
 Savage, officers in Sir Edmond's army and one of them of 
 his Counfell, advifed the deferting that place. And the 
 Fort Ann infiffnificant fort of Fort Ann, Peafipfcott, &c., as ufelefs, 
 
 Pegiplcott O . . . M * i /~. 11 
 
 there being no plantation in many miles of them. Coll. 
 Mack Gregory was feized by his owne fouldiers in regard 
 of his cruelty and feverity towards them, feverall for that 
 reafon having deferted him before the Revolution. 
 
 Being a fort erected at the charge of the fifhermen they 
 withdrawing their fifhery in- the fall of the yeare, the Gar- 
 rifon was withdrawne at their owne Inftance. 
 
 A fort built formerly by the Maffachufetts Colonye is 
 Bay ftill continued and better furnifhed and provided then in Sir 
 Edmond's time. Capt. Lockhart, a reputed Papift was by 
 order of Counfell for that reafon difmift, and Silvanus Davis, 
 an Inhabitant of that place and formerly Commander of 
 that fort, put in his roome. Here it was the Indians career 
 was ftopt and they defeated by the forces raifed fince the 
 Revolution by the United Colonyes. 
 
 Sao* River fort was deferted in Sir Edmond's time for want of necef- 
 faryes and provifions for the fouldiers, and Capt. Floyd him- 
 felfe made a prifoner by Sir Edmond upon his comeing to 
 afke provifion for the neceffarye fubfiftance of that Garrifon. 
 
 We know of no fort there. 
 
 is ftill well Inhabited and many houfes there fortifyed and 
 Capt. Willard with his Company pofted there by order of 
 Counfell for their fecuritye. 
 
 and many other places upon the Revolution changed the 
 Officers they could not truft, but Major Henchman keeps 
 both his ftation and command there. All our frontier 
 Townes have had recruits fent them by order of Counfell 
 for the fecurity of the Country, which was much neglected 
 and weakned in Sir Edmond's time by drawing fouldiers 
 thence to build and fupply the trifling forts before men- 
 
 tioned Continues 
 
 (30)
 
 [9] 
 
 Continues as it was, only Coll. Treate finding no occafion c 
 for fo great force as was fent thither by Sir Edmond, drew Rwer 
 them off before the Revolution : After which that Colony 
 reaffumed their ancient Goverment, chofe the faid Coll. 
 Treate, Governor, and hath fuffered no damage by the 
 Indians. 
 
 The Sloope and Brigantine with other veffells pretended 
 to be preft for his Ma ties ufe in the fervice of the Country 
 were cheifly imployed to carry fouldiers to and fro att Sir 
 Edmond's pleafure. We know not that they were at all 
 made ufe of for the fecurity of the coafl or fimery, or that 
 they were fitt for that purpofe or need be fo imployed att 
 that feafon of the yeare. True it is there was great com- 
 plaint that thofe who ferved with them were never payed, 
 which made Sir Edmond's Government more uneafy. 
 
 The Handing forces Sir Edmond was reputed to have 
 brought with him to New England were about 120 men, 
 which he ported att Pemaquid, Bofton and the Caftle, fome 
 of which dyed, fome deferted in Sir Edmond's time : And 
 when the warr with the Indians brake out, he took part of 
 them att Bofton and att the Caftle with him for that fervice. 
 What became of them Sir Edmond can beft tell ; we are 
 well affured that not a man perimed by the hands of the 
 Indians, nor any Indian was hurt by them or any of his 
 forces. 
 
 We have not an exact Inventory of the provifions and 
 ftores found in the Garrifons att the time of the happy 
 Revolution, but can averr that the principall Garrifons were 
 fupplyed from Bofton : and the Men that were fent out for 
 the Reinforcement of the Army were furnifhed with neceffa- 
 ryes for warr att the charge of particular perfons, and not 
 one penny from the Treafury. 
 
 All which account aforefaid we have either by our owne 
 Knowledge or the beft Informations which were from time 
 
 to 
 
 (37)
 
 [10] 
 
 to time tranfmitted to the Government during our aboade 
 in New England. 
 
 The Occafion of our prefent Diftrefs is the warr between 
 the two Crownes of England and France which prevents all 
 fupplyes from England, and by the A61 of Navigation we 
 cannot have them elfewhere. That as our ftores are leffened 
 fo our neceflityes are increafed, the French being a potent 
 Enemy and a near Neighbour, we need not labour under 
 greater Inconveniences : and the mifcheifes of the inter- 
 ruption of our antient Government not yett recovered. 
 Wee therefore humbly propofe that for a prefent Releife the 
 veffell may be difpatched with Convoy and leave given to 
 merchants to fliipp armes and ammunition as followeth, viz 1 
 1000 fuzies, 200 barrells piftoll powder, 50 barrells cannon 
 powder, 20 tunn Lead. 
 
 Whereby we mall be able (God bleffmg Endeavors) to 
 Defend our felves. And if his Ma ty mall think fitt to attempt 
 the Reduction of Canada (now fo prejudiciall to their Ma ties 
 Colonyes in America) we mail with all chearfullnefs and 
 refolution give our utmoft affiftance thereto, not doubting 
 by his Ma ty will of his inviolable Juftice and Royall Bounty 
 continue and eftablilh to us our ancient Rights and privi- 
 lidges. 
 
 MAY 3oth, 1690. 
 
 (38)
 
 III. 
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Inter Charter, vol. xxxvi. p. 436.] 
 
 To the right honorable the Lords of their 
 
 Maje/lies Mojl honorable Privy Council. 
 
 16 The Anfwer of the Agents of the Governour, Council and Reprefenta- 
 tives of the Colony of the Maffachufetts Bay in New England (as far 
 forth as they are any waies concerned) to the petition of Lieut James 
 Weems. 
 
 HESE Refpondents with all humility doe lay 
 before your Lordfhips, that they are only im- 
 ployed and entrufted by and on the behalfe of 
 the f d governour, Councill and Reprefentatives, 
 
 and 
 
 to Difplace the Governor and all the 
 Gentlemen under his command, I am 
 refolved to take my fortune with them. 
 Therefor I advife you to haften and 
 fend your forces and take pofleffion of 
 Lieut. Weems, but the matter was of this place, for I cannot promis to fecure 
 
 18 The following is the corrected 
 draft as prefented to the Council ; a 
 rough draft is alfo in Mafs. Archives, 
 vol. xxxv. p. 384. There are many 
 documents in the feries relating to 
 
 too little importance to be worth any 
 long account of it. The Anfwer is 
 here given fimply becaufe it was made 
 to fo high a tribunal as His Majefty's 
 Council. The following letter will be 
 fufficient to mow the pofition Weems 
 occupied ; it is copied from Mafs. 
 Archives Revolution, vol. cvii. p. 139. 
 
 PEMAQD June 23<i.'89. 
 Gen* 
 
 Yours I have reed wherein you pro- 
 pofe very fair in the refpecls of y e time 
 to come and till further orders, provid- 
 ing it might ftand with my Advantage 
 and Honor, I would imbrace : but I 
 muft tell you, y* my Dependance is 
 elfwhere where I hope to be more 
 fervifable to my King and Countrey 
 y n here, for fmce you have feen caufe 
 
 (39) 
 
 it, my men being all refolved to leave 
 me, as fome have dune already ; but 
 have prevailed with them for a fhort 
 time waiting your fpeedy releaf, and 
 fatisfaction for their time. The 2oth of 
 this inftant arived two Captives which 
 I thought convenient to haften to you, 
 being defirous to know the ftate of the 
 Country and Indians, which they can 
 beft relate. Having no more to add 
 only my Humble fervis and remaine 
 S r Yours JAMES WEEMS. 
 
 I have ingaged you will fatisfey thefe 
 men for their Boate and time, itt pre- 
 fenting for the King's fervis ; agreed 
 for 3'i money 
 
 Superfcribed 
 
 To Mr. Simon Bradftreet, Efqr., 
 Governor of Bofton.
 
 [12] 
 
 and for no other part of New England, and that the Au- 
 thority and Truft that they have received is only to be hum- 
 ble fuitors to their Majefties for the obtayning a Grant and 
 Restitution of their former franchifes and priviledges, and to 
 ufe their lawful endeavours to juftify the proceedings of the 
 faid colony in relation to the late Revolution there. 
 
 And thefe refpondents, Sir Henry Afhurft, and Increafe 
 Mather doe fay that neither of them was in New England 
 during the tranfaclions in the petition mentioned and know 
 nothing thereof. And the other refpondents Elifha Cooke 
 and Tho. Okes doe not know that the fort of Pemmaquid 
 was fo diftreffed or taken by reafon of fuch defect or in 
 fuch manner as the petition fets forth ; and doe apprehend, 
 that the Government of that Colony can make it appear 
 that the petitioner hath not truly reprefented matters in his 
 petition. And none of thefe refpondents know that the 
 ^172. 6. 10 in the petition mentioned or any part thereof is 
 due to the petitioner ; And if any thing be due and unpaid 
 to him they humbly conceive that had he ftayed upon the 
 place or mail make application to that Government that he 
 might or will receive his due. However thefe Refpondents 
 denye that they were or are anywies entrufted or had or 
 have any Authority from or effects of the faid Government 
 in their hands, or power to pay the petitioner his demands 
 or any part thereof. And humbly hope they cannot be 
 thought lyable or mail be any waies compelled to pay the 
 fame. 
 
 MARCH i8th, 1690. 
 
 Signatures torn off. 
 
 (40) 
 
 HEN ASH[URST.] 
 INC[REASE MATHER.]
 
 [13] 
 
 IV. 
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Inter Charter, vol. xxxvi. p. n.] 
 
 Report of the Council advijing Andros s AcquitaL 
 
 Ax THE COURT AT WHITEHALL 
 THE 24 OF APRILL 1690 
 
 PRESENT 
 
 The King's Moft excellent Majefty 
 
 His Royall Highnefs P. George of Denmark. Earle of Torrington 
 
 L d Prefident Earle of Scarbor 
 
 Duke of Norfolke Earle of Warrington 
 
 Duke of Boulton Earle of Montague 
 
 L d Steward Vifcount Newport 
 
 Earle of Oxford Vifcount Sydney 
 
 Earle of Shrewfbury L d Bifhop of London 
 
 Earle of Pembrooke Sir Robert Howard 
 
 Earle of Bath Sir Henry Capell 
 
 Earle of Macklesfield M r Comptroller 
 
 Earle of Nottingham Mr Vice Chamberlaine 
 
 Earle of Portland Mr Chancellor of the Excheq* 
 
 Earle of Faulconbridge L d Cheife Juftice Holt 
 
 Earle of Marlborough Mr Bofcawen 
 
 Mr Powle 
 
 The Right Honorable the Lords of the Committee for Trade and 
 Plantations having this day prefented a Report to his Majefty in 
 Councill in the words following, viz : 
 
 May it p leaf e your Majefty. 
 
 [OUR Majefty having by your Letters dated the 
 3oth day of July laft, to the prefent Government 
 of the Maffachufetts Baye in New England, 
 Signified your pleafure that Sir Edmund Andros, 
 late Governour of that Territory and others that had been 
 feized by the people of Bofton upon the late Revolution and 
 deteined there under confinement, for the fpace of ten 
 months, mould according to their humble requeft made to 
 your Majefty in Councill, be fent into England by the firft 
 Opportunity to anfwer before your Majefty what might 
 
 be 
 F (40
 
 be objected againft them. We have accordingly on the 
 loth inftant, been attended by Sir Edmund Andros and 
 others lately imprifoned in New England, As alfo by Sir 
 Henry Afhurft, Mr. Elifha Cooke, Mr. Increafe Mather, 
 Mr. Thomas Oakes, who then declared themfelves unto us 
 to be Agents for the faid Government of the Maffachufetts 
 Bay. 
 
 But by reafon of the late arrivall of fome of them into 
 England, defired they might be allowed further time to pro- 
 duce their Credentialls and Charges againft the faid Sir 
 Edmund Andros and others forefaid : which Charge having 
 been brought in on the Monday following, We were, ac- 
 cording to our directions attended on Thurfday laft by Sir 
 Edmund Andros and fuch as were lately Imprifoned in 
 New England, and by Counfel learned on both fides. 
 
 At which time the Counfel learned for the people of the 
 Maffachufets Bay, as they termed themfelves, having been 
 afked by us whether any perfon were ready to figne or owne 
 the faid charge, no perfon could then be found or named 
 unto us, upon our Inquiry to figne or owne the fame. 
 
 So that as we fee no matter of complaint or charge 
 againft Sir Edmund Andros and others aforefaid, to proceed 
 upon, we do therefore most humbly offer our Opinion to 
 your Majefty that the faid Sir Edmund Andros and other 
 Perfons lately Imprifoned in New England and now attend- 
 ing your Majefty, be forthwith difcharged and fet at liberty, 
 and that the faid Paper or Charge, which has not been 
 figned or owned, may be difmiffed ; inafmuch as nothing has 
 been objected againft the faid Sir Edmund Andros and 
 others, by the prefent Government of the Maffachufets Bay 
 or their Agents, at the times appointed by us, in purfuance 
 of your Majefty 's pleafure fignified to them in that behalf. 
 
 Which is neverthelefs mofl humbly fubmitted. 
 COUNCILL CHAMBER, i;th of Aprijl, 1690. 
 
 His 
 (42)
 
 His Majefty in Councill is pleafed to approve of the faid 
 Report and to order that the paper or charge therein men- 
 tioned as not being figned or owned by any perfon, be dif- 
 miffed this board: And that Sir Edmund Andros, late 
 Governor of New England and others that have been feized 
 by the people of Bofton upon the late Revolution and now 
 attending his Majefty, be forthwith difcharged. As they are 
 hereby difcharged and fett at Liberty according to the faid 
 Report. 
 
 Ex. 
 
 CHA. MONTAGUE. 
 
 Coppy. 
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Inter Charter, vol. xxxvi. p. 125.] 
 
 To the Kings mojl Excellent Majefty. 
 
 17 The humble Addrefs and Petition of the Governor and 
 Councille and the Reprefentatives of the Colony of the 
 Maffachufetts Bay; convened in Generall Court at 
 Bofton. 
 
 May it p leaf e your Majejly. 
 
 JE have been honoured with the Receipt of your 
 Majefty's feverall gracious Letters of the 3Oth 
 July, the 1 2th & i5th of Auguft laft paft, and 
 do with all humble and hearty thankfullneffe 
 acknowledge the Goodneffe of God in the Favour we have 
 
 . found 
 
 17 Although this Addrefs is not dated, It will be noticed that it fays that the 
 
 we prefume that it was prepared early King's orders about Andros "are now 
 
 in February, 1690, and was fent in the attended [to] by this firft opportunity 
 
 veffel that carried Andros to England, of fhipping." So alfo in the nextdocu- 
 
 (43) ment >
 
 found in your Majefty's gracious Acceptance and Anfwer 
 of our former Addreffes ; and that your Majefty hath been 
 gracioufly pleafed to Authorize and impower us to continue 
 the Adminiftration of the Government over this your 
 Colony ; which we humbly informed your Majefty we were 
 in the Exercife of according to Charter Rules. Your 
 Majefty's commands relating to the Rofe frigatt \vere forth- 
 with Obferved. And your other Commands for the fend- 
 ing home Sir Edmund Androfs and others alike feized and 
 under confinement, are now attended by this firft oppor- 
 tunity of Shipping. We have alfo difpatched fome Gentle- 
 men from hence to wait upon your Majefty with this our 
 Addrefs, having impowered them together with fome others 
 already concerned for us upon the place to manage our 
 Affaires; on whofe behalfe we humbly fupplicate your 
 Majefty's favour. We are fenfible that there are thofe who 
 have been induftrious to inkindle and foment difturbances 
 among us, that they might have plaufible pretences to mif- 
 reprefent us ; which carriage of theirs is the leffe furprizing 
 to us, when we reflect upon many of their words and 
 Actions manifefting their difaffeclion to the Alteration of 
 the Government in England. We alfo crave leave humbly 
 to acquaint your Majefty that feverall ill men combining 
 together have committed divers felonys and Pyracys and 
 that we might put fome ftop to their progrefs in fo foul a 
 defigne, we were neceffitated to grant CommiiTions to fup- 
 prefs, bring in and fecure them ; in w r hich Enterprife the 
 Captaine commiffioned for that fervice was flain and four of 
 the Pirates. Notwithstanding which and during the Im- 
 prifonment of the remainder, others were fo mfolently 
 
 hardy 
 
 ment, of 29 March, 1690, it is faid they mentions alfo a letter from the Govern- 
 fend duplicates "of our Addreffes and ment, directed to the Earl of Notting- 
 letters [of date of] about fix weeks ham, which we may prefume to be this 
 fince." Again, the receipt of Capt. Addrefs, as the Earl was Principal 
 Bant for Andros and the other prifoners Secretary of State. 
 
 (44)
 
 hardy as to furprize. and run away with another Veffell and 
 her Cargo. Thefe daring mifchiefes conftrained us for the 
 neceffary prefervation of the peace, after Tryal and con- 
 demnation to order 'the Execution of fome of the Inftiga- 
 tors and Leaders of thofe Enemys of Mankind, for the 
 deterring of others from the like intolerable practices : 
 having Confidence that what hath been done in that regard 
 will be no wife offenfive to your Majefty. 
 
 We humbly fupplicate your Majefties Grace and Favour 
 for the continuance and confirmation of our Ancient Char- 
 ter Rights and priviledges both Civil and Sacred ; for the 
 Obtaining of which the Eftates and lives of our fathers and 
 predeceffors were expended ; by which means our Libertys 
 are become the more dear unto us, upon account of their 
 own innate worth, and what they have coft us with no 
 charge to the Crowne. From which confideration we per- 
 fwade ourfelves that your Majefty out of your Clemency 
 and Juflice will effectually confirme us in the poffeflion of 
 them ; which as we humbly conceive will be a very honor- 
 able purfuance of your Majefty 's moft gracious Declaration 
 in order to your defcent into England. 
 
 May God bleffe your Majefty with a long and profperous 
 Reigne, 
 
 So prays 
 Royal Sir, 
 
 Your Majefties very Loyal and dutifull fubjecls 
 and humble fuppliant, the Governor and Coun- 
 cill and Reprefentatives of your Colony of the 
 Maffachufetts 
 
 S. BRADSTREET, Governor. 
 
 (45)
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Inter Charter Papers, vol. xxxv. p. 374.] 
 
 Maffachufetts Government to the Earl of 
 Shrewfbury. 
 
 Right Hon(f !e 
 
 May it p leaf e your LordJJiip. 
 
 \ E have difpatched this Exprefs with the duplicates 
 of our Addreffes and letters about fix weeks 
 fmce, by the hands of our Agents (who we hope 
 are fafely arrived) and farther to lay before their 
 Majefties the prefent flate and condition of their Colonys 
 and plantations in thefe parts, being annoyed and infefted 
 with both French and Indian Enemys, the firft (tho formerly 
 more Secret in the animating and fupplying of the Indians 
 againft their Majefties fubjecls) have of late openly appeared 
 and joyned to their Affiftance in the a6tual affaulting and 
 defolating fome more remote Villages and Plantations of 
 the Englifh, as Scheneclady upon Hudfon's River about 
 twenty miles above Albany, and Salmon Falls, a Plantation 
 upon a branch of Pifcataqua River (altho the loffe of both 
 muft principally be attributed unto their own deadly 
 fecurity and treachery of the Enemy) the Enemy having 
 killed and captivated at both places 150 or thereabouts 
 men, women, and children. 
 
 We have not been wanting on our part to doe our utmoft 
 to intend the fafety and prefervation of the whole of their 
 Maj ties intereft, and had men in Garrifon at both places 
 mfficient with their own Inhabitants to have repelled the 
 force of the Enemy. We are certainly informed by the 
 Examination of fome French prifoners lately brought in, 
 
 that 
 (46)
 
 that the French from Canada have five or fix hundred out 
 joyned with the Indians in feverall partys towards this 
 country eaftward and weftward, which hath neceffitated our 
 confederation of the moft effectual means to refift and repell 
 the further attack of that Vigilant and reflleffe Enemy. 
 And together with the enforcing of our Frontiers, exciting 
 of the Maquas and other Indians engaged with us to alarme 
 and moleft the Enemy by Land, have refolved upon an 
 Expedition againfl them by Sea to Port Royal and other 
 places adjacent, where they have taken feverall of our fifhing 
 veffells ; and are fetting forward the fame under the conduct 
 of Sir William Phips. It being the General opinion of the 
 whole Countrey that there is no expectation of the putting 
 an Iffue to the Indian Warr, nor will their Majefties fubjects 
 here ever live in peace, but by the diflodging and removal 
 of thofe ill neighbours, the French ; their increafe and 
 ftrengthening themfelves in thefe parts being judged utterly 
 inconfiftent with the intereft of the Crown of England. 
 God fucceeding this prefent attempt, it will greatly encour- 
 age to an attack upon Canada ; if his Maj ty be pleafed to 
 countenance the fame, and to afford fome affiftance of Ship- 
 ping with a fpeedy fupply of ammunition, of which we are 
 in great want, and can hardly fpare fufficient to furnifh the 
 prefent Expedition. We have been humbly bold to fuppli- 
 cate his Majefhy to order a fupply of Arms and ammunition 
 for us ; and that this fmall veffell cheifly fent on that occa- 
 fion may be permitted fpeedily to returne, that we may not 
 be unprovided for our neceffary defence and to refift the 
 affaults of the Enemy. 
 
 Right Hon ble 
 
 We humbly pray the Hon r and advantage of your Lord- 
 fhip's favourable Reprefentation of the- promifes on our 
 behalf e unto his Majefty, and your Lordfhips affiftance and 
 
 furtherance 
 
 (47)
 
 [20] 
 
 furtherance of our Agents ; whome we have directed to 
 wait upon his Majefty on occafion of this and other our 
 Publick affaires. 
 
 Praying your Lordfhips Profperity, we fubfcribe R* 
 Hon ble 
 
 Your Lordfhips fmcerely devoted and moft 
 humble ferv ts- 
 
 S. BRADSTREET Gov r in the name 
 of the Councill. 
 
 BOSTON, 29 March, 
 1690. 
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Revolution, vol. cvii. p. 219.] 
 
 Letter of the Governor and Council to the 
 Earl of Shrewfbury. 
 
 R* Hon ble 
 
 May it pleafe your Lordf* 
 
 [CCORDING to our Obligation of Duty and fin- 
 cere affection to y r Maj ties Service, we have by 
 fundry occafional Conveyances as well as by one 
 exprefs, formerly prefented your Lord pp with an 
 Account of the publick affaires of their Maj ties Colonys in 
 New England, and efpecially in reference unto a bloody 
 Warr begun and carrying on againft their Majefties Sub- 
 jects and Intereft in thefe parts by a Combination of French 
 and Indian Enemies, who by Reafon of the difperfion of 
 the Englifh Settlements, the many Rivers and hideous 
 Woods in the Eaftern parts (which hitherto hath been the 
 Principal Seat of the Warr) and the bafe treacherys and 
 
 fculking 
 (48)
 
 [21] 
 
 fculking of the Enemy, have gained Advantages by furprizal 
 to perpetuate divers horrid and barbarous Outrages, Spoiles 
 and Devaftations of the Englifh dwellings. 
 
 And it is the Concurrent Opinion of the whole that 
 notwithftanding the great charge and Trouble we have 
 been at in raifmg and fending out men, provifions and other 
 fupplys to their Affiflance and Releif, that we cannot fecure 
 and defend the Remote Plantations whilft the Enemy forage 
 and live upon us at our dwellings and anoy us upon all 
 Quarters by fending forth Partys, in the mean time being 
 quiet at home ; fo that upon confultation had, it is con- 
 cluded to Raife an United Force within their Majeflies 
 feverall Governments as far as Virginia, to attack them in 
 their owne Country, and that the forces from the Weftern 
 Colonys joyne with the 5 Nations of the Indians in friend- 
 fhip with us, to make their defcent upon Canada from 
 Albany, whilft at the fame time we fend by fea to attack 
 them at Quebeck ; for which preparations are accordingly 
 makeing to the utmoft of our Capacity with fuch Shipping 
 as we have to fet forth, expecting that we mould before this 
 time have received his Majeftys Commands reflecting that 
 Affair, and fupplys of Arms and Ammunition as we humbly 
 fupplicated in our laft : but the Seafon of the Year is fo far 
 fpent that an Omiffion of a little time longer may loofe the 
 Opportunity for this Summer, and the Enemy by their 
 Continual incurfions may utterly wafte our Remote Plan- 
 tations before another feafon. 
 
 We are not unfenfible of the Greatneffe and chargeable- 
 neffe of the Undertaking and Vr.ft import thereof: nothing 
 leffe than Neceffity could have forced us thereto without 
 their Majefties Gracious encouragement and fupply of fliip- 
 ping. The Voice of Providence in the Generality of the 
 People, being extraordinarily fpirited and importunate to 
 engage therein, befpeaking fetting forward the fame, looking 
 
 at 
 G (49)
 
 [22] 
 
 at it as the Principal means under God for their fafety and 
 defence by removing and cutting off fupplys and aids to the 
 Enemy, and a fpecial Service to their Majefties for the 
 Prefervation of their Intereft, hoping for their Majefties 
 favourable Acceptance of our fincere Intentions and En- 
 deavours to promote their Honor and Intereft and the fafety 
 of their Subjecls under our care. 
 
 We formerly forwarded the Intelligence of the fuccefs of 
 the Forces fent to Fort Royal who have reduced that place 
 unto the obedience of the Crowne of England, and awaite 
 their Majefties fettlement thereof ; it will be our rejoycing if 
 God pleafe to honor us in improving us as Inftruments of 
 further fervice by fmiling upon the prefent Expedition. 
 
 In a late engagement of two of our Companys with a 
 confiderable Number of the Enemy, French and Indians 
 whome they haply difcovered neer a fwamp early in a morn- 
 ing bufied about making ready their breakfaft, ours had the 
 Opportunity of falling upon them before they were difcryed, 
 and entred into a fharp difpute for 3 or 4 houres time 
 by brifk firings on both fides, in which many of them were 
 flaine and wounded, fome of principal note, and had 
 probably been totally defeated, had not a frefh Party come 
 in to their Affiftance. This is the moft considerable Action 
 that we are certain to have done upon the Enemy, and tho 
 our lofs (not fo great in Number as in fome of more efpecial 
 ufe and fervice) be matter of Lamentation, yet God is 
 greatly to be acknowledged in giving any Check to the 
 Enemy's Infolence, and we truft he is beginning to turne 
 his hand upon his and our Enemy. 
 
 Our Coaft is infefted by French Privateers and Pirates 
 which put us to no fmall Trouble and charge to fecure our 
 fhipping and fea ports againft their Invafion, and have two 
 Ships of Warr and another Veffell fent out to cruize in and 
 about block Ifland for fome who have lately made attack 
 
 upon 
 (so)
 
 [23] 
 
 upon that Ifland, and hope to have a Good Account of 
 them in a fliort time. 
 
 R' Hon ble 
 
 We fear overmuch to trefpafs upon your Lord pps Pa- 
 tience, but accounted it our Duty humbly to lay before their 
 Majefties this generall Account of the prefent publick Af- 
 faires, humbly fupplicating their Majefties favorable Accept- 
 ance of our real Endeavours for their fervice, and gracious 
 Afpect towards their good Subjects of this Colony in a full 
 Confirmation of our ancient Rights and priviledges, that our 
 Agents now waiting at the Court for that End may be 
 fpeedily difmiffed home with Orders for the fame, which 
 will lay us under the higheft Obligations for ever to acknowl- 
 edge their Majefties Royal Bounty by the moft Reall demon- 
 ftrations of our Loyalty and Obedience. 
 
 Praying likewife the Continuance of your Lord pps favour 
 whereof we have experienced the fenfible effects, we take 
 leave humbly to fubfcribe 
 
 R< Hon ble 
 
 Their Majefties very Loyall and dutifull 
 Subjects and your Lord pps moft hum- 
 ble and fmcerely devoted fervants 
 
 SIM. BRADSTREET, Gov r 
 
 in the name of the Councill. 
 
 BOSTON in New England, 
 July igth, 1690.
 
 [24] 
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Inter Charter, vol. xxxvi. p. 228.] 
 
 Governor and Council to the Agents. 
 
 BOSTON, November 29, 1690. 
 Honored and Worthy Sirs 
 
 IT is now more than nine months from the time of 
 our Agents departure, fent from hence with our 
 humble Addreffes to their Majefties for our fettle- 
 ment, fmce which we have not been made happy 
 with the receipt of a line from your felves, that might have 
 been of direction in the Conduct of our Publick Affayres, 
 circumftanced with fo many various difficulties. Although 
 fome not well affected to the prefent Goverment have not 
 been wanting to infmuate as if they had Intelligences of the 
 Iffue and ill fuccefs of our Affayres in England, and to 
 fpread abroad divers falfe Rumours reflecting the fame, 
 to amufe the People and make them uneafy, and thereby to 
 render the Adminiftration of the Government more difficult. 
 We do not herein intend the imputation of any Neglect to 
 your felves or Omiffion of opportunity's for convayance, being 
 fenfible that thofe fo acting have not been better furnifhed 
 with Intelligences ; but to intimate the Spirit that is found 
 among us and that the delay of a full Settlement, efpecially 
 confidering the conjuncture of our Affayres, hath been of 
 no little difadvantage. 
 
 We have not knowingly omitted any convayance to im- 
 part unto you, what from time to time hath occurred with 
 us in matters of moment, particularly referring to the Warr, 
 and the Expeditions fet forth againft the French and Indian 
 Enemy; a narrative of that to Port Royal and of God's 
 fmiles upon us therein hath been forwarded unto you and 
 hope is come fafe to hand, with our Letters advifmg of our 
 
 preparations 
 (52)
 
 [25] 
 
 preparations to fet forth for Canada, which was accordingly 
 put in Execution. 
 
 The awfull Frowne of God in the difappointment of that 
 chargable and hazardous Enterprize, you will have a par- 
 ticular Account of in the Narrative accompanying of thefe ; 
 wherein whatfoever fome may charge as matter of blame 
 upon thefe or thofe Inftruments imployed in the conduct of 
 that Affayre, yet is the providence of God appearing againft 
 us in the fame, to be fpecially marked and taken notice of : 
 partly by the long continuance of contrary winds at their 
 Entring the River, retarding their voyage that they were 
 neer three times foe long going up as their paffage was to 
 the River's mouth, and notices thereby given to the Enemy 
 to prepare and opportunity to draw down their forces to 
 oppofe them. As alfo the withdrawing of the Land forces, 
 notwithftanding our preffing neceffity of a Reinforcement 
 of that expedition to keep the Enemy alarmed and buify 
 above, endeavouring all we could the profecution thereof. 
 Although the Indians (as is faid) fell fo greatly fhort of 
 appearance as they had promifed, Count Frontenac comeing 
 with his fouldiers to Quebeck but three dayes before our 
 mips got thither; and then the unfeafonablenefs of the 
 weather after their arrival there : and fever'al other particu- 
 lar providences concurring in this difappointment gives us 
 plainly to fee the finger of God therein ; and mail our 
 Father fpit in our face and we not be afhamed ! God 
 grant that we may be deeply humbled and inquire into the 
 caufe and reforme those fins that have provoked fo great 
 Anger to fmoke againft the prayers of his people, and to 
 anfwer us by terrible things in Righteoufnefs. 
 
 And no lefs of God's anger hath appeared againft us in 
 the lofs of fo many of our friends fent out in that Expedition, 
 and at their return by the contagion of the Small-pox. 
 Fevers and other killing diftempers, which upon a modeft 
 
 computation 
 (53)
 
 [26] 
 
 computation (with thofe flain and dead of their wounds) we 
 cannot reckon up lefs than two hundred men in the whole 
 or thereabouts, whereof neer fifty are Indians. God is holy 
 and righteous in all his waies arid forever to be adored in 
 his wifdom and Sovereignty. 
 
 We are fenfible there will not be wanting thofe who will 
 endeavour to traduce and mifreprefent us in the defigne and 
 management of this fo chargable and hazardous an under- 
 taking, whereto, it being by moft apprehended, we were 
 enforced through neceffity for our own fafety, we can truly 
 fay we had no other ends therein but the glory of God, the 
 prefervation of their Majefties intereft and defending of 
 their good fubjecls of thefe Colonys againft the incurfions 
 and depredations of cruel Anti chriftian and heathen Ene- 
 mies, who were .the firft Affailants, and made their inrodes 
 upon us both in the Eaft and Weft laft fpring, and are 
 ufeing all their jefuitical policy utterly to root us out, as you 
 will fee by the inclofed Narrative of Capt. Davis, accounting 
 us (as the Englifh nation in general) Rebels for our Loialty 
 to their prefent Majefties. 
 
 We may not expe6t to live in peace, nor can their Majef- 
 ties Intereft in thefe parts be fecured, but by the fubdueing 
 and bringing under thefe malicious and bloody Enemies, 
 who are wickedly defigning and unweariedly induftrious, 
 fpareing no coft and bearing with the moft infufferable in- 
 juries offered them by the Indians, to profelyte and bring 
 them over unto their fide ; fo that they may have the fairer 
 advantage to infeft and lay wafte the Englifli plantations. 
 Nor can our Sea Coaft Fifhery or Navigation be defended 
 againft their Invafions without his Majefty fhall be pleafed 
 to afford us fome afliftance of fhipping and other fupplies, 
 which we defire you would humbly lay before his Majefty. 
 And if his Majefty fhall fee caufe to order the fetting forth 
 any frigatts for the reduceing of Canada, our Souldiers 
 
 (who 
 (54)
 
 [27] 
 
 (who generally want neither fpirit nor refolution) are ready 
 to offer themfelves again to that Service. 
 
 It is not unlikely that you may meet with fome Com- 
 plaints of our countenancing or connivance at irregular 
 Trading, and not giveing due Encouragement to a private 
 Ship of Warr, that feized upon and brought in two Eng- 
 lifh mips from Newfoundland, that came thither from France. 
 You may truely anfwer, that we do not apprehend that we 
 are juftly to be taxed in the one or the other of fuch com- 
 plaints, and have not been wanting, to our power, to prevent 
 irregular Trading, by imploying of Officers to infpecl; and 
 informe as alfo to feize upon any fuch, and upon particular 
 Occafions granting forth fpecial warrants for the taking 
 hold of any acting in that kind, and fliall be alike carefull 
 to proceed againft them according to the direction of the 
 Law ; one Ship is at prefent under feizure in order to Tryal 
 on that account. And for the fhips brought from New- 
 foundland, one was feized being wholly difcharged of any 
 French goods (if fhe brought any) and reladen with fim ; 
 the other was feized with French goods on board ; the Cap- 
 tain laid his Informations and joyned Iffue againft both, 
 upon breach of His Majefties Declaration of Warr, inhibit- 
 ing of his fubjecls holding of communication or corre- 
 fpondence with the French King or his fubjecls ; in which 
 Declaration there is no penalty fet down nor Rule given how 
 to proceed againft any Ships or Veffels that come from 
 France ; and this was an Englifh Ship brought there 
 as the Merchant alleged to bring off himselfe and other 
 Englifh Prifoners and not trading from or to France within 
 the meaning of the King's Declaration. She was acquited 
 of that Information but afterwards refeized by the Country's 
 Officer for breach of the Acts of Trade, which being done 
 as is alleged in Newfoundland, fecurity is taken for the 
 Anfwering of it in England. The cafe of the other fhip 
 
 being 
 (55)
 
 [28] 
 
 being differently circumflanced from this firft is tranfmitted 
 to the High Court of Admiralty to be there determined, of 
 which you may have a farther Account. 
 
 In the beginning of this month, feven or eight of the 
 Eaftern Indian Sagamores fent in a writing by the hand of 
 a Captive, and came themfelves to Wells to make Overtures 
 for Peace. Some Gentlemen from hence were appointed to 
 difcourfe them, but ere they came thither, the Indians were 
 all gone (fave one onely) pretending the time affigned for 
 their return was neer out, and if they ftayed that their men 
 would apprehend they were either kild or deteined Captive, 
 and fo mifchiefes might enfue thereupon. Our Gentlemen 
 difcourfed him that remained and agreed about the Ex- 
 change of Captives, and that thofe who came to fetch the 
 Captives mould be inftructed to receive what further Over- 
 tures the Sachims (who w r ould then be together) fhould 
 make concerning a Treaty, and agree of time and place for 
 the fame. Captain Alden, Captain Convers and fome 
 Gentlemen of Pifcataqua are Employed in this Affayre, an 
 Account whereof we may expecl; within a weeke or Ten 
 dayes at their Return ; the Englifh Captive that came in 
 faith they are very poor and low, have loft a confiderable 
 number of their men, and fome of principal note among 
 them, exprefs themfelves weary of the warr, and have this 
 feveral months been meditating how to mediate and bring 
 about a peace with the Englifli. The fuccefs of this; as 
 all our Affayres is with God, who we hope in all thefe darke 
 difpenfations of his providence will at length caufe light to 
 breake forth upon us on whome alone is our dependence and 
 Expectations. 
 
 Thus you may fee the Sea of trouble we are fwimming in, 
 nor are we altogether unfenfible of the great paines and 
 difficulties your felves are labouring under on our behalfe, 
 their Majefties Favourable Afpecl towards us and direction 
 
 for 
 (56)
 
 for the future management of our publick Affayres and 
 Gracious Settlement of the Government is abfolutely 
 neceffary to be haftned unto us, which we are humbly 
 awaiting with longing Expectations and defire you to 
 follicit. 
 
 We are greatly thoughtfull about the difcharge of our 
 Debts at home and the making of fupplys to yourfelves 
 abroad ; there wilbe foon other Opportunitys for writing 
 you which we mall be carefull to improve ; and poffibly 
 then be able to give a more particular Accompt of the iffue 
 of the late great Expedition : wherein we doubt not you 
 will not be wanting to Endeavour their Majefties favourable 
 Refentment of our fincere Intentions for their fervice. 
 
 Giveing our hearty Refpects and Service unto yourfelves 
 and other Friends with you that wifh our welfare, we com- 
 mend you to the gracious Protection and guidance of God 
 both in your perfonal and publick Affayres you are Engaged 
 in on our behalfe, and begg your prayers for direction to 
 our felves in a right manageing of the Arduous Concerns 
 under our hands. 
 
 We fubfcribe 
 
 Your affured Friends and obliged Servants 
 SIM: BRADSTREET, Gov r 
 
 in the name of the Council. 
 
 For the Right Worfhipfull Sir Henry Alhurft, K nt baronet, Elifha Cooke, 
 Efq., the Rev. Mr. Increafe Mather, and Mr. Thomas Oakes, Agents 
 for the MafTachufetts Colony. 
 
 (57)
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Inter Charter, vol. xxxv. p. 180.] 
 
 The Governor and Council and Reprefentatives of 
 the Colony of the Maffachufetts Bay, convened in Gen- 
 eral Court in Bofton. 
 
 To all to whome thefe prcfents fliall come, Greeting &c. 
 
 [NOW YE that by the act of this Court we have 
 nominated and appointed and by thefe prefents 
 do fully impower and authorize our honored and 
 trufly friends, Sir Henry Afhurft K 1 and Baronett, 
 Elifha Cooke, Efq., Mr Increafe Mather and Mr Thomas 
 Oaks, to be our Agents in England, or fo many of them as 
 fliall be refident there, to wayt upon their Majefties for the 
 negociation and management of the public affaires of this 
 Colony in the obtaining a full confirmation of our ancient 
 Charter Rights and Priviledges. And to endeavour the 
 fame by all due and lawful wayes and manner, and for what 
 elfe may concern us there, referring to the perfons now to 
 be fent into England in obfervance of his Majefties com- 
 mands, and our defence againft any that fliall mifreprefent 
 us, on account of the late Revolution or in anything tranf- 
 ated by our fo long fuftaining the Government fince that 
 time. Hereby ratifying and confirming what our faid Agents 
 or fo many of them as fliall be there refident fliall lawfully 
 ac~t and do by virtue of this Power, according to fuch In- 
 ftruclions as they mail receive from the Governor and Coun- 
 cil with the Reprefentative body of this people. 
 
 In teflimony whereof we have ordered the Common fele 
 of the Maffachufetts Colony to be hereunto affixed. Dated 
 the twenty-fourth day of January, Anno Dom 1 one thoufand 
 
 fix 
 (58)
 
 fix hundred and eighty and nine. And in the firft year of 
 their MajefUes Reigne 
 
 SIM N BRADSTREET, Governor 
 By Order, Is A ADDINGTON, Sec y- 
 
 [NOTE. Dec. 21, 1689, the Reprefentatives had voted that Dot Thomas 
 Oakes be employed as agent, to join with Elifha Cook and others, defiring the 
 confent of the Magiftrates thereto.] xxxv. p. 142. 
 
 Inftructions for the Agents for the Colonie of the 
 
 Maffachufetts Bay in New England. 
 
 1. You will wait upon their Majefties and humbly prefent 
 our Addreffes fent with you. 
 
 2. You are to lay before his Majefty the intolerable In- 
 convenience that this Colony was expofed to by meanes of 
 the Arbitrarinefs and Illegallity of the late Commiffions and 
 by reafon of ill Inftruments in whofe hands principally the 
 execution of them lay. 
 
 3. The utter Inconfiftence that there is between the very 
 being of this Plantation and the mifchievous aims and 
 pra6lifes of the French King. 
 
 4. The juft and amazing fears this people were furprized 
 with upon the notice they had of the late King James's 
 being in France, left Sir Edmond Andros (whofe Governor 
 and Confidant he was) mould betray them into the power 
 of the French King, other circumftances -concurring to 
 ftrengthen thefe fears. 
 
 5. The defpair this people were brought to when inftead 
 of defending them in their juft Right and Properties thofe 
 in the late Government fought to turne them out of their 
 
 Lands 
 (59)
 
 [32] 
 
 Lands and poffeffions upon which under God they had their 
 dependence for a neceffary Livelihood. 
 
 6. The probability there is that the prefent Warr with the 
 Natives was caufed by the Injury done to Mons r Caftiene 
 who is in affinity with them and has a great influence upon 
 them. 
 
 7. That you folicite in Parliament or elfewhere as may 
 be fit, the Confirmation of our ancient Charter and all its 
 Rights and Priviledges, Civil and Sacred. 
 
 8. You are to take care that what money has been 
 advanced in London by Mr. Stephen Mafon or others for 
 the ufe of the Maffachufetts be fpeedily payd them with due 
 thanks for their real fervice done to this Colonie by their 
 meanes. 
 
 9. You are to folicite that the liberty of coynage may be 
 allowed us. 
 
 Item. To lay before his Majefty the cafe of Pemaquid. 
 
 10. That you lay before his Majefty the great inconven- 
 ience we are under by the ill neighbourhood of the French 
 in Canada and Acadie and places adjacent, and pray his 
 fanclion and direction in that matter. 
 
 11. If there be opportunity you are to endeavour the 
 obtaining of fuch Priviledges as may be of further benefit to 
 this Colony. 
 
 SIMON BRADSTREET Governor 
 
 in the name of the General Court. 
 
 BOSTON the 24th Janu y 1689. [1690] 
 By order ISAAC ADDINGTON, Sec 7 
 
 NOTE. The addrefles referred to are evidently the documents printed on 
 p. 43. Probably Capt. Bant took all thefe papers, as well as the ftate prifoners. 
 
 (60)
 
 [33] 
 
 [VoL xxxv. p. 126.] 
 
 [OTED by the Reprefentatives that the Treafurer 
 forthwith take care to provide bills of Exchange 
 for a thoufand pounds fterling payable to our 
 Agents in England towards the defraying the 
 publique charges of this Colony that are and may arife 
 there. 
 
 EBENEZER PROUT, Clerk. 
 DEC. 1 6th, 1689. 
 
 Confented to by the Council 
 
 Is A ADDINGTON, Sec 7 
 
 [P. 222.] 
 
 |RDERED that if the Agents for this Colony in 
 England lhall have occafion for more money 
 there than what is now advanced and ordered for 
 their fupplys, that they take up what mail be 
 neceffary upon the publick Credit, not exceeding the fum of 
 one thoufand Pounds, and draw bills upon the Treafurer 
 for the fame. 
 
 pafl in the Affirmative by the Reprefentatives 
 
 EBENEZER PROUT, Clerk 
 
 FEBY. 7, 1689. 
 
 Confented to by the Governor and Council, die predict, 
 ISA. ADDINGTON, Sec r . 
 
 (61)
 
 [34] 
 
 Honored Sirs 
 
 [P. 371- 
 
 CHARLES TOWNE, y e 25 th March, 1690. 
 
 |HIS ferves to accompany foure Second Bills of 
 Exchange, with their letters of credit, viz., one 
 Bill from Sir William Phips for two hundred 
 pounds fterling, payable by Mr Hopefull Bendall, 
 merchant in London ; one bill from Corn 6 Samuel Shrimp- 
 ton for two hundred pounds fterling payable by Mr. John 
 Ives, merchant in London ; one bill from Mr Jeremiah 
 Dummer for fifty pounds fterling payable by Mr Edward 
 Hull, merchant in London ; and one bill from Capt Richard 
 Marting for fifty pounds fterling payable by faid Marting at 
 the fafe arrival of his fhip called the Bloffom, and in cafe 
 of his mortality to Mr. John Ives, merchant in London. 
 
 Alfo I have fhip d on board the fhip America Mr Hugh 
 Sampfon, comd r one hundred fourty and four barrills of 
 whale Oyle, and on board the floop Refolution, Mr W m 
 Welfteed comm dr one hundred fifty and two barrills of 
 whale Oyle and two thoufand five hundred of Read oak 
 hogfhead ftaves, all which faid goods goes configned to 
 Mr Stephen Mafon, merchant in London, on the proper 
 account and rifque of the Colony of the Maffachufetts Bay 
 in New England which is the nedf ull at prefent from 
 
 Sirs Yours to command 
 
 JOHN PHILLIPS, Treas r 
 
 [Indexed as Addreffed to the Agents. ] 
 
 (62)
 
 [35] 
 
 [P. 299.] 
 
 JRDERED that the Sloop Refolution be forthwith 
 fitted up and defpatched away for England at 
 the publick charge with Advice to their Majef- 
 ties of the prefent danger their Majefties Colonys 
 in thefe American parts are in, of Incurfions by the French 
 in Canada, now in aclual hoftility with the Crown of Eng- 
 land. And of the want of Armes and Ammunition to 
 furnifh the Country for their defence. And that fome 
 Gentlemen or Merchants be defired to take up money on the 
 publick Account to load her at the beft rates they can 
 agree. The Treafurer, Mr Edward Bromfield and Mr 
 Jofeph Parfon are appointed a Committee to purchafe Oyle 
 or Logwood to load her without delay. 
 
 Voted in the affirmative by the Magiftrates 
 
 ISA. ADDINGTON Sec r 
 13 Men. 1689/90. 
 
 Confented to by the Deputies 
 
 EBENEZER PROUT, Clerk. 
 
 (63)
 
 [DOCUMENTS 
 
 RELATING TO THE 
 
 Period of Andros's Adminiftration, 
 
 CHIEFLY FROM THE MASSACHUSETTS ARCHIVES.] 
 
 (65)
 
 PREFATORY NOTE. 
 
 18 TN this fection it is propofed to give a feleftion of papers illuflrative of 
 -* Andres's adminiftration in MafTachufetts, taken chiefly from the Archives 
 at the State Houfe. The volumes of original papers there covering this period 
 are labelled " Usurpation" (vols. 126, 127, 128, and 129), " Revolution " (vol. 
 107), " Inter Charter " (vols. 35, 36, and 37), and " Political" (vol. 106), though 
 fome papers may probably be found under other headings, according to the 
 deteftable divifion made in the Secretary's office. 
 
 Befides the unpublifhed papers, there are many documents in print of the 
 higheft value. It has feemed bell, therefore, to prepare a chronological lift of 
 thefe, at leaft for the period embraced within the limits of Andros's connection 
 with Mafiachufetts. Some of the papers are of fpecial value in regard to other 
 colonies, but they will be calendared as of fecondary importance, at leaft, in our 
 own hiftory. 
 
 It is to be noticed that papers referring to Edmund Randolph are not 
 inferted in this lift, being referved for a fpecial calendar, in a fubfequent part of 
 this volume. 
 
 No attempt has been made to give any continuous part of the hiftory of the 
 times ; but from the Archives - fuch items have been felected as feemed moft 
 charafleriftic and entertaining. 
 
 (66)
 
 Lift of Papers relating to Andros's 
 Adminiftration, 
 
 ALREADY PRINTED. 
 
 [The Collections of the Maffachufetts Hiftorical Society are marked " Col. 
 3d S. or 4th S." The Documents relating to the Colonial Hiftory of New 
 York, "N. Y. Doc." The Records of the Colony of Rhode Ifland, "R. I." 
 The Connecticut printed Records, " Conn. Rec."] 
 
 1685. 
 1686. 
 
 Oct. 13. 
 
 June 3. 
 
 Aug. 19. 
 
 Sept. 13. 
 
 Dec. 
 
 19. 
 8. 
 
 22. 
 
 3. 
 
 1686-7. Jan. 
 
 ii. 
 28. 
 
 Feb. 1 8. 
 
 25. 
 28. 
 
 Judgment vacating Mafs. Charter 
 Orders in Council . 
 
 Andros's Commiffion 
 
 John Gould's Cafe 
 
 Inftructions about R. I. Charter . . 
 
 Petition about the Eleutherians . . 
 
 Petition about the Eleutherians . . 
 
 Pemaquid Subject to Andros . . . 
 
 Order to preferve Mafs. Records . . 
 
 Andros, Letter to R. I 
 
 Andros, Letter to W. Clarke . . . 
 Andros, Letter to Gov. Treat . . . 
 Andros, Letter about Conn. Charters 
 Petition of Richard Smith .... 
 Firft Council Meeting under A. . . 
 E. Tyng about Quit Rents in Maine 
 Petition of John Greene to the King 
 Specimen of Marriage Licenfe . . 
 
 Licenfe of the Prefs 
 
 Fees for the Cuftom Houfe . . . 
 
 Briftol Petition 
 
 Petition of John Maine of Cafco . . 
 Andros, Letter to Gov. Treat . . . 
 Andros, Letter to Gov. Treat . . . 
 
 (67) 
 
 . Col. 4th S. ii. 246. 
 . Col. 4th S. ii. 295. 
 
 ( Col. 3d S. vii. 139. 
 ' (R. I- iii. 212. 
 . Col. 3d S. vii. 150. 
 
 (Col. 3d S. vii. 163. 
 'I R. I. iii. 218. 
 . Col. 3d S. vii. 159. 
 . Col. 3d S. vii. 168. 
 . Col. 3d S. vii. 1 60. 
 . Col. 3d S. vii. 162. 
 
 ( Col. 3d S. vii. 164. 
 
 ( R. I. iii. 119. 
 . R. I. iii. 219. 
 . Conn. Rec. iii. 376. 
 . Col. 3d S. vii. 165. 
 . Col. 3d S. vii. 166. 
 . Col. 3d S. vii. 164-7. 
 . Col. 3d S. vii. 169. 
 . R. I. iii. 221. 
 . Col. 3d S. vii. 170. 
 . Col. 3d S. vii. 171. 
 . Col. 3d S. vii. 173. 
 . Col. 3d S. vii. 172. 
 . Col. 3d S. vii. 176. 
 . Conn. Rec. iii. 379. 
 . Conn. Rec. iii. 379.
 
 [4] 
 
 1686-7. Mch. 30. Andros, Letter to Gov. Treat .... Conn. Rec. iii. 380. 
 
 Andros, Letter to E. of Sunderland. . R. I. iii. 223. 
 
 Andros, Letter to E. of Sunderland . . R. I. iii. 224. 
 
 June 13. Andros, Letter to Gov. of Conn. . j -c n ' *l c 'jji' ?**' 
 
 18. Andros, Letter from Gov. of Conn. . . Conn. Rec. iii. 383. 
 30. Papers relative to R. Wharton . . . R. I. iii. 225. 
 
 J. Ufher, Treafurer's Account . . . Col. 3d S. vii. 178. 
 
 27. Order relative to Pemaquid .... Col. 3d S. vii. 177. 
 
 July 9. Duke of Courland's Veffel Col. 3d S. vii. 181. 
 
 Petition of Eliz. Hammon Col. 3d S. vii. 181. 
 
 14. French Proteftants in Narraganfett . . Col. 3d S. vii. 182. 
 Aug. 6. Andros, Letter to Gov. of Port Royal . Col. 3d S. vii. 183. 
 
 8. Papers about Pirates Col. 3d S. vii. 184. 
 
 Petition of Jofhua Ratftock, fchool- 
 
 mafter Col. 3d S. vii. 186. 
 
 Petition of Ifaac Haulfey, trooper . . Col. 3d S. vii. 187. 
 
 24. About Wrecks in the W. Indies . . . Col. 3d S. vii. 188. 
 30. Shadrack Wilbore's Imprifonment . . Col. 3d S. vii. 191. 
 
 Oct. 22. Andros, Letter to Gov. of Conn. . . . Conn. Rec. iii. 387. 
 
 Nov. 23. Andros to Allyn Conn. Rec. iii. 392. 
 
 Dec. 5. Andros from Allyn . Conn. Rec. iii. 397. 
 
 Andros from Col. Talcote Conn. Rec. iii. 399. 
 
 1687-8. Laws for Conn Conn. Rec. iii. 402. 
 
 Jan. 26. Andros to Allyn Conn. Rec. iii. 438. 
 
 27. Andros from Allyn Conn. Rec. iii. 438. 
 
 Mch. 26. Andros to Allyn Conn. Rec. iii. 441. 
 
 1688. April 7. Commiffion to Andros N. Y. Doc. iii. 536. 
 
 16. Inftruftions to Andros J ; Y..DocJn. 5 43- 
 
 23. Andros, Letter to Allyn Conn. Rec. iii. 443. 
 
 May n. Inhabitants at Penobfcot Col. 3d S. i. 83. 
 
 23. Andros, Letter from Gov. Treat . . . Conn. Rec. iii. 444. 
 
 June 2. Hubbard made Pres. of Harvard . . Col. 3d S. i. 83. 
 
 Aug. ii. Andros, Letter to Gov. of Canada . . N. Y. Doc. iii. 555. 
 
 20. Acl: for raifmg Revenue Conn. Rec. iii. 447. 
 
 25. Andros, Letter to Gold Conn. Rec. iii. 448. 
 
 Sept 18. Conference with Five Nations . . . N. Y. Doc. iii. 557. 
 
 19. Andros, Letter to Gov. of Canada . . N. Y. Doc. iii. 557. 
 Oct. i. Andros, Letter to John Allyn . . . . Conn. Rec. iii. 449. 
 
 2. Andros, Letter from Dongan .... N. Y. Doc. iii. 566. 
 
 4. Andros, Letter to Privy Council . . . N. Y. Doc. iii. 554. 
 
 15. Andros, Letter from Allyn Conn. Rec. iii. 450. 
 
 16. Andros, Letter to Allyn Conn. Rec. iii. 451. 
 
 1688-9. J an - 2 5- Proclamation for a Faft Col. 3d S. i. 83. 
 
 Mch. 24. Subfcriptions for Epifcopal Church . . Col. 30! S. i. 84. 
 
 1689. April Account of Forts in New England . . Col. 3d S. i. 85. 
 June 28. Attack on Cocheca Col. 3d S. i. 87. 
 
 Relation of the Plantation of N. E. . Col. 3d S. i. 93. 
 (68)
 
 Ls] 
 
 1689. June 28. Declaration of Sylvanus Davis . . . Col. 3d S. i. 101. 
 July 30. Orders to fend Andros to England . . Col. 3d S. vii. 191. 
 Aug. 3. Bradftreet to Gov. Treat Conn. Rec. Hi. 468. 
 
 14. Affidavits againft A. about N. Y. . . N. Y. Doc. iii. 659. 
 
 1690. April 14. Andros, Letter from Livingfton . . . N. Y. Doc. iii. 708. 
 May 19. Andros, Letter from Van Cortland . . N. Y. Doc. iii. 715. 
 
 27. Andros, Report to Com. of Trade . . N. Y. Doc. iii. 722. 
 
 Nov. 4. Letter from De Meneval Col. 3d S. i. 1 14. 
 
 29. Treaty with the Indians Col. 3d S. i. 112. 
 
 Epifcopal Minifters' Petition .... Col. 3d S. vii. 192. 
 
 1690-1. Feb. 20. Letter from John Cotton Col. 3d S. i. 117. 
 
 Petition to the King Col. 3d S. i. 120. 
 
 1691. June 8. Propofals to Capt. Kid Col. 3d S. i. 122. 
 
 C. Mather's Fables of the Birds . . . Col. 3d S. i. 126. 
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. cxxvi. p. 36.] 
 
 J. Palmer's Letter. 
 
 PEMAQUID, July 4, 1686. 
 SIR, 
 
 | INCH my departure from Bofton have difcovered 
 that Cap 1 Phillip Severett, 19 Commander of the 
 fhip Johanna of Pifcattaway, hath lately failed 
 from Malligo to Penobfcott River within this 
 part of his Maj ties Collony of New Yorke, and 
 there unloading his Cargoe, being about 70 
 Pipes of Mallagoe Wines, 2 Pipes of Oyle, i of Brandy, 
 about 1 6 or 17 Barrells of Fruite : which was left on a 
 Bank of the River fide, covered part with a fayle and part 
 
 with 
 
 19 The cafe was tried in England by "Johanna" to him on his giving "fe- 
 the Privy Council, as the following curity to the value thereof to abide by 
 decree mows : fuch orders as fhall be made by your 
 
 PHILIP SIVERET. In Council, 25 Maty O r your Courts of Juftice in New 
 Jan. 1687-8. Ordered, to return the England." Ufurpation, cxxix. p. 4. 
 
 (69)
 
 [6] 
 
 with Bowes, and two men left to looke after itt. And that 
 the empty fhip was gone for Pifcattaway; and have fent 
 the floop with orders to feize the fame : which they did 
 notwithftanding the Oppofition made by Cafteene, and 
 have brought 41 Pipes thereof to this Place, and am now 
 fending againe for the Reft : a particular account of all 
 proceedings have wrott to the Prefident, to whom Refer 
 you, and hope you will give all Affiftance to feize and fecure 
 the faid fhip that me may be proceeded againffc as Defired. 
 
 I am Sir 
 
 Your humble Servant 
 
 J. PALMER. 
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. cxxvi. p. 387.] 
 
 Petition of Elutherian Immigrants. 
 
 To his Excellency Sir Edmund Andros, Goveror of his 
 Majefties Territories in New England. 
 
 JHE humble petition of Nicholas Davis, Nath. 
 Sanders, John Alberry and Daniell Sanders in 
 the behalfe of felves, families and the reft of our 
 Company that was on the fame accompt with us. 
 Humbly fheweth your Excellency that whereas we agreed 
 with fome gentlemen, here, namely Mr Richard Wharton, 
 Mr Simeon Stoddard, Mr Jeremiah Dummer, and Major 
 Gidney of Salem, for the fettlement of a plantation about 
 Cafco Bay to manure and fettle it according to articles 
 drawne upp betweene us, we have performed our parts and 
 have planted about fixteene acres of Corne, but in as much 
 
 as 
 (70)
 
 [7] 
 
 as thefe gentlemen have not performed their obligation to 
 us in the which they were bound to fupply us that wee 
 might carry on the plantation, we were forced to defert the 
 plantation becaufe wee had not food to fubfift there, to our 
 great damage and undoing for now we are in a farr worfe 
 condition than we were before we went thither, not know- 
 ing what courfe to take to fubfift having worne out our 
 cloths and wafted the little we had. Our humble petition 
 to your -Excellency is that we might have relief in this 
 matter, for if we had forfeited our bonds to thefe gentlemen, 
 as they have forfeited their bond to us, the law would have 
 been open for them So that inafmuch as they have for- 
 feited their bond to us, our humble petition is to your Ex- 
 cellency that wee may [have] reftauration as your Excellency 
 mail thinke meet, which will oblige your poore petitioners 
 ever to pray for your Excellency. 
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. cxxvii. p. 61.] 
 
 (Andros to Lords of the Treafury.) 
 
 May it p leaf e your Lordfhipps, 
 
 HAVE by this opportunity of his Ma ties Ship the 
 King Fifher, tranfmitted the Threafurers account 
 of all receipts and Difburfements relating to his 
 Ma ties Revenue here fince my arrivall which does 
 not more [than] anfwer the charge of the Government, of 
 all which have endeavoured to Informe myfelfe as much as 
 poffible in this time, and flated the prefent Revenue by the 
 neereft conjectures can be made thereof, with the mod 
 probable and eafiefl way effectually to Raife the fame fuit- 
 
 able 
 (70
 
 [8] 
 
 able to the charge (a Computation wherof is likewife layed 
 before your Lordfhips) as the befl and moft certaine 
 method for his Ma ties Service in that particuler 
 
 The Incidentall Charges att firil will be Large being of 
 abfolute neceffity to make new Fortifications here and to 
 repaire thofe already made, much wanting the fame. That 
 on Caftle Ifland about 3 miles Diftant, fmale and noe wayes 
 fitted to Lodge a Garrifon. Wherefore have refolved to 
 make fome beginning and Lodgments on a Convenient 
 place at the South End of the Towne, called Fort hill, 
 which commands the Towne and all Avenues to the fame 
 by Land or Sea. Which is humbly fubmitted by 
 
 Your Lordlhipps 
 
 Moft obedient humble fervant. 
 
 BOSTON IN NEW ENGLAND, 
 Aug* 3 i" 1687. 
 
 Endorsed in fame hand : } 
 
 Copy of the Governor's Letter > 
 to the Lords of the Treafury ) 
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. cxxvii. p. 62.] 
 
 (Endorfed : the Governor to the Lord Pre/ident^) 
 
 MY LORD, 
 
 HAVE by his Majeftyes Shipp the Kings Fifher 
 tranfmitted to your Lordfhip the duplicates of 
 feverall ac~ts formerly fent, and copys of fome fince 
 paffed; with the Journall of the Councill to the 
 
 laft 
 (72)
 
 [9] 
 
 laft of July, and purfuant to his Majeftyes commands received 
 the laft week, Capt. Francis Nicholfon was the 24 th inftant 
 fworne of the Councill ; and the 25 th His Majeftyes Gracious 
 Declaration for Liberty of confcience and Proclamation for 
 fuppreffing Pyrates &c. were publifhed here and fent to 
 other principall places A few which there being lately 
 apprehended for Pyracy, one accufed by a merchant of 
 Jamaica, the others taken in a Ketch that came into this 
 port, againft two of them Bills were found by the Grand 
 Jury, but on their Tryalls were acquitted. 
 
 I have lately received Letters from Governour Dongan 
 advifing of a war and incurfion made by the French of 
 Canada againft the Indians on this fide the Lake above 
 Albany and under New Yorke, where they mett fome dif- 
 appointment and repulfe by faid Indians, which is of import 
 to his Majeftyes Plantacons, above the heads of whofe 
 greateft Rivers the faid Indians inhabite. 
 
 I Hear that Monfieur Minviell is lately come from France 
 to be Governour of Nova Scotia or Accadie, (the late Gov- 
 ernour, Monfieur Perrott going home) and the Triggot that 
 brought him to attend on faid coaft. 
 
 That a Fortification is alfo defigned, faid to be at Port 
 Royall but not certaine where. 
 
 Some Fortification is very much wanted for his Ma ties 
 fervice in this place. That on Caftle Ifland about three 
 miles diftant being very fmall and no wayes fitted or 
 defigned to have lodged a Garrifon, fo that I intend as 
 abfolutely neceffary to make fome beginning and lodge- 
 ments in a convenient place at the South end of the towne, 
 called Fort Hill, very proper to command the Towne and 
 comeing in both by land and fea. 
 
 I have alfo fent the accounts of the Revenue and Dif- 
 burfements fince my time, with fome obfervations thereof 
 and beft manner of raifmg it to defray the charge of the 
 
 Government, 
 j (73)
 
 [10] 
 
 Government, which humbly prefume may be eafily fo 
 effected, if his Majefty fliall think fitt to order the fame, or 
 Impower the Councill fo to do. 
 
 In obedience to his Majefty 's Commands I herewith like- 
 wife fend your Lordfhip the Reports on the claim made by 
 Richard Wharton, Efq., to certain lands at Pajepfcott and 
 of the claymes and pretences made to their Narragansett 
 Country or King's Province and hope his Majeftyes 
 Determination and Commands for faid places accordingly 
 
 and remaine Your Lordfhipps 
 
 Moft obedient humble Servant. 
 
 BOSTON IN NEW ENGLAND, 
 the 31 Auguft, 1687. 
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. cxxvii. p. 77.] 
 
 (The Governor to the Secretary of the 
 Admiralty.) 
 
 SIR, 
 
 HIS is by his Ma ties fhip the King Fifher now 
 ordred home who in her Repairafon being found 
 more defective then expected has occafioned a 
 greater Expenfe and taken more time then thought 
 me would have wanted. But now as am informed by the 
 Captain and Officers is well fitted for his Ma t!es Service, who 
 have been very Induftrious and Diligent in Getting the 
 fame performed accordingly, and the captain demeaned 
 himfelfe well and kept the mips Company in very good 
 
 order. 
 (74)
 
 order. And beleiving at his Returne he will give an 
 account to your Satisfaction, prefume to recommend him to 
 your favour as a good Officer for his Ma ties further Imploy, 
 which I doubt not but he will deferve and acquitt himfelfe 
 well any where. 
 
 His Ma tles fliip the Rofe having lately been in the Dock, 
 where Girdled and Repaired to the captains fatisfaclion, .is 
 now fitted and ready to faile, and Intend her to croufe on 
 this Coaft Eaftward as farr as Cape Sables, and between 
 that and Cape Codd, where is the Chiefeft of our fifhery, 
 for their better Encouragement, and to prevent the Defignes 
 of any Illegal Traders and Pyrates or Privateers 
 
 Monfieur Minviel, a new Governor for Nova Scotia or 
 Acadie arrived lately in a fmall French Friggat of about 16 
 guns, ordered to Croufe on the Coaft. 
 
 I have made a Battery and am now fortifying a place att 
 the South end of the towne called Fort Hill very proper 
 and abfolutely neceffary for his Ma ties Service, under which 
 is a good Channell clofe to the more, where convenient 
 Warehoufes may be made, and as am advifed, a Dry Dock 
 if Occafion. The fame commanding the Avenues to the 
 Towne by Land or Sea. 
 
 I am, Sir 
 
 Your moft faithful humble Servant. 
 Dated 5 Sept. 1687. 
 
 (75)
 
 [12] 
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. cxxvii. p. 225.] 
 
 His. Excellency's Anfwer to the Onnon- 
 
 dagos Proportions (which is alfo to the propofed 
 Treaty 5 nations ) about 30 of Octob : 1687. 
 
 AM glad the Brethren are fencible of my friendly 
 care and good Inclination for there fafety, I 
 making no Difference between them and any 
 other of his Majefties Subjects, and therefore am 
 come here this winter and brought men enough to affifl the 
 Brethren if need be. I have taken fufficient care for Corn 
 and Provifion for your wifes and children when they come 
 here, if the need mould require, and that in fuch places 
 where they need not fear the French or any of there Indians ; 
 but I hope there will be no need of it, for the Governor of 
 Canada feeing that I joyn with the Brethren, and that I 
 have taken it verry ill that he mould offer to warr with the 
 King of England's fubjecls without letting me know the 
 caufe of itt; upon which inftead of an angry letter as he 
 writt before, he writt a civiler letter pretending the Brethren 
 were the King of France his Subjects and not the King of 
 England's Now I am fending him a meffenger to lett 
 him Know that the Brethren are the King of England's 
 Subjects and that I will ftand by them to the Laft man, and 
 alfo to demand all the Indian Prifoners he has, Therefore 
 lett the Brethren take courage and fear nothing, for I beleive 
 he will fend one to me to defyre a Peace with this Meffenger 
 
 that 
 
 20 This report enables us to add to Oct. 22, 1687, in which he propofes to 
 
 the memoir prefixed to our firft volume be in Hartford about the end of the 
 
 the ftatement that Andros was probably next week. Still I cannot find any 
 
 at Albany in October, 1687 (see p. reafon for affigning this paper to Gov. 
 
 xxviii). In Trumbull's Conn. Records, Dongan, of New York, rather than to 
 
 iii. 387, is a letter from Andros, dated Andros. 
 
 (76)
 
 that is now a going. Therefore I would have the Brethren 
 fend me Two from each nation of the wifeft men with power 
 from the Reft to give me their Advice in every thing that 
 is fitt to be done : for I am Refolved to doe nothing without 
 the Brethren, and the Sachims that come muft ftay here all 
 winter, and lett each bring a fwift man or two to run to the 
 Brethren upon all occafions 
 As for the men I defired, viz. 
 
 Sinikes 100 
 
 Cayoug 50 
 
 Onand. 60 
 
 Owye. 50 
 
 Maq 40 
 
 300 men 
 
 It is good for them to be at Skennechtady near att hand 
 where our men and they may join if need be. 
 
 I defyre the Brethren as I have often told them already 
 that what Prifoners they take neither to Kill nor Torture 
 them, but Keep them to Exchange for their owne Prifoners, 
 which I will let the Governor of Canada know. 
 
 Brethren the Mohoggs 
 
 There are four children lately taken at Chambly by you ; 
 I defire thofe that took them may bring them here and they 
 mail be Rewarded,* for they belong to a man and woman 
 that were gone for the Reft of there things and fo intended 
 to fteel away from the French and' to come to this govern- 
 ment: for there is a great many people that are running 
 away from the Governor of Canada; hearing that I give 
 more than he does and that he is unjuft with quarelling 
 with us (Now when I fay us, I mean the Brethren as wel 
 as me). But they are afraid of the Brethren, therefore would 
 
 have 
 
 * When you have faid this to the befides the Belt for the general Propo- 
 Maquas give them a Belt of wampum, fition. 
 
 (77)
 
 [14] 
 
 have the Brethren not to doe any harm to people comeing 
 hither, but ty them and fo bring them here, * [and fend me 
 word that I may write to the Governer of Canada, for there 
 mail not a Frenchman be fent back till they give all the 
 Indians for them which they fo treacheroufly took.] provided 
 the number be not above 25. 
 
 I have writt the fame and fent them word by the Bearer, 
 but if you take any French not comeing here, Keep them 
 Prifoners in your Caftles and fend me word, which will be 
 a great means to ftrengthen us and weaken the French ; 
 for the Bofftoners, the befl men they have are minded to 
 come 
 
 Brethren of Oneyde : 
 
 You have done well in fending the Virginia Indian Prif- 
 oners upon my commands. Now I defyre you to bring me 
 the French woman that was taken at Cadarachqui. I hear 
 me is given to a family, which was very ill done. But let 
 
 that family bring her here along with , f and I will give 
 
 that family a good Reward 
 
 Upon this a Belt of wampum muft be given to the 
 Oneydes, befides the Belt upon the general propofitions. 
 
 I have fent 2 Gentlemen to England, one after another to 
 the King my Mailer to acquaint him of the French proceed- 
 ing, and alfo that if there be any of our Indians that were 
 taken Prifoners and fent to France, that they may be fent 
 home to their friends. 
 
 You are to acquaint all the Indians that the meffengers 
 that are gone now to Canada, have the fame fign as the 
 meffenger had before, and that they do them no harm. 
 
 [Ends near the bottom of third page of the MS., which is a rough 
 draft full of corrections and additions. I think, however, this is all the 
 paper.] 
 
 * This was in margin. f Word illegible. 
 
 (78)
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. cxxix. p. 237.] 
 
 Pierre Baudouin's Petition. 
 
 21 A son Excellence le goveurneur en chef de la nouvelle 
 
 Engleterre. 
 
 humblement Pierre Baudouin, difant 
 qu'il aplen a votre Excellence de luy accorder Cent 
 acres de terre en la defpance de Falmouth, prov- 
 ince de Mayne, et mefme ordonner au fieur Rich- 
 ard Clements, herpanture, en cette partie deputte de en faire 
 I'harpentement, apres quoy en faire fon raport aux fins, 
 qu'il foit delivre patentes ou baillettes de la ditte terre. Et 
 d'autant que par la fuite du f upliant du royaume de France, 
 pays de fa naiffance, caufee par les rigeurs quy cy exerce 
 centre eux de fa religion, il a preque tout perdu le bien 
 qu'il accedoit, et ce quy luy reftoit a efle employe a fon 
 tranfport et de fa famille en ces territoires, eftante au nom- 
 bre de fix perfonnes, ayant quatre petits enfance quy ne font 
 encore en age de gaigner leur vie. Ce confideration, mon- 
 fieur, il plaite a votre Excellence en continuant vos favours 
 enverce le fupliant, de luy faire delivrer la ditte baillette 
 pour dieu, et de 1'exanter pour quelques annees des Taxes 
 que sel . . nt sur les propriaitaires des terres. 
 
 Et le fupliant continura a prier dieu pour la profperite de 
 votre excellence, ayant desja paye au dit Clements, trante 
 quatre {hillings et deux penny en argent tant pour 1'her- 
 
 pantement 
 
 21 Every one will remember the name Society in 1849, p. 4, will be found the 
 
 of Pierre Baudouin, the anceftor of the tranflation of a fimilar petition, though 
 
 famous Bowdoin family. In Hon. evidently not the prefent one. I refer 
 
 Robert C. Winthrop's admirable ad- the reader to that addrefs for a moft 
 
 drefs before the Maine Hiftorical interefting account of the Bowdoins. 
 
 (79)
 
 pantement de 90 acres de la ditte terre, ayant efte oblige de 
 vandre quelque effaits quy luy reftoient, a moyteye de jufte 
 pris, pour avoir argeant pour le dit Clements. 
 
 PIERRE BAUDOUIN. 
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. cxxvii. p. 200.] 
 
 Sir Edmund Andros Knt. Capt. General 
 
 and Commander in Chief e of his Majefties Territory 
 and Dominion of New England, to Mr Richara 
 Clements Depiity Surveyor. 
 
 |HEREAS Pierre Baudouin hath by his petition 
 Defired a Grant of one hundred acres of vacant 
 Land in Cafco bay for his prefent fettlement and 
 Improvement, thefe are therefore to authorize 
 and Require you to Survey and lay out for the faid Pierre 
 Baudouin the faid quantity of one hundred acres of vacant 
 land in Cafco bay aforefaid, in fuch place there as you fhall 
 be directed to by Edward Ting, Efquire, one of his Majef- 
 ties Councill, and to make a platt or draft thereof, and 
 Returne the fame into the Surveyor's Office att Bofton, 
 that a pattent may be granted to him accordingly. And 
 for soe doing this fhall be your warrant. 
 
 Given under my hand and feal at Boflon, the 8th day of 
 Oaober, 1687. 
 
 (80)
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. cxxviii. p. 46.] 
 
 John Scott's Petition. 
 
 12 To his Excellency, Sir Edmond Andros, Knt. Captain 
 Generall and Governor in Chiefe of his Majefties 
 Territory and Dominion of New England. 
 
 | HE petition of John Scott of Rhode Ifland hum- 
 bly fheweth That your petitioner being fhortly 
 intended to undertake a Voyage for England to 
 looke after and order fome fmall Eflate lying 
 there of his own, being alfo imployed by his uncle James 
 Scott as his Attourney to difpofe and fettle fome Eflate in 
 England belonging unto him, and haveing occafion for the 
 Affidavits of fome perfons liveing at Rhode Ifland who knew 
 Each of their parents, to prove that they are the Children 
 and heires of John Scott and Richard Scott It being very 
 difficult and chargable to obtein the faid perfons to come 
 down to Bofton perfonally to teflify the fame before your 
 Excellency, and his Uncle James Scott aforefaid being im- 
 potent and wholey unable to undertake fuch a Journey. 
 
 Your Petitioner is therefore humbly bold to waite upon 
 your Excellency to know your Excellencys pleafure whether 
 if the affidavits of fuch perfons referring unto the premifes 
 being drawn up in due forme, may not be admitted to be 
 
 fworne 
 
 22 This petition prefents fomedifficul- Sylvanus. If this petition concerns the 
 
 ties to the genealogift. The prefump- fame family, it would fhow that Richard 
 
 tion would be that John claimed to be had alfo a fon James, and that John had 
 
 the child of John, and his uncle James a fon John not therein mentioned. A 
 
 to be the child of Richard Scott. It is tradition, unfupported by fufficient evi- 
 
 faid in the " N- E. Hist, and Gen. dence, makes this Richard Scott a mem- 
 
 Regifter," vol. xxii. p. 15, that Richard ber of the Scott family of Glemsford, 
 
 Scott, of Rhode Ifland, had a fon John co. Suffolk, 
 who outlived him, and who had a fon 
 
 K (80
 
 fworne before one or more of the Councill refident upon 
 the place, and that your Excellency will pleafe caufe a Cer- 
 tificate to be annexed thereto under your Scale, for the Con- 
 firming and corroborating the Authority of the faid perfons 
 before whome the affidavits may be fo fworn : Or what other 
 Method of your Excellency will pleafe to direct for the 
 takeing of faid affidavits that fo they may obtein full Cre- 
 dence in England where they are to be ufed. 
 
 And your petitioner as in duty bound fhall ever pray &c. 
 
 JOHN SCOTT. 
 13 FEBRUARY, 1687/8. 
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. cxxviii. p. 60.] 
 
 Chriftopher Talbot's Petition. 
 
 To Sir Edmond Andros, Knight, Captain General and 
 Governour in Chief over this his Majeftys Territory 
 of New E : 
 
 ]HE humble petition of Chriftopher Talbot, Turner 
 in Bofton humbly fheweth That whereas your 
 petitioner with great pains and expenfe hath 
 found out an Engine ufefull for divers trades men 
 as turners, ropemakers, fmiths, and all forts of mills for 
 corne, fider, fawmills and almoft any thing that is to be done 
 by wheels with fails and alfo hath difcouvered to make a 
 boat fail againft the wind and tide, and fundry other things 
 with more eafe and expedition than hath been difcovered 
 hitherto either in Europe or America, and whereas his 
 Majefty and his royall prediceffors have at all times been 
 pleafed gracioufly to Encourage all undertakings of this 
 
 nature, 
 (82)
 
 t'9] 
 
 nature, that whofoever finds out any new engine or inven- 
 tion profitable for the common good to grant their letters 
 patents for the fole ufe thereof. 
 
 Therefore your petitioner is humbly bold and beggs that 
 your Excellency will be pleafed to grant him your letters 
 patents for the fole ufe and improvement of the faid Engine, 
 in thefe his Majefties territorities of New E. for 14 yeares (as 
 is accuftomed) and that no other perfon fhall make ufe of the 
 fame or any fuch like without your petitioners confent. 
 
 Who is in duty bound and ihall for ever pray 
 
 CHRISTOPHER TALBOT. 
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Usurpation, vol. cxxviii. p. 270.] 
 
 William Hutchins's Petition. 
 
 To his Excellency Sir Edmund Andrews, Capt. Generall of 
 all his Majejlies Forces of New England, and Gover- 
 nour of all the faid Territory es. 
 
 1HE Humble Petition of William Hutchins, Inhabi- 
 tant in the province of New Hampfhire, in New 
 England, humbly fheweth That the. Lord hath 
 been pleafed through his Righteoufnefs to vifit 
 and correct your poore fupplycant about the fpace or terme 
 of Six yeares with untollerable foors all over his Body, Not- 
 withftanding he has made ufe the moft Learned and fcilful 
 phifitians that he could heare off; but found [no Remedy] 
 as to his cure. And fundry Perfons judgment is that the 
 Lord hath apointed to falve your much afflicted fupplycant 
 non but our Gracious Leight the King. Therefore hee and 
 
 many 
 (83)
 
 [20] 
 
 
 
 many others Humbly conceaves that it is the fors that is 
 Commonly called the Kings Evell. And though his aflection 
 bee exceedingly Greifeous by his Ilneffe of Body, hee would 
 redreffe himfelfe to our Soveraigne Lord the King for 
 Remedy, not Doubting but God hath appointed him for 
 much good to all his Subjects and in particular to your poore 
 aflicled petitioner; but am withoulden from his goeing to 
 his Majefly by his exceeding povrety, for one afleclion fel- 
 dome comes without its fecond [ves ?] 
 
 Therefore your poore aflecled petitioner humbly Befeeches 
 your Excellency foe as to Confider of your poore Deplorable 
 and much aflecled petitioners Condition, And that your Ex- 
 cellency would bee pleafed to Grant him a Breife, to fee what 
 Chriflian people wilbe pleafed freely to contrebute towards 
 your petitioner's tranfportation. And in foe doing it will 
 oblige him to pray for your Excellencys health and happy- 
 nefs, and fubfcritts himfelfe 
 
 , Your obliged and Dutyful Servant 
 
 WILLIAM HUTCHINS. 
 JUNE 19, 1688. 
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. cxxix. p. 63.] 
 
 J. Blackwell, about the Bank. 
 
 23 GENTLEMEN, 
 
 PERCEIVE you have declyned the concerning 
 yourfelves any further in the Bank affairs, for that I 
 am informed you have returned the Rolling preffe 
 to Mr. Carter to be fold (having payd him for it) 
 
 and 
 
 23 About this bank fcheme very little agers to be appointed, and the ftock 
 feems known. There were feven man- was to confift of one hundred and twelve 
 
 fhares, 
 (84)
 
 and meet not at any time on that occafion. I have feverall 
 times alfo been tould by Mr Allen, that he hath wayted on 
 fome of you defiring fome compenfation for his time and 
 paynes as well in directing the framing of the Rolling 
 preffe &c. as afterwards in ufmg it for tryall of the plates 
 and printing off fome Bills ; and he fayes you have not yet 
 done it, and fo feemes to mention it as if I had engaged him 
 therein. If I did fo, It was not only upon your engagement 
 to carry on that affayre and to difburfe what mould be 
 neceffary in fuch occafions, but by your approbation and 
 directions : and therefore think myfelf concerned and quali- 
 fyed to remember you of it, and to tell you I expect you 
 bring me off from him, as alfo Mr. Ufher for the Reame of 
 paper had thence for the fame occafion, which his man fetts 
 me down for at 27 s , as alfo for ten large fkins of parchment 
 chofen out and taken thence by Mr Addington and me for 
 engroffing the Articles of Agreement between the Affeffors 
 and Managers, which came to 14 s 2 d . I was alfo in dif- 
 burfe 2O S to a clerke for writing out the Abftracls of the book 
 intended to be printed, befides what I wrote with my owne 
 hand, wherein you have had my labour and paynes, as well 
 as other contrivances without the thanks of a glaffe of wine 
 at parting or fince. I leave thefe things with you defiring 
 you will communicate them to the Reft of the Gent n con- 
 cerned, and that together you will put them into a way of 
 accommodation : and acquaint them that if they think fitt 
 to have the articles cancelled, I mall wayt on you when you 
 mail appoynt a time for meeting for that purpofe. And if 
 
 you 
 
 ftiares, while, if neceffary, two hundred J. B. Others were S. L., J. R., J. A., 
 
 more were to be made. From a draft E. H., J. , A. W., and P. J. Of them, 
 
 of articles ftill on record in Maffachu- certainly J. Dudley, and Wm. Stoughton 
 
 fetts Archives, it feems the affeffors can be identified, and the others were 
 
 were to be the four principal managers, probably Bofton merchants. The fcheme 
 
 or deputies, who are mentioned by feems to have utterly failed, 
 initials as J. D., W. S., W. W., and 
 
 (85)
 
 [22] 
 
 you mall then think fitt to beftow on me the Rolling preffe 
 and plates, which will do no body elfe good, and poffibly 
 may never do me any, yet they will be fome teftimony of 
 your refpect, and will be accepted with fuch gratitude as 
 may turn to your account, by him who once hoped he had 
 propounded a thing grateful! to you, as you may perhaps fee 
 caufe to judge of it hereafter, if the times fhall therein 
 favour me, who am Gent. 
 
 Your very affectionate friend and fervant 
 
 JOHN BLACKWELL. 
 BOSTON, July 16 th , 1688. 
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. cxxix. p. 137.] 
 
 Andros to Major Gold. 
 
 NEW YORKE 25th August 1688 
 
 HAVING fome time fmce rec'd advice of five 
 Indians being killed at Spectacle Ponds, and 
 lately of five Chriftians killed at Northfield, and 
 Actors not taken or knowne, but fuppofed to be 
 eleven ftrange Indians, I cannot tell you how much I am 
 concerned at the faid mifcheife and Actors Efcape. You are 
 therefore to take care' that due Watch and Ward be kept 
 in your refpective out places till further Order, and give 
 Notice to all Indians in your Parts that if any Mifcheife be 
 done by Strangers and they doe not apprehend the Actors, 
 or if not ftrong enough prefently give us Notice and joyne 
 with our Militia, fuch Mifcheifes will be imputed to them. 
 
 And 
 
 (86)
 
 [23] 
 
 And upon notice of any fuch Attempts, you are to rayfe 
 fuch Forces as fhall be neceffary for the apprehending or 
 purfuing the Actors to effect, wherefoever they fly. And 
 to afford our Indians kind reception and protection in any of 
 our Towns or places if defired, and that you let me heare 
 from you of the ftate of your Parts, and foe from time to 
 time as occafion. 
 
 I am Sir, Your affectionate freind 
 
 E. ANDROS. 
 MAJ R GOLD. 
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. cxxix. p. 195.] 
 
 Andros to Col. Tyng. 
 
 ALBANY, 2oth *]*** 1688 
 
 HAVE by exprefs from Bofton rec'd your Let- 
 ters of the i st 4 th & 6 th inftants, direded to Capt. 
 Nicholfon, wherein you mention Letters rec'd 
 from him (which I fuppofe for your being care- 
 full and vigilant in your ftation as he fayes intimated to 
 others) and that by your feizing and difturbing the , Indians 
 you have Alarmed all your Parts and putt them in a pofture 
 of Warr, for which as I know noe Caufe for your felfe nor 
 authority ; but all Officers Civill and Military to be careful 
 and fteady in doeing their dutyes in their refpeclive ftations 
 and places as authorized, but not to make Warr. Hope 
 that the Indians fo feized and as I heare prefently returned 
 from Bofton gott fafe back and immediately freed . . . : 
 (None but Criminalls being to be difturbed or deteined on 
 
 any 
 (87)
 
 any pretence whatfoever) and all ours to be received and 
 protected in all your towns and places if they defire it. 
 And hope to heare all the people furprifed in Cafco and 
 Kenebeque are well at home. And as you are not to Hinder 
 any being vigilant nor to obftrucl; or Difcourage none goeing 
 about their Lawfull occafions either att Land or Sea, the 
 late unwarrantable proceedings being the Occafion of all the 
 troubles and Mifcheifes in your parts. 
 
 The mifcheifes and murthers lately committed att North- 
 field was by eleven ftragling Indians from Canada who I 
 doubt not bringing to condigne Punifhment. All the Indians 
 in thefe parts have been with me here, and upon Demand of 
 all the French Captives the Maquas have already delivered 
 me a Girle which was att hand, and thank God all well. 
 
 I am haflening to Difpatch for New Yorke and return by 
 the way of Hartford to Bofton, where Expe6l to heare from 
 you of all things relating to the Quiett of your Parts. 
 
 I am Sir 
 
 Your very Affectionate Friend 
 LIEUT. COLL. TING. 
 
 (88)
 
 [25] 
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. cxxix. p. 245.] 
 
 John Stuart's Petition. 
 
 To his Excellency Sir Edmund Andros, Knight, Governour 
 and Captain Generall in Cheife of all his Majefties 
 Territory es in New England in America. 
 
 I HE moft humble petition of John Stuart of Spring- 
 field in the county of Hampfhiere moft humbly 
 fheweth ; that whereas your poor petitioner was in 
 fervice five battles under the moft noble Mar- 
 quefs of Mount Rofe in Scotland for his Majefty King 
 Charles the firft, and thereby fuffered and received many 
 dangerous wounds, whereby having efcaped with his life 
 through mercy, yet his health hath bene and is like to be 
 deeply impayred whilft hee lives, being altogether left un- 
 capable of getting a lyvelyhood in this world for himfelfe 
 and his family, that although having a Trade which might 
 afford him a comfortable living, hee through Gods providence 
 was layd about three yeares laft paft bedrid, and fo continues 
 uncapable to gaine any releife in his fad condition, and hav- 
 ing never received one penny towards all his fervice wherein 
 he was ingaged, was after taken by L d Cromwell in fight 
 at Dunbarr, and after fent into this land, where I was fold 
 for eight yeares fervice to purchafe my future freedom. God 
 having beflowed fome fmall eftate on your poor petitioner 
 whilft he gave him ability to labour. 
 
 May it pleafe your Excellency I had lately a horfe preffed 
 from mee for fervice of the country in purfuit of Indians, 
 which dyed in the fervice by the wrong hee received before 
 hee came home Your poor petitioner was greatly dif- 
 appointed by this lofs which was all the Teame he had, 
 
 and 
 L (89)
 
 [26] 
 
 and having bin conftrayned to buy another which coft him 
 6 U io s for fupply of his familys prefent want, although hee is 
 very doubtfull whether this will prove fo ferviceable as the 
 former did, your humble petitioner would moft humbly crave 
 that your Excellency would vouchfafe to a juft and due 
 fatisfaction to him for his fo great a damage, and your peti- 
 tioner mail daily pray for the befl of bleffings on your 
 Excellency 
 
 and remayne 
 
 Your moft unworthy humble fervant 
 
 JOHN STUART. 
 SPRINGFIELD, 
 
 i9th, 8^, 1688. 
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. cxxix. p. 260.] 
 
 Boston Prifon. 
 
 To the Honorable the Judges of his Majejlies Territory 
 and Dominion of New England, &c. 
 
 |HE humble Petition of Samuel Maffey, Prifon 
 Keeper of Bofton. Humbly fheweth unto your 
 Honors that your petitioner is at daly expenfe in 
 providing dyet for feverall perfons Lying in his 
 cuftody, and fum of them not willing to fubmit unto tranf- 
 portation ; your petitioner haveing made complant to the 
 juftices at quarter feffons of the peace, by them being an- 
 fwered that fatisfaclion to your petitioner may be onely had 
 from the Countory and not from this County of Suffolk. 
 
 Your Petitioner therefore Humbly prayeth your Honors 
 to Order fum way whereby fatisfaclion may be had, and 
 
 your 
 (90)
 
 [27] 
 
 your Petitioner relefed in this matter for the mantanence of 
 the feverall perfons named in the anexed Schedull, that your 
 petitioner may not be difcoraged to thear further relefe whilft 
 in Cuftody, nor they perrilh for want of fupply 
 
 And your Petitioner for your Honors fhall ever pray 
 
 The names of the feverall persons the foregoing petition 
 hath reference unto 
 
 ANTHONY MORE. Committed the i4th Aprill lafl for a 
 
 runaway Servant from Virginia. 
 EDMUND BIRD. Committed yth February laft paft for 
 
 fellony and burnt in the hand the following Affizes. 
 FOUR INDIANS. Committed by Authority and Inlarged 
 
 without paying thear charges. 
 GARRAT BOWMAN, MATHIAS WELINDROF. Committed by 
 
 Authority upon Sufpicion of Supplying the Indians with 
 
 armes, and Inlarged by order without paying charges. 
 CATHERINE HARTMAN. Committed loth day July, Mathew 
 
 Darby fwearing the peace againft her ; {till in cuftody and 
 
 her hufband preft under the command of Capt. Jofeph 
 
 Smith. 
 TWENTY-THREE INDIANS, twice committed and difcharged 
 
 by order without paying for attendance or wood ufed to 
 
 drefs their provifion. 
 
 Dated 3oth Oaob r 1688.
 
 [28] 
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. cxxix. p. 376.] 
 
 Aft againft Emigration. 
 
 Sir Edmund Andros, Knt., Captain General and Governor 
 in .Chief e of his Majefties Territory and Dominion of 
 New England to W m Browne, Efq., Greeting: 
 
 | HERE AS in and by an A 61 intituled an A61 
 requiring all Mafters of Ships and Veffells to 
 give fecurity, amongft other things therein con- 
 tained, it is enacted and ordained that the 
 Mailer of every Ship or Veffell or fome other for him in 
 cafe of Difability fliall waite upon the Governour or Com- 
 mander in chief e for the time being or other chief e officer 
 appointed, and bring a Lift of all paffengers and give fecurity 
 not to Carry out of this Dominion any perfon without a 
 Tickett from the Governour or fuch other perfon as mall be 
 appointed, nor Depart himfelfe with his Ship or Veffell 
 without the like Lycenfe, under the penalty therein con- 
 tained as in and by the faid Act may more fully and at large 
 appeare : 
 
 Now know yee that out of the good opinion I have con- 
 ceived of your Integrity fittnefs and Ability for this fervice, 
 I have Conftituted, Authorized and Appointed, and by thefe 
 prefents doe Conftitute, Authorize and Appoint you to be 
 
 the 
 
 24 This document has a fpecial value from Palfrey's note, iii. 551, that he 
 
 as containing fo much of the text of the had not feen the aft. The prefent 
 
 a<5t againft emigration. In our firft document fully confirms all that was 
 
 volume, pp. 80 and 204, we printed the faid by the colonifts about the effect 
 
 contemporary notices of this aft, which and extent of the law ; and from many 
 
 it was faid was paffed in New York ; bonds ftill on record it feems that the 
 
 but at that time of printing no copy penalty was ufually ^1000. 
 of the law could be found. I judge 
 
 (92)
 
 the chiefe Officer in the Port of Salem in New England, 
 before whom all Mafters of Shipps or other Veffells comeing 
 into that Port or Dependencies are to come, and to bring a 
 Lift of all their Paffengers as aforefaid. And you are like- 
 wife Authorized and Impowered to fign Ticketts for all 
 Paffengers bound out and give Lycenfes for all Mafters 
 with their Shipps or Veffells to Depart from the faid Port, 
 purfuant to the faid Act, and all perfons are to conforme 
 themfelves thereunto accordingly under the penaltys therein 
 contained. 
 
 Given under my hand and Scale at Bofton this fifteenth 
 day of Aprill in the fifth year of his Majefties Reign, Anno- 
 que Dom 1 1689. 
 
 [In various bonds given under this aft the condition is in the following 
 words : "That if the above bounden [Mafter] mall not take or receive on board 
 his faid Veflell any Paflengers, Servants or Slaves, and Carry them out of this 
 his Majefties Territory and Dominion of New England without a Tickett from 
 the Secretarys Office of faid Dominion, nor Depart himfelf with his Shipp or 
 Veffell without the like Lyfence, then this obligation to be void, or elfe to ftand 
 and remaine in full force and virtue." 
 
 A penalty of ^1000 is inferted in feveral of them.] 
 
 (93)
 
 [30] 
 Andres's Adherents. 
 
 Names of thofe imprifoned with Sir Edmund Andros. 
 
 1. Jos. Dudley 10. Cap'n. Treffey 19. Mr Kane 
 
 2. Judge Palmer u. Mr Juftice Bullivant 20. Mr Broadbent 
 
 3. Mr Randolph 12. Mr Juftice Foxcroft 21. Mr James Sherlock 
 
 4. Lt. Col. Ledgitt 13. Cap'n White (Sheriff) 
 
 5. Lt. Col. Macgregry 14. Cap'n Ravenfcroft 22. Mr Larkin 
 
 6. Cap'n. George 15. Enfign Pipin 23. Cap'n Manning 
 
 7. Major Brockholes 16. Dr Roberts 24. Lt. Jordaine 
 
 8. Mr Graham 17. Mr Farewell 25. Mr. Cuttler 
 
 9. Mr West 18. Mr Jemefon 
 
 [The above lift is given in R. I. Records, vol. iii. p. 257, copied from J. 
 Carter Brown's MSS., No. 264, vol. v.] 
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Revolution, vol. cvii. p. 109.] 
 
 Petition of John Weft. 
 
 FROM THE PRISON IN BOSTON, i3th June, 1689. 
 GENTLEMEN, 
 
 HAVE now fuffered fix days- Imprifonment in 
 this place by your Order, befides above feven 
 weeks att the Caftle, which you tell me was by 
 the act of the People. And noe Cryme or Caufe 
 being mentioned or Affigned in my Mittimus, I confider I 
 ought not by Law to be longer deteined thereupon ; which 
 defire you will Inquire into or 1'ett me be heard, that I may 
 have your Order for my Releafement. The Coppy of the 
 Order by which I ftand committed have Inclofed and re- 
 Gentlemen, Your humble fervant 
 
 JOHN WEST. 
 
 (94)
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Revolution, vol. cvii. pp. 248, 249.] 
 
 Andres's Capture. 
 
 NEWP T ON RHOAD ISLAND, Aug. 5, 1689. 
 HONO RED SIR 
 
 |UR Gov r not being free to be active in the Af- 
 faires concerning Sir Edmond's confinement or 
 to wright to you, eloaging many Reafons why 
 he cannot be Active, I haveing fpoken with 
 Cap" Church and read your Letter, and finding you have 
 no certaine knowledge whether Sir Edmond Androws be 
 fecured, I takeing it to be my Duty (and as I judge this 
 weighty manner concernes us all) doe certainely informe you, 
 that Sir Edmond Androws came into our Towne, y e 3 d day 
 of Aug* 1689, being Satherday, a litle after noone, and after 
 much Agitation of y e Authority and People, it was Con- 
 cluded by y e Majority y 4 it was moft fafe for our felves and 
 y e whole Country, y l he Ihould be fecured, which was eme- 
 diately don (before fun fett) and conducted to Lift* Colonell 
 Peleg Sanfords houfe, the place concluded on for his confine- 
 ment where now he is, haveing a confiderable gard of foul- 
 diers about y e houfe both night and day ever fince (which is 
 noe litle charge) expecting what you and your Hono red Coun- 
 cell will conclude concerning hime. I fuppofe Capt. Church 
 will wright more larg in particulars, I cannot enlarg being in 
 great haft. My humble fervice prefented. 
 
 Your real friend and fervant 
 
 JOHN COGGESHALL, Dep* Gov* 
 
 (95)
 
 [32] 
 
 NEWPORT Aug. 5th. 1689 
 HON D SIR 
 
 YOURS of the 4th Ihftant rec d conferning Sir Ed m Andros 
 who was by feverall Inhabitants of Newport, immediately 
 after knowledge of his being in towne, put under ftricl: Card, 
 and after fome conference confined a Prifoner unto my 
 Houfe, upon the 3 d prefent before funn feting. The people 
 are full of carefull thought for their owne and Country's 
 fafety and are fully Refolved to fecure his perfon here until 
 further confideration ; can fertainly inform their Intentions 
 and actions are for the generall intereft. They will confider 
 and advife with the principle Gentlemen of the refpeclive 
 townes of the Gover n , and in order thereunto notices given 
 forth and Meeting defired which hope will accomplifh a 
 Refolve. 
 
 I am, Sir, Your Hon re humble feiV 
 
 PELEG SANFORD. 
 
 [P. 249-] 
 
 BOSTON 6, Aug. 1689 
 HONO ED SIR, 
 
 YOURS of the 5 th inft came to hand this morning about 9 
 a clock, whereby you certainly Informed of the fecuring of 
 Sir Edmund Andros and confining him a Prifoner under 
 Guards at your houfe. Your diligence and care in that 
 matter for the generall good of the whole Country is to be 
 acknowledged with all thankfulnefs. The Councill have 
 difpatched away Cap ne Tho: Prentis with his Troop and L" 
 Swift with a party to be a Guard for the fafe bringing and 
 conducting Sir Edmund unto Bofton ; they come the common 
 
 Road 
 (96)
 
 [33] 
 
 Road to Seaconck, defiring your felf and Gentlemen with 
 you by the affiftance of your Guards fafely to conduct him 
 over the Ferry to Briftole. The Councill haveing written to 
 Major Walley at Briftole to provide a fufficient Guard to 
 receive and fecure him there, fo to forward him on the Road 
 this way untell the Guards from hence come up with them ; 
 not doubting of your readinefs to direct and Order in this 
 publique concern fo as may be moft fafe for the whole. 
 With the tenders of Service and Refpecls unto you 
 Subfcribe, 
 
 Sir Your affured Friend and Servant 
 
 S. BRADSTREET, Gov r 
 By advice of the Councill 
 Is A ADDINGTON Secy- 
 
 [Superfcribed. For the Hono rd Peleg Sanford, Efq re at Rhode Ifland 
 Thefe Haft, Poft Haft, for their Ma ties Service] 
 
 [P. 250.] 
 
 NEWPORT ON ROAD ISLAND, Aug the 5th 1689 
 MUCH HON D SIR, 
 
 I REC D yours dated the fourth of this inftant, being now 
 willing as always to Serve their Ma ties and the Country. Sir, 
 I ariving here the laft night found Sir Edmund Andros 
 feized and fecured and guarded with fufficient Guard, by 
 the Gentlemen and Inhabitants of the Ifland. I thought 
 it convenient fourthwith to give your Honor an account 
 thereof, the gentlemen concuring with me. Sir, my oppinion 
 is that it is convenient forthwith to fend a Guard for him, 
 that may convey him fafe to Bofton from whence he came. 
 I think it not convenient nor fafe for the Country to have 
 
 him 
 M (97)
 
 [34] 
 
 him here, finding them very defirous to have him removed 
 to bofton. If you pleafe to difpatch an account of your 
 guards coming up, we may provably meet them on the 
 road. The Councill of Road Ifland is this day fent for, 
 and I hope you mall foon have an accompt what they 
 intend to do as for their advice in that matter which I am 
 concerned with. Having no farther matter to prefent your 
 Honor, with my mofl humble Service in haft remain 
 
 Sir, Your moft humble Servant whileft, 
 
 BENJAMIN CHURCH. 
 
 [P. 251.] 
 
 BOSTON Aug 1 y e 6, 1689 
 CAPT CHURCH, 
 
 YOURS dated the 5 th inftant we have received and thank you 
 for your care and readinefs to ferve their Ma ties and your 
 Country. We have reed alfo a letter from Mr 'Cogfhall, the 
 Deputy Governor of Rhoad Ifland, giving an account of 
 their proceedings with Sir Edmund Andros, and for the 
 conveying him hither referes us to your letter, according to 
 which we have ordered the Guards to move towards your 
 toune as poffibly, which will be about one or two this after- 
 noon (they being ordered yefterday to Rendevous at Dor- 
 chefter and Roxbury this day at noon then to receive orders 
 for their march. We have alfo writt Mr Cogfhall and Major 
 Sanford that they will pleafe convey Sir Edmund to the 
 ferry at Briftoll and to Major Wally to receive him there 
 with their forces and bring him forward till our guards meet 
 them on the road ; who we doubt will be ftrength enough to 
 fecure him hither being three troops of horfe. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 (98)
 
 [35] 
 
 Sir, as foone as the prefent hurry is over with you, pleafe 
 to forward our bufinefs with the Councill there. Not elfe at 
 prefent but due refpecls from 
 
 Your loving friend and fervant, 
 
 S. B. Gov* 
 
 To Capt. BENJ A CHURCH 
 at Briftoll. 
 
 ESTEEMED : After due Refpecls : Wee Refeved yours dated 
 Bofton Auguft the 4th, 1689, and doe fignifie in Anfwer to 
 yours that Sur Edmund Andros is heere under Card in 
 Newport. And that I have fomoned the Generall Counfell 
 to Confult that affare, of which Anfwer will be fent, is all 
 from yours to ferve 
 
 WALTER CLARKE 
 
 NEWPORT, this fift daye of 
 Auguft, 1689. 
 
 [P- 2S4-] 
 
 BRISTOL, the 5th Aug. 1689 
 HONOURED SIR, 
 
 HAVEING information on Satterday night that Sir Ed. 
 Andros was at Newport and people gathering together with 
 a defign to feize him ; As it was moft proper, foe wee doubted 
 not but they from thence had given you information ; and 
 wee the rather believed it becaufe reported that one rid poft 
 through this Town that evening : but leaft it were a miftake 
 or they mould neglect wee took care forthwith by credible 
 hands to fend an account as far as wee had heard with what 
 fpeed wee could. The people wondred he had been gone 
 foe long before any notice given in thefe parts. That they 
 
 feized 
 (99)
 
 ; [36] 
 
 feized him and fecured him you have had an account of be- 
 fore this, and what they farther intend you will be enformed 
 of from them by the bearer and your own meffengers. It is 
 thought the chiefe of the Quakers and fome others are for 
 his efcape ; it is no place to think he will be kept fafe any 
 time. Whereas wee lye between Rhoad Ifland and you, if 
 in order to his being conveighed within the bounds of your 
 Colony there be any thing proper for us to doe, if it be fig- 
 nyfyed what you defire or expect therein, there will a ready 
 complyance and fufficient care if they fee caufe to deliver 
 him. But if you advife to any other way, if you fee good, 
 let us be informed. I write in haft, the poft flaying. I mall 
 not add but my humble fervice which defire God to guide 
 you in all your difficultys that lye before you. I take leave 
 and reft 
 
 Your much oblidged Servant 
 
 JOHN WALLEY 
 
 BRISTOL, ye 8th Aug. 1689. 
 
 HONOURED SIR, 
 
 I REC D yours of the 6th Inftant but the motion of your 
 Troops being with more fpeed then was expected they were 
 here before the Iflanders were come to any determination. 
 Capt Prentice forthwith after his comeing to Briftol and re- 
 frefhing him felfe went to the Ifland and my felfe and fome 
 others accompanyed him Perfons there were of many 
 minds, the refult whereof you have from Capt Prentice. 
 Sir Edm. is now at my houfe ; his motion will be flow by 
 reafon of his indifpofition. Sir, wee have been very carefull 
 to avoid tumults and any incivility that might be offered, 
 and wee hope the like care will be ufed in the other parts ; 
 
 and 
 
 (100)
 
 [37] 
 
 and Sir, it is the deareft defire of my felfe and feveral Gen- 
 tlemen of thefe parts that Sir Edmund, though with all care 
 yet with as much privacy as may be, might be conveighed 
 by the way of Dorchefter or that wayes, to the Caftle. It 
 will be extreamly well taken by him and I hope you will 
 gratyfie him, us, and among your felves herein ; he defires, 
 at leaft at prefent, that he may not come to Bofton. Sir, I 
 have not to add but mail be ferviceable to the maine and 
 that is defigned, fo far as I am capable 
 
 With fervice prefented I fubfcribe 
 
 Your Honours moffc humble fervant, 
 
 JOHN WALLEY. 
 
 August 8. 1689. 
 To THE HON ED GOVERNOR AND COUNSILL, 
 
 AND pleafe your Honors having received orders from 
 you with my Troop to Brifloll to move, in order to receive 
 Sir Edmond Andros from the Gentlemen at Rhod. Ifland, 
 from Roxbury about 3 of the clock we moved away to 
 Mr. Woodcoks, on Wednefday to Briftol juft after noon ; 
 coming to Rhod Ifland fame day : the counfill being dif- 
 courfed with much civilitie they delivered Sir Edmond, and 
 with a paffag boate fent us to Briftoll. And Sir Edmond 
 complaining of indifpofition of body to ride either fwift or 
 far together, our return will not be as your Honors may ex- 
 pect. The gentlemen of Briftoll favoured us with their ad- 
 vife and company to Rhoad Ifland. Pleafe your Honors it is 
 requefted by Sir Edmond and requefted by the forenamed 
 Gentlemen that Sir Edmond may be convoyed by Dor- 
 chefter to the Caftle, if your Honors pleafe there to fecure 
 him and open our aproach towards Bofton we will give 
 
 you 
 
 (ior)
 
 [38] 
 
 you an account thereof for fuitable opportunitie for our 
 guarding him to forefaid place. This being in haft for 
 opportunitie of fending 
 
 I fubfcribe your Honors humble Servant 
 
 THOMAS PRENTIS. 
 
 Cap. 
 
 [P. 257.3 
 
 REHOBOTH, the 9th Aug. 1689. 
 HONOURED SIR, 
 
 OURS from Briftol wee hope you have rec d . Sir Edm. 
 Andros is now at Rehoboth and we expect to be at Wood- 
 flocks or wadeing River this night, as your orders may be 
 and as is much defired. Orders at Billings might fave eight 
 or ten miles rideing. Wee hope that your honour with the 
 Councill will at leaft at prefent order that Sir Edm. may by 
 the way of Dorchefter be conveighed to the Caftle, and that 
 you will take care for boats in a f utable place to be in ready- 
 neffe ; tomorrow in the afternoon wee hope wee might be 
 there, but wee mail expect; orders, and if poffible defire wee 
 may meet it at Billings. Sir Edm. is not willing to com- 
 plaine, but he rides with paine and difficulty and eight mile 
 faved might be fome eafe befides otherways acceptable. 
 Shall not add but fervice prefented and fubfcribe 
 
 Your Honors much oblidged 
 
 JOHN WALLEY 
 THOMAS PRENTIS 
 
 cap. 
 
 SAMUEL WHITE 
 THOMAS SWIFT. 
 
 (102)
 
 [39] 
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Revolution, vol. cvii. p. 309.] 
 
 Petition of John Weft. 
 
 PRISON, loth 7 ber 1689. 
 GENTLEMEN, 
 
 |N the 7 th of June laft I was by vertue of an Order 
 figned by Thomas Danforth in the name and by 
 the Order of the Governor and Councill, together 
 with the Reprefentatives then affembled : Com- 
 mitted to the Cuftody of the Keeper of the Prifon in Bofton, 
 who was ordered to receive me and did receive me accord- 
 ingly. And under his Cuftody I have fuffered above thir- 
 teen weeks very hard and close Confinement without any 
 Cryme layd to my Charge worthy of Imprifonment. But 
 yefterday the keeper of the Prifon in the prefence and 
 heareing of feverall credible perfons, declared to me pub- 
 liquely that he was not my keeper and did not keep me in 
 Prifon, nor would further be concerned in my Confinement ; 
 but if I would goe into the Goale he would open the doore. 
 By which I looked upon my felf fully difcharged from that 
 order and his cuftody, and expected my Liberty accordingly ; 
 which I was hindred from the enjoyment of, by fome Armed 
 men who were att the prifon, and laft night without any 
 command or direction of the Keeper, I was forced into the 
 Stone Goale againe by a great Company of Armed men, 
 without any further Order or warrant, and am by their force 
 only detained, which I prefume is Contrary to all Law and 
 Juftice ; and to my great Injury and Oppreffion. I doe 
 therefore humbly defire your Confideration of the premifes 
 and that I may be Releafed from this forcible and unjuffc 
 confinement. Expecting your Juftice herein I remain 
 
 Your humble Servant 
 
 JOHN WEST. 
 (103)
 
 [40] 
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Inter Charter, vol. xxxv. p. 36.] 
 
 Petition of J. Dudley. 
 
 GENTLEMEN, 
 
 HAVE differed near fix months Imprifonment to 
 the very great hurt of my health, and occafions 
 neceffary for the fupport of a great family, above 
 twelve weeks, fmce at the direction of Mr Adding- 
 ton and as he acquainted me by order of your felves, I gave 
 a very extraordinary and unufuall bond to obtayn but the 
 fight of my family, and the benefit of fo much air as was 
 neceffary to fave me from perifhing ; which lafted me but 
 three or four Hours, when I received a very urgent letter 
 from Mr Bradftreet for my return to the Prifon to fave the 
 Rout of the people at that Inftant. I have fince been often 
 told that a very few days mould bring me that eafe and reft 
 which I defired, but the time is lapfed hitherto and now the 
 winter is approaching, the Inconveniences whereof I am 
 unable to bear. I entreat you at length to confider and re- 
 folve what may be agreeable to Reafon and Juftice and not 
 to fee my deftruclion and ruine ; but to fhow me the Kind- 
 nefs of a brother as God knoweth I am. I have no intereft 
 nor hopes but what is in common with my Country whofe 
 prefent fuffering I take my mare of, and hope that no body 
 profeffing religion can take pleafure in the ftrange methods 
 of Late ufed towards mee. 
 
 I am Gentlemen 
 
 Your Humble Servant 
 
 J. DUDLEY 
 4 OCT. 1689. 
 
 (104)
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Inter Charter, vol. xxxv. p. 41 .] 
 
 Petition of James Sherlock. 
 
 GENTLEMEN, 
 
 |S I would not be guilty of ufing any indirect meanes 
 to obteyne my liberty, fo neither would I be want- 
 ing to my felfe in foliciting you Gentlemen for 
 my inlargement. I am not confcious to my felfe 
 that I have deferved fo hard treatment, and quietly fubmit 
 to the Providence of God from whome I have deferved 
 much more ; twenty fower weeks Imprisonment is a punifh- 
 ment adequate to a great Crime : therefore mail repeate my 
 Prayers to you Gentlemen for my difcharge from this place 
 and your directions therein, and mail remain 
 
 Gentlemen Your moft humble fervant 
 
 JAMES SHERLOCK 
 
 From the Prifon 
 Octo. the 5th, 1689. 
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Inter Charter, vol. xxxv. p. 42.] 
 
 Petition of Mrs. Sarah Palmer. 
 
 To the honorable the Governor, Councill and Reprefentatives 
 
 ]HE humble petition of Sarah Palmer, Sheweth 
 That whereas your petitioner's hufband, Mr 
 John Palmer, now a Prifoner att the Caftle is 
 very much troubled with the Goute and other 
 diftempers of body, and is there confined in a roome with 
 Sir Edmund Andros and Mr Graham where noe fire can be 
 
 made 
 N (105)
 
 [42] 
 
 made nor attendance upon as his diflempers require, to the 
 great danger and hazard of his life. 
 
 Your petitioner therefore prays that the faid Mr John 
 Palmer may be removed from the Caftle to his dwelling 
 houfe in Bofton, giveing good fecurity to be a true prifoner 
 there, and to anfwer fuch things as mail be objected againft 
 him on their Majefties behalfe. 
 
 And your petitioner will ever pray, &c. 
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Inter Charter, vol. xxxv. p. 34.] 
 
 Petition of Rachel Whitmore. 25 
 
 To the Hon. Simon Bradftreet, Efq., Governor, and the reft 
 of the Honored Magiftrates now Jitting in Bofton, The 
 humble petition of Rachell Whitmore, wife of John 
 Whitmore. 
 
 HEREAS, your Petitioner's hufband was im- 
 preffed into the Countryes fervice againft the 
 Indian Enemy, and is now with Major Swayne 
 at Newechawanick, 26 and your Petitioner and her 
 two children are very weake and ill, and unable to help our- 
 
 felves 
 
 24 She was the daughter of Francis were baptized at a village in the fame 
 
 Eliot, of Braintree, and niece of the county, and I am affured that the pedi- 
 
 Rev. John Eliot. She was born 26th gree of the family for feveral preced- 
 
 Oc~t. 1643 ; m - ni "ft John Poulter, and ing generations will be definitely afcer- 
 
 fecondly Dea. John Whitmore, of Med- tained. 
 
 ford. In the " Heraldic Journal," vol. 28 Newechawanick, now Briftol, Me. 
 
 iv. p. 182, will be found the will of Benit A letter in the fame volume, pp. 38-40, 
 
 Eliot, father of John and Francis, from Jer. Sweyne, is dated " Neweche- 
 
 feveral of whofe children were bap- wonock Salmon falls in Barwick, Oct. 
 
 tized at Nazing, co. Effex. Recent 4, 1689," and that may fettle the date 
 
 inveftigations have proved that John of this petition, 
 and one or two more of the children 
 
 (106)
 
 [43] 
 
 felves and do any thing for our Relief and the reft of the 
 family, as feverall of the neighbors can and have informed 
 your Honors. 
 
 Doth therefore humbly requeft the favour from your 
 Honors that her hufband John Whitmore may be difmiffed 
 the prefent fervice, and that your Honors would pleafe to 
 pafs your Order for the fame, that he may return to his fick 
 family, and your Petitioner fhall, as in duty bound, ever pray, 
 &c. 
 
 RACHEL WHITMORE. 
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Inter Charter, vol. xxxv. p. 78.] 
 
 Order againft feditious publications. 
 
 HEREAS many papers have beene lately printed 
 and difperfed tending to the difturbance of the 
 peace and fubverfion of the government of this 
 theire Majeflies Colonie, King William and 
 Queen Mary. It is therefore ordered that if any perfon or 
 perfons within this Collony be found guilty of any fuch like 
 Mifdemeanour of printing, publifhing or concealing any 
 fuch like papers or difcourfes, or not timely difcover fuch 
 things to Authority, or doe any act or thing that tends to 
 the dyfturbance of the peace or the fubverfion of this gov- 
 ernment, they fhall be accounted enemies to theire Majeflies 
 prefent Government and be proceeded againft as fuch with 
 uttermoft feverity 
 
 Nov. 8th, 1689. Faffed in the affirmative by the Repre- 
 fentatives 
 
 EBENEZER PROUT, Clerk. 
 
 (107)
 
 [44] 
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Inter Charter, vol. xxxv. p. 108.] 
 
 Petition of J. Dudley. 
 
 BOSTON, Dec r 9, 1689 
 GENTLEMEN, 
 
 AM not acquainted from yourf elves what his 
 Majeflyes Commands are referring to my felf, or 
 your owne refolves thereupon, but take leave to 
 advife you that after feven months imprifonment 
 I am very much indifpofed and ftand in need of better con- 
 venience and attendance than I can have in this place of 
 Reftraint. I have many occafions, that a great family and 
 my difordered Eftate by the loffe of my fervants and other- 
 wife, ftand in need to be fettled ; and my wife uncapable to 
 come to mee. I am Willing to give any Security that mail 
 be demanded of me, to fhew my felf in Obedience to his 
 Majeftyes Order whatever it bee, and defire that I may have 
 the benefit of my family and the Opportunity to fettle my 
 affaires, that I may bee just to all perfons with whome I have 
 been concerned, and do my duty in providing for and fetling 
 my family as religion and nature require of mee ; and Defire 
 that you will allow mee opportunity foe to do, and am 
 
 Your fervant 
 
 J. DUDLEY. 
 
 (108)
 
 [45] 
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Inter Charter, vol. xxxv. p. 109.] 
 
 Petition of John Weft. 
 
 PRISON IN BOSTON, n th Dec. 1689 
 GENTLEMEN, 
 
 |MONGST the many Books, papers and Writeings 
 which on the i8th Aprill pafl were in the Secre- 
 tarys Office under my Care and Charge, when 
 the fame Office was forcibly broake open, and 
 they taken and Conveyed away, were feverall books, papers 
 and accounts which perticulerly related to me and my private 
 Concernes, and are yett kept from me to my Damage. I doe 
 therefore Defire that I may have the Liberty to looke over 
 the faid books, papers, and Writeings in the prefence of fuch 
 perfon or perfons as you mail think fitt, and that fuch as 
 doe belong to me or relate to my private Concernes may be 
 Reftored. I have been long a Prifoner but know not yett 
 for what Reafon or Caufe, which hath been and is greately 
 to the prejudice of my perfon and Loffe of my Eftate; and 
 now being Informed that you have Received orders from his 
 Majeftie relating to all under Confinement your Refolves 
 upon which judge will be made knowne to us when you 
 think convenient. I doe further defire my Enlargement 
 upon Security to be forthcomeing to attend fuch orders as 
 mall be given purfuant to his Majefties Commands, that I 
 may be in a Condition to fettle my Affairs and make fome 
 better Provifion for my felfe and family then my prefent 
 Confinement will permitt me to doe. Your favour herein 
 will oblidge me to remaine 
 
 Your humble fervant 
 
 JOHN WEST. 
 (109)
 
 [46] 
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Inter Charter, vol. xxxv. p. no.] 
 
 57 Petition of Dudley and others. 
 
 GENTLEMEN, 
 
 PRISON IN BOSTON, i3th Dec. 1689. 
 
 |APT. FAYERWEATHER yefterday by your 
 order brought us the Signification of his Majef- 
 ties Commands to which wee doe with all duty 
 and Readynefs humbly fubmitt : And defire you to 
 Lett us know when and upon what fhip you defigne to fend 
 us. And to order our Enlargement upon fuch Security as 
 you think fitt to Demand, that wee may fettle our private 
 Affaires and prepare accordingly. 
 
 We are your humble fervants, 
 
 J. DUDLEY 
 ED. RANDOLPH 
 J. PALMER 
 JOHN WEST 
 JAMES SHERLOCK 
 GEO. FAREWELL. 
 
 87 A fimilar paper is figned by E. 
 Andros and Ja. Graham. In the fame 
 volume, p. 149, is another letter from 
 the prifoners, dated Dec. 26th, in which 
 they "demand that his Majefties faid 
 Commands may be effectually executed 
 
 by our being forthwith put on board 
 one of the faid mips and the fame pref- 
 ently difpatched for England without 
 further delay." Jan. 3d it was voted 
 by the Reprefentatives to fend the prif- 
 oners by Capt. Martin. 
 
 (no)
 
 [47] 
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Inter Charter, vol. xxxv. p. 165.] 
 
 Note from J. Riggs to Danforth. 
 
 To the Honourable the Deputy Governour. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 HAVEING fent up to you that I have buifeneffe 
 to communicate to you and the reft of the Coun- 
 cill concerning his Majefties fervice, and haveing 
 refeived your anfwer that you are at prefent 
 buifey, I waite and defire admittance to be heard before 
 your adjournment this day. 
 
 Yours JOHN RIGGS * 
 
 6th JANUARY, '89. [1689-90.] 
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Inter Charter, vol. xxxv. p. 231.] 
 
 Extradition of Andros. 
 
 \_To fuch as for the Time being take Care for preferving the 
 Peace and Adminiftring the Laws in our Colony of the 
 Majfachufetts Bay in New England in America^ 2! 
 
 JHEREAS Sir Edmond Andros, K', Late Gov- 
 ernour of our Dominion of New England, has 
 been feized by fome People in Bofton, and is de- 
 teined under clofe Confinement there, together 
 with Edward Randolph, John Trefry, and Divers others, 
 
 our 
 
 23 This I take to be the fervant of * The heading is omitted ' in this 
 Andros, mentioned by Palfrey, iii. 585. copy, but is given in other places. 
 
 (ill)
 
 [48] 
 
 our Subjects, Who have humbly requefted us that they may 
 be either fett at Liberty, or fent in fafe Cuftody into Eng- 
 land to anfwer before us what may be objected againft 
 them; we do hereby will and require that the faid Sir 
 Edmond Andros, Edward Randolph, John Trefry and 
 others our Subjects, that have been in like manner feized 
 by the faid People of Bofton ; and fhall be at the Receipt of 
 thefe Our Commands deteined there under Confinement, be 
 forthwith fent on Board the firft fhip bound hither, to anfwer 
 before us what may be Objected againft them, and that you 
 take care that they be Civilly ufed in their Paffage from 
 New England, and fafely Conveyed to our Royall Prefence 
 Given at Our Court at Whitehall, this Thirtieth Day of 
 July, 1689, in the Firft year of Our Reign 
 
 By his Ma ty>s Command 
 
 NOTTINGHAM. 
 (Copy) 
 To GILBERT BANT, Commander 
 
 of the Ship Mehetabel. 
 
 JURSUANT to his Majefties Commands in his 
 Gracious Letter of the 3Oth of July lafl part, 
 Copy whereof is above written you are required 
 in their Majefties Names to receive into your 
 charge and cuftody on board the Ihip Mehetabel, whereof 
 you are Commander, now bound for England, Sir Edmund 
 Andros, Knt, Jofept Dudley, Efq r , Mr Edward Randolph, 
 Mr John Palmer, Mr John Weft, Mr James Grayham, Mr 
 James Sherlock and Mr George Farewell ; Every of them 
 herewith delivered unto you by Cap ne John Fayerweather, 
 and them fafely to convey according to his Majefties Com- 
 mands 
 
 (112)
 
 [49] 
 
 mands in faid Letters, which you are exactly to Obferve in all 
 Refpects. Hereof faile not as you will anfwer the contrary 
 at your peril. Dated at Bofton within the Colony of the 
 Maffachufetts Bay in New England, the fifth day of Feb- 
 ruary 1689, in the Firft year of the Reign of our Sovereign 
 Lord and Lady William and Mary, by the Grace of God 
 King and Queen of England, &c. 
 
 SIM: BRADSTREET, Governor 
 
 in the name of the Gen'all Court. 
 
 JY virtue of the within written Precept, figned by 
 the Hon ble Simon Bradflreet, Efq re , Governor, 
 purfuant to his Majefties Commands, I have re- 
 ceived (together with the faid Precept and Copy 
 of his Majefties Commands there above written) into my 
 charge and cuftody on board the fhip Mehetabel, the feverall 
 perfons named in the faid precept, viz 1 Sir Edmond Andros, 
 Knt. Jofeph Dudley, Efq re , Mr Edward Randolph, Mr John 
 Palmer, Mr John Weft, Mr James Grayham, Mr James 
 Sherlock and Mr George Farewell. As alfo a Letter from 
 the Government directed to the Right Hon ble the Earle of 
 Nottingham, One of his Ma ties moft Hon ble Privy Councill, 
 and Principall Secretary of State for his Ma ties Service. 
 
 pr GILBART BANT 
 
 BOSTON IN NEW ENGLAND, 
 
 9th February, 1689 [1689/90]. 
 
 ("3)
 
 [So] 
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Inter Charter, vol. xxxv. p. 240.] 
 
 ALBANY, the i5th day of Feb. 1689/90. 
 HONORED GENTLEMEN, 
 
 1O our great greeffe and Sorrow, we muft acquaint 
 you with our Deplorable Condition, there having 
 never the like Dreadfull maffacre and murther 
 been Committed in thefe Parts of America ; as 
 hath been acted by the French and there Indians at Shin- 
 nechtady, 20 miles from Albanie betwixt Saturday and 
 Sunday laft at ii a clok at night. A Companie of Two 
 hundred french and Indians fell upon faid village and mur- 
 thered fixty men women and children moft barbaroufly, 
 burning the Place and carried 27 along with them Prifoners, 
 among which the leiftenant of Capt Bull, Enos Talmadge, 
 and 4 more of faid Company were killed and 5 taken prif- 
 oners, the reft being Inhabitants; and above 25 Perfones 
 there limbes frozen in the flight. 
 
 The Cruelties committed at faid Place no Penn can 
 write nor Tongue expreffe : the women bigg with Childe 
 rip'd up and the Children alive throwne into the flames, 
 and there heads dafh'd in pieces againft the Doors and 
 windows. 
 
 But what mail we fay ; we muft lay our hands upon our 
 mouth and be filent. It is God's will and pleafure and we 
 fubmitt ; it is but what our Sinns and Tranfgreffions have 
 deferved : and fince generally human things are Directed by 
 outward means, fo we muft afcribe this fad misfortune to the 
 factions and Divifions which were amongft the People and 
 there great Diffobedience to there officers ; for they would 
 Obey no Commands or keep any watch, fo that the Enemy 
 having difcouvered their negligence and fecurity by there 
 praying Maquafe Indians, (who were in the faid place 2 or 
 
 3 days
 
 [Si] 
 
 3 days before the attaque was made), Came in and broak 
 open their verry doors before any foule knew of it ; the Ene- 
 my divideing themfelfs in 3 feverall Companies came in at 3 
 feverall Places, no gates being mutt, and feperated themfelves 
 6 or 7 to a houfe, and in this manner begunn to Murther, 
 fpareing no man till they fee all the houfes open and maf- 
 ter'd : and fo took what Plunder they would, loading 30 or 
 40 of the bed horfes, and fo went away about 1 1 or 1 2 a 
 clock at noon on Sabbath day. > 
 
 It was as if the heavens combined for the Deftruclion of 
 that poor Villadge ; that Saturday night a Snow fell above 
 knee deep and dreadfull cold, and the poor people that 
 efcaped and brought us the news about break of day, did 
 fo much increafe the number of the Enemy that we all 
 concluded there was a confiderable Army comeing to fall 
 upon our City, as was affirmed were upon there march 
 hither ; we being told not only then but the day after that 
 they were 1900 att leaft. We fent out fome few horfe 
 forth with after we had received the news, but fcarcely could 
 get through the deep fnow, fome whereof got to that defo- 
 late Place, and there being fome few Maquafe here in 
 Towne, we got them to goe thither with our men in Com- 
 panie, to fend meffengers in all hafte to the Maquafe Caf- 
 tles, and to fpye where the Enemy went, who were not verry 
 free to goe, the fnow being fo deep and afraid of being 
 Difcovered by there tract : but comeing to the village were 
 in fuch confternation feeing fo many people and cattle kill'd 
 and burnt, that it was not effected till 2 days after, when we 
 heard that the Maquafe knew nothing of it, upon which mef- 
 fengers were fent, and the Maquafe of the firft and 2d. Caflle 
 came down in 24 houres, whom we fent out with fome of 
 our young men in Purfute of the Enemy. Afterwards the 
 Maquafe of the 3d. Caftle came doune who are alfo gone 
 out, but are afraid will not overtake them, and which is 
 
 worfe,
 
 [52] 
 
 worfe, if they doe fynde them fear will doe them no great 
 hurt, the Indians amongft them being all of the kindred of 
 our Indians : for the Policy of the French is fo great that 
 they Declare to fome of the Maquafe which they found at 
 Shinnechtady that they would not doe the Maquafe. harm, 
 yea if they mould burn and deftroy never fo many houfes 
 at Canida and kill never fo many French, they would not 
 touch a hayr of there head ; for there Gouvernor had f uch an 
 Inclination to that People, he would live in peace with them ; 
 nay to gain the hearts of the Maquafe whatever they defyred 
 at Shinnechtady was granted, the women and children that 
 were left alive upon there defyre were Releafed and faved, 
 the very houfes where the Maquafe lay at were faved upon 
 there Requefl : fo that they leave no Stone unturn'd to bring 
 the Indians to there Devotion 
 
 The 40 Maquafe that were out as Skouts at the Lake, 
 whom we furnifhed with Pouder and Lead to lye there 
 a purpofe, we muft conclude have knowne nothing of the 
 Enemies comeing ; for they had pofted themfelves at one of 
 the Paffages the Enemy was paft by ; which we muft Impute 
 to there negligence 
 
 The faid French had Belts of wampum along with them 
 which they fhowed to a Maquafe Squae at Shinnechtady, 
 which they defign'd to have given to our Indians upon Pro- 
 pofalls of Peace, if they had met with any upon the way ; 
 foe that we muft conclude they want nothing but a Peace 
 with our Indians to deftroy all thefe parts. 
 
 Our Maquafe have got one of there Indians prifoner, 
 whom they have Tortur'd and afterwards have Releafed 
 him, but deliver'd him into our Cuftody; for we fear'd he 
 would make his Efcape and Runn away to the Enemy : the 
 faid Indian confeffes that there were 600 men prepareing to 
 come out upon this place or N. England, and one hundred 
 men were gone out againft Skach Rook Indians which was 
 
 befides 
 
 (116)
 
 [53] 
 
 befides this 200 men; and that this Company had been 22 
 days from Canida. 
 
 After the French had done the principall mifcheeffe at 
 Shinnechtady, Capt. Sander a Juflice that lives crofs the 
 River was fent for by the Captain of the French, who had 
 put himfelf in a pofture of defence in his fort, with the men 
 that he could get by him ; when 1 3 came there and told 
 him they mould not fear, for there orders was not to wrong 
 a chicken of his, upon which Capt. Sanders ordered them 
 to lay doune there arms, and fo were let in, where they left 
 one man for a hoftage, and Capt Sander went to there com- 
 mander who told him he had commiffion to come and pay a 
 debt which they owed. Col Dongan, our Governor, had 
 ftirr'd up our Indians to doe mifcheeff at Canida, and they 
 had done the fame here ; and pulling his Commiffion out of 
 his bofom, told he was ftrikly charged not to doe any harm 
 to him or his, fince he but efpecially his wife had been fo 
 charitable to the French prifoners : fo that Capt. Sanders 
 faved fundry houfes from being burnt and women and chil- 
 dren from being carried away : but the Snow was fo extream 
 deep that it was impoffible for any woman to march a mile ; 
 fo that they took none but men and boys that could march. 
 
 As foon as the Maquafe of the firft and 2d Caftle came 
 doune and fee the Ruines of Shinnechtady were verry much 
 greev'd. The 2 principall Captaine faid to Mr Weffels and 
 fome other gentlemen that were fent from Albany to Dif- 
 patch the ChrifUans and Indians away in Purfute of the 
 French 
 
 Now you fee your Blood fpilt and this is the beginning of 
 your miferies if not fuddenly Prevented ; Therefore write 
 to all them that are in Covenant with us, viz* New England, 
 Virginia and all the Englifh Plantations of America to make 
 all Readineffe to mafter Canida, early in the Spring with 
 great Shipps, elfe you cannot live in Peace. You fay your 
 
 King 
 ("7)
 
 [54] 
 
 King is a great king and you are very numerous here in the 
 Country, far above the French. You are foe, but now is 
 the time to mow it ; elfe the more you are, the greater fhame 
 it is to fuffer the French to be mafter : and then we and all 
 the 5 nations, yea all the farr nations muft acknowledge you 
 for a great People and mafter of the French if you now fub- 
 due it ; But hitherto we fee the French are the Soldiers ; 
 they have been at the northweft and killed the Englifh 
 there ; they have killed the Indians at the Sinnikes Country, 
 and now they come here and kill the Dutch, (meaning the 
 Inhabitants of Shinnechtady who were formerly of the 
 Dutch nation). They are victorious wherever they goe 
 Them of New England have told us they would deftroy 
 Canida: we have much Depended upon there great 
 Promifes fmce we know they are Potent enough to doe it 
 and now we know there is open warr. If we were but 
 affured that the Englifh would minde there Intereft now 
 and make Ready againft the Spring, we would keep them 
 in alarm: we muft goe hand in hand and Deftroy the 
 French : we hope that your Government with men is come, 
 which you have often told us of. You told us alfo that 
 your King of England was fo Potent that he had blokt up 
 the French havens ; yet the French governor is come and 
 we hear nothing of yours. In the meantime we goe out 
 now with fixty Maquafe of the firft and 2nd Caftle, 25 River 
 Indians befides the Chriftians, and above 100 men of the 
 3rd Caftle are comeing to morrow, we will purfue the Ene- 
 my and doubt not but to overtake them too and Refcue the 
 Prifoners. 
 
 Now Gentlemen the Indians fpeak well, yet we are fatif- 
 fyed by all there actions that they will fide with the ftrongeft, 
 and the Indians that are among the French are all of our 
 Indians Relations ; fo it cannot be Imagined that they will 
 deftroy onanother. Therefore if there Majeftyes Subjects 
 
 doe
 
 [55] 
 
 doe not Rife like one only man againft the French, there 
 Majeftyes Intereft in this parts will be deftroyed ; and they 
 once being rooted out, all your Evills which fpring from 
 them as the fountain will be quafh'd: the longer we ftay 
 the worfe it will be, for we muft doe it at laft, and then pro- 
 bably after we have loft many hundreds of our People which 
 would be fitt to help in fuch an Expedition. We have felt 
 the fmart of that nation and pray God our neighbours may 
 not come to the fame Difafter. We are fatisfyed they did 
 not defign to deftroy Shinnechtady but all our out Planta- 
 tions, but fyndeing them fo fecure, fett upon them and left 
 the other untoucht, thinkeing they could never Efcape their 
 Cruelties. 
 
 Dear neighbours and friends, we muft acquaint you that 
 nevir poor People in the world was in a worfe Condition 
 than we are at Prefent, no Governour nor Command, no 
 money to forward any Expedition and fcarce Men enough 
 to maintain the Citty; and we muft conclude there only 
 aim is this place, which once being attain'd, the 5 nations 
 are rent from the Englifli Crowne, and in ftead of being a 
 Bulwark to thefe Dominions as hitherto they have proov'd, 
 will help to Ruine and Deftroy the Countrey and lay all 
 wafte. We have here plainly laid the cafe before you and 
 doubt not but you will fo much take it to heart and make 
 all Readineffe in the Spring to invade Canida by water. 
 We pray God continually for the arrivall of our Governour, 
 without which we can doe but litle, haveing enough to doe 
 to keep the Indians to our fide with great Expenfe : for there 
 Diffractions and Revolutions at New Yorke hath brougt 
 us into a miferable condition ; that without your affiftance 
 and the 50 men from N. Yorke we mould not be able to 
 keep the place if any Enemy came. 
 
 We begg an anfwer with all hafte that we may fatisfy the 
 Indians : we write to N. Yorke and other parts, of our mean 
 
 condition 
 ("9)
 
 [56] 
 
 condition. We long much to hear from your honors, hav- 
 ing fent an Indian Expreffe the 1 5th January laft with what 
 papers related to the Indians at that time ; fmce whene our 
 meffengers are come from Onnondage and the Indians all 
 declare to be faithfull to this Government. We have writt 
 to Col. Pynchon to warn the upper towns to be upon there 
 guarde, feareing that fome French and Indians might be out 
 to Deftroy them. 
 
 We have no more to add in thefe troublefome times but 
 that we are 
 
 Honorable Gentlemen, 
 
 Your moft humble and obed' fervants 
 the Convention of Albanie 30 
 
 P. SCHUYLER, Mayor. 
 DIRCK WESSELL 
 K. V. RENSSELAER 
 
 30 I have not feen elfewhere fo full added on the original ; but it is illegible, 
 
 an account of this maflacre. Befides and is more probably a defignation, as 
 
 the names of Schuyler, Weflells, and "fchepens," or fome fuch word. 
 Van Renflelaer, perhaps another is 
 
 (120)
 
 [EXTRACTS 
 
 FROM 
 
 Cotton Mather's " Parentator," or Memoirs 
 of Increafe Mather. 
 
 WITH NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIVE DOCUMENTS ADDED.] 
 
 (121)
 
 PREFATORY NOTE. 
 
 30 'T^HE following feftion contains a reprint of certain portions of Cotton 
 -* Mather's Life of his father, Increafe Mather, together with fuch docu- 
 ments as illuftrate the text. The title of the original book is as follows : 
 " Parentator. Memoirs of Remarkables in the Life and the Death of the Ever- 
 Memorable Dr. Increafe Mather, Who Expired Auguft 23, 1723. (2 Kings ii. 
 12.) My Father, my Father. Bofton : Printed by B. Green for Nathaniel 
 Belknap, at the Corner of Scarlet's Wharff. 1724." i2mo. pp. xiv, 329, and 
 5 added. 
 
 I begin with chapter, or article, xxiii. p. 99, of the Remarkables, as being the 
 commencement of Increafe Mather's important public labors in behalf of his 
 country. The general fubjecT: is treated in the memoir prefixed to the fecond 
 volume of thefe Tracts, to which reference is made for the antecedents of Mather 
 to this date. 
 
 (122)
 
 Remarkables of Dr. Increafe Mather. 
 
 ARTICLE XXIII. 
 
 New Troubles on the Country. 
 
 N the Year 1686. New England faw it felf de- 
 livered into the Hands of Sr. Edmund Andros, 
 whom K. James II. made the Governour of 
 the Country, with as Arbitrary, (and one may 
 fay Treafonable) Commiffion, as ever any part 
 of the Englifh Nation was abufed withal, a 
 Commiffion by which the Governour, with three or four 
 more Unrcafonable Men, whereof none were Chofen by the 
 People, had power to make what Laws they would, and 
 Levy Taxes according to their own Humours upon the 
 People ; and he himfelf had power to fend the beft Men in 
 the Land more than Ten Thoufand Miles out of it, as he 
 Pleafed. The Cafe of poor New-England was now, what 
 Old Wendover tells of the Time, when Strangers domineer'd 
 over Subjects in England ; Judicia committebantur Jujuftis, 
 Leges Exlegibus, pax Difcordantibus, Juftitia Jujuriojis ; 
 and Foxes were made the Adminiftrators of Juftice to the 
 Poultry. It would make a Long and a Black Story, to tell 
 a Tenth Part of the Vile Things done, by that Scandalous 
 Crue which then did what they would in the Adminiflration 
 of the Government: even Randolph himfelf who was then 
 their Secretary, Confeffed in a Letter of his, which anon 
 
 came
 
 [4] 
 
 came to Light ; They were as Arbitrary as the Great Turk. 
 But the Awakened and Alarmed People in the Englifli Na- 
 tion, began to take notice in their Public Remonftrances, of 
 what was doing at New-England, as an Effay of the French 
 Government, whereunto England was then hurrying with a 
 Phaetontic Praecipitation. The Adminiftration, was almoft 
 entirely a Complication of Shamelefs and Matchlefs Vil- 
 lianies. The Hone/I Gentlemen in the Council were Over- 
 looked and Browbeaten, and rendred infignificant. Three 
 or Four FiniJJied Villians did what they Pleas'd : There was 
 no Controlling of them. Among other Inftances of the Vile 
 Things in it, there was This Comprehenfive One ; The 
 Banditi gave out, that the Charters being loft, all the Title 
 that the People had unto their Lands was loft with them ; 
 (for which a fmall DefecT; in the Legal and Public Settle- 
 ments of them, was Pretended :) and therefore they began to 
 Compel the - People every where to take Patents for their 
 Lands. Accordingly Writs of Intrujion were Iffued out 
 againft the Chief Gentlemen in the Territory ; by the Ter- 
 ror whereof many were driven to Petition for Patents, that 
 they might Enjoy the Lands, which had been Fifty or Sixty 
 Years in their Poffeffion : But for thefe Patents there were 
 fuch Exorbitant Prizes Demanded, that Fifty Pounds could 
 not Purchafe for its Owner an Eftate not Worth Two Hun- 
 dred: nor could all the Money and Moveables in the Terri- 
 tory have Defray'd the Charges of Pattenting the Lands at 
 the Hands of thefe Crocodiles ; Befides the Confiderable 
 Quitrents for the King. Indeed, the Bruitifh Things done 
 by thefe Wild Beafts of the Earth, are too Many to be Re- 
 lated, and would be too Bruitifh to be Believed. Guefs 
 what was to be Expected, from a Parcel of Hungry 
 Wretches, who had caft off all Senfe and all Face of Hon- 
 ejly, and who Publickly told the Poor People, They muft 
 not think that the Priviledges of EngliJJimen would follow 
 
 them 
 (124)
 
 [5] 
 
 them to the Ends of the Earth ; And, They had no more 
 Priviledges left but This, that they were not Bought and 
 Sold for Slaves. In fhort, All was done, that might be 
 expecled from a Kirk, Except the Bloody Part But That 
 was coming on. The Lives of the Beft Men began to be 
 Practifed on. The Learned, Pious, Peaceable Mr. Morton 
 for That ! And Mr. Mather flood fair, for that from which 
 he thought he had been Delivered. 
 
 In this Time, you may be fure, Mr. Mather had not for- 
 got his Old Stroke. I find him ftill at Prayer as much as ever : 
 And ftill under the like Impreffions ! Take a Touch or 
 two. As 1687. was coming on, I find him Writing, on one 
 Day, thus. After I came home from the Public Labours of 
 the Lords Day, as I was alone in my Study Praying for 
 Good Tidings out of England, / was Exceedingly Melted 
 before the Lord. On another Day, thus. I fought unto 
 GOD in Secret with Tears, that He would fend Reviving 
 News out of England : And / could not but Believe that He 
 will dofo. He had them Immediately. 
 
 ARTICLE XXIV. 
 
 Whitehall, after many Ob/lrut~lions Repair d unto. 
 
 [HE King in the beginning of that Year, [Juft Three 
 
 Years & an Half, after ] Published his, 
 
 Declaration of Indulgence ; which the Protejlant 
 Diffenters had abundance of Reafon to be Thank- 
 ful for ; inafmuch as it brought them out of their Graves : 
 And if it affumed an Illegal Power of Difpenfeng with 
 Laws, yet in Relation to Them, it only Difpenfed with the 
 Execution of fuch Infamous Laws as were ipfo facto Null 
 and Void before : Laws contrary to the Laws of GOD, 
 
 and 
 (125)
 
 [6] 
 
 and the Rights and Claims of Humane Nature. Be fure, 
 the New-EngliJJi Proteftants, found the Benefit of the Dec- 
 laration; for it refcued the Maligned Churches of New- 
 England o\& of a Devourers Talons, when he was juft on 
 the point making many Violent Invafions upon them. The 
 Minifters hereupon at Mr. Mathers motion, made an Addrefs 
 of Thanks to the King, for the Benefit which they enjoy 'd 
 by his Declaration ; and it Proved a confiderable Service to 
 the Country. But then he Moved, that the Churches, as 
 well as their Paftors, might come into fuch an Action ; 
 which alfo was readily complied withal. The Adverfary 
 was enough Enraged at thefe things ; And when the 
 Minifters of Bofton agreed with their Congregations upon 
 keeping a Day of Thankfgiving to Heaven, for the Shelter 
 which their Brethren as well as themfelves found by the 
 Declaration^ Sr. Edmond Andros with many Menaces for- 
 bad their Proceedings, and Particularly threatned that he 
 would fet Guards of Souldiers on their Church-Doors, if they 
 Attempted what they Pretended to. 
 
 The Superiour Gentlemen in the Oppreffed Country, 
 thought, that a Well-qualified Perfon, going over with the 
 Addreffes of the Churches to the King, might, by the Help 
 of fuch Protejlant Diffenters as the King began upon 
 Political Views to caft a fair Afpecl; upon, Obtain fome 
 Relief to the Growing Diftreffes of the Country ; And Mr. 
 Mather was the Perfon that was pitch'd upon. Being in 
 Diftrefs about this Important Affair, he did as he ufe to do. 
 In the Day of Prayer which he kept upon it, he put it 
 upon this Iffue ; That he might know the JDircftion of the 
 Glorious GOD, by the Inclinations of the Church he 
 belong'd unto, when the matter of his going for England, 
 mould be Propofed unto them. The next Day, the matter 
 was propofed unto the Church ; and he faid unto them, If 
 you fay to me, Stay, / will Stay : But if you fay to me, Go, 
 
 / will 
 (126)
 
 [7] 
 
 / will cajl my f elf on the Providence of GOD, and in His 
 Name I will go. I know not how to difcern the Mind of 
 GOD, but by yoiir Inclinations. To his Wonderment, 
 They that at another time would have almoft affoon parted 
 with their Eyes as have parted with him now were willing 
 to it; They Unanimoujly Confented. They Feard what 
 would quickly be done by Bloody and Crafty Men, if he did 
 not in this Honourable way get unto fome Diftance from 
 them. And they Hop'd that he might be an Infl rument of 
 fome Deliverance for a Land like to be Defolate and Over- 
 thrown by Strangers. What mould be made of the Politi- 
 cal Views in the Court at this Time, Who can fay ? Upon 
 the Numbring of the People, it was then Reckoned, there 
 were about One and Thirty Hundred Thousand which at 
 Prefent ProfeJJed Adherence to the EJlablifhed Church: 
 About Eleven Hundred Thoufand, Proteftant Non Con- 
 formi/ls, of feveral Denominations; And about Ninety 
 Thousand (if fo many) Roman-Catholicks. Though the 
 Non-Conformifts might for a while fly to a Tree that gave 
 them fome Shelter from their Idum&an Unreafonable Per- 
 fecutors, yet they were Difcrete and Honeft enough to have 
 kept their Stops ; and it could never enter into the Kings 
 Mind, that they would go fo far as to Affift the Roman- 
 Catholicks in gaining the Power, with Forreign Aids, to 
 Devour them all. Nor could it enter into Their Mind, that 
 a King, whofe Sword was Steel, his GOD was but a Wafer, 
 and who could not keep in any Terms with the Church 
 whereof he was but a Vaffal, if he did not ajjbon as he 
 could, Order all that would not Worfhip his Idol to be 
 thrown into the Fiery Furnace, could be their Hearty 
 Friend, or could long forbear to Harafs them with Perfidi- 
 ous, and Barbarous, and Inhumane Cruelties. Indeed, I 
 know to whom it was, that King James in a Private Confer- 
 ence, Expreffed an Horror of the French Kings Horrid 
 
 Cruelties, 
 (127)
 
 [8] 
 
 Cruelties, and faid, / Wonder wJtat Almighty GOD will do 
 to him ! Neverthelefs, was not King James too a Roman 
 Catholic ? He was a Son of the Church, and he muft Obey ! 
 Or, What better was the State of the Proteftants in Ireland, 
 under Him than that of the Hugonots in France, under his 
 Brother ? 
 
 But yet, Mr. Mather might hope at leaf! for fome Tempo- 
 rary Advantages for his Country, and fuch as might be 
 worth feeking for, from the Prefent Pojlure of Affairs. 
 
 Let it not be cavilled, That he was now going, Extra 
 Theologies Sphczram. A Public Diftrefs, a Common Dan- 
 ger, is enough to Legitimate his Lifting for the Service. 
 Yea, The Life of Churches was now at Stake. Churches 
 were to be Served. New-England knows how to take its 
 Minifters upon occafion, & ufe them as Inftruments of doing 
 what none elfe could have done., to ferve its Interefts. Yea, 
 an Eminent Writer Propounds it, That the Reformed 
 Churches ought always to have fome or other of their Min- 
 ifters, refident in the Courts of Princes, that fo their Inter- 
 efts may not Suffer, but be Preferved and Promoted there. 
 
 A fort of Panic Terror fell now upon the Adverfary. Some- 
 thing muft be done to flop the Intended Voyage. Randolph 
 muft be the Tool. A Copy of his Forged Letter? 1 being 
 fent over hither, Mr. Mather in a Letter to the Perfon that 
 received it, Intimated fome Reafons he had for a Sufpicion 
 that Randolph (with a Brother of his) might be one Author 
 of the Forgery. Tho' the Villian knew himfelf to be fo, 
 and his Good Fame was not worth half a Farthing ; yet he 
 
 now 
 
 81 The matter of the forged letter be no neceflity to repeat the details, 
 
 purporting to be written by Mather, Briefly, Mather attributed the forgery 
 
 and by him attributed to Randolph, is to Randolph, and was fued by the lat- 
 
 fully difcufled in the Mather Papers, ter. The papers relating to the fuit 
 
 Mafs. Hift. Soc. Coll. 4th Ser. viii. are printed in the volume laft cited, 
 
 108-109. As it does not efpecially pp. 702-704. 
 concern the main ftory, there feems to 
 
 (128)
 
 [9] 
 
 now Arrefted Mr. Mather in an AElion of Defamation^ and 
 Five Hundred Pounds Damage. And it was a thing little 
 fhort of Miraculous, that confidering the Tricks and Frauds, 
 wherewith every thing was then Managed, the Point was 
 not gained. But the Good Old way was taken ; much 
 Prayer was made unto the Glorious Lord from whom every 
 Man has his Judgment: and the Day whereon the Court 
 fat, was a Day of Prayer with fome Societies of Chriftians, 
 for a Good Iffue of the Perplexing matter. Behold, The 
 whole Jury cleared Mr. Mather, and ordered the Plaintiff 
 to Pay Co/Is of Court. 
 
 Mr. Mather went on with his Preparations for his Voyage; 
 and had his Mind more and more Irradiated with a Strong 
 Perfwafion, That GOD would give him to find Things in 
 England, infuch a State, as that hefhould have an Oppor- 
 tunity to do Special Service for His People here. Yea, he 
 went fo far in it, as to Write thefe Marvellous Words upon 
 it ; / know, it will be fo ; For Thou, O Lord GOD, haft 
 told me, that it will befo ! And the Truth is, If he had not 
 had fome fuch Faith as this, to have Infpired him with an 
 uncommon Courage, a Perfon of his Prudence would never 
 have Expofed himfelf, as he did on a Thoufand Accounts in 
 his prefent Undertaking. 
 
 He waited on Sr. Edmond Androfs, the Governour and 
 Oppreffor of New-England ; and acquainted him, That he 
 defigned a Voyage for London. He alfo gave the Country 
 notice of his Voyage, in a Sermon at the Great Lecture ; on 
 Exod. XXXIII. 15. If thy Prefence go not with us, carry 
 us not up from hence. Hereupon Randolph again, Affifted 
 by one 'Pothecary Bullivant, a Memorable Juftice [and 
 fomething elfe /] Privately fent an Officer to Arrefl him once 
 more (fuch the Equity of thofe Times /) upon the former 
 Aflion of Defamation. But it fell out, that he was juflthen 
 under the Operation of a more wholefome Phyjic, than what 
 
 that 
 
 Q (129)
 
 [10] 
 
 that ''Pothecary had fent him ; and fo the Officer was Igno 
 rantly denied Admittance. The 'Pothecary as Ignorantly 
 reported, That Mr. Mather was Arrefted ; and the Report 
 flying like Lightening about the Solicitous Town, it foon 
 reached Mr. Mathers Ears ; who then kept upon his 
 Guard. 
 
 Of Randolph, I faid a good while ago, That I Jhoidd 
 have a farther Occajlon to mention Mm. I have now done 
 it ; And that I may never mention him any more, I will 
 here take my Eternal Farewell of him, with Relating, That 
 he proved a Blafted Wretch, followed with a fenfible C2irfe 
 of GOD wherever he came ; Defpifed, Abhorred, Unprof- 
 perous ; Anon he Died in Virginia, and in fuch Miferable 
 Circumftances, that (as it is faid) he had only Two or Three 
 Negro s to carry him unto his Grave. 
 
 Mr. Mather withdrew Privately from his Houfe, in a 
 Changed Habit, unto the Houfe of Colonel Philips in 
 Chart/lawn; In which withdraw, it is Remarkable, That 
 a Wicked Fellow, whofe Name was Thurton, and who was 
 placed as an under-Sheriff, to Watch him, and Seize him, if 
 he ftir'd abroad now faw him and knew him, and yet found 
 himfelf ftruck with fuch an Enfeebling Terror, that he had 
 no power to meddle with him. From thence, he was by 
 certain well-difpofed Young Men of his Flock, tranfported 
 unto Winnejimmet ; And from thence, he went aboard a 
 Ketch, which lay ready to affift his Voyage : From which 
 he was on Apr. 7. 1688. gladly received aboard the Ship 
 (called, The Prcejident^) on which he had at find Shipped 
 himfelf, and fo bore away for England. 
 
 After the Ship had made the Land, in a Foggy Day, they 
 narrowly efcaped Perifhing among the Rocks of Silly. And 
 fome very Wicked Fifhermen of St. Ives alfo after 7/fo/gave 
 them falfe Advice, on purpofe to have Shipwreck'd 'em ; 
 
 which 
 (130)
 
 [II] 
 
 which they again Efcaped by Mr. Mathers taking one of 
 the Sharks afide, and hiring him with Four Half Crowns to 
 tell the Truth. But on May 6. a Weymouth Boat coming by 
 the Ship, he (with his Youngeft Son whom he carried over 
 with him) went afhore, at Weymouth, which was the laft 
 Town he had Lodged in, when he left England, Seven and 
 Twenty Years before ; And he had the Satisfaction, which 
 he had Exceedingly defired, of feeing his old Friends yet 
 Surviving in Dorfet-Jhire, who now received him with the 
 Greateft Joy Imaginable, and even as an Angel of GOD. 
 
 ARTICLE XXV. 
 An Admijfion into the Clofet of K. James //. 
 
 UT Mr. Mather, willing to lofe no Time, haftened 
 up to London, where he arrived, May. 25. 1688. 
 And he found Things infuch aftate, as that he 
 had Opportunity to do Special Service for his 
 People ; Even beyond what he could have Imagined. An 
 Eminent Perfon often at Court, Informed King James, of 
 his coming with Addreffes to His Majefty from New-Eng- 
 land: And upon May 30 which was the Time the King had 
 ordered for it, he attended on his Majefly, in the long Gal- 
 lery at Whitehall. Offering to kneel, the King forbad that 
 Pofture to him: whereupon Prefenting the Addrefs, 32 he 
 
 faid, 
 
 32 Thefe addrefles were probably To the Kings Moft Excellent Majejly. 
 the following, which we reprint from 
 
 Mafs. Hift. Soc. Coll. 4th Sen viii. pp. The Humble Addrefs of many Congre- 
 697-698 : gations m New [England.] 
 
 SIR, That princely Goodnefs and 
 
 ADDRESS OF THE CONGREGATIONS bounty which did adorn one of your 
 IN NEW ENGLAND TO KING JAMES Roya[l Anjceftors, caufed his fubjefts 
 1 1. to honour him with the Glorious Title 
 
 of 
 (130
 
 [12] 
 
 faid, Syr, Your Majefties moft Loyal Subjects in New- 
 England, with all PoJJible Veneration, Prefent this Addrefs 
 
 of 
 
 of the poor m[an's] King. And it is 
 mentioned as the Chief Glory of a 
 Great King in Ifrael (in t[hat] refem- 
 bling the King of Kings) that Hee 
 mould deliver the needy, fpare the 
 poor, and redeem them from violence. 
 This hath your Majefty done by your 
 Late Gracious declaration for Liberty 
 of Confcience, which is Come down on 
 your fubjeclis like rain on the mowen 
 Grass. Therein you aflure them that 
 they mall bee maintained in all their 
 properties and pofleffions ; and Confirm 
 unto them the free exercife of their Re- 
 ligion. Wee know your Majeftyes 
 pleafure is, that your Indulgence mould 
 extend to thefe utmoft Ends of the 
 Earth, fince you have Commanded it 
 to bee proclaimed in this part of Your 
 Dominions. As men, our Civil prop- 
 erties and pofleffions are dear unto us, 
 butt much more our Religion, as wee 
 are Chriftians. Your Majefty having 
 declared that no difturbance of any 
 kind fhall bee given to us therein, Wee 
 mould render ourfelves moft unworthy, 
 if wee do not accept fuch Royal Grace 
 fo Generoufly Exprefled, with all hum- 
 ble thankfulnefs to God and the King. 
 And Your Majefty having promifed that 
 this Liberty mail Continue during your 
 Reign over us ; as the Scripture has 
 made it our duty, fo your Majefty has 
 made it our Intereft to pray that your 
 Reign may bee long, and profperous. 
 Lett the King live forever. Thus do 
 wee, with all poffible Teftimonies of the 
 Higheft Gratitude, Subfcribe ourfelves 
 
 Dread Soveraign, 
 
 Your moft Loyal and Obedient Subjects. 
 
 In the Name of many Congregations 
 in Your Majeftyes Territory and Do- 
 minion of New England. 
 
 ADDRESS OF THE CONGREGATIONS 
 IN N. E. TO JAMES II. 1687. 
 
 To the King's Mojl Excellent Majejly. 
 
 The humble addrefs of the Congrega- 
 tions in N. E. 
 
 MAY IT PLEASE YOUR MAJESTY, 
 Since the beams of your Royall 
 Clemency have bin fo vaftly influen- 
 tiall, as to communicate their light and 
 warmth to this remote corner of the 
 earth, and your Goodnefs (no l[efs 
 fp]lendid than your Greatnefs) hath 
 amplified itfelf fo farre as to compre- 
 hend your poor and defpicable fubjecls, 
 at fo great a diftance as N. E. within 
 the compafs of your gracious declara- 
 tion, in which we have aflured fecurity 
 of the continuance of our Liberty of 
 Confcience in the worfhip of God, and 
 peaceable enjoyment of our properties 
 and pofleffions, than which nothing can 
 be dearer to us in this world, and not 
 only fo, but you have alfo (by giving 
 particular order for the proclaiming of 
 this your Kingly Indulgence among vs) 
 made us fenfible, as of the well inten- 
 tions to grafp us within it, fo of a fpe- 
 ciall care you have entertained for vs : 
 It would argue us far more degenerate 
 and brutifh than the Barbarous Na- 
 tives wee converfe among, mould wee 
 not with greateft thankfulnefs, exprefle 
 our deep refentment of fuch an immu- 
 nity, which (next under God) wee are 
 properly beholden to your Majefty for. 
 Deign then, Great Sir, to fill vp your 
 already fuperlative goodnefs, to caft a 
 benign ey upon thefe our beft expref- 
 fions of reall gratitude, who, (having 
 nothing elfe to fignalize it by) refolve, 
 by our earneft wifhes and hearty pray- 
 ers, to do our utmoft to obtein that 
 
 your
 
 [13] 
 
 of Thanks to Your Majefty, for Your mojl Gracious Decla- 
 ration of Indulgence unto them and their Brethren. The 
 King replied, Read it, Syr ; which he did, and added the 
 Number of the Minifters who had Subfcribed it, in the 
 Name of their feveral Congregations. The King then 
 received it out of his Hand, and faid, / am glad my Sub- 
 jects in New-England are fenjible of any Eafe and Benefit 
 by my Declaration : And it JJiall Continue. I hope, by 
 a Parliament to Obtain a Magna Charta for Liberty of 
 Confcience. He then Prefented an Addrefs to the King 
 from Plymouth; to which His Majefty replied, / kindly 
 
 accept 
 
 your reign may bee long, peaceable and 
 fuccesfull, joyning hereto our utmoft 
 endeauors fo to demean ourfelves in all 
 things, as to make it manifeftly appeare 
 that wee are, as wee profefs ourfelves 
 
 Sir, 
 Your Majeflie's moft Loyall and 
 
 moft obedient fubjefts.* 
 
 [Suppofe in Oftober or November, 1687. 
 PRINCE.] 
 
 33 The Plymouth Addrefs is prob- 
 ably the one, of which we have the fol- 
 lowing fragment in Mafs. Archives, 
 Political, vol. cvi. p. 371 : 
 
 " Renew our humble prayers and fup- 
 plication to our Lord the King that 
 you may gracioufly be pleafed to give 
 your order for a bill to be prepared for 
 your Royall Signett to pane the great 
 Scale for the granting etc. as hath been 
 formerly petitioned for. As foon as 
 your Majefty more weightly concernes 
 may give admittance thereto, and with 
 as much eafe as to your charge thereof 
 as may be, confidering our great pov- 
 erty partly be the barrennes of moft of 
 our Lands, late blaftings and mildewes 
 
 * This addrefs is in the handwriting of the Rev. 
 Samuel Willard. 
 
 on our principal grains and the great 
 desolations made upon many of our 
 howfes by the barbarous Indians ; this 
 Colony being the firft feat of that cruell 
 warr and as it was our defign notwith- 
 ftanding the propofalls annexed to our 
 former petition and addrefs containing 
 the heads of what wee cheifly defired 
 to be granted, yet humbly fubmitt 
 ourfelves and propofalls to your Maj- 
 eftys good pleafure. So wee defire ftill 
 to fubmitt thofe propofalls of our defires 
 to your Majeftys Regulation as you 
 mail fee fitt for us : hoping to find grace 
 in your fight efpecially as to our relig- 
 ious libertyes, that under your Royall 
 favour and protection as we have, fo 
 wee may, with peaceable and loyall 
 minds have the liberty of our Con- 
 fciences in the publick worfhipe of God 
 according to Scripture, patern and gof- 
 pell order ; which according to our beft 
 light and the generall profeffion here is 
 the Congregationall way : and therein 
 onely differing from our orthodox breth- 
 ren of the Church of England, agree- 
 ing with them and other the reformed . 
 Churches in their profeflion of the Doc- 
 trinall points of Religion : to enjoy 
 which liberty without ofFenfe to thofe 
 worthy perfons who were otherwife 
 
 minded. 
 
 (133)
 
 accept of this Addrefs alfo, and I fay again, as I faid 
 before ; You Jhall have a Magna Charta for Liberty of 
 Confcience. 
 
 Two Days after this, Mr. Mather was Admitted into the 
 Kings Clofet ; and there faid unto him : Syr, Your Majef- 
 ties moft Loyal Subjects in New-England, think, they can 
 never be Sufficiently Thankful to GOD, and to Your Majejly, 
 for the Benefit they have received by Your mcjl Gracious 
 Declaration of Indulgence. The King Replied; I am fur e, 
 they that are truly Confcientious, are P leafed with my Dec- 
 laration ; As for thofe that are not fatisfied with it, they 
 are Men that have little Dejigns of their 
 own . an( tkeir Tricks are well known to 
 
 , 7 Trr ,, T / T - u , r ^ 
 
 t*f World. I was for Liberty of Con- 
 fcience before I was King : And I Thank 
 GOD s that ftnce I was King I have been 
 able in that matter to give fome eafe unto my 
 
 Subjects. 
 
 [LIBERTY OF 
 
 CONSCIENCE! 
 
 Can the Ethiopian 
 ChangehisSkin,or 
 
 minded. And that under the protection 
 of their Majefties fervice Mr Jofiah 
 Winflow then Governour fent over by 
 the hand of the noble Lord Culpep- 
 per in the year 1680 and intrufted with 
 the Honourable Wm. Blathwayt, Efq., 
 whom wee intrufted to give himfelf the 
 trouble to manage this weighty concern, 
 yet that wee might not be thought to 
 negle6l your Majefty wee did the year 
 following imploy one of our Magif- 
 trates, Mr James Cudworth to wait 
 upon your Majefty according to fuch 
 directions and affiftance as hee might 
 receive from Mr Blathwayt. But it 
 pleafed God to take him away to death, 
 foon after his arrivall at London, before 
 he could have that happines of that 
 opportunity for us. And tho. wee 
 doubt not of Mr Blathwayt's faithfull- 
 nes and care according to the truft we 
 
 repofed in him, and the affiftance there- 
 of which hee was pleafed lovingly to 
 give us in his ftation and that good 
 character was hence received of him, 
 yet partly by your Majeftys more 
 weighty concernes and his own, and 
 partly by miflaying the copy of our 
 former patent fent over by Governor 
 Winflow, fo it is that we have received 
 no further anfwere of our humble peti- 
 tion and defire than that fome hopefull 
 progrefte hath been made in the bufi- 
 nefs of our patent, and that your Gra- 
 cious Majefty and your Honourable 
 Councill have a good opinion of our 
 Loyalty, for which wee defire to be 
 thankfull to you and your Majeftys 
 Council, and truft thro' divine affiftance 
 that wee mall never forfeit. And now 
 having fent over another true copy 
 of our former patent and contemplating 
 
 not 
 
 (134)
 
 Subjects. He then faid unto the King ; Syr, Your Subjects 
 in New-England are a People that were Perfecuted thither 
 on the meer Account of Religion. Inasmuch as Your Maj- 
 efty has Delivered them from the Fear of a future Perfecu- 
 tion, they are Transported with Joy ; and there are great 
 Numbers, Dejirous that IJJwuld report their Dutiful Affec- 
 tion unto your Majefty. The King thereupon afked him, 
 whether Sr. Edmond Andros gave good Satisfaction to his 
 Subjects there. 
 
 The Dialogue went on in thefe Terms. 
 
 JHat^Ct* Syr, If he would but duely attend to Your 
 Majejlies Declaration, the People there would be better 
 Satisfied. 
 
 KING. Does he not do That? 
 
 There have been fome of Your Subjefls Fined and 
 Imprifoned, becaufe from a Tendernefs of Confcience they 
 Scrupled, Swearing by the Book. I brought an Address of 
 Thanks to Your Majejly, from a Number of our Congrega- 
 tions. I believe all the Congregations in the Country would 
 have Concurred in the Addrefs, had not the Mini/lers been 
 Difcouraged by Sr. Edmond Andros, who in a menacing 
 way, bid them, have a Care what they did ; And One of the 
 Council with him there told us, wejhould make no Addreffes 
 to the King without their Leave. The Mini/lers of Bofton 
 propofed unto their Congregations, that they might keep 
 a Day of Thankfgiving, to Blefs GOD for what they have 
 
 enjoy d 
 
 not only the gracious affurance given your moft gracious and unparalleled 
 
 under your Royall hand of your con- condifcention above mentioned wee 
 
 tinuance and enlargement of our lib- have found in our hearts to " 
 
 ertys both civil and religious, but alfo [Here the MS. breaks off.] 
 
 (135)
 
 enjoy 1 d by Your Majefties Declaration. But he fent for 
 them, and bid them keep the Day at their Peril, and ajjiired 
 them, that if they did, he would clap a Guard on their Per- 
 fons and their Churches too ; fo that the intended Thanf- 
 giving was Diverted. 
 
 KING. I wonder at it; For in other Plantations, the 
 Governours themfelves have fent me Thanks for my Decla- 
 ration. 
 
 All the Hope under GOD, that yoiir Svbjefts in 
 New-England have, is in Your Majejly. They cannot but 
 hope, that the Great GOD in whofe Hand is the Heart of 
 Kings, will incline Your Royal Heart to relieve them, when 
 once you Jhall truly and fully be Informed how it is with 
 them. 
 
 KING, \_who feem'd Pleas d,~\ No Man mail be more 
 ready to relieve them then I will be. Do you therefore 
 bring to me in Writing, the things which Trouble you. 
 
 Upon this, Mr. Mather kneeled, and the King Offering 
 his hand unto him, he Kiffed it ; and for this Time took his 
 Leave. 
 
 Mr. Mather Immediately got ready, not only a Memorial 
 of the Grievances which filled his Country with the Cry of 
 the Opprejfed, but alfo a Petition 34 for a Redrefs of them, in 
 
 feveral 
 
 34 As to this Memorial and Petition Condition of the Dijfenters of Neiv- 
 we find two fets of papers anfwering England. 
 to the defcription in Mafs. Hift. Soc. 
 
 Coll. 4th Ser. vol. viii. pp. 699-702, and That your Majeftys Subjects there 
 
 pp. 113-115. They are as follows : diffenting from the Church of England 
 
 are by much the greateft and wealthieft 
 
 MEMORIAL OF THE DISSENTERS OF Part, and were the Firft of any of your 
 
 NEW ENGLAND. Majefty's Plantations, that Proclaimed 
 
 re, ,.n>T,,, T*QC T>T>T. r.~i y ur Majefty their True and Lawfull 
 Ibuppoie June i. looo. FRINGE.] t -ru .. * -.i .n. j- ^ 
 
 J Soveraign. That notwithftandmg they 
 
 An Humble Memoriall of the prefent happily flourifhed under their former 
 
 Goverment, 
 (136)
 
 feveral Propofed In/lances. Indeed, he could not now pro- 
 pofe the Reftoration of the Condemned & Vacated Charter ; 
 
 But 
 
 Government, yet upon your Majefty's 
 Commands, they cherefully Submitted 
 to the prefent Form of a Generall Gov- 
 ernor. 
 
 Yet fuch has bin and ftill is the 
 Artifice of fome who belong to the 
 Church of Englands Party to traduce 
 the moft peaceable and Confciencious 
 Men as Seditious and difaffected to 
 Royall Goverment. 
 
 And fuch is the prefent Cafe of your 
 Majefty's DifTenting Subjects in this 
 your Plantation. 
 
 For that they are not fuifered to fett 
 apart Days of Prayer and Thankfgiv- 
 ing: no, not even for the Bleffing of 
 your Gracious Declaration for Liberty 
 of Confcience, Nor were the People 
 there Encouraged to make humble Ad- 
 drefles pf Thanks, but the Contrary. 
 
 That the Service of the Church of 
 England has bin forced into their Meete- 
 ing Houfes. 
 
 That there have bin threatnings to 
 punifh any Man that mould give to the 
 value of Two pence to maintaine a Non- 
 conformift Minifter. 
 
 That they have bin fined and Im- 
 prifoned becaufe they were Scrupelous 
 of Swearing, otherwife then according 
 to the Ancient Cuftome of this your 
 Majefty's Plantation, by Lifting up 
 their Hands to heaven and not by the 
 Booke. 
 
 That the Diflenters Lands there are 
 Meafur'd out, and given to fuch as are 
 for the Church of England, and others 
 denyed Liberty to improve their Prop- 
 erty. 
 
 That whole Towns, to the Ruine of 
 many hundreds of Familyes, are now 
 vnder expectation of having their Lands 
 feized, vnlefie they give money to Re- 
 purchafe them. 
 
 That they are under great Fears 
 and Difcouragements, being told by 
 fom in Goverment that they are no 
 better then Slaves, that they have no 
 Title to Property or Englim Privi- 
 lidges, and they are treated accord- 
 ingly. 
 
 Some being Imprifoned without 
 Afligning any Cause, and others forc'd 
 to pay fuch Fines as inferior Officers 
 pleafe to extort from them. 
 
 [A paragraph erafed.~\ 
 
 That it is commonly difcourfed that 
 the College built by Non-Conformifts 
 in New England mail be taken from 
 them, and put into the hands of fuch 
 as are of the Church of England.* 
 
 PETITION OF INCREASE MATHER AND 
 OTHERS TO KING JAMES II. 
 
 To the Kings Mojl Excellent Majesty. 
 
 The humble Petition of Increafe Ma- 
 ther, Samuel Nowell, and Elifha 
 Hutchinfon, on behalfe of them- 
 felues and many of your Majeftys 
 Loiall Subjects in New England, 
 
 Humbly Sheweth 
 
 That fince the diffolution of the late 
 Government there, many inconven- 
 iences have and will attend your Peti- 
 tioners, unlefle relieved therein by your 
 Majefty, in order whereunto they hum- 
 bly propofe to your Majeftys Confider- 
 alion the heads in the Paper annexed, 
 which if your Majefty mail vouchfafe to 
 Grant and confirme to them, will (as 
 your Petitioners humbly conceive) be 
 for your Majeftys Intereft, and an effec- 
 
 tuall 
 
 * The laft paragraph is in the handwriting of 
 Increafe Mather. 
 
 (137)
 
 But he did Propofe (what the King himfelf had Inftru6led 
 him to call, a MAGNA CHARTA, for an Everlafling Lib- 
 erty 
 
 tuall meanes for the fettlement of that 
 your Colony. 
 
 And therefore they humbly pray and 
 hope that your Majefty will, out of your 
 great Grace, give fuch fpeedy Orders 
 therein as will be for your Petitioners 
 reliefe. 
 
 And your petitioners, etc : 
 
 [April 6, 1688. Mr. Increafe Mather goes 
 for England. 
 
 May 30. Has his ift audience of King 
 James II, in private ; and June I. his 
 ad audience. And I fuppofe on July 
 2, 1688, prefents this Petition to King 
 James 2d, as it feems by Dr. C. Ma- 
 ther's Life of his Father. PRINCE.] 
 
 [The following paper is placed in the col- 
 lection of manufcripts immediately 
 after this petition, and is probably 
 "the Paper annexed," referred to 
 therein.] 
 
 That his Majefties fubje&s in New 
 England may be quieted in the poflef- 
 fion of all property, both in houfes and 
 lands, as they enjoyed them before the 
 gouuerment was changed, on the 24th 
 May, 1686, and that the antient records 
 there fetled for title of lands may be 
 confirmed. 
 
 That there be liberty of confcience 
 in matters of Religion, and that theire 
 former methods of fwearing in giueing 
 of Evidence may be allowed ; and all 
 their meeting houfes left free to them, 
 according to the Intentions of the build- 
 ers thereof. 
 
 That no lawes may be made nor 
 mony raifed there, without the Confent 
 of a generall Assembly, as it is in the 
 other plantations. 
 
 That all Townfhips may haue liberty 
 
 to aiTemble and mannadge the buiffinefs 
 of theire feuerallprecindis, asunder the 
 former Gouuernment, and haue power 
 to receiue and difpofe of all Voluntary 
 contributions. 
 
 That the Colledge at Cambridge in 
 New England, with the Revenues 
 thereunto belonging, be confirmed in 
 the hands of a Prefident and fellows as 
 formerly. 
 
 Wee humbly Petition, that thefe 
 things may be confirmed under the 
 great feale. 
 
 PETITION IN BEHALF OF HARVARD 
 COLLEGE. 
 
 [This paper is in the handwriting of In- 
 creafe Mather.] 
 
 Suppose for June i. 1688. PRINCE. 
 
 Some who are diflenters from the 
 Church of England did ere<5l a Col- 
 ledge at Cambridge in New England 
 for the benefit of themfelves and pof- 
 terity. 
 
 Several donations were beftowed on 
 this Colledge by fundry perfons ; alfo a 
 revenue fetled by the former Govern- 
 ment for the incouragement of a Prefi- 
 dent and Fellows to govern that 
 Society. 
 
 It has bin governed by a Prefident, 
 five Fellows, and a Treafurer, who had 
 power to make laws for the government 
 of their own Society, and to difpofe of 
 all moneys given, or that mould be 
 given, as mould be moft advantagious 
 to the ufe of the Colledge ; alfo in cafe 
 of death or removal to chufe another 
 Prefident, Fellow, or Treafurer. 
 
 At the time when the Civil Govern- 
 ment was changed, the Colledge was 
 
 (nor
 
 [19] 
 
 erty of Confcience to the Churches, to the Religion whereof 
 no lefs than an utter Extinction was intended and eagerly 
 
 purfued 
 
 (nor is it that wee know of, as yet put 
 into other hands) under the Infpeclion 
 of Increafe Mather as Prefident, John 
 Sherman, Nehemiah Hubbard,* John 
 Cotton, John Leverett, William Brattle, 
 as Fellows, and John Richards as 
 Treafurer. 
 
 Wee now petition that the faid Col- 
 ledge may be confirmed in the hands it 
 has bin in, and that they may have the 
 fame power which formerly they had, 
 as is above exprefled. 
 
 MEMORIAL OF GRIEVANCES PRE- 
 SENTED BY INCREASE MATHER 
 TO JAMES II. 
 
 Mr Increafe Mather's 2d audience of 
 King James II was private on lune 2, 
 i688.f Who failed a Bofton the Beg. of 
 April, 1688. PRINCE. 
 
 For June i, 1688. 
 
 I. As to matters of Religion, they 
 are inhibited the free exercife thereof, 
 for they are not allowed to fet dayes 
 for prayer or Thankfgiving when the 
 minifters in B. had agreed with their 
 
 * The perfon intended was undoubtedly William 
 Hubbard. 
 
 t Cotton Mather, who derived his information 
 from a diary kept by his father, fays, in the " Paren- 
 tator," that the fidt audience took place May 30, in 
 the long gallery at Whitehall ; on which occafion he 
 prefented addrefles of thanks from the minifters and 
 churches of Maflachufetts and Plymouth, for the 
 King's Declaration of Indulgence. The fecond 
 audience was in the King's Clofet, " two days after," 
 i. e-i June i. At that time no petition was prefented, 
 but only a converfation held, in which the King bade 
 him to prepare a written ftatement of what he wifhed 
 to be done for the Colony. He immediately drew up 
 a Memorial of grievances, and alfp a Petition for 
 their redrefs, and waited on his Majefty, July 2, and 
 prefented them. We infer, from the language of the 
 "Parentator," that a petition in behalf of the Col- 
 lege perhaps in fubftance that which is printed 
 above was prefented at the fame time. 
 
 congregations folemnly to praife God 
 becaufe of the King's Declaration of 
 Indulgences. Sir Edmund Andros en- 
 terteyned them with threatening words, 
 faying it was faction in them, and bad 
 them meet at their perill, and told them 
 that hee mould then fend fouldiers to 
 guard them and their meeting-houfes 
 too. And the worfhip of the Church 
 of England has been forced into feveral 
 of their meeting-houfes. Some have 
 been fined and imprifoned, because they 
 were afraid to a<5l againft the fcruples 
 of their confciences in fwearing by the 
 Booke, yet willing to fwear (when called 
 thereto) according to the cuftom of the 
 country, by lifting up their hands. 2. 
 The property of His Majefty's loyal 
 fubjedls there has been invaded by their 
 prefent Rulers. The Governor has 
 taken away the Lands belonging to 
 fome particular perfons, and given 
 them to his owne creatures. As alfo 
 the Lands belonging to fundry Towns. 
 And there are divers whole Towns 
 threatned to have their common Lands 
 difpofed of to fuch of the loweft there 
 as have petitioned for them, which will 
 prove the ruin of hundreds of families 
 who have for fcores of years had a 
 peaceable poffeffion of their rights. 
 The prefent Rulers there, fome of 
 them, declare, that the King's fubjefls 
 in N. E. have no property belonging to 
 them, but that all is gone with their 
 charter, and they promife Patents to 
 fuch as will give a fumm of money to 
 purchafe their owne lands. They dif- 
 courage His Majeflies fubjefts by 
 afferting that they are no better than 
 flaves, and that the priviledges of Eng- 
 lifh men do not belong to them. And 
 in many particulars they ac"l contrary 
 
 to 
 
 (139)
 
 [20] 
 
 purfued by the Sons of Strangers who now Lorded it over 
 them. He did therewithal Propofe, a Confirmation of the 
 Peoples Title to their Lands, which had been brought under 
 fuch an Abominable Conteftation. He did alfo Propofe, a 
 Liberty for an AJ/embly. But he had nothing more at 
 Heart than the Intereft of the College ; whereof he was now 
 the Rector: (and his appearing in that Quality was no 
 little Advantage to him in his Prefent Agency :) but the 
 Ruin whereof was evidently in the View of the Perfe- 
 cutors. Having prepared the way for it, by Private Appli- 
 cations, to the Lords of the Kings Privy Council, and the 
 Chief Miniflers, he again Waited on' His Majefty, (July 2.) 
 and was Admitted into his Clofet ; where he Prefented 
 kneeling his Memorial and Petition. The King put forth 
 his Hand to take him up, and faid, YouJJtall not kneel, Syr : 
 and therewithal received the Papers out of his Hand ; fay- 
 ing, I fuppofe thefe Papers concern New-England, and are 
 about the fame things, which you had fome Difcourfe with 
 me, not long Jince upon: And then putting them into his 
 Pocket he faid, He would take care about it. Mr. Mather 
 was accompanied with Two Gentlemen whom the King 
 treated, (not to fay, Cheated] as his Favourites : Both of 
 whom Declared unto his Majefty, That if he fliewed Favour 
 to New-England it would have a Good Influence on the 
 whole Body of DijJTenters in England; Whereto the King 
 
 Replied, 
 
 to the Laws of England. They might drefs of thanks to the King, hee bad 
 
 fell where they will without affigning them have a care what they did, and 
 
 anycaufe. Inferior officers extort what was greatly difpleafed. 
 Fees they pleafe. If His Majefty mall fee caufe to 
 
 3. Disregard has bin mewed to his empower any as Commiflioners, requir- 
 
 excellent Majefties declaration. When ing them to adminifter oaths to fundry 
 
 a Bookefeller defired that hee might in N. E., as they mall receive direc- 
 
 have licenfe to print it in N. E., that tion ; the truth of thefe complaints will 
 
 could not be granted. And when the be made to appear. New England is 
 
 minifters in Bofton informed the Gov- now * 
 ernor that they were ingaging their 
 Congregations to make an humble Ad- The manufcript abruptly terminates here. 
 
 (HO)
 
 [21] 
 
 Replied, / believe fo, and itJJiall be done! And Mr. Mather 
 then added, That his poor Subjects in New-England, very 
 much Defired, he fhould be Acquainted with their Condi- 
 tion : But he said, The Obligation will be beyond Exprejfion 
 great, if Your Majefty, will Pleafe to grant them a Charter 
 for their College. Certainly, Syr, they may think it hard 
 that the College built by Non-Conformifts, 
 JJiould be taken from them, & put into the ^^Jj at? *r in 
 Hands of Conformi/ls. The King Replied, declare fo ! j 
 It is Unreafonable, & itfhall not be ! 
 
 On Sept. 26. Mr. Mather again waited on the King in his 
 Clofet ; and there faid unto him ; Syr, I count it my Duty, 
 mojl Humbly to Thank your Majefty, in that you were 
 P leafed fome time fence to give Affurance, that you would 
 Confirm to your Subjects in New-England, their Liberties 
 and Properties, and the Benefit of your Gracious Declara- 
 tion. The King Replied, / will take the fame Care of 
 New-England, as of England ; And you may be fure, they 
 JJiall have what I have Promifed. Mr. Mather went on, / 
 Humbly Pray, Syr, that the matter may be Expedited. 
 Your Majesties Affairs here may feel fome Advantage from 
 it. The Kings Anfwer was ; Trouble yourfelf no farther; 
 I will take Care, that the thing fJiall be done with Ex- 
 pedition. 
 
 But, Quid Verba audiam quum fafla non Videam ? 
 
 There was nothing Effectually Performed of all that 
 
 had been Promifed. 
 
 Mr. Mather made as many Friends as he could : And it 
 was Remarkable to him, That not only the Lord-Proprietor 
 of Penfylvania, (then a Great Man at Court) treated him 
 with much Civility, but even the Goggle-E^d Monfter^ too 
 
 who 
 
 35 By the Goggle-Eyed Monfter of Macaulay will remember not only that 
 courfe Jeffrys is meant. Readers of the glare and frown of the cruel judge 
 
 were 
 
 (140
 
 [22] 
 
 who ufed no other Man fo, treated him with fome Humanity, 
 and the Roman-Catholicks themfelves ufed him very Courte- 
 oufly. It often made him think on that Word, They JJiall 
 take up Serpents, and itJJiall not hurt them : The Serpents 
 were fo far from Hurting him, that they Extremely Careffed 
 and Flattered him. He' had fomething better than a Staff 
 of Laurel for his Prefervative ! When he was in the midfl 
 of thefe Dangerous People. Among thefe, Nevil Pain 
 told him, That Father Peters \vould gladly Speak with him, 
 and was willing, \_Pray, Majler Apella, can even you Believe 
 a Word of this ?~\ to do Good Offices for New-England. 
 But Mr. Mather did not fee caufe to truft him ; nor did 
 he ever Exchange Ten Words with him ; though Reports 
 were fpred by fome Spiteful Perfons of his maintaining an 
 Intimacy with him ; and he was once in Eminent hazard of 
 lofmg his Life, by a Mob, which from fome Refemblance 
 of Stature and Habit miftook him for the moft contrary 
 Thing in the world. Some that were Friends to New- Eng- 
 land flrongly advifed him to feek an Acquaintance with that 
 Gentleman, and ufe his Intereft with the King; but he 
 always declined it and faid, It was next to going to the Devil 
 for Help, and he could never find in his Heart to do it. 
 Some others, he did more freely Apply to ; and efpecially, 
 the Lord-Prasfident, and the Earl of Melfort ; who both ftill 
 Promifed Fair. He alfo hoped, That the Diftrefs and the Ter- 
 ror of the Impending Revolution, would compel the Doing of 
 fomething : And for this purpofe, he attended on the King, 
 once again in his Clofet, on Oct. 16. who then 36 Pofitively told 
 him, That Liberties and Properties, and the College, and all 
 that he had Promifed, mould be Immediately Confirmed : 
 
 And 
 
 were moft noticeable, but that fome M We infert the following petition 
 notable peculiarity of his eyes led to from Mafs. Hift. Soc. Coll. 4th Ser. viii. 
 his difcovery whilft endeavoring to es- p. n6,atthis place, fmce Prince afcribes 
 cape in difguife. it to July, 1688, and efpecially becaufe 
 
 Palfrey 
 (142)
 
 [23] 
 
 And it feem'd indeed on the point of being Executed. But 
 upon the falfe Rumour of a Diverfion given to the Prince 
 of Oranges Expedition, there was a Demur put upon it ; 
 Whereupon Mr. Mather faid, in his own Mind / will fee 
 thy Face again no more. He thought he had heard Good 
 Words enough ; and faw, They were All he was like to be 
 put off withal. And indeed, what were the Dark Piirpofes 
 of the Court about poor New-England at that Critical time 
 of Ifaac on the Altar ; whether not fomething little fhort of 
 a Total Extirpation for Colonies that were fo Diftin- 
 guifhed for the Reformed Religion in the greateft Purity of 
 
 it ! Unriddle me, thofe Two Things. The one ; That 
 
 in the Account of the State of the Proteftants in Ireland, 
 
 which 
 
 Palfrey places it alfo to this period in 
 his third volume, p. 565. Hutchinfon 
 (Hift. i. 369) gives it the fame date. 
 
 PETITION OF INCREASE MATHER AND 
 OTHERS TO THE COMMITTEE FOR 
 TRADE AND FOREIGN PLANTA- 
 TIONS.* 
 
 To the Right HonoTirable the Lords' 
 Committee for Trade and Forreign 
 Plantations. 
 
 The humble Petition of Increafe Ma- 
 ther, Sa: Nowell and Elifha Hutch- 
 infon Sheweth 
 
 That fince your Lordfhips feem to 
 bee of the opinion that His Majefty 
 will not at prefent grant an Aflfembly 
 to be held within his Dominion of New 
 England, for the making of Laws or 
 raifing of mony, The Petitioners hum- 
 bly conceive, That it will be as much 
 for His Majeftys fervice as the peacea- 
 ble goverment of his fubjefts there; 
 
 that untill His Majefty mail be gra- 
 cioufly pleafed to grant an Affembly, the 
 Council mould confift of fuch perfons 
 as mail be conliderable Proprietors of 
 Lands within His Majefty's dominions ; 
 and that the Countys being continued 
 as at prefent, each County may have 
 one, at leaft, of fuch of the Inhabitants 
 of the fame to be a member thereof. 
 And that no A<5ls may pafs for Law but 
 fuch as have or mall be voted by the 
 manifeft confent of the major part of 
 the Council. And that all Laws fo 
 made may by printing be publifhed for 
 the Generall Inftruction of all the In- 
 habitants. 
 
 Your Petitioners therefore moft hum- 
 bly pray that your Lordfhips would be 
 pleafed favourably to report the fame to 
 His Majefty for his gracious direction 
 and order therein. 
 
 And your Petitioners mail pray, etc. 
 [Suppofe in 1688, fometime in July. 
 
 PRINCE.t] 
 
 an ao n . . . . 
 
 where the reference is to Hutch. Hift. i. 229-230. 
 
 t Dr. Palfrey, who probably obtained his infor- 
 nation from the Colonial Papers, in the Britilh 
 State Paper Office, dates this petition as in October. 
 (Note in Mafs. Hift. Soc. Coll.) 
 
 (H3)
 
 which no Proteftants make any Queftion of, One Article of 
 the Suggeftions made by the IriJJi Catholicks to King James, 
 was, That if any of the Irilh cannot have their Lands in 
 Specie, but Money in Lieu, fome of them may tranfport 
 themfelves into America, particularly near New-England, to 
 check the growing Independents of that Country. The 
 other ; That in a letter fent from King James to his Holy 
 Father at Rome, the Publifhed Copy of which every Body 
 looks upon as Genuine, that Intoxicated Prince, declares his 
 fidlpurpofe to fet up the Roman-Catholic Religion in the 
 EngliJJi Plantations of America. However, Bleffed be the 
 Lord, who has not given us as a Prey to their Teeth ; Our 
 Soul is Efcaped as a Bird out of the Snare of the Fowlers ; 
 the Snare is broken, we are Efcaped. 
 
 ARTICLE XXVI. 
 The Hi/lory of the NEW CHARTER. 
 
 JET my Reader, I befeech him, now be armed with 
 abundance of Patience. I am entring into a 
 Story, which I wifh I could manage with the Dif- 
 patch of the He-Goat in the Vifions of Daniel. 
 But it is a Story that mould and muft be told : and I fore- 
 fee, it will prove a long Chapter, let me do what I can. Of 
 the Poets, whereof tis Remark'd, the one knew what to fay, 
 the other knew what Not to fay, I am Confident, even the 
 latter, (and he who has made his Eneids, as we now have 
 them, twenty times as fliort as they were in the firfl Com- 
 pofing of them) could not give it much more Concifely than 
 what mail be now endeavoured. 
 
 But, Reader, if thou art not in a Time or a Frame for 
 
 the 
 (144)
 
 [25] 
 
 the Reading of Civil matters, Turn over a few Leaves, and 
 Skip the Chapter. 
 
 Perhaps, the Partitioning of the Story into Sections may 
 give the Reader fome neceffary Breathing-Spaces. 
 
 i. England mate and faw an Happy REVOLUTION. 
 And New-England upon, (and almoft before] the Advice of 
 it, made as Jujl and Fair an One, 37 in Conformity to it ; and 
 
 not 
 
 37 PALFREY writes (iii. 579) : " It 
 would be very interefting to know when 
 and how the riling in Bofton was pro- 
 jected." He cites HUTCHINSON (Hift. 
 i. 381), who fays, " It fully appears . . . 
 that none of the magiftrates were privy 
 to the rifing of the people ; " and who 
 alfo thinks that the Declaration was 
 written, after the event, by Cotton Ma- 
 ther. Both hiftorians ignore the very 
 clear ftatement made by Samuel Ma- 
 ther in the Life of his father Cotton 
 Mather, p. 42. It is as follows : 
 
 " It was in the Month of April 
 [1689] when we had News by the 
 Edges concerning a Defcent made 
 upon England by the Prince of Orange 
 for the Refcue of the Nation fro'm 
 Slavery and Popery ; Then a Strange 
 Difpofition entred in the Body of our 
 People to aflert our Liberties againft 
 the Arbetrary Rulers that were fleecing 
 them. But it was much feared by the 
 more fenfible Gentlemen at Bofton, that 
 an unruly Company of Soldiers who had 
 newly deferted the Service in which 
 they had bin employed for the Eaftern 
 War, by the gathering of their Friends 
 to them to protect them from the Gov- 
 ernor, who, they tho't, intended nothing 
 but Ruine to them ; would make a 
 great Stir and produce a bloody Revo- 
 lution. 
 
 " And therefore the principal Gentle- 
 men in Bofton met with Mr MATHER 
 
 (145) 
 
 to confult what was beft to be done ; 
 and they all agreed, if poffible, that they 
 would extinguifh all EfTays in our Peo- 
 ple to an Infurredtion ; but that if the 
 Country People to the Northward by 
 any violent Motions push'd on the 
 Matter fo far as to make a Revolution 
 unavoidable, Then to prevent the Shed- 
 ding of Blood by an ungoverned Multi- 
 tude, fome of the Gentlemen prefent 
 would appear in the Head of what 
 Action fhould be done ; and a Declara- 
 tion was prepared accordingly. 
 
 " On April 18, the People were fo 
 driving and furious, that unheadedthey 
 began to feize our public Oppreflbrs, 
 upon which the Gentlemen aforefaid 
 found it neceflary to appear, that by 
 their Authority among the People the 
 unhappy Tumults might be a little reg- 
 ulated." Further on he writes : " Twas 
 then Mr Mather appeared," and "he 
 fet himfelf both publickly and privately 
 to hinder the Peoples proceeding any 
 further than to referve the Criminals 
 for the Juftice of the Englijh Parlia- 
 ment." ... "On that very Day that 
 he was to be committed to half a Years 
 Imprifonment thofe that would have 
 wronged him were juftly taken into 
 Cuftody." 
 
 Surely this is very ftrong evidence 
 to the point, that the gentlemen had 
 confulted in advance ; and we can 
 hardly doubt that the multitude were 
 
 aware,
 
 [26] 
 
 not Rejlfting an Ordinance of GOD, but Re/training a 
 Curfed Violation of His Ordinance, Imprifoned Sr. Edmond 
 Andros, and his Accomplices. 
 
 In the mean time, the Prince of Orange Arriving to 
 London, and he with the Princefs, being foon after, Chofen 
 and Crowned, KING and QUEEN, of the Britilh Empire, 
 Mr. Mather had a New Field, and a Large one, for fpecial 
 Service offered him. 
 
 The Prince of Orange, having declared, the Rejloration 
 of Charters to be one Intention of his Expedition into Eng- 
 land, Mr. Mather immediately ufed his moft Vigorous 
 Endeavours, That the Charters of New-England might be 
 Reftored as well as thofe of England. The good Old Lord 
 Wharton, whofe Memory ought forever to be Precious unto 
 New-England, went with Mr. Mather, to Wait on the Prince 
 of Orange, at St. James s ; and on Jan. g. 38 then Prefented 
 
 the 
 
 aware, by indirect means, that leaders 
 would be forthcoming whenever action 
 was taken. 
 
 35 Jan. 9, 1689-90. The Petition 
 prefented by Mather is undoubtedly 
 the following one, which is preferved in 
 Mafs. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. cxxix. 
 p. 345. It is addrefled to the Prince 
 of Orange, who was crowned King on 
 the 1 3th February : 
 
 [Mafe. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. cxxix. p. 345.] 
 
 To His Highnefs the Prince of Orange. 
 
 The Humble Petition of Increafe Ma- 
 ther, Reftor of the Colledge at Cam- 
 bridge in New England in the behalf 
 of himfelf and the Proteflant Inhab- 
 itants in that Territorie 
 
 Humbly fheweth 
 
 That in the reigne of King James 
 the firft, their Anceftors of Blefled 
 memory for the fake of God and their 
 
 confcience left their native Country, 
 and found a wildernefs now called New 
 England, and Planted and built there, 
 and had many grants in fee for the in- 
 heritance of what they foe dearly pur- 
 chafed. But fince the year 1683 their 
 Charters have been ravifhed from them 
 by Judgement in the high Court of Chan- 
 cery in England without allowing them 
 time to make the leaft defence, and a 
 Governour is impofed upon them (vizt.) 
 Sir Edmund Androfs, who hath ac- 
 cepted of an illegall and Arbitrary Com- 
 miffion Impowering him to make Laws 
 and to raife money without any confent 
 of the People, in foe much that their 
 ancient eftablimed Government is to- 
 tally fubverted ; And they are expofed 
 to the Cruelty and rapine of the In- 
 dians, animated by the French, and 
 their Religion perfons and properties 
 to the utmoft hazard of an abfolute dif- 
 truction except fpeedily relieved by 
 your highnefs. 
 
 Wherefore 
 
 (146)
 
 [27] 
 
 the Petition for it unto His Highnefs. That noble Perfon, 
 with a great Zeal told his Highnefs, That if he werefure to 
 Dy the next Day, he would as he now did this Day, appear 
 
 on 
 
 Wherefore your petitioner humbly 
 implores your highnefs that you wilbe 
 gratioufly pleafed to declare under your 
 hand and figne manuall, that it is your 
 pleafure that New England mould be 
 Reftored to its ancient Rights and 
 priviledges and that their old Charters 
 mould take place as formerly. 
 
 And your petitioner as in duty bound 
 mall ever pray 
 
 We alfo add the following Letter to 
 Afhurft, and the report in Council, from 
 the Mafs. Hift. Soc. Coll. 4th Ser. viii. 
 p. 117-118 : 
 
 INCREASE MATHER TO SIR HENRY 
 ASHHURST. 
 
 Thefe for the Worjhipfull Sir Henry 
 AJhiirJl, Baronett. 
 
 SIR, I have a Great Requeft to 
 make to you. And I am perfwaded you 
 will not deny me. 
 
 The laft night I was at Whitehall ; 
 and my Lord Shrewfburyes (the Secre- 
 tary of State) Clerk informed me that 
 this day about 5 a clock in the after- 
 noon, our New England affair will be 
 before the Comittee of forreign Plan- 
 tations. Hee advifed me not only to 
 attend there myfelfe ; but, to ingage 
 fome other Gentlemen to be with me ; 
 and of his owne accord mentioned your 
 felfe. 
 
 I therefore humbly pray that you 
 will favor (not me but) New England 
 fo farr as to condefcend to this propofal 
 and defire of, Sir, Your Servant, 
 
 INCREASE MATHER. 
 February. 18. i688[-g.] 
 
 (H7) 
 
 REPORT AND ORDER IN COUNCIL, 
 FROM A PAPER IN THE HAND- 
 WRITING OF INCREASE MATHER. 
 
 A report from the Honorable the Lords 
 of the \Coni\mittee for Trade and 
 Forreign plantations. 
 
 Wee have in obedience to your Maj- 
 eftys Command of I3th inftant confid- 
 ered the Petition] of Sir W. A[fhhurft] 
 and Mr I[ncreafe] M[ather] praying 
 that the Colonies of Maffachufetts, New 
 York, Connecticut, Rhode Ifland, in 
 New England, may have their refpe<5tive 
 Charters reftored to them, and choofe 
 Magiftrates permitted to take upon 
 them the Government of faid Colonies, 
 wee have alfo heard what the petitioners 
 could allege by their Council learned in 
 the Law, and bin informed by Sir R. 
 S. of the proceedings relating to thofe 
 charters. 
 
 Whereupon wee moft humbly offer 
 that as well in reference to your Reve- 
 nue which is very much concerned 
 therein, as in confideration of the 
 neighbourhood of the French, who 
 have lately invaded your Majefties do- 
 minions in thofe parts, your Majefty 
 would be pleafed to fend forthwith 
 another Governor to New England in 
 the place of Sir Edmond Andros, with 
 a provifional commiffion and impowered 
 to proclaime your Majefty in thofe Col- 
 lonies, and to take the prefent care of 
 the Adminiftration of Government of 
 thofe parts till further ordered. In 
 which Commiffion and inftruc~lions it 
 may be expreffed that no money mail 
 be raifed by the Governor and Councill 
 onely, which they were lately empow- 
 ered
 
 [28] 
 
 on behalf of New-England, and Sollicit His Favour to that 
 Religious Country. He faid, That they were a Godly Con- 
 fcientious People, and there were Proportionably more Good 
 Men in New-England, than in any part of the World. He 
 faid, They did not Petition for Money, nor for Souldiers, nor 
 any other Succours under their heavy Difficulties ; but for 
 their Ancient Privileges. His Highnefs replied, That His 
 Purpofe was, to take the Beft care he could about it ; and He 
 would give order to His Secretary Mr. Jephfon ! concerning 
 it. My Lord then carrying Mr. Mather to Mr. Jephfon, faid, 
 Coujin, (for f uch he was) Obferve this Gentleman ; and when- 
 ever he comes to you, Receive him as if I came my f elf. 
 
 And Mr. Mather foon had fomething to do with Mr. 
 Jephfon ! For by the Procurement of fome old Courtiers 
 and Jacobites, a Circular Letter was drawn up unto all the 
 Plantations, and unto New-England among the reft, Con- 
 firming all their Old Governours until further Order. Mr. 
 
 Mathers 
 
 ered to do. And wee likewife moft 
 humbly advife that your Majefty do 
 thereupon give order for preparing, as 
 foon as may be, fuch further eftablifh- 
 ment as may be lafting, and preferve 
 the Rights and priviledges of the people 
 in New England, and yet referve fuch a 
 dependence on the crown of England 
 as mail be thought requifite. 
 Council Chamber, 22 Febr. 
 
 His Majefty taking the fame into 
 confideration, was pleafed to command 
 that it be referred back to the Com- 
 mittee to confider of and prepare a 
 draft of a new charter to be granted to 
 the Inhabitants of New England, with 
 fuch parts and claufes as may fuit with 
 and be agreeable to the Laws and Gov- 
 ernment of this Kingdom, and may 
 preferve the Rights and properties of 
 the Colony and referve fuch a depend- 
 ance on this Cro[wn] as is advife[d] 
 
 and that inftead of [a] Governor to be 
 fent in the room of Sir Edmond Andros, 
 there be appointed 2 Commiffioners [to 
 take] upon them the Adminiftration 
 of Government there, with directions 
 immediately to proclaime King W.[il- 
 liam] and Queen M.[ary]. And his 
 Majefty is gracioufly pleafed further 
 to order that fuch of the Merchants 
 and planters as are at prefent here in 
 England do forthwith attend the faid 
 Committee in order to their recom- 
 mending to their Lordfhips of faid 
 Commiffioners for his Majefty. 
 
 At a Court at Whitehall, Feb. 26, 
 i688[-o.], by the Kings moft excellent 
 Majefty and the Lords of his moft hon- 
 ourable privy council.* 
 
 * This order of the King in Council is printed 
 in a flightly different form in Palfrey's " Hiftory," 
 vol. iii/ pp. 592, 593, note, who alfo gives the objec- 
 tions urged by Sir Robert Sawyer on the 22d Feb- 
 ruary to the Lords of the Committee, as referred to 
 in the firft fedlion of this report 
 
 (14*)
 
 [29] 
 
 Mathers Vigilance, got the Knowledge of this Letter, from 
 the Secretary : But what a concern did it give him ! Had 
 this Letter come to New-England, and the Pounded Rulers 
 taken the Advantage of it, as they would have done, to have 
 reiumed the Government, Bq/lon would have been a Sham- 
 bles. Mr. Mather Effectually Remonftrated it unto the 
 Secretary, who carried his Remonflrance unto the Prince ; 
 and he then gave Order that the Letter to New-England 
 mould be ftop'd ; but the reft proceed. This one Special 
 Service was well worth his Voyage to England for it ! 
 
 39 
 
 39 I think the following document 
 from Mafs. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. 
 cxxix. p. 317, is the identical one which 
 did fuch fervice. It muft date after 
 February 13, when William and Mary 
 were crowned. The paper is in a 
 clerk's hand, but has been altered by 
 the fubftitution of the words printed in 
 Italics. This is a fign poffibly of fome 
 great urgency which would not allow 
 of a frefh copy being made, or elfe 
 fhows that the corrections were made 
 after the coronation, if we prefume a 
 fair copy was made. Palfrey (iii. 591) 
 fays that the letter continuing Andros 
 was dated January 12; and yet, as veffels 
 for New England failed infrequently, it 
 might well happen that a month had 
 elapfed without an opportunity to fend 
 it. At all events, we know by the docu- 
 ments which follow it that the paper 
 belongs juft at this juncture. A copy 
 in Mather's handwriting, and without 
 the additions above noted, is in Mafs. 
 Hift. Soc. Coll. 4th Ser. viii. p. 705. 
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. cxxix. p. 317.] 
 
 To the [Kings] King William and 
 Queen Mary, Moft Excellent Maj- 
 eftyj. 
 
 The humble Petition of Sir William 
 Phips, Knt. and Increafe Mather, 
 Rector of the Colledge att Cam- 
 bridge in New England 
 
 Humbly flieweth : 
 
 That Four Colonies in New England 
 have had their Charters, which did em- 
 power them to choofe their own Rulers, 
 by extraordinary wayes taken from 
 them, And Sir Edmund Andros has 
 been fent to Governe them by an il- 
 legall Commiffion. And of late we hear 
 that the Indians animated by the French 
 are making Warr upon them And if 
 that Territory mould be loft, it would 
 prove very prejudiciall to the Englifh 
 Nation and to the Proteftant Intereft 
 in Generall. 
 
 Wherefore as an effectual Remedy 
 againft thefe Evills, Wee humbly pray 
 that Sir Edmond Andros may be re- 
 moved from his Government in New 
 England, and that your Majefty will 
 pleafe by a letter under your Majeflies 
 hand andjign manual, to Declare that 
 all their Charters being reftored to 
 them they proceede in Adminiftrations 
 of Government as before any Quo War- 
 rantos were iffued againft them, there 
 being now a fliip ready to fayle for 
 Bofton. Alfo that Order may be given 
 to the former governments in the fev- 
 erall Colonies in New England to pro- 
 claime your Majeftyj King and Queen 
 in that part of your Dominions 
 
 And your petitioners (hall ever pray. 
 
 049)
 
 [30] 
 
 .2. It is Commemorated among the Memorable Things 
 in the Prudentia Veteris Ecclejice ; That the People at 
 Antioch having by fome ram doings, exceedingly Incenfed 
 the Emperour Theodojius, and Fearing his Vengeance upon 
 them, Compofed very Mournful Hymns, which they fang in 
 their Publick Devotions. Upon which they alfo fent their 
 Paftor, even the moft Eminent Minifter in the City, as an 
 Agent for them, to the Imperial Court ; who Prevailed with 
 the Young Men that were Singers at the Emperours Table, 
 to Sing thofe Mournful Songs : At the hearing whereof, the 
 Emperour, when he underftood the Original & Intention 
 of them, was Diffolved into Relenting Tears, and mewed 
 Mercy to the City. 
 
 New-England had 'not fo far Incurred the Royal Dif- 
 pleaiure ; though fome Difpleafmg Things had been Un- 
 wifely done in the Country. Mr Mather being in an 
 Agency for them, like his Predeceffor Flavian, thought it 
 no Imprudence to let the King hear fomething of what 
 paffed in the public Devotions of the People for which he 
 was concerned. 
 
 On March 14. 1689. The Lord Wharlon introduced him 
 to King WILLIAM ; and Mr. Mather knowing that the 
 King defired none but veryy%0r/ Speeches, only faid, / Con- 
 gratulate your Majejlies happy AcceJJion to the Crown, and 
 I Humbly Implore Your Favour to New-England. 
 
 KING. You may reft Affured that I will mew them all 
 the Favour, which it is in my Power to do. 
 
 / may Humbly and Freely Speak it ; The very 
 Prayers of that People, will be of fome Service to Your 
 Majejly. They are a Good and a Praying People. 
 
 KING. 
 
 (150)
 
 KING. I Believe they are a Good People ; But I doubt, 
 there have been Irregularities in their Government. 
 
 / durjl Engage, that they Jhall at thejirjl Word Re- 
 form any Irregularities they Jhall be Advifed of. 
 
 Ld. Wharton. And /'/ be their Guarantee, and here is 
 Mr. Mather the ReRor of the College there, Jhall be the other. 
 We Two willjland bound for New-England, that theyJJiall 
 al Regularly for the Future. 
 
 KING. I will forthwith give Order, that Sr. Edmond 
 Andros fhall be removed from the Government of New- 
 England, and be called unto an Account for his Male- 
 Adminiftration. And I will direct, that the Prefent King 
 and Queen mail be Proclaimed by their former Magiflrates. 
 
 * Syr, They will do it with the Joyfullejl Hearts in 
 the World* 
 
 3- 
 
 40 To this period belong the follow- p. 120-122, and there wrongly affigned 
 ing documents : Firft, an Order in to a later date : 
 Council, printed in Mafs. Hid. Soc. 
 
 Coll. 4th Ser. vol. ii. p. 298, dated iSth To t j ie Kings Mo ft Excellent Majefty. 
 April, 1689, and reading as follows : 
 
 The humble petition of feveral perfons 
 
 " The Earle of Shrewfbury is di- having confiderable intereft in New 
 refled upon inquiry from thofe who England and the Jerfies 
 haue the moft confiderable intereft in 
 
 New England, New York, and the Jer- Moft Humbly Sheweth 
 zeys, to prefent to the King the names That your majefty having directed 
 of fuch as maybe thought fitt at this the right honourable the Earl of Shrewf- 
 time to be Governor and Lieut. Cover- bury, upon inquiry, with thofe perfons 
 nor of thofe Parts." who have the moft confiderable inter- 
 
 efts in New England, New York and 
 
 Second, the following petition the Jerfies, to prefent to your majefty 
 printed in the Hutchinfon Papers in the names of fuch perfons as may be 
 the fame Collections, 3d Ser. vol. i. thought fit at this time to be governour 
 
 and 
 
 OsO
 
 [32] 
 
 . 3- This true New-England-Mzn confidering how Won- 
 derfully New-England had Prospered under the Old Charter, 
 and how Defirous the People for whom he was now con- 
 cerned, were to have it Reftored ; he Advifed with the 
 Wifeft Friends he could find, about this Momentous Affair. 
 Their Concurrent Judgment was, That the beft courfe would 
 be to Endeavour for a Reverjion of the Judgment againft the 
 Maffachufet-Charter by an A El of Parliament ; and after- 
 wards Petition to the King for the Additional Privileges, 
 
 without 
 
 and lieutenant governour of thofe parts ; 
 whereof we receiving notice crave leave 
 moft humbly to reprefent to your maj- 
 efty, that the inhabitants and proprie- 
 tors of the colonies of New England 
 and the Jerfies have always had, by 
 virtue of their charters and grants, a 
 power to choofe their refpeclive gover- 
 nours ; and the honourable Houfe of 
 Commons having voted the profecution 
 againft, and taking away fuch charters 
 and franchifes, to be illegal, and a 
 grievance, and that they be reftored 
 and confirmed it is humbly con- 
 ceived, that the appointing of a gover- 
 nour by your majefty over the colonies 
 of New England and the Jerfies, is in- 
 confiftent with the faid charters and 
 grants, (againft one of which only judg- 
 ment hath paft,) and with the votes 
 aforefaid, and will be a great difap- 
 pointment to the hopes of your fubjefts 
 there and here, grounded upon your 
 majefty's moft gracious declarations. 
 
 Your petitioners therefore moft hum- 
 bly pray, that your majefty would be 
 gracioufly pleafed, that the refpeclive 
 charters, grants, rights and liberties of 
 the faid colonies of New England and 
 the Jerfies may be reftored and con- 
 firmed accordingly. 
 
 And your petitioners fhall ever pray. 
 
 Reafons again/} fending a Governour 
 to New England. 
 
 1. The people there have by their 
 charters power to choofe their own 
 governours, and all other officers ; and 
 all their charters are in force ftill, ex- 
 cepting one, there having been no 
 judgments pafTed againft them, nor any 
 furrenders ; and as for that one, againft 
 which judgment has been entered, it 
 proceeded by a fcire facias, &c. illegally 
 managed. . 
 
 2. They that are concerned for New 
 England do confidently affirm, that 
 there is not one in a hundred, nay, not 
 one in a thoufand, of the inhabitants 
 there, who does not defire that their 
 government by charter might be con- 
 tinued to them. If the king fhall pleafe 
 to gratify their defires therein, they will 
 cheerfully expofe themfelves, and all 
 that is dear to them in this world, to 
 ferve his majefty. But if their former 
 rights and privileges be withheld from 
 them, it will caufe an univerfal diffatif- 
 fadlion and difcouragement amongft 
 the inhabitants. Nor can any thing be 
 thought of that will more endanger their 
 being ruined by the French or other 
 enemies near them, except taking from 
 them their charter rights, as is manifeft 
 in that when they enjoyed their charter, 
 they eafily fubdued their enemies, but 
 fince that it has been otherwife. 
 
 (152)
 
 [33] 
 
 without which the Old Charter would not anfwer the Occa- 
 fions, and Neceffities of the People. Mr. Mather hereupon 
 made moft Indefatigable Applications unto the Principal 
 Men in that Convention Parliament ; The Effect of which 
 was, That in the Houfe of Commons the Charters of New- 
 England were exprefly put into the Charter-Bill: It was 
 Voted, 41 That the taking of them away, w r as a Grievance, 
 and that they fhould be Reftored. And a great Intereft was 
 alfo made in the Houfe of Lords, that when the Bill fhould 
 come up to them, for their Concurrence, New-England 
 might be there alfo Favoured. At the fame time, \_July 4. 
 1689.] Mr. Mather was again Introduced by the Lord 
 Wharton unto the King at Hampton Court: and faid, 
 
 I Prefume Your Majcfty has been Informed, of the 
 Great Service, which Your Subjects in New-England, have 
 done for Your Majejly, and for this Nation, and for the 
 Protejlant Interejl, in Securing that Territory for King 
 WILLIAM. 
 
 KING. I have feen fome Letters that Speak of it, and I 
 Kindly accept of what they have done. 
 
 If Your Majejly would Pleafe to Command that 
 Your kind Acceptance of what they have donejhall be Signi- 
 fied unto them, it will be a great Encouragement. 
 
 KING. I will give order to the Secretary of State, that 
 a Letter be Written to them, to let them understand, that 
 what they have done is Acceptable to me. 
 
 41 A report of the Committee on ances "the profecution ofguo ivarrantos 
 
 Grievances, dated 5th March, 1688-89, againft the cities, two univerfities, the 
 
 is quoted by HUTCH INSON (Hift. i. towns corporate, boroughs, and cinq 
 
 389-390, note). It mentions as griev- ports, and the plantations." 
 
 T (153)
 
 [34] 
 
 Your Majefty may, by the Ajfijlance of New-Eng- 
 land, whenever You Pleafe, become the Emperour of America. 
 / durft engage, that Your Subjects there, will readily Venture 
 their Lives and Eftates in Your Service. All that is Hum- 
 bly Defered on their behalf, is only that they may Enjoy their 
 Ancient Rights and Priviledges. 
 
 KING. I do affure you, I will do all that it is in my 
 Power to do, that it may be fo. 
 
 Mr. Mead being with him, told the King, that he could 
 not poffibly do any thing more grateful to his Diffenting 
 Subjects in England, than in being kind unto New-England 
 in the Reftoring of their former Privileges. The King bad 
 them reft Satisfied, That itJJiould be done. 
 
 42 But behold, while the Charter Bill was Depending, the 
 Convention-Parliament was Unexpectedly Prorogued, and 
 then Dijfolved ; and Mr. Mather found the Sifyph&an La- 
 bour of a whole Year come to nothing. 43 
 
 . 4. The Difpofition of the next Parliament foon appeared 
 fuch, that nothing in the Favour of New-England was to be 
 Expected there. Mr. Mather then made fome Effays, to fee 
 if by a Writ of Error in Judgment, the cafe relating to the 
 MaJJTachufet-Colony might be brought out of Chancery into 
 the Kings Bench ; but this Attempt alfo was Defeated by 
 fo Surprifing a Providence, that Mr. Mather Declared upon 
 
 it; 
 
 42 A letter of the King to the Colony, orderly fettlement of the faid govern- 
 
 dated I2th Aug. 1689, is in HUTCHIN- ment, as fhall mofl conduce to our fer- 
 
 SON (Hift. i. 390-391, note). It orders vice, and the fecurity and fatisfadtion 
 
 thofe in power " to continue in our our fubjecls within that Colony." 
 
 name your care in the adminiftration 43 Parliament was prorogued 27 Jan. 
 
 thereof and prefervation of the peace, 1689-90, and formally diflblved a few 
 
 until we have taken fuch refolutions days later, 
 and given fuch directions for the more 
 
 (154)
 
 [35] 
 
 it ; Never did I fee a more Signal Hand of Heaven in any 
 matter, than in Dif appointing all Hopes, for the Obtaining 
 the fo much Defered full Rejlitution of all our Charter 
 Privileges, by a Reverjion of the Judgment Entred again/I 
 them." 
 
 All Hopes of Obtaining the Reftoration of the Old Char- 
 ter being at an End, there was no way left, but a Flight unto 
 the Royal Favour ; For though it was not in the Kings 
 Power to Reverfe the Judgment againft the Old Charter, yet 
 His Majefty had power to Re-incorporate his good Subjects 
 there, and grant them a NEW CHARTER, that fhould 
 contain all the Old, with New and more Ample Privileges ; 
 Without which, the Old would not have been Sufficient. 
 
 Mr. Mather, with Two other Agents, 45 which the Maffa- 
 chufet Colony had then joined with him, now Signed a 
 Petition to the KING, for fuch a NEW CHARTER: 
 which Petition the Right Honourable Earl of Monmouth 
 Condefcended fo far, as to deliver with his own truly 
 Noble Hand. Whereupon Mr. Mather Obtained the Inter- 
 ceffion of a great Perfonage, which Prevailed with the King 
 to refer the Affair of New-England unto the Confideration 
 of the Two Lord Chief Juftices, with His Majefties Attor- 
 ney and Solicitor-General : All of whom had by Mr. Mathers 
 Powerful and Affiduous Applications been brought into the 
 New EngliJJi Interefls. They met Three or Four Times, 
 and kindly gave him leave to be Prefent with them at all 
 
 their 
 
 44 We are Hill without any clew to The Earl of Monmouth, Charles Mor- 
 
 this furprifmg Providence. It may daunt, fo created 9 April, 1689 ; he was 
 
 have been fome occurrence in the nephew of Henry Carey, 2d Earl, who 
 
 Court of King's Bench, but probably, died in 1661. In the mean time the 
 
 if traced out, it would hardly feem as Dukedom of Monmouth had been 
 
 marvellous to us as it did to Mather. created and loft, as is well known. 
 
 45 The two agents thus added were Mordaunt is better known as the Earl 
 
 Oakes and Cooke ; see ante, p. 59 ; and of Peterborough, a title he inherited in 
 
 on p. 43 will be found the Petition. 1697.
 
 [36] 
 
 their Confultations. The Heads of the Maffachufet OLD 
 CHARTER, and Sr. Ferdinando Gorges, were Prefented 
 in Writing, together with fuch Additional Privileges, as 
 were then Pray'd for : And they all judged, there was 
 nothing Unreafonable, or Prejudicial to the Kings Interefl 
 in what was Propofed. They were Prefented unto the King, 
 by the Lord Chief Juflice Holt; and the King Ordered 
 him to Prefent them unto the Council ; who did accordingly ; 
 and from thence they were transferred unto the Lords of the 
 Committee for Trade and Plantations.^ 
 
 . 5. Immediately upon this, the King took his Voyage 
 for Holland: 47 and before his Return, there was no more to be 
 done. But flill Mr. Mather would be doing offomething for 
 
 the 
 
 48 It muft be remembered that Ma- 
 ther thus has fummed up two years' 
 labor at court, viz., all of 1689 and 
 1690. The application laft mentioned 
 refulted in the following Order in Coun- 
 cil, which is printed in Mafs. Hift. Soc. 
 Coll. 4th Ser. ii. 301 : 
 
 At Kenfinton, the firft of January 
 1690 [91]. Prefent the King's moft 
 excellent Majefty. 
 
 .Whereas it is humbly defired by the 
 perfons imployed on behalf of the Maf- 
 fachufetts Colony in New England ; 
 that in regard they were Incorporated 
 by the Letters Patent of King Charles 
 the firft, the heads whereof are here- 
 unto annexed, And for that the faid 
 Corporation did afterwards purchafe 
 from the Heir of Sir Ferdinando 
 Gorges, the Province of Maine, 
 granted to the faid Sir Ferdinando 
 Gorges by Letters Patent of the faid 
 King Charles the firft, an abftract of 
 which is alfo hereunto annexed, and 
 enjoyed the fame till the late judgement 
 
 againft them. That their Majefties 
 would be pleafed to re-eftablifh, their 
 Corporation, and grant them their 
 Lawes and former Priviledges, as in 
 the feverall Papers annexed is at large 
 fet forth. His Majefty in Councill is 
 pleafed to referr this matter to the 
 Right Honourable the Lords of the 
 Committee for Trade and Plantations, 
 who are to examine the fame, and to 
 report their Opinion thereupon to this 
 Board. [William and Mary, vol. ii. 
 95-] 
 
 It may be here pointed out that in 
 Auguft, 1689, Mather thought his work 
 was done, and actually took fhip for 
 home. His fon being taken fick, he 
 was delayed, and, returning to London, 
 the change in affairs kept him at his 
 poft two years longer. I had over- 
 looked this paflage when I prepared the 
 Memoir prefixed to the fecond volume 
 of thefe Tracls. 
 
 47 William failed for Holland i8th 
 Jan. 1690-91. 
 
 (156)
 
 [37] 
 
 the good of his Country. He Publifhed, Reafons for the 
 Confirmation of Charter-Privileges, granted to the Maffa- 
 chufet-Colony, which he Difperfed among the Lords of His 
 Majefties moft Honourable Privy-Council ; and Perfonally 
 Addreffed himfelf unto the moft of them ; humbly Praying 
 their Lordmips Favour to New-England, in a matter that 
 appeared fo Equal. His Maxim was, That in all Affairs, a 
 Few did All ; and his Method was, To find out the moft 
 Potent Leaders in all Affairs, and make fure of them. If he 
 knew any N. C. Minifter, who had an Intereft in any Perfon 
 of Quality, he would engage that Minifter to Employ his 
 Intereft on the behalf of New-England ; One way of engag- 
 ing him, was by Preaching for him : And, This alfo Intro- 
 duced him into the fame Acquaintance. There were feveral 
 Noblemen, who likewife, brought him into the Knowledge 
 and Favour of others. But none did more for him that way, 
 than that Cordial and Conftant Lover of all good Men, the 
 Aged Lord Wharton, who was the laft furviving Member of 
 that Famous Ajfembly of Divines at Wejlminfter. Among 
 thofe Eminent Perfons, who Admitted him to be Familiar 
 with them, I will particularly mention Two that were of an 
 Ecclefeajlical Character, for the fake of the Good that was 
 done to New-England by his Acquaintance with them. 
 The one was Dr. Tillotfon, the Arch-Bifliop of Canterbury : 
 who did at his Defire, often concern himfelf to do kind 
 Offices for the Country, and Pray, both the King and 
 Queen to put Marks of their Favour on their Faithful Sub- 
 jects there ; and once he went fo far as to tell the King, It 
 would by no means do well for him to take away any of thofe 
 Privileges from the People of New-England, which K. 
 Charles I. had granted them. And indeed Mr. Mather 
 often fpoke of the Catholic Spirit, with which the Arch- 
 Bifhop of Canterbury blamed the Conduct of his Predeceffor 
 Land, in his Difcourfes with him. The other was Dr. Bur- 
 net, 
 (15?)
 
 [38] 
 
 net, the Bifhop of Salijbury : who befides many Real and 
 Weighty Expreffions of his kindnefs for the Country, told 
 him, That he would on the firft Opportunity declare Openly 
 in the Houfe of Lords, That there was a greater Sacrednefs 
 in the Charter of New-England, than in thofe of the Corpo- 
 rations in England ; Becaufe thofe were only Ac~ts of Grace, 
 whereas the Charter of New-England was a Contract between 
 the King & the firft Patentees : They Promifed the King to 
 Enlarge his Dominions, on their own Charges, Provided, 
 that they and their P ofterity might enjoy fuch and fuck Priv- 
 ileges : They had Performed their part ; Now for the King 
 to Deprive their Pofterity of the Privileges therein Granted 
 unto them, would carry a Face of Inj^iftice in it. A Lord 
 great in the Court, then told Mr. Mather, That his having 
 Engaged the Bifhop of Salifbury to appear .for New-Eng- 
 land was the beft Jobb he had done thefe Seven Years. 
 
 . 6. But a Greater than any of thefe, muft not be left 
 Unfolicited. Mr. Mather was by Madam Lockart^ Intro- 
 duced unto the QUEEN, on Apr. 9. 1691. and me left him 
 alone with her Majefty, that he might the more freely repre- 
 fent the cafe of New-England unto her. 
 
 The Difcourfe was, as followeth, 
 
 fiftft. I do moft Humbly pray Your Majefties Favour to 
 your Good Subjects in New-England. There are none in 
 the World more in Your Intereft than they ; nor any that do 
 with greater Devotion Pray for Your Long and Happy 
 Reign. They have indeed been Expofed imto great Troubles 
 on the account of their Loyalty unto your Majefty. For the 
 
 French 
 
 48 Madam Lockart was undoubt- of the fix Women of the Bed Chamber " 
 edly the " Mrs. Martha Lockhart one in the official lifts of 1693.
 
 [39] 
 
 French at Canada, who have invaded them, and have De- 
 Jlroyed feveral of their Plantations, gave that as the Reafon 
 of what they did; Becaufe the People there have Declared for 
 King William and Queen Mary. They now only Pray, that 
 they may be Refettled in the Enjoyment of thofe Privileges, 
 which they were P oJJTeffed of, until the lajl Year of King 
 Charles II. 
 
 Q UEEN. That matter has been a Long Time before the 
 Council. I would have that which is Juft done for them ; 
 and not only fo, but that fomething of Favour mould be 
 mown to them. 
 
 / moft Humbly Thank Your Majefty, for the Kind 
 Words which Your Majefty was Pleafed to Speak to my 
 Lady Southerland about New-England. 
 
 Q UEEN. Mr. Mather, I have had a great Character of 
 you, from my Lady Southerland. I have fpoken to the King 
 on the behalf of New-England. He told me, the matter was 
 before the Council. 
 
 It has been referred unto the Two Lord Chief Juf- 
 tices, with the Attorney and Sollicitor-General ; we only 
 Pray, that the Articles Approved by them, may be Allowed 
 and Confirmed to us. 
 
 Q UEEN. That feems Reafonable ; and I doubt not, but 
 it will be done for you. 
 
 / Humbly beg, That your Majefty will Pleafe to 
 Speak fo Kind a Word unto the King upon his Return. 
 You will thereby bring the Bleffing of the Prayers of a 
 Good People on Your Royal Per/on and Government. 
 
 QUEEN. 
 
 (159)
 
 [40] 
 
 QUEEN. I fhall be willing to do all I can for them. 
 
 U / have Reafon to Believe, that Your Good Subjects 
 there have been Mlfreprefented unto Your Majefty. Some 
 that bear them III Will, have Printed many Reflections on 
 them. 
 
 QUEEN. I have not feen all the Pamphlets. 
 
 . Sr. William Phips has with many of Your Majefties 
 Subjects, endeavoured to enlarge Your Majefties Dominions ; 
 and they are willing again to expofe themf elves in Your Maj- 
 efties Service. 
 
 QUEEN. Are they Able to do it ? I hear they are but 
 in a Bad Condition. 
 
 [. They are in a Bad Condition; But One great 
 Reafon of tt is, becaufe their Government yet remains Un- 
 fettled. 
 
 QUEEN. That I Believe ; It muft needs be fo ! 
 
 U If by your Majefties Favour, they ftiall be Reftored 
 unto their former Privileges, they will Revive, & become able 
 to Serve Your Majefties Intereft. 
 
 QUEEN. I doubt, there have been Differences There, as 
 well as Here, about Church Government. 
 
 U In New-England they are generally thofe that are 
 Called Non-Conformifts : But they carry it with all due 
 Refyeft unto others : We Judge fome of them to be better 
 Men than ourf elves. This Nation has caufe to Blefs GOD, 
 
 for 
 
 (160)
 
 for the KING, and for Your Majefty, in regard of that 
 Act of Indulgence, and the Liberty of Confcience, which 
 through Your Majefties Favour we now enjoy. 
 
 QUEEN. Tis what I am for. It is not in the Power of 
 Men to Believe what they Pleafe ; and therefore I think, 
 they fhould not be forced in matters of Religion, contrary 
 to their Perfwafions and their Cpnfciences. I WISH ALL 
 GOOD MEN WERE OF ONE MIND; HOWEVER 
 IN THE MEAN TIME, I WOULD HAVE THEM 
 LIVE PEACEABLY, AND LOVE ONE ANOTHER. 
 
 O mentis Aurece Verba bratteata ! My ink, Too Vile a 
 Liquor art thou, to Write fo Divine a Sentence ! 
 
 . 7. Before the Month was out, the King returned from 
 Holland ' ; And though he ftaid but a Fortnight in England, 
 Mr. Mather twice had the Honour of waiting on Him. The 
 firft time he only Prefented an Addrefs from the General 
 Court at Bofton, with a Petition from a confiderable Num- 
 ber of Merchants in London?* Praying that Charter-Privi- 
 leges 
 
 49 The Order in Council, printed in mittee for Trade and Plantations, And 
 
 Mafs. Hift. Soc. Coll. 4th Ser. ii. 301- that a Copy of the faid Addrefs be fent 
 
 302, is as follows : to the Agents of New England, who are 
 
 to give their Lordfhips an account in 
 
 At Whitehall the gth of Aprill, 1691. writing of the prefent State of the Mafla- 
 
 chufetts Colony, on Thurfday next at 
 
 An addrefs to his Majefty from Five in the afternoon, when their Lord- 
 divers of the Gentry, Merchants and mips are to meet, And all perfons con- 
 others inhabiting in Bofton, Charles cerned in New England are to haue 
 Town, and Places adjacent in New notice to attend, and particularly Sir 
 England, having been this day humbly William Phipps, who is then to bring 
 prefented by Sir Purbeck Temple and to the Committee a relation of the late 
 read at the Board. It is thereupon proceedings and Expedition of the Peo- 
 ordered in Councill, That the confidera- pie of New England againft Canada, 
 tion thereof be referred to the Right under his command. [William and 
 Honourable The Lords of the Com- Mary, vol. ii. 149.] 
 
 u (161)
 
 [42] 
 
 leges might be Reftored unto New-England. But Mr. 
 Mather was defirous once more to Plead with him for Fa- 
 vour to his Country : and therefore by the Mediation of the 
 Duke of Devon/hire, he was, on Apr. 28. Admitted a fecond 
 time, and it was now into the Kings Bed-Chamber : Where 
 what then Faffed was, as followeth. 
 
 / mq/l Humbly Thank Your Majejly, in that you 
 were Gracioufly Pleafed tofegnify unto my Lord Devonfhire, 
 that I might have leave to wait on your Majefty on the be- 
 half of New-England. None of Your Subjects, are or can 
 be more in Yoitr Interefts than They ; None Pray more 
 Heartily for Your Long Life, and your Happy Reign, and 
 the Succefs of Your Arms. 
 
 KING. Syr, What do you Defire, that I mould do for 
 them ! 
 
 May it Pleafe Your Majejly, That they may be 
 Rejlored unto their Ancient Privileges ; and that their Set- 
 tlement may be Expedited. They have an Humble Confi- 
 dence, that through Your Majejly s Goodnefs, they Jhall be 
 made Happy, in having their Ancient Privileges Rejlored 
 unto them ; which will Oblige Your Subjects there to be Yoztr 
 Servants forever. Your Majejly has been Gracioufly Pleafed 
 to refer the Confederation of this Affair to the Two Lord- 
 Chief -Juftices, with the Attorney and So Hid for General. 
 We only Pray Humbly, that what they have thought Reaf on- 
 able for us to Dejire, may be Granted by Your Majejly. 
 
 KING. I Expect within two or three Days, to have 
 a Report from the Lords of the Committee for Trade and 
 Plantations ; and then mall fee what may be done. 
 
 JUa. 
 
 (162)
 
 [43] 
 
 Your Majefties Subjects have been willing to Venture 
 their Lives that they may enlarge Your Dominions : And are 
 willing to do the like again, if Your Majefty Encourage 
 them. Will Your Majefty Pleafe, in Your Great Wifdom, 
 to conjider the Circumftances of that People ; as in Your 
 Wifdom you have conjider ed the Circumftances of England 
 and of Scotland. In New England they differ from other 
 Plantations ; They are fuch as are called Congregational 
 and Pref byterian. 6V? that fuch a Governour will not fuit 
 with the People of New England, as may be very Proper for 
 the other Englifti Plantations. 
 
 Having fo fpoken, he bowed unto the King ; who then 
 retired into his Clofet 
 
 Two Days after this, the Lords of the Committee Pro- 
 pofed 50 unto the KING, whether he would have the People 
 
 of 
 
 60 The Order in Council, printed in 
 Mafs. Hift. Soc. Coll. 4th Ser. ii. 302, 
 is as follows : 
 
 At Whitehall, the 3oth of Aprill, 1691. 
 Prefent, The King's moft excellent 
 Majefty. His Royall Highnefs Prince 
 George of Denmark, Prefident of the 
 Council. 
 
 His Majefty hauing upon the applica- 
 tion of the Agents of the MafTachufetts 
 Bay in New England, thought fit to 
 referr the draught of a new Charter for 
 that Colony, unto the Right Honour- 
 able the Lords of the Committee of 
 Trade and Plantations, And their Lord- 
 fhips having, upon consideration thereof, 
 this day reported to His Majefty that 
 they humbly conceived it neceiTary that 
 before there be any further proceedings 
 relating to that Charter, His Majefty 
 would declare whether it be His royall 
 pleafure to haue a Governor or fingle 
 reprefentative of his own appointment, 
 from time to time, to give his confent 
 to all Laws and Acts of Government, 
 
 as in Barbados and the other Planta- 
 tions, or whether his Majefty would 
 leave the power of making laws to the 
 People, or Officers appointed by them. 
 And his Majefty upon debate of this 
 matter having been acquainted that the 
 former Charter of the Maflachufetts 
 Bay flood legally vacated, And that the 
 Agents of that Colony had defired a 
 new Charter from his Majefty, with 
 divers variations from the former Char- 
 ter ; His Majefty was thereupon pleafed 
 to declare in Councill, That he did re- 
 folve to fend a Governor of his own 
 nomination and appointment for the 
 adminiftration of the Government of 
 the Maflachufetts Colony, as in Barba- 
 dos and other Plantations. And did 
 further order, as it is hereby ordered, 
 That the Right Honorable the Lords 
 of the Committee of Trade and Planta- 
 tions do forthwith prepare the draught 
 of a new Charter upon that foundation, 
 for the fpeedy fettlement of the faid 
 Colony. [William and Mary, vol. ii.
 
 [44] 
 
 of New-England, make what Laws, and Appoint what 
 Officers They Pleafed ? Or, Whether He would not appoint 
 a Governour of His own, that fhould have a Negative Voice 
 on all Acts of Government? The King was very In- 
 quifitive to know, whether he might without any Breach of 
 Law, fet a Governour over that Colony ? Diverfe Lords of 
 the Council, and fome of the Judges, anfwered, That what- 
 ever might be the Merit of the Caufe, inafmuch as the 
 Charter of the Maffachufet-Colony ftood Vacated by a Judg- 
 ment againft it, it was in his Power to put them under what 
 Form of Government he mould think beft for them. The 
 King then faid, That he was Defirous to Promote the Wel- 
 fare of New-England as well as of England ; and that he 
 Believed it would be for the Advantage of the Subjects in 
 that Colony to be under a Governour appointed by himfelf : 
 but that he would have the Agents of New-England Nomi- 
 nate a Perfon that mould be Agreable to the Inclinations 
 of the People there : And that notwithftanding This, he 
 would have Charter-Privileges Rejlored and Confirmed unto 
 them. 
 
 . 8. The next Day, the King began his Voyage to Hol- 
 land : but an Order of Council was drawn up, [ Who can tell, 
 How, or Why ?~\ for a Charter to be Prepared, with fome- 
 thing in it, very Difagreable to Mr. Mather; who immedi- 
 ately waited upon Four or Five Lords of His Majefties molt 
 Honourable Privy-Council with his Remonftrances ; Every 
 one of which Declared, that in their Opinion, it was not 
 worded according to His Majefties Intentions. He alfo 
 caufed a Copy of the Order to be tranfmitted unto One of 
 his Majefties Principal Secretaries of State then with Him 
 in Flanders ; Praying, That if that Order were not according 
 to the Kings Mind, His Majefty would Gracioufly Pleafe to 
 Signify His Difapprobation thereof : But no fuch Significa- 
 tion 
 (164)
 
 [45] 
 
 tion ever came. In the mean time, the Attorney General, 
 Prepared a Draught of a Charter according to what he took 
 to be the Kings Mind, as Expreffed when His Majefty was 
 laft in Council. In this Draught, the Freemen (and not all 
 Free-holders) had Power to choofe the Deputy-Governour, 
 and the other General Officers ; And the Kings Governour 
 had not a Negative Voice in any cafe allow'd unto him. 
 The Draught being prefented at the Council-Board, it was 
 by fome Objected, That by fuch a Charter as this, the Kings 
 Governour would be made a Governour of Clouts : And Order 
 was given for other Minutes to be Inferted, which Deprived 
 the Maffachufet-Colony of fome very Confiderable Privileges 
 in their former Charter. The Secretary gave Mr. Mather a 
 Copy of them, with an Order from their Lordfhips, That if 
 the Agents for the MaJJachufet-Colony were not Satisfied, 
 they mould bring in their Objections to Mr. Attorney Gen- 
 eral. Mr. Mather on this occafion Expreffed his Diffatif- 
 faclion to the Attorney-General, with a Pathos, that upon 
 Reflection he thought might be too Extraordinary : Earn- 
 eftly Protefting, That he would fooner part with his Life 
 than Confent unto fuch Minutes, or unto any thing that 
 might Infringe any Liberty or Privilege that juftly belong'd 
 unto his Country. The like Declaration he made unto 
 feveral of the Chief Minifters ; who all replied. That no 
 body Expected or Defired his Confent : for they did not 
 look on the Agents from New-England, as Plenipotentiaries 
 from another Sovereign State ; But that if they Declared, 
 they would not Submit unto the Kings Pleafure, His Maj- 
 efty would fettle the Country as He Pleafed, and They were 
 to take what would follow. However, Mr. Mather drew up 
 Reafons againft the Minutes Propofed ; and particularly 
 urged, That Charter-Privileges might with as much (if not 
 more) of Juftice, be withheld from the Corporations in Eng- 
 land which were never legally Reftored, as from New-Eng- 
 land: 
 . (165)
 
 [46] 
 
 land: with feveral other Arguments. Thefe Reafons he 
 Delivered in Writing to the Kings Attorney-General, who 
 Prefented them unto the Lords at the Council-Board ; and 
 he alfo caufed a Copy of them to be fent unto the King in 
 Flanders ; Procuring fome Great Perfons at the fame time, 
 to follicit by Letters, the Miniflers of State with the King, 
 that they would ufe their Intereft with His Majefty, to pre- 
 vent any thing that might be grievous to His Good Subjects 
 in New-England. Some thought, that if the King were in 
 England, there might be more likelihood of Stopping the 
 Difagreable and Undefireable Minutes ; and the Queen was 
 therefore Prevailed withal, to Write unto the King, requeft- 
 ing him, That He would Gracioufly Command, that the 
 Charter mould pafs as the Attorney-General had prepared 
 it, or elfe that it mould be deferr'd until His Majefties com- 
 ing over. Mr. Mather taking it for granted, That he might 
 get fome Leifure to recover his Health, which had been 
 greatly Impaired, by his Neglect both of Re/I and Food in 
 his clofe Attendance to the Service of his Country, made a 
 fhort Recefs unto the Wafers. But he was quickly furprized, 
 with Notice, that the King had fignified His Approbation 
 of the Minutes, and His Royal Pleafure, that the Charter 
 fhould be accordingly forthwith proceeded in. His Maj- 
 efties Principal Secretary of State fhewed Mr. Mather the 
 Letter, wherein the King alfo Declared, That he did by no 
 means Approve of the Objections, which had been offered. 
 When there could no more Good be done, what remain'd 
 was to ftave off Harm as far as might be ; and in Purfu- 
 ance of This, he Prefented a Petition, That no Property 
 belonging to the Colony, or to any therein, might by the 
 New Charter be taken from them, nor any Privileges which 
 they had a Right to ; That the Province of Main might be 
 confirmed, and Nova Scotia added unto the Maj[/achufetts : 
 (Both of which were obtain'd againft much Oppofition :) 
 
 And, 
 
 (166)
 
 [47] 
 
 And, That HampJJtire might be under that Government : 
 (But This was refufed, becaufe it was declared, That the 
 People there had expreffed a great Averfion for it.) Juft at 
 this Time, he received Letters from the General Court 
 of Plymouth-Colony, which Thanked him for his Preventing 
 their being annexed unto New York, which had been above 
 a Year before if he had been out of the way ; and Pray'd, 
 That if they might not be confirmed as a Diftinc~l Govern- 
 ment among themfelves, he would, for the Lords fake, 
 endeavour to get them annexed unto Bofton; And This was 
 accomplifhed. When the New Charter was finifhed, and 
 had been Read before the Lords, he pray'd, that he might 
 fee it ; becaufe there might be fome Claufes in it, which 
 their Lordfhips might upon a Suggeftion of Reafons for it, 
 think proper to alter ; and perhaps there might be fomething 
 Added for the Good of the People, which their Lordfhips 
 might alfo be Pleafed withal ; which Requeft was granted, 
 with a Limitation of Three Days for the Return of the 
 Copy. Upon his motion, the Phrafe of Corporal Oath was 
 altered, that fo no Snare might be laid for any who might 
 Scruple Swearing on the Book. A claufe was added, Con- 
 firming all Grants made by the General Court notwithftand- 
 ing any Defec~l that might attend the Form of Conveyance ; 
 that fo mens Titles to their Lands might not be Invalidated, 
 only for that the Laws which gave them their Right, had 
 not paffed under the Public Seal in the Time of the former 
 Government. Some other Alterations he pray'd for ; but 
 could not Obtain them. Thus was the New Charter 
 Finifhed! 51 
 
 51 This defence of Mather's aftion 296. The account in Hutchinfon's 
 
 in accepting the charter is fet forth in Hiftory, vol. i., ftiould alfo be confulted 
 
 a publication made after his return, and by the reader, 
 printed in our fecond volume, pp. 271- 
 
 (167)
 
 [48] 
 
 .9- NOW came on a Strange Queftion : Whether the 
 Agents for the Country Jhould Submit unto this NEW 
 CHAR TER ? Or, in hopes of Obtaining at fome time or 
 other a Reverjion of the Judgment againjl the OLD 
 CHARTER, Signify to the Mini/lers of State, that they 
 had rather have NO -CHARTER at all, than fuch an one 
 as was now Propofed ! 
 
 On this occafion, Mr. Mather advifed with as many Un- 
 prejudiced and Judicious Perfons as he could ; with Noble- 
 men, Gentlemen, Divines, and Lawyers ; and with the Beft 
 Friends New-England had in the World. They ALL 
 agreed, That it was a Duty, to accept of the Offered 
 CHARTER ; And fome greatly wondred at them that 
 mould make any Queftion of it : and were almoft ready to 
 fay of them, as Plato in his Philebus does of fome who 
 made a Queftion of another matter ; Let them be Committed 
 unto the Care of fome Learned Phyjician, who by wholefome 
 Phyjic may rejlore their Heads unto a better Temper. 
 
 A Peremptory Refufal, would have brought a Fatal Ruin 
 on the Country ; and the Blame would have been laid 
 on thofe, who when they could not Obtain all they would 
 have, would Refufe what they might have had. 
 
 The Lawyers declared, That a paffive SubmiJJion here, 
 had nothing of a Surrender in it ; for here was nothing of 
 Hand and Seal in the Cafe. Befides, Judgment was already 
 Entred and Recorded againft the Old Charter. And a 
 taking up with the New Charter, did not render the Colony 
 uncapable of recovering their Old Privileges if there fhould 
 be a favourable Opportunity to Sollicit for it. 
 
 At prefent, there was no Poffibility of getting a Reverjion 
 of the Judgment againft the Old Charter. 
 
 Yea, and it was confidered, That the Old Charter was on 
 more Accounts than One, fo very Defective, that without a 
 
 Grant 
 
 (168)
 
 [49] 
 
 Grant of Additional Privileges, it would have left the 
 Colony under Infupportable Infelicities. 
 
 By it, the MaJJachufet-Government had no more power 
 than the Ordinary Corporations have in England ; But 
 thofe Corporations have no power in Capital Cafes. Though 
 Corporations have Power given them in Criminal, yet they 
 have not in Capital Cafes, except it be Exprejjly Declared ; 
 which it was not here. 
 
 The Old Charter directed not an Houfe of Deputies, or 
 AJJembly of Reprefentatives. 
 
 Nor did it give Power unto the Governour and Company 
 to Impofe Taxes on any but the Free-men. 
 
 And it knew not Courts of Admiralty ; So that if the 
 New Charter have them not, it is not the Lofs of the Old 
 One that has Loft them. Yea, The Deficiencies were fo 
 many, That the Kings Attorney General declared, the Two 
 Lord-Chief-Juftices and Sollicitor-General Concurring with 
 him ; That Suppofing the Judgment againft the MaJ/acku- 
 fet-Charter to be Reverfed, yet, if the Government fhould 
 exert fuch Powers as before the Quo Warranto againft the 
 Charter they tho't it neceffary to do, there would now be a 
 Writ of Scire facias iffued out againft them in Wejlminjler 
 Hall, and their Charter-Privileges would undoubtedly be 
 taken from them. 
 
 It was moreover Confidered, That if the Judgment againft 
 the Old Charter had been fully Reverfed by Al of Parlia- 
 ment, (which Mr. Mather had fo much Laboured for,) the 
 Maffachufet-Colony would, for all that, have been reduced 
 into Miferable Circumftances. 
 
 The Province of Main, as to the Government, would 
 have been taken from them. Hampjhire and Plymouth 
 would have been put under a Governour fent from England. 
 This Governour would have had the Power of the Militia, 
 
 as 
 
 v (169)
 
 [So] 
 
 as well as the Courts of Admiralty, in the Maffachufet- 
 Colony. 
 
 How much of its Trade had Bofton Loft ? What an 
 Infignificant Atom had the Colony been Squeez'd into ! 
 If they had Exerted Powers, without which they could not 
 have Comfortably or Tolerably Subfifted, Perpetual Com- 
 plaints would have been made againft them. It's probable 
 They would have been at more Charge every Year, to 
 anfwer Complaints, than they would have been to Support 
 their Governotir. And how long muft they have lain under 
 their Impotency, Saying, Syr, I have no Man to help me ! 
 
 Befides all this ; If the Agents of the Colony, had figni- 
 fied unto the Minifters of State, that they had rather have 
 No Charter at all, than, This which the King had now 
 granted, Who would have been Immediately made the Gov- 
 ernour? Who the Lieutenant-Governour? Whofae moft 
 of the Counfellers ? And the Governour would have had 
 Power, as in the other Plantations, to Appoint General 
 Officers. What the Confequence of This at that Angry 
 Time ? Dicat Neo-Eboracum ! 
 
 There were alfo Perfons, who were feeking Patents for all 
 the Mines, and Gums, and fome other Valuables, in the 
 Country; whofe Expectations, nothing but the New Char- 
 ter gave a Defeat unto. 
 
 But, Let us come to the NEW CHARTER, THIS 
 grants Great Privileges to the People of New-England ; 
 and fome Greater than what they formerly Enjoy'd. 
 
 They have all Engli/h Liberties Reftored unto them. 
 They can have no Laws Impofed, nor Taxes Levied on 
 them, without their own Confent, by Reprefentatives chofen 
 by themfelves. 
 
 Religion is forever Secured ; A Righteous and Generous 
 Liberty of Confcience Eftablifhed. And the General Affem- 
 
 bly 
 (170)
 
 bly may by their Ac~ls, give a Dijlinguifhing Encouragement 
 unto that Religion, which is the General ProfeJJion of the 
 Inhabitants. 
 
 They may flill have their Judges as at the firft, and their 
 Counfellours as at the Beginning, if the Fault be not their 
 own. As long as their Principal Majeftrates, and Juftices, 
 favour and exprefs Piety, and abhor and punifh Wickednefs, 
 tis to be hoped, Religion will be kept in Heart. And if 
 they have not fuch, the Fault will not be in the New-Char- 
 ter, but in Themfetves. Behold, A wall of Defence about 
 the Vineyard! 
 
 Now the Maffachufet-Colony is made a Province, the 
 General Ajffembly hath, with the Kings Approbation, a 
 Power in New-England, like what .the King and Parliament 
 have in England ; and may do abundance of Important 
 Things, which could not be done by vertue of the Former 
 Charter: And the Country may alfo look for more Protec- 
 tion and Affiftance from England, than under That. 
 
 Suppofe a Stork mould get a Commiffion for the Gov- 
 ernment ; What can fuch a Governour do ? He cannot, 
 without the Confent of the Council chofen by the Reprefent- 
 atives of the People, appoint Sheriffs to pack Juries for him, 
 or Judges that will Difpleafe GOD rather than him. He 
 can't give any Man any Difturbance for his Religion, with- 
 out Violating the Magna Charta of New-England. He 
 can't exert any of the Violences, under which there were 
 heard, The Groans of the Plantations in the Days of K. 
 James, II. When, the People of New-England would have 
 given, who can fay, how many Thoufands of Pounds, for 
 fuch a Charter as they now have before them ? 
 
 The Kings Governour has indeed a Negative in all Acts 
 of Government ; (And indeed all Government forever implies 
 a Negative :) which renders the Government of New-Eng- 
 land lefs Democratical than once it was. Neverthelefs, the 
 
 People 
 (170
 
 [52] 
 
 People have a Negative upon him : In which refpecl:, New- 
 England is by the NEW CHARTER more Privileged, 
 than Ireland, or than any other Englifh Plantation, or than 
 even England itfelf. 
 
 Appeals to England are allow'd in the New-Charter, but 
 only in Perfonal, (not at all in Real or Mixed} Actions, 
 where the matter of Difference, is of above Three Hundred 
 Pound Sterling in Value : So that as to Titles of Land, 
 there cannot be any Appeals to England: They have a 
 Final Determination in Courts of Judicature among them- 
 felves. 
 
 The Laws Ena6led by the General Court, are, tis true, to 
 be tranfmitted unto the King for His Royal Approbation : 
 But thofe Laws, when made, are in Force, affoon as they 
 are made ; and until fuch Time as they are Difallow'd by 
 the King : And if within the fpace of Three Years the 
 Kings Difapprobation be not Signified, the Laws are Per- 
 petual until the General Court mall Repeal them. Now by 
 the Old Charter, the Governour and Company might not 
 make any Laws Repugnant unto the Laws of England ; and 
 the Laws which have Reafon and Juftice in them, under the 
 New Charter, need not fear lofing the Royal Allowance, if 
 the People be not Egregioufly wanting to themfelves. 
 
 Upon the whole, The Perfons of the moft Confummate 
 Wifdom that Mr. Mather could confult withal, agreed 
 in This ; Take your NEW-CHARTER and be Thankful 
 for it! The moft fenfible Men added, That as Poor a 
 Charter as wanton and froward Minds might think it, if any 
 People of Sway in the Country mould be fo under the Sting 
 of an Hornet as to do thofe Ram and Mad Things, which 
 may procure the Lofs of the Privileges which it brings unto 
 them, the reft of the People will certainly have little Honour 
 for the Memory of the Unhappy Men, who have been the 
 Inftruments of bringing fuch Mifcheifs upon them. Among 
 
 the 
 (172)
 
 [S3] 
 
 the reft, that Sagacious and Ingenious Perfon, Praefident 
 Bond of Barbadoes (then at London} faid unto him : What 
 ivould not we in our IJlands give for fuch a Charter as 
 yours ! And the famous Mr. Matthew Mead then wrote 
 unto the Perfon who is now Writing about the Faithful 
 Agent, If Men Reward not his Great Work, and Labour of 
 Love, I am fure, GOD will. What he has done has not 
 been without the Counfel and Advice of the Beft Friends 
 New-England has: Parliament-men, Lawyers and Min- 
 ifters. 
 
 . 10. Wherefore, not only on Ol. 23. upon the Kings 
 Return to England, the Earl of Nottingham introduced 
 him, only to kifs the Kings Hand, & bid him, Welcome to 
 England again : when the King at the firft fight of him, 
 fmiled on him, & fteping afide unto him, faid, / am very 
 glad to fee you, Syr ! But alfo on Nov. 4. the fame Noble 
 Perfon Introduced him again to His Majefty, the Earls of 
 Devon and Portland, being alfo Prefent. He then faid, / 
 do on the behalf of New-England moft humbly thank your 
 Majejly, in that you have been P leafed by a CHARTER to 
 Rejlore Englifh Liberties unto them; To Confirm them in 
 their Properties ; and, To grant them fome fengular Privi- 
 leges. I doubt not, but that your Subjects there will demean 
 themf elves with fuch a Dutiful Affection and Loyalty tow- 
 ards your Majejly, as that You will fee caufe to enlarge 
 Yoiir Royal Favours towards them. And I do mojl humbly 
 Thank your Majejly in that You have been Pleafed to give 
 leave unto thofe that are concerned for New-England, to 
 Nominate their Governour. Sr. William Phips has been 
 accordingly Nominated by us at the Council-Board: Who 
 has done a Good Service for the Crown by enlarging Your 
 Dominions, and reducing of Nova Scotia to Your Obedience. 
 I know, that he will Faithfully Serve Your Majejly to the 
 
 utmq/l 
 (173)
 
 [54] 
 
 utmoft of his Capacity; And if Your Maje/ly JJiall think 
 fit to confirm him, in that Place, it will be a further Obliga- 
 tion on Your SubjeEls there. The KING replied, IJhall 
 take that Colony under my Protection, and IJJiall do what is 
 in me for their Encouragement, and I Jhall take what con- 
 cerns the Government there into my Confederation. 
 
 . ii. And now, Mr. Mathers Agency for his Country in 
 the Court of England is drawing towards its Period, it will 
 be time to enquire, whether his being fo Plunged into 
 a Converfation with Great Men, and with all Sorts of Men, 
 and his Overwhelming Sollicitude about Civil Interefts [In 
 Ordine ad Spiritualia ; For, The Care of the Churches, was 
 what lay at the Bottom of all!] did not Interrupt thofe 
 Interviews with Heaven, which he had formerly been ufed 
 unto ; and Incommode that courfe of Real, Vital, Watchful 
 PIETY, which he had formerly Maintained? Far from 
 it! But above all, that Breath of PIETY, his Old ftrokes 
 of Inceffant PRAYER, was kept in its Unintermitted Ref- 
 pirations with him. 
 
 It is a little Obfervable That though Homer, by firft In- 
 troducing the Gods as having the fame Vicious Characters, 
 and Actions with miferable Mortals, Proved one of the 
 Greater! Apoflles the Devil ever had in the World ; yet the 
 Teftimonies born to many Points of Morality in his Famous 
 and Wondrous Epic Poem, are numberlefs. But there is 
 nothing more worthy of Obfervation in the Iliad, than This ; 
 That he will Recommend Prayer to Heaven as a mofl necef- 
 fary Preface unto all Important Enterprizes : and he never 
 Speaks of any Prayer, but he brings in a Gracious Anfwer 
 to it. I have feen the Quill of an High-flyer Scoffing at 
 Homer for this, as making his Heros to be of the fame 
 Religion with the DiJJ'enters in our Nation. And yet, what 
 has Homer done, but Juftified the Wifdom in the Maxims of 
 
 our 
 (174)
 
 [55] 
 
 our Holy REDEEMER, with a Confeffion from that Nat- 
 ural Confcience, which fuch Scoffers of the La/I Days have 
 Silenced ? Let them Scoff on, if they Pleafe ; while I go on 
 to relate, That I find Mr. Mather ftill in his Good old way, 
 of Setting apart whole Days for Secret Supplications to the 
 Glorious GOD ; Efpecially, when Critical Hours for our 
 Affairs were coming on. In thefe Days, I find him fome- 
 times, under thofe Afflations from Heaven, which affured 
 him, That he flwuld Return to New-England, with Good 
 Tidings for the People there. When he faw his Defigns 
 Croft, and his Labours Loft, in his purfuit of the Old Char- 
 ter, it greatly Perplexed him to fee what look'd unto him, as 
 if his Prayer and Faith were Baffled. But GOD was Gra- 
 cioufly doing better than he Imagined, for him, and for his 
 People, whom the Old Charter, (as it was) would not have 
 near fo well Accommodated (as things go) as what is now 
 Obtained for them. Nor was he without his whole Days for 
 Secret Thankfgivings, when GOD had Remarkably fmiled 
 upon him. And he would fometimes (after a well-known 
 Pattern in the Bible,) prevail with his Friends to meet, and 
 Fajl and Pray, when he was to go in unto the King: Or 
 when our Affairs had any dark Obftruclions upon them. 
 Yea, fuch was the Sanctity and Purity of his Good Conver- 
 fation in CHRIST, that wherever he Lodged, the Families 
 felt Piety Practically and Powerfully Commended unto them. 
 Among other Inftances of this ; The Young Gentlewoman 
 that waited on him, at Mr. Whitings in Copt-hall Court, 
 was by what fhe faw in him, and heard from him fo brought 
 home to GOD, that afterwards, when fhe was Married, me 
 gave the World a lafting Teftimony of her Gratitude, in the 
 Remembrance of the Good which her Converted Soul had 
 received from him. He likewife rarely Omitted Preaching 
 on the Lords-Days : for which, in Honour to his Country 
 he would accept of no Gratuities ; but Obliged the Minifters 
 
 to 
 (175)
 
 [56] 
 
 to do Good Offices for his Country. Once a Month, he 
 Preached with Dr. Bates, at Hackney: who though he were 
 a Perfon of fo Catholic ja Spirit, had one of the Smalleft and 
 Pureft Churches about the City ; with which he chofe to 
 have his more Conftant Communion at the Holy Table : 
 And the Doctor told his People, That if Mr. Mather might 
 be detained in England, he had rather have him joined with 
 him in the Pajloral Charge, than any man in the World. 
 
 . 1 2. But, mall we go on to enquire, whether the People 
 of New-England, were the only People, that were ferved by 
 him ? No, There was a Special Service, of a greater extent, 
 wherein His Glorious Lord Employed and Honoured him. 
 There was an Happy UNION accomplifhed between thofe 
 Two Religious Parties, which go under the Names of 
 Prejbyterian, and Congregational ; and which had through 
 Devices of the Great Adverfary, kept at more of a Needlefs 
 Diftance from each other, than they fliould have done. Dr. 
 Annejley and Mr. Vincent and others, often Declared, That 
 this Union would never have been Effected, if Mr. Mather 
 had not been among them ; and they often therefore Bleffed 
 GOD, for bringing him to England, and keeping him there. 
 He had Thanks from the Country, as well as the City on 
 that Account : And among the reft, a General Affembly of 
 Minifters in Devon, fent up to London this Inftrument. 
 
 ' Junij 22. 1691. Agreed, That the Reverend Mr. John 
 ' Flavel, Moderator of this Affembly fend unto the Reverend 
 
 * Mr. Matthew Mead, Mr. John How, and Mr. Increafe Ma- 
 
 * ther, and give Them, and fuch Others as have been Emi- 
 ' nently Inftrumental in Promoting the Union, the Thanks 
 'of this Affembly, for the great Pains they have taken 
 ' therein. 
 
 And fince it is Proper to be mention'd fomewhere, why 
 may I not bring in the mention of it Here? While Mr. 
 
 Mather 
 (176)
 
 [57] 
 
 Mather was in London, he Cultivated a fmgular Friendfhip 
 and Freedom, with that very Great Man, Mr. Baxter, who 
 treated him with a Deference, which he paid unto few other 
 Men. In this Acquaintance, Mr. Baxter not only made 
 this Generous Requeft unto Mr. Mather, Syr, If you find 
 any Errors in any of my Writings, I requeft you to ConfzUe 
 them, after I am Dead ; But alfo made unto him a very 
 Refpeclful Dedication of a Book, which he Publifhed a 
 little before he Died. I find in Dr. Bates s Funeral Sermon 
 for Mr. Baxter, a mention of the Viftt which he with Mr. 
 Mather made unto Mr. Baxter the Day before his Expira- 
 tion, (which was, Dec. 8. 1691,) when the lafl Words of Mr. 
 Baxter to Mr. Mather were, / blefs GOD that you have 
 AccomplifJtt your Biijinefs ; The LORD Prolong your 
 Life ! 
 
 . 13. The Bujinefs being fo Accomplished, there yet 
 remains One Enquiry more ; How was he Subfifted for the 
 Expenfes of his Agency. 
 
 In the Year, 1691. while he was yet in London, he wrote 
 thefe Words, in a brief Account of his Negotiation, which 
 he fent over to the Government. 
 
 ' Befides what was fent to me out of New-England, I Ex- 
 ' pended upwards of Two Hundred Pounds of my own Per- 
 ' fonal Eflate, out of Love to that People. And I did for 
 ' their fakes, borrow of a Merchant in London, above Three 
 ''Hundred Pounds more, which it was Two Years before 
 ' Care was taken for the Repayment of it. The lafl Year, 
 ' fome who were hearty Well-wifhers to New-England, wrote 
 ' thither, That they muft confider, how much depended on a 
 ' fuitable Supply ; yet for more than a Twelve-month, not 
 ' one Penny was returned ; fo that I was neceffitated, either 
 ' to fuffer a Ruin to come upon the Country, or elfe muft 
 ' borrow Money again to Serve them ; which I did, and 
 
 ' engaged 
 w (177)
 
 [58] 
 
 ' engaged all the Eftate I have in the World, for the Repay- 
 ' ment thereof.' 
 
 Some time after this, there was Publifhed a Venemous 
 and Malicious Libel, by a mean Hand, inftigated in part 
 from the Invifeble World, and well worthy to be Recom- 
 mended unto the Rebuke of the Lord, which was Entituled, 
 More Wonders of the Invt/ible World. The Confcience of 
 Duty to the Ninth Commandment of my GOD, as well as the 
 Fifth, obliges me to Declare, (which I hope, I may do with- 
 out any Railing Accufation^) That the Book is full of 
 Grofs, Bafe, Notorious LYES ; and has been Unanfwerably 
 Convicted of being fo ; and they who take their Accounts 
 of New-England from it, follow but an Ignis fatuus. On 
 the occafion of the Slanders uttered in that fooliJJi Book, 
 Mr. Mather gave under his Hand unto fome Honeft Men, 
 who Publifhed a Victorious Anfwer to them, an Inftrument, 
 which had thefe among other Paffages. 
 
 ' I am alfo told, that his great Friends Complain, That I 
 'fpent the Country a great deal of Money, during my 
 ' Agency in their behalf. Thefe little Men know not what 
 'it is, to attend in the Courts of Kings for Four Years 
 ' together : if they did, they would not make that Objection. 
 ' And fure I am, that when I did, at the defire of many Prin- 
 ' cipal Perfons in the Country, undertake a Voyage for Eng- 
 ' land, in April. 1688. People in this Province would have 
 ' given Ten times more than what I Expended in their Ser- 
 ' vice, on condition they might have Reftored and Confirmed 
 ' unto them, what they now Enjoy : yea, if it had been but 
 ' in One Article of it. But befides this, I may truly affirm, 
 ' that in Effect I ferved the Country on Free cq/l. For 
 ' I never demanded the leaft Farthing as a Recompenfe for 
 ' the Time I fpent in attending on their Affairs ; but inftead 
 ' thereof, I procured in Donations for the public (befides the 
 
 * Privileges 
 (178)
 
 [59] 
 
 * Privileges of the Charter itfelf, which, though not fo great 
 ' as I would have had, and as I would gladly have parted 
 
 * with all I have in this World for to have purchafed, are 
 'greater than what any other Plantations befides New- 
 11 England enjoys : I fay, Befides thefe Things I procured 
 ' in Donations to the Province and the College) at leaft 
 ' Nine Hundred Pounds more than all the Expences of my 
 ' Agency came to. This being plain Matter of Fact, which 
 ' the whole General Affembly once had before them, I fup- 
 ' pofe, all Reafonable men will own, That Reproaches call on 
 ' me, for my Expenjivenefs in the Public Service are moft 
 ' Ungrateful and Unworthy. 
 
 But here, this Long Chapter fhall have a Period; and, I 
 hope, a Pardon. Only it feems I muffc again afk a Pardon 
 alfo for the Agent, whofe Actions I have been telling of. 
 Some who have been vexed at good Things done by Min- 
 ijlers of the Gofyel, have made mighty Clamours againft 
 Mini/ters having any thing to do in Secular Affairs. But 
 the Scripture which forbids Minijlers to Entangle themfelves 
 with the Affairs of this Life, or be f o taken up with them, 
 as to neglect the Duties of their Minijlry, does belong 
 to other Vocations as well as to that of Minijlers. A Phy- 
 Jician, an Hufbandman, a Merchant, may not fo meddle 
 with State-Affairs, as to neglect the Perfonal Bujinefs which 
 GOD has call'd them to. We may as well forbid Minijlers, 
 to Write any Books, but thofe of Pure Divinity, as forbid 
 them all Cognifance of Secular Affairs on fome Great and 
 Juft Occafions. A Speech of an Eminent Perfon once in 
 the Houfe of Lords obferved, That no Reformed Church in 
 the World, held that Minijlers may not Intermeddle in Sec- 
 ular Affairs. He particularly mention'd Calvin and Beza, 
 whofe Influences very much governed the Council of State 
 at Geneva : Brentius and Scultet, and Du moulin, and 
 Rivet ; and others who were Privy-Counfellors to Princes. 
 
 Tis 
 (179)
 
 [6o] 
 
 Tis true, Minifters ufually have enough to do, in attending to 
 their Paftoral Charge ; and the Ordaining of them to That, 
 is a Filling of their Hand. They muft Watch for Souls as 
 thofe that muft give an Account. But when without Injury 
 to That, they do upon Public and Preffing Emergencies, 
 apply their Superior Talents to fome things of a Secular 
 Importance, they do but what Hone/I Men ought to do. 
 Opportunities to do good, not only Legitimate the Applica- 
 tion of their Capacities to do it, but alfo Oblige them and 
 Require them to do it. 
 
 Hence it is among the fayings of the great Selden : Tis a 
 fooli/Ji Thing to fay, A Minifler mujl not meddle with Sec- 
 ular matters, becaufe his own Profeffion will take up his 
 whole man : May he not Eat, or Drink, or Walk, or Learn 
 to Sing ? The meaning is only, That he muft Serioujly at- 
 tend his Calling. This Mr. Mather did, even in the midft 
 of his greater! Avocations. 
 
 ARTICLE XXVII. 
 The Returning Dove. 
 
 |T is now high Time to be Looking Homewards. 
 
 As far backwards as the Year, 1689. Things 
 were in fuch an hopeful tendency towards an 
 Happy Settlement of the Country, that Mr. Ma- 
 ther, in his Chamber at London, (in Copthall Court, Throg- 
 morton Street] fet apart feveral whole Days, to Acknowledge 
 the Favours of GOD Hitherto Affifting and Succeeding of 
 him. So, having obtained a Letter from the KING [Dated, 
 Aug. 12. 1689.] unto thofe who were now in the Govern- 
 ment here, Signifying His Approbation of what had been 
 done by them in Re-aJJuming of the Government, and en- 
 couraging 
 (180)
 
 couraging them to go on until an Orderly Settlement for 
 His Service and their Satisfaction, fhould be Accomplished ; 
 And the Bill for the Reftoring of Charters, and particularly 
 thofe of New-England, having paffed in the Houfe of Com- 
 mons ; and there not being then any apparent Hazard, but 
 that it would be carried on unto Perfection ; he thought he 
 might Return to New England with Comfortable Tidings. 
 He took his leave of his Friends at London; and on Aug. 
 20. went as far as Graves-End ; and the next Day to Deal, 
 where the Ship lay on Board of which he took his Paffage. 
 Here he lay Wind-bound, until Sept. 3. when his Youngeft 
 Son, 52 then with him, was taken fo Dangeroufly Sick of the 
 Small Pox, that it was Impoffible to leave him in that Con- 
 dition. The Ship went away without him ; and he (with his 
 Reftored Son) returned unto London, in the Beginning of 
 October ; where it was not long before he found fuch a Turn 
 of Affairs, as fulfill'd what his Friends told him, when they 
 welcomed him upon his Return, That the Gracious GOD 
 had s~lofid his Voyage in great Mercy to his Country. We 
 have now feen the Great Mercy intended in it : And all 
 things being finifhed, which concerned the Settlement of 
 the Country, the Earl of Nottingham introduced him once 
 more to the KING at Whitehall, Jan. 3. 1691, 2. in the 
 Evening. After he had Kiffed the KINGS hand, His Maj- 
 efty faid to him, Are you going to New-England? He 
 anfwered, With Your Majejlies Leave, I am fo. If in any 
 thing I may Serve Your Majejlies Interejl there, IJkall count 
 myfelf Happy, that Your Majejly will Pleafe to lay Your 
 Commands iipon me. The KING replied, Syr, I Thank 
 you ; I WiJJi you a Good Voyage. He then faid, There is 
 one thing, which I would humbly put Your Majejly in 
 
 mind 
 
 52 This fon was Samuel, b. 28 Aug. Eng. He patted the greater part of 
 1674, H. C. 1690, who was the min- his life in a retired manner, but was the 
 ifter afterwards at Witney, co. Oxford, author of feveral books. 
 
 (181)
 
 [62] 
 
 mind of . We have in New-England a COLLEGE, where 
 many an Excellent Protejlant Divine has had his Education. 
 The KING faid, I know it! He thereupon added, If Your 
 Majejly will cajl a favourable Afyec~l on that Society, it will 
 yet FlouriJJi more than ever. The KING returned, I JJiall 
 willingly do it, - And fo Ended the Final Conference. 
 
 Mr. Mather, upon a Review of his Agency, was now able 
 to ufe thofe Words, ' As Day and Night have feen it ; fo I 
 'can and do Appeal to Heaven and Earth, that I have 
 ' Served the People of my Country, with all Fidelity, and 
 ' unto the Very utmoft of my Capacity. And fo, with an 
 eafy mind in himfelf, but great Expreffions of Affection in 
 his Friends at his taking his ultimum Vale of them, he left 
 London, on Mar. 7. 1692. and Sr. William Phips, then 
 having received the Royal Commiffion for the Government 
 of New-England f etch'd him in a Yacht from Southampton, 
 to Cowes in the Ifle of Wight, where the Ship lay in which 
 he was to take his Paffage. There he Preached both parts 
 of the Day ; which he afterwards had Opportunity to do in 
 Dartmoiith, and in Plymouth. 
 
 On Mar. 29. 1692. he with the Companions of his Voyage, 
 left Plymouth ; and had a Comfortable Paffage for New-Eng- 
 land, under the Convoy of the None-fuch Frigat. Inftead 
 of their falling into the Hands of their Foes, which was 
 much feared by their Friends, a French prize fell into their 
 Hands. And they had alfo a notable Deliverance from 
 what they commonly call, A Tartar: For fpying fome 
 Ships which they took for French Merchant-men, their Con- 
 voy made away for them ; until contrary Winds compelled 
 them to leave the chafe. But on the Day following, a 
 French VeJJel which they took, informed them, That they 
 were Four French Men of War, which were bound home 
 for France, from the Ifland of Martinico. 
 
 On May 14. he arrived fafe to his HoufQ and Flock, at 
 
 Bojlon. 
 (182)
 
 [63] 
 
 Bofton. And foon after the firft Great, and General AJJem- 
 bly of the Province was Convened ; unto whom he repaired, 
 and Reading over the InftruElions he had received from the 
 Government, he upon each of them Demonftrated unto 
 the Satisfaction of the whole Affembly, that he had unto 
 the utmoft of his Power Punctually obferved them. After 
 fome Days, and upon the moft mature Examination and 
 Deliberation, the Speaker in the Name of the whole Houfe 
 of Reprefentatives, returned him Thanks for his Faithful, 
 Painful, Indefatigable Endeavours to ferve the Country ; 
 and added, That they were willing to Reward his Meritori- 
 ous Endeavours ; but by reafon of the Expenfive War under 
 which they were Labouring, they were at prefent unable to 
 do any thing Proportionable to his Merits : To which Mr. 
 Mather anfwered, That he Sought not Theirs but Them, in 
 all that he had Endeavoured, and for his Recompence, he was 
 willing to expect it in Another World. However, he had 
 in This World, fo much as This comes to ; That the Great 
 and General Affembly, appointed a Day of Solemn 
 THANKSGIVING to Almighty GOD, through the Pro- 
 vince, for Granting a Safe Return to His Excellency our 
 Governour, and the Reverend Mr. Increafe Mather, who (as 
 the order expreffed it) have induftrioujly endeavoured the 
 Service of this People, and brought over with them a Settle- 
 ment of Government, in which their Majefties have Gra- 
 cioujly given us DiJlinguiJJting Marks of their Royal Favour 
 and Goodnefs. 
 
 He was fortified with diverfe Letters from Eminent Per- 
 fons, Teftifying and Celebrating his Indefatigable endea- 
 vours for the Good of the Country, and adding, While fome 
 with you may perhaps Wonder, that he has Obtained no 
 more, we here, who have the Advantage of a better ProJ])ec~l, 
 wonder that he has done fo much. But I fhall Superfede 
 all Citations from them, with only Producing a Copy of a 
 
 Letter, 
 (183)
 
 [6 4 ] 
 
 Letter, Prepar'd by the Venerable Dr. Bates, and Signed 
 by Twelve more ; all of them Eminent Minifters in London ; 
 and fuch as the Doctor chofe for that purpofe. This was a 
 Thing, which Mr. Mather, had never Defir'd or Propos'd, 
 but that Great Man did it, and had the Names of Ten Min- 
 ifters to it, before ever Mr. Mather fpoke one Word unto 
 any of them about it : nor could any Two of them ever be 
 Prevailed withal to fufpecl; any overdoing in any one expref- 
 fion of it. 
 
 The Letter is worth Preferring, if it were only for the 
 Excellent Hand that Compofed it ; For, Ccelum eft Quicquid 
 tarn Dofla Manus condidit. This it is. 53 
 
 ' To the Much Honoured General Court Affembled at 
 ' Bofton in New-England. 
 
 ''Much Honoured Gentlemen. 
 
 ' " I ^HE Refloring of your Charter, upon which the Security 
 * ' and Public Good of Your Colony Depends, We Con- 
 ' gratulate with as Joy fid Affettions, as with Tender Refent- 
 ' ments, We Condoled the Deprivation of it. When Your 
 'and Our State was in Appearance Defolate beyond Hu- 
 ' mane Power and Counfel to redrefs, Then Deliverance 
 ' came from above: And in our Deep Darknefs, the Day 
 ' Spring from on High vifited us. We muft humbly Ad- 
 'mire and Adore the Glorious Author of that Bleffed 
 ' Work : And we cannot but Pay our Grateful Refpecls, and 
 ' Dutiful Subjection to His chofen Servant, our Sovereign, 
 ' the Happy Inftrument of it. All the Colours of Language 
 
 ' are 
 
 53 A portion of this letter is given of the letter on p. 312 of that volume, 
 
 in Mather's Account of the Agents, But it feemed proper to give the com- 
 
 and is printed in our fecond volume, plete text in this place, as it Hands in 
 
 pp. 297-298. We alfo printed the reft the original publication. 
 
 (184)
 
 [65] 
 
 ' are not Lively and Grateful enough to exprefs His Benefits 
 ' to us. He has the Honour of Eftablifhing our Religion at 
 ' Home, and gives us Hopes of Reftoring it abroad, in places 
 'from whence it has been Unrighteoufly and Cruelly Ex- 
 ' pelled. 
 
 ' Some among You may Wonder, there has been fo long 
 ' Delay before Your Charter was fmimt, but if you confider 
 ' the Torrent of Affairs in Court after the Late Revolution, 
 ' it will Leffen the Wonder. 
 
 ' The Truth is, Your Affairs were fo Difficult, & Thorny, 
 ' that the Rare Union of the Wifdom of the Serpent, & the 
 ' Innocence of the Dove, was requifite in the Commiffioners 
 1 manageing of it. A Peremptory Refufal of any Charter, 
 'but of an Uniform Tenor with the firft, had been like too 
 ' Strong a Medicine, that Exafperates the Difeafe inflead of 
 ' Curing it. In Affairs of great Importance, tis Wifdom 
 ' Maturely to Deliberate, and confider Conditional Events, 
 ' and by the forefight of Inconveniences that will otherwife 
 ' follow, to accept of fuch things as are Bejl with refpecl: to 
 'their Circumftances. We muft therefore give this True 
 ' Teftimony of our much Efteemed and Beloved Brother, 
 ' Mr. Increafe Mather, That with Inviolate Integrity, excel- 
 ' lent Prudence, and Unfainting Diligence, he hath Managed 
 ' the great Bufmefs Committed to His Truft. As he is In- 
 ' ftrucled in the School of Heaven, to Minifter in the Affairs 
 * of the Soul, fo he is furnimed with a Talent to Tranfact 
 'Affairs of State. His Proceedings have been with that 
 'Caution and Circumfpeclion, as is Correfpondent to the 
 ' Weight of his Commiffion ; He with Courage and Con- 
 *"Jlancy has Purfued the Noble Scope of his Employment, 
 ' and underftanding the True Moment of Things, has pre- 
 'ferred the Public Good to the Vain Conceits of fome, that 
 ' more might have been Obtained if Peremptorily Injifted on. 
 ' Confidering open Oppofition and Secret Arts, that have 
 
 ' been 
 
 x (185)
 
 [66] 
 
 'been ufed to fruflrate the beft endeavours for the Intereffc 
 
 * of New-England, the Happy IJfue of thefe things is Supe- 
 ' rior to our Expectations. Your Prefent Charter fecures 
 ''Liberty and Property the faireft Flowers of the Civil State: 
 ' And which is Incomparably more valuable, it fecures the 
 ' Enjoyment of the Blejfed Gofyel in its Purity and Freedom. 
 ' Altho' there is a Rejtraint of your Power in fome things 
 'that were granted in the Former Charter, yet there are 
 ' more Ample Privileges in other things, that may be of Per- 
 ' petual Advantage to the Colony. 
 
 ' We doubt not but Your Faithful Agent will receive 
 ' a Gracious Reward above : And we hope his Succefeful 
 ' Service will be welcomed with your entire Approbation, 
 ' and Grateful Acceptance. We now with ardent Affections 
 ' recommend our Dear Brother to the Divine Mercy, that 
 ' thro' fuch Dangerous Seas he may fafely arrive at his de- 
 ' fired Place. And We earneftly Pray, that the Bleffings of 
 ' Heaven may be always upon Your Colony ; that by the 
 ' Light and Power of the Gofpel, the Prince of Darknefs 
 'may be Expelled from his ancient Dominions; and the 
 
 * Kingdom of our Saviour may be Eftablifhed and Enlarged, 
 'by the Acceffionof fat American Heathen to be His Inheri- 
 tance. Much Honoured Gentlemen, 
 
 We are, 
 
 Your very Humble, 
 
 LONDON, and Faithful Servants, 
 
 Oft. 17. 1691. 
 
 William Bates. Thomas Woodcock. 
 Matthew Mead. John James. 
 Matthew Barker. Samuel Anne/ly. 
 Richard Stretton. George Griffith. 
 Vincent A If op. Richard Mayo. 
 John How. Ifaac Chancy. 
 
 John Quick. 
 
 There 
 
 (186)
 
 [67] 
 
 There needs no more. 
 
 Except I mould now add, That I have at this Mo- 
 ment before me, a Letter from Dr. Bates to this his Friend, 
 which has thefe Expreffions in it ; ' I am truly fenfible of the 
 ' Ungrateful Returns of Some in your Country for all your 
 ' Prudent ConduEl, your Unwearied Patience, and Happy 
 ' Succefs, in the Management of their Affairs. But as your 
 "Aims were above their Poor Acknowledgments, fo your 
 ' Reward will be in the Acceptance of Him who Judges 
 ' Righteoujly.
 
 An Appeal to the Men of New 
 England, 
 
 WITH A SHORT ACCOUNT OF MR. RANDOLPH'S PAPERS. 
 
 [1689.] 
 
 (189)
 
 PREFATORY NOTE. 
 
 54 'THHE following pamphlet, which is reprinted, by permiflion, from a copy in 
 * the famous library of George Brinley, Efq., prefents feveral interefting 
 bibliographical facts : In the firft place, being printed in 1689, it muft have been 
 iflued after Auguft 2d, as it mentions Andros's attempt to efcape, which took 
 place at that date. It muft alfo be before February, 1690, the date of Andros's re- 
 turn to England, as it calls him ftill a prifoner. Next, it is the tract referred to on 
 p. 195 of our firft volume, as a " former paper of Ouaries written and publifhed 
 by one who had not been half feven years in this country." That pamphlet of 
 " Further Queries " refers to the difafter at Schenectady which occurred Feb. 
 8, 1690, and fpeaks of "the fummer which is now advancing." We may pre- 
 fume that the tract was published late in 1689, or in January, 1690, though it 
 copies (vol. i. p. 203-204) affidavits ufed by Rawfon and Sewall in their " Revo- 
 lution in New England Juftified," 1691. As thefe affidavits were on file, collected 
 by a committee of feven of the General Court (fee vol. i. p. 149), the writer of 
 " Further Queries " might have had accefs to them eafily. 
 
 The " Vindication " (vol. ii. p. 78) has at the end an Advertifement " for this 
 compofure the reader is beholden to one, who altho' he never fpent 7 years of 
 
 his Life in any part of America, has been able thus to write." This 
 
 "Vindication" was printed in 1690, after Palmer's fecond edition, which bears 
 date in 1690, and before the "Revolution Juftified" in 1691. It was clearly 
 publifhed in England firft, and reprinted here. It is a problem, therefore, 
 whether this " Advertifement " was on the Englifh edition. If not, we muft 
 fuppofe that there was fome fpecial reafon for both pamphlets, the " Further 
 Queries" and the "Vindication," printed in 1690, bearing the allufion to " feven 
 years." May not this expreffion be one ufed in " News from New England," 
 the tract mentioned in our fecond volume, p. 205, and the only pamphlet ftill 
 untraced ? 
 
 As to the authorfhip of the prefent tract nothing is known. If we accept 
 literally the ftatement that he had not been in this country half feven years, we 
 might fufpect it to be the work of Rev. Charles Morton, of Charleftown. He 
 came here in 1686, was efpecially oppofed to Andros's government, by whom he 
 was profecuted, and was of courfe able to prepare and publifh fuch a book. 
 He was a friend of the Mathers, and, as will be mown, Cotton Mather muft have 
 been privy to the preparation of this tract. * 
 
 (190)
 
 WITH A SHORT ACCOUNT OF MR. RANDOLPH'S 
 
 PAPERS. 
 
 T is the Unhappinefs of this prefent Jun6ture, 
 that too many Men relinquifh their Stations of 
 Privacy and Subjection, and take upon them 
 too freely to defcant upon affairs of the Pub- 
 lick; and thofe generally fuch as have mani- 
 feftly no Love for, nor Interejl in the welfare of 
 this Country, who yet affume a ftrange liberty to themfelves 
 of justifying the Conduct of the late Ufurping Government, 
 and cenfuring the Juftice and Order of the late Revolution ; 
 and by clandestine Libells and open Coffee-houfe talks, en- 
 deavour to fow Factions and Divifeons among us. It has 
 been therefore thought fit (in order to the unity of the Peo- 
 ple, and healing the prefent difcompofures) to propofe the 
 infuing Queries and Cafes, upon which 'tis defired every man 
 would exercife his faculty of judging, that hereby he may 
 know how to encounter the Sophi/lries and flop the mouthes 
 of thefe peflilent Gain-fayers. 
 
 i. Of the Injury done to our Charter. 
 
 Whether the Charters of New England were not invaded 
 and vacated in purfuance of the very fame ends that caufed 
 the General Attempt lately made upon the Charters through- 
 out all the EngliJJi Dominions ? 
 
 Whether 
 (190
 
 [4] 
 
 Whether the Definition of the EngliJJi Charters were 
 not one of the moft confiderable Branches of the late 
 PopiJJi Plot, for the fubverfion and utter extinction of the 
 Proteflant Religion ? 
 
 Whether it be rational to fuppofe that our late Superiours 
 at Whitehall did receive or could propofe any advantage by 
 the overthrow of our Charter Government, but only to bring 
 us within the reach of PopiJJi Counfels, when it fhould be 
 time for them to work upon us ? 
 
 Whether (fuppofmg our Charters forfeitable) we had for- 
 feited them by breaking any one Article or Condition in 
 them ? 
 
 Whether therefore the late Confpirators in the Court at 
 White-Hall did not rob us in the Maffachufetts Colony of 
 our Charter, by firft letting fall their Quo Warranto, when 
 we had fent Agents to ftand a Trial at Law; and then by 
 iffuing out a Writ of Scire Facias againft us, requiring us to 
 appear fuddenly after at Wejlminfter and fo entring Judg- 
 ment againft us for our non-appearance, whilft in the mean 
 time it was perfectly impoffible we mould have any timely 
 notice of it? 
 
 Whether it be not a great Article in the Declaration pub- 
 lifht by his Highnefs the Prince of Orange, concerning the 
 Reafons of his Difcent into England, That all Magi/lrates 
 who have been unjuftly turned oiit,JJiall forthwith Reaffume 
 their former Imployments, and the EngliJJi Corporations re- 
 turn to their ancient Prefcriptions & Charters ? 
 
 Whether Conneclicut died not as a Fool Dieth, and were 
 not baubled out of their Charter, and whether they are not 
 more knaves than fools, who would go about to make them 
 twice dead, when not only their Charter was actually reflored 
 by the Proclamation of King James, but alfo his prefent 
 Majefty has declared (as we have undoubted information) 
 That their Charter is as Good as ever ? 
 
 Whether 
 (192)
 
 [5] 
 
 Whether we have not Received an Attefted Copy of a 
 Bill pad in the House of Commons, which expreffly De- 
 clares, That the Proceedings againjl our Charter were Illegal, 
 and a Grievance ? 
 
 Whether notwithstanding the fence of all England affem- 
 bled in a full and free Parliament to the contrary, we fhould 
 not rather lick up the Spittle of fome of our Learned Jayl- 
 birds, who ever now and then fpawn a Pamphlet to tell us, 
 That we have been fairly dealt with ? 
 
 Whether when 'tis confidered that for the meer hope fake 
 of a lafting Peace and Settlement under the protections and 
 priviledges of our Charters, we have with an incredible ex- 
 penfe and labour fubdued a difmal Wildernefs into a famous 
 & flourifhing Teritory, of no fmall advantage to the Crown 
 of England; we may expect that it will be thought juft and 
 fair for us to be deprived of thofe Priviledges and Injoy- 
 ments by which we were hereunto decoy'd and ruined by 
 the miferies of an Arbitrary Government ? 
 
 Whether upon the little glimmering profpect which we 
 now have of our being freed from the wretched circum- 
 ftances under which we laboured by the lofs of our Charter- 
 Priviledges, we may not be allowed to wear a little joy in 
 our faces, and return thanks to our God, the Soveraign 
 Beftower of all the good we have in Poffeflion or Expec- 
 tation ? 
 
 Whether if our late Prejident^ 1 fhould make it appear, 
 either that he did not contribute to the lofs of our Charter, 
 or that he has a juft and due regret for doing it, this might 
 not reconcile him to the affections of the people, of which 
 among fo many that have defired to fee him humbled, fo few 
 defire to fee him ruined? 
 
 2. Of 
 
 55 The late Prefident was Jofeph Dudley. 
 
 Y (193)
 
 [6] 
 
 2. Of the Commiffion by which we were lately Governed. 
 
 Whether the late Commiffion by which the late Govern- 
 ment was impofed upon us, did not deny us the Common 
 Rights, which all Engli/Jimen juftly count themf elves born 
 unto, and entirely fubjecl: all that was dear to us unto the 
 Arbitrary DiJ])ofal of five or fix men, that mewed their 
 manifeft hatred to whatfoever N.-England loved ? 
 
 Whether if indeed by our being here, we became Slaves, 
 and are to be utterly excluded from all intereft in making 
 of Laws and railing of Taxes, but what is in the fubmitting 
 and fmarting part of them, we had not better agree to 
 break up the Plantation, and march home for England 
 again ? 
 
 Whether thofe people who now declare for the continu- 
 ance of that CommiJJion, do not therein (fome ignorantly, 
 fome malicioufly) abet a Treafon, and the worfl of Treafons 
 againft the Liberties of the EngliJJi Nation, and make them- 
 felves parties to the worft Enemies of their Countrey ? 
 
 Whether they were perfons inconfiderable for Note or 
 Number which did call our late Government by the name of 
 a French Government, and counted it an Effay or Specimen 
 of what was intended for the whole Engli/h Nation ? 
 
 Whether any good man has done any other than buy 
 Repentance at a dear rate by efpoufing the Interefts or 
 gratifying the humours of the men that fo lately Lorded 
 over us ! 
 
 Whether common Curfmg and Swearing and Sabbath- 
 breaking be not admirable qualities in a Governour, and 
 fuch as may make any New-Englanders dote upon him, or 
 endeavour his re-eftablimment, when we have all the affur- 
 ance in the world that we mall be commended by the 
 Authority of England for our depofing him ? 
 
 Whether when a Governour has made his allowed Knot 
 
 of 
 (194)
 
 [7] 
 
 of Counsellors competently drunk at his Bouts with them 
 after midnight, they be not in a fine pickle to manage the 
 Government of this large Territory, which no doubt now 
 perifhes for the want of fuch Super-fober Counsellors? 
 
 Whether thofe people who now afflict themfelves with a 
 Bodily fear that a mean perfon may now and then get into 
 the place of a Magi/Irate amongft us, have not forgotten 
 what fort of Gentlemen were amongft our late Counfellors? 
 And whether they know the Original of our late boyfterous 
 Deputy Governour^ who in very good time informed us, That 
 the Scabbard of a Red-coat JJwuld quickly Jignifie as much as 
 the Commiffion of a Jujlice of the Peace ? 
 
 What were the Qualifications which were counted enough 
 to make a man capable of a Place in the late Adminiftra- 
 tion ? 
 
 3. Of the OppreJJion which was ufed every day upon us in 
 our Civil Concerns. 
 
 Whether fome of the principal Gentlemen concerned in 
 the late Government have not once and again ingenioufly 
 confeft, That the Government was become Intollerable. 
 
 Whether thofe that Rob on the Road, or in the night 
 under the fear of Hanging are not honefl Robbers in com- 
 parifon of them that Rob in the capacity of Lawyers, by 
 making the Law it felf but a Tool to manage the defigns of 
 Robbery ? 
 
 Whether any man alive can tell what Law our late Maf- 
 ters were pleafed to Govern by. 
 
 Whether amongft many other injuries which the Fermen- 
 tations 
 
 66 I fuppofe by this is meant Capt. fpecially for this colony. Randolph 
 Francis Nicholfon, who was commif- was fecretary, with Weft under him ; 
 fioned Lieutenant Governor, April 20, Dudley and Palmer were judges ; Sher- 
 1688, and who lived in New York. I lock was fheriff ; Graham, attorney-gen- 
 do not find any deputy-governor named eral, &c. 
 
 (195)
 
 [8] 
 
 tations of the laft April did unto feveral honeft people, this 
 be not one, that certain pickt, fettled and Standing Officers 
 (but no Free-holders) called Jury-men were thereby difmift 
 from their places, which we thought they mufl have held 
 Durante Vita, by a Leafe for their Lives ? 
 
 Whether in one and the fame Crime, fometimes the Old 
 Law of New-England was not that which did convict the 
 fault, and the new Law of Old-England, that which did 
 adjuft the Fine? 
 
 Whether we did not with a very fingular Edification and 
 Satisfaction hear our late courteous Rulers very gravely 
 hold forth unto us, that, It was not for His Majefties Intere/l 
 that weJJwuld thrive ? 
 
 Whether the ufage of the Ipfotnck^Jito. & the Plymouth 
 Men were not fo juft and kind that they ought never to for- 
 get it ? or whether a peaceable defiring, that we might have 
 liberty for an AJJembly before we Rais'd Taxes ; or whether 
 Begging Mony to carry on a Tryal at Law for Town-lands 
 injurioufly invaded, were an inexpiable Treafon ? 
 
 What was Major Appleton put, and kept in Prifon, and 
 denyed an Habeas Corpus for ? 
 
 And for what were Major Saltonjlall and Mr Bradftreet, 
 and others Imprifoned and put to a ftrange Coft and 
 Charge 
 
 How many times have the Excife-men gone unto honeft 
 and courteous Houfes in the Country, pretending themfelves 
 ill, and fo procuring the Civilities that good people ufe to 
 treat Strangers with, but thereupon dropt a three-pence or 
 fix-pence in a by-place of the Houfe, and then fworn that 
 they bought drink there; and how many times has this 
 Trick been play'd upon perfons that never fold a drop of 
 drink in their lives ? Who clapt thefe Knaves on the Back 
 and held them by the Chin in thefe Rogueries ? Who went 
 Snips with them ? 
 
 Whether 
 (196)
 
 [9] 
 
 Whether Mr Morton, the very Reverend and no lefs 
 peafeable Minifter of Charles-Town, were not by Governour 
 Androfss furious Command (contrary to the declared Senfe 
 of two of the Judges upon the Bench) drag'd out of his own 
 County, to be Try'd for Seditious Preaching, on purpofe 
 becaufe he thought no place but Bojlon could afford a Jury 
 wicked enough to ruine him, on the Teftimony of one fingle 
 Debaucht Perfon, contradicted by the whole Affembly that 
 heard the Sermon ? 57 
 
 What was the true Reafon why no Town might meet to 
 Tranfact any Parim-bufmefs, above once a Year ? 
 
 Whether it was not both verbally and really deny'd by the 
 late Ufurpers here, that any man in the Colony own'd fo 
 much as one Foot of Land/ And fo after all the vaft 
 Treafure and Labour which we had fpent to provide for our 
 felves a Livelihood in a Wildernefs, had we not brought 
 our Hogs (and all our other Cattle too) to a fair market? 
 
 Whether it were poffible for all the mony and Movables 
 in New-England to have paid the prizes that mufl have 
 been exacted for the Patents, which we are now obliged to 
 take for our Own Lands, even as they are ftated in the Fees 
 of the Secretaries Office ? 
 
 Whether a certain perfon divers ways endear'd to our late 
 Gang of Mony-c ate hers, having of his own a Spot of Land, 
 worth not above Two Hundred Pounds, was not at laft 
 forced to offer Fifty Pounds for a Patent for it, and yet 
 after all could not get it fo, becaufe (forfooth) a Neighbour 
 offered to give more for a good Title to it ? 
 
 How many Hundred Acres of other mens Lands have 
 been begged by Counfellors, out of their fingular and 
 fatherly Affection to the Country? and who muft have 
 
 maintained 
 
 57 Nothing in this paffage is incompatible with the fuppofition that Morton 
 wrote the trad. 
 
 (197)
 
 [10] 
 
 maintained the fcores of Widows and Orphans, that muft 
 have been brought to beg their bread, whilft others beg'd 
 their Lands? 
 
 Whether when fome certain Widows that had their Lands 
 taken from them, pleaded with thefe publick Thieves, and 
 urg'd on them, That God would one day plead the caufe of 
 the Widows, they were not fcoffingly bid tojlay till that day 
 come ? 
 
 4. Of the Perfecution which our Sacred Concerns were 
 affaulted with. 
 
 Whether Jefferies the late Lord Chancellor of England, or 
 fome body elfe, advifed no body, To Ruine thefe Churches as 
 fa/I as he could, yet not to do it by force, but to Sap them by 
 Jlarving the Mini/lers everywhere from their Imployments, 
 upon which their Churches will by confequence fall of them- 
 felves ; and whither fine fteps were not taken in the practice 
 of this Advice ? 
 
 Whether in the ordinary Difpenfations of Juftice among 
 us, if a perfon accufed of any Crime, were a vicious, profli- 
 gate, blafphemous Fellow, he were not likely to have all 
 poffible favour fhown him, but if he were a ferious, holy, 
 Good Man, he might not Expect the utmofl rigour, that the 
 extent of their fence of the Law could inflict on him ? 
 
 Whether the pious Chriftians in New-England had not 
 fome caufe at leaft why their Confciences might fcruple the 
 mode of Swearing on the Book, when the Common Law 
 which is the only Law pretended for it in this Cafe, does in 
 all old Prefidents interpret a Swearing ON to be a Swearing 
 BY the Gofpels, and we have long thought it finful to fwear 
 by any Creatures ? 
 
 Whether fome of the Juftices themfelves in their giving 
 of Oaths did not awaken our thoughts by making the poor 
 
 people 
 (198)
 
 people Swear By the Holy Evangelifts, concluding the Ooath 
 with fo help you God and his holy Evangelifts ? And 
 whether when a man was profecuted for Perjury, the form of 
 his Indictment did not run, That he did perjurioujly on the 
 Holy Evangelifts of the Almighty God, Depofe, &c. ? And 
 whether even yet the Homilies of the Church of England 
 do not teach us, That to fay, So help me God ancl Saint 
 John, is Idolatry? 
 
 Whether many of the befl People in the Country were 
 not Fined and Imprifoned meerly for fcrupling to fwear on 
 the Book, though they readily offered to Swear with an Up- 
 lifted Hand? 
 
 Whether the leaft affront offered unto them that were fo 
 fcrupulous were not to put them from Serving on a Jury, or 
 as a Witnefs ? And whether the bottom of this intreague 
 were not chiefly to render the Largeft, the moft fober, and 
 valuable part of the Country uncapable of any Inter eft in 
 the paffage of Juftice between man and man ? And whether 
 fome folks would not have had then a brave time on't ? 
 
 Whether thofe very Judges, who punifht holy and worthy 
 men, for only fcrupling a mode of Swearing, ever did or 
 durft punifh a Quaker for not Swearing at all ? 
 
 Whether none of our late Superiors had caufe to know 
 that in the Ifland of Guernfey and Jerfey^ which are under 
 the Crown of England, it be not according to Common 
 Law (becaufe Ancient Cuftom) to Swear with Lifting up 
 the Hand? 
 
 Whether although it feem a fmall Truth for which the 
 good people have fuffered this malicious and unreafonable 
 Perfecution, yet the fmallnefs of the Caufe do not rather 
 augment and commend the Fidelity of the Sufferers ? 
 
 Whether the late wife Juftices did not affirm all the 
 
 Ecclefiaflical 
 
 18 A reference, of courfe, to Andros. 
 099)
 
 [12] 
 
 Ecclefiaftical Penal-Laws againft Nonconformifts to be in 
 force againft us, when they fo vigoroufly profecuted that 
 worthy Minifter Mr Mather the Younger for publifhing 
 (before Sir Edmond Andros arrived here) a modeft and 
 placid Difcourfe giving the-Reafons of our Diffent from the 
 Ceremonies of the Church of England? And of what 
 value with them was the late King's Declaration for Liberty 
 of Confcience. And whether, when they had the power 
 of binding and loofmg the l^reSS, it had not been more 
 fatisfaclory for them to have anfwered it by Scripture and 
 reafon, or any way rather than by a ruinous Romi/h Perfe- 
 cution. 
 
 Whether when 't was argu'd, that it would be a very un- 
 fair thing to punim the Noncoris in this Countrey, for not 
 ufmg the Service of the Church of England, while the 
 Countrey had fcarce any but Noncoris in it ; and fo every 
 man almoft in the Land muft pay at leaft 1 2d a day (befides 
 other far greater penalties) which with Sundayes and Holy 
 dayes would amount to four pounds a man by the year, for 
 not being prefent at the Common Prayer Worfhip, that 
 Juftice had not more of the Wo/fiha.n the Fox in him, who 
 reply 'd, We are in a way to bring it to that extremity ? 
 
 Whether when the late Kings Declaration for Liberty of 
 Confcience gave us hopes of deliverance from an approach- 
 ing Perfecution, the 'Minifters of Bofton having agreed with 
 their Congregations to keep a day of Thankfgiving to God 
 for that Mercy, Governour Androfs did not fend for them 
 
 the 
 
 69 Increafe Mather was fo defcribed. authority for ftating that the "Brief 
 
 The tract was undoubtedly the one Difcourfe " was iffued in 1689. This 
 
 whofe title is given in our firft volume, was true of the fecond or London edi- 
 
 p. 1 80. In the text it is faid that the tion, but, as will be feen, both in our 
 
 fermon was publifhed before Andres's citation (i. 180) and in Sibley's, no 
 
 arrival, i.e., before 1686. By Mr. Sib- date is on the firfl edition. We may 
 
 ley's admirable bibliographical notes it therefore fairly accept the ftatement in 
 
 feems that Cotton Mather was the the text as correct. 
 
 (200)
 
 the night before the day intended, and with many menaces 
 bid them keep the day at their peril, and tell them he would 
 fend Souldiers to guard their Churches and them too? And 
 yet having thus put by the day, to the great fcandal and 
 offence of the whole Town, had he not the face to deny 
 afterwards that ever he had forbidden it ? 
 
 5. Of the Indian War. 
 
 Whether no Indian Lands, nor Indian Rights have been 
 Patented away by our late Patent-mongers. 
 
 Whether to advance this principle, that the Indians, be- 
 caufe Pagans, have no Title to any Lands at all in this 
 Coimtrey, be not the way to continue the friendfhip of the 
 Indians to us ? and whether after all the hard cenfures we 
 have undergone, the World will not judge us the jufler and 
 more righteous of the two, who own they have though 
 Pagans, ajitft Right to all their Lands but thofe which they 
 have by fair Contract or jujl Conqueft parted with ? 
 
 Whether it were no bodies Expectation, that on pretence 
 to pay off a great Army for a long Service, a vajl Tax muft 
 have been Levy'd, which would on purpofe have been made 
 intollerable to the people ? that hereupon a diflreft and dif- 
 trac~ted part in the Country would have mutiny d? and an 
 advantage would thence be taken by fome fort of men to 
 have taken away the Lives and Eftates of whom they 
 pleas'd for being concerned in the Rebellion, though they 
 had been never fo peaceable and innocent? Would not 
 this have been a notable way for fome folks to thrive in the 
 world ? 
 
 Whether no Captives of late efcap't from the Indians 
 have affirmed, That the Indians fay, Some p erf ons in Bofton 
 have incouraged them to go on with the War ? 
 
 6. Of 
 
 z (201)
 
 6. Of the Revolution. 
 
 Whether it were not purely in Oppofition to the enemies 
 of the Prince of Orange, that we feized upon Governour 
 Androfs and his Accomplices ? and not a defign hatcht by 
 Jefuits to carry on a Popilh Interefl among us, as a Pam- 
 phlet late difperft, very gravely and politickly informs us ? 
 
 Whether our late Rulers did not ufe all imaginable care 
 to keep us ignorant of the Succeffes of the Prince of Orange, 
 which themfelves had fufficient information of ? 
 
 How many Healths has that Riotous and Abject Crew 
 drank to the Confufion of the Prince of Orange fmce eighty 
 nine ; and whether that fport is likely to laft always unre- 
 markt or unpunifht ? 
 
 Whether the news of the Princes coming into England 
 did not fill them with as much vifible Confternation as us 
 with fatisfaclion, and whether the Reafon of it be not mani- 
 feft to all of us ? 
 
 Whether the man that brought the Princes Declaration 
 with him into the Country were not Imprifoned for bringing 
 treafonable ?cc\di feditious Papers with him? 
 
 Whether fome Riots that have been committed fince the 
 Revolution were not fecretly produced, or at leaft fomented 
 by men of the fame Party with them that moft fuffered by 
 them? 
 
 Whether Governour Androfs m by dealing out of the 
 Caftle where he was a Prifoner, after he had abufed the 
 Captain with fuch affurances of his proving himfelf a trite 
 Prifoner did not give an evidence of fome peculiar Guilt or 
 Fear upon him, as well as Falfenefs in him ; and whether 
 the Captain ought to truft him again, or in Civility fo far to 
 
 remember 
 
 60 This charge againft Andros is not found elfewhere, and may well be 
 doubted. 
 
 (202)
 
 remember him as a Gentleman, as to forget that he is a 
 flippery Prifoner. 
 
 What would thofe fellows be at, who are fo lavifh of their 
 Difcourfe as to condemn us for Pirates only for taking 
 Pirates? what party did Pound's^ ferve that it muft be fo 
 criminal to Apprehend him ? and who were his Correfpond- 
 ents ? and whether it be not very reafonable not only that 
 thofe men who ventured their Lives fo nobly for the Coun- 
 trey mould be commended, but rewarded ? 
 
 Whether it be not the fpecial Priviledge of Charlejlown 62 
 Church and Town to be furnifht with Deacons and Cap- 
 tains which publifh Remonftrances againft the prefent Gov- 
 ernment, and Berogue the deferving Gentlemen in whofe 
 hands it is ? and whether thofe Fellows (to retort the phrafe 
 upon them they fo faucily ufe to the Gentlemen in Author- 
 ity) could propofe any thing by their late Mutinies & Fac- 
 tions, than the putting the Countrey into a Flame? 
 
 Whether thofe Men who defire to fee the late Power in 
 play again, be not weary of their own Lands or Livings (if 
 they have any?) or do not want to be Owners of Other 
 Mens ? 
 
 Whether thofe men who now fhow themfelves violent 
 againft our return in any fort to our Charters, are not therein 
 declared Enemies to the glorious defigns of the greateft 
 Prince in the World ? 
 
 Whether it would not be a fine fpot of work, when we 
 have given to Sr. Edmond Androfs and his Creatures the 
 affront of difmiffing them from the Government, and we 
 every hour look for a Confirmation and approbation from 
 England of what we have done, yet to reftore them to their 
 former places ? 
 
 Whether 
 
 81 As to Pounds, fee vol. ii. p. 54- 82 See Charleftown's petition in vol. 
 55. ii. p. 79. 
 
 (203)
 
 [16] 
 
 Whether a flricl eye ought not to be kept on thofe ridic- 
 ulous Blades at Charleftown, and thofe Mifchievoiis ones in 
 Prifon 63 who are fcattering about the Countrey their fcan- 
 dalous Pamphlets, to perfwade a thing fo pernicious ? 
 
 Whether fuch empty trifling Pamphlets can Profelyte any 
 but the fillieft Buzzards in the World, and whether we have 
 reafon to fear we have many fuch among us ? 
 
 And fince 't is in a late Pamphlet^ boldly affirmed that 
 none of the L etters (in our hands] of thofe lately in Office or 
 Government, manifejl any defign of ruining the Countrey, or 
 procuring any violence to the Inhabitants ; we mail annex 
 fome few Notes (among many much worfe) out of the Letters 
 of but One of them, viz. Mr RANDOLPH and by this lit- 
 tle, let all dif-interefted perfons judge, whether thofe who 
 guided the People to this alteration had not fome caufe. 
 
 65 
 
 Randolph to the Earl of June 14. 1682 
 
 / humbly befeech your L ordJJiip that I may have confedera- 
 tion for all my Loffes, that the heads of this Faction here 
 may be ftriclly profecuted and Fined for their Treafons and 
 Mifdemeanours, and my Mony paid out of their Fines. I 
 will engage with Five Hundred of His Majefties Guard to 
 drive them out of their Country As for the perfons joynd 
 
 and 
 
 63 Palmer's "Impartial Account" full in Hutchinfon's Collection of Pa- 
 was undoubtedly prepared whilft he was pers, vol. ii. pp. 275-277, in the edition 
 a prifoner here. printed by the Prince Society. As 
 
 64 I have not been able to find the here printed, it confifts of extracts only 
 original of this quotation. from the long original, ingenioufly ar- 
 
 65 This letter was addreffed to the ranged to make a ftrong effect. 
 Earl of Clarendon, and will be found in 
 
 (204)
 
 and concerned in the Faction here, I know but one man who 
 was not himfelf a Servant or a Servants Son. 
 
 GG 
 
 R. to my Lord December 3. 1684 
 
 If that great body of People by mif-underftanding be once 
 broken and difperfl into the Southern Plantations, the 
 French will certainly by degrees /wallow up that great 
 Country planted and poffejl by His Majejlies Subjefls now 
 above thefejixty Years, and fo at length become Majlers of 
 all His Majejlies Weft- India Plantations, which by the bene- 
 fit and advantage of thofe many Harbours in that Country 
 may be obtained. 
 
 67 R. to the B. of June 14. 1682 
 
 If His Majejlies Laws (which none but Phanaticks quef- 
 tioii) be of force with us, we could raife afufficient mainten- 
 ance for divers Minijlers out of the Eftates of thofe whofe 
 Treafons have forfeited them to His Majejly. 
 
 68 
 
 R. to the B. of - May 29. 1682 
 
 In my Attendance on your Lordfhip, loftenpreft thatfome 
 able Minijlers might be appointed to perform the Offices of 
 the Church with us. The main objlacle was, how theyjliould 
 
 be 
 
 88 This extra6l is from a letter to the Lord Bifhop of London will be found in 
 
 Lords, by which I prefume is meant the Hutchinfon's Collection above cited, 
 
 Lords of the Board of Trade, which will ii. 279-281. 
 
 be found in the Mather Papers (Mafs. ** This letter, alfo to the Bifhop of 
 
 Hift. Soc. Coll., 4th Ser. viii. 530). London, will be found in full in Hutch- 
 
 87 The original of this letter to the infon's Collection, ii. 271-274. 
 
 (205)
 
 be maintained? I did formerly and do now prop of e that a 
 part of the Money fent over hither and pretended to be ex- 
 pended among the Indians, may be ordered to go towards that 
 
 charge. As for 69 he is one of the Faction, a man of 
 
 mean Extraction, coming over a poor Servant ; as moji of 
 the Faction were at their firft Planting here, but by extraor- 
 dinary zeal and coufenage, have got them great Ejlates in 
 Land ; fo that if His Majefty Fine them fufficiently (and 
 well if they f cape fo) they can go to work to get more. 
 
 70 R. to the A. B. of Oclob. 27. 1686 
 
 / have fome time Jince humbly reprefented to your Grace, 
 a necejfity of having a Church built in Bofton, to receive 
 thofe of the Church of England ; we have at prefent near 
 four hundred perfons who are daily frequenters of our 
 Church, and as many more would come over to us. But 
 fome being Tradef-men, others of Mechanick Profejfions, 
 are threatned by the Congregational Men to be Arrejled by 
 their Creditors, or to be turned out of their work, if they 
 
 come to our Church. / have taken care to inform my 
 
 felf how the Mony fent over hither for the Company of 
 Evangelizing Indians in New England is difyofed of; Here 
 are feven perons called Commiffioners or Truftees, who have 
 thefole manage of it. The chief of which are Mr. Dudley 
 our Prejident a man of a bafefervile and Antimonarchical 
 Principle ; Mr. Stoughton of the old Leven ; Mr. Richards, 
 a man not to be trufled in publick bujinefs ; Mr. Hinkly, a 
 Rigid Independent, and others like to thefe. 
 
 I humbly prefume to Remind your Grace of your promife 
 
 to 
 
 w In the original in Hutchinfon, 70 For this letter to the Archbifhop 
 this is Capt. Richards. The ftory was of Canterbury, fee Hutchinfon's Col- 
 probably falfe, as fhown in the note le&ion, ii. 294. 
 
 (159). 
 
 (206)
 
 [19] 
 
 to me when in England ; that a Commijfion JJwuld be 
 dir'ected to fome perfons here unconcerned to Audit and 
 
 report their Accounts of that Mony. We want good 
 
 Schoolmajlers, none here being allowed or but of ill Prin- 
 ciples ; The mony now converted unto private or worfe Ufes, 
 willfet up good and pub lick Schools, and provide a mainten- 
 ance for our Minijler who now lives upon a f mall Contri- 
 bution. 
 
 71 R. to Mr. Blathwait. May 21. 1687. 
 
 His Excellency has to do with a perverfe people. Noth- 
 ing has been wanting in his Excellency to bring all things to 
 a good pojlure, both private and publick ; He dif charges the 
 duty of an Excellent Governour,but thefe people are Riveted 
 in their way, and I fear nothing but neceffity or force will 
 otherwife dij]>ofe them. 
 
 R. to Povey. May 21. 1687 
 
 72 His Excellency tries all ways to bring the people to Quit- 
 Rents. 
 
 73 R. to Mr. Pen, November 9. 1688. 
 
 This barbarous people were never civilly treated by the late 
 Government, who made it their btfjinefs to encroach upon 
 
 their 
 
 71 This extract is given in the Ma- printed in Hutchinfon's Collection, ii. 
 ther Papers above cited (Mafs. Hift. 296-298. 
 
 Soc. Coll. 4th Ser. viii. 531). A part 73 This is given in the Mather Pa- 
 of it is alfo given in Hutchinfon's Hif- pers already cited ; but the qualifying 
 tory, i. 354. claufes even in the copy there printed 
 
 were omitted in the preparation of this 
 
 72 This line occurs in a long letter inflammatory pamphlet. 
 
 (207)
 
 [20] 
 
 their Lands, and by degrees to drive them out of all ; That 
 was the Groitnd and Beginning of the lajl War. His Ex- 
 cellency has all along taken other Meafures with them. 
 
 I hear Mr. Mather and fuch like Men of Antimonarchical 
 principles at home are complaining againft^ me : I confefs, 
 if being the Occafion of Subverting their Old Arbitrary 
 Government be a Crime, / mujl Submit. 74 
 
 Printed in the year 1689. 
 
 74 We have already faid that Cotton 
 Mather was intimately connected with 
 the preparation of this tra<5t. The 
 proof is as follows. In the fixth vol- 
 ume of Mather manufcripts, now pre- 
 ferved in the Prince Library, will be 
 found (pp. 56-57) abftracts of certain 
 letters from Randolph and Dudley, 
 made by Cotton Mather, and in his 
 handwriting. Undoubtedly he had ob- 
 tained the originals, and thefe paffed 
 finally to Hutchinfon, who printed them 
 in full, as we have mentioned in our foot 
 notes, ante. But the interefting fa<5t is 
 that thefe abftracts by Mather are 
 exactly the ones printed in this tract, 
 except that his copy contains fections 
 herein omitted. And on this Mather 
 copy lines are drawn under fuch por- 
 tions as are printed, fo as to direct a 
 copyift what to take, or the printer 
 what to ufe. The inference is inevita- 
 ble that Cotton Mather furniftied di- 
 rectly all thefe extracts, though he or 
 
 fome coadjutor felected a part only for 
 publication in the foregoing pamphlet. 
 
 As the omiflions are very fignificant, 
 we will edit Cotton Mather's abftracts. 
 
 I. R. to the Earl of Clarendon June 
 14. 1682. 
 
 " His Majefties Quo Warranto 
 againft the Charter and fending for 
 Thorn. Danforth, Sam. Nowell, a late 
 factious preacher and now a Magif- 
 trate, Daniel Fifher and Elima Cook, 
 Deputies, to attend and anfwer the 
 articles of high mifdemeanour I have 
 now exhibited againft them in my 
 papers fent Mr. Blathwait, will make 
 that whole Faction tremble." [Then 
 follows the printed fection, " I humbly 
 befeech .... paid out of their Fines."] 
 " If the party were fo confiderable as to 
 Revolt, upon his Majefties Refolution 
 to fettle this plantation, their firft Work 
 would bee to call mee to account for 
 Endeavouring 
 (208)
 
 [21] 
 
 Endeavouring openly the Alteration of 
 their Constitution, which by their Law 
 is Death." [Then the reft of the letter 
 as printed.] "As for all the perfons 
 joined and concerned in the Faction 
 here, I know but one man who was not 
 himfelf a fervant or a fervant's fon." 
 
 2. R. to the Lords Dec 3. 1684. 
 
 " There are dangerous principles 
 among them, which Mr. Mather main- 
 tains and propagates." [Then the reft 
 as printed in the pamphlet.] 
 
 3. R to the B. of [London] June 14, 
 
 1682. 
 
 [Juft what is printed.] 
 
 4. R to the B. of [London], May 29, 
 
 1682. 
 
 [Begins as printed fix lines through 
 "towards that charge."] Then Ma- 
 ther fays [" Story of reconciliation 
 between O. and N. Ch.] " Major Dud- 
 ley is a great oppofer of the Faction 
 againft which I have now articled to his 
 Majefty, who if he finds things refo- 
 lutely managed, will cringe and bow to 
 any thing. Hee hath his fortunes to 
 make in the World. I give him 2 or 
 3 lines to recommend him to your 
 Lordfhip's favour fo far as hee may bee 
 ferviceable to your Defign." [Then as 
 printed, from " As for Capt. Richards, 
 hee is one of the faction." . . . through 
 " work to gett more."] " As for Rich- 
 ards hee ought to be kept very fafe till 
 all things tending to the Quiet and 
 Regulation of this Government be per- 
 fectly fettled." " Wee have in Bofton 
 one Mr. Willard, Brother to Major 
 Dudley." " Hee is a moderate man and 
 baptizes thofe who are refufed by other 
 churches, for which hee is hated." " I 
 preft for able and fober minifters, and 
 wee will contribute largely to their 
 maintenance ; but one thing will mainly 
 
 help, when no marriages hereafter (hall 
 be allowed Lawful, but fuch as are made 
 by the members of the Church of Eng- 
 land." 
 
 5. R. to the A. B. of [Canterbury.] 
 Oct. 27, 1686. 
 
 [Begins as in print, through " Mr- 
 Hinkley, a Rigid Independent, and 
 others like to thefe."] "The poor In- 
 dians (thofe who are called Minifters) 
 come and complain to Mr. Ratcliff, our 
 Minifter, that they have nothing allowed 
 them. Wee have fpoken to the Com- 
 miffioners to have fome allowance for 
 them. All wee can get is the promife 
 of a coarfe coat againft Winter, and 
 they would not fuffer Aaron, an Indian 
 preacher who can read Englifh very 
 well, to have a Bible with the Common 
 Prayer in it, but took it away from 
 him." [Then the reft as printed, 
 through "a fmall contribution."], and 
 are yett forced to meet in the Town 
 Houfe." "Story of the Old Ch. 
 Bell." 
 
 6. R. to Blathwait, May 21. 1687. 
 
 [Juft as printed.] 
 7. R to Povey, May 21. 1687. 
 
 [The line as printed.] "A little 
 time will try what our new Judges, 
 Dudley and Stoughton will fay when 
 either Indian purchafes or grants from 
 the General Court are queftioned be- 
 fore them." " Mr. Mafon is very 
 acceptable to his Excellency and to 
 many of us. Moodey is out of hu- 
 mour ; I believe hee will bee obliged 
 to Leave this Town." 
 
 8. R. to Mr. Pen. Nov. 9. 1688. 
 
 [As printed four lines, through " othei 
 
 meafures with them."] " I hope the 
 
 proclamation 
 
 AA 
 
 (209)
 
 [22] 
 
 proclamation and the Indians' confi- 
 dence in the Governor's favour to fuch 
 as mall fubmit, may putt a flop to their 
 prefent Rage." [Then as printed, ex- 
 cept the laft claufe is " fubverting their 
 arbitrary government (and thereby pitt- 
 ting a flop to the perfecuting fpirit rag- 
 ing every where in this country) bee a 
 crime, I muft fubmitt." The claufe in 
 italics was omitted in the pamphlet.] 
 
 9 and 10. Copies are given of two 
 letters from Dudley to Randolph. 
 Thefe were not printed in the pam- 
 phlet, and are as follows : 
 
 9. D. to R. Dec. I, 1684. 
 
 I wrote you my willingnefs to fuftain 
 fome place in the Regulation. 
 
 You will bee very eafily capable to 
 recommend your befl Friends, who will 
 bee fuch alfo as may bee acceptable to 
 the Body of this people. 
 
 Lett not particular perfons be mutt 
 up from Redrefs of 111 IfTues here. 
 
 I would bee glad that the Placita 
 coronas might bee fliut up, except the 
 Treafonable Libel, which I can gett no 
 copy of. 
 
 Here is a ftrange Spirit in fome of 
 the people, towards Mr. St.[oughton] 
 and Bu.[llivant] but beyond all account 
 againft my felf, of which, if the New- 
 Settlement mould take no notice, how- 
 ever they may bee difappointed, they 
 will fling up their caps for joy, that wee 
 are neglected. 
 
 If his Majefty mould at firft betruft 
 the Government -wholly to perfons 
 among us, I am fure the charge would 
 be the lefs, and I beleeve the fervice 
 
 performed to good fatisfaction, both to 
 His Majefty and people. 
 
 10. D. to R. June 7, 1684. 
 
 I fuppofe, notwithftanding all the 
 Delayes you complain of, if Mr. At- 
 turney General pleafe, Trinity Term 
 may end His Majefties fuit, and make 
 Way for his perfect Satisfaction. When 
 I may expect to fatisfy myfelf. 
 
 I have fince fometimes Drank your 
 Health at my Dame Taylor's. 
 
 Wee well know that your Influence 
 and Induftry may prevail much. Sir, 
 Wee drink your Health, and are 
 Your mofl humble Servants 
 J. D. 
 THADDEUS MACKARTY. 
 
 II. R. to the Lord Treafurer. Aug. 
 23, 1686. 
 
 [Not printed in the pamphlet. The 
 extract is as follows : " Liberty of Con- 
 fcience will much obftruct the Settle- 
 ment of this Place." 
 
 "The Commifliion fent hither" was. 
 but Temporary and ferved only to un- 
 hinge the Commonwealth, which for 
 many years was ufurped and managed 
 by a Faction." 
 
 We may conclude, then, that the 
 author of the tract, taking Cotton Ma- 
 ther's abftract as his bafis, carefully 
 ftruck out such of Randolph's charges 
 as were too true, or that gave ground 
 for reflections upon the leaders of the 
 popular party. Efpecially is this the 
 cafe in regard to Dudley ; and herein 
 may yet be found a clue to the author- 
 ftiip of the pamphlet. 
 
 (210)
 
 Edward Randolph. 
 
 75 TN regard to the family and antecedents of Edward Randolph, little is known. 
 
 *- I am indebted to Charles W. Tuttle, Efq., for the information that 
 Edward was the fon of Edmund Randolph,* of Canterbury, co. Kent, Doctor of 
 Phyfic, by Deborah, daughter of Giles Matter, of Canterbury. Edward married 
 Jane Gibbon, of Weftcliff, co. Kent, whofe brother, Richard Gibbon, M.D., 
 married Anne Tufton, fitter to Robert Mafon (Tufton) and granddaughter of 
 Capt. John Mafon, of Colonial fame. From letters dated in 1684, from Ran- 
 dolph, at Whitehall, to Shrimpton, at Bofton (Mafs. Hift. Soc. Coll. 4th Ser. 
 viii. 524-526), it feems that Randolph had daughters, Betty, Mary, and Jane, then 
 living at Bofton, and that probably his wife was dead or certainly not refiding 
 here. He alfo mentions a brother " fent over to fucceed my brother Gyls," i. e., 
 Giles. He alfo mentions "brother Allen." So, in the fame volume (p. 102), 
 Mather fays, " belike the Jew's name that carried the letter, was either Edward 
 or Bernard 15 Randolph." Alfo, "that one of the Randolphs, being detected of 
 fuch villany " (forgery), " is lately fled to fave his ears." 
 
 According to Randolph's own ftory, he firft landed here June loth, 1676, and 
 arrived back September loth of the fame year. December 7th, 1679, ne ma de 
 a fecond voyage hither, arriving at New York, and went back to England in 
 January, 1680. December I7th, 1681, he arrived at Bofton, after a third voyage, 
 and May 28th, 1683, he arrived in England. July 2oth, 1683, after a fourth 
 voyage, he landed at Bofton, returning December I4th following. January 2oth, 
 1685-86, he embarked on a fifth voyage, and remained here till Andres's over- 
 throw. 
 
 It 
 
 " It feems by Notes and Queries, 4th Ser. vi. * In Allibone, we find that a Bernard Randolph 
 
 74, that in 1571, Thomas Randolph, of Badlefmere, was the author of two pamphlets, printed in 1686 and 
 co. Kent, foil of Avery and Anne (Gainsford) 1687, about the Iflands in the Grecian Archipelago 
 Randolph, had confirmed to him the arms of Sir and the Morea. 
 John Randolph, viz., "Gules, on a crofs argent, five 
 mullets fable," quartering the arms of Eyniham and 
 Stokes. Poffibly this is the fame family. 
 
 (211)
 
 [2] 
 
 It feems, however, from a note to Hutchinfon (Hift. i. 329), that " Randolph in 
 a reprefentation of his fervices to the committee of Council, fays that he had made 
 eight voyages to New England in nine years." The date is not given. But in his 
 report to the Lords of the Committee for Trade (printed herein), date May 29, 
 1689, he mentions thofe who are his enemies " for my faithfull fervices to the 
 Crowne for fourteen yeares in this country." This would make his firft vifit 
 hither as early as 1675. The queftion is one of fome importance, fince our hif- 
 torians generally undervalue Randolph's firft report on the ground that he had 
 only been four months in the country. If he had been here before 1676, his 
 opinions are entitled to more weight 
 
 The part taken by Randolph in Andros's adminiflration is generally mown by 
 the papers already printed. After the Revolution, Randolph was fent back to 
 England with Andros, and, like him, efcaped all punimment. 
 
 From Letters in the fourth volume of the New York documents, it feems that, 
 in 1697-98, Randolph was at New York, aling under inftruclions from the Com- 
 miffioners of Cuftoms ; that he liad been to Maryland and Pennfylvania, and was 
 to go to Carolina, Bermuda, and the Bahamas. His office was apparently that 
 of Surveyor- General of the Cuftoms on the Continent of America. It alfo 
 feems (R. I. Rec. iii. 339) that he came to Bofton from New York. 
 
 Of Randolph's later career, I find nothing, except Cotton Mather's fpiteful 
 note, written in 1724 (ante, p. 130), to the eflfecl; that he died in Virginia, with only 
 two or three negroes to carry him to his grave. 
 
 It is to be noted that there was a famous family of Randolphs then in Vir- 
 ginia (Meade's Old Families of Virginia, i. 138), the head of which was Wil- 
 liam Randolph, of Turkey Ifland. He was a nephew of Thomas Randolph, the 
 poet, who was born in 1605, at Badby, County Northampton, and died in 1634. 
 
 The following lift of papers, already in print, relating to Randolph, may prove 
 of fervice : 
 
 1676. Sept. 20. ? Randolph > s Report on the Colonies . Hutch. Coll. ii. 210. 
 
 v-/Ct I2 \ 
 
 1678. July 9. Randolph's inftruc~lions from Com- 
 
 miffioners Coll. 3d S. vii. 129. 
 
 1680. Randolph's inftruftions againft the 
 
 Boftoneers Hutch. Coll. ii. 264. 
 
 1680-1. Feb. 15. Randolph againft Gen. Ct. of Mafs. . Hutch. Coll. ii. 266. 
 1682. May 29. Randolph's Letter to Bp. of London . Hutch. Coll. ii. 271. 
 
 1682. 
 (212)
 
 [3] 
 
 1682. June 14. Randolph's Letter to E. of Clarendon Hutch. Coll. ii. 275. 
 July 14. Randolph's Letter to Bp. of London . Hutch. Coll. ii. 279. 
 
 1683. Dec. 13. Randolph's Letter to I. Mather . . Coll. 4th S. viii. 524. 
 
 1684. July 18. Randolph's Letter to S. Shrimpton . Coll. 4th S. viii. 524. 
 
 21. Randolph's Letter to S. Shrimpton . Coll. 4th S. viii. 525. 
 
 Sept. 4. Randolph's Letter to S. Bradftreet . Coll. 4th S. viii. 527. 
 Dec. 3. Randolph's Letter to Lords of Treaf- 
 
 ury Coll. 4th S. viii. 530. 
 
 8. Randolph's Letter from Bradftreet . Coll. 4th S. viii. 527. 
 
 1684-5. Feb. 9. Randolph's Letter to Dudley . . . Hutch. Coll. ii. 283. 
 
 1685. July 7. Randolph's Report and Privy Coun- 
 
 cil's Report N. Y. Doc. iii. 362. 
 
 Randolph's Letter to Archbimop of 
 
 Canterbury Hutch. Coll. ii. 291. 
 
 Aug. 3. Randolph's Propofals about Quo 
 
 Warranto R. I. Rec. iii. 177. 
 
 18. Randolph's Propofals about Quo 
 
 Warranto R. I. Rec. iii. 178. 
 
 Randolph's Articles againft R. I. . R. I. Rec. iii. 175. 
 
 Sept. 21. Randolph's Commiffion Coll. 3d S. vii. 161. 
 
 1686. May 27. Randolph's Letter to Gov. Treat . . Conn. Rec. iii. 352. 
 July 28. Randolph's Letter to Commiflioners . Hutch. Coll. ii. 285. 
 
 Randolph's Letter to W. Blathwayt . Hutch. Coll. ii. 288. 
 
 Aug. 23. Randolph's Letter to Lord Treafurer Coll. 3d S. vii. 154. 
 
 Randolph's Letter to Board of Trade R. I. Rec. iii. 205. 
 Oct. 27. Randolph's Letter to Archbifliop of 
 
 Canterbury Hutch. Coll. ii. 294. 
 
 Dec. 23. Randolph's Letter to Gov. Treat . . Conn. Rec. iii. 375. 
 
 1687. May 21. Randolph's Letter to Povey . . . Hutch. Coll. ii. 297. 
 
 Randolph's Letter to Blathwayt . . Coll. 4th S. viii. 531. 
 
 1687-8. Jan. 24. Randolph's Letter to Povey . . . Hutch. Coll. ii. 299. 
 
 Mch. 10. Randolph's Letter from Blathwayt . Hutch. Coll. ii. 301. 
 
 18. Randolph's Letter from Povey . . Hutch. Coll. ii. 303. 
 
 1688. June 21. Randolph's Letter to Povey . . . Hutch. Coll. ii. 304. 
 Oct. 8. Randolph's Letter to Lords of Trade N. Y. Doc. iii. 567. 
 Nov. 9. Randolph's Letter to Pen .... Coll. 4th S. viii. 531. 
 
 1689. May 16. Randolph's Letter to Gov. of Barba- 
 
 dos Hutch. Coll. ii. 314. 
 
 29. Randolph's Letter to Lords of Trade N. Y. Doc. iii. 578. 
 Nov. 25. Randolph's Letter to Elifha Cooke . Hutch. Coll. ii. 318. 
 Dec. 28. Randolph's Letter to Brockholft . . N. Y. Doc. iii. 664. 
 
 1698. April 26. Randolph's Letter to Lords of Trade N. Y. Doc. iv. 300. 
 
 May 16. Randolph's Letter to Lords of Trade N. Y. Doc. iv. 311. 
 
 30. Randolph's Letter to Lords of Trade R. I. Rec. iii. 339. 
 
 (213)
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. cxxvii. p. 220.] 
 
 A fhort Narrative of my proceedings and 
 
 feveral Voyages to and from N. England to Whitehall 
 during the time of mannageing his Majefties affaires in 
 N. England, humbly prefented by Edward Randolph. 
 
 .675. ^muim^tM\ RECEIVED his Majefties Letters to the 
 HCXf sSOm Governor and Company of the Maffachufets 
 
 Bay in New England to attend at Whitehall 
 and anfwer the Complaints brought againft 
 them by Mr Mafon and Mr Gorges 
 
 l67 6. I arrived in N. England and delivered his 
 
 June 10. Majefties Letters to the Governour and Council then fitting 
 at Bofton. 
 
 juiy 30. I Imbarked myfelf for England. 
 
 sept lo. I Landed at Dover and prefented the Right Honorable 
 the Lords of the Committee for Trade, with a Narration of 
 the Eftate of their Country and Government ; and Exhibited 
 Articles of high Mifdemeanour againft the Governour and 
 Company. 
 
 i6 7 8. Two Agents arrived in England from Bofton to make 
 
 their defence. I attended two years and made good my 
 Charge againft the Governour and Company at the Council 
 Chamber. The Agents confefs the fact, pray his Majefties 
 pardon, and acknowledge his Majefties Right to the Govern- 
 ment of the Province of N. Hampfhire. 
 
 The 
 
 (214)
 
 [s] 
 
 The Bofton Agents have leave to returne and New .6 79 . 
 Agents to be fent with full power. 
 
 I was commanded to go for N. England by way of N. oa. 23 . 
 York to Carry over his Majefties Commiffion of Government 
 directed to a Prefident and Council in New Hampfhire. 
 
 I fhipp'd all my goods and Houfehold ftuffe of a confid- 29. 
 erable value upon a veffell belonging to N. England, and 
 are all loft at fea together with his late Majefties picture and 
 Royal Amies fent to N. Hampfhire. 
 
 I arrived at N. York and traveled by land from thence to Dec. 7 . 
 New Hampfhire in the winter, nigh four hundred miles. 
 
 I arrived at N. Hampfhire and after great Oppofition > 7 . 
 made by the Boftoneers, fettled the Government in that 
 Province. 
 
 His Majefties Government declared and owned in the jan.i S . 
 Province of New Hampfhire. 
 
 I returned from N. Hampfhire to Bofton, Impowered by 28. 
 the Commiffioners of his Majefties Cuftoms to prevent the 
 Irregular Trade. I feized feveral of their Veffels with their 
 Loading. 
 
 His Majefties Authority and the Acts of Trade difowned i6&>. 
 openly in their Courts, and I was caft in all thofe Caufes and 
 damages given' againft his Majefty. 
 
 Having complained hereof I returned to England and MW. x S . 
 obtained his Majefties Letters Pattents to be Collector of his 
 Majefties Cuftoms in New England. 
 
 The Right Honorable the Lords of the Committee for IMI. 
 Trade report to his Majefty that in confideration of my 
 good Service, I ought to have a hundred pounds annually 
 added to my former fallary of one hundred pounds, but his 
 Majefties fervice requireing my fpeedy Returne to N. Eng- 
 land, I was difpatched away and that Addition not fetled. 
 
 I arrived again at Bofton in N. England with his Majefties Dec. i 7 . 
 Commiffion appointing me Collector &c, but that Commif- 
 fion 
 (215)
 
 [6] 
 
 fion is oppofed being looked upon as an Encroachment on 
 
 their Charter. 
 Mar. jo. A Law revived by the Affembly to try me for my life and 
 
 for acting by his Majefties Commiffion before it was allowed 
 
 by them. 
 1682. His Majefties Commiffion not allowed to be read openly 
 
 in Courts. My Deputies and under officers Imprifoned for 
 
 acting by virtue of his Majefties Commiffion. 
 Aug. 20. Other Agents from Bofton arrived in England. 
 sept. 20. Bofton Agents appearing are directed to procure larger 
 
 Powers. 
 Dec. 20. I received Orders from the Lords of the Committee to 
 
 Returne to England to profecute a Quo Warranto againft 
 
 the Bofton Charter 
 
 iS'28. I arrived in England. 
 
 June 13. I was ordered to attend Mr Attorney General with proofs 
 of the Charge againft the Bofton Government. 
 
 juiy 20. I arrived in N. England, ferved the Quo Warranto, pub- 
 
 limed and difperfed two hundred of his Majefties declara- 
 tions. 
 
 Dec. 14. I Imbarked myfelf for England, had a dangerous Voyage. 
 
 The veffell wrecked at fea, both her fides carried away in a 
 ftorme, and all my goods loft. 
 
 Feb. i 4 . I arrived at Plymouth and was commanded to attend and 
 
 profecute the Bofton Charter 
 
 oa 4 ' 23 . Judgment was entred up for his Majeftie againft the 
 
 Bofton Charter. 
 Dec. 20. i was ordered to prepare Articles againft the two Colonies 
 
 of Rhode liland and Connetticott. 
 
 jdyxs. The Attorney Generall ordered to Iffue out Writs of 
 
 Quo Warranto againft the Colony of Rhode Ifland, Connet- 
 ticott 
 (216)
 
 [7] 
 
 ticott &c and againft the feveral Proprietors of Maryland, 
 Penfilvania and Eaft and Weft Jerfey 
 
 I was directed to ferve the Quo Warranto upon my Lord A U ^. 15. 
 Baltimore, Proprietor of Maryland, and the Proprietors of 
 Eaft and Weft Jerfey, and to ferve two writs upon the 
 Colonies of R. Ifland and Connetticott, all which I duly 
 performed. 
 
 I and my family Imbarked upon the Rofe friggot for N. Jan. 20 . 
 England. 
 
 1686 
 
 I arrived at Bofton with his Majefties Commiffion of May M. 
 Government to a Prefident and Council. 
 
 Then the Colony of Maffachufets Bay, the Province of 
 New Hampfhire and Maine are brought under his Majefties 
 Government. 
 
 I ferved the writ of Quo Warranto upon the Governour May 30 . 
 and Company of Rhode Ifland. 
 
 I made a fecond journey to Rhode Ifland to receive the June 12. 
 General Court's anfwer. 
 
 I ferved the writ of Quo Warranto upon the Governour juiy I2 . 
 and Company of Connetticott, above one hundred and fifty 
 miles diftant from Bofton. 
 
 The Governour and Company of Rhode Ifland humbly 
 fubmit to his Majeftie, and are by his Majefties Special Order 
 to his Excellency Sir Edmund Andros, Knt., united to this 
 Government 
 
 I received a fecond writ of Quo Warranto againft Con- Dec. 2 s. 
 netticott and was ordered to ferve it. 
 
 A fecond writt upon the government of Connetticott is Dec. 3 <>. 
 ferved upon the Government. They make their humble 
 fubmiffion of themfelves and government to his Majeftie. 
 
 His Excellency goes to Hartford, the cheife Town in oft.** 
 Connetticott and erects his Majefties Government there, So 
 that now the feveral Colonies are united under his Majefties 
 Immediate Government and authority, viz*. The Maffachu- 
 fets, 
 BB (217)
 
 [8] 
 
 fets, New Plymouth, Conneticott, Rhode Ifland, and the 
 Provinces of N. Hampfhire, Maine and Pemaquid and the 
 Kings Province, lying above feven hundred miles in length 
 and above feven hundred miles upon the weftern Sea. 
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Political, vol. cvi. p. 212.] 
 
 BOSTON, June y e 23^ 1676 
 76 HON D SIR, 
 
 |HE diredions of his Ma ties letter of March y e 2O th 
 1675-6 to Our Trudy and well beloved the 
 Govern 1 " and Magiftrates of our towne of Bofton 
 in New England, prefuppofeth a powre in them to 
 give a fufficient anfweare to the contents thereof ; and the 
 better to prevent frustrating or evading the true intent of 
 this his Ma ties meffage to you, hee hath been Gracioufly 
 pleafed to allott a month's tyme for the due and punctual 
 perfecting your anfweare (for which I am ordered foe long 
 and not further to attend.) And if a Generall Court bee 
 more proper for difpatching matters of foe weighty concerne 
 be pleafed to affemble that. In the meane tyme according to 
 my inftructions I continue to require an anfweare to his 
 Ma ties letter to bee delivered to me at or before the expira- 
 tion of the tyme limited, befeeching you to refer your pre- 
 liminary difcourfing my inftruclions and my mefiage thereof 
 
 to 
 
 78 Randolph has given a full and This letter is referred to (p. 244) as a 
 
 interefting account of his reception by " memorial given in to the Gover- 
 
 the authorities here, in a letter printed nour." 
 in Hutchinfon's Collection, ii. 240-251. 
 
 (218)
 
 to his Ma tle and Councill to whom onely I (land accountable, 
 and am Sir, 
 
 Your humble ferv 1 
 
 ED. RANDOLPH. 
 
 Be pleafed to give me your 
 Anfvveare in writing p. firft opportunity 
 
 E. R. 
 
 Endorfed to Hon John Leverett, Gov r 
 rec d June 23, 4 o'clock 
 
 GEN 1 
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Political, vol. cvi. p. 213.] 
 
 BOSTON July y e 6, 1676. 
 
 [OURS of the 26 th of June lafl is received directed 
 to E. R. etc. in which you are pleafed to acquaint 
 me that fuch was your cafe, not to be juftly accufed 
 of neglect in any kind that you took the firft 
 opportunity to fend your anfweare to his Ma ties letter, which 
 is (as I fuppofe) difpatched for England by a M r of a fhipp. 
 That is VGTSQOV nQon-Qov and denotes fome deviation from his 
 Ma ties methods of tranfacting this affair with you, who was 
 gracioufly pleafed to committ both His original letters to 
 you directed and duplicate (to bee managed by the M r of the 
 fhip in cafe of my failer at fea) to my charge and care. But 
 you fend your original (which is not expected till my returne) 
 by the mafter of a fhip (bufmefs preventing my foe fpeedy 
 returne and offer a duplicate to me his Ma ties expreffe. 
 
 I have 
 
 77 " Hufteron Proteron," the laft the firft. 
 (219)
 
 [10] 
 
 I have other matters under my charge alfo for his Ma ties 
 efpeciall fervice which I am not to communicate nor can be 
 difpatched in lefs than a month. Tho by me limited for my 
 demanding and attending for your anfweare, it was not 
 expected upon his Ma ties Gracious condifcention of 6 months 
 tyme for your Agents appearance at White Hall that I 
 mould be ported away for England after the tedioufnefs of a 
 ten weekes paffage, and foe by fuch a rapid motion be necef- 
 fitated to leave my other weightier affaires uneffecled, or elfe 
 to have that his Ma tie recommended to my care, tranfmitted 
 by another hand. 
 
 Some things in your letter feem to have a particular re- 
 flection on my carriage and behaviour \vhich charity dic- 
 tates tafitely to pretermitt I did believe my obedience to a 
 Supream Authority would not render me obnoxious to its 
 inf[erior] and deriviative party, and make me liable to the 
 cenfure of mifdemeanour or be guilty of flighting or irreg- 
 ularly impofing any Authority eftablifhed [by his] Ma 17 . If 
 fo I beg your pardon and defire your infpeclion of this mat- 
 ter may be referred to his Majefty, whofe fubjecls we all are, 
 though in a different relation. 
 
 However in my vindication give me leave to fay, that 
 when I firft attended this Counfel after Mr Rawfon had 
 read his Majefties Letter (and not the Governor as is hinted 
 in your Letter as .... petitions. I then acquainted the 
 Councell that they had a months tyme to returne their 
 anfwer, and that I was ordered to reconvey it; the i5th fol- 
 lowing I expreffed myfelfe in Councell to the fame purpofe. 
 And the day following, 4 dayes before the fhip fayled for 
 England I waited on the Governor for the Councell's 
 Anfwer. But hee told me it was to accompany an anfwer 
 of his to a letter from Sir Jofeph Williamfon brought by 
 the matter of the fame fhip I failed on. Soe that by this it 
 appeares that my acquiefcence (if any) is only paffive. My 
 
 remifnes 
 
 (220)
 
 [II] 
 
 remifnes as well as exceffe in performance of any of his 
 Majefties commands renders me equally difobedient, there- 
 fore I ftriclly keep to his Majefties orders without any wilful 
 abereation. 
 
 And now fince there is fuch a Cogency, I once more beg 
 your pardon. And againe in obedience to his Majefties 
 
 Letter which exprefily faith (that Ed. Randolph 
 
 the Councell to hear the fame read there ; hee being by us 
 appointed to bring back the anfwer, and the words of the 
 Generall inftruclions likewife enjoine you, fhall then call 
 for an anfwer unto thefe Our Letter, from the faid Governor 
 and Magiftrates, and demand the fame within a month after 
 the delivery of Our Letters, which anfwear when you have 
 received it you fhall bring back to Us with what convenient 
 fpeed you can) I doe demand your anfwer to his Majefties 
 faid letter, and foe humbly take my leave. 
 
 Gentlemen, I am not confcious to my felfe of any difre- 
 fpeclfull or unfutable expreffion dropped verbally or by my 
 pen. Yet fmce you are pleas'd to connive at what you feem 
 to apprehend extravigant, I return you my hearty thanks ; 
 as alfo for your friendly advife without which I mould have 
 been and ftill fhall be carefull to demeane myfelf according 
 to the importance of my charge, and that refpect due to you 
 as his Majefties minifters. 
 
 I am your moft humble and obedient fervant 
 
 ED. RANDOLPH 
 
 I am returning for England 
 upon Mr. Walley. 
 
 (221)
 
 [12] 
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Political, vol. cvi. p. 246.] 
 
 WHITEHALL, the 22 Odober 1681. 
 
 HAVE received your two Letters with the en- 
 clofed to my Lord Culpepperand am glad you are 
 fafely gott on fliip board, which I reckon halfe the 
 way to Bofton : as I ceafe not to perfue you at all 
 times with bufmefs you will more eafily take upon you the 
 trouble of this letter to the Maffatufetts, fince it is chiefly 
 intended to recommend you to that people, with what fuc- 
 cefs I cannot tell. It is exceeding foft and gentle and 
 meddles with nothing but the fending Agents, but I have 
 reafon to hope that things will goe never the lefs well, for 
 this mild way of proceeding, there being but one thing 
 wanting to fett all right. 
 
 I heartily wifh you and your family may have a profper- 
 ous Voyage and a kind welcome at Bofton where you have 
 but one rock to avoid which you ought to be aware of, I 
 mean your letting them come within you after which they 
 will eafily give you the Cornifh Hugg. 
 
 Pray fpare me not with your letters fince I am really Sir 
 your moft faithful fervant. 
 
 WILLIAM BLATHWAYTES 
 
 Pray deliver the enclofed 
 
 78 Indexed as B. to Randolph ; probably fo endorfed on the paper which is 
 now parted in a volume. 
 
 (222)
 
 [13] 
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Political, vol. cvi. p. 263.] 
 
 BOSTON, June 23, 1682 
 
 BEING upon the Change in Bofton heard Lef" 
 Dan. Turel fpeaking to Mr Edw. Randolph f d 
 hee Cap" Hutchinfon why doe you not fpeke to 
 him ? f d Randolph Replyed, I had as leav fpeke 
 to him as to any man eliv, if it fall in my way. I looking 
 about f d w tts y e matter. Mr Randolph anfwered you Rated 
 me 1 3/4 w ch I p d to yo r Deputy. I afked w" Deputy ? Lef" 
 Turel f d y e Conftables Deputy, Tho. Smiths deputy was an- 
 fwered. I Replyed you did well. Mr Randolph f d , I intende 
 to rec. it back again, for you ought not to Rate me. I an- 
 fwered we had as much Refon, or might as well demand it 
 as you pay it He faid again I intend to have it returned. 
 I replyed you will be wifer when you have it (or muft be 
 wifer nrfl). He faid though you are Longer you may find 
 them y* are wifer. I f d like enuf. S d Randolph faid, 7 men 
 may cut a mans puree on y e high way. I replyed fuch a 
 knave as you may cheat 20 men. He faid who are you, 
 I faid, a man. he faid, when you have your buf cote on. I 
 replyed as good as you with your forde on. He faid You 
 are no Commiffioner here. I faid, I have as good a Com- 
 miffion as you, my ftaf is as good a Commiffion as your 
 fworde. He faid wold I had you in place where I wold try 
 it. I replyed, Try now 
 
 On which he went a way and left me, we having no more 
 words all Change time and I faw no more of him. This is 
 the whole difcourfe y* paffed betwixt us as neer as I can 
 remember and I think word for word, as witnes my hand, 
 Fryday about one a Clock, June 23, 1682. 
 
 ELISHA HUTCHINSON. 
 r (223)
 
 [Mafs. Archives, Ufurpation, vol. cxxvi. p. 53.] 
 
 EE have yours of the 3oth of June laft advifmg us 
 of your feizure of two fmall Veffells, viz, the 
 Swallow, Jofhua-Weft, mafter, and the Succefs, 
 Jofhua Glover, mafter, the latter of which Belongs 
 to Scotland and hath been an old Tranfgreffor : foe that wee 
 hope there will be noe failure in your Part in the Effectual 
 Profecution thereof, which wee fhall Owne as very good Ser- 
 vice. And becaufe you Informe us that the Pinke Succefs 
 was Loaden moftly with Scotch goods for which he produced 
 his Cocquetts, wee defire you to fend the fame to us by the 
 firft Veffell bound hither, whereby wee may probably detect 
 fome of our Officers, whome wee have fufpecled to be guilty 
 of giving out Counterfeit Cocquetts and other Difpatches 
 to the Prejudice of his Ma ts Duties. We mall expect to 
 heare from you by all convenient Opportunitys, and be 
 ready to give you all Countenance and affiftance in the dif- 
 charge of your Duty. We reft 
 
 Cuftom H. London 
 7 Aug. 1686. 
 Duplicate 
 
 Your Loving friends 
 
 SAM. CLARKE 
 Jo. WERDEN. 
 J. BUTLER. 
 
 CH. CHEYNE 
 BUCKWORTH 
 
 Mr. Randolph, New England. 
 
 (224)
 
 [is] 
 
 [N. Y. Hiftorical Documents, edited by J. R. Brodhead, Efq., vol. iii. p. 578.] 
 
 Mr. Randolph to the Lords of Trade. 
 
 To the Right Hon ble the Lords of the Committee for Trade 
 & Foreign Plantacbns. 
 
 A fhort narrative of the prefent unfe tried flate of His 
 territory and dominion of New England, and of the im- 
 minent danger of its being overrun by the French Forces 
 in Cannada, if not timely prevented : humbly prefented 
 by Edward Randolph. 
 
 MAY IT PLEASE YO R LORDSHIPS. 
 
 | PON the eigh tenth day of A prill laft the people of 
 this country being prepoffeffed with ftrange feares 
 and jealoufyes againfl S r Edmund Andros Gov r 
 and fome of the members of the Council, took 
 armes, and in a Ihort time made themfelves maflers of the 
 fort caftle and Rofe frigott. They feized upon the Gov r and 
 committed him to flricT; guard in the Fort, fome they fent 
 to the Caffcle, and imprifoned me and others in the common 
 goale in Bofton. The reafons of their fuddain proceedings 
 are publifhed in their printed papers herewith humbly tranf- 
 mitted N i. 2. 
 
 Since which much time hath bin fpent in confulting with 
 the mobile what modell of government to erecl:, as by their 
 papers N 3. 4. But your Lord ps will finde by their paper 
 N 5. that they intend to reaffume and act according to the 
 rules of their former Charter 
 
 My 
 cc (225)
 
 My Lords. There were fome perfons inhabitants of Bof- 
 ton attending laft yeare at Whitehall 79 who under pretence 
 of grievances and hardfhips put upon them by the Govern 1 ", 
 laboured by all meanes to fett afide the government as it was 
 then eftablimed, and to obtaine confirmacon of their former 
 Charter from the late King James, and had fo farr infmuated 
 themfelves into the good opinion of Father Peters and S r 
 Thomas Powis late Atturney Gen", that by the affiftance of 
 M r Brent of the Temple, their folicitor, they obtained a 
 report from Sir Thomas Powys to the then Lords of the 
 Committee for Trade, in their favour, that their former 
 Charter was illegally vacated ; a duplicate whereof they 
 tranfmitted to their party in Bofton, with affurance of obtain- 
 ing a Charter with larger power ; and they, in confidence of 
 their Agents good fucceffe and impatient of further delays, 
 revolted, and thereby anticipated by force that favour they 
 would not tarry to receive from England. 
 
 About the yeare One Thoufand Six Hundred Seventy 
 Eight it was made apparent to the Right Hon ble the Lords 
 of the Committee for Trade by the opinion of S r Will" 1 
 Jones and S r Francis Winington then Atturney and Solic- 
 itor Gen u , that the feverall articles of high mifdemeanour 
 objected againft the Govern 1 " & Company of the Maffachu- 
 fetts Bay in New England for their maleadminiftracon, were 
 a fufficient ground (if proved) for his Matye to proceed 
 againft their Charter by law ; fome of which are as follows, 
 viz 1 Coining money without His Ma ty ' s permiffion ; Trade- 
 ing contrary to y e A6ls of Navigacon, whereby His Ma tys 
 revenue was greatly impaired (as was made appeare by the 
 
 peticon 
 
 79 Reverend Increafe Mather was Samuel Nowel, Elifha Hutchinfon, 
 
 fent to England in April, 1688, as agent and Richard Wharton united with him 
 
 for the province of Maffachufetts. He in London (Hutchinfon's Hiftory of 
 
 embarked at night and in difguife, to Maflachufetts, i. 366, 367 ; Chalmers's 
 
 avoid the fervice of a writ which Ran- Political Aimais, 467). J. R. B. 
 dolph had taken out againft him. 
 
 (226)
 
 [17] 
 
 peticon of feverall eminent Merchants of London prefented 
 to His Mat y in Council,) Not allowing thofe or any other 
 Acts of Parliament to be in force with them imlefs foe 
 declared in their Gen 11 Affembly ; Denying appeales from 
 their Courts to England ; laying Cuftomes upon the goods 
 of His Ma tyes fubjecls (not freemen of the colony) tho' im- 
 ported directly from England ; And for profecuting by 
 fines, imprifonment, whipping, banimment & putting to 
 death, His Ma tyes fubjecls for matters in religion. All which 
 were confeffed by their Agents in their petition to His Ma ty 
 during their attendance at Court to anfwer the complaints 
 of M r Mafon and M r Gorge for invadeing their Provinces of 
 New Hampfhire and Maine in New England. Whereupon 
 S r Robert Sawyer then Atturney Gen 11 was ordered by the 
 Lords of the Committee for Trade to bring a Writt of Quo 
 Warranto againft their Charter, which for thofe feverall 
 offences and alfoe for refufing to fubmitt to fuch a regulacon 
 in the management of their government so as all His Ma tys 
 fubje6ls might finde equall juftice amongft them ; and upon 
 their refufing alfoe to plead (tho' they had all favour and 
 time allowed them to make their defence) was vacated, and 
 a commiffion granted to feverall gentlemen, members of their 
 late Council, to exercife government in that colony ; of w ch 
 number was M r Bradftreet (prefent pretended Govern 1 "), who 
 refufed, and the others with great difficulty accepted thereof, 
 as appeares by the printed paper N 6. 
 
 About the yeare one thoufand fix hundred eighty five the 
 French of Canada encroached upon the lands of the fubjecls 
 of the Crowne of England, building forts upon the heads 
 of their great Rivers, & extending their bounds, difturbed 
 the inhabitants, and layd a clayme to thofe lands which for 
 many yeares had belonged to the Englifh ; and under pre- 
 tence of a right to the fole fifhery between the degrees of 
 forty three and forty fix North latitude, they feized eight 
 
 New 
 (227)
 
 New England ketches loaden with fifh off the coaft of Nova 
 Scotia, took away all their fifh, treated the matters moft 
 barbaroufly and afterwards carryed them and moft of the 
 ketches to Rochell, where they were a long time imprifoned. 
 The mafters came afterwards from thence to New England. 
 I then affifted them in their applicacon to the Earle of Sun- 
 derland and to the Lord Prefton, then Embaffadorin France ; 
 but his Lordfhip, though he preffed the matter, could obtaine 
 noe redreffe. Whereupon it was advifed and ordered in 
 Council that the three fmall Colonyes of Connecticott New 
 Plymouth and Rhode Ifland, not able to make any defence 
 againft the French, together with the Provinces of New 
 Hampfhire and Maine, fhould t>e united and made one 
 entire government, the better to defend themfelves againft 
 invafion. And accordingly a commiffion was directed to S r 
 Edmund Andros with inftruccons to take them all under 
 his care, which he accordingly accepted and they in a fhort 
 time fubmitted thereunto. 
 
 The French about Canada intending to engroffe the whole 
 beaver trade to themfelves, did in the time of peace furprize 
 about twenty feven of the chiefe Captains belonging to the 
 Five Nations of the Indians (traders with the towne of 
 Albany in the government of New Yorke) who had fub- 
 jected themfelves to the Crowne of England many yeares 
 agoe & have bin accounted fubjecls and p r tec~ted both by 
 the Dutch and Englifli Government att New Yorke. And 
 accordingly Coll. Dongan received orders from England to 
 affift and fupport thefe Five Nations of Indians againft the 
 French ; and certainly they had deftroyed and outed the 
 French out of Canada, had not Coll. Dongan, upon the in- 
 finuation of a French Jefuite, kept the Indians (much againft 
 their inclinacons) in Albany, maintained at the Kings charge 
 for feverall weeks ; in which time the French Govern 1 " fup- 
 plyed his forts with all forts of ftores and p r vifions for one 
 
 yeare 
 
 (228)
 
 yeare in four hundred birch canoes, which would have other- 
 wife fallen into the hands of our Indians, and the forts alfoe 
 not longer able for want of fupplyes to hold out. Coll. 
 Dongan raifed men in New Yorke, which he kept for fome 
 time at Albany, and has charged for that expedition about 
 fix thoufand four hundred pounds, as by his originall account 
 appeares, of which I have fomething (when in England) to 
 lay before your Lordfhips. The French by their artifices 
 obtain'd at our Court a treaty of trade and commerce, 
 betweene the fubjecls of the two Crowns, in the yeare 1688. 
 which tho' very difadvantagious to the Englifh in thofe parts 
 of America, yet fmce the Provinces of New Yorke and the 
 Jerfeys have bin united to New England under the governm* 
 of S r Edmund Andros, that treaty has bin duly obferved, both 
 by our Indians and Englifh, but not generally by the French. 
 They very much court the Five Nations of Indians to fub- 
 mitt to the government of Canada, and by their Jefuites 
 ftrangely allure them with their beades crucifixes and litle 
 painted Images, gaining many new converts. One Monfieur 
 Town-to 80 a French officer from Canada has enlarged their 
 
 pretenfions 
 
 80 Henry de Tonti was the fon of months, and then exchanged. He next 
 
 Governor Tonti, of Gayette, Naples, returned to Sicily, and made a campaign 
 
 who, after the revolution in that king- as volunteer in the galleys ; and when 
 
 dom, removed with his family to France, the troops were difcharged at the peace, 
 
 We learn from his petition publifhed in he repaired to court, where he was for- 
 
 Sparks's American Biography, xi. 203, tunate in gaining the protection of the 
 
 that he entered the army as a cadet, in Prince de Conti, who recommended 
 
 which capacity he was employed in the him to La Salle, with whom he went to 
 
 years 1668 and 1669; he afterwards Canada in 1678. He accompanied this 
 
 ferved as a midmipman four years, and celebrated adventurer to the Illinois 
 
 made feven campaigns, four on board country, where he erected Fort Creve- 
 
 fhips of war and three in galleys, cour, and thence proceeded with- him, 
 
 While at Meffina, he was made cap- in 1682, in his famous exploration of the 
 
 tain-lieutenant. When the enemy at- Miffiffippi River. At the termination of 
 
 tacked the poft of Libiffo, his right thefe discoveries, he remained, in 1683, 
 
 hand was fhot away by a grenade, and commandant of Fort St. Louis (Peoria, 
 
 he was taken prifoner and conducted Illinois), where, in 1684, he repulfed an 
 
 to Metaffe, where he was detained fix attack made by a party of two hundred 
 
 Iroquois. 
 (229)
 
 [20] 
 
 pretenfions and fettled a Fort and garrifon upon the Lakes 
 on the back fide of Carolina. During this ceffation upon 
 the treaty of peace and commerce, they are not idle, but 
 attempting upon the Englifh intereft in thefe parts of the 
 world. 
 
 About Auguft laft, the time S r Edmund Andros went to 
 take poffeffion of the government at New Yorke, eleven 
 French Indians, killed five of our Indians neere the towne 
 of Springfield and foon after five Englifh at the towne of 
 Northfield upon Connecticut River ; they fled to Canada, 
 
 and 
 
 Iroquois. He vifited Quebec, in the 
 courfe of the fame year, by orders of 
 Governor De la Barre ; and, having re- 
 turned to Illinois as captain of foot and 
 Governor of Fort St. Louis, he fet out 
 again in the beginning of 1686 (Charle- 
 voix, ii. 259, fays, 1685) for the mouth 
 of the Miffiflippi, in fearch of his chief, 
 La Salle, who was expected to reach 
 that quarter by fea. His fearch prov- 
 ing unfuccefsful, he returned, and in 
 1687 brought down a party of Illinois 
 to the aid of Denonville in his attack 
 on the Senecas, where he commanded 
 a company of Canadians, and forced 
 the enemy's ambufcade. In 1689 he 
 departed for Texas, in fearch of the re- 
 mains of La Salle's people ; but, having 
 been deferted by his men, he was ob- 
 liged to relinquifh his defign when 
 within feven days' march of the Span- 
 iards. He again vifited the mouth of 
 the Mifliffippi in 1700, and aided Iber- 
 ville in creeling a fort in that quarter, 
 where he was employed feveral years 
 afterwards. Of the date of his death, 
 we have not been able to find any 
 record. He was a man of great nerve 
 and bravery, and exercifed a powerful 
 influence in the weftern country, where 
 he was known by the foubriquet of 
 " Bras de fer? or the " Iron Hand," 
 
 from a knob of that metal which he 
 carried, covered with leather, as a 
 fubftitute for the hand he had loft. 
 With this weapon he would dam into 
 the centre of an Indian melee, and at a 
 blow break the head that came in con- 
 tact with it. Next to La Salle, he con- 
 tributed the moft to the exploration 
 and knowledge of the Miffiflippi valley. 
 A I2mo volume has been publifhed, 
 entitled " Dernieres Decouvertes dans 
 1'Amerique Septentionale deM.de La 
 Sale ; mifes au jour par M. le Chevalier 
 Tonti, Governeur du Fort Saint Louis 
 aux Illinois, Paris, 1697 ; " it was re- 
 printed in Amfterdam in 1720, and in 
 the 5th volume of the "Recueil deVoy- 
 age^au Nord," under the title of " Rela- 
 tion de la Louifianne et du Mifliffipi, par 
 le Chevalier de Tonti, Governeur du 
 Fort Saint Louis aux Illinois ; " and in 
 Englifh as, "An Account of M. De La 
 Salle's Laft Expedition and Difcoveries 
 in North America ; prefented to the 
 French King, and publifhed by Cheva- 
 lier Tonti, Governour of Fort Saint 
 Louis, in the Province of Illinois. 
 Made Englifh from the Paris original. 
 London, 1698." Charlevoix, however, 
 fays that M. De Tonti difavowed the 
 publication. J. R. B. 
 
 (230)
 
 [21] 
 
 and tho 1 knowne by name and demanded by S r Edmund 
 Andros, yet Marque d'Nonville the French Governour 
 refufed to furrander them. Soon after the Indians to the 
 Eaftward upon a mifunderftanding betwixt them and the 
 Englim, fell upon the Englifh townes in the Province of 
 Maine, deftroying their corne and cattle, burnt their houfes, 
 killed fome and took others of the inhabitants prifoners ; 
 having with them a French prieft in their councills. 
 
 Upon the Governo rs returne from Albany to Boflon 
 (where the Five Nations of Indians exprefs'd great duty 
 and obedience,) finding the Indians continuing to make 
 fpoil upon the Englim plantacons, it was ordered in Coun- 
 cill that a confiderable force mould be raifed, and the con- 
 duct of that expedicon was offered upon very good terms 
 to Major Generall Winthrop one of the Councill ; but he, 
 unwilling to ferve His native countrey, and others alfo re- 
 fufmg that command, the Governo r undertook that difficult 
 fategue in the depth of winter ; and tho' by unufuall mild- 
 nefs of the winter the rivers and lakes were not frozen, fo 
 as his men could march after the Indians when and where 
 he intended, yett they were wholly reftrained from doing 
 any dammage to the Englim townes, by feverall forts built 
 by him fo advantageouily, upon the rivers and paffes. Upon 
 the firft froft he was out a week in the head of one hundred 
 and twenty good men, marching a foot thro' difmall and 
 almoft impaffable fwamps, at which time were taken and 
 defhroyed about thirty Indian canoes. Some time after a 
 party of one hundred and fixty men marched above one 
 hundred and twenty miles right up into the countrey, in a 
 deep fnow, and burnt two Indian forts from whence they 
 carried corne beaver ammunition and goods taken from 
 Englim, and deftroyed and brought away twenty eight 
 Indian canoes, and reduced them to the ufe of their bows 
 and arrows that they could not much longer hold out, but 
 
 beg 
 (231)
 
 beg their lives upon any termes, had not fome merchants 
 in Boflon (Fofler & Waterhoufe) chiefe in this rebellion 
 (during the Governo rs abfence from thence) fent a veffell of 
 forty tunns with fupplyes of powder, mott, bread, Indian 
 Corne and Englilh linnen and woollen manufacture to 
 trade with thofe Indians and the French, betweene Port 
 Royall and Penobfcott, who were alfoe in great want. 
 
 The Governo 1 " left the forces to the Eaflward on the fix- 
 tenth of March and arrived in Boflon about a week after, 
 and affoon as thofe fouldiers had notice of the difturbance 
 in Boflon, fome forfooke, others revolted, feized upon their 
 officers, and fent them bound prifoners neither ; fo that all 
 that countrey, extending above fourty leagues upon the fea 
 more, that was fecured in their fiihery and fawmills is now 
 deferted and left to the ravage of the barbarous heathens, 
 who are already come down, have deftroyed and burnt fome 
 forts and feverall dwelling houfes and kill'd fome of the peo- 
 ple the miferable inhabitants, in no way capable to preferve 
 themfelves and cattle but by flight. 
 
 The French have above four thoufand good men about 
 Canada, ready for any defigne. I expect that upon the 
 newes of the Bofloners reaffuming their old government 
 (no care being taken for the out townes and Provinces) they 
 will joyne with the Indians, and in a fhort time fwallow and 
 be mafters of that part of the Countrey (not long fmce 
 granted to the French Weft India Company by patent from 
 their King,) and then being poffeffed of our befl ports & 
 harbours, be maflers of all the great mafls in New England 
 and will infefl the trade of other the Englifh forraine plan- 
 tacons : the prevention whereof was one chiefe ground of 
 putting all thofe petty governments under one generall Gov- 
 ernour. 
 
 My Lords. Notwithstanding, all the pretenfions of griev- 
 ances menconed in their papers, and cryes of oppreffion in 
 
 the 
 (232)
 
 [23] 
 
 the Govern rs proceedings, it's not the perfon of S r Edmund 
 Andros, but the government itfelf, they defigne to have re- 
 moved, that they may freely trade ; and therefore urge a 
 neceffity of His Ma tys grant for a new or confirming their 
 old charter. 
 
 I take leave humbly to reprefent to yo r Lordfhipps that 
 the bottom and plain truth of the whole matter of complaint 
 againft His Majeftyes immediate government from England 
 arifes upon the following reafons. 
 
 I st Becaufe fmce the vacating their charter they have bin 
 kept from the breach of the Ac~ts for Trade and Navigacon, 
 encouraged by their former government to trade to France 
 Holland Spaine Scotland and Ireland, bringing the commo- 
 dityes of thofe Kingdomes directly to Bofton, paying only a 
 fmall cuftome for the fupport of their own government, and 
 alfoe carrying the plantacon commodityes directly to thofe 
 kingdomes, without ever touching at or paying the cuftomes 
 in England as the law requires. They are reftrained from 
 fetting out privateers who for many yeares together robbed 
 the Spanim Weft Indies and brought great bootyes to 
 Bofton ; and alfo they durft not during the Governour's 
 time, harbour pyratts. This place was the common recep- 
 tacle of pyratts of all nations. 
 
 2 nd . About fifteene yeares agoe Captain 1'Moin a French- 
 man brought in, two or three very rich Dutch prizes worth 
 above one hundred thoufand pounds. M r Richard Wharton 
 one of the Agents foliciting for the Charter (if in England) 
 was L'Moins Atturney. He was a great undertaker for 
 pyratts and promoter of irregular trade. I forbear to trouble 
 yo r Lordfhips with the inftances of any more pyratts who 
 have bin received and p r tec~ted by fome now in the prefent 
 government. 
 
 3 d They have bin reftrained from tradeing with the 
 French at Newfoundland by exprefs order from the Com- 
 
 miconers, 
 DD (233)
 
 [24] 
 
 miconers of His Matyes Cuftomes, which very much enraged 
 thofe merchants who traded in great quantityes for brandy and 
 other French goods, brought thither directly from France. 
 
 4 Their liberty of coining money is taken away which 
 encouraged pyratts to bring their plate hither, becaufe it 
 could be coined and conveyed in great parcells undifcovered 
 to be fuch. M r Sewell another of the Agents attending in 
 England was Mafter of the Mint, and a loofer by putting 
 that down. 
 
 5 th The Minifters, who in their Government were chiefe 
 in advifing and directing matters of publique import, as well 
 in electing Magiftrates as in makeing laws and what elfe did 
 relate to the government, and now chiefe in contriving & 
 fetting on foot this generall revolt and fubverfion of the gov- 
 ernment ; were not confulted with. 
 
 Their prefent practice fince their revolt is a fufficient 
 demonftracon of what they intend to doe when they receive 
 a Charter. They have already fett at liberty feverall pyratts 
 imprifoned in -the common gaole, who robb'd a Spaniih fhip 
 loaden with about four thoufand Spanifh hydes, money, 
 plate, and rich commodityes, which they brought into this 
 countrey, murthered eight of the men, & brought with them 
 two Spaniih captives, who, with the confeffion of fome in 
 their company at fea, have made undenyable proofe of it ; 
 and they have liberty to fell their hydes and go about their 
 bufmefs ; fince which the pyratts have fold the two Spanifh 
 witneffes in this towne. 
 
 Three privateers are now fitting out for the Spanifli Weft 
 Indies. 
 
 Five Minifters of Bofton, viz 1 Moode, 81 Allen, 82 Young, 
 
 Mather, 
 
 81 Reverend Jofhua Moody, a Con- graduated at Harvard in 1653, and died 
 gregational minifter, originally of Portf- July 4, 1697, aged 64. J. R. B. 
 mouth, New Hampfhire, and afterwards ** Reverend James Allen, a graduate 
 affiftant of the firft church in Bofton, of Oxford, England, came to America 
 
 in 
 
 (234)
 
 [25] 
 
 Mather, 83 Willard, 84 and Milburn an Anabaptift Minifter, 
 were in the Councill Chamber on the eighteenth of Aprill 
 when the Govern 1 " and myfelfe were brought out of the Fort 
 before them, writeing orders, and were authors of fome of 
 their printed papers. 
 
 My Lords. I am kept very inhumanely and the Gov- 
 ernour worfe, whofe packett fent by expreffe order from 
 Whitehall and letters of both publick and private concernes 
 of his and mine, are ftop'd and open'd by S r William Phips, 
 who fays the Govern r is a rogue and mail not have his 
 packetts nor letters, and pretends an order for fo doing and 
 keeps them from us. I humbly intreat the favour off your 
 Lordmips that I be not expofed here to the malice of thofe 
 who, for my faithfull fervice to the Crowne for fourteen 
 yeares in this countrey, are become my enemyes ; but rather, 
 if yo r Lordmips pleafe, that they may be commanded to fend 
 over me and my accufers to England, to anfwer what they 
 have to charge me with. 
 
 I have many things (relateing to the well being of this 
 countrey) of great import to His Ma tyes fervice, which, being 
 now a cloffe prifoner and all my papers and materiall write- 
 ings kept from me, I am in no condition to tranfmitt to yo r 
 Lordfhips, but expect, with patience by your Lordmips 
 direccons for a fpeedy opportunity for fo doing. 
 All which is humbly fubmitted by 
 
 EDW. RANDOLPH. 
 
 From the Common Gaole in 
 Bofton the 29. of May 1689. 
 
 Indorfed " Rec d from M r Randolph 
 "3 July. 1689." 
 
 in 1662. He died, while minifter of the 84 Reverend Samuel Willard, of the 
 
 firft Congregational church in Bofton, Old South Church, Bofton, and Prefi- 
 
 September 22, 1710, aged 78 years. dent of Harvard College, where he grad- 
 
 J. R. B. uated in 1659. Died Sept. 12, 1707, aged 
 
 143 Reverend Cotton Mather. 68. J. R. B. 
 Hutch. }. R. B. 
 
 (235)
 
 [26] 
 
 [New York Hiftorical Documents, vol. iii. p. 664.] 
 
 Edward Randolph to Major Brockholes. 
 
 Letter intercepted by Leifler from M r Randolph to Major 
 
 Brockholls. 
 
 COMMON GOAL Dec. 28. 1689. 
 
 RECEIVED this morning your letter of y e i8 th 
 inftant by w ch I find that your rebbells are no 
 changlings, & Leifler and his partners make true 
 the proverb, fett beggars on horfeback and they 
 will ride to y e Divell. I am well affured y 4 y e letters fent by 
 Riggs ought to be putt in y e hands of y e Members of y e 
 Councill and y e Juftices of y e peace ; but its fallen out very 
 unhappy for thofe who muft live under y e fury of a conceited 
 rabble. Our people are much concerned to know what to 
 do with us ; they know if they fend us home & have nothing 
 to charge upon us, 'twill not found well on their fide. They 
 meet in 2 or 3 dayes, they adjourn, and do nothing as they 
 ought. The Governo r and wee have wrote to them twife. I 
 have wrot 2 letters in my own bufines, & their- wife wor- 
 fhipps give us no anfwere ; they are at their old trade of 
 wheedling at home, and delaying us here in hopes to gett 
 their Charter ; expecting y l all gent" even the Lords of y e 
 Councill who have formerly been for vacating their Charter, 
 fhall be putt out of their places. The Gov r is of opinion 
 wee fhall be all fent fpeedily, but 2 or 3 fhipps are now 
 ready; they have embarg'd them for their pleafure. Capt 
 George received orders to go for England and convoy home 
 y e 2 mafts fliips, arrived at Pifcataqua ; he has laid his fliip 
 by y e wharfe, taken out her gunns and powder (a very fcarc 
 
 comodity 
 (236)
 
 comodity here) I feare he will meet with trouble from his 
 men, when he cannot keep them aboard, and y e fame men 
 who made them mutiny before, are as ready (as ever) to y e 
 like or worfe damage to him and his fhip upon y e firft occa- 
 fion. Sir, God fend us well to England ; I will not omitt y e 
 commands relating to y e pay of your Companyes, nor any 
 thing which falls in my power to be Serviceable to your con- 
 cerne at home or in New York. My humble fervice to 
 y r Lady 85 and to Col: Bayard. I mail be glad to receive a 
 letter from you directed to me at y e Plantation Office. 
 Wifhing health and a happy fettlement to your Province 
 and to all your affaires, 
 
 I am S r your affured friend & feiV EDW. RANDOLPH. 
 
 My fervice to Coll: Dongan & 
 Coll. Smith when you fee him 
 
 To Major Brockholes at 
 New York. Prefent. 
 
 [R. I. Records, iii. 339.] 
 
 36 Extra6l from a letter to the Board of 
 
 Trade. 
 
 " BOSTON May the 3oth, 1698. 
 MAY IT PLEASE YOUR LORDSHIPS I 
 
 WROTE to the Board very largely from New 
 York, to which I humbly refer your Lordfhips. 
 I left that place the 21 ft inftant and came to 
 Rhode Ifland the 24th following; when Walter 
 Clarke (a Quaker) being feverall years Governor, quitted the 
 
 place 
 
 85 Juffrou Sufanna Shriek (2 New fhowing, perhaps, the lateft connection 
 
 York Hiftorical Society's Collections, of Randolph with Bofton. His figna- 
 
 i. 395). J. R. B. ture fhows his office as Surveyor-Gen- 
 
 80 We print this extract mainly as eral. 
 
 (237)
 
 [28] 
 
 place becaufe he would not take the oath enjoyned him by 
 the Acls of Trade ; and Samuel Cranfton (Clarke's nephew) 
 is Governor there to the fame end as Mr Markham is Gov- 
 ernor in Pennfylvania, only to take the Oaths enjoyned by 
 the Act for preventing frauds." 
 
 " All which is humbly fubmitted to your Lordfhips by 
 your Honors mofl humble fervant 
 
 E. RANDOLPH, S. G. 
 
 (238)
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 87 TN clofing the third volume of Andres's Trafts, we have to fay that a great 
 amount of curious and interefting material ftill remains unpublifhed. Our 
 aim has been to prefent chiefly the tracts and pamphlets which were iffued dur- 
 ing the Inter-Charter Period, with fuch documents as illuftrated thofedifcuffions. 
 The Archives of the State contain many other documents of prime importance ; 
 but a proper publication of them would be a tafk too great for any aflbciation 
 like the Prince Society to undertake. It is certainly to be hoped that the State 
 will foon appreciate the value of its documents, and will publifh at leaft a fynopfis 
 of its volumes. 
 
 (239)
 
 THE PRINCE SOCIETY. 
 
 EE
 
 IN THE YEAR ONE THOUSAND EIGHT HUNDRED AND 
 SEVENTY-FOUR. 
 
 AN ACT TO INCORPORATE THE PRINCE SOCIETY. 
 
 Be it enabled by the Senate and Houfe of Reprefentatives, in General Court 
 ajfembled, and by the authority of the fame, as follows : 
 
 SECTION I. John Ward Dean, J. Wingate Thornton, Edmund F. Slafter, 
 and Charles W. Tuttle, their aflbciates and fucceflbrs, are made a corporation 
 by the name of the PRINCE SOCIETY, for the purpofe of preferving and extending 
 the knowledge of American Hiftory, by editing and printing fuch manufcripts, 
 rare tracts, and volumes as are moftly confined in their ufe to hiftorical ftudents 
 and public libraries. 
 
 SECTION .2. Said corporation may hold real and perfonal eftate to an 
 amount not exceeding thirty thoufand dollars. 
 
 SECTION 3. This a6l mall take effect upon its paflage. 
 
 Approved March 18, 1874. 
 
 NOTE. The Prince Society was organized on the 25th of May, 1858. 
 What was undertaken as an experiment has proved fuccefsful. This ACT OF 
 INCORPORATION has been obtained to enable the Society better to fulfil its 
 object, in its expanding growth. 
 
 (242)
 
 THE PRINCE SOCIETY. 
 
 CONSTITUTION. 
 
 ARTICLE I. This Society fhall be called THE PRINCE SOCIETY ; 
 and it lhall have for its object the publication of rare works, in 
 print or manufcript, relating to America. 
 
 ARTICLE II. The officers of the Society mall be a Prefident, 
 four Vice-Prefidents, a Correfponding Secretary, a Recording 
 Secretary, and a Treasurer ; who together fhall form the Council 
 of the Society. 
 
 ARTICLE III. Members maybe added to the Society on the 
 recommendation of any member and a confirmatory vote of a 
 majority of the Council. 
 
 Libraries and other Inftitutions may hold membermip, and be 
 reprefented by an authorized agent. 
 
 All members mail be entitled to and lhall accept the volumes 
 printed by the Society, as they are iffued from time to time, at the 
 prices fixed by the Council ; and memberfhip mail be forfeited by 
 a refufal or neglect fo to accept the faid volumes. 
 
 Any perfon may terminate his membermip by refignation ad- 
 dreff ed in writing to the Prefident ; provided, however, that he fhall 
 have previoufly paid for all volumes iffued by the Society, after the 
 date of his election as a member. 
 
 ARTICLE IV. The management of the Society's affairs fhall 
 be vefted in the Council, which fhall keep a faithful record of its 
 
 proceedings, 
 (243)
 
 The Prince Society. 
 
 proceedings, and report the fame to the Society annually, at its 
 General Meeting in May. 
 
 ARTICLE V. On the anniverfary of the birth of the Rev. 
 Thomas Prince, namely, on the twenty-fifth day of May, in every 
 year (but if this day mall fall on Sunday or a legal holiday, on 
 the following day), a General Meeting mail be held at Bofton, in 
 Maffachufetts, for the purpofe of electing officers, hearing the 
 report of the Council, auditing the Treafurer's account, and tran- 
 facling other bufinefs. 
 
 ARTICLE VI. The officers mall be chofen by the Society an- 
 nually, at the General Meeting ; but vacancies occurring between 
 the General Meetings may be filled by the Council. 
 
 ARTICLE VII. By-Laws for the more particular government 
 of the Society may be made or amended at any General Meeting. 
 
 ARTICLE VIII. Amendments to the Conftitution may be made 
 at the General Meeting in May, by a three-fourths vote, provided 
 that a copy of the fame be tranfmitted to every member of the 
 Society, at leaft two weeks previous to the time of voting thereon. 
 
 COUNCIL. 
 
 RULES AND REGULATIONS. 
 
 1. THE Society mail be adminiftered on the mutual principle, 
 and folely in the intereft of American hiftory. 
 
 2. A volume mail be iffued as often as practicable, but not more 
 frequently than once a year. 
 
 3. An editor of each work to be iffued mail be appointed, who 
 mail be a member of the Society, whofe duty it mail be to pre- 
 pare, arrange, and conduct the fame through the prefs ; and, as he 
 will neceffarily be placed under obligations to fcholars and others 
 
 for 
 (244)
 
 The Prince Society. 
 
 for afliftance, and particularly for the loan of rare books, he fhall 
 be entitled to receive ten copies, to enable him to acknowledge and 
 return any courtefies which he may have received. 
 
 4. All editorial work and official fervice fhall be performed 
 gratuitoufly. 
 
 5. All contracts connected with the publication of any work 
 mall be laid before the Council in diftinct fpecifications in writ- 
 ing, and be adopted by a vote of the Council, and entered in a 
 book kept for that purpofe ; and, when the publication of a volume 
 is completed, its whole expense mall be entered, with the items 
 of its coft in full, in the fame book. No member of the Council 
 mall be a contractor for doing any part of the mechanical work 
 of the publications. 
 
 6. The price of each volume mail be a hundredth part of the 
 coft of the edition, or as near to that as conveniently may be ; and 
 there shall be no other affeffments levied upon the members of 
 the Society. 
 
 7. A fum, not exceeding fix hundred dollars, may be held by 
 the Council as a working capital ; and, when the balance in the 
 treafury fhall exceed that fum, the excefs fhall be divided, from 
 time to time, among the members of the Society, by remitting 
 either a part or the whole coft of a volume, as may be deemed 
 expedient. 
 
 8. All moneys belonging to the Society fhall be depofited in the 
 New England Truft Company in Bofton, unlefs fome other banking 
 inftitution fhall be defignated by a vote of the Council ; and faid 
 moneys fhall be entered in the name of the Society, fubject to the 
 order of the Treafurer. 
 
 9. It shall be the duty of the Prefident to call the Council to- 
 gether, whenever it may be neceffary for the tranfaction of bufmefs, 
 and to prefide at its meetings. 
 
 10. It shall be the duty of the Vice-Prefidents to authorize all 
 bills before their payment, to make an inventory of the property 
 
 of 
 
 (245)
 
 The Prince Society. 
 
 of the Society during the month preceding the annual meeting, 
 and to report the fame to the Council, and to audit the accounts 
 of the Treafurer. 
 
 11. It mail be the duty of the Correfponding Secretary to iffue 
 all general notices to the members, and to conduct the general 
 correfpondence of the Society. 
 
 12. It mall be the duty of the Recording Secretary to keep a 
 complete record of the proceedings both of the Society and of 
 the Council, in a book provided for that purpofe. 
 
 13. It mail be the duty of the Treafurer to forward to the 
 members bills for the volumes, as they are iffued ; to fuperintend 
 the fending of the books ; to pay all bills authorized and indorfed 
 by at leaft two Vice-Prefidents of the Society; and to keep an 
 accurate account of all moneys received and difburfed. 
 
 14. No books mail be forwarded by the Treafurer to any mem- 
 ber until the amount of the price fixed for the fame mall have 
 been received ; and any member neglecting to forward the faid 
 amount for one month after his notification, mall forfeit his mem- 
 berfhip. 
 
 (246)
 
 OFFICERS 
 
 OF 
 
 THE PRINCE SOCIETY. 
 
 Prefident. 
 JOHN WARD DEAN, A.M. . BOSTON, MASS. 
 
 Vice-Prefidents. 
 
 JOHN WINGATE THORNTON, A.M BOSTON, MASS. 
 
 THE REV. EDMUND F. SLAFTER, A.M. . . . BOSTON, MASS. 
 
 WILLIAM B. TRASK, ESQ BOSTON, MASS. 
 
 THE HON. CHARLES H. BELL, A.M EXETER, N.H. 
 
 Correfponding Secretary. 
 CHARLES W. TUTTLE, A.M. BOSTON, MASS. 
 
 Recording Secretary. 
 WILLIAM H. WHITMORE, A.M BOSTON, MASS. 
 
 Treafurer. 
 
 ELBRIDGE H. GOSS, ESQ BOSTON, MASS. 
 
 (247)
 
 THE 
 
 PRINCE SOCIETY. 
 
 1874. 
 
 The Hon. Charles Francis Adams, LL.D. . . . Boflon, Mafs. 
 
 Samuel Agnew, Efq Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 Salomon Alofsen, Efq Jerfey City, NJ. 
 
 Thomas Coffin Amory, A.M . Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 William Sumner Appleton, A.M Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 George L. Balcom, Efq Claremont, N.H. 
 
 S. L. M. Barlow, Efq New York, N.Y. 
 
 Nathaniel J. Bartlett, A.B Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 The Hon. Charles H. Bell, A.M Exeter, N.H. 
 
 John J. Bell, A.M Exeter, N.H. 
 
 Samuel L. Boardman, Efq Augufta, Me. 
 
 The Hon. James Ware Bradbury, LL.D. . . . Augufta, Me. 
 
 John M. Bradbury, Efq Ipfwich, Mafs. 
 
 J. Carfon Brevoort, Esq Brooklyn, N.Y. 
 
 George Brinley, A.M Hartford, Ct. 
 
 J. Bernard Brinton, M.D Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 John Carter Brown, A.M Providence, R.I. 
 
 John Marftiall Brown, A.M Portland, Me. 
 
 Hubbard W. Bryant, Efq Portland, Me. 
 
 The Hon. Edmund Burke Claremont, N.H. 
 
 Thomas O. H. P. Burnham, Efq Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 Charles I. Buftinell, Efq . New York, N.Y. 
 
 George Bigelow Chafe, A.M Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 The Hon. Mellen Chamberlain, A.M Chelfea, Mafs. 
 
 Lucius E. Chittenden, A.M New York, N.Y. 
 
 Ethan N. Coburn, Efq. . Charleftown, Mafs. 
 
 Jeremiah Colburn, A.M Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 Deloraine P. Corey, Efq Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 Eraftus Corning, Efq Albany, N.Y. 
 
 (248)
 
 The Prince Society. 
 
 Abram E. Cutter, Efq Charleftown, Mafs. 
 
 William M. Darlington, Efq Pittf burg, Pa. 
 
 Henry B. Dawfon, Efq Morrifania, N.Y. 
 
 Charles Deane, LL.D Cambridge, Mafs. 
 
 John Ward Dean, A.M Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 The Rev. Henry Martyn Dexter, D.D Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 Samuel Gardner Drake, A.M Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 Harry H. Edes, Efq Charleftown, Mafs. 
 
 Jonathan Edwards, Jr., A.B., M.D New Haven, Ct. 
 
 Samuel Eliot, LL.D Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 The Rev. George E. Ellis, D.D Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 A. L. Elwyn, M.D Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 John Elwyn, Efq -. . Portfmouth, N.H. 
 
 James Emott, Efq New York, N.Y. 
 
 The Hon. William M. Evarts, LL.D New York, N.Y. 
 
 Charles S. Fellows, Efq Chicago, 111. 
 
 John S. H. Fogg, M.D Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 William F. Fowle, Efq Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 Samuel P. Fowler, Efq Danvers, Mafs. 
 
 The Hon. Richard Frothingham, LL.D. . '. . Charleftown, Mafs. 
 
 James E. Gale, Efq Haverhill, Mafs. 
 
 Marcus D. Gilman, Efq Montpelier, Vt. 
 
 The Hon John E. Godfrey Bangor, Me. 
 
 Abner C. Goodell, Jr., A.M Salem, Mafs. 
 
 Elbridge H. Gofs, Efq Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 The Hon. Horace Gray, LL.D Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 William W. Greenough, A.B Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 Ifaac J. Greenwood, A.M New York, N.Y. 
 
 Charles H. Guild, Efq Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 The Hon. Robert S. Hale, LL.D Elizabethtown, N.Y. 
 
 C. Fifke Harris, A.M Providence, R.I. 
 
 The Hon. Francis B. Hayes, A.M Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 Francis S. Hoffman, Efq Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 James F. Hunnewell. Efq Charleftown, Mafs. 
 
 Theodore Irwin, Efq Ofwego, N.Y. 
 
 William Porter Jarvis, A.M Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 FF (249)
 
 The Prince Society. 
 
 John S. Jennefs, A.B New York, N.Y. 
 
 Edward F. de Lancey, Efq New York, N.Y. 
 
 John J. Latting, A.M New York, N.Y. 
 
 Thomas J. Lee, Efq Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 Jofeph Leonard, Efq Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 John A. Lewis, Efq Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 Winflow Lewis, A.M., M.D Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 William T. R. Marvin, A.M Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 William F. Matchett, Efq Bofton, Mafs 
 
 Frederic W. G. May, Efq Bofton, Mass. 
 
 The Rev. James H. Means, A.M Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 George H. Moore, LL.D New York, N.Y. 
 
 The Hon. James W. North Augufta, Me. 
 
 George T. Paine, Efq Providence, R.I. 
 
 Daniel Parifh, Jr., Efq New York, N.Y. 
 
 Francis Parkman, LL.B Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 Auguftus T. Perkins, A.M Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 The Rev. William Stevens Perry, D.D. . . . Geneva, N.Y. 
 
 William C. Peters, A.M Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 John V. L. Pruyn, A.M Albany, N.Y. 
 
 Samuel S. Purple, M.D New York, N.Y. 
 
 The Rev. Alonzo H. Quint, D.D New Bedford, Mafs. 
 
 Edward S. Rand, A.M Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 Edward S. Rand, Jr., A.M Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 The Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A.M Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 Charles C. Smith, Efq Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 Samuel T. Snow, Efq Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 The Hon. Thomas Spooner Reading, Ohio. 
 
 George Stevens, Efq Lowell, Mafs. 
 
 Edwin W. Stoughton, Efq New York, N.Y. 
 
 The Hon. Benjamin F. Thomas, LL.D. . . . Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 John Wingate Thornton, A.M. ...... Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 William B. Towne, A.M Milford, N.H. 
 
 William B. Trafk, Efq Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 The Hon. William H. Tuthill Tipton, Iowa. 
 
 Charles W. Tuttle, A.M Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 (250)
 
 The Prince Society. 
 
 George W. Wales, Efq Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 Joseph B. Walker, A.M Concord, N.H. 
 
 Thomas Waterman, Efq Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 Miss Rachel Wetherill Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 Henry Wheatland, A.M., M.D Salem, Mafs. 
 
 William H. Whitmore, A.M Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 Henry Auftin Whitney, A.M Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 The Hon. Marfhall P. Wilder Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 Henry Winfor, Efq Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 The Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, LL.D Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 Charles Levi Woodbury, Efq Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 Aflibel Woodward, M.D Franklin, Ct. 
 
 The Hon. Thomas H. Wynne Richmond, Va. 
 
 LIBRARIES. 
 
 American Antiquarian Society Worcefter, Mafs. 
 
 Amherft College Library Amherft, Mafs. 
 
 Bofton Athenaeum Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 Bofton Library Society Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 Britifh Mufeum London, Eng. 
 
 Concord Public Library Concord, Mafs. 
 
 Free Public Library Worcefter, Mafs. 
 
 Grofvenor Library Buffalo, N.Y. 
 
 Hiftorical Society of Pennfylvania Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 Long Ifland Hiftorical Society Brooklyn, N.Y. 
 
 Maffachufetts Hiftorical Society Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 Mercantile Library New York, N.Y. 
 
 New England Hiftoric Genealogical Society . . Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 Newbcryport Public Library, Peabody Fund . . Newburyport, Mafs. 
 
 Public Library of the City of Bofton .... Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 Redwood Library Newport, R.I. 
 
 State Library of Maffachufetts Bofton, Mafs. 
 
 State Library of New York Albany, N.Y. 
 
 State Library of Rhode Ifland Providence, R.I. 
 
 State Library of Vermont Montpelier, Vt. 
 
 Williams College Library Williamftown, Mafs. 
 
 (250
 
 PUBLICATIONS OF THE SOCIETY. 
 
 NEW ENGLAND'S PROSPECT. 
 
 A true, lively and experimentall defcription of that part of America, commonly called 
 New England : difcovering the State of that Countrie, both as it ftands to our new- 
 come Englijh Planters; and to the old Natiue Inhabitants. BY WILLIAM WOOD. 
 London, 1634. Preface by Charles Deane, LL.D. 
 
 THE HUTCHINSON PAPERS. 
 
 A Collection of Original Papers relatiue to the Hiftory of the Colony of Maffachu- 
 fetts-Bay. Reprinted from the edition of 1769. Edited by William H. Whitmore, 
 A.M., and William S. Appleton, A.M. 2 vols. 
 
 JOHN DUNTON'S LETTERS FROM NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 Letters written from New England A.D. 1686. By John Dunton in which are 
 defcribed his voyages by Sea, his travels on land, and the characters of his friends 
 and acquaintances. Now firft publifhed from the Original Manufcript in the Bodleian 
 Library. Oxford. Edited by William H. Whitmore, A.M. 
 
 THE ANDROS TRACTS. 
 
 Being a Collection of Pamphlets and Official Papers iffued during the period be- 
 tween the overthrow of the Andros Government and the eftablifhment of the fecond 
 Charter of Maffachufetts. Reprinted from the original editions and manufcripts. 
 With a Memoir of Sir Edmund Andros, by the editor, William H. Whitmore, A.M. 
 3 vols. 
 
 SIR WILLIAM ALEXANDER AND AMERICAN COLONIZATION. 
 
 Including three Royal Charters, iffued in 1621, 1625, 1628 ; a Tract entitled an 
 Encouragement to Colonies, by Sir William Alexander, 1624 ; a Patent, from the 
 Great Council for New England, of Long Ifland, and a part of the prefent State of 
 Maine ; a Roll of the Knights Baronets of New Scotland ; with a Memoir of Sir 
 William Alexander, by the editor, the Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A M. 
 
 NOTE. Communications for officers of the Prince Society may be directed to 
 18 SOMERSET STREET, BOSTON. 
 
 (252)
 
 INDEX.
 
 ALPHABETICAL INDEX, 
 
 A. 
 
 Addington, 60, 61, 63, 85. 
 
 Albany, 114. 
 
 Alberry, 70. 
 
 Alden, 33. 
 
 Allen, 85, 234. 
 
 Andros, 17, 31, 42, 43, 59, 72, 74, 86, 
 
 88, 95, no, 123, 129, 135, 199, 202, 
 
 225, 235. 
 Appleton, 196. 
 
 B. 
 
 Bant, 112. 
 Bates, 177, 184. 
 Baxter, 177. 
 Bayard, 237. 
 Bendall, 62. 
 Billings, 102. 
 Bird, 91. 
 Blackwell, 84. 
 
 Blathwayt, 134, 207, 208, 222. 
 Bowdoin, 79, 80. 
 Bowman, 91. 
 Bradftreet, 45, 48, 51, 57, 59, 60, 97, 
 
 113, 196. 
 Brent, 226. 
 
 Brockholft, 31, 236, 237. 
 Bromfield, 63. 
 Brown, 92. 
 Bull, 32, 33. 
 Bullivant, 129. 
 
 Carter, 84. 
 Cafco, 70. 
 
 C. 
 
 Caftine, 35, 36. 
 Church, 95, 98. 
 Church of England, 20. 
 Clarke, 99. 
 Clements, 79. 
 Coggemall, 95, 98. 
 Cooke, 33, 42, 58. 
 Cudworth, 134. 
 
 D. 
 
 Darby, 91. 
 
 Davis, 36, 70. 
 
 Dudley, 104, 108, no, 193. 
 
 Dummer, 62, 70. 
 
 E. 
 
 Eleutherian immigrants, 70. 
 Eliot, 106. 
 Emigration A<51, 92. 
 
 F. 
 
 Farwell, 110. 
 Fayerweather, 112. 
 Five Nations, 19, 28, 228. 
 Floyd, 36. 
 Forts, 72, 73. 
 Fofter, 232. 
 
 Gedney, 70. 
 Glover, 224. 
 Gold, 86. 
 Gorges, 156. 
 Graham, 110. 
 
 (255) 
 
 H.
 
 Alphabetical Index. 
 
 H. 
 
 Hartman, 91. 
 
 Harvard College. 138, 146. 
 
 Henchman, 32, 223. 
 
 Holt, 156. 
 
 How, 176. 
 
 Hull, 62. 
 
 Hutchins, 83. 
 
 Illegal trade, 55. 
 Ives, 62. 
 
 I. 
 
 J. 
 
 James II. (King), 131, 134, 141. 
 Jeffreys, 141, 198. 
 Jephfon, 148. 
 Jordan, 31. 
 
 L. 
 
 Lemoin, 233. 
 Leverett, 219. 
 Lloyd, 32. 
 Lockhart, 32, 36, 158. 
 
 M. 
 
 MacGregory, 32, 36. 
 
 Marriages, 15. 
 
 Marting, 62. 
 
 Mary (Queen), 158. 
 
 Mafon, 62. 
 
 Mafley, 89. 
 
 Mather, 40, 57, 58, 123, 176, 181, 200, 
 
 234. 
 
 Mead. 154, 176. 
 Melfort, 142. 
 Menevel, 73. 
 Milburn, 235. 
 Mines, 7. 
 Minot, 31. 
 Monmouth, 155. 
 
 Montague, 43. 
 Moody, 234. 
 More, 91. 
 Morton, 190. 
 
 N. 
 
 Newechawanick, 106. 
 Nicholfon, 195. 
 
 O. 
 
 Oakes, 42, 58. 
 
 Onondagos, 76. 
 
 Orange (Prince of) . See William. 
 
 P. 
 
 Palmer, 69, 105, no, 204. 
 Parfons, 63. 
 Petre, 142, 226. 
 Phillips, 62, 130. 
 Phips, 47, 62, 182, 235. 
 Pirates, 6, 44. 
 Plymouth, 133. 
 Port Royal, 52. 
 Poulter, 106. 
 Powys, 226. 
 Prentifs, 96, 100, 102. 
 Prout, 6 1, 107. 
 Puddington, 32. 
 
 Quakers, 14, 100. 
 Quebec, 49. 
 
 R. 
 
 Randolph, in, 128, 204,211-222,235- 
 
 238. 
 Riggs, in, 236. 
 
 (256)
 
 Alphabetical Index. 
 
 s. 
 
 Saltonftall, 196. 
 Sampfon, 62. 
 Sanders, 70, 117. 
 Sanford, 96. 
 Savage, 32. 
 Scheneclady, 46, 1 14. 
 Schuyler, 120. 
 Scott, 81. 
 Sewall, 234. 
 Sherlock, 105, no. 
 Shrimpton, 62. 
 Siveret, 69. 
 Smith, 223. 
 Stoddard, 70. 
 Stuart, 89. 
 Sutherland, 159. 
 Svveyne, 106. 
 Swift, 96, 102. 
 
 Talbot, 82. 
 Temple, 161. 
 Thurfton, 130. 
 Tonti, 229. 
 Treby, 2. 
 Trefry, in. 
 Turell, 223. 
 Tuttle, 211. 
 Tyng, 31, 80, 88. 
 
 T. 
 
 Uflier, 85. 
 
 U. 
 
 V. 
 
 Van Renflelaer, 120. 
 
 W. 
 
 Walley, 98, 100, 221. 
 
 Waterhoufe, 232. 
 
 Weems, 31, 36, 39. 
 
 Welindrop, 91. 
 
 Welfteed, 62. 
 
 Weflels, 117, 120. 
 
 Weft, 94, 103, 109, no, 224. 
 
 Wharton, 74, 146, 157, 233. 
 
 White, 102. 
 
 Whiting, 175. 
 
 Whitmore, 106. 
 
 Willard, 36. 
 
 William (King), 146, 148, 149, I53> 
 
 156, 162. 
 
 Winnington, 226. 
 Winthrop, 22. 
 Wifwall, 33. 
 Withington, 31. 
 Woodcock, 101. 
 
 (257) 
 
 Cambridge : Press of John Wilson & Son.

 
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