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fflzmoit& of tfte Ceft& 
 
MEMOIRS 
 
 Che Celts or battle. 
 
 BY 
 
 JOSEPH RITSON, ESQ. 
 
 The waies, through which my weary steps I guyde, 
 
 In this ' research of old antiquity,' 
 
 Are so exceeding spacious and wyde, 
 
 And sprinckled with such sweet variety, 
 
 Of all that pleasant is to eare or eye, 
 
 That I nigh rauisht with rare thoughts delight, 
 
 My tedious trauell doe forget thereby. 
 
 Faerie Qveene, 
 
 LONDON 
 
 PRINTED FOR PAYNE AND FOSS, 
 
 PALL-3IALL : 
 
 BY WILLIAM NICOL, CLEVELAND-ROW, ST. JAMES'S. 
 
 1827. 
 
r ] r / 
 
 "H5 
 
ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 In this brief notice, the editors intention is, not 
 to praise the following work, whatever may be 
 its merit, but to authenticate it. 
 
 The MS. came into his hands, as residuary 
 legatee and executor, amongst other books and 
 papers of the author, upon his death, in 1803 j 
 and is now printed with a scrupulous adherence 
 to the original) excepting, indeed, the omission 
 of a few hasty epithets, appearing to be harsher 
 than the occasion could require or justify, (which 
 the author, had he lived to publish the work 
 himself, would, probably, have altered 3 ) and a 
 reduction of Mr. Ritsons peculiar orthography 
 to the common standard of our language. 
 
 Stockton upon Tees, 
 May 10, 1827. 
 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Preface, - - - - p. ix 
 
 Memoirs of the Celts, - - - 1 
 
 Appendix. 
 
 No. I. Of the Hyperboreans, - - 217 
 
 II. Of the Cimmerians, - - 233 
 
 III. Of the Cimbrians, - - 243 
 
 IV. Of the Cimbrian War, - - 261 
 
 V. Of the Cassiterides, - - 290 
 
 VI. OfThule, - - 299 
 
 VII. Of the island called Silimnus, 
 
 or Silura, - 305 
 
 VIII. Celtic words preserved by 
 ancient writers, - - 307 
 
 IX. Specimens of Celtic dialects, 313 
 
 X. Bibliotheca Celtica, - - 318 
 
PREFACE, 
 
 The Celts or Gauls are those who, in ancient 
 times, and for many ages before the christian 
 era, inhabited the country then called Celtica, 
 afterward Galatia or Celto-Galatia, and Gallia 
 or Gaul, now France, whence they, from time to 
 time, migrated, in colonies, into the neighbour- 
 ing countries of Spain, Italy, Germany, and Bri- 
 tain, and, even into Greece and Asia-minor. 
 After many battles with the Romans, under 
 Julius Caesar, in which the Celts lost, in slain 
 only, upward of a million of men,* they were 
 completely reduced to slavery, and their whole 
 territory became (what part of it had been before) 
 a Roman province. About the year 420 the 
 country of Gaul or Celtica, having, already, been 
 harassed, and, in part, possessed by the Goths 
 and Vandals and Burgundians, was invaded by 
 the Franks, a nation of Germany, who, partly by 
 
 * Appian, {Celtics,) 
 
x PREFACE. 
 
 force, partly by friendship, mixed with and set- 
 tled among the Celtic natives, and from this 
 intermixture, with the accession, at a future 
 period, of some Normans, Northmen, or Danes, 
 are descended the present French. People of a 
 Celtic race are yet to be found, in Wales, Ire- 
 land, the north of Scotland, the Hebrides or 
 Western isles, the isle of Man, Armorica, now 
 Basse Bretagne, and, in a district of the Alps, or 
 Switzerland, called the Pais de Vaud ; * in all 
 which countries a dialect of the primitive lan- 
 guage of the Celts is still the vernacular idiom, 
 as it, not long since, was, likewise, in Cornwall, 
 and, probably, in the eastern parts of Scotland : 
 but no vestiges of that language (which seems 
 to have been totally eradicated by the introduc- 
 tion of Latin and Teutonic) are known to be 
 existing in any part of France, except, perhaps, 
 
 * The natives of this region are called Waldenses or Vaux- 
 dois. They seem to know nothing of their origin, but their 
 history has been written in German, by Martinet, under the 
 [title of] Kerkelyke Geschiedenis de Waldenzen, and printed at 
 Amsterdam in 1765, an extract from it being inserted in the 
 Bibliotheque des sciences, for October, November and Decem- 
 ber, in the same year. See general Vallanceys " Essay on the 
 Celtic language," in tiie 2d edition of his Irish grammar, 
 p. 55. 
 
PREFACE. xi 
 
 as in England, in the name of a mountain or a 
 river, or, as already observed, in Britany other- 
 wise Little-Britain, which received a colony of 
 unfortunate Britons, abandoning their mother 
 country, over-run by pagan Saxons, in the fifth 
 or sixth century ; chiefly, as would seem, by a 
 similarity of dialect, from Cornwall or South 
 Wales.* 
 
 The history of the Celts is an interesting and 
 important subject, which has employed the pens 
 of literary men, many of them eminent for learn- 
 ing and talent, from the age of Herodotus to 
 the present time. Much, indeed, cannot be said 
 in favour of the judgement and perspicacity of 
 modern writers on this topic, who, nevertheless, 
 do not stand very low in public estimation : as, 
 for instance, Cluver, Schedius,Pezron, Pelloutier, 
 Mallet, and others : who, though unquestionably, 
 learned and industrious men, have, nevertheless, 
 confounded, under the name of Celts, not only 
 the Germans or Scandinavians, but, even, all the 
 nations of the north. The only author, perhaps, 
 
 * A stronger circumstance may be that they have, actually, 
 given the name of Cornwall (now Cornouaille) to a promontory 
 in their new settlement ; where they had, likewise, another 
 Saint Michaels mount. 
 
xii PREFACE. 
 
 entirely free from prejudice or error, is the accu- 
 rate and perspicacious Schoepflin, who has dis- 
 played the question in the clearest light, and 
 decided it in the most satisfactory manner. 
 Settled, however, as the subject was to the entire 
 gratification of every person of learning or inte- 
 grity, it has been lately endeavoured to be thrown 
 into more than its former confusion, (" confu- 
 sion worse confounded,") by the author of a 
 Dissertation on the Scythians,* " The Celts?' he 
 says, " from the Euxine to the Baltic, were call'd 
 Cimmerii "... and " from the ancients," he adds, 
 " we learn, to a certainty, that they were the 
 same people with the Cimbri;" who " it is clear 
 from his [Herodotus's] account, were the ancient 
 possessors of Germany ;'* and " That the Cim- 
 merii or Cimbri were Celts, is as certain," accord- 
 ing to his assertion, " as so very remote and ob- 
 scure a subject will bear." Nothing, at the 
 same time, can be more unfounded. The Cim- 
 merii, a most ancient people, migrated from their 
 settlements in the eastern extremity of Europe, 
 
 * London, 1787, 8vo., p. 45, 47. " The Cimmerii," he re- 
 peats, " were as the ancients inform, the same with the Cimbri; 
 and the Cimbri were Celts." (Enquiry into the history of 
 Scotland ; London, 1789, I, 13.) 
 
PREFACE. xiii 
 
 where they left the name of the Cimmerian-bos- 
 phorus,* into the heart of Asia, where they seem 
 to have all perished, about the 45th olympiad, or 
 600 years before the birth of Christ. t They are 
 never afterward mentioned, by any writer, as 
 existing in any part of the world. The Cimbri, 
 on the contrary, inhabitants of the Cimbrica- 
 chersonesus, now Denmark, were never heard of, 
 till the year of Rome 640, being the 1 13th before 
 Christ ; when, associated with the Teutones, 
 their neighbours, they penetrated, through Gaul, 
 into Italy, where the greatest part of them were 
 cut to pieces, by Marius, the consul ; and that 
 both these marauders were nations of Germany, 
 and without the remotest affinity to the Celts or 
 Gauls, is certain, from the united testimonies of 
 Caesar, Strabo, Mela, Tacitus, Pliny, Plutarch, 
 and, almost, every ancient author, who has occa- 
 sion to speak of them. It must be confessed, 
 indeed, that Posidonius, who had travelled in 
 
 * The channel between the Euxine, or Black-sea, and the 
 Palus-Maeotis or sea of Azof, now the straits of Caffa, or 
 Jenicale. The Crimea, or dim, the modern name of the 
 Taurica-chersonesus is, thought by D'Auville, to be owing to 
 the Cimruerii. 
 
 t See, in the Appendix, No. II. an account of this nation 
 from ancient writers. 
 
 b 
 
xiv PREFACE. 
 
 Gaul, and, from the writings of that philosopher, 
 no doubt, Diodorus the Sicilian, have indulged 
 the conjecture, that the Cimmerii and Cimbri 
 were the same people : but this random conjec- 
 ture is, not only, unsupported, but utterly con- 
 futed, by more ancient, as well as more modern, 
 writers. 
 
MEMOIRS OF THE CELTS. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 Of the Origin and Name of the Celts. 
 
 X ii e Gauls (Galli, as those who, in their own 
 language, assumed the name of Celts (KeXtoi, 
 Celtce) and had it formerly, from others, were 
 called by the Romans) 1 affirmed themselves all 
 
 1 C;esar, Gallic war (B. i. C. i). — Herodotus, 470 years 
 before the Christian era, calls them Celts (KeXtoi,) as do, 
 likewise Aristotle, Polybius, Strabo, and later Greek wri- 
 ters, and even some of the Roman, as Silius Italicus, Martial, 
 and Apuleius (Be mundo), that is, Celta, as the Greek name 
 seems to have been improperly rendered into their language, in- 
 stead of Celti (the Latin C being, uniformly, pronounced 
 hard like the Greek or English K). They were likewise 
 known to the Greeks by the name of Galats or Galatians 
 (ra.Xa.Tou), which is first given them by the poet Callimachus 
 about 350 years before Christ, and nearly 100 before their set- 
 tlement in Asia (r«^aT*ja», Hymn to Delos, v. 184). Pau- 
 sanias, in the second century, says that the name of Galatians 
 (^«^«T«^) had, only,, obtained of late ; and that, in former 
 times, they were called Celts (KeXroi), both by themselves, 
 
 B 
 
2. MEMOIRS OF 
 
 descended from father Dis, and said this to be 
 declared by the Druids* 
 
 and others. Appian, a writer of the same age, is the first, if 
 not the only, Greek, who makes use of the Roman appellation 
 TaATw. Etymology has been long puzzled to account for the 
 name of either Celta or Gallus. According to Lactantius, the 
 Gauls (Galli) of old were called Galatians (Galata), from the 
 whiteness of their body (See Jeroms preface to his commen- 
 tary on the second epistle to the Galatians), from TccKx, 
 milk ; as in Virgils Mneid ; 
 
 " Turn lactea colla 
 
 Auro innectuntur — -." 
 
 Whether the word TccXhoq or Gallus, originally signified a 
 cock or capon, cannot be now ascertained. If the former, it might 
 have some allusion to the red or yellow colour of that bird, and , 
 according to Vossius, the Greeks called the red appendage near 
 the throat of the cock, which we term its wattles, xaXAaia. 
 The priests of Cybele were called Galli, either from the oper- 
 ation they had undergone [TcthKot spadones,]* or, according 
 to Ovid (Fasti, B. iv. V. 316), Pliny (B. v. C. 32) and 
 Pompeius Festus, from the river Gallus, in Phrygia, whose 
 water rendered those who tasted it insane, and not, as some will 
 have it, from their red garments. Tertullian, as quoted by 
 Pezron (C. 10), says that Saturn (whom the French abbot will 
 have to be a Titan, or Celtic king) was decorated with a scarlet 
 
 *Hay, or whoever else was the translator of Livy, has, in one 
 place, converted these Galli, into " fanatic Gauls " (B. xxxvii. 
 C. 9) ; and, in another, into Gallic priests (B, xxxviii. C, 18) : 
 with manifest ignorance and absurdity. 
 
THE CELTS. 3 
 
 robe (superjectio Galitici ruboris). Martial (B. xiv. C. 129) 
 writes, 
 
 " Roma magls fuscis vestitur, Gallia rufis. 
 
 Saint Jerom, to account for the name of Galli, pretends, that 
 the Romans to avenge themselves of the Gauls, who had once 
 taken Rome, used to emasculate persons of that nation (Com. 
 on the 4th chap, of Hosea) : an assertion in which he is unsup- 
 ported by any writer, ancient or modern, unless it be Gervasc 
 of Tilbury, who gravely relates, that " Cassar castrated the 
 Gauls, when he had conquered them, to their disgrace" (Otia im- 
 perialia, Leibnitz, Scvij). Bruns. 912.) After all, however, it may 
 be thought most probable that TaKocTUi (or KaXaToi, as k 
 is in the Chronicle of Alexandria or Paschal-chronicle, cited by 
 Pezron) is nothing more than a corruption of KeXtoi and Galll 
 or TaXKoi, a mere contraction of TuXutock The Romans 
 seem to have confined the names of Galata, and Galatia to the 
 persons and country of the Gallo-Grecians, or Asiatic, Illy- 
 rian, and Pannonian Gauls. As to the rest, Gallus and Galla 
 appear, from the epigrams of Martial, to have been common 
 at that period. If, as it is suspected, they implied a red or 
 yellow-haired person, it is possible that our Saxon word 
 jealepe may be of the same family. 
 
 2 Caesar, Ibi. B. vi, C. 17. This tradition serves to prove 
 that they considered themselves, like the Athenians, Sabines, 
 and Germans, autochthones, sprung, as it were, from the soil, 
 and had no idea of any prior settlement. Dis is Pluto. Calli- 
 machus is thought to call the Celts or Gauls the offspring of the 
 Titans ( OiJ/tyom Tjt»ji<£j) ; but this appellation seems in- 
 tended rather as a hyperbolical compliment to his hero, king 
 Ptolemy-Philadelphus, as if he were another Jove, than as a 
 historical fact, or at all relating to the Celts (Hymn to Delos, 
 V. 170, $c). The Greek writers, according to Appian, affirm 
 that Polypheny the Cyclops had three sons by Galatea, Ceitvs, 
 
4 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Illyrius, and Gala, who, going out of Sicily, reigned over the 
 people, who from them are called Celts, lllyrians and Galatians, 
 (TaAaTwv, lllyricks, C. l). Diodorus Siculus, however, re- 
 lates that Galates, the son of Hercules, by the daughter of 
 a king of Ctltica, (KsXTtx.ij?) when he came to mans estate and 
 ■was possessed of his grandfathers kingdom, having sub- 
 dued many of the neighbouring countries and performed many 
 notable actions by his sword, called his subjects after his own 
 name, Galatians (Ta,X»rtocvs) and the country Galatia (B. iv. 
 P. 210). Parthenius, who tells the same story, says the fathers 
 name was Bretannus, the daughters Celtina, and that of her 
 child, by Hercules, Celtus, from whom the Celts were so deno- 
 minated (C. 30). According to Ammianus Marcellinus, who 
 professes to follow Timagines, a Greek writer, of uncertain age, 
 who had made an express collection upon this subject, some 
 affirmed that the people first seen in those regions were abori- 
 gines, called, from the name of a beloved king, Celtcz, and from 
 that of his mother, Galata; ; for so, says he, the Greek tongue 
 terms the Gauls. Others, that the Dorians, following the 
 more ancient Hercules, inhabited the parts bordering on the 
 ocean. The Drasida: (r. Drysidts or Druidte) alledged that, 
 true it was, a part of the people was indigenous, but that others 
 had resorted from the utmost islands and the countries beyond 
 the Rhine; being driven from their native seats by frequent 
 wars, and the inundation of the raging sea. Some said that a few 
 persons, after the destruction of Troy, flying from the Greeks, 
 every where dispersed, occupied these parts, then void : but 
 the inhabitants of those countries asserted, above all things 
 (which, likewise, was to be read engraven on their monuments), 
 that Hercules, the son of Amphitrion, hastened to the destruc- 
 tion of Geryon and Taurisc, two cruel tyrants, of whom one in- 
 fested Spain, the other Gaul; and, that, both being vanquished, 
 he lay with gentlewomen and had several children ; and, that 
 
THE CELTS. 5 
 
 those parts which they governed were called after their own 
 names (B. sv. C. 9). Such are the fables of the Greeks ; and 
 Josephus, the historian of the Jews, to be even with them, 
 pretends that the Gauls " were the grand children of Noah, 
 in honour of whom names were imposed on the nations by 
 those that first seized upon them.'' Japhet, the son of Noah, 
 according to this credulous or romantic writer, had seven sons, 
 who inhabited so, that, beginning at the mountains Taurus and 
 Amanus, they proceeded along Asia, as far as the river Tanais 
 (now, the Don), and along Europe to Gades (now Cadiz), which 
 none had inhabited before : they called the nations by their 
 own names : " for Gamer" he adds, " founded those whom the 
 Greeks call GaUitians [or Gauls, TaXaTa?], but who were then 
 called Gomerites." (Antiquities, B. i. C. 6.) 
 
MEMOIRS OF 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 Of the proper Country of the Celts. 
 
 Herodotus, the most ancient of historians, and 
 who, first of all, mentions this people, says, " the 
 river Ister, 1 beginning from the Celts (KsXtoi, 
 Celta), and the city Pyrene, divides mid Europe, 
 the Celts, however, being beyond the pillars of Her- 
 cules, bordering upon the Cynesians (K.»m</»o»cn, 
 Cynesiis), the last of all in Europe, inhabiting to 
 the west ; and, having measured all Europe, as 
 far as the Istrians, a colony of the Milesians, flow- 
 ing into the sea of the Euxine-Pontus, is there 
 ended." 2. For the Ister, he says again, measures 
 all Europe, its beginning being taken out of the 
 
 1 The Ister is the Danube, which Diodorus (B. v. C. 2), 
 reckons among the rivers of Gaul. It is likewise mentioned by 
 Arrian, as the most considerable river in Europe, which washes 
 the amplest tract of land, and flows through the most war- 
 like nations, in the first place, through the Celtic, in which, 
 also, its springs rise. (B. i. C. 3.) 
 
 2 B. ii. This relation of the venerable father of history 
 abounds, unfortunately, with two capital errors ; for neither 
 was Pyrent a city, nor does the Danube take its rise in the 
 mountain of that name. 
 
THE CELTS. 7 
 
 Celts, who "are the last of all in Europe to the 
 setting of the sun, after the Cynetians (K&%*rra?, 
 Cynetee 3 ), and having measured all Europe, en- 
 ters the sides of Scythia." Aristotle, who seems 
 to have consulted Herodotus, one of whose er- 
 rors he corrects, the other he preserves, says : 
 Out of Pyrene (this is a mountain of Celtica, look- 
 ing toward the equinoctial west), flow the Ister 
 and Tartessus. 4 The same philosopher, in a dif- 
 ferent work, having asserted that in Illyricum, 
 Thrace, and Epirus, asses are small, adds, in 
 Scythia and Celtica there are clearly none, by 
 reason of the great coldness of these regions." 5 
 " Neither," he repeats, " among the Celts, who 
 dwell above Spain is there that kind of animal, for 
 that province also is cold." 6 He, elsewhere, says, 
 that, from Italy, they make a way to extend as far 
 as Celtica, and the Celto-Ligurians ± they call it 
 Heraclea. 7 These Celto-Ligurians, by the more 
 
 3 B. iv. These Cynct<z or Cynetians are unknown, being men- 
 tioned by no other writer ; unless they be the Cunetes, who, 
 according to Justin, inhabited the forests of the Tartesiam, in 
 which, it was said, the Titans waged war against the gods. 
 (B. xliv.C.4.) 
 
 4 Concerning Meteorology, B. i. C. 13. 
 
 s Of the generation of animals, B. viii. C. 28. 
 6 Ibi. B. viii. So, he says, of the isles of Albion and lane, 
 " that they are abuve the Celts." (Of the world.) 
 ' Of wonders. 
 
8 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 ancient Greeks called Ligures, were, as appears 
 from Strabo, the inhabitants of that part of trans- 
 alpine Gaul, which, in his time, was held by the 
 Massilians (Massilia, now Marseilles) . 8 Polybius, 
 who calls both the transalpine, and the cisalpine 
 Gauls by the name of Celts (K^-rivs), says of the 
 former, The Celts inhabit the neighbourhood of 
 Narbo and thence to the country, which they 
 call the Pyrenees} 9 and, in another place: The 
 Carthaginians had subdued all the coast of Iberia 
 (now Spain) unto those rocks in which termi- 
 nate at the sea the Pyrenean-mountains, by which 
 the Iberians and the Celts arc separated from 
 each other. 1 Diodorus, the Sicilian, asserts that 
 those " who hold the interior parts above Mar- 
 seilles and who inhabit about the Alps and on this 
 (the Italian) side of the Pyrenean mountains, they 
 call Celts.' ,z In another place he calls Alesia, a 
 
 8 B. iv. 9 B. iii, C 4. * Ibi. 
 
 * B. v. C. 32. Those, he adds, who inhabit below Celtica, 
 south and to the ocean and the mountain Hyrcinus and all 
 those scattered as far as Scythia, are called Gauls [TuXccTa^, 
 though (he Romans call all those people, generally, by one and 
 the same name, Gauls [T«?u*T«f] : which, he says, many are 
 ignorant of. This distinction might have begun to prevail in 
 the time of this historian : but nothing can be more certain 
 [than] that all those whom the Romans called Gauls were, by 
 the Greeks, called Celts, and that, in a word, Gaul and Celt 
 were synonymous even among the Romans. (See Silius Italu 
 
THE CELTS. 
 
 city in Gaul, the siege whereof is so celebrated 
 in Caesars commentaries, the chief seat of Celtica, 
 which, together with the rest of the Celtica, was 
 subjected by Caesar to the Roman empire. 3 
 Dennis of Bodroun calls that expedition in which 
 Rome was taken, f< the expedition of the Celts j'' 
 and the same people, by Livy, Florus, and Strabo., 
 are called Gauls : the geographer deducing them, 
 openly, from transalpine Gaul. He, likewise, 
 says that the Tyrrhenians, who inhabited about 
 the Ionian bay, and, in process of time, were 
 driven thence by the Celts, endeavoured to destroy 
 Cumas, a Greek city, in the country of the Opici. 
 Now the Tyrrhenians are said by Polybius, Dio- 
 dorus, and Plutarch, to have been ejected out of 
 their seat by the Celts (KsXto*) ; which may be 
 made clear to those who doubt, even, by this cir- 
 cumstance, that all that coast was called, from 
 
 cus, throughout.) It was, therefore, a very unhappy conjec- 
 ture of Strabo, that, from the Gauls, who inhabited the pro- 
 vince of Narbo, and were formerly called Celts, this latter 
 name was given to all the Gauls, either by the Greeks, on 
 account of the celebrity of that nation, or by the Massilians 
 (Marseillese), on account of vicinity conferring something of 
 importance thereon. (B. iv, P. 189.) 
 
 3 Strabo, most frequently, calls them KsXrot, sometimes 
 TctKctraa, never TaMoi ; though Xylander generally uses 
 Galli for Celtu: in the translation : very improperly, for, though 
 the people were the same, their names were different. 
 
10 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 the new inhabitants Cisalpine Gaul, as both Plu- 
 tarch and Appian witness. Finally, Dennis calls 
 transalpine Gaul itself Celtica (KeXtw^c) Strabo, 
 too, terras the Gauls Celtce, and Gaul, both cis- 
 and trans-alpine, Celtica. 3 Again : It is said, that 
 all Celtica was bounded toward the west by the 
 Pyrenean-mountains, touching either sea, as well 
 external as internal : but, from the east, by the 
 Rhine, which was parallel to Pyrene ; from the 
 north by the ocean, by the northern extremities 
 of Pyrene" unto the mouths of the Rhine ; from 
 the south by the sea, which was at Marseilles 
 and Narbo, and the Alps, which beginning from 
 Liguria stretch to the sources of the Rhine. 4 
 Dennis, the voyager, in his metrical description 
 of the globe, attributes the name of Celts to the 
 Gauls, places them, immediately, after the Ibe- 
 rians and asserts them to have their seat near the 
 sources of the Po. 5 
 
 3 See Schoepflin, Vindicue Celtica, pp. 11, 12, where the. 
 authorities are cited by book and chapter or page. 
 
 4 B. iv, p. 176. Ephorus, a vety ancient author, but ao 
 cording to this geographer, unworthy of credit, makes Celtica 
 far exceeding in magnitude, reckoning to it the greatest part of 
 that country, which was afterward called Iberia (now Spain); 
 an error, in which he is followed by Marcian. See Schoepflin, 
 Vin. Cel. p. 65. 
 
 » V. 280. " The Pyrenean-mountains are very great and 
 divide Spain from ,Celtica or Gaul : but the Celts are said to 
 
THE CELTS. 11 
 
 Plutarclv not only, very often uses the word 
 Celts with the same signification ; but cites, 
 likewise, the old poet Simylus, who ranks the 
 Boians, a people of Gaul, as appears from Po- 
 lybius, Livy, and Tacitus, among the Celts, 
 by this token, that by Celts he means Gauls. 6 
 Concerning Plutarch himself, that he attributes 
 to the Gauls the name of Celts and to Gaul, as 
 well cis- as trans-alpine, the name of Celtica, 
 the thing is, without doubt, from this, that he 
 reports the Belgians to be the most powerful 
 among the Celts and to inhabit the third part of 
 Celtica. 7 
 
 Arrian, by Celts, understands the cisalpine 
 Gauls, when he ' describes' the Celts, dwelling at 
 the Ionian-bay to have sent ambassadors to Alex- 
 ander the great. 8 
 
 Appian says : " Part of Italy, about the Ionian- 
 bay, the Greeks inhabited, part the Celts, who, 
 formerly, having undertaken a war, burnt Rome : 
 
 inhabit as far as to tlie Rhine, and, from these, all the European 
 Gauls are called Celts by the Greeks." (Eustace, in his 
 Scholia.) 
 
 * Life of Romulus, and Schoepfiin, (p. 15.) 
 
 » Life of Caesar, and Schoepfiin, as above. He uses the 
 words r«X«Twi/ and Kimuv, promiscuously, in the life of 
 Camillus. 
 
 8 B. i, C. 1, and Schoepfiin, p. 17. 
 
12 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 whom, when Camillus had pursued them flying, 
 as far as to the Apennine, I suppose, the moun- 
 tain being overcome, to have settled at Ionium 
 for their paternal seats : whence, now, moreover, 
 they name part of that region Gallic-Italy. " 9 
 He often discourses of the Gauls, as well cis- as 
 trans -alpine, under the name of Celts. Of the 
 cis-alpine, he thus speaks : " In after times, when 
 the Romans waged war against the Celts, bor- 
 derers of the Po:" elsewhere : " Hannibal, com- 
 ing to the river Eridanus, which is now called 
 the Po, where the Romans contended in arms 
 with the Boian Celts," and says, " The Rhone, 
 truly, flows through the transalpine Celts into 
 the Tyrrhenian-sea ;" and, elsewhere, calls the 
 Aquitains, Celts. In the book of the Iberian or 
 Spanish wars, he joins the Celts and Gauls as 
 synonyms : " The Pyrenean-mountain," he says, 
 " extended from the Tyrrhene [sea] to the northern 
 ocean : part thereof, which was toward sun-rise, 
 inhabit the Celts (KeXTot,) who are now surnamed 
 Galatians and Gauls (Tahxrcu kou r«M.oi)." x 
 
 Pausanias calls cisalpine Gaul Celtlcu (KsXtkoj*): 
 
 » Of the war of Hannibal, p. 550. 
 
 ' Schoepflin, as above, p. 18. It was, however, but lately, 
 he says, that they called themselves Galata, and were, likewise, 
 so denominated by others Celta." 
 
THE CELTS. 13 
 
 " Of the Ligurians, who inhabit beyond the Po, 
 above Celtica, they report a swan, famous by the 
 praise of music, to have been a king." 2 
 
 Ptolemy, calling transalpine Gaul Celto-Gala- 
 tia, says, " it is divided into four provinces, 
 Aquitain, Lyons, Belgi, and Narbon." 3 
 
 Athenseus, in like wise, signifies Gauls by Celts : 4 
 
 Dio of Nice, in Bithynia, relates : "In the most 
 ancient times the people who inhabited on each 
 side of the Rhine, called themselves, by one 
 name, Celts." He likewise calls the Belgians, 
 Celtics. 
 
 Stephen of Byzantium (now Constantinople), 
 evidently denotes the Gauls by Celts, and Gaul 
 by Celtica and Celtic-Gaul. 5 
 
 Suidas, in the last place, under the word KeAto* 
 appears to design the Germans : " Celts, the 
 name of a people ; these, also, are called Ger- 
 mans :" but, says Schoepflin, if, accurately in- 
 spected, he, in truth, means the Gauls. The 
 Senonians, certainly, whom it is in every ones 
 confession to have been Gauls, as appears from 
 Polybius (B. ii, P. 150, 152), Florus (B. i, C. 13) 
 and others,he calls Celts, and ' describes' Valerius, 
 a tribune of the soldiers, from the victory, in a 
 
 • Ibi. p. 20. » Ibi. p. 20, 21. 4 Ibi. p. 23. 
 » P. 85, 518; Scliocptiin, p. 25. 
 
14 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 single combat obtained over one of those Celts, 
 to have got the name of Corvinus (the raven) : 
 which, again out of Livy (B. vii, C. 2*2) and 
 Florus (B. i. C. 13) appears to have happened in 
 a war with the Gauls, and a Gaul to have been 
 conquered by Valerius : for so Suidas himself, 
 further describing the Celts, says, They who 
 dwell near the river Rhine and have hostilely 
 invaded the Albans, them, also, they call Seno- 
 nians. These Celts brought war to the Romans : 
 between whom a certain leader of the enemys 
 forces challenged the bravest to single combat. 
 Valerius, therefore, tribune of the soldiers, offered 
 himself to that combat." 6 Caesar, in the begin- 
 ning of his commentaries of the Gallic war, says 
 that all Gaul was divided into three parts ; of 
 which, one the Belgians (Belgce) inhabited, ano- 
 ther the Aquitains (Aquitani), the third those 
 who, in their own language, were called Celts, 
 (Celtce), in the Roman, Gauls {Galli). These all 
 differed among themselves, in language, customs, 
 and laws. The river Garumna (now the Garonne) 
 divided the Gauls from the Aquitains, the Ma- 
 trona (now Marne) and Sequana (now Seine) 
 from the Belgians. Therefore, the words Celtce 
 and Galli, according to Caesar, were either syno- 
 
 c Scboepflin, p. 26. 
 
THE CELTS. 15 
 
 -nymous or, plainly, the same words, pronounced, 
 only, in a manner different from the Celts and 
 the Latins : which, how difficultly often are 
 spoken by foreign nations, Pomponius Mela is 
 able to tell us, who when he had made mention 
 of Taunus and Rheticon, Germanic-mountains, of 
 the rest added these words : " unless the names 
 of those which it is difficult to utter with a 
 Roman mouth." 7 
 
 According to Pomponius Mela, the region, 
 which the Celts inhabited, was called comata 
 Gallia : of the people were three principal names, 
 and they were terminated by large rivers. For, 
 from the Pyrenean [mountain] to the Garonne 
 was Aquitain ; from it, to the Seine were the Celts, 
 thence to the Rhine belonged the Belgians. Of 
 the Aqui tains the most famous were the Ariscans, 
 of the Celts the /Eduans, of the Belgians the 
 Treviri. 8 
 
 Pliny says, all Gallia comata, called by one 
 name, was divided into three kinds of people, 
 distinguished, chiefly, by rivers : from the Scal- 
 dis (Scheld) to the Seine, Belgium ; from that to 
 the Garonne Celtica, and the same Lyonese. 
 Thence to the stage of the Pyrenean-mount, 
 
 7 G. W. B. i, C. 1 ; Schoepflin, p. 27, 28. 
 8 B.iii, C. 2. 
 
16 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Aquitain, before called Aremorica. 9 The Latin 
 poets, nevertheless, occasionally, design all the 
 Gauls by the name of Celts. So Lucan : 
 
 " His preeter Latias acies erat impiger Astur, 
 Vectonesque leves, profugique a gente vetusta 
 Gallorum Celta: miscentes nomen Iberis."' 
 
 Silius Italicus, likewise, names all the Gauls 
 and, indeed, trans and cis-alpine, Celts : the 
 transalpine when he writes that the Pyrenean- 
 mountains divide the Celts from the Iberians 
 (now Spaniards) : 
 
 " At Pyrenazi frondosa cacumina montis 
 Turbata Poenus terrarum pace petebat, 
 Pyrene celsa nimbosi verticis arce 
 Divisos Celtis late prospectat Iberos 
 Atque seterna tenet magnis divortia ten-is."* 
 
 He speaks of the Cisalpine Gauls, where he ' des- 
 scribes' theTrebia to run through the Celtic-fields 
 and, elsewhere, makes mention of the Celts at 
 the Po : 
 
 " Eridani tumidi6simus accola Celtce:'' 3 
 
 9 B. iv, C. 17. • B. iv, V. 8. 2 B. ill, V. 415. > 
 
 3 B. xi, V. 45. In fact he calls the Galli by the name of 
 Celtaz throughout his poem : nothing, therefore, can be more 
 obvious and certain [than] that the Gauls and Celts are syno- 
 nymous names and nations. That the Celts and the Germans 
 were totally distinct people, ' is ' ably, elaborately and deci- 
 sively, proved, by the learned, accurate, and judicious Schoe- 
 pflin, in his Vmdicia Celtic<r, Argentorati, 1754, 4to, p. 30, #c. 
 
THE CELTS. 17 
 
 Gaul, according to Caesar, [as has been be- 
 fore observed,] was all divided into three parts 
 differing among themselves, in language, cus- 
 toms, and laws. 4 " Of all these the bravest," 
 he says, " are the Belgians : because they are 
 furthest from the culture and refinement of 
 the province, 5 and merchants very seldom come 
 to them and import those things which tend 
 
 * Strabo, who takes notice of this trifarious division of Cel- 
 tica, says that the Aquitains, manifestly, differed from the 
 rest ; not in language only, but in the form of their bodies ; 
 resembling Iberians ("Spaniards) rather than Gauls (ra^aT«i;) : 
 the rest, he adds, of the Gallic race, not that they, themselves, 
 indeed, used all the same speech, but some had a little of diver- 
 sity : in the form of government, moreover, and manners of life 
 they little differed. Therefore, those who are nearest to Py- 
 rene, called themselves Aquitains and Celts, divided by mount 
 Cemmenus. (B. iv, p. 176.) 
 
 5 That is, the Pioman province, otherwise called Narbo Mar- 
 tius or provincia Narbonensis ("now Provence). Strabo citing 
 Polybius, as referring to Pytheas, who flourished about 280 
 years before the vulgar era, mentions Narbo, as one of the three 
 most opulent cities of all those of Gaul, (B. iv, 190.) The 
 Romans appear to have established this province 116 years 
 before the vulgar era, and, certainly, long before that period 
 and the preceding invasions of the Belgians and Aquitains, the 
 whole of Gaul had been inhabited by the aboriginal or auto- 
 chthonian Celts, whose antiquity is inscrutable, although, these 
 invaders adopted their speech and manners. 
 
 c 
 
18 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 to effeminate the mind. 6 They are next to 
 the Germans who dwell beyond the Rhine, 
 with whom they continually wage war : for 
 which cause, likewise, the Helvetians (Hel- 
 vetia) precede the rest of the Gauls in valour j 
 because they contend in, almost, daily battles 
 with the Germans, either that they may keep 
 them from their own borders, or they them- 
 selves carry the war into theirs. One part of 
 them, which it is said the Gauls possess, takes 
 its beginning from the river Rhone : it is 
 bounded by the river Garonne, the ocean, the 
 confines of the Belgians ; it reaches, also, from 
 the Sequani and Helvetians, the river Rhine, and 
 verges to the north. The Belgians rise from 
 the extreme confines of Gaul: they extend to 
 
 6 " When [Caesar] enquired from [the ambassadors of the 
 Rhemi] what states there were, and how many in arms, and 
 what they could do in war, he found it so : many Belgians to 
 be sprung from the Germans, and having, of old time, crossed 
 the Rhine, by reason of the fertility of the place had there set- 
 tled and thrust out the Gauls who inhabited those places ; and 
 to be the only ones, who, in the memory of our fathers, all 
 Gaul being troubled, had prevented the Teutons and Cumbri- 
 ans to enter within their confines : from which thing to be done, 
 that, by the memory of those things, they assumed to them- 
 selves great authority, and great spirits in warfare." (G. W. 
 B. ii, C. 4.) 
 
THE CELTS. 19 
 
 the lower part of the river Rhine : they look 
 toward the north and the rising sun. Aquitain, 
 from the river Garonne to the Pyrenean-moun- 
 tains and that part of the ocean which reaches to 
 Spain, look between the setting sun and the 
 north." 7 
 
 This Gaul, after a colony therefrom had set- 
 tled in Italy, was distinguished, by the Romans, 
 with the appellation of Gallia transalpina, or Gaul 
 beyond the Alps (as it was to them) and, like- 
 wise, Gallia comata, from the long hair the na- 
 tives wore, as Narbo was, Gallia braccata, from a 
 peculiar kind of breeches they used to wear. 
 
 ' G. W. B. i, C. 1. The Aquitains, according to saint Je- 
 rome, boasted themselves of Greek origin (Com. ad Galatas, 
 Pro. 1. 2, c. 3.) Ephorus had, long before, said that the Cel- 
 tic nation was studious of the Greeks (Strabo, B. iv, p. 199.) 
 
20 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Of the Colonies, or foreign Possessions, of the 
 Celts. 
 
 § I. Colonies in Iberia. 
 
 1 o the west of the Pyrenean mountains, which 
 divided Gaul from Iberia, inhabited the Celti- 
 berians, possessing all that circuit of ground 
 which is washed by the Tyrrhene-sea, and so 
 round about by the pillars of Hercules to the 
 vast northern ocean. Who were the first and 
 most ancient inhabitants of Iberia, Appian thinks 
 it not very necessary to make any strict enquiry ; 
 but, certainly, he says, the Celts, at some time or 
 other, climbing over the Pyrenees, and mixing 
 their habitations with the Iberians, thence ac- 
 quired the name of Celtiberians. 1 In support of 
 this idea, we are told by Diodorus, that these 
 two nations, the Iberians and the Celts, having 
 formerly debated in a war about their grounds 
 
 » Iberichs, B. vi, C. 2. 
 
THE CELTS. 21 
 
 peace being at length restored, inhahited the 
 country promiscuously, and, contracting affinity 
 by mutual marriages, from this common inter- 
 mixture, the name of Celtiberians was reported 
 to have been taken.* Thus Lucan : 
 
 " profugique a gente vetusta 
 
 Gallorum Celtm miscentes nomen Iberis." 3 
 
 Thus too Silius Italicus : 
 
 " At Pyrencei frondosa cacumina month 
 Turbata— 
 Divisos Celtis late prospectat Iberos."* 
 
 Again : 
 
 " Venere et Celtce. sociati nomen Iberis.'* 
 
 Strabo, likewise, speaks of the Celts (KthroU) 
 who are now, he says, called Celtiberians (Ki*t»- 
 
 From the Celtiberians, toward the north, were 
 theVerones bordering upon the Cantabri Conisci; 
 they, also, using the Celtic dress. Their city 
 was Varia, at the passage of the Iberus.? 
 
 To the west of the Celtiberians were the Car- 
 petani, a Celtic nation, whose city was Alea. 8 
 
 The Celtics inhabited the region of Spain called 
 Beturia, and were within the division Hispalensis. 
 It is manifest that they came from the Celtibe. 
 
 ■ B. v, C. 2, p. 214. 3 B. iv, V. 9. « B. iii, V. 415. 
 » B. iii, V. 340. * B. iii, p. 158. ' Strabo, B. iii, p. 162. 
 8 Stephen of Byzantium, Alea; Strabo, ibi. 
 
22 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 rians of Lusitania, as appears by their religion, 
 tongue, and names of towns. 9 They possessed 
 all the west coast of Spain as far as Artabrum or 
 Nerium, the Celtic promontory (now Cape Finis- 
 terre). 1 They were distinguished by the sur- 
 names of Nerise, Preesamarci, Cileni.* The Celtici 
 Neriae appear to have been so called from the 
 promontory Nerium, about which they inhabited, 
 being relations of those Celtici who were at the 
 river Ana. 3 
 
 Last of all, the Artabri (or Aroterebae) dwell 
 at the promontory, which is called Nerium, upon 
 which the west and north lines end. 4 
 
 » Pliny, B. iii, C. 1. This region, which extended from the 
 Btetisto and the Ana, was called Beturia, and part of it Celtica. 
 
 1 P. Mela, B. iii, C. 1. Promontorium Celtkum, quod alii 
 Artabrum apellavere, terras, maris, coelum disterminant." 
 (Pliny, B. iv, C. 20 J 
 
 • Pliny, B. iii, C. 1. 
 
 « Strabo, B. iii, P. 153. 
 
 * Ibi. Toward the north, from the Celtic to the Scythian 
 promontory, the first people were the Artabri, also of Celtic 
 race. (P. Mela, B. iii, C. 1.) 
 
THE CELTS. 23 
 
 § 2. Colonies in Italy. 
 
 In the reign of Tarquinius Priscus at Rome, the 
 Bituriges' had the supreme authority among the 
 Celtae, who possessed one-third part of Gaul/ and 
 gave them a king called Ambigatus. He was a 
 very powerful prince, both on account of his bra- 
 very, private fortune, and flourishing kingdom : 
 for under his government Gaul produced such 
 plenty of corn and inhabitants, that it seemed 
 scarcely possible to govern such a multitude : 
 being himself grown old, and desiring to dis- 
 burthen his dominions of this troublesome crowd, 
 he signified to Bellovesus and Sigovesus, his 
 sisters sons, young men of great activity, that 
 he resolved to send them into whatever settle- 
 ments the gods should grant them by augury. 
 They might raise what number of men they plea- 
 sed, that no nation, wherever they came, might 
 be able to repel them. Upon this the Hercinian 
 
 1 They inhabited the Canton of Berry, which lay in the 
 centre of Celtic Gaul, between the Seine, the Loire, and the 
 Garonne. 
 
 8 This, it is true, might be the case in the times of Cssar 
 and the historian, but there is no reason to think it was so in 
 those of Tarquinius Priscus ; when, unquestionably, the Celts 
 possessed the whole of Gaul. 
 
24 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 forest fell by lot to Sigovesus ; but the gods gave 
 a far pleasanter journey into Italy to Bellovesus. 
 He assembled the Bituriges, Avernians, Senones, 
 Heduans, Ambarri, Carnutes, and Aulerci, because 
 these cantons were overstocked with people, and, 
 inarching out with a great army of foot and 
 horse, came to the country of theTricastini. They 
 were soon after stopped by the Alps, which 
 seemed to them impassable ; nor can it be 
 proved, by authentic records, that they had ever 
 been passed by any, unless we give credit to the 
 Stories concerning Hercules. While the Gauls 
 were hemmed in this place as it were, by the 
 heighth of the mountains ; and were looking 
 round them for a way to pass into another world 
 over hills, whose tops joined to the heavens, 
 they were diverted from immediately prosecut- 
 ing their design by a religious scruple, for hav- 
 ing received intelligence that a strange people, 
 the Massilians, who had sailed from Phocea to 
 these coasts in quest of a settlement, were op- 
 posed by the Salyes, they considered their sue-, 
 cess as a happy omen of their own, and there- 
 fore helped them to fortify a city in the place 
 where they first landed, surrounded by spacious 
 woods. Upon this they marched over the path- 
 less Alps, by the Taurinian forest ; and, having 
 defeated an army of Hctrurians, near the river 
 
THE CELTS. 25 
 
 Ticin, when they heard that the country where 
 they were encamped was called Insubria, a name 
 likewise, given to a Heduan canton, they com- 
 plied with this favourable omen, and built a city, 
 which they called Mediolanum. 3 After that, 
 another body of Ccenomani, under the command 
 of Elitovius, and assisted by Bellovesus, followed 
 the tracks of the former, and, after they had 
 passed the Alps, settled in those places which the 
 Lcbui then possessed, where, in the authors 
 time, stood the cities of Brescia and Verona. 
 After them came the Salluvii, who dwelled near 
 the ancient nation of the Lsevi, and Ligures, and 
 settled about the river Ticin. Then the Boians and 
 Lingones came over the Pennines, and taking pos- 
 session of all the countries, between the Alps and 
 the Po, passed that river in boats, and not only 
 beat the Hetrurians, but even the Umbrians, out of 
 the country. Nevertheless, they confined them- 
 selves within the Apennines. Then the Senones, 
 the last of all the new comers, possessed them- 
 selves of the country, reaching from the river 
 Utens to iEsis. It was this nation which came 
 to Clusium, and then to Rome; but it is not 
 certain whether they came alone, or assisted by 
 all the nations of Cisalpine Gaul. 4 Plutarch 
 
 s Now Milau. 
 
 4 Livy.B.v. C. 34-35. This expedition, he says, took place 
 
26 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 gives a somewhat different account of this expe- 
 dition : the Gauls, he says, who were a Celtic 
 race, when by reason of a burthensome multi- 
 tude, their country was not able to sustain them 
 all, are reported to have gone in search of new 
 seats. They were many thousands of young war- 
 like men, followed by a greater number of wo- 
 men and young children. Part of these, seating 
 themselves between the Pyrenean mountains 
 and the Alps, had inhabited for a long time near 
 to the Senones and Celtorii: but that, having 
 tasted the wine which was then first brought out 
 of Italy, they were all so much taken with the 
 liquor, and transported with the unusual delight, 
 they snatched up their arms, and taking their 
 families along with them, marched toward the 
 Alps to find out the country which yielded such 
 
 two hundred years before the Gauls laid siege to Clusium 
 (which was in the year of Rome 363), B. v, C. 35. The Gauls, 
 says Justin, the country that produced them not being able 
 to maintain them, by reason of their exceeding great numbers, 
 sent out three hundred thousand men, as it were a sacre<l 
 spring, to seek a new habitation. Part of these settled in 
 Italy (B. xxiv. C. 4). Mr. Pinkerton pretends that " the 
 Senones who took Rome, were the very Semnoiies of the south 
 of Germany." (Enquiry, I. 15,) We know, however, from 
 Caesar, that the Senones were still, in his time, a nation of Trans- 
 alpine Gaul, who bordered upon, but were no part of, the 
 Belgce. 
 
THE CELTS. 27 
 
 excellent fruit. 5 At their first coming, he adds, 
 they occupied all that country which anciently 
 the Tuscans had held, reaching from the Alps to 
 the upper and inferior sea. 6 
 
 The whole of Italy resembles a triangle. The 
 eastern side is bounded by the Ionian sea and 
 Adriatic gulph : the south and west by the Sici- 
 lian and Tyrrhenian seas. The third side, to- 
 ward the north, is terminated by a chain of 
 mountains, called the Alps ; which, beginning near 
 Massilia, and the places above the Sardinian sea, 
 extend without any interruption to within a very 
 little distance of the inmost extremity of the 
 Adriatic, and are considered as the base of the 
 triangle. At the foot of these mountains, on the 
 southern side, lie those plains of which we are 
 now to speak. These plains form, also, the 
 figure of a triangle j the top of which is made 
 
 » Then follows a romantic story of one Arron, a Tuscan, 
 guardian to an orphan, named Lucumo, who afterwards eloped 
 •with Arrons wife ; upon which, being unsuccessful at law, and 
 hearing of the state of the Gauls, he went to them, and was 
 the conductor of this expedition into Italy. Livy, however, 
 who gives a different account of two brothers, Lucumo and 
 Aruns, has no allusion in that place to the Gauls (B. i. C. 34) ; 
 but in a subsequent book (v. C. 33), he has the report al- 
 luded to [by] Plutarch. 
 
 6 Life of Camillus. 
 
28 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 by the junction of the Alps and Apennines, a little 
 above Massilia. The northern side is bounded 
 by the Alps, to the length of two thousand and 
 two hundred stadia : the southern, by the Apen- 
 nines, to the extent of three thousand and six 
 hundred. The coast of the Adriatic forms the 
 base of this figure : and contains in length, from 
 Sena to the inmost part of the gulph, almost two 
 thousand and five hundred stadia. So that the 
 whole plains together include a space of near ten 
 thousand stadia in circumference. Both sides 
 of the Alps, as far as the ascent is easy, were in- 
 habited by different nations. On that side which 
 looks toward the north and the river Rhone 
 dwelled those that were called the Transalpine 
 Gauls. On the other side, the Taurisci, 7 and 
 Agones, and other various tribes. The Trans- 
 alpine Gauls derived their origin from the same 
 common source with the rest ; and obtained 
 that appellation from their situation only, be- 
 cause they fixed themselves beyond the Alps. 
 . . . From the place where the Apennine mountains 
 first begin, a little above Massilia, and from their 
 junction with the Alps, the country on the side 
 of the Tyrrhenian sea, quite down to Pisee, the 
 
 i According to Strabo and Pliny, these Taurisci were, iu 
 their times, called Norici. 
 
THE CELTS. 29 
 
 first town of Tyrrhenia to the west, and that, 
 also, on the side toward the plains, as far as to 
 the confines of the Aretinians, was all inhabited 
 by the Ligurians. Adjoining to these were the 
 Tyrrhenians ; and next to them the Umbrians, 8 
 situated on both sides of the mountains. The 
 river Po, celebrated by the poets under the name 
 
 8 The people of Umbria, according to Pliny, were supposed 
 to be the most ancient of all Italy ; and to have been named 
 Ombri by the Greeks, for that in a general deluge of the 
 country by rain, they only remained alive. (B. iii, C. 14.) 
 Cluver, however, with more apparent justice, derives their 
 name from Umbro, a river which ran through their country. It 
 appears from Dionysius of Halicamassus, who calls them " an 
 exceeding great and ancient people," and says they inhabited 
 great part of Italy when the Pelasgi came into that country 
 [about 1500 years before Christ] (B. i, C, 19.) that Zenodotus 
 of Troezene, who had written their history, said the Sabines 
 were originally Umbri. (B. ii, C. 49.) Floras, also, calls the 
 latter " the most ancient people of Italy" (B. i, C. 17) : and 
 Solinus, after Bocchus, and Servius, after Marcus Antonius, 
 say that they were the progeny of the old Gauls ; meaning, no 
 doubt, that they were of the same race or family ; as it is in 
 Tzetzes upon Lycophron : " The Umbri are a kind of Gauls." 
 See Pezron, C 19. This, however, at any rate, supposes a 
 much earlier Celtic settlement in Italy than any historian, 
 Greek or Latin, has alluded to ; though by no means destitute, 
 at the same time, either of probability, or even of ancient au- 
 thorities. Compared with the Umbri, the Ligures, and the 
 Gauls, the Romans are but a people of yesterday. 
 
30 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 of Eridanus, divides these plains into two unequal 
 parts. These plains were formerly inhabited by 
 the Tyrrhenians : but the Gauls, who often 
 visited this country for the sake of commerce, 
 and had seen its beauty with a jealous eye, found 
 occasion, from some slight pretence, to fall sud- 
 denly upon the Tyrrhenians with a powerful 
 army, when they were in no expectation of an 
 enemy : and having driven them from their 
 native seats, they took possession of all the 
 country that was round the Po. The first part 
 of it, which lay nearest to the sources of the 
 river, was seized on by the Laians and Lebecians. 
 Next to these were the Insubrians,' a great and 
 powerful nation ; and after them the Cenomans. 
 Below all these, and nearest to the Adriatic, were 
 the Venetians j * a very ancient people, whose 
 dress and manners greatly resembled those of 
 the Gauls, though they used a different language. 
 On the other side of the Po, the first in order, 
 and the nearest to the Apennines, were the 
 
 9 Strabo, likewise, reckons the Insubres among the Celts : 
 " About the river Po," he says, " formerly very many Celts in- 
 habited ; of whom the principal nations were the Boii and In- 
 subri." B. v. Stephen of Byzantium, also, places the " In- 
 sobares, a Celtic nation, at the Po, whom they also call Insobras." 
 P. 147. 
 
 1 " These Veneti," says Strabo, speaking of the inhabitants of 
 
THE CELTS. 31 
 
 Ananes ; and next to these, the Boii.* Between 
 the Boii and the Adriatic, were the Lingonian 
 Gauls, and lower down, upon the coast, the 
 Senones. 3 from the time of their first settlement 
 
 ancient Gaul, " I reckon the authors of the Venetians in the 
 Adriatic bay (although almost all the other Celts who are in 
 Italy have immigrated thither from the trans-alpine regions, as 
 the Boii and Senones ;) whereas others ascribe their origin to 
 the Paphlagonians, for that they likewise are called Heneti 
 or Veneti." B. iv, P. 195. 
 
 2 The Boii, or Boians, according to Strabo, were one of the 
 principal nations of the Celts about the Po. It was they, who 
 in conjunction with Insubrians, Senones, and Gassatas, in a 
 sudden incursion, took Rome. These truly, says he, in process 
 of time, the Romans destroyed : but the Boians they ejected out 
 of their habitations, who, afterward, when they had emigrated, 
 together to the Ister, dwelled among the Taurisci, and waged 
 war against the Daci, until the whole nation of them was cut off, 
 and the soil, which belonged to Illyricum, left a desert and a 
 pasture for the neighbouring herd. (B. v, p. 213.) Pliny, 
 upon the authority of Cato, says their tribes were 112. (B. iii, 
 C. 15.) 
 
 3 The Galli Senones, according to Florus, were a nation wild, 
 unpolished in its manners, beside so every way terrible for the 
 bidiess of their bodies, as well as vast arms, that it seemed 
 produced for the destruction of men, and the ruin of cities. 
 They formerly coming from the utmost coasts of the earth, and 
 4 he ocean surrounding all things, with a great army, after they 
 had wasted all the countries in their way, took up their habi- 
 tation betwixt the Alps and the Po, and not content with that, 
 strolled about through Italy. (B. i, C. 15.) Livy calls the same 
 
32 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 in these plains, the Gauls not only maintained 
 themselves in safe possession of the country, 
 from whence they had driven the Tyrrhenians, 
 but by the terror of their arms forced many of 
 the neighbouring nations, also, to receive their 
 yoke. They were afterward, for some time, 
 engaged in domestic wars. Some of the people, 
 also, that lived among the Alps, envying them 
 the possession of a country that was so much 
 better than their own, turned their arms against 
 them, and made frequent incursions upon their 
 territory. 4 
 
 Gauls, " a strange and unknown enemy from the ocean and 
 utmost borders of the earth :" meaning, with Florus, nothing 
 more than the extremity of Gaul. 
 
 4 Polybius, B. ii, C. 2. The whole of Gallia Cisalpina, 
 otherwise Citeria, or Circumpadana, was likewise, even in the 
 time of Cicero, called Gallia togata from the toga, or gown, 
 which, as citizens, they had the privilege of wearing, granted 
 to them by the Romans, who gave it all these names. " We 
 know," saysPinkerton, " that the inhabitants of Cisalpine Gaul, 
 and of Gallia Braccata, were all Germans, and not one Ctlt 
 among them." (Inquiry,!, 25). But they were, in fact„ all 
 Celts, and not one German among them. 
 
THE CELTS. 33 
 
 § 3. Colonies in Germany. 
 
 It appears from a passage of Livy, already cited, 
 that Ambigatus, king of the Bituriges, having 
 resolved to send Bellovesus and Sigovesus, his 
 nephews, with a great number of Gauls, in pur- 
 suit of new settlements, the Hercynian forest 
 fell by lot to Sigovesus. This expedition seems 
 to be alluded to by Caesar. Formerly, he says, 
 the Gauls exceeded the Germans in bravery, often 
 made war upon them, and, as they abounded in 
 people beyond v>hat the country could maintain, 
 sent several colonies over the Rhine. Accordingly 
 the more fertile places of Germany, in the neigh- 
 bourhood of the Hercynian forest (mentioned by 
 Eratosthenes and other Greek writers under the 
 name of Orcinia) 1 fell to the share of the Volcse- 
 Tectosages, who settled in those parts, and had 
 (to the time of Caesar) ever since kept possession. 
 They were in the highest reputation for justice 
 and bravery, and no less remarkable than the 
 Germans for poverty, abstinence, and patience of 
 fatigue j conforming exactly to their customs, 
 
 ! Now Schwarts-wald, Foret noire, or the Black Forest. 
 D 
 
34 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 both in habit and way of living.* The Volcse had 
 been a people of Narbon Gaul, and were divided 
 into Volcce Arecomici, and Volcce TectosagK. The 
 former inhabited to the west side of the Rhone, 
 and their capital was Nemausus. The latter 
 approached the Pyrenean mountains, and had for 
 their metropolis Tolouse. 3 
 
 That the Gauls were in times past more puis- 
 sant and formidable than they were in those of 
 Tacitus, is related, he says, by the prince of 
 authors, the deified Julius ; whence it is probable 
 that they too have passed into Germany. For 
 what a small obstacle must be a river to restrain 
 any nation, as each grew more potent, from 
 seizing or changing habitations, when as yet all 
 habitations were common, and not parted or 
 appropriated, by the establishment and terror of 
 monarchy ? The region, therefore, between the 
 Hercynian forest and the rivers Meyne and Rhine 
 was occupied by the Helvetians, a nation of 
 Gaul. 4 In process of time part of this colony, 
 
 4 G. W. B. vi. C. 22. Mela, likewise, Pliny, Strabo, dnd 
 Ptolemy call this people Tectosages ; but they are called Tec- 
 tosagi by Livy, Floras, Justin, and Ausonius. 
 
 s Schoepf. Vin. Cel. p. 113. 
 
 4 Tacitus, De mo. Ger. Schoepflin conjectures this colony 
 to have been part of the force led out by Sigovesus. Vin. Cel. 
 p. 109. 
 
THE CELTS. S5 
 
 neglecting Germany, seems to have coveted the 
 fertility of Italy ; whence this part of Germany, 
 deserted by the Helvetians, was called the desert 
 of the Helvetians; which name is preserved by 
 Ptolemy the geographer in his description of 
 Germany. 5 
 
 The Boii, another colony from Gaul, occupied 
 the region beyond the Helvetians, with whom 
 they were allied both by nation and friendship. 
 Posidonius, a more ancient writer than Strabo, 
 by whom he is quoted, relates that the Boians 
 formerly inhabited the Hercynian forest ; and 
 that the Cimbri, when they had arrived at those 
 parts, were by them repulsed. They were in 
 that territory, which, taking its name from th em, 
 is to this day called Bohemia. There still, says 
 Tacitus, remains a place called Boiemum, which 
 denotes the primitive name and antiquity of the 
 country, although the inhabitants have been 
 changed. They were driven thence, in the age 
 of Augustus Caesar, by the Marcomanni, under 
 the command of Maroboduus ; who is mentioned 
 by Velleius Paterculus, and also by Tacitus, as 
 king of that country. They likewise settled in 
 Noricum (a large district, now in part Austria, 
 Stiria, Carinthia, Tyrol, Bavaria, &c.) as we learn 
 
 5 Schoepf. vbi supra. 
 
36 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 from Caesar, who says, The Helvetians, having 
 received the Boians, who had inhabited beyond 
 the Rhine, and passed over into the territory of 
 Noricum, and taken possession of Norica (now 
 Nuremburgh), took them as their allies. 6 The 
 city of Boiodurum, at the passage of the Danube 
 preserved a long time the Boiic name in these 
 parts. The Desert of the Boians, so called from 
 their having abandoned this country, either when 
 they passed into Asia, or penetrated with the 
 Helvetians into the west part of Gaul, is men- 
 tioned both by Strabo and Pliny.? 
 
 The Gothini are thought to have been of the 
 colonies of Gauls, who followed Sigovesus. They 
 inclosed the Marcomanni behind, and so inhabited 
 the neighbourhood of the Boh, before the latter 
 were driven out of Bohemia. From the Gallic 
 language spoken by the Gothinians, it is manifest 
 
 6 G. W. B. i, C. 4. 
 
 i Schoepf. Vin. Cel. p. 111. " Amongst the people of Ger- 
 many," says Tacitus, " I would not reckon those who occupy 
 the lands which are under decimation, though they be such as 
 dwell beyond the Rhine and the Danube. By several worth- 
 less and vagabond Gauls, and such as poverty rendered daring, 
 that region was seized as one belonging to no certain possessor : 
 afterward, it became a skirt of the empire, and part of a province, 
 upon the enlargement of our bounds, and the extending of our 
 garrisons and frontier." 
 
THE CELTS. 37 
 
 that these people were not Germans ; as it is, 
 also, from their bearing to pay tribute : part of 
 which was imposed upon them, as aliens, by the 
 Sarmatae, and part by the Quadi. To heighten 
 their disgrace, they were forced to labour in the 
 iron-mines. 8 
 
 The Treverians and Nervians aspired passion- 
 ately to the reputation of being descended from 
 the Germans, since by the glory of this original, 
 they would have escaped all imputation of re- 
 sembling the Gauls, in person and effeminacy. 9 
 
 The yEstyi inhabited, to the right shore of the 
 Suevic, now the Baltic sea, in part of modern 
 Prussia, Lithuania, and Livonia. They used the 
 customs and attire of the Suevi, but their lan- 
 guage was more like the British : and their at- 
 tachment to agriculture, whieh the Germans 
 neglected, proves them to have been a different 
 people. 1 
 
 8 Tacitus, Be Moribus Germanorum. Schoepflin, Vindicia: 
 Celticce, p. 114. 
 
 9 Tacitus, ibi. Dio, likewise, calls the Nervii a Celtic nation, 
 though Cfflsar reckons them among the BelgtB. 
 
 1 Tacitus, De mo. Ger. Schoepf. Vindk'uz Celtics, p. 115. 
 
38 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 § 4. Colony in Britain. 
 
 The inhabitants of Britain, according to Diodorus, 
 were the original people thereof, and lived to his 
 time, after their own ancient manner and custom. 1 
 Caesar, however, says, that the interior part was 
 inhabited by those whom they reported by tradi- 
 tion to be born in the island itself ; l and the 
 maritime part, by those who, for the sake of war 
 and plunder, had passed over out of Belgium ; 
 who almost all were called by those names of 
 cities, from which cities they came thither, and 
 making war, there settled, and began to culti- 
 vate the ground. 3 Tacitus confesses, that who 
 were the first inhabitants of Britain, whether 
 natives of its own, or foreigners, could be little 
 known amongst a people so barbarous. In their 
 looks and persons, he says, they vary, from 
 whence several arguments and inferences were 
 formed : for, the red hair of the Caledonians, and 
 their large limbs, testified their descent to be' 
 from Germany.* The swarthy complexion of the 
 
 ' B. v. C. 2. 
 
 2 Natives, that is, of the soil, aborigenes, autochthones, auto- 
 gems. 3 Gallic War.B. v, C. 10. 
 
 4 How so ? both were no less characteristic of the ancient 
 
THE CELTS. 39 
 
 Silures, and their hair, which was generally 
 curled, with their situation opposite to the coast 
 of Spain, 5 furnished ground to believe, that the 
 ancient Iberians had arrived from thence here, 
 and taken possession of the territory. They, he 
 continues, who lived next to Gaul, were also like 
 the Gauls ; whether it were that the spirit of the 
 original stock from which they sprang, still 
 remained, or whether, in countries near adjoin- 
 ing, the genius of the climate confers the same 
 form and disposition upon the bodies of men. To 
 one who considered the matter, he concludes, it 
 seemed, however, credible, that the Gauls at 
 first occupied this their neighbouring coast. 6 
 
 Gauls. The Germans, says Strabo, inhabiting beyond the 
 Rhine, are little different from the Gauls, if you regard their 
 extreme fierceness, the magnitude of their bodies, and their 
 j-ellow-colour [ed hair]. In form, and manners, and diet, they 
 are very like the Gauls : and therefore, rightly, seem the 
 Romans to have given this name to them when they would 
 shew them to be brethren of the Gauls (an etymological con- 
 ceit !) B. vii, p. 290. See also, B. iv, p. 195. 
 
 5 Tile Silures were on the west coast, in modern South- 
 Wales, at a vast distance from, and by no means opposite to, 
 the coast of Spain. He might be led into this idea by some 
 erroneous map of Britain, such a one as might be collected 
 from Ptolemy, or as is actually in Richard of Cirencester. 
 
 6 Life of Agricola. He gives his reasons for this opinion, 
 which are elsewhere made use of, and seem convincing. 
 
40 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Ptolemy, in his geographical description of 
 Albion, the most ancient name of the island of 
 Britain, enumerates, amongst its inhabitants, the 
 Parisii, Atrebatii, and Belgae, nations of the same 
 name with those of Gaul. 7 There appears, like- 
 
 7 B. ii, C. iii. According to Bede, this island had, at first, 
 no inhabitants but Britons, from whom it received its name, 
 and who, as was reported, coming from Armorica, challenged 
 the southern parts thereof for themselves. (B. i, C. 1.) This 
 report, however, seems to have been founded on the more 
 modern name of Armorica, Little Britain, which it obtained 
 from the Britains who, being driven out of, or flying from, 
 their own country, at the time of the Saxon invasion, obtained 
 a settlement in that district. 
 
 There was, in fact, a more ancient settlement of Britanni, in 
 a different part of Gaul, in the neighbourhood, that is, of 
 Estaple, Montreuil, Hesdin, and Ponthieu, between the Somme 
 and the Canche, in modern Picardy, Artois, and Boulonnois, 
 ■who are much more likely to have given their name to the in- 
 habitants of Britain. They are mentioned by Pliny (B. iv, 
 C. 17), as well as, perhaps, by an earlier Greek author, Dio- 
 nysiusPeriegetes (V. 284), and, though unnoticed by Caesar, 
 are not, on that account, to be concluded adventurers from 
 Britain after his time. The Angli, a petty Saxon tribe, gave/ 
 in after-times, their own name to a great nation, of whom they 
 formed but a small part : as the Scots did, first, in Ireland, 
 and, afterward, in Albany. It would be a miserable waste of 
 time to consider, or even repeat, the etymologies of learned 
 men for the names of Britain and Britons ; most of which are 
 
THE CELTS. 41 
 
 wise, to have been some connection between the 
 two countries, the nature of which we are unable 
 
 perfectly ridiculous and absurd. 8 It maybe observed, how- 
 ever, that, beside these Britanni of Gaul, the Bruttii, a people 
 of Italy, in modern Calabria, were, in like manner, called by 
 the Greeks B§it1»o», and their country B^etTw and BgsrWa. 
 (See Salmasiuses Exercitationes on Solinus, pp. 196, 227^. A 
 fact of which the above learned etymologists do not appear to 
 Lave been aware, or at least to have taken any notice. Paul 
 Warnfrid (or Paulus Diaconus) mentions the death of one Sin- 
 dualdus, King of the Bretoni, or Britanni, a nation of Italy, 
 who was hanged by Narses, the imperial chartulary. De gestis 
 Langobardorum, L. ii, C. 3. 
 
 8 It is a principal question whether Britannia, the name of 
 the island, be immediately formed of Britanni, the name of the 
 people, with the termination a, as Lusitania, from Lusitani, 
 Aquitania, from Aquitani, Albania from Albani, Gallia from 
 Galli, &c. or whether, upon the supposition that tania, an- 
 ciently implied a country, as tan appears to do in Persian, the 
 name of the people have not been taken from that of the coun- 
 try ; or, the latter, in tertio loco, originally formed from a dif- 
 ferent name of the people, as Brittania, from Britti, Mauritania, 
 from Mauri, &c. The first Greek author who uses that name 
 of which the Romans made Britannia, is Aristotle, who wrote 
 about 350 years before Christ. He calls it B^trrotnot, as do 
 likewise, Diodorus, Strabo, Ptolemy, Agathemer, Polyaenus, 
 Dio, Clemens Alexandrinus, and others. Cleomedes, Mar- 
 cianus Heracleota, St. John Chrysostom, and others, write 
 B^ama. The same Marcianus, in another place, has 
 B^irlanxr', and Il^i r«m«. A quotation by Camden, fi^s- 
 
42 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 to ascertain : as Divitiacus, king of the Suessi- 
 ones, one of the most powerful princes of all 
 Gaul, beside his dominions in those parts, reigned 
 also over Britain. 9 
 
 It is probable, though not certain, that not only 
 Ireland, the Hibernia of the ancients, but the 
 Mbudce, or Hebudes, and other islands on the 
 coast, or in the neighbourhood of Britain, were 
 inhabited, in ancient times, by Gauls or Celts, 
 migrating, perhaps, immediately from Britain. 
 Ireland, either in soil or climate, or in the tem- 
 per and manners of the natives, varied little, as 
 we are told by Tacitus, from Britain :' and Dio- 
 dorus, long before, speaks of " the Britons that 
 inhabit Iris."* 
 
 9 Cffisar, G. W. B. ii, C. 4. " Life of Agricola. 
 2 B. v, C. 2. 
 
 teens- Dionysius Pericgetes and Polybius have Bgrrai/i^Ej 
 maoi,. The inhabitants are called by Dionysius Bg»Tat»o<, by 
 Strabo, aud others, BgETlaiw. 
 
THE CELTS. 43 
 
 § 5. Colony in Noricum. 
 
 The Boii, who had inhabited beyond the Rhine, 
 and had passed over into the country of Noricum, 
 and possessed themselves of Norica, were re- 
 ceived by the Helvetii, who formed an alliance 
 with them. 1 The city of Boiodurum, seated at 
 the very traject of the Danube, hath long pre- 
 served clear vestiges of the Boiic name in those 
 parts. It was situate in the confines of Vindelicia 
 and Noricum, where the river Oenus flows through 
 both provinces : whence it is enumerated by 
 Ptolemy among the cities of Vindelicia. 2 Both 
 Strabo and Pliny mention the deserta Boiorv.m, or 
 desert of the Boians ; a name which seems to 
 have been left by this people, [as already ob- 
 served] when, abandoning their habitations here, 
 they passed over into Asia, or, with the Helve- 
 tians, penetrated into the west part of Gaul. 3 
 
 1 Cffisar, G. W. B. i, C. 5. 
 
 * Schoepf. Vindicia: Celtics, page 111. 
 
 3 Idem, ibi. page 112. 
 
44 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 § 6. Colonies in Pannonia. 
 
 The Gauls, as we are informed by Justin, the 
 country that produced them being not able to 
 contain them, by reason of their exceeding great 
 numbers, sent out three hundred thousand men, 
 as it were a sacred spring, to seek a new habita- 
 tion. Part of these penetrated into the furthest 
 part of Illyricum, and settled in Pannonia. There, 
 after they had subdued the Pannonians, they car- 
 ried on various wars with their neighbours for 
 many years. 1 
 
 The Gauls having managed their war against 
 the Delphians unfortunately, and having lost 
 their general, Brennus, part of them fled, like 
 banished men, into Asia, part into Thrace. 
 Thence, by the same way they came, they made 
 back again to their own country. No small 
 number of the Tectosagi, tempted by the sweet- 
 ness of plunder, returned to Illyricum, and having 
 rifled the Istrians, settled in Pannonia.* 
 
 A certain body of them, also, settled about the 
 
 1 B. xxiv, C. 4. Pannonia was a large country, compre- 
 hending modern Hungary. 
 
 3 B. xxxii, C. 3. See Schoepf. Vindicia Cellica; p. 125. 
 
THE CELTS. 45 
 
 conflux of the Danube and the Save, and ' took 
 the name of Scordisci.' 3 
 
 These Scordisci, being reduced by frequent 
 wars with the Triballi, and broken also by a 
 similar slaughter by the Romans, took refuge in 
 the islands of the Ister. After a time, however, 
 part of them, returning, transferred themselves 
 into the furthest shores of Pannonia. 4 They are, 
 likewise, placed by Ptolemy in lower Pannonia ; 
 and Pliny says they were in the front of Mount 
 Claudias in that country, 5 
 
 Part of the Taurisci, also, were, in Pannonia on 
 the back of the same mountain. 6 
 
 The Japides, Japodes,or Japydes, a Celtic nation, 
 or rather, partly Celtic and partly Illyrie, being an 
 intermixture of Illyrians and Celts, neighbours 
 to the Carni, were seated under Mount Albius, 
 which was at the head of the Alps and very high 
 and reached partly to Pannonia and the Ister, and 
 partly to Adria : a warlike race, but entirely de- 
 feated by Augustus-Caesar. Their cities were 
 Meturum, Arupinus, Monetium, and Vendum. 7 
 
 3 Ibi. 
 
 4 Appinn, Illyrics. He says, that the race of the Scordisci 
 remained in this country even in his own time. 
 
 5 B. iii, C. 25. 6 Ibi. 
 
 7 Stephen of Byzantium, B. iii, C. 5 ; Pliny, B. iii, C. 13 ; 
 Strabo, B. vii, p. 314. Dio Cas. D. xlix, p. 412. 
 
AG MEMOIRS OF 
 
 They lived chiefly upon oatmeal and millet ; wore 
 Gallic armour ; and their bodies were punctured 
 after the manner of the other lllyrians and Thra- 
 cians. Stephen of Byzantium calls this people a 
 Celtic nation near Illyria. Their destructive 
 slaughter, which happened in the year of Rome 
 721, is related by Dio Cassius. After the shore 
 of the Japodes Liburnica succeeded. 
 
 The Bastarnre differed from the Scordisei, their 
 neighbours, neither in their language nor in 
 customs. 8 They were mixed with the Tkra- 
 cians.9 Polybius calls them Gauls or Galatians 
 \_GalatcE, TakccrciC] : J and Plutarch, also, in the 
 life of Paulus yEmilius, expressly says that Per- 
 seus " privately solicited the Gauls [TccKutui;"], 
 who dwelt near the Danube, and who are called 
 Bastarnce."' 
 
 8 Livy, B. xl, C. 57. He elsewhere makes Callicrates, the 
 Achaean, say, " First of all he [Perses] sent the Bastarna: into 
 Dardania, to the great terror of all Greece, who, had they 
 continued there, would have found them more oppressive 
 neighbours than the Gauls were to the Asiatics." B. xli. C, 
 23. 
 
 9 Strabo, B. vii, p. 454. 
 
 1 Excerpta legationuvi, C. 62, a quotation of Pelloutier. The 
 compiler of this work having never been able to see, or hear of 
 the book itself, though he has applied to great scholars. 
 
 2 According, however, to Tacitus, the Peucini, whom some 
 
THE CELTS. 47 
 
 The Boii, and Taurisci (by some called Ligu- 
 riscee and Tauristae), two Celtic nations, were, 
 likewise, intermixed with the Thracians and Illy- 
 rians. They were seated on the back of mount 
 Claudius, in Pannonia. 3 Both these nations, 
 being then subject to Critasirus, or Cretosirus, 
 were destroyed by the Getes, under Baerebistes.* 
 
 called Bastarne, spoke the same language with the Germans, 
 used the same attire, &c. De mo. Ger. These, however, 
 might be a different people. 
 
 According to Strabo, at the mouth of the Ister was the great 
 island Fence, which being holden by the Bastarncc, they were, 
 also, named Peucini. B. vii, p. 307. They seem, from this 
 excellent geographer, to have been a German nation, and had 
 passed the Danube in pursuit of other seats. 
 
 3 Pliny, B. in, C. 25. 
 
 4 Strabo, B. vii, pp. 303, 313. 
 
48 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 § 7. Colony in European Sarmatia. 
 
 Fkom the extreme north of Asia to the begin- 
 ning- of the eastern summer were the Scythians. 
 Beyond them, and on the further side, the be- 
 ginnings of the north, some placed the Hyper- 
 boreans, with many more said to be in Europe. 
 Thence, in the first place, was discerned the 
 promontory of the Celtica Lytarmis, the river 
 Carambucis, where, being wearied with the force 
 of the stars, the tops of the Riphrean mountains 
 end. 1 The name of this promontory implies a 
 Celtic colony and, it is, expressly said by Plu- 
 tarch, that a part of the Gauls or Celts, having 
 surmounted the Ripheean mountains, invaded the 
 coasts of the northern ocean and seated them- 
 selves in the extremity of Europe. 1 The inhabi- 
 tants of these parts seem to be designed, by 
 some authors, under the appellation of Celto- 
 Scythce. 3 
 
 1 Pliny, B. vi, C. 14. The Celtica Lytarmis, according to 
 D'Anville, is Cape Candenos, a point of land projected into ihe 
 icy sea. The Carambucis, he makes, the Dvvina, in Russia, but 
 says the Riphaean mountains do not exist near the sources of 
 the Tanais, as Ptolemy represents. 
 
 2 Life qf Camillas, p. 135. See, likewise, Livy, B. xxxviii, 
 C. 16, and Scoepflin, p. 60. 
 
 3 See Strabo, B. i, p. 33 ; B. xi, p, 507 ; Schoepflin, p. 137. 
 
THE CELTS. 49 
 
 § 8. Colonies in Asia Minor. 
 
 The Gauls, leaving their native country in mul- 
 titudes, either because it was too small to con- 
 tain them, or from the hope of booty, and 
 imagining they would meet no nation in their 
 route a match for them in war, arrived, under 
 the command of Brennus, in the country of the 
 Dardanians. Here they mutinied, and twenty 
 thousand, separating from Brennus, went to 
 Thrace, with two petty princes, Lomnorius and 
 Lutarius at their head. 1 There by vanquishing 
 those who opposed them, and laying others, who 
 solicited peace, under contribution, they pene- 
 trated as far as Byzantium, and made themselves 
 masters of all the cities of Propontis, and caused 
 them for a long time to pay tribute. 2 Then the 
 
 1 Thus also Strabo : The leader or conductor of these Gauls 
 into Asia, is generally thought to have been Leonorius, B 
 xii, p. 566. 
 
 2 It is these Gauls, therefore, of whom Poly bi us speaks. The 
 Gauls (or Celts, Ke?.toi) that were led by Comontorius, and 
 arriving in the country of the Byzautines, turned their arras 
 against them, were a part of that numerous army, which had 
 left their na tive seats under the command of Brennus : but, 
 having happily escaped the general slaughter that was made o 
 
 E 
 
50 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 fertility of Asia, which was so near attracted 
 them. Having taken Lysimachia 3 by strata- 
 gem, and subjected all the Chersonesus, they 
 carrried their arms as far as the Hellespont. 
 Perceiving from thence Asia separated from 
 them only by a narrow streight, they had a 
 strong inclination to go thither. Accordingly 
 they sent deputies to Antipater, governor of that 
 coast, to solicit permission to pass. But this 
 negotiation being retarded longer than they 
 expected, a fresh quarrel arose between their 
 chiefs. Lomnorius went back to Byzantium, 
 whence they had come, with the greatest num- 
 
 their companions in the neighbourhood of Delphi, and arriving 
 near the Hellespont, they were so much charmed with the 
 beauty of the country that lay round Byzantium, that they 
 resolved to settle there, and not pass over into Asia : and hav- 
 ing in a short time subdued the neighbouring inhabitants of 
 Thrace, and fixed their seat of government at Tyle, they 
 seemed to threaten Byzantium with the last destruction. The 
 Byzantines therefore, in the first incursions that were made by 
 Comontorius upon their country, paid sometimes three and 
 five thousand, and sometimes even ten thousand pieces of gold, 
 to save their lands from being plundered ; and, afterward, sub- 
 mitted to pay a yearly tribute of fourscore talents ; which was 
 continued to the time of Cavarus, who was the last of their 
 kings. For the Cauls were then conquered by the Thracians 
 in their turn, and the whole race extirpated. (B. jv, C. 5.) 
 3 A city of Thrace, founded by Lysimachus. 
 
THE CELTS. 51 
 
 her of them. Lutarius sent several spies, under 
 the appearance of deputies to Antipater, who 
 brought away two decked ships, and three open 
 pinnaces. By transporting in these one body 
 after another, night and day, they all soon got 
 over. Not long after, Lomnorius followed from 
 Byzantium, and by the help- of Nicomedes, king 
 of Bithynia, passed the Hellespont. Then the 
 Gauls united again, and aided Nicomedes against 
 Zyboetas, who then occupied part of Bithynia. 
 The defeat of the latter was chiefly owing to 
 them, and Nicomedes thereby became master of 
 all that kingdom. 4 Leaving Bithynia, they went 
 to ASia. They were twenty thousand in number, 
 but not above ten thousand had arms. However, 
 they struck such a terror into the Asiatics, on 
 this side mount Taurus, that they all submitted, 
 those they did not come to, as well as those they 
 did, the most remote, as well as those near. 
 Lastly, as they had been originally three clans, 
 
 4 Strabo, who says these Galatiaas (r<*?vaTa») were seated 
 toward the south of the Paphlagonians, adds, that, when, after 
 wandering a long time, they had harassed with incursions the 
 dominions of the kings of the Attalicl and Bithyni, at length 
 received from them voluntarily this country, in his time called 
 Bithynia and Gallogrecia, B. xii, p. 566. See, also, Justin, 
 B. xxiv, C. 4 ; B. xxv. C. 2 : St. Jeroni, Prologue to his Com. 
 on Galatians, B. ii. 
 
52 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 the Tolistoboii, Trocmi, and Tectosagi, 5 they also 
 divided by lot Asia Minor into three parts, each 
 of which paid tribute to one of them. The 
 Trocmi had the coast of Hellespont, the Tolistoboii, 
 iEolis and Ionia, and the Tectosagi, the middle of 
 the country ; so that they made tributary all that 
 part of Asia on this side Mount Taurus. But 
 
 5 Strabo, likewise, says there were three kinds of Galatians'- 
 of which two were named, after their leaders, Trocmi and Tolis- 
 bogi, and the third, by the Celtic people, Tectosages, (B. xii, 
 p. 566 :) and, again, that, whereas there were three nations, 
 one of which, about the city Ancyra, was called Tectosages, the 
 others Trocmi and Tolisbogii, the affinity of these two with the 
 Tectosages indicated them also to have emigrated out of^faul, 
 but from what parts they went he could not say, since people 
 did not, at that time, find either within or without the Alps, or 
 in the Alps themselves, any Trocmi or Tolisbogii inhabiting : 
 but, he adds, it appears that, by reason of their frequent mi- 
 grations, they are become extinct, which has likewise happened 
 to many others. (B. iv, p. 187.) The Tectosages, he says, 
 approached the Pyrenees, and, in some manner, touched the 
 north part of the Cemmenian mountains, and cultivated a soil 
 rich in gold. It is probable, he adds, that they formerly, in 
 multitude and power, so far excelled, that, a sedition having 
 broken forth, they expelled a great nnmber of their people 
 from home, to which, also, others, from other nations, joined 
 themselves, and that from these were descended those who 
 occupied Phrygia and the extremity of Cappadocia and Paph- 
 lagonia : a proof of which were those who in his time were 
 called Tectosages. (Ibi.) 
 
THE CELTS. 53 
 
 they seated themselves in the neighbourhood of 
 the river Halys. 6 In process of time they mul- 
 tiplied so much, and became so formidable, that 
 even the kings of Syria did not refuse to pay 
 them tribute. Attalus, father of Eumenes, was 
 the first Asiatic prince who refused it ; and for- 
 tune favoured him in this courageous resolution, 
 contrary to the expectation of all the world. He 
 defeated them in a considerable battle : how- 
 ever, this did not make them renounce their 
 empire over the country. They retained their 
 former power till the war between Antiochus 
 and the Romans. 7 . 
 
 6 It is in Phrygia, and divides Asia Minor into eastern and 
 western parts. 
 
 7 Livy, B. xxxviii, C. 16. Do you imagine, (say Man- 
 lius, in a harangue to his army,) these Gallo-Greeks resemble 
 their fathers and grandfathers ? They were exiles who left 
 their country for want of room, and sailing along the rugged 
 coasts of Illyrium into Paeonia, and then into Thrace, seized 
 this country after fighting with the fiercest nations. (B. xxxviii, 
 C. 17.) According to Pausanias, the Celts marched out of 
 their own dominions the first time, under the command of Cam- 
 baules ; and proceeding as far as Thrace, had not the boldness 
 to advance beyond it, because they well knew that they were 
 but few in number, and on this account not able to contend 
 with the forces of the Greeks. But when they thought fit to 
 lead a second army beyond their own boundaries, those that 
 had before followed Cambaules, being incited by a desire of 
 
54 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 gain and depredation, of which they had now tasted, collected 
 together a great multitude of foot-soldiers, and of horse a con- 
 siderable number. After this the commanders divided their 
 army into three parts ; and each part was ordered to march 
 into a different country. Cerethrius, therefore, was destined to 
 invade Thrace, and the nation of the Triballi ; Brennus and 
 Acichorus led those that marched into Paeonia ; and Bolgius 
 was the commander of those that attacked the Macedonians 
 and Illyrians. But, he concludes, as the Celts, at that time, 
 had not the boldness to proceed any further into Greece, they 
 shortly after returned into their own dominions. (B. x, C. 19.) 
 
THE CELTS. 55 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 Of the government and magistracy of the Celts, 
 their councils, laws, and public assemblies, 
 and of the orders or ranks of society amongst 
 them. 
 
 X h e sovereignty of the whole of Gaul seems to 
 have been possessed by some particular state, 1 
 and, that of each state by some particular family. 1 
 
 1 Among the Helvetians, says Csesar, by far the most noble 
 and most rich [man] was Orgetorix. He, being induced by 
 desire of rule, formed a confederacy of the nobility and per- 
 suaded the city, that they should go out of their borders with 
 all their forces : that it would be very easy, as they excelled 
 all in valour, to possess the dominion of all Gaul. (G. W. 
 B. i, C. 2.) Of whole Gaul, he says, there were two factions ; 
 of those the yEduans held the sovereignty of one, the Arverni 
 of the other. These, when they had, greatly, contended for 
 the pre-eminence between themselves many years, it was re- 
 solved, that, by the Arverni and Sequani, the Germans should 
 be called in by hire, of whom, in his time there were in Gaul to 
 the number of 120,000. (Ibi, C. %3.) 
 
 2 The Senonians, according to Caesar, attempted to kill Ca- 
 varinus, whom he had constituted king over them (whose 
 
56 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 There were, frequently, two kings, at a time, of 
 the same state. 3 The supreme magistrate of the 
 
 brother, Moritasgus, on Cffisars coming into Gaul and whose 
 ancestors, had obtained the kingdom.) (G. W. B. v, C. 45.) 
 Orgetorix persuaded Castic, son of Catamantal, whose father 
 had, many years, held the dominion among the Sequani and by 
 the Roman Senate and people was called a friend, that lie 
 might possess the supreme authority in his own name. He, 
 likewise, persuaded Dumnorix, the iEduan, brother of Divitiac, 
 who, in that time, possessed the principality in Ms own state 
 and was, mightily, acceptable to the people, that he should 
 attempt the same. He proved to them, it was very easy, in 
 fact, to perfect the attempts ; therefore, that he himself was 
 about to obtain the empire of his own city : it was not dubious, 
 but the Helvetians were the greatest number of all Gaul and 
 confirmed that he, with his riches and his army, was about to 
 reconcile to them the kingdoms. Induced by this oration, they 
 gave faith and an oath between themselves, and the kingdom 
 being occupied by the three most powerful and strongest 
 people, they hoped themselves to be able to possess the whole 
 of Gaul. (Ibi, B. i, C. 3.) Strabo, who says, that most of 
 their republics were governed by the great men, adds, that, 
 anciently, the multitude chose a prince every year and, like- 
 wise, a captain-general of war, (B. iv.) 
 
 3 Thus Concolitan and Aneroe3t were joint kings of the ■ 
 GcEsatec (Tolybius, B. ii, C. 2), Galat and Ates, of the trans- 
 alpine Gauls ('Idem, ibi) and Ambiorix and Cativulc, of the 
 Eburones. (Caesar, G. W. B. vi, C. 29.) The laws, however, of 
 the .SCduans, expressly, forbad two of the same family, either 
 to hold the supreme dignity or even to sit together in the senate. 
 ("Idem, ibi.) 
 
THE CELTS. ^ 
 
 yEduans, whom they called vergobret, was created 
 yearly, and had the power [of] life and death 
 upon his people : 4 but, by the constitution of that 
 state, it was not lawful for him to pass beyond 
 its limits, 5 and the government, at least, amongst 
 the Eburones, was of such a nature as that the 
 people had as much power over the king as he 
 himself had over the people. 6 An attempt to 
 obtain the supreme authority of the Helvetians 
 obliged the offender, according to the custom of 
 their country, to answer the charge in chains, and 
 if he were found guilty, the law condemned him 
 to be burnt alive. 7 It was the custom of the 
 Gauls, to come to their assemblies, completely 
 armed. 8 They had something singular in their 
 
 4 Caesar, G. IF. B. i, C. 14. His election, sometimes, occa- 
 sioned great disputes and threw the whole state into arms. 
 (Idem, ibi, B. vii, C. 30.) 
 
 5 Idem, ibi, C. 31. 6 Idem, ibi, B. v, C. 23. 
 
 7 Idem, ibi, B. i, C. 3. This was the case of Orgetorix. On 
 the day appointed fi;r his trial, he, on all sides, assembled his 
 whole family, to the number of 10,000 men and all his clients 
 and debtors, of which he had a great number, thither conducted : 
 by these, lest he should plead his cause, he rescued himself. 
 (Idem, ibi). Celtillus, likewise, the father of Vercinghetorix, 
 had presided over all Celtic-Gaul and, for aiming at the sove- 
 reignty, been put to death by his countrymen. (Idem, ibi, B. 
 vii, C. 4.) 
 
 8 Livy, B. xxi, C. 20. Csesar, also, mentions the armed 
 
53 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 councils : for, if any one interrupted or disturbed 
 the person speaking, the beadle came to him 
 with a drawn knife and, using threats, ordered 
 him to be silent; and this he did a second and a 
 third time ; at length, he cut off from his mantle 
 so much as made the rest useless. 9 Amongst 
 the Celts, he suffered a severer punishment who 
 killed a stranger, than he who killed a citizen : 
 for the first was punished with death, the other 
 with exile. 1 Quickly, was report brought to all 
 the cities of Gaul, for, when a greater and more 
 extraordinary fact happened, they signified it, by 
 outcry, through the fields and provinces : this, 
 others, afterward, received and delivered to the 
 next, as it so happened.* This, likewise, was a 
 Gallic custom, that travellers, even against their 
 
 council of the Gauls (G. W. B. v, C. 56 ; B. vii, C. 21) and 
 Nicholas of Damascus says, The Celts treat of the affairs of 
 state girded with iron. ('Stobasus, p. 470.) 
 9 Strabo, B. iv, p. 197. 
 
 1 Nicholas of Damascus. (Stobseus, p. 470.) From Italy, 
 they said, to Celtica and the Celto-Ligurians and the Iberians', 
 there was a way called the Herculean, through which, if a 
 Greek or native travelled, he was watched by the inhabitants, 
 lest he should suffer any injury, for, they paid a fine amongst 
 those from whom the traveller suffered damage. (Aristotle.) 
 
 2 Cffisar, G. W. B. vii, C. 3» 
 
THE CELTS. 59 
 
 will, they would compel to stop and enquire 
 what each of them had heard or knew relating to 
 every affair ; and merchants, in their towns, the 
 common people would surround and oblige them 
 to tell what country they had come from and 
 what news they had there known. Moved by 
 these rumours and reports, they often entered 
 upon the most important deliberations : of which 
 it was necessary to repent, at the very point of 
 time ; as they would provide uncertain rumours 
 and many would answer [things] feigned at 
 their pleasure. 3 Hence those states which were 
 esteemed to administer their commonwealth the 
 more commodiously, had this ordained in their 
 laws : that, if any one should have received any 
 thing concerning the commonwealth, from the 
 bordering parts, by rumour or report, he should 
 carry it to the magistrate, neither communicate 
 with any other • because, oftentimes, men, rash 
 and unexperienced, to be terrified with false re- 
 ports and impelled to bad actions and to take 
 counsel of the highest matters, it was known. 
 The Magistrates concealed those things which 
 were seen ; and declared, to the multitude, those 
 which they judged to be of use. Concerning 
 
 3 Idem, ibi, B. iv, C. 5. 
 
60 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 the commonwealth, unless by the council, it was 
 not granted to be spoken. 4 Upon their festival, 
 or assembly days, they met, in great numbers, 
 in the groves. 5 The king of the Ebudae or 
 Hebudes, according to Solinus, had nothing of 
 his own, but all things of all. He was bound to 
 equity by certain laws and, lest avarice should 
 divert him from the truth, learned justice in 
 poverty : inasmuch as he had no property, but 
 was maintained out of the public stock. 6 
 
 In all Gaul, of those men, who were in any 
 rank and honour, were two kinds : for the 
 common people, almost were held in the place of 
 slaves j which dared nothing by themselves and 
 were admitted to no council. Most of them were 
 oppressed either with debt, or the magnitude of 
 tributes, or the injury of the powerful ; they 
 devoted themselves into slavery with the nobles : 
 toward them were all those jurisdictions, which 
 are [used] by masters toward slaves. But of 
 these two kinds the one was of the druids, the 
 other of the knights. Those presided in divinfe 
 things, took care of public and private sacrifices, 
 
 4 Idem, ibi, B. vii, C. 40. That which, lie says, was, chiefly, 
 innate to that race of men, that it would hold a light hearsay 
 for a matter known by experience. 
 
 5 Floras, B.iii,C. 10. 6 C. 22. 
 
THE CELTS. 61 
 
 and interpreted religion: 7 to these a great num- 
 ber of youth ran together, for the sake of disci- 
 pline : and they were with them in great ho- 
 nour: 8 for, almost, of all controversies, public 
 and private, they determined : and if that which 
 is a crime [were] committed } if a murder [were] 
 done 5 if there were a controversy touching an 
 inheritance or bounds, they decreed [it]. They 
 appointed rewards and punishments. If any one 
 whether private or public, would not have stood 
 to their decree, they interdicted [him] in the sa- 
 crifices. This punishment with them was the 
 most grievous : to those whom, therefore, was 
 an interdict, they were held in the number of the 
 impious and wicked ; all shunned them, avoided 
 their passage and speech, lest they should receive 
 something from the contagion of their misfor- 
 tune : neither to them, seeking [redress], was 
 
 7 This great author had the better opportunity of becoming 
 accurately acquainted with the above order of inen, since we 
 learn from Cicero, that his friend Divitiacus, an iEduan, who 
 had been his guest in Rome, was himself a druid. He pro- 
 fessed to understand something of natural philosophy; and, 
 partly by auguries, partly by conjecture, foretold future events. 
 (Of divination, B. i .) 
 
 8 They taught the most noble persons of the nation many 
 things, secretly and for a lung time, in a cave or retired groves. 
 (Pomponius Mela, B. iii, C. 2.) 
 
62 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 justice rendered, nor any office communicated. 
 Over all these druids, however, was one, who 
 had the chief authority among them. This 
 being dead, if any one of the rest excelled in 
 dignity, he succeeded : but if many were equal, 
 he was chosen by the suffrage of the druids ; 
 sometimes, even, they contend, concerning the 
 pre-eminence, in arms. In a certain time of the 
 year, in the confines of the Carnutes, which 
 region was reputed the midst of Gaul, they sat 
 down, in a consecrated place. 9 Hither all, on 
 
 9 The modern pays Chartrain, between the Seine and the 
 Loire, which, by the way, is very far from being in the middle 
 of Gaul. Its capital was Autrkum, afterward Carnotum, and 
 a bishops see, now Chartres ; and there is, likewise, not far 
 from it, a city named Dreux, conjecturally, from the druids. 
 That the Gallic druids resided near the Loire, is proved by an 
 ancient comedy, usually, but falsely, ascribed to Plautus, and, 
 by some, with still greater absurdity, to saint Gildas, the Bri- 
 tish historiographer, (from his having, in fact, written a liber 
 querulus, of a very different nature,) intitled Aulularia or 
 Querolus; in which the hero of the piece is introduced in con- 
 versation with the god lar, a tutelary deity of his house, whom 
 he prays to correct his fortune, and raise him to some dignity, 
 in which he may be master of his actions, without being mo- 
 lested. This is the dialogue : " Que. If, therefore, thou art 
 able, my household lar, cause that I may be private and pow- 
 erful. Lar. Power of what kiud dost thou want ? Que. That 
 it may be lawful for me to plunder those that owe me nothing, 
 
THE CELTS. 63 
 
 every side, they who have controversies meet 
 together ; and obey their judgments and decrees. 
 This discipline is thought to have been found in 
 
 to kill strangers, but neighbours both to plunder and kill. Lar. 
 Ha, ha, he ! thou seekest robbery, not power. In this manner, 
 I know not, by heaven, how it may be done. However, I 
 have hit upon it. Have what thou wishest ; live upon the 
 Loire (ad Ligerern vivito). Que. What then ? Lar. There, 
 by the law of nations, live men where is no deceit :' there the 
 capital sentences of the oak are pronounced, and written on 
 bones : there, also, rustics plead, and private persons decide : 
 there every thing is lawful. If thou wert rich, thou shouldst 
 be called Patus ; so our Greek speaks. O woods ! O solitudes ! 
 who hath called you free? Much greater things there are, 
 which we shall conceal : in the mean time, this is sufficient. 
 Que. Neither am I rich, nor do I desire to use the oak : I will 
 have nothing to do with these silvestrian laws." 
 
 They appear, likewise, to have had the election of the su- 
 preme annual Magistrate of each state (Caesar, G. W. B. vii, 
 C. 31) ; over whom, they retained so great a power, that he 
 was unable to do any thing without them, not even to assemble 
 his council : so that, in fact, it was the druids who reigned, 
 and the kings, although seated upon thrones of gold, inhabiting 
 superb mansions, and being sumptuously entertained, were 
 the ministers and slaves of this order. (Dio Chrysostom, Ora- 
 tion 49.) 
 
 1 " Ubi nullum est prffistigium ;" peradventure, where noth- 
 ing is forbidden or unlawful. Du Cange explains the word 
 prtEStigium, which does not occur in good dictionaries, protectio, 
 pretextum, velamentum, prapedimentum. 
 
64 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Britain, and thence translated into Gaul : and, 
 then, they who were desirous to know that 
 matter more diligently, for the most part, went 
 thither, for the sake of learning. The druids 
 accustomed [themselves] to be wanting to war : 
 neither paid they tributes together with the 
 rest ; they enjoyed exemption of military service, 
 and immunity of all things. Excited by such 
 great rewards, and by their own will, many 
 resorted together into that discipline ; and were 
 sent by their parents and relations. They are 
 said to have learned by heart a great num- 
 ber of verses. Therefore, some remained twenty 
 years in that discipline. Neither did they think 
 it to be lawful, to commit them to letters 5 when 
 in, almost, all other public matters, and private 
 affairs, they used Greek letters. They appear 
 to have instituted this for two reasons ; because 
 they neither willed their discipline to be brought 
 among the common people ; nor those who 
 learned, confiding in letters, the less to apply 
 [their mind] to the memory : which, for th,e 
 most part, happens to many, that, by the guard 
 of letters, they remit their diligence in learning 
 and their memory. In the first place, they wish 
 to persuade this : souls not to perish, but from 
 some, after death, to pass over to others 3 and by 
 
THE CELTS. 65 
 
 this they think [men] chiefly to be excited to 
 valour, the fear of death being neglected. Many 
 things, beside, of the stars and their motion, of 
 the magnitude of the world and of countries, of 
 »he nature of things, of the force and power of 
 ne immortal gods, they disputed, and delivered 
 to their youth. 2 
 
 2 Caesar, G. W. B. vi, C. 13. " Among them [the Celts o r 
 Gauls] they have poets, that sing melodious songs, whom they 
 call bards, who to their musical instruments, not unlike harps, 
 (or lyres), chant forth the praises of some, and the dispraises 
 of others. There are, likewise, among them philosophers and 
 divines, whom they call Saronidte p. e. Druids; of saronides, 
 old oaks, of which the bark is cracked and twisted, as Druid 
 of Drus, an oak, according to Pliny, but, more probably, from 
 a similar word in their own language. They were, likewise, 
 from their devotion to the gods, it would seem, called Semno- 
 thei : Dio, Laertius, Suidas], and are held in great veneration 
 and esteem. Prophets, likewise, they have, whom they highly 
 honour, who foretel future events, by viewing the entrails of 
 the sacrifices ; and to these soothsayers all the people are very 
 observant. According to Diogenes Laertius, they who said 
 that the barbarians were the authors of philosophy, expounded 
 also the manners and institutes of each : that the Gimnosophists 
 and Druids, obscurely and by sentences, philosophised that the 
 gods were to be worshipped, that nothing of evil was to be 
 done, and that fortitude was to be exercised. These druids 
 and bards are observed and obeyed not only in times of peace, 
 but war also, both by friends and enemies.'' Many times 
 these philosophers and poets stepping in between two armies 
 
 F 
 
66 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 The other order of men was the nobles, whose 
 whole study and occupation was war. Before 
 
 when they are just ready to engage near at hand, with their 
 swords drawn, and spears presented one against another, have 
 pacified them, as if some wild beasts had been tamed by en- 
 chantments. Diodo. B. v, C. 2. " Amongst all almost," says 
 Strabo, " there are three kinds of men, which are held in sin- 
 gular honour ; bards, prophets, (vates), and druids : of these, 
 the bards sing hymns and are poets : the prophets sacrifice 
 and contemplate the nature of things : the druids, beside this 
 philosophy, discuss morals. Of these, justice is the chief sen- 
 timent of all: and, therefore, both public and private judg- 
 ments are committed to them, and sometimes, the causes of 
 war being debated, they have appeased those already about to 
 engage in battle : for the most part judgments concerning 
 murder are committed to them : and, when there is great abun- 
 dance of these, they suppose the fertility of the ground will like- 
 wise follow. (B. 4.) The poet Lucan apostrophises the bards 
 in the following elegaut verses : 
 
 " Vos quoque, qui fortes animas, belloque pere?nptas 
 Laudibus," <|-c. (L. i, v. 447.) 
 
 You too, ye bards ! whom sacred raptures fire, 
 To chant your heroes to jour countrys lyre ; 
 Who consecrate, in your immortal strain, 
 Brave patriot souls in righteous battle slain, 
 Securely now the tuneful task renew, 
 And noblest themes in deathless songs pursue. 
 The druids now, while arms are heard no more, 
 Old mysteries and barb'rous rites restore : 
 A tribe who singular religion love, 
 And haunt the lonely coverts of the grove. 
 
THE CELTS. 67 
 
 Csesars arrival in Gaul, they were almost every 
 year at war, either offensive or defensive ; and they 
 
 To these, and these of all mankind alone, 
 The gods are sure reveal'd, or sure unknown. 
 If dying mortals doom they sing aright, 
 No ghosts descend to dwell in dreadful night : 
 No parting souls to grisly Pluto go, 
 Nor seek the dreary silent shades below : 
 But forth they fly, immortal in their kind, 
 And other bodies in new worlds they find. 
 Thus life for ever runs its endless race, 
 And, like aline, death but divides the space, 
 A stop which can but for a moment last, 
 A point between the future and the past. 
 Thrice happy they, beneath the northern skies, 
 Who that worst fear, the fear of death despise ; 
 Hence they no cares for this frail being feel, 
 But rush undaunted on the pointed steel ; 
 Provoke approaching fate, and bravely scorn, 
 To spare that life which must so soon return. " 
 
 As the men of Massilia, according to Aromian, were grown by 
 little and little to civility, the studies of laudable sciences, begun 
 by the bards, eubages Cor euhages), and druids, mightily flou- 
 rished here, and verily the bards sung unto the sweet music of the 
 harp, the valourous deeds of worthy men, composed in heroic 
 verse. But the eubages ("or euhages), searching into the highest 
 altitudes of natures work, endeavoured to lay open, and de- 
 clare, the same. Among these the druids, of a higher wit and 
 conceit, as the authority of Pythagoras decreed, being tied 
 unto societies and fellowships, were addicted wholly unto ques- 
 
68 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 judged of the power and quality of their nobles 
 by his vassals, and the number of men he kept in 
 
 tions of deep and hidden points, and they despising all human 
 things, pronounced that mens souls were immortal. (B.xv. 
 C. 9.) Diogenes Laertius, in the proem to his lives of the 
 philosophers, cites Aristotle and Sotion, as having asserted that 
 (amongst others) with the Celts or Gauls those who were called 
 Druids and Semnothei were the authors of philosophy. Alex- 
 ander Polyhistor, in his book of Pythagoric symbols, maintained 
 that Pythagoras had been an auditor of the Gauls (i. e. druids,) 
 as well as of the brachmans. (Clemens Alexan. Stromata, B. 
 i.) Jamblichus, also, in his life of this philosopher, mentions it 
 as a report that he had learned some things out of those mys- 
 teries which the Celts and Iberians used in common. (C. 28.) 
 The author of La religion des Gaulois, has given engraved 
 figures of two druids, from a bas-relief at Autun : one, crowned 
 with oak, bears a species of sceptre, in one hand ; elevating his 
 tunic with the other : his companion holds a sort of crescent. 
 (I, 212.) They are, in fact, from Montfaucon, (P. 2, B. v, C. 
 6), who conjectures the former to be a sacrificer, and, perhaps, 
 the prince of the druids, as the sceptre seems to denote. Ac- 
 cording to Pliny, it was no longer ago than the time of Tiberius 
 Caesar, that the druids were by his authority put down (B. xxx, 
 C. 1) ; and Suetonius, in the life of Claudius, asserts that the 
 religion of the druids in Gaul, being of horrid barbarity, and 
 only forbidden to the citizens under Augustus, was by him 
 utterly abolished. (C. 25.) Tacitus, however, speaks of them 
 as still existing in the reign of Vitellius, whose death, he says, 
 being divulged throughout Gaul, the druids, actuated by an 
 impulse altogether superfluous and idle, chanted vain oracles, 
 that to the nations beyond the Alps, the rule and controlment 
 
THE CELTS. 69 
 
 pay : for these were the only marks of grandeur 
 they made any account of. 3 
 
 of human kind were thus divinely portended. (History, B. iv.) 
 
 There were, also, in still later tiroes, female druids. Among 
 
 the presages, which, according to Lampridius, foretold the 
 
 death of the emperor Alexander Severus, a female druid, as he 
 
 was setting out on a certain expedition, cried to him, in the 
 
 Gallic tongue, " Thou may'st march, but thou can'st neither 
 
 hope for victory, nor trust to thy soldiers." See also, Vopiscus, 
 
 in 'Aurelian (" Verconius Herennianus," &c.) and, again, in 
 
 Numerian ( u Quum Divcletianus apud Tungros in Gallia," &c.) 
 
 This is, likewise, confirmed by an inscription found at Metz, 
 
 and published by Gruter(p. 62, N. 19) : 
 
 SILVANO 
 
 SACR 
 
 ET. NYMPfflS. LOCI 
 
 APETE DRUS 
 
 AXTISTITA 
 
 SO UNO. MONITA. 
 
 Ausonius,a christian poet of the fourth century, mentions 
 the druids : 
 
 " Tu Bajocassis, stirpe Druidarum satus." 
 
 The Bajocassians were a people of Gaul. 
 
 3 Csesar, G. W. B. vi, C. 14. He elsewhere observes that it 
 was usual in Gaul, for such as were most powerful in their 
 several states, and had men and money at command, to exer- 
 cise a kind of sovereignty over their fellow-subjects. (B. ii, C. 
 1). Dumuorix, the ^Eduan, constantly kept a great number 
 of horsemen in pay, who attended him wherever he went. (B. 
 i, C. 15.) That which engaged their greatest care, says Poly- 
 
70 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 A spirit of faction prevailed throughout Gaul, 
 in Caesars time, and that not only in their seve- 
 ral states, districts, and villages, but almost in 
 every private family. The men of greatest es- 
 teem and consideration among them were com- 
 monly at the head of those factions, and gave 
 what turn they thought proper to all public deli- 
 berations and counsels. This custom was of long 
 standing, and seemed designed to secure those of 
 lower rank from the oppression of the powerful : 
 for the leaders always took care to protect those 
 of their party, otherwise they would soon have 
 lost all their authority. This equally obtained, 
 through the whole continent of Gaul, the pro- 
 vinces being in general divided into two factions.* 
 
 Persons of consequence, among the Gauls, had 
 bodies of sworn friends, who, in the language of 
 the country, were called soldurii. Their condi- 
 tion and manner of life was this : to live in a 
 perfect community of goods with those to whom 
 
 bius, speaking of the Cis-alpine Gauls, was to procure a nu- 
 merous train of followers, all ready to support their interests,, 
 and execute their commands. For, every one among them was 
 strong and formidable in proportion only to the number of these 
 dependants. (B. ii, C. 2.) According to Caesar, the clients of 
 the Gauls could not without infamy abandon their patrons, 
 even in the greatest extremities of fortune (B. vii, C. 38). 
 « Caesar, G. W. B. vi, C. 11. 
 
THE CELTS. 71 
 
 they had engaged themselves in friendship ; if 
 any misfortune befel them, to share in it, or 
 make away with themselves : nor was there a 
 single instance of any one upon record, who, 
 upon the death of him to whom he had vowed a 
 friendship, refused to submit to the same fate. 5 
 
 The institution of Druids, as already mentioned, 
 was supposed to have come originally from Bri- 
 tain ; but the British druids are never mentioned 
 by Caesar. They sat down at a certain time of 
 the year, in the borders of Britain, in a conse- 
 crated grove of the island Mona (now Anglesey) ; 
 whither all, from every quarter, among whom 
 was controversy, came together, and acquiesced 
 in their judgments and decrees. 6 During the 
 invasion of this island by Suetonius Paulinus, 
 round the British host appeared their priests the 
 
 4 Caesar, G. W. B. iii,C. 23. Adiatomus (or Adcantuanus) 
 who commanded in chief in the capital of the Aquitains, had a 
 hody of six hundred such friends, with whom he endeavoured 
 to escape. See also Athenaeus, B. vi, where they are called 
 Siloduni. 
 
 6 Richard of Cirencester, B. i, C. 4, § 13. " Druidism," 
 according to Mr. Pinkerton, " was palpably Phoenician, and was 
 taught by the Phoenicians to the inhabitants of Cornwall, where 
 they traded for tin." {Enquiry, 1, 17) : whereas no one writer 
 of any antiquity ever mentions either that the Phoenicians 
 had Druids, or that they traded to Cornwall for tin. 
 
72 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 druids, with their hands lifted up to heaven, 
 uttering bitter and direful imprecations ; and 
 from the strangeness of the spectacle, struck the 
 spirit of the Roman soldiers with great dismay ; 
 insomuch that, as if all their limbs had been 
 benumbed, they stood motionless, with their 
 bodies exposed, like marks, to wounds and darts, 
 till, by the repeated exhortations of the general, 
 as well as by mutual incitements from one ano- 
 ther, they were at last roused to shake off the 
 scandalous terror inspired by a band of raving 
 women, and fanatic priests j and thus, advancing 
 their ensigns, they discomfited all that resisted, 
 and involved them in their own fires. A garrison 
 was afterward established over the vanquished, 
 and the groves cut down by them dedicated to 
 detestable superstitions ; for there they sacrificed 
 captives : and, in order to discover the will of the 
 gods, consulted the entrails of men ; practices of 
 cruelty by them accounted holy. 7 
 
 7 Tacitus, Annals, B. xiv. Modern writers, particularly 
 Toland, Stukeley, 8 and Borlase, maintain that Stone~henge, on' 
 Salisbury plain, and, in short, every other circle of stones 
 
 This absurd author is regarded by his countrymen as the 
 first of antiquaries ; all his folios and quartos, in none of which 
 is scarcely one word of truth or common sense, fetch immense 
 prices. 
 
THE CELTS. 73 
 
 (monuments, without doubt, of vast antiquity), are druidical 
 temples, which, like many other unauthorised conjectures, is 
 now become a received opinion. In fact, however, no counte- 
 nance is afforded to this fanciful system by any ancient writer. 
 That the Druids frequented groves we have ample testimony ; 
 but it no where appears that they ever performed their myste- 
 rious rites on stone-altars, in extensive plains, or on the tops of 
 hills. Besides, similar monuments are found in countries 
 where the druidical religion never prevailed. 
 
 It is also pretended that there were druids in Ireland, but 
 no ancient authority can be produced for the assertion. To- 
 land's specimen is, certainly, a very ingenious, but, at the same 
 time, a very romantic, performance. He, probably, flattered 
 himself that he should be able to support his hypothesis by the 
 MSS he purposed to go in search of. 
 
74 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Of the population and revenues of the Celts. 
 
 vJaul was inhabited by several nations, not 
 all alike populous. The greatest of them con- 
 tained two hundred thousand men, the least but 
 fifty thousand. 
 
 Caesar, enquiring of the ambassadors from the 
 Rhemi, (who were next to Gaul from the Bel- 
 gians,) What states, and how many in arms 
 there were, and what they were able to do in 
 battle, thus found, The Belgians, for the most 
 part, to be sprung from the Germans ; and, in 
 old time, led across the Rhine, by reason of the 
 fertility of the place, there to have sitten down ; 
 and the Gauls, who inhabited those places, to 
 have driven out ; and to be the only [people] 
 who, in the memory of our fathers, all GaiU 
 being troubled, had prohibited the Teutons 
 (Germans) and Cimbrians to enter within their 
 confines : from which thing done, as of those 
 things, in memory, to themselves [is] great 
 authority : and assumed great spirits in warfare. 
 
THE CELTS. 75 
 
 Of the number of them, the Rhemi said they had 
 explored all things ; therefore, because conjoined 
 by kindred and affinity, every one knew how 
 great a multitude was promised, in the common 
 council of the Belgians, to battle. Most of 
 all among them, the Bellovaci, both in valour and 
 in authority, and in the number of men, were of 
 power: these were able to procure a hundred 
 thousand armed men; promised out of that 
 number sixty thousand chosen troops ; and de- 
 sired for themselves the empire of the whole 
 war. The Suessiones who were their neighbours, 
 possessed the most spacious and fertile lands : 
 among them had been king, even in Caesars 
 memory, Divitiac, the most powerful of all Gaul ; 
 who, when he had obtained the empire of great 
 part of these regions, then also [obtained 
 those] of Britain : now was Galba king : to him, 
 for his justice and prudence, the conclusion of 
 the whole war was, with the will of all, offered ; 
 towns they have in number twelve ; and promised 
 fifty thousand armed men : as many the Ner- 
 vians, who had greatly talked among themselves, 
 and were a very long way off : the Atrebates 
 fifteen thousand : the Ambiani, ten thousand : the 
 Morini, twenty-five thousand : the Menapii, nine 
 thousand : the Caletes, ten thousand : the Velo- 
 
76 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 casses and Veromandui, as many : the Atuatici, 
 twenty-nine thousand : the Condrusi, Eburones, 
 Ceraesi, Paenani, who were called by one name, 
 Germans, were estimated at forty thousand. 9 
 
 While these things were carried on at Alesia, 
 not all the Gauls, in a council proclaimed of the 
 princes, who were able to bear arms (as Vercin- 
 getorixjudged) were ordained to be convoked, but 
 a certain number to be commanded from every 
 state ; lest, with so great a confused multitude, 
 they might not be able to regulate or discern 
 their own, nor have a mean of victualling. They 
 commanded from the iEduans, and their clients, 
 the Segusians, the Ambivarets, the Aulerci 
 Brannovices, the Brannovii, thirty-five thousand; 
 an equal number from the Arverni ; the Eleutheri 
 Cadurci, Gabali, Velauni, being adjoined, who 
 were accustomed to be under the empire of 
 
 9 Csesar, G. W. B.ii, C. 3. A population of above 400,000 
 fighting men ; whereas Strabo says, The Belgians, before Cae- 
 sars time, had no more than 30,000 men able to bear arms 
 (B. iv). The Nervians, in the subsequent wars, were reduced 
 from 60,000 fighting men to 500. (G. W. B. ii, C. 28.) King 
 Agrippa, in a speech to the Jews, said the Gauls " have no 
 fewer than three hundred and five [or fifteen] nations among 
 them," and " are kept in servitude by twelve hundred [Roman] 
 soldiers ; which are hardly so many as are their cities." (Jo- 
 se phus War, II, 16, 3.) 
 
THE CELTS. 77 
 
 the Arverni : from the Senones, Sequani,Bituriges, 
 Xantones, Rufheni, and Carnutes, twelve thou- 
 sand, from theBellovaci,ten: as muchfrom theLe- 
 niovices : thirty-two thousand from the Pictones, 
 and the Turones, and the Parish, and the Eleu- 
 theri-Suessiones : from the Ambiani, Medioma- 
 trici,Petrocorii,Nervii,Morini,Nitiobriges, thirty- 
 five thousand : from the Aulerci Cenomani, five 
 thousand: from the Atrebates, four thousand : from 
 the Bellocassi, Lexovii, Aulerci-Eburovices, nine 
 thousand ; from the Rauraci and Boii, ' thirty' thou- 
 sand : from the universal states, which touched the 
 ocean, and who by their custom are called Armo- 
 ricans ; (who were in number Curiosolites, Rhe- 
 dones, Caletes, Osismii, Lemovices, Yeneti, and 
 Unelli ;) six thousand [each]: of these, the Bello- 
 vaci did not complete their number ; because they 
 said they were about to wage war in their own 
 name and will with the Romans, neither were 
 they ready to pay obedience to any government : 
 but requested by Comius, for his friendship they 
 sent two thousand.' So great was the unanimity 
 of universal Gaul for preserving their liberty, 
 and recovering their pristine praise of war, that 
 neither by benefits, nor the memory of friendship, 
 
 1 Caesar, G. W. B. vii, C. 69. 
 
78 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 were they moved ; and all, both in mind and 
 power, inclined into that war ; having brought 
 together eight thousand horse, and about two 
 hundred and forty thousand foot. These were 
 mustered in the confines of the iEduans, and the 
 number was increased. 1 
 
 The last and greatest of all the wars the 
 Romans had against the Gauls was under Caesar ; 
 for, in the ten years that he commanded in Gaul, 
 he defeated four millions of men ; of which one 
 million were taken prisoners, and as many slain ; 
 he reduced under his obedience four hundred 
 nations, and eight hundred cities, reckoning as 
 well those which, being revolted, he forced to 
 return to their duty, as those he conquered. 3 
 
 The customs and other public revenues of the 
 Gallic states were farmed to the best bidder. 4 
 
 They had the reputation of affluence. " Are 
 you richer than the Gauls ?" demands Agrippa of 
 the Jews. 5 In Britain, the multitude of inhabi- 
 tants was immense. 6 
 
 2 Jbi, C. 70. > 
 
 * Appian, Of the Celtic Wars. Having begun his war with 
 
 the Helvetians and Tigurians, he put two hundred thousand of 
 
 them to the rout. (Idem, ibi.) 
 
 4 Csesar, G. W. B. i, C. 15. Duuinorix had possessed them 
 
 for several years, at a low price ; no one daring to bid against 
 
 him. * Josephus. 6 Ca?sar, G. W. B. v, C. 10. 
 
THE CELTS. 79 
 
 The wealth of the Cisalpine Gauls consisted 
 
 in gold and cattle 5 because these alone were at 
 
 all times most easily removed from place to 
 
 place. 7 
 
 7 Polybius, B. ii, C. 2. 
 
80 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 Of the religion of the Celts. 
 
 J- h e whole nation of the Gauls was extremely 
 addicted to superstition : whence, in threatening 
 distempers, and the imminent dangers of war, 
 they made no scruple to sacrifice men, or engage 
 themselves by vow to such sacrifices ; in which 
 they made use of the ministry of the druids : for 
 it was a prevalent opinion among them, that 
 nothing but the life of a man could atone for the 
 life of a man ; insomuch, that they had esta- 
 blished even public sacrifices of that kind. Some 
 prepared huge colossuses of osier twigs, into 
 which they put men alive, and setting fire to them, 
 those within expired amidst the flames. They 
 preferred, for victims, such as had been convicted 
 of theft, robbery, or other crimes ; believing 
 them the most acceptable to the gods: but, when 
 real criminals were wanting, the innocent were 
 often made to suffer. 1 
 
 1 Caesar, G. W. B. vi, C. 15. " Yea, and other immolation* 
 of men are talked of," according to Strabo : " for some," he 
 says, " they shot with sacred arrows, or hung upon crosses; 
 
THE CELTS. 81 
 
 According to their natural cruelty, they were 
 as impious in the worship of their gods ; for 
 their malefactors, after having been kept close 
 prisoners five years together,* they impaled 
 upon stakes, in honour to the gods, and then, 
 
 and, a colossus being made of rushes, fastened with wood, 
 sheep, and beasts of every kind, and men, they burned to- 
 gether." (B. iv, p. 195.) Saint Foix, in his Historical essays 
 upon Paris, printed tbere in 1766 (volume v, p. 31^) says, 
 " There are still some towns in the kingdom where the mayor 
 and sheriffs cause to be put into a basket one or two dozen of 
 cats, and burn them in the bone-fire of the eve of St. John. 
 This barbarous custom," he adds, " of which I do not know 
 the origin, subsisted even in Paris, and was only abolished there 
 at the commencement of the reign of Louis XIV." The cats 
 of the modern French seem to have been substituted for the 
 human victims of the Gauls, their predecessors. 
 
 2 Petronius relates that, whenever the Massilians were 
 visited with the pestilence, some one or other of the poorest of 
 the people, would offer himself a voluntary sacrifice, for the 
 sake of being delicately fed a whole year, at the public charge ; 
 after which, wreathed with vervain, and dressed in holy gar- 
 ments, he was led about the city, and, being loaded with 
 imprecations that all the sins of the public might be punished 
 in him, was thrown down a precipice. (Satire, at the end.) 
 He is supposed to mean the Gauls, in the neighbourhood of 
 Marseilles, as it is utterly improbable that any Greek nation 
 would have exercised such barbarous cruelty. See also Ser- 
 vius, upon Virgils iEneid, B. iii, V. 58 ; and Religion des Gau' 
 lois, I, 88. This was the scape-goat of the Hebrews. 
 G 
 
82 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 with many other victims, upon a vast pile of 
 wood, they offered them up as a burnt-sacrifice 
 to their deities. In like manner they used their 
 captives also, as sacrifices to the gods. Some of 
 them cut the throats of, burned, or otherwise 
 destroyed, both men and beasts, which they had 
 taken in time of war. J 
 
 3 Diodo. B. v, C. 2. The general of the Gauls, according 
 to the same author, being returned from the pursuit of the 
 enemy, gathered the captives together, and committed a most 
 horrid piece of wickedness ; for he picked out the choicest and 
 strongest young men amongst them, and sacrificed them to the 
 gods, as if the immortal deities were pleased with such sacri- 
 fices. The rest he shot to death with darts. (B.xxvi, frag.) 
 The Galatians, if they had fought the enemy with particular 
 success, were wont to sacrifice the prisoners to their gods. 
 (Athenaeus, B. 4 ; from Sopater the Paphian.) " Let the 
 Asiatic states," says Manlius, " inform you how that savage 
 people would not suffer them to ransom their prisoners : how 
 oft they have heard of their sacrificing their children to their 
 gods." (Livy, B. xxxviii, C. 47.) See also Cicero, Oration for 
 Fonteius ; Dionysius of Halicarnassus, B. i, C. 38 ; Mela, B. 
 iii, C. 2 ; Pliny, B. vii, C. 2 ; Solinus, C. 21 ; Eusebius, of the 
 evangelical preparation, B. iv, C. 7. The Romans could repro- 
 bate the superstitions of other nations, though apparently insen* 
 sible of their own ; which, from the testimony of their proper 
 historians, were exceeded in number, absurdity, and abomin- 
 ation, by no people in the world ; and were so much the Jess- 
 excusable, as they were, in other respects, more enlightened. 
 Livy, in particular, superabounds with instances of the pitifui 
 
THE CELTS. 83 
 
 When the prophets, or soothsayers, of the 
 Gauls, who foretold future events by viewing 
 
 superstition, and consequential inhumanity, of his countrymen. 
 Were it not, indeed, for this consequence, most of his prodigies 
 would be too ridiculous for enumeration : such as, chickens 
 •with three feet, pigs with human heads, showers of blood, 
 stones, earth j and milk, speaking oxen, (when, according to 
 Pliny, B. viii, C. 45) the senate was held in the open air, black 
 wool growing out of the earth, fishes starting up in the furrows, 
 a bull leaping a brazen cow, a girl changing her sex (exposed on 
 a desert island), hermaphrodites, and other monsters so called 
 (uniformly thrown into the sea), two tame oxen walking up a 
 ladder, or stair-case, to the top of a house (ordered, by the 
 soothsayers, to be burned alive, and their ashes thrown into the 
 Tiber !), and many more such fooleries : the very existence of 
 the state being, by these masters of the world, thought to de- 
 pend upon the appetite of a few chickens ! " When the old 
 Romans," says Hume, " were attacked with a pestilence, they 
 never ascribed their sufferings to their vices, or dreamed of 
 repentance and amendment. They never thought that they 
 were the general robbers of the world, and reduced opulent 
 nations to want and beggary. They only created a dictator, 
 in order to drive a nail into a door ; and, by that means, they 
 thought that they had sufficiently appeased the incensed deity." 
 (Natural history of religion, § 14.) Even human sacrifices, 
 which, according to Macrobius, in the early ages of the re- 
 public, had been offered annually, were not, as we learn from 
 Pliny, abolished in Rome till 97 years B. C. A. U. C. 657. 
 (B. xxx, C. 1.) Among the extraordinary sacrifices offered 
 after the battle of Canna?, a male and female Gaul, according to 
 Livy, and a Grecian man and woman, were buried alive in a 
 vault lined with stone, in the Ox-market, a place formerly pol- 
 
84 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 the entrails of the sacrifices, 4 had to consult of 
 some great and weighty matter, they observed a 
 most strange and incredible custom; for they 
 sacrificed a man, striking him with a sword near 
 
 luted with human sacrifices, but not, he adds, after the Roman 
 rites (B. xxii, C. 57) : a pretty distinction truly ! Plutarch after 
 describing an instance of a similar sacrifice, adds, " These sa- 
 crifices'' (of which, by the way, Pliny himself speaks as an 
 eye-witness) " gave rise to certain private and mysterious cere- 
 monies, which still continue to be annually performed ;" and 
 which were, doubtless, of a similar nature. Lactantius, who 
 flourished at the commencement of the fourth century, says 
 that Jupiter Latialis was then worshipped with human blood. 
 (Divine institutions, B. i, C. 21). His picture, as we learn from 
 Minucius Felix, was besmeared with blood. " Even at this 
 day," says he, " downright murder is committed in the rites of 
 Jupiter Latialis." " Even in Rome," says Tertullian, " there re- 
 sides a god that delights to be regaled with human sacrifices : 
 even in Rome Bellonas priests regale all their votaries with 
 human blood." It would seem, from Porphyry (Treatise of 
 abstinence, B. ii), that this god was universally so worshipped: 
 " Even at this day," says he, " who knows not that, toward 
 Megalopolis, in the feast of Jupiter Latiarius, there is a man 
 immolated ?" Dio records an instance of two men being slain, 
 with the usual solemnities, in the Campus Martius, so lute as the, 
 time of Julius Csesar(B. xliii, C. 24) ; at whose altar, on the 
 ides of March, Augustus ordered no less than four hundred 
 senators and nobles, who had sided with L. Antonius, to be 
 sacrificed as victims (B. xlviii, C. 14.) Sextus Pompeius threw 
 into the sea not only horses, but also men alive, as a sacrifice 
 to Neptune. (Ibi. C. 48.) 
 
 * Another superstition of the Romans. 
 
THE CELTS. 85 
 
 the diaphragm, across his breast ; who being 
 thus slain, and falling down, they judged of the 
 event from the manner of his fall, the convulsion 
 of his members, and the flux of blood : and this 
 had gained among them, by long and ancient 
 usage, a firm credit and belief. 5 The druids 
 
 * Diodo. B. v, C. 2. Strabo, B. iv, p. 195. The Gauls of 
 Gallogrecia, preparing for battle against Antigonus, killed sa- 
 crifices to take the omens of the fight ; by the entrails of which, 
 as great slaughter, and the destruction of them all, were signi- 
 fied, being put not in fear, but in a fury, and lioping that the 
 threats of the gods might be averted by the slaughter of their 
 kindred, they killed their wives and children, beginning the 
 auspices of the war with parricide. So great a madness had 
 seized their cruel minds, that they did not spare the age which 
 enemies would have spared, and carried on a destructive war 
 with their children, and childrens mothers, for whom wars use 
 to be undertaken. Wherefore, as if they had redeemed life, 
 and victory, by their wickedness, they marched, bloody as they 
 were with the fresh slaughter of their relations, to battle, with 
 no better event than omen. For the furies, the avengers of 
 parricide, surrounded them as they were fighting, before the 
 enemy ; and the ghosts of their slain relations appearing be- 
 fore their eyes, they were all cutoff with an entire destruction. 
 (Justin, B. xxvi, C. 2.) Brennus, previous to the battle of 
 Thermopylae, neither employing any Grecian prophet, nor per- 
 forming any of the sacred ceremonies of their own country, 
 Pausanias doubts whether the Gauls knew any thing of the 
 divining art (B. x, C. 22) : a doubt for which we too plainly 
 perceive there was no foundation. Indeed, Justin expressly 
 
86 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 were always present at the sacrifices ; 6 it not 
 being lawful to offer any sacrifice without a 
 philosopher ; for they held that by these, as 
 men acquainted with the nature of the gods, 
 they ought to present their thank-offerings, and 
 by these ambassadors to desire such things as 
 were good for them. 7 
 
 Mercury was the chief deity with the Gauls : 
 of him they had many images ; accounted him 
 the inventor of all arts ; their guide and con- 
 ductor in their journies ; and the patron of mer- 
 chandise and gain. Next to him were Apollo, 
 and Mars, and Jupiter, and Minerva. Their 
 notions in regard to them were pretty much the 
 same with those of other nations. Apollo was 
 their god of physic ; Minerva, of works and 
 manufactures ; Jove held the empire of heaven ; 
 and Mars presided in war. 8 To this last, when 
 
 says that they were skilled in the science of augury above all 
 other people. (B. xxiv, C. 4.) 
 
 6 Strabo, B. iv, p. 195. ' Diodo. B. v, C. 2. 
 
 8 This can only be understood to mean that the deities of the 
 Gauls resembled those gods, in their images or attributes ; not 
 that they were actually so denominated. Either the supersti- 
 tion or the vanity as well of the Greeks as of the Romans seems 
 to have persuaded them not only of the omnipresence of then- 
 peculiar deities, but that they were acknowledged by all other 
 nations : in which respect Xenophon, in particular, has grossly 
 
THE CELTS. 87 
 
 they resolved upon a battle, they commonly 
 
 offended, throughout his Cyroptedia. " The Greek and Roman 
 travellers and conquerors," says Hume, " without much diffi- 
 culty, found their own deities every where ; and said, This is 
 Mercury, that Venus ; this Mars, that Neptune ; by whatever 
 title the strange gods might be denominated." (Natural his- 
 tory of religion, § 5) Maximus Tyrius, indeed, says that the 
 Celts worshipped god, and that the figure of Jupiter, among 
 them, was a high oak. (Dis. 8, § 18.) Minucius Felix, like- 
 wise, observes, that the Gauls worshipped Mercury. Diodo- 
 rus, too, informs us, that the Celts, inhabiting near the ocean, 
 adored Castor and Pollux, above all the rest of the gods ; there 
 being an ancient tradition among them, that these gods ap- 
 peared and came to them out of the ocean (B. iv, C. 4.) We 
 are, fortunately, supplied, by Lucan, with the real names of 
 certain of the Celtic divinities : 
 
 " Et quibus immitis placatur sanguine diro, 
 
 Teutates, <£-c. (L. i, v. 39.) 
 
 " And you where Hesus' horrid altar stands, 
 
 Where dire Teutates human blood demands ; 
 
 Where Taranti by wretches is obey'd, 
 
 And vies in slaughter with the Scythian maid." 
 
 Of these, Hesus is thought to be the same with, or, more pro- 
 perly speaking to have borne a strong resemblance to, Mars, 
 Teutates, Mercury, and Taranis, Jupiter. A figure of Hesus, or 
 Esus, in bas-relief, is inserted in Montfaucons Antiquitis (B. 
 v, C. 4.) He is half naked, and seems to have cut down a tree 
 that is fallen, with an ax or bill. The Scythian maid is Diana, 
 to whom the Tauri, or Tauro Scythas, who inhabited the Cimme- 
 rian Bosphorus, or Taurica Chersonesus, immolated strangers, 
 and persons driven or shipwrecked upon their coast. See 
 
88 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 devoted the spoil. 9 If they proved victorious, they 
 
 Eusebius, Of the evangelical ■preparation, B. iv, C. 7 ; Cyril 
 against Julian, B. iv ; and Lactantius, Divine Institutions, B. i, 
 C. 21. These sacrifices are the subject of a pathetic tragedy 
 by Euripides, of which we have in English two excellent trans- 
 lations. Herodotus, however, says, that, according to the 
 people of Tauris, the demon they worshipped was Iphigenia, 
 the daughter of Agamemnon (the heroine of the above tra- 
 gedy): a notion highly improbable. "That which they call 
 the grove of Diana," says Strabo, " is on the left hand of the 
 [Appian] wa\ T which leads to Alicia [not far from Rome] : now 
 it is reported that rites similar to those of Diana of Tauris were 
 here practised ; for both a barbaric and Scythian custom pre- 
 vails at that temple : for a fugitive is there constituted priest, 
 ■who shall have killed the former priest with his own hand J' 
 (B. v, p. 239). Lactantius observes that the Gauls gratified 
 Esus and Teutates with human blood {Divine institutions, B. iv, 
 C. 21); and both Tertullian and Minucius Felix assert that 
 these barbarous rites were practised by the Gauls to Mercury, 
 even in their time. Now, that Mercury and Teutates mean 
 one and the same god, is evident from Livy, who observes that 
 " Near New-Carthage, in Spain, was a mount called Mercurius 
 Teutates," (B. xxvi, C. 44). This same god, also, is thought 
 to have been worshipped as well by the Phoenicians, under the 
 name of Taautus, as by the ^Egyptians, under that of Thoth. 
 See Huets History of the commerce of the ancients, cc. 7, 8, 47. 
 He is, likewise, said to have been adored by the Germans, 
 under the name of Theuth, whence they were called Teutones, 
 (ibi. C. 41) : but this requires authority. Tacitus, indeed, 
 relates that, of all the gods, Mercury was he whom they wor- 
 shipped most : but he is sufficiently distinguished from Tuisto, 
 
THE CELTS. 89 
 
 offered up all the cattle taken, and set apart the 
 
 3 god sprung from the earth, whom they celebrated in old songs 
 (their only history) as the father and founder of the nation. In 
 Hays translation of Livy (servilely copied by one Baker) this 
 mount is merely called '' Mercurys hill ;" the learned gentle- 
 men not knowing what to make of Teutates. According to 
 Arrian it was a custom with some of the Celts to sacrifice once 
 a year to Diana. (Of hunting, p. 222). Plutarch tells us that 
 the Galatians, or Asiatic Gauls, worshipped, chiefly, the goddess 
 Diana, (Of the virtues of women, Ex. 20 : a notable instance of 
 the chastity and fidelity of the Gallic matrons) ; and so, it is 
 thought, did those of Europe. She came, afterward, to be 
 taken for a nocturnal demon, delighting in mischief. See Re- 
 ligion des Gaulois, II, 63. Le Beuf, also, has given an engrav- 
 ing and account of a small statue, found near Auxerre, sup- 
 posed to be that of the Gallic Diana. See Recueil, &c. I, 280. 
 It is, at the same time, sufficiently probable, that the Gauls, 
 after their subjugation, might adopt the Roman deities, even 
 though, in other respects, attached to their national worship. 
 Of the " Gallic Hercules," a curious account is given by Lucian. 
 " The Gauls," he says, " in their country language call him 
 Ogmius. But they represent the picture of this god in a very 
 unusual manner. With them he is a decrepid old man, bald 
 before, his beard extremely grey, as are the few other hairs he 
 has remaining. His skin is wrinkled, sun-burnt, and of such a 
 swarthy hue as that of old mariners. . . . But I have not yet 
 told what is most odd and strange, for this old Hercules draws 
 after him a vast multitude of men, all tied by their ears. The 
 cords by which he does this are small fine chains, artificially 
 made of gold and electrum, like to most beautiful bracelets : 
 iand though the men are drawn by such slender bonds, yet none 
 
90 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 rest of the plunder in a place appointed for that 
 
 of them think of breaking loose ; . . . but they gladly and cheer- 
 fully follow. . . The painter finding no place where to fix the ex- 
 treme links of the chains, the right band being occupied with a 
 club, and the left with a bow, he made a hole in the tip of the 
 gods tongue (who turns smiling toward those he leads) and 
 painted them as drawn from thence. I looked upon these 
 things a great while . . . But a certain Gaul who stood by, not 
 ignorant of our affairs, as he shewed by speaking Greek in 
 perfection (being one of the philosophers, I suppose, of that 
 nation) said, I will explain to you, O stranger, the enigma of 
 this picture . . . We Gauls do not suppose, as you Greeks, that 
 Mercury is speech or eloquence ; but we attribute it to Hercules, 
 because he is far superior in strength. Do not wonder that he 
 is represented as an old man ; for speech alone loves to shew its 
 utmost vigour in old age if your own poets speak true . . .And 
 finally, as for us, we are of opinion that Hercules accomplished 
 all his achievements by speech ; and, that having been a wise 
 man, he conquered mostly by persuasion : we think his arrows 
 were keen reasons, easily shot, quick, and penetrating the 
 souls of men ; whence you have, among you, the expression of 
 winged ■words." " Thus," he says, " spoke the Gaul." It is, 
 however, possible, after all, that this account may be nothing 
 more than an ingenious fiction of the witty philosopher, who 
 (though reported, in his youth, to have taught rhetoric in Gaul) 
 is supported by no other authority. With respect to the* 
 phrase of the Gallic Hercules, it was a title assumed by the 
 usurper Posthumus, upon the reverse of whose coins appears a 
 figure of the god. The goddess Isis is reckoned to have been 
 the tutelar deity of the Parisians, when in the state of Paganism. 
 The idol which they had consecrated to ber was still subsisting, 
 
THE CELTS. 91 
 
 purpose : and it was common, in many provi nces 
 
 and in good condition, in the abbey of St. Germain des prez, at 
 the beginning of the sixteenth century; but was taken away, 
 in 1514, by order of William Briconnet, bishop of Meaux, and 
 abbot of St. Germain, who put up, in the room of it, a red 
 cross. As for this idol, her statue, which was tall and erect, 
 rough, and discoloured with age, was placed against the wall, 
 on the north side, where the crucifix of the church stands ; and 
 was naked, except some drapery in a certain place or two. See 
 Religion des Gaulois, II, 136. The Christian idol, it is supposed 
 has lately shared the fate of its heathen predecessor. The 
 latter, however, might belong to the religion of the Pagan 
 Franks, converted in 496, and not to that of the Celtic Gauls. 
 The Aquileians worshipped, with superlative devotion, a god 
 whom they called Belis, and would have to be the same with 
 Apollo. See Herodian, B. viii. Julius Capitolinus calls him 
 Bellenus; and there is an inscription extant, APOLLINI 
 BELENO, and another, BELL1NO. Religion des Gaulois I, 
 379, 381. Tertullian, who calls him Belenus, says he was also 
 worshipped by the Norici (Apo. C. 24.) Now, it is certain 
 that some Celtic nations, the Irish for instance, and highland 
 Scots, are known to have adored a god Bel, who seems to be 
 the same with the sun : and if, as Dora Martin contends, the B 
 and M are a frequent and familiar conversion, the English term 
 Mel, for the conclusion of harvest, which used to be attended 
 by several superstitious ceremonies, may refer to the same 
 deity. See Baxters G lossary, voce Bel, Tolands History of the 
 druids (Works, I, 67); Martins Description of the western 
 islands of Scotland, p. 105 ; Pennants Tour in Scotla7id, 1769, 
 p. 110 ; and 1772, Part II, p. 47, and Collectanea de rebus 
 Hibernicis, II, 66, and III, 370. St. Augstin mentions certain 
 demons, which the Gauls called Dusii, and which he compares, 
 
92 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 to see these monuments of offerings piled up in 
 
 for impudicity, to the Silvans, the Pans, and the Fauns. They 
 were properly incubi; to whom entire forests were consecrated, 
 or supposed to belong. {Of the city of god, B. xv, C. 23 ; 
 Religion des Gaulois, II, 189, 190.) Lucan has given a beau- 
 tiful description of a consecrated grove of the Gauls in the neigh- 
 bourhood of Marseilles : 
 
 " Lucus erat longo nunquarn violatus ah eevo, &c. 
 
 (L. iii, V. 399). 
 " Not far away for ages past had stood 
 An old, inviolated sacred wood ; 
 Whose gloomy boughs, thick interwoven, made 
 A chilly, cheerless, everlasting shade : 
 There, not the rustic gods, nor satyrs sport, 
 Nor fawns and sylvans with the nymphs resort ; 
 But barb'rous priests some dreadful power adore, 
 And lustrate every tree with human gore. 
 If mysteries in times of old received, 
 And pious ancientry may be believed, 
 There nor the feather'd songster builds her nest, 
 Nor lonely dens conceal the savage beast : 
 There no tempestuous winds presume to fly, 
 Ev'n Iight'nings glance aloof, and shoot obliquely by. 
 No wanton breezes toss the dancing leaves, 
 But shiv'ring horror in the branches heaves. 
 Black springs with pitchy streams divide the ground, 
 And bubbl'ing tumble with a sullen sound. 
 Old images of forms misshapen stand, 
 Rude, and unknowing of the artists hand ; 
 With hoary filth begrimed, each ghastly head 
 Strikes the astonish'd gazers soul with dread. 
 
THE CELTS. 93 
 
 consecrated places. Nay, it rarely happened 
 
 No gods, who long in common shapes appear'd, 
 Were e'er with such religious awe rever'd ; 
 But zealous crouds in ignorance adore, 
 And still, the less they know, they fear the more. 
 Oft (as fame tells) the earth, in sounds of woe, 
 Is heard to groan from hollow depths below ; 
 The baleful yew, though dead, has oft been seen, 
 To rise from earth, and spring with dusky green ; 
 With spark'ling flames the trees unburning shine, 
 And round their boles prodigious serpents twine. 
 The pious worshippers approach not near, 
 But shun their gods, and kneel with distant fear : 
 The priest himself, when, or the day, or night, 
 Rolling, have reach'd their full meridian height, 
 Refrains the gloomy paths with wary feet, 
 Dreading the demon of the grove to meet ; 
 Who, terrible to sight, at that fix'd hour, 
 Still treads the round about his dreary bow'r. 
 
 This wood, near neighb'ring to th'encompass'd town, 
 Untouch'd by former wars reniain'd alone ; 
 And, since the country round it naked stands, 
 From hence the Latian chief supplies demands. 
 But lo ! the bolder hands, that should have struck, 
 With some unusual horror trembring shook, 
 With silent dread, and rev'rence they survey'd 
 The gloom majestic of the sacred shade : 
 None dares with impious steel the bark to rend, 
 Lest on himself the destin'd stroke descend. 
 Caesar perceiv'd the spreading fear to grow, 
 Then, eager, caught an ax, and aim'd a blow. 
 Deep sunk within a violated oak 
 The wounding edge, and thus the warrior spoke : 
 
94 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 that any one shewed so great a disregard of reli- 
 gion, as either to conceal the plunder, or pillage 
 
 Now, let no doubting hand the task decline ; 
 Cut you the wood, and let the guilt be mine 
 The trembling bands unwillingly obey'd, 
 Two various ills were in the balance laid, 
 And Cassar's wrath against the gods was wei 
 
 igh'd. s 
 
 With grief, and fear, the groaning Gauls beheld 
 Their holy grove by impious soldiers fell'd ; 
 While the Massilians, from th' encompass'd wall, 
 Rejoic'd to see the sylvan honours fall : 
 They hope such power can never prosper long, 
 Nor think the patient gods will bear the wrong." 
 
 However the Massilians might have reverenced the religious 
 notions of their neighbours, their own, at any rate, were very 
 different, being, doubtless, the paganism of their parent 
 Greeks. That the Gauls paid some sort of divine worship to 
 lakes, which were consecrated to particular deities and into 
 which they cast large quantities of gold and silver, see Reli- 
 gion des Gaulois, I, 128. They seem, likewise, to have sup- 
 posed some sort of divinity in the winds. Gaul was particu- 
 larly subject to that called Circius, to which, while it threw 
 down their houses, the inhabitants gave thanks, as if they 
 owed to it the salubrity of the air. (Seneca, N. Q. B. v, C. 17.) 
 The devotion for this wind passed from the Gauls to the 
 Romans, and Seneca remarks that the emperor Augustus 
 erected a temple to it during his residence in Gaul. (Religion 
 des Gaulois, II, 30.,) It is the N. N. W. wind of the pilots, 
 now called the Bize. See, as to its ravages, Strabo, B. iv. 
 s The Gauls, with Ariovistus [r. Aneroestus]for their leader, 
 
THE CELTS. 95 
 
 the public oblations ; and the severest punish- 
 ments were inflicted upon such offenders. 1 In 
 their oratories, also, and the sacred temples of 
 the country, in honour of their gods, they scat- 
 tered pieces of gold up and down, which none of 
 the inhabitants (such was their superstitious 
 devotion) would in the least touch, or meddle 
 with ; though the Gauls were of themselves most 
 exceedingly covetous. 1 
 
 The druids held nothing more sacred than 
 
 vowed to their god Mars a chain (tm-quem) made out of the 
 spoils of our soldiers. When Viridomarus was their king, they 
 promised the Roman arms to Vulcan. Florus, B. ii, C. 4. 
 
 1 Caesar, G. W. B. vi, C. 15- This great author seems to 
 have been perfectly well acquainted with " these monuments 
 of offerings.'' Suetonius tells us that " In Gaul he rifled the 
 chapels and temples of the gods, filled with rich presents." (C. 
 54) The gold of Gaul, indeed, was, in all probability, his 
 principal inducement to the war ; as the hope of finding pearls 
 was, to his invasion of Britain. (C. 47.) 
 
 2 Diodo. B. v, C. 2. Their superstition, however, did not 
 teach them to respect the religious prejudices of other countries. 
 Pyrrhus, having plundered iEgeas, the seat-royal of the kings of 
 Macedon, left there a garrison of Gauls, who, being informed 
 that there were great treasures (according to ancient custom) 
 hid in the sepulchres of the kings, dug up all the tombs, and 
 divided the wealth amongst themselves, but scattered abroad 
 the bones and ashes of the dead. (Idem, B. xxii, frag.) This 
 fact is also related by Plutarch, in the Life of Pyrrhus. It 
 happened 274 years before Christ. 
 
96 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 the misseltoe, and the tree on which it grew, pro- 
 vided it were an oak. Therefore, they chose out 
 solitary groves, wherein were no trees but oaks, 
 nor performed any ceremonies without the 
 branches or leaves of that tree. So that from 
 thence (if we regard the Greek signification) 
 they may very well be thought to have taken the 
 name of Druid e. Indeed whatsoeA'er they found 
 growing to or upon an oak they took to be sent 
 from heaven, and looked upon it as a certain 
 sign, that their god had for himself made choice 
 of that particular tree. But it was a thing rarely 
 to be met with ; and, when found, they resroted 
 to it with great devotion.* In these ceremonies 
 
 3 " Ad viscum Druidre ! Druidae clamarc solebant:" 
 This line, attributed to Ovid, is not to be found in any of his 
 existing productions. Of the religious veneration paid to the 
 oak by the Hebrews, and other ancient nations, see Wares 
 Antiquities of Ireland, by Harris, p. 119 ; and Rowlands's 
 Mono, antiqua restaurata, p. 56. The name of an oak, in Latin, 
 quercus, is in Greek, opvs or $p to?, in Welsh, deruen, ddr, in 
 Irish dair, and in Armorican derwen or derven. 
 
 According to Keysler, (p. 305), " there are plain vestiges 
 of this aucient druidical reverence for the misseltoe still re- 
 maining in some places in Germany ; but principally in Gaul 
 and Aquitain ; in which latter countries, it is customary for the 
 boys and young men on the last day of December, to go about 
 through the towns and villages, singing and begging money, as 
 a kind of New-year's gift, and crying out, Au guy ! Van neuf!" 
 To the misseltoe ! the new year ! 
 
THE CELTS. 9? 
 
 they principally observed that the moon were 
 just six days old : for the moon was their guide 
 in the computation of their months and years, 
 and of that period or revolution which with them 
 was called an age, that is, thirty years complete: 
 and they chose the sixth day, because they 
 reckoned the moon was then of considerable 
 strength, when she was not as yet come to her 
 half. The product of the oak they called by a 
 name answering to all-heal; and, when they 
 came to it, they solemnly prepared a sacrifice, 
 and a festival entertainment under the oak, and 
 bringing thither two white bulls, whose horns 
 were then, and not till then, tied. This done, 
 the priest, habited in a white vestment, climbed 
 the tree, and, with a golden pruning-hook, cut 
 off the misseltoe, which was carefully received in 
 a white cassock, by those who attended below. 
 They then proceeded to kill the beasts for sacri- 
 fice and made their prayers to the god, that he 
 would bless this his own gift, to those persons to 
 whom they should dispense it. They had a con- 
 ceit that a decoction of this misseltoe, given to 
 any barren animal, would certainly make it 
 fruitful : and that it was a most sovereign anti- 
 It is a general practice in the greater families in London, or 
 Westminster, for the servants to hang up a bush of misseltoe on 
 the ceiling of the kitchen, under which the maids are kissed : 
 and this too, it is presumed, was a custom of the old licorous 
 druids. 
 
 H 
 
98 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 dote against all sorts of poison. So much reli- 
 gion do people commonly place in fopperies. 5 
 
 There was a kind of eggs, in great reputation 
 with the Gauls, though unnoticed by the Greeks. 
 In summer, innumerable serpents, entangled 
 together, with the slaver of their jaws, and the 
 froth of their bodies, by an artificial embrace, 
 form a ball ; it is called anguinum (the serpents 
 egg). The druids said that it was thrown by 
 hissings into the air, and must be intercepted in 
 a cassock, lest it touched the ground : that the 
 snatcher was to fly on horseback for the serpents 
 pursued him, till they were stopped by the inter- 
 vention of some river : that its proof was, if it 
 would swim against the waters, even bound with 
 gold : and, as the craft of the magi was, likewise, 
 sagacious in concealing their frauds, they thought 
 it was to be taken in a certain moon, as if it 
 were at the pleasure of man to accord her to the 
 operation of the serpents. I truly, says Pliny, 
 have seen this egg, about the size of a moderate 
 round apple, with a shell of cartilage, like the 
 thick claws of the arms of a polypus; it was the 
 ensign of a druid. For victories in law-suits, 
 and access to kings, it was wonderfully extolled : 
 of such vanity, that T, says the same author, know 
 
 5 Pliny, B. 16, C. 44. They had, likewise, a great opinion 
 of certain other herbs, called selago and samolus, when gathered 
 with similar ceremonies. (B. xxiv, C. 11.) 
 
THE CELTS. 99 
 
 that a Roman knight, of the Vocorltii, having it 
 in his bosom, when pleading a cause, was put to 
 death by the emperor Claudius for no other 
 reason. 6 
 
 It was, as before observed, one of the principal 
 maxims of the druids, that the soul never dies, 
 but, after death, passes from one body to another ; 
 which they thought, contributed greatly to exalt 
 mens courage, by disarming death of its terrors. 7 
 As well they, as others, asserted souls and the 
 world to be immortal ; but that they had some- 
 times to overcome fire and water. 8 
 
 Pliny, having observed that the art of magic 
 had been unquestionably professed in Gaul, and 
 continued until his own age, says that it was no 
 longer ago than the time of Tiberius Caesar, that 
 
 * B. xxix, C. 3. The ceremony of receiving the serpents 
 egg is represented in the Monumens Celtiques de la cathedrale 
 de Paris, B. hi, C 25. An ancient tomb of Italy, given by 
 Montfaucon, represents the manner in which the serpents 
 formed the eggs. See Religion des Gaulois, I, 205. It is 
 known that, even at this day, serpents, of different kinds, and 
 almost innumerable, meet together in a place at the mount la 
 Rochette, in the confines of Dauphiny and Savoy, between the 
 13th of June and the 13th of August : and fill the place with 
 spume, which strikes horror into the spectators. See Nic. 
 Chorier, 1. 2. His. Delph. p. 9- 
 
 ■> Caesar, G. W. 
 
 8 Strabo, B. iv, p. 197. The opinion of Pythagoras, says 
 Diodorus, prevailed much amongst them, that mens souls are 
 
100 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 the druids Avere by his authority put down. 9 
 Strabo, however, who wrote in the reign of 
 Augustus, asserts that the Romans had with- 
 drawn the Gauls from the rites of sacrifices and 
 divination, which were repugnant to their man- 
 ners. 1 Suetonius, also, in the life of Claudius, 
 relates that, the religion of the druids in Gaul, 
 being of savage cruelty, and only forbidden to the 
 citizens under Augustus, he utterly abolished. 2. 
 
 In adoring the gods, and doing reverence to 
 their images, the Gauls observed to turn to the 
 left hand (contrary to the practice of other 
 nations) ; and believed that they shewed more 
 devotion in so doing. 5 
 
 immortal, and that there is a transmigration of them into other 
 bodies. (B. v, C. 2.) See also P. Mela, B. iii, C. 2 ; V. Max- 
 imus, B. i, C. 6, § 10 ; and Lucan, as before cited. 
 
 9 B. xxx, C. 1. ' B. iv. 
 
 2 C. 25. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, another author of the 
 Augustan age, says that no length of time had thitherto in- 
 duced either the Egyptians, the Lybians, the Celts, the Scy- 
 thians, the Indians, or any other barbarous nations whatsoever 
 to abandon or transgress any thing relating to the worship >of 
 their gods ; unless some of them had been subdued by a foreign 
 power, and compelled to change their own institutions for those 
 of the conqueror. (B. vii, C. 70.) 
 
 1 Pliny, B. xxviii, C. 2. Thus, too, Lucan : 
 
 " Et vos barbaricos ritus, moremque sinistrum, 
 Sacrorum Druidae, positis repetistis ab arrais." 
 
THE CELTS. 101 
 
 An oath, in presence of the military ensigns, 
 was the most sacred of obligations among the 
 Gauls. 4 
 
 The Celts, according to Nicander, would pass 
 the night at the tombs of brave men, in order to 
 get oracles. 5 
 
 The Celtiberians, and those who are their 
 neighbours toward the north, are said to have 
 worshipped a certain nameless god, by night at 
 full moon, before the doors, with all their fami- 
 lies dancing, and making a feast all night. 6 
 
 Sena, 7 in the British sea, opposite to the 
 Osismic shores, was famous for the oracle of a 
 Gallic divinity; whose priests, sacred in per- 
 petual virginity, are reported to have been nine 
 in number : the Gauls called them Senae ; 8 and 
 thought them endowed with singular qualities ; 
 
 Posidonius, however, who had resided amongst them, and was 
 well acquainted with their manners, says expressly, that they 
 worshipped the gods, turning to the right. (Athenaeus, B. iv.) 
 A reconciliation of this apparent inconsistency is attempted by 
 doru Martin. Religion des Gaulois, L. 1, cc. 34, 35.) 
 
 * C<esar, G. W. B. vii, C. 2. b Tertullian, Of the soul. 
 
 6 Strabo, B. iii, p. 164. 
 
 » Now Vile de Sain[ts] or the isle opposite Brest. 
 
 8 This passage of the original (Gallicenas vocant) is thought 
 to be corrupt. Vossius reads Barrigenas vocant. Others will 
 have it to be a corruption of Semnce (druidesses). See Reli- 
 gion dc$ Gaulois, I, 178. 
 
102 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 to raise the seas and winds by charms (or songs j, 
 and turn themselves into what animals they 
 would; to cure those diseases which, among 
 others, were incurable; to know and foretell 
 things to come ; but not unless given to mari- 
 ners and, in this only, that they should consult 
 them when proceeding on their voyage. 9 
 
 The sacred rites of the Britons were the same 
 with those of the Gauls : they were possessed 
 with the same superstition of every sort. 1 They 
 
 9 P. Mela, B. iii, C. 6. In the ocean, according to Strabo, 
 they say there is a small island, not plainly seated in the high 
 sea, opposite to the mouth of the Loire ; in it inhabit the 
 wives of the Samnitae possessed with Bacchic fury, and pleasing 
 Bacchus with ceremonies and sacrifices. See also Dionysius 
 Periegetes, V. 270. 
 
 1 Tacitus, Life of Agricola. Adrasta, a goddess, was wor- 
 shipped by the Britons ; and to her Bonduca, in Dio, addresses 
 a prayer for protection and favour. Richard of Cirencester, who 
 had his information from the papers of a certain " Romanorum 
 dux," whom he frequently quotes, says, " Among the gods 
 Mercury was by them chiefly worshipped, of whom many 
 Images were set up. After him Justice, who by the Britons 
 was called Adraste. Then Apollo,. Mars, who was likewise 
 called Vitucadrus, Jupiter, Minerva, Hercules, Victory, called 
 Andatis, Diuna, Cybele, and Pluto, were adored. They em- 
 braced almost the same opinion of these deities as other 
 nations (B. i, C. 4.) St. Gildas, a Briton, who wrote in 560, 
 forbears to enumerate the devilish idols of his country, sur- 
 passing almost in. number those of Egypt (of which, says he. 
 
THE CELTS. 103 
 
 we yet behold some, within or without the deserted walls, 
 grinning with deformed features, and terrible visages, after the 
 usual manner :) neither does he cry out by name on the very 
 mountains, or hills, or floods, to which divine honour was ren- 
 dered by the then blind people. (C. 2.) The goddess Bri- 
 gantia, to whom are found several inscriptions, was more pro- 
 bably a Roman than a Celtic deity. (See Gordon s Itinera- 
 rium sep. p. 9.7.) 
 
 The Britons were no less cruel than superstitious. Bonduca, 
 their queen and general, having taken two places from the 
 Romans, exercised, says Dio, the most horrid cruelties imagin- 
 able. But nothing, continues he, was -so horrible as what she 
 made some ladies undergo, that were illustrious for their birth 
 and virtue. They were stripped stark naked, and hung up in 
 this condition, when their breasts were cut off, and sewed to 
 their mouths, that they might seem to eat them : after which 
 their bodies were stuck full of splinters. The inhabitants, he 
 adds, committed these barbarous inhumanities at the very time 
 of their sacrifices, when they made feasts in their temples, and 
 principally in the woods consecrated to Victory, to which they 
 paid a particular worship. (Xiphilin, in Nero.) This barba- 
 rity, however (upon the supposition that the ladies thus treated 
 were Roman), had been in some degree provoked, though it 
 cannot be extenuated, by the conduct of the Romans them- 
 selves. Prasutagus, the late king of the Icenians, a prince 
 long renowned for his opulence and grandeur, had by will left 
 the emperor joint heir with his own two daughters; as, by 
 such a signal instance of loyalty, he judged he should purchase 
 a sure protection to his kingdom and family against all injury 
 and violence. A scheme which produced an effect so entirely 
 contrary, that his realm was ravaged by the centurions, and 
 hishouse by slaves ; as if both had been the just spoils of war. 
 
104 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 drew presages from the course of hares :* and, 
 according to Pliny, Britain was, in his time, so 
 addicted to magical ceremonies, that it might 
 seem to have taught them to the Persians. 3 
 As, according to Tacitus, Ireland, in the temper 
 
 First of all Boudicea (or Bonduca) bis wife underwent the igno- 
 minious violence of stripes, and his daughters that of constupra- 
 tion ; and, as though the entire region had been bequeathed to 
 the plunderers, all the principal Icenians were spoiled of their 
 ancient possessions, and the royal relations of the late king kept 
 and treated as slaves. (Tacitus, Annals, B. xiv.) The Britons, 
 at the same time, had already taken their revenge by the 
 slaughter of the Roman veterans in the temple at Camalo- 
 dunum, the total destruction of that colony, and the defeat of 
 Petilius Cerealis. In fact, it is impossible to decide which 
 party was the most cruel. Not less than seventy thousand 
 Romans perished ; nor, in the final engagement with Boudicea, 
 less than eighty thousand Britons ; Boudicea herself ending her 
 life by poison. It appears from the same author (Tacitus) that 
 the druids, or priests, had, in the isle of Mona, or Anglesey, 
 groves, by them dedicated to detestable superstitions ; where 
 they sacrificed captives, and, in order to discover the will of the 
 gods, consulted the entrails of men ; practices of great cruelty, 
 by them accounted holy. (Annals, B. xiv.) 
 
 2 At the close of Bonducas harangue, she let a hare slip from, 
 her, which she had all the while concealed ; from the course of 
 which she drew a presage of the combat ; which seeming lucky 
 to the army, they made a great shout for joy. (Dio, by 
 Xiphilin.) 
 
 s Pliny, B. xxx, C. 4. 
 
THE CELTS. 105 
 
 and manners of the natives, varied little from 
 Britain, so it may be concluded that they also 
 accorded in religion. Pomponius Mela says of 
 the Irish, they were rude, and ignorant of all 
 virtues, and totally devoid of religion. On the 
 arrival of St. Patrick, in 431, before which the 
 island had received the accession of a new people, 
 the Scots, all the inhabitants were Pagans, having 
 no knowledge of god, but worshipping idols and 
 unclean spirits. They appear to have had magi- 
 cians, whom Ware supposes to have been druids, 
 who foretold the arrival of St. Patrick three years 
 before it took place. There is, however, no 
 direct ancient authority for the existence of Irish 
 druids. See O'Flahertys Ogygia, c. xxii, [De] 
 Hibernorum idolatria. 
 
 In the island Silura (or Silina), upon the coast 
 of Britain, inhabited by the Dumnonii, they wor- 
 shipped the gods, and both men and women had 
 a knowledge of future things. 4 
 
 The iEstyi, a Celtic nation, in Germany, upon 
 the Baltic sea, worshipped the mother of the 
 gods, and, as the characteristic of their national 
 
 * Solinus, C. 22, and Salmasius, Exercitationes, p. 174. He 
 is supposed, by some, to mean the Scilly islands ; the Dam- 
 nonii being placed in Devonshire, nearly the opposite coast. 
 
106 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 superstition, wore images of wild boars : which 
 alone served them for arms, was the safeguard 
 of all, and by which every worshipper of the 
 goddess was secured even amidst his foes, 5 
 
 * Tacitus, De moribus Germanorum. 
 
THE CELTS. 107 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 Of the arts and sciences of the Celts, 
 
 According to Justin, the epitomist of Trogus 
 Pompeius, the Gauls learned the tillage of lands, 
 and the inclosure of cities within walls, from the 
 Massilians. Then, says he, they became accus- 
 tomed to live by laws, not arms, to prune vines, 
 and plant olives ; and so bright a face was put 
 both upon men and things, that Greece seemed 
 not to have been removed into Gaul, but Gaul 
 seemed transplanted into Greece.' The country 
 abounding in iron mines, the Gauls were perfectly 
 skilled in that whole art. 2. The Aquitani were 
 particularly skilful in mining, as inhabiting a 
 country that abounded in veins of copper. 3 
 
 The transalpine Gauls, according to Strabo, 
 were better warriors than ploughmen ; but hav- 
 
 1 B. xliii, C. 4. Macrobius makes it a question, whether the 
 Gauls had known the vine, and culture of the olive while 
 Rome was in a state of adolescence. (In som. Sci. B. ii, C. 10.) 
 
 2 Caesar, G. W. B. vii, C. 21. Perhaps this is meant of the 
 Briturigians only. 
 
 a Idem, iW. B. iii, C. 22. 
 
108 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 ing laid down their arms, were, in his time, com- 
 pelled to till the ground. 4 The sole employment 
 of the Cisalpine Gauls was agriculture and war : 
 all other arts and sciences being utterly unknown 
 to them. 5 The tapestry of the Gauls (made of 
 coarse rough wool) was set out in colours dif- 
 ferent from that of the Parthians. 6 They appear 
 to have been the inventors of flock-work, and 
 quilted mattresses. 7 They, likewise, devised the 
 scutcheon-square, or lozenge damask-work. 8 
 The Cadurci, Caleti, Ruteni, Bituriges, and Mo- 
 rim esteemed the last of men, yea even universal 
 Gaul, wove sail-cloth. 9 In both Gaul and Spain 
 yest was used to lighten the bread. 1 The Gauls, 
 like the Germans, made salt by pouring salt- 
 water upon burning logs.* They had a certain 
 herb which they called limeum, out of which they 
 drew a venemous juice, named by them stags- 
 poison, wherewith they used to envenom their 
 arrow heads when they went to hunt the deer.* 
 They invented sieves of horse- hair. 4 
 
 The Britons, inhabiting the promontory Bele- 
 
 * Strabo, B. iv, p. 178, 5 Polybius, B. ii, C. 2. 
 
 6 Pliny, B. viii, C. 48. 7 Idem, ibi. 6 Idem, ibi. 
 
 » Idem, B. xix, C. 1. » Idem, B. xviii, C. 7. 
 
 2 Idem, B. xxxi, C. 7 ; Varro, Ofjarming, B. i, C. 7. 
 » Pliny, B xxvii, C. 11. 
 
 * Idem, B. xviii, C. 11. 
 
THE CELTS. 109 
 
 rium, were the people that made the tin., which, 
 with a great deal of care and labour, they dug 
 out of the ground ; and, that being rocky, the 
 metal was mixed with some veins of earth ; out 
 of which they melted the metal, and then refined 
 it : they then bet it into square pieces like to a 
 die.' In reaping their corn, they cut off the 
 ears from the stalk, and so housed them up in 
 repositories under ground : thence they took and 
 plucked out the grains of as many of the oldest 
 as might serve them for the day ; and, after they 
 had bruised the corn, made it into bread. 6 Some 
 of them, out of ignorance, made no cheese, 
 although they abounded in milk : others were 
 ignorant of the management of gardens, and the 
 other branches of agriculture. 7 
 
 * Diodorus, B.v, C, 2. 
 
 • Idem, ibi. Dio says they inhabited upon barren unculti- 
 vated mountains, or in desert marshy plains, where they had 
 neither walls, nor towns, nor cultivated lands. See Xiphilin, 
 in Severus. This, however, seems inconsistent with Bonducas 
 question : " Is it not for them [the Romans] that we are 
 obliged to till the ground, and to labour ?" She, nevertheless, 
 afterward allows, in her prayer to Adrasta, that her people 
 were perfectly skilled neither in the way of husbandry, nor in 
 the exercise of mean trades. 
 
 7 Strabo, B. iv, p. 200. Galgacus, in his harangue to the 
 Caledonians, observes that they had neither fields to cultivate, 
 nor mines to dig, nor ports to make. (Tacitus, Life of 
 Agricola.') 
 
110 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 The Britons and Gauls had devised a method 
 to manure the ground, by a kind of limestone or 
 clay, which they called marga (i. e. marie) : 
 having a great opinion thereof, that it mightily 
 enriched the ground, and made it more plen- 
 tiful. 8 
 
 8 Pliny, B. xvii, C. 6. 
 
THE CELTS. HI 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 Of the persons of the Celts. 
 
 I he Gauls were, for the most part, very tall; 
 and despised, on that account, the small stature 
 of the Romans. 1 The Senones were even ter- 
 rible by the bigness of their bodies, and vast 
 
 1 Cffisar, G. W. B. ii, C. 31. Diodorus, B. v, C. 2. Am- 
 
 mianus Marcellinus, B. xv, C. 12. " I by no means wonder," 
 says Pausanias, " at the magnitude of those Gauls who inhabit 
 the extreme parts of Gaul, and who are called Barenses, for 
 their bodies are not larger than the dead bodies which are 
 shewn by the Egyptians." B. i, C. 35. He, elsewhere, ob- 
 serves that " The Gauls, in general, surpass other men in 
 stature." B. x, C. 20. Polybius, too, remarks the size and 
 comeliness of their bodies. B. ii, C. 2. Arrian describes 
 them as a people strong in body (B. i, C. 4.) ; and the pro- 
 digious stature of the Gallic captives, who appeared in the tri- 
 umphal procession of Marcellus, is mentioned by Plutarch. 
 Porphyry, too, instances the size of the Celts, the Thracians, 
 and the Scythians, in support of his position, that, as the 
 southern regions produce small bodies, which are wont to be 
 weakened, diminished, and dried up with heat, so, on the con- 
 trary, in the northern countries all bodies grow great. {Of the 
 nymph of the cave.) The Gauls, however, had little reason to 
 despise their enemies on account of inferiority of size, since it 
 sometimes happened, in their wars, that the biggest men 
 among them were foiled and slain, in single combat, by a little 
 
112 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 arms.* Those of the Insubres were more than 
 human. 3 They were red-haired, not only natu- 
 rally, but they endeavoured all they could to 
 make their hair redder by art. 4 It was, otherwise, 
 long and fair. 5 They were of a pale or fair 
 complexion j 6 and, indeed, their skin was very 
 white, as they were always clothed, except in 
 battle. 7 They were, at the same time, of a most 
 
 slender Ligurianor Numidian. See Diodorus, B. v, C. 2, and 
 Annals. 
 
 2 Floras, B. i, C. 13. 3 Idem, B. ii, C. 4. 
 
 4 Diodorus, B. v, C.2. Am. Mar. B. xv, C. 12. Virgil, 
 speaking of the Gauls, says, 
 
 " Aurea ccesaries ollis — ". 
 Livy has " nttilattzcoma Gallorum, "B. xxxviii, C 17) ; Ara- 
 mian, " Galli rutili" (B. xv, C. 20) ; and Silius, (B. iv,V. 200) 
 
 " Auro certantem et rutilum sub vertice nodum;'' 
 and again :(B. xvi,V.471)" Hispanusrutilus." In this respect, 
 at least, the Gauls did not differ from the Germans. Thus, too, 
 Claudian, upon Rufinus : 
 
 " Inde truces jiavo comitantur vertice Galli :" 
 Again, in his second panegyric in praise of Stilicho ; 
 
 ■" Tumflava repexo » 
 Gallia crineferox, evinctaque torque decoro, 
 Binaque gasa teuens, animoso pectore fatur." 
 
 And Servius, likewise, upon the eighth JEneid, has Flavi 
 Galli. 
 
 5 Livy, B. xxxviii, C. 17. 
 
 6 Diodo. B. v, C. 2. Am. Mar. B. xv, C. 12. 
 
 7 Livy, B. xxxviii, C. 21. " And why,'' exclaims Gilo, in 
 
THE CELTS. 113 
 
 terrible aspect ; and had a most dreadful and 
 loud voice. 8 There was, even, something ter- 
 rible in the cast of their eyes. 9 The women 
 were both as tall and as courageous as the men.' 
 The children, for the most part, from their very 
 birth were white-headed ; but when they grew 
 up to mans estate, their hair changed in colour 
 like to that of their parents. 2 
 
 According to Ephorus, they had work given 
 them lest they should grow fat ; and, if any 
 young man exceeded in the girdle the prescribed 
 measure, he was to be fined. 3 
 
 The men of Britain exceeded the Gauls in 
 height ; and had hair less yellow ; but were of 
 laxer bodies. 4 The Britons, however, it seems, 
 varied in their looks and persons. The red hair 
 
 Petronius, " must not we have our faces white- washed, to pass 
 for native Gauls ? " Pinkerton, however, affirms that " the 
 Celts are dusky." (Enquiry II, 130) ; and says, they " do at 
 this day [resemble the inhabitants of the south-west of Britain], 
 in sun-burnt faces, and curled hair." (I. 185.) 
 
 8 Diodorus, B. v, C. 2. 9 Am. Mar. L, xv. C. 12. 
 
 1 Idem, ibi. 2 Idem, ibi. 
 
 3 Strabo, B. iv, p. 199. 
 
 4 Strabo, B. iv. Let it be an argument, he adds, of their 
 magnitude, that he himself saw young men at Rome, who even 
 exceeded the tallest men half a foot : they were, however, ill- 
 supported by their feet, and the other lineaments of the body 
 did not report an elegant constitution. 
 
 I 
 
114 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 of the Caledonians, and their large limbs, testi- 
 fied their descent to be from Germany ; the 
 swarthy complexion of the Silures, and their hair, 
 which was generally curled, with their situation 
 opposite to the coast of Spain, furnished ground 
 to believe, that the ancient Iberians had arrived 
 from thence, and taken possession of the territory. 
 They who lived next to Gaul were also like the 
 Gauls. s 
 
 * Tacitus, Life of Agricola. See before, p. 39. It is mani- 
 fest that " to be tall and large, with fair complexions, and often 
 with flaxen, yellow, and red hair ; the grand features, 5 ' as Pin- 
 kerton pretends, " of the Goths, in all ancient writers, " are 
 at any rate, no less characteristic of the Celts; and, conse- 
 quently, that " diminutive" size " with brown complexions, and 
 black curled hair, and dark eyes " are qualities never ascribed 
 to the latter. See Enquiry II, 340. 
 
THE CELTS. 115 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 Of the genius, temper, manners, and morals of 
 the Celts. 
 
 Ihe Germans differed widely in their manners 
 from the Gauls. 1 The Gauls were a people of 
 singular ingenuity, extremely quick of apprehen- 
 sion, and very happy in imitating what they had 
 seen practised.* In the words of Diodorus, 
 they were of sharp wits, and apt to learn. 3 The 
 Gallic nation was naturally warlike j 4 of daring 
 spirit, and undaunted bravery. 5 There were of 
 them that so despised death, that they would 
 fight naked, with something only about their 
 loins. 6 During an action with the Romans, 
 
 1 Caesar, G. W. B. vi, C. 19. 
 
 2 B. vii, C. 21. 3 B. v, C. 2. 
 
 * Sallust, War of Catiline, C. 41. The Gauls are charac- 
 terised by Justin, as a rough, bold, and warlike nation, which 
 first passed the insuperable mountains of the Alps, and place* 
 insufferable for cold, after Hercules. B. xxiv, C. 4. 
 
 5 Polybius, B. ii, C. 2. 
 
 6 Diodo. B. v, C. 2. The Gauls, at the battle of Cannae, 
 were naked from the navel upward. Livy, B. xxii, C. 46. 
 
116 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 which lasted from one of the clock in the after- 
 noon till the evening, no man, says Caesar, saw 
 the back of an enemy 5 and though the Gauls 
 were at length compelled to give way, the fight 
 was renewed with greater obstinacy at the car- 
 riages, (behind which part of them had taken 
 shelter), and continued till the night was far 
 spent. 7 In the engagement at Faesula the Gauls 
 were superior to the Romans, both in bravery 
 and numbers 8 Even Livy allows that the Gallic 
 horse at Cannae maintained their ground in order, 
 with a strength and courage equal to that of the 
 enemy.9 The Nervians, in a battle with the 
 Romans, in which their name and nation were in 
 a manner quite extinguished, though reduced to 
 the last extremity, exerted themselves with such 
 determined courage, that, their front ranks being 
 cut off, those who stood behind mounted the 
 bodies of the slain, and thence continued to main- 
 tain the fight ; and when these too by their fall 
 had raised a mountain of carcases, such as re- 
 mained ascending the pile, poured their javelins 
 upon the Romans, as from a rampart, and even 
 returned the darts thrown at them by the Romans. 
 Fame therefore, adds Caesar, who commanded in 
 
 » Csesar, G. W. B. i, C. 20. » Polybius, B. ii, C. «, 
 * B. xxii, C. 48. 
 
THE CELTS. 117 
 
 person, deceived not in proclaiming so loudly the 
 bravery of a people who adventured to cross a 
 very broad river, climb the steepest banks, and 
 rush upon an enemy possessed of all the advan- 
 tages of ground : difficulties which, though seem- 
 ingly insurmountable appeared yet as nothing 
 to men of their resolution and magnanimity. 1 
 In another battle, the right wing of the Gauls, 
 which was engaged with the twelfth legion, 
 though the first ranks were destroyed by the 
 Roman javelins, still maintained its ground with 
 the utmost bravery, and seemed determined to 
 conquer. The dispute was long and dubious ; 
 when the tribunes of the seventh legion, having 
 notice how matters went, faced about, and at- 
 tacked the enemys rear. Even then not a man 
 offered to fly ; but, at last, being surrounded on 
 all sides, they were cut to pieces with their 
 general. 2 These, it should be remembered, are 
 
 1 G. W. B. ii, C. 27. 
 
 1 Ibi, B. vii, C. 56. This great author mentions a remark- 
 able instance of intrepidity, to which he was himself, a witness 
 at the siege of Avaricum. A certain Gaul, posted before the 
 gate of the city, threw into the fire balls of pitch and tallow 
 to feed it. This man, being exposed to the discharge of a 
 Roman battery, was struck through the side with a dart and 
 expired. Another, striding over his body, immediately took 
 his place. He also was killed, in the same manner. A third 
 
118 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 the testimonies of enemies ! " Of all men," says 
 JElian, " I hear the Celts are the most ready to 
 
 succeeded : to the third a fourth : nor was this dangerous post 
 left vacant, till the fire of the mount being extinguished, and 
 the enemy repulsed on all sides, an end -was put to the conflict. 
 B. vii, C. 24. Correus, general of the Bellovaci, though his 
 army was put to the rout, and eagerly pursued by the Romans, 
 would neither quit the fight, and retire into the woods, nor 
 accept of any offers of quarter ; but, fighting on to the last, 
 with invincible courage, and wounding many of the victorious 
 troops, constrained them at length to transfix him with their 
 javelins. (Pansa, G. W. B. viii, C. 16.) We are told by 
 Polvbius that Hannibal and Publius, approaching each other, 
 endeavoured severally to animate their troops, by all the 
 motives which the present conjuncture suggested to them. 
 Upon this occasion Hannibal contrived the following expedient : 
 having assembled together all the forces, he brought before 
 them the young prisoners, whom he had taken among those 
 barbarians who had disturbed his march across the Alps. With 
 a view to the design which he now put in execution, he had 
 before given orders, that these wretches should be treated with 
 the last severity. They were loaded with heavy chains: their 
 bodies were emaciated with hunger, and mangled by blows 
 and stripes. In this condition he now placed them in the 
 midst of the assembly ; and threw before them some suits of 
 Gallic armour, such as their kings were accustomed to wear, 
 when they engaged in single combat. He ordered some horses 
 also to be set before them ; and military habits, that were very 
 rich and splendid. He then demanded of the young men, 
 which of them were willing to try their fate in arms against each 
 other, on condition that the conqueror should possess those 
 spoils that were before their eves, while the vanquished would 
 
THE CELTS. 119 
 
 undergo dangers ... So base, indeed, do they 
 consider it to fly, that frequently they will not 
 escape out of houses tumbling down, and falling 
 in upon them, nor even out of those burning, 
 though themselves are ready to be caught by the 
 fire. Many, also, oppose the overwhelming sea : 
 there are some, likewise, who, taking arms, rush 
 upon the waves, and sustain their attack, extend- 
 ing their naked swords and spears, in like 
 manner as if they were able to terrify or wound 
 them. 3 " The very name of the Gauls was ter- 
 
 be released by death from all his miseries. The captives, with 
 one voice, cried out, and testified the utmost eagerness to en- 
 gage. Hannibal then commanded that lots should be cast among 
 them ; and that those two upon whom the lot should fall, should 
 take the amis that were before them, and begin the combat. 
 When the prisoners heard these orders, they extended their 
 hands toward the heavens, and every one most fervently im- 
 plored the gods that the lot to fight might be his own: and no 
 sooner was their chance decided, than those whose fortune it 
 was to engage appeared filled with joy, while the rest were 
 mournful and dejected. When the combat also was deter- 
 mined, the captives that were by lot excluded from the trial 
 pronounced him who had lost his life in the engagement to be 
 in their sight not less happy than the conqueror : since, by 
 dying, he was released from all that wretchedness which they 
 were still condemned to suffer. (B. iii, C. 6.) 
 
 3 Various history, B. xii, C. 23, Of the audacity of the Celts. 
 The Gauls, says Aristotle, fear neither earthquakes nor inun- 
 dations. (Eudem. L. 3, c. 1 ; and Nicomach. L. 3, c.10.) TV 
 Celts, inhabitants at the ocean, hold it for a disgrace if anv one 
 
120 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 rible to the Romans. As soon as the latter were 
 informed that the Gauls had passed the Alps, 
 the people all were under the greatest conster- 
 nation ; and dreaded every thing that was ter- 
 rible and fatal. Nor were these fears unreason- 
 able. What they had formerly suffered from the 
 Gauls was always present to their minds. 4 The 
 near neighbourhood, as well as ancient renown 
 and bravery of the Gauls struck the Romans 
 with great terror ; for they were indeed the 
 enemy they dreaded most, having not forgot how 
 
 should fly from a falling wall or house. When an inundation 
 happens of the external sea, clad in armour, they proceed to 
 meet the wares, and remain till they are drowned, lest, flying, 
 they should seem to fear death. Nicho. Damas. apud Stobaeura, 
 Sermo, 48, p. 168, 178. " He," sajs Plutarch, " fears not 
 the sea who never sails upon it . . . nor does the Gaul fear 
 an earthquake, nor the ^Ethiop lightning." Of Superstition. 
 jElian seems to have taken this from Ephorus, and is thought by 
 some to have applied to Celts what earlier writers had reported 
 of the Germans or Cimbri. " Not right," observes Strabo, " is 
 he who says that the Cimbri took up arms against inundation ; 
 nor this, that the Celts, accustoming themselves to a freedom 
 from fear, will suffer their houses to be destroyed, and again 
 build them ; and that more of them perish by water, than by 
 war; which Ephorus has delivered." (B. vii, p. 293.) Accord- 
 ing to Aristotle, a man may be called either mad or insensible of 
 pain, if he fear nothing, neither earthquakes, nor tempests ; 
 such as the Celts were said to be. {Of manners, B. iii, C. 10\ 
 * Polybius, B. ii, C. 2. 
 
THE CELTS. 121 
 
 they had formerly made themselves masters of 
 Rome ; from which time it was provided by law, 
 that the priests should be excused from taking 
 arms, except only to defend the city against the 
 Gauls. 5 The defeat of the consuls, and the 
 dreadful name of the Celts, struck a terror 
 throughout all Italy : 6 and that Gaul was in the 
 highest degree to be dreaded by Rome, is de- 
 clared by Cicero. 7 Even their mere appearance 
 was terrific. The Gallic army, at the battle of 
 Telamon, as we are told by Polybius, was terrible 
 to behold. Their appearance, and the unusual 
 noise with which they advanced to action, struck 
 the Romans with amazement. The very looks 
 and motions of the Gauls, that stood naked in the 
 front, greatly increased the terror: 8 and Mithri- 
 
 5 Plutarch, Life of Marceilus. According to Appian, The 
 Gauls, before they were subdued by Caesar, were so formidable 
 to the Romans, that in the law by which an immunity from 
 going to war was granted to priests and old men, the Gallic 
 wars were excepted : for, in the time of these, no exemption 
 was permitted either to old men or to priests. (Civil wars, B. 
 ii.) 
 
 6 Appian, Illyricks, C. 2. 
 
 7 Of the consular provinces. 
 
 8 Polybius, B. ii, C. 2. The Romans, engaged with the 
 Gauls, before Gergovia, were greatly terrified at the sight of 
 their ^Eduan allies, armed after the manner of the Gauls, whom 
 Caesar had sent to make a diversion. (Caesar, G, W. B. vii, C, 
 
122 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 dates, king of Pontus, to animate his soldiers, 
 told them " that he reckoned the nation of the 
 Gauls, which had always frighted the Romans, as 
 part of his strength." 9 Their reputation for 
 courage, however, seems to have declined before 
 the time of Caesar. "Formerly," he says, "the 
 Gauls exceeded the Germans in bravery, often 
 made war upon them, and, as they abounded in 
 people beyond what the country could maintain, 
 sent several colonies over the Rhine. But the 
 neighbourhood of the Roman province, and an 
 acquaintance with traffic, having introduced lux- 
 ury and abundance among the Gauls, they 
 became by little and little an unequal match for 
 the Germans, and, being worsted in many battles, 
 no longer pretended to compare with them in 
 valour." 1 Though naturally warlike, to their 
 
 47.) Florus, having occasion to mention Vercingetorix, says, 
 he was " terrible both for his person, arms, and spirit ; his very 
 name too being framed as it were to excite terror." (B. iii, C. 
 10.) 
 
 9 Justin, B. xxxviii. The Asiatic, or Pannonian Gauls, 
 from their reputation for either courage or fidelity, were >the 
 Swiss of antiquity. Cleopatra, as we learn from Josephus, had 
 a body-guard of four hundred Galatians. (Antiquities, B. xv, 
 C. 7 ; War, B. i, C 20.) Justin says, they were a mercenary 
 army, always ready for the assistance of the weaker side. (B. 
 xxvii,C. iii.) 
 
 1 G. W. B. vi, C. 22. 
 
THE CELTS. 123 
 
 sincerity and fierceness there was much to be 
 added of folly and arrogance. 3 They were gene- 
 rally very sudden and forward in their resolves ; 4 
 their genius and temper disposing them to be 
 fond of revolutions, and ever forward and ready 
 to engage in new wars. 5 They were notorious 
 for their levity j being very changeable in their 
 
 3 Sallust, War of Catiline, C. 41 ; Strabo, B. iv. Alexander, 
 having passed the Ister, entered the city of the Gets. Thither 
 came ambassadors, as well from sundry free nations bor- 
 dering upon the river, as from Syunus, king of the Triballi, 
 and from the Celts, ■ who inhabited the country near the 
 Ionian bay ; a people strong in body, and of a haughty spirit. 
 All these came with offers of friendship ; and a league was 
 accordingly made and accepted on either side. Alexander 
 then took an opportunity of asking the Celts, what they 
 dreaded most of all things in the world, imagining that, as the 
 terror of his name must needs have reached their country, and 
 much further, they would have given that for their answer ; but 
 he was widely deceived in his expectations ; for, as they lived 
 in a remote part of the world, difficult of access, and so far 
 from the course of Alexanders expedition, they told him, 
 they were afraid of nothing more than that the sky should fall 
 upon their heads. He, healing this, treated thein as friends, 
 ranked them among the number of his allies, and dismissed 
 the ambassadors, saying, that the Celts were an arrogant nation^ 
 (Arrian, B. i, C. 4.) Strabo, who has the same anecdote, says, 
 the ambassadors added, that, in the mean time, they highly 
 esteemed the friendship of so great a man. 
 4 Cssar, G. W. B. iii,C. 8. 
 J Idem, ibi. B. iii, C. 10. 
 
124 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 counsels, and fond of novelties. 6 Hence they 
 are called by the poet, 
 
 " Vaniloquutn Celtce genus ac mutabile mentis ;" 7 
 All of them were noted for their fickleness, 
 fraud, and perfidy : this was their common and 
 well-known character. 8 They seem, also, to 
 have been proverbial for their credulity j as in 
 Martial : 
 
 " Tu tantum accipies ; ego te legisse putabo, 
 Et tumidus Galld credulitate fruar."' 
 
 And occasionally given to lying : 
 
 " Novisque rebus infidelis Allobrox." ' 
 
 Justin calls them a greedy nation ; a and Diodorus 
 says, they were most exceedingly covetous. 3 
 This, likewise, was the character given of them 
 by the Massilians, their neighbours : 4 and Plu- 
 tarch says, The Gauls are the most covetous and 
 insatiable of all men. 5 Anciently they gave 
 
 6 Idem, ibi. B. iv, C. 5. 
 
 7 Silius Italicus, B. viii. Claudian, likewise calls them 
 
 — " populos levitate fences." De iv, con, Hono. 
 
 8 Polybius, B. ii, C. 1, 2 ; B. iii, C. 8. In every thing they 
 attempted, he says, they were hurried along by their passions, 
 and never submitted to the rule of reason. 
 
 9 B. v, E. 1. > Horace. 2 B. xxv, C. 1, 2* 
 3 B. v, C. 2. * Livy, B. xxi, C. 20. 
 
 * Life of Pyrrhus. 
 
THE CELTS. 125 
 
 themselves to rapine and spoil, wasting and 
 destroying other countries 5 and slighted and 
 despised all other people. 6 Pausanias, recounting 
 their barbarous treatment of the Callienses, calls 
 them a nation naturally incapable of pity, and 
 averse to love. 7 They were naturally impatient 
 of fatigue: 8 and no less so of captivity. 9 The 
 Galli Insubres, and the other borderers upon the 
 Alps, had the temper of savage beasts. 1 
 
 The Gauls, in their conversation, were sparing 
 of their words, and would speak many things 
 darkly and figuratively. They were lofty and 
 hyperbolical in trumpeting forth their own 
 
 6 Diodo. B. v, C. 2. 
 
 7 B. x, C. 22. Apollodorus, king of Cassandria, in Mace- 
 donia, armed some Gauls, and engaged them with large gifts, 
 and made use of them for his life-guard, because they were 
 naturally cruel, and ready to execute any villany. Diodo. 
 B. xsii.Ex. 
 
 8 Ca3sar,G. T7.B vii, C. 38. 
 
 9 The Gallo-Grecian prisoners, taken by the Romans, were 
 the occasion of wonder, when they attempted their chains with 
 biting, and offered their jaws to one another, to be squeezed to 
 suffocation. (Florus, B. ii, C. 11.') 
 
 1 Florus, B. ii, C. 4. He, elsewhere, calls the Gauls and 
 Germans the most savage of all nations. (B. iii, C. 10.) 
 
1<26 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 praises, but would speak slightly and contemp- 
 tuously of others* 
 
 The ordinary words of most of them, as well 
 when they were pacified, as angry, were dread- 
 ful and full of menacing. 3 They were of a 
 haughty spirit, apt to menace, self-opiniated, 
 and grievously provoking. 4 They were much 
 given to brawls, and exceedingly insolent ; for, 
 if any one of them were set a chiding or brawl- 
 ing, having the shrew his wife (who commonly 
 was by far the stronger of the two, and of a 
 sallow complexion) to take his part, a whole 
 band of strangers was not able to match him ; 
 especially when she, setting out her neck, with 
 big swollen veins, fell a grating of her teeth, and 
 levelling her snow-white arms, and those of a 
 mighty size, began once to lay about her, with 
 fists and heels together, as if they were bolts 
 and darts discharged violently from the withered 
 and twisted strings of a catapult. 1 The Gesata?, 
 as well as all the other Gauls, were excellent 
 
 9 Diodo. B. v, C. 2. Silius Italicus calls them 
 
 " Eridani tumidissimus accola Celta ;" (B. xi, V. 25.) 
 » Am. Marcel. B. xv, C. 12. 
 4 Arrian, B. i, C. 4 ; Diodo. B. v, C. 2. 
 4 Am. Mar. B. xv, C. 12. 
 
THE CELTS. 127 
 
 horsemen. They also, took much delight in 
 beasts of carriage, and were ready to purchase 
 them at any price. 7 
 
 Though the Gauls had very beautiful women 
 among them, yet they little valued their private 
 society, but were transported with raging lust to 
 the filthy act of sodomy ; and, lying, upon the 
 ground, on beasts skins spread under them, they 
 there tumbled together, with their catamites, 
 lying on both sides of them : and that which was 
 the most abominable is, that, without any sense 
 of shame, or regard to their reputation, they 
 would readily prostitute their bodies to others 
 upon every occasion : and they were so far from 
 looking upon it to be any fault, that they judged 
 it a mean and dishonorable thing for any thus 
 caressed to refuse the favour offered them. 9 The 
 Belgians, as it was commonly reported, were 
 contentious ; neither was it with them accounted 
 
 6 Plutarch, Life of Marcellus. 
 
 ' Cffisar, G. W. B. iv, C. 2. It appears from Clemens Alei- 
 andrinus, that many of the chairmen of Rome, in his time, were 
 Gauls; as those of London were, not long since, Welsh, and 
 are, at present, Irish : and those of Edinburgh, highlanders. 
 (Peda.B.iii, C. 4.) 
 
 9 Diodorus, B. v, C. 2. See also Athenseus, B. xiii. It 
 could not, surely, be intended as a punishment for such prac- 
 tices, that Caesar (the husband, himself, of every wife, and the 
 
128 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 shameful if young- men were abused in the flower 
 of their age. 
 
 According to Clement of Alexandria, not only 
 the Celts, but the Scythians, Iberians, and 
 Thracians, all of them warlike nations, were very 
 much given to drunkenness, and thought they 
 practised a good and happy way of life. 1 Poly- 
 aenus, also, observes that the Celts in particular, 
 were vehemently addicted to liquor.* And Am- 
 mianus describes the Gauls, as a nation greedily 
 given to wine, affecting to make sundry sorts of 
 drink resembling wine; and adds, that some 
 among them of the baser sort having their wits 
 and senses dulled by continual drunkenness, are 
 ravished by wild and wandering cogitations. 3 
 
 The Nervians, however, a Belgic tribe, suf- 
 fered no resort of merchants into their city, nor 
 would allow of the importation of wine, or other 
 commodities tending to luxury ; as, imagining 
 that thereby, the minds of men were enfeebled, 
 
 wife of every husband) opprobriously castrated the conquered 
 Gauls, as we are told he did by Gervase of Tilbury. , 
 
 1 Pedagogue, B. ii,[C. 2. Plato had long before said that 
 the Lydians, Persians, Carthaginians, Gauls, Thracians, and 
 such like nations, were addicted to drunkenness. De lege, B. i, 
 p. 77. 
 
 3 B. viii, C. 23. 3 B. xv, C. 12. 
 
THE CELTS. 1<29 
 
 and their martial fire and courage extinguished. 4 
 They were men of a warlike disposition, but al- 
 together unacquainted with the refinements of 
 life. 5 
 
 The Britons, according to Diodorus, were of 
 much sincerity and integrity. 6 In capacity they 
 were partly like the Gauls, and partly more 
 simple and barbarous. 7 Tn daring of dangers, 
 according to Tacitus, the Britons were prompted 
 by the like boldness as the Gauls, and with the 
 like affright avoided them when they approached. 
 In the Britons, however, he adds, superior fero- 
 city and defiance are found, as in a people not 
 yet softened by a long peace. For, continues 
 he, we learn from history that the Gauls too 
 flourished in warlike prowess and renown : 
 amongst them, afterward, together with peace 
 
 4 The like prohibition prevailed among the Germans, and 
 for a similar reason. (B. iv, C. 2.) 
 
 s Crssar, G. W. B. ii, C. 16. They continually inveighed, 
 he adds, against the rest of the Belgians, for ignominiously 
 submitting to the Roman yoke, and abandoning the steady 
 bravery of their ancestors. They openly declared their reso- 
 lution of neither sending ambassadors to Caesar, nor accepting 
 any terms of peace. 
 
 6 B. v, C. 2. Strabo gives much the same character of the 
 Gauls. 
 
 » Strabo, B. 4. 
 
 K 
 
130 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 and idleness, effeminacy entered; and thus, with 
 the loss of their liberty, they lost their spirit and 
 magnanimity. The same, he says, happened to 
 those of the Britons, who were conquered long 
 ago. The rest still continue such as the Gauls 
 once were. 8 
 
 The inhabitants of Kent, which lay wholely on 
 the sea-coast, were the most civilised of all the 
 Britons, and differed but little in their manners 
 from the Gauls. 9 
 
 In the temper and manners of the inhabitants, 
 Ireland, according to Tacitus, varied little from 
 Britain. 1 Those of the former country, how- 
 ever, are asserted by Mela, to have been rude, 
 ignorant of all virtues, and destitute of piety. 2 
 They were inhospitable, says Solinus, but war- 
 like 5 the country being rendered inhuman by 
 their savage manners. 
 
 8 Life of Agricola. See, afterward, how the, were taught 
 politeness and humanity. 
 
 9 Cffisar, G. W. B. v, C. 10. 
 
 1 Life of Agricola. But see Strabo (B. iv,) who says they 
 were more wild and had barbarous customs, unknown to the 
 Britons ; which are elsewhere noticed. 
 
 2 B. iii, C. 6. 
 
THE CELTS. 131 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 Of the marriages or family connections of the 
 Celts, their wives and children. 
 
 X h e men, as much money as they had received 
 from their wives, by the name of a portion, were 
 to communicate so much of their own goods, 
 estimation made, with the portions. Of all this 
 money, consideration was had together, and its 
 product preserved : which of them survived in 
 life, to him or her each part, with the products 
 of former times, came. The men had power of 
 life and death over their wives, just as over their 
 children : and when the father of a family, born 
 of a more illustrious place, deceased, his rela- 
 tions came together, and concerning his death, 
 if the thing came into suspicion, they had the 
 question of the wives, after the manner of slaves ; 
 and, if found "guilty, they put them to death, 
 tortured with fire and all torments. 1 
 
 It was a custom observed by the Celts, that 
 they should admit their wives to consultations 
 
 1 Cresar, G. W. B. vi, C. 17. 
 
132 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 about war and peace ; and that their labours 
 should determine the controversies arisen with 
 their allies.* The wives of the Gauls carried 
 pots of pudding into the baths, which they ate 
 with their children while they washed. 3 
 
 In this, almost, from others they differed ; 
 because they would not suffer their own sons to 
 come openly to them, unless when they were 
 grown so as that they might be able to sustain 
 the reward of soldiery ; and for a son, in a 
 puerile age, to stand in his fathers presence, they 
 reckoned disgraceful. 4 
 
 2 Plutarch, Of the virtues of women ; who relates thi s as the 
 origin of the custom. The Celts, hefore they had passed the 
 Alps, and taken possession of Italy, which, says he, they now 
 inhabit, had fallen, out of a serious and implacable discord, 
 into a civil war. But their wives, running into the midst of 
 the battle, and making themselves acquainted with the contro- 
 versies, so rightly and unblameably decided them, that, from 
 their sentence, an admirable friendship took place of all with 
 all, throughout every city and family. Wherefore, he adds, in 
 the league also which they made with Hannibal, they wrote : 
 If the Celts should have any reason to accuse the Carthaginians, 
 the judgement to be that of the Carthaginian generals and pre- 
 fects in Spain : but, if the Carthaginians objected any thing to 
 the Celts, the cognizance of the cause to be with the wives of 
 the Celts. This anecdote, nearly in the same words, is related 
 by Polysenus. (B. vii, C. 50.) 
 
 3 Plutarch, Symposiacs, B. viii, Q. 9. 
 * Caesar, G. W. B. vi, C. 16. 
 
THE CELTS. 133 
 
 Ten and twelve [Britons] had wives common 
 amongst them ; and., chiefly., brothers with 
 brothers, and parents with children : but if there 
 were some who were born from these, they were 
 held the children of those, by whom at first the 
 virgins whomsoever were led away. 5 Every 
 mother suckled her own child, as they took 
 delight neither in maid-servants nor nurses. 6 
 
 The inhabitants of Hibernia (Ireland), more 
 wild than the Britons, esteemed it decent to lie 
 openly not only with other women, but even 
 with their mothers and sisters. 7 In this country, 
 also, the lying-in woman, if she had brought 
 
 5 Cajsar, G. W. B. v, C. 10. " Severus was wont to crimi- 
 nate the incontinent, and for that cause prescribed laws con- 
 cerning adulterers, by which name a great many were called 
 into the tribunal . . . from which, first of all, the wife of Argen- 
 tocoxus, a certain Caledonian, is reported to have said to 
 Julia Augusta, who taunted her, after the commenced league, 
 that mixedly they copulated with their husbands: We ac- 
 complish those things, which necessity demands from nature, 
 much better than you Romans : for we have, openly, inter- 
 course with the best men : but you, secretly, the worst men 
 pollute with adulteries. So that Britoness." (Dio. B. lxxvi, 
 § 16, p. 1285.) 
 
 6 Richard of Cirencester, B. i, C. 3. 
 
 7 Strabo, B. iv. St. Jerom likewise observes that the nation 
 of the Scots (i. e. Irish) had not peculiar wives. {Ad Jovi. 
 C2.) 
 
134 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 forth a male put its first food upon the sword of 
 her husband j and, as it were, to take the aus- 
 pices of aliments, thrust it with the point, into 
 the mouth of the infant; and wished, with 
 household vows, nothing else than that he might 
 die in war, and amidst arms. 8 
 
 In the island of Thule, they used women in 
 common ; certain marriage to none. Even the 
 king of the Hebrides had no wife of his own, but 
 took, by turns, the use of any woman he desired : 
 so that he could neither wish nor hope for 
 children. 9 
 
 s Solinus, C. 22. 
 9 Idem. ibi. 
 
THE CELTS. 135 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 Of the medical knowledge of the Celts. 
 
 An herb similar to sabina (savine) was called 
 selago. It was gathered, without iron, by the 
 right hand, through the tunic, which was put off 
 with the left, as it were by one stealing, clad in 
 a white vest, and with clean-washed naked feet, 
 the sacred ceremony being performed, before it 
 was gathered, with bread and wine. This the 
 druids of the Gauls declared to be a preventative 
 against all mischief, and its smoke to be good 
 for all diseases of the eyes. 1 They, likewise, 
 called samolum an herb growing in moist grounds, 
 and this, to be gathered, with the left hand, by 
 persons fasting, was good against the diseases of 
 swine and cattle ; nor was the gatherer to look 
 back, nor was it to be deposited elsewhere than 
 in a kennel or water-course, there to bruise it 
 for the drinkers. 2. Not one, however, had more 
 of Roman fame than hierabotane, which some 
 called peristereona and the Romans, verbenaca 
 
 1 Pliny, B. xxiv, C. 11. 2 Idem, ibi. 
 
136 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 (vervain). Its kinds were two : one abounding 
 with leaves, which was reckoned the female : 
 the male with very few. The Gauls cast lots 
 with both and told fortunes : but the magicians, 
 even, went mad about it. Those anointed with 
 it were to obtain what they would, drive away 
 fevers, conciliate friendships, and cure every 
 kind of disease. It ought to be gatherd about 
 the rise of the dog-star, so that neither sun nor 
 moon should behold it, honey and honey-combs 
 being given before-hand to the earth by way of 
 atonement. It was to be dug round without iron, 
 with the left hand and cast upon high : to be dried 
 in the shade, the leaves, stalks and root, sepa- 
 rately. They said, that, if the eating-room were 
 sprinkled with water, in which it lay steeped, 
 the guests would become more joyful. Against 
 serpents it was bruised in wine. 3 The Gauls 
 called exacon (centaury), forasmuch as, being 
 drunk, it would expel all hurtful poisons out of 
 the body by stool. 4 An herb was, by the Gauls, 
 called limeum [rightly, loemeuni], also, belenium, 
 with which they tinged their arrows in hunting, 
 by a poison called harts-bane. From this was' 
 put into three measures of drench, as much as 
 was wont to be put upon an arrow and the com- 
 
 3 Pliny, B. xxv, C. 9. 4 Mem, ibi, C. 6. 
 
THE CELTS. 137 
 
 position poured down the throat of cattle in 
 disease. It behoved that they were, afterward, 
 tied to their stalls, until they were purged, for 
 they were wont to go mad : if perspiration fol- 
 lowed, they were to be washed all over with cold 
 water. 5 Two drachms of Gallic nard was helpful 
 against serpents. In inflammations of the cholic 
 if [drunk] either in water or in wine; also, of 
 the liver and reins and the overflowing of the 
 gall and in dropsies, either by itself or with 
 wormwood. It repressed, likewise, the violence 
 of female purgations. 6 Among the Celts, it is 
 said, a poison was to be found, which they them- 
 selves called xenicum, infecting and killing with 
 such celerity, that the Celtic hunters, when they 
 had struck a deer, with a tinged dart, instantly 
 ran up and cut out the wounded flesh, lest the 
 animal should putrefy with the producing poison 
 and the flesh be rendered useless for aliment : 
 but oak-bark was found to be an antidote or, as 
 others willed, the leaf which was, by themselves, 
 called coracwn: thence, certainly, that it was 
 found, by observation, that a crow, ill-affected 
 
 5 Idem, B. xxvii, C. 11. The mistletoe is described, by this 
 author, as possessing many medicinal qualities ; but he does 
 not, on that occasion, refer to the Gauls. 
 
 6 Pliny, B. xxi, C. 20. 
 
138 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 with the tasted poison, had gone to that herb 
 and, as soon as it had swallowed it, been deli- 
 vered from its pains. 7 Moreover, we read 
 that the Gauls tinged their darts with hellebore, 
 because, stricken by these, lifeless beasts be- 
 came more tender in feasts : but, on account 
 of the contagion of the hellebore, the wounds 
 made by the darts were said to be cut about 
 widely. 8 
 
 i Aristotle Of wonders heard of. 
 8 Aulus Gellius, B. xvii, C. 15. 
 
THE CELTS. 139 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 Of the unnatural deaths, and funeral ceremonies 
 of the Celts. 
 
 W e meet with many remarkable instances of 
 suicide among- the Gauls, whence we are at 
 liberty to infer that the practice was common. 
 Brennus, one of their kings, after his defeat at 
 Delphos, having drunk abundance of wine, ac- 
 cording to one writer, ran himself through the 
 body; 9 according to another, being severely 
 wounded, though there was reason to hope he 
 would not die of his wounds, yet through fear of 
 his fellow-citizens, and still more through shame 
 that he had been the cause of the Gauls suffering 
 such calamities, he voluntarily destroyed himself 
 by drinking pure wine. 1 A third says, that, not 
 being able to bear the pain of his wounds, he 
 ended his life by a dagger. 2, Aneroestus, another, 
 and the greatest of their kings, having, after the 
 loss of a great battle to the Romans, escaped, 
 with a few attendants, killed himself, with his 
 
 9 Diodorus, B. xxi'i, frag. ' Pausanias, B. x, C. 23. 
 
 2 Justin, B. xxiv. 
 
140 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 companions. 3 Cativulcus, who, jointly with 
 Ambiorix, was king of the Eburones, and had 
 associated with him in all his designs, being of a 
 very advanced age, and unable to bear the fa- 
 tigues of war or flight, after many imprecations 
 against the latter, who had been the prime con- 
 triver of an unsuccessful revolt against the 
 Romans, poisoned himself with an extract of 
 yew, a tree very common in Gaul and Germany. 4 
 Drapes, who had been made prisoner by Cani- 
 nius, either out of indignation at finding himself 
 a captive, or dreading a severer fate, put an end 
 to his life by abstaining from food. 5 Quintus 
 Martius, consul, attacked in war the nation of 
 the Gauls seated under the foot of the Alps, 
 who, when they saw themselves surrounded by 
 the Roman forces, and understood themselves to 
 be unequal in war, having killed their wives and 
 children, they threw themselves into the flames. 6 
 Those of the Gauls, who, surprised by the 
 Romans, had not then the power of accomplish- 
 ing their death, and were taken, some with iron, 
 
 others by hanging, others by abstaining from 
 
 > 
 
 * Polybius, B. ii, C. 2. Diodo. B. xxv.frag. The latter 
 author says, he cut his throat. 
 
 * Ceesar, G. W. B. vi, C. 29. 
 
 * Pausa, G. W, B. viii, C. 36, 6 Orosius, B. v, C. 15. 
 
THE CELTS. 141 
 
 food, put an end to themselves. The Japydes 
 burned their houses, and slew themselves with 
 their wives and children, so that nothing of 
 theirs should come to Caesar. Those of them 
 who were taken alive perished by a voluntary 
 death. 7 Boudicea, also, the British princess, 
 ended her life by poison. 8 
 
 Their funerals were magnificent and sump- 
 tuous, according to their quality. Every thing 
 that was dear to the deceased, even animals, 
 were thrown into the pile ; and, before Caesars 
 time, such of their slaves and clients as they 
 loved most sacrificed themselves at the funeral 
 of their lord. At their funerals they would 
 write letters to their departed friends, and throw 
 them into the funeral pile, as if they were to be 
 read by the deceased. 1 And, thinking their 
 souls eternal, and another life after death, when 
 they burned and buried their dead, the accounts 
 and bonds proper to them when alive were made 
 
 » Dio. B. xlix, p. 403. 
 
 8 Tacitus, Annals, B. xiv. Dio, however, who calls her 
 Bonduca, says she died of a fit of sickness, the Britons making 
 great lamentations for her, burying her magnificently, and 
 acknowledging that by her death they were truly and effectu- 
 ally overcome. (In Nero.) 
 
 9 Cffisar, G. W. B. vi, C. 17. See also P. Mela, B. iii, C. 2. 
 1 Diodorus, B. v, C. 2. 
 
142 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 to accompany them. 2 For the same reason they 
 were wont to lend money to be repaid to them 
 in the other world. 3 Such., at least, was their 
 conduct at home and in peace ; for they acted 
 very differently when warring in a foreign coun- 
 try. After the battle of Thermopylae, the Gauls, 
 who had been there defeated under their king 
 Brennus, did not demand any truce that they 
 might bury their dead ; plainly evincing, that 
 they considered it as a matter of no consequence, 
 whether the bodies of the slain were buried in 
 the ground, or torn in pieces by wild beasts and 
 fowls. 4 
 
 « P. Mela, B. iii, C. 2. 
 
 3 V. Maximus, B. ii, C. 6. I should call thein fools, he 
 adds, if these wearers of breeches (braccatt) had not held opi- 
 nion according to the belief of the philosopher Pythagoras. 
 Their philosophy also, in this instance, he calls covetous and 
 usurious. 
 
 4 Pausanias, B. x, C. 21. He supposes them to have been 
 thus careless, as to the interment of the slain, partly from a 
 desire of terrifying their enemies by this specimen of their 
 ferocity, and partly from their want of commiseration for the 
 dead. 
 
 A cave, supposed to be a Gaulish sepulchre, was discovered 
 near Auxerre, in 1735, for an account whereof see Le Beuf, 
 Divers tents, torn, i, p. 290. Montfaucon, in his Antiquite's, 
 gives a description of two remarkable Gaulish sepulchres, and 
 their contents (V. 5, p. 2, B. i, C. 8 and 9.) 
 
THE CELTS. 143 
 
 CHAP. XIII. 
 
 Of the dress, arms, and personal ornaments of 
 the Celts. 
 
 1 h e garments of the Gauls were very strange ; 
 for they wore party-coloured coats, interwoven 
 here and there with divers sorts of flowers j and 
 hose which they called braccct. s They, like- 
 
 5 The Romans, on account of these braces, or breeches, dis- 
 tinguished that part of Transalpine Gaul, which was also called 
 the province of Narbo, or Gallia Narbonensis, by the name of 
 Gallia braecata. Strabo mentions them as worn only by the 
 Belga (B. iv, p. 195) : but Poh/bius says that the Boians and 
 Insubrians wore the breeches of their country, and were covered 
 with light military vests ; and that the Gauls that were in the 
 ranks behind were in part secured against the darts and jave- 
 lins by their breeches and military vests (B. ii, C. 2.) If, as it 
 is generally believed, the word is originally Celtic, it may have 
 implied variegated or speckled, as fcreac does in Irish. These 
 braces, however, were by no means peculiar to the Gauls, 
 being likewise used by the Germans, Sarmataj, Getes, and 
 Persians. See Vossius, De vitiis Latini sermonis, C. 2. This 
 habit, which Tacitus calls " a barbarous covering," was intro- 
 duced among the Romans in the time of Augustus. Vopiscus, 
 in Aurelian, describes Tetricus " braccis Gallicis arnaUis," 
 
144 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 wise, made their cassocks of basket-work, joined 
 together with laces on the inside, and checquered 
 with many pieces of work like flowers : those 
 they wore in winter were thicker, those in 
 summer more slender. 6 Those who bore 
 honours used greatly vests painted and variegated 
 with gold. 7 Not only the women but the men 
 decked and adorned themselves with a profu- 
 sion of gold ; for they wore bracelets of this 
 metal about their wrists and arms ; and massy 
 chains, of pure and beaten gold, about their 
 necks ; and weighty rings upon their fingers ; 
 and crosslets of gold upon their breasts. 8 Some 
 
 V. Maximus terms the Gauls braccati, by way of sneer or con- 
 tempt. (B. i, C. 6, § 10.) Yet Mr. Pinkerton is pleased to 
 assert that " the Celts wore no bracc<£, or breeches, the grand 
 badge," he says, " of the Germans." {Enquiry. I, 15.) 
 
 6 Diodorus, B. v, C. 2. The cloak or cassock worn, at least 
 by the inhabitants of Cisalpine Gaul, procured it the name of 
 Gallia togata. Scipio, according to Polyaenus, introduced the 
 dress of the Gallic cloak ; and he himself used to wear a black 
 one. (B. viii, C. 16.) Diodorus says that the Celtiberians 
 wore black rough cassocks, made of wool like to goats hair. 
 
 7 Strabo, B. iv, page 195. 
 
 8 Diodo. B. v, C. 2. Strabo, B. iv, p. 195. In Gaul/ac- 
 cording to the former, there were no silver mines, but there 
 was much gold, with which the nature of the place supplied 
 the inhabitants, without the labour or toil of digging in the 
 mines. For the winding course of the river, washing with its 
 
THE CELTS. 145 
 
 girt themselves over their coats, with belts gilt 
 
 streams the feet of the mountains, carried away great pieces of 
 golden ore, which those employed in that business gathered ; 
 and then ground and bruised these clods of golden earth; and, 
 when they had so done, cleansed them from the gross earthy 
 part, by washing them in water, and then melted them in a 
 furnace ; and thus got together a vast heap of gold. The gold 
 chains, or torques, of the Gauls are often mentioned in history. 
 At Anien, Manlius, in a single combat, took a golden chain 
 (aureum torqueum), amongst other spoils, from a Senonian 
 Gaul, which obtained him the surname of Torquatus. (Florus, 
 B. i, C. 13; Eutropius, B. ii, C. 5.) They once, with Ariovistus 
 [r. Aneroestus] for their leader, vowed to their God Mars a 
 chain made out of the spoils of the Roman soldiers; but, 
 Jupiter intercepting their vow, Flaminius erected a golden 
 trophy out of their chains (torquibus.) Florus, B. ii, C. 4. In 
 the year of Rome 627, C. C. Longinus and S. D. Calvinus, the 
 consuls, made war upon the Transalpine Gauls, and killed an 
 infinite number of them ; when a great deal of plunder, con- 
 sisting of the gold chains (ex torquibus) of the Gauls, was brought 
 to Rome. (Eutropius, B. iv, C. 22.) In the battle they had, 
 near Telamon, with the consuls iEmilius and Atilius, the com- 
 batants, in the foremost ranks, were all adorned with chains of 
 gold about their necks and hands. (Polybius, B. ii, C. 2.) 
 Viral, in his description of iEneas's shield, speaking of the 
 Gauls, who were represented in the act of invading the capitol, 
 takes care not to omit this characteristic ornament : 
 " Fair golden tresses grace the comely train, 
 
 And every warrior wears a golden chain. 
 
 Embroider'd vests their snowy limbs infold; 
 
 And their rich robes are all adorn'd with gold." 
 
 (M. B. viii.) 
 L 
 
146 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 with gold or silver .9 All of them, with equal 
 diligence and curiosity, were neat and clean : 
 
 Silius Italicus, too, describing a Gallic chief, says, 
 
 " His iv'ry neck a golden chain did bear, 
 His garments with pure gold embroider'd were ; 
 Bracelets of massy gold adorn his wrist, 
 And the like metal shone upon his crest." (B. iv.) 
 
 Among the spoil, after the battle of Aurinx, between the Car- 
 thaginians and the Romans, many things were found that 
 belonged to the Gauls ; great quantities of gold rings, chains, 
 and bracelets. (Livy, B. xxiv, C. 42.) The Gauls appear 
 even to have had a king called, from this circumstance, Tor- 
 quatus. See Pliny, B. xxxiii, C. 1 ; and Pelloutier, Histoire des 
 Celtes, I, 338. Neither was this fashion peculiar to the Gauls ; 
 as some of the most considerable persons in Cyrus's army, as 
 we learn from Xenophon, wore chains about their necks and 
 bracelets upon their arms. (Expedition, B. i.) The author, 
 whoever he was, of the Parallels, so unjustly ascribed to, be- 
 cause so utterly unworthy of, Plutarch, tells the following 
 story, which he pretends to have from the relation of Clitophon 
 (a historian ; apparently, of his own invention) in the first 
 book of Gallic affairs : " Brennus, king of the Gauls, wasting 
 Asia, came to Ephesus, where he became enamoured of a 
 plebeian girl, who promised to grant him the use of her body, 
 and to betray Ephesus, in consideration of certain bracelets 
 and female ornaments : whereupon Brennus commanded his 
 soldiers to cast whatever gold they had into the bosom of the 
 avaricious creature, who overwhelmed by the quantity of gold, 
 perished. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, and Plutarch, after 
 him, relate a similar story of the virgin Tarpeia, who had pro- 
 mised to betray the capitol to the Gauls (whom the poet 
 
THE CELTS. 147 
 
 neither, in those tracts, and especially in Aqui- 
 tain, should you see a woman, were she ever so 
 poor, in foul and ragged clothes, as in other 
 places. 1 
 
 The Belgae wore cassocks, nourished their 
 hair, and used breeches extended about them. 
 In the place of tunicks they had a vest slit and 
 with sleeves, hanging down to the private parts 
 and buttocks. Their wool was coarse and shorn, 
 as near as might be, to the very skin ; and from 
 that they wore their thick cassocks, which they 
 called Ccenas. 
 
 Upon their heads they wore helmets of brass, 
 with large pieces of work raised upon them, for 
 ostentation sake, to be admired by the beholders ; 
 
 Simulus, by a most egregious blunder, had converted into 
 Sabines), the original, no doubt, of this of Brennus. After all, 
 it seems, the Greek word ar^itrlov , and the Latin torques, should 
 be translated a wreath, rather than a chain. See an account 
 of the discovery of an ancient golden torques by Edward Lhuyd 
 in Gibsons additions to Camdens Britannia (Meirionydhshire). 
 We learn from Pliny that the Celtic necklaces were called 
 viriolce, the Celtiberian vine. (B. xxxiii, C. 12.) 
 
 9 The Iusubrian Gauls, says Florus, had often sworn, but 
 especially under their general Britomarus, that they would not 
 loose their belts before they mounted the capital ; and it hap- 
 pened accordingly, for yEmilius conquered and disarmed them 
 in the capital. (B. ii, C. 4.) 
 
 1 Am. Marcel. B. xv, C. 12. 
 
148 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 for they had either horns of the same metal 
 joined to them, or the shapes of birds and beasts 
 carved upon them. 1. Some of them wore iron 
 breast-plates and hooked ; 3 but others, content 
 with what arms nature afforded them, fought 
 naked. 4 
 
 All the Britons in general painted themselves 
 with woad, which gave a bluish cast to their 
 skins, and made them look dreadful in battle.* 
 
 2 Diodo. B. v, C. 2. The Celtiberians, he says, wore brazen 
 helmets, adorned with red plumes. 
 
 3 Varro says that lorica (a coat of mail) came a loreis (from 
 leather thongs), because breast- plates were formerly made of 
 raw leather : afterward, the Gauls, under that name, fabri- 
 cated, from rings, an iron tunick. De lingua Lalina, L. 4. 
 
 4 Diodo. B v, C. 2. Of their fighting naked we find many 
 instances. Several representations of the habits of the Gauls 
 are inserted in Montfaucons Antiquites, V iii, p. 1, B. ii. In 
 B. i, C. 13, are six Gallic soldiers and an archer. See also 
 further observations on the habit of the Gauls, " Explication de 
 divers monumens singnliers, par Dom * * * [Martin], Paris, 
 1739, 4to. p. 123, &c. 194. 
 
 * Cffisar, G. W. B. v, C. 10. See also P. Mela, B. iii, C. 6. 
 Herodian, B. iii. Propertius (B. ii, E. 18) calls them, " from 
 this practice, " infectos Britannos .'" Ovid (De amore,B. ii, E. 
 16.), " virides Britannos;" Martial (B. xiv, E. 99), '' pictis 
 Britannis, " and (B. xi, E. 54), " caeruleis Britannis; " Lucan, 
 (B. iii), " Jlavis Britannis ; " and Seneca (De Claudio), " car- 
 ruleos scuta Brigantes." There was an herb, in Gaul, accord- 
 ing to Pliny, called glastwn, with which, he says, the wives and 
 
THE CELTS. 149 
 
 They, likewise, dyed their skins with the pictures 
 of various animals, which was one principal 
 reason for their Avearing no clothes, because they 
 were loth to hide the fine paintings on their 
 bodies. The greater part of them, in Caesars 
 time, went clad in skins : 6 . but, according to 
 
 daughters of the Britons stain their whole body, and walk 
 naked in certain religious festivals, imitating the colour of 
 .Ethiopians (B. xxii, C. 1). It appears from Solinus, that 
 these figures or images were made, by means of wounds or 
 punctures, in young boys, and increased in size with the 
 growth of the man (C. 22.) This practice, however, was by no 
 means peculiar to the Britons. The Agathyrsi, a Scythian 
 nation, painted their bodies over with blue-coloured spots, 
 larger or smaller, and more or less numerous, according to their 
 rank. See Am. Marcel. B. xxxi, C. 2 ; P. Mela, B. ii, C. 1 . 
 Virgil, too, calls them " picti Agathyrsi. " (2E. B. iv, V. 146.) 
 Among the Daei and Sarmats, likewise, as Pliny observes, the 
 men inscribed their bodies, as the barbarian women, in some 
 countries, besmeared each others faces. (B. xxii, C. 1.) He 
 also says that the Tribareni and Mossyni branded and marked 
 their bodies with hot searing irons. (B. vi, C. 4.) Virgil, 
 moreover, speaks of the " picti scuta Labici." (iE. B. viii, V. 
 796), and " pictos Gelonos " (G. B. ii, V. 115) ; and Martial, 
 of the " picti Mauri " (B. x, E. 6.) The Zygantes, an ancient 
 nation, mentioned by Herodotus, painted themselves with ver- 
 milion. (Melpo.) and Tacitus, of the Arii, a community of the 
 Lygians, says, their bodies were painted black. The Japydes, 
 also, punctured their bodies with marks, in the manner of the 
 test of the Ulyrians and Thracians. (Strabo, B. vii, p. 315.) 
 
150 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Herodian, they almost always went naked ; 
 being ignorant of the use of clothes ; and only 
 covered their necks and bellies with fine plates 
 of iron, which they esteemed as an ornament, 
 and a sign of wealth, and were as proud of it as 
 other barbarians were of gold. 7 They were long- 
 haired j and shaved all their body, except the 
 upper lip. 8 The dress of Bonduca, queen of the 
 Iceni, is thus described : she wore a chain of 
 gold, 9 a tunick of several colours, all in folds, 
 
 It is remarkable that the Angli, even so low as the Norman 
 conquest, are described by William of Malmesbury as " pic- 
 turatis stigmatibus cutem insigniti" (De G. R. A. L. 3) : and 
 that this relic of paganism had been already reprobated by the 
 council of Ceakhythe in Mercia, anno 785. The Picts are said, 
 bv Claudian and Isidore, to have adopted the same practice. 
 It is, nevertheless, true that no writer mentions it to have been 
 adopted by the Gauls ; but " that there is not the smallest 
 authority to believe that the Welch Britons ever painted them- 
 selves," is a singularly bold assertion. 
 8 G. W. B. v, C. 10. 
 
 7 Herodian, B. iii. Their nakedness seems to have been 
 very convenient ; since, according to this author, they were 
 accustomed to swim in, or wade up to their middle through, 
 the lakes and marshes of which their country was full. 
 
 8 Dio, by Xiphilin. They certainly wore breeches, as we 
 learn from Martial : 
 
 " Lydia tam Iaxa est, equitis quam cuius aeni ; 
 Quam veteres brachee Britonis pauperis :" 
 
 (L. xi, E. 22.) 
 » XTpeTrlov (torques). 
 
THE CELTS. 151 
 
 and, over it, a vest of coarse stuff. She held a 
 lance in her hand, to appear more terrible. She 
 had white hair, which fell down upon her 
 shoulders to the bottom of her back. 1 
 
 Both in Gaul and Britain the ring was worn 
 upon the middle finger. 1 
 
 For swords the Gauls used a long and broad 
 weapon called spatha, which they hung across 
 their right thigh by iron or brazen chains. 3 
 Their swords, indeed, were long and without 
 points ;* and were formed to strike only with 
 the edge. They, also, could make but one single 
 stroke ; by the force of which they were so bent 
 and twisted, that, unless the soldiers had leisure 
 to rest them upon the ground, and with the 
 assistance of their feet recover them to their 
 former shape, the second stroke was wholly 
 without effect. Beside, as they were only formed 
 to give a falling blow, a certain distance was 
 always necessary for that purpose. 5 The jave- 
 
 1 Dio Cassius, by Xiphilin, under Nero. The golden 
 chains of the Britons are particularly mentioned by Tacitus, 
 among the spoils of Caractacus. (Annals, B. xii.) 
 
 2 Pliny, B. xxxiii, C. 1. 
 
 3 Diodo. B. v, C. 2. 
 
 4 Livy, B. ssii, C. 46 ; B. xxxviii, C. 17. 
 
 5 Polybius, B. ii, C. 2 ; B. iii, C. 12. The Gallo-Greciam, 
 attacked by Manlius, had no other arms but their »word» ; 
 
152 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 lins of their horsemen were weak and small. 6 
 For darts they cast what they called lances, of 
 which the iron shafts were a cubit or more in 
 length, and almost two hands in breadth. For 
 their swords were as big as the saunians 7 of 
 other people ; but the points of their saunians 
 were larger than those of their swords : some of 
 them were straight, others bowed, and bending 
 backward, so that they not only cut, but broke 
 the flesh : and, when the dart was drawn out, it 
 tore and rent the wound most miserably. 8 Their 
 defensive arms were a shield, proportionable to 
 the height of a man, garnished with their own 
 ensigns. Some carried the shapes of beasts in 
 orass, artificially wrought, as well for defence as 
 ornament. 9 These shields were made of bark 
 or wicker, and covered over with hides. 1 They 
 were flat and long, without breadth ; and only 
 
 which, on that occasion, were of no use to them. Livy, B. 
 xxxviii, C. 21. 
 
 e Plutarch, Life of Crassus ; Appiau, Parthicks, C. 8. These 
 horsemen, in young Crassus's engagement with the Parthians, 
 though the troops on which he chiefly depended, were either 
 naked, or but lightly armed. 
 
 » A kind of dart. 8 Diodo. B. v, C. 2. 9 Idem, ibi. 
 
 1 Caesar, G. W. B. ii, C. 33. They sometimes used them 
 for rafts to assist them in swimming over a river. Pausanias, 
 B. x, C. 20. 
 
THE CELTS. 153 
 
 covered part of their huge bodies.* The Gauls, 
 who fought against the Greeks at Thermopylae, 
 had no other defence for their bodies than those 
 shields, which they called thureoi: 3 the form of 
 which very much resembled that of the wicker 
 shields of the Persians, which were called 
 gerrlia* 
 
 2 Liyy, B. xxxviii, C. 31 ; Polybius, B. ii, C. 2. These 
 targets greatly incumbered the Gauls, in one of their engage- 
 ments with Caesar; for, many of them being pierced and 
 pinned together by the javelins of the Romans, they could 
 neither draw out the javelins, which were forked at the ex- 
 tremity, nor act with agility in the battle, because deprived in 
 a manner of the use of their left arms : so that many, after long 
 tossing their targets to and fro, to no purpose, to disengage 
 them, chose rather to throw them away, and expose themselves 
 without defence to the weapous of their enemies. G. W. B. i, 
 C. 20. * Pausauias, B. x, C. 20. 
 
 4 Idem, B. x, C. 19. This kind of buckler is mentioned by 
 Homer (Odyssey); and Eustathius, upon the passage, explains 
 Yeppcc, " Persian bucklers made of wicker." Xenophon, in 
 his Expedition, terms a body of the Persians, Teppofopoi. 
 Virgil, too, mentions both the lances and the shields of the 
 Gauls, as represented upon the shield of his hero : 
 
 " duo quisque Alpina coruscant 
 
 Gaesa manu, scutis protecti corpora longis." 
 
 (jE. B. viii.) 
 
 He elsewhere supposes the wieker-shield common to Ausonia : 
 
 " And for the shield the pliant sallow bend." 
 
 (jE. B, vii.) 
 
154 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 The armour of the Belgians was along sword, 
 hanging on the right side ; a long shield ; lances 
 in proportion ; and a kind of javelin : some, like- 
 wise, used bows and slings: they had, also, wood 
 in the form of a pile, which was thrown, not by 
 a thong, but out of the hand : but a dart, which 
 they chiefly used in fowling, could be thrown 
 much further. 5 
 
 Some of the Celtiberians were armed with the 
 Gauls light shields ; others with bucklers as big 
 as shields. They carried two-edged swords, 
 exactly tempered with steel j and had daggers 
 beside, of a span long, which they made use of 
 in close fight. They made weapons and darts in 
 an admirable manner, for they buried plates of 
 iron so long under ground till the rust had con- 
 sumed the weaker part ; and so the rest became 
 strong and firm : of this they made their swords, 
 and other warlike weapons; and with these 
 arms, thus tempered, they so cut through every 
 thing in their way, that neither shield, helmet, 
 nor bone, could withstand them : and because 
 they were furnished with two swords, the horse, 
 when they had routed the enemy, used to light 
 and join with the foot ; and would fight to 
 admiration. 6 
 
 4 Strabo, B. iv, 195. 
 
 6 Diodo. B. v, C. 2. See also Polybius, B. iii.C. 12. Livy, 
 
THE CELTS. 155 
 
 The Britons were armed with very little 
 targets, and swords of an enormous size. These 
 swords being blunt at the end, were unfit for 
 grappling, and could not support a close en- 
 counter. 7 The arms made use of by this nation, 
 according to Dio, were a buckler, a poniard, 
 and a short lance, at the lower end of which 
 was a piece of tin, in the form of an apple, with 
 which their custom was to make a noise, with a 
 design to frighten their enemies. s Herodian, 
 who calls them a very warlike and fierce people, 
 says they were armed only with a narrow shield, 
 and spear, and a sword hanging by their naked 
 bodies, unacquainted with the use of habergeons 
 and helmets, which they thought would be an 
 obstruction to their wading through the ponds 
 and marshes of their country. 9 It appears, how- 
 ever, from Bonducas harangue to her army, that 
 
 too, observes that the Gauls and Spaniards, at Canna?, had 
 shields of the same form. B. xxii, C. 46. He, likewise, says 
 that the latter, whose manner was rather to thrust at, than cut 
 an enemy, had short pointed swords, which were easy to 
 manage, 
 
 7 Tacitus, Life ofAgricola. 8 Xiphilin, under Severus. 
 
 » B. iii, (under Severus). Tacitus, likewise, observes of the 
 Britons, that they cover themselves with no armour." Annals, 
 B. xii. 
 
156 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 they were armed, at that period, with helmets 
 and coats of mail. 1 
 
 Those, among the Hibernians, who affected 
 finery, adorned the hilts of their swords with 
 the teeth of sea-animals, which they burnished 
 to the clearness of ivory : for the chief glory of 
 the men, was, in the brightness of their arms* 
 
 1 Xiphilin, under Nero. 2 Solinus, C. 22. 
 
THE CELTS. 157 
 
 CHAP. XIV. 
 
 Of the manners and conduct of the Celts in war, 
 and of their military character. 
 
 To call an assembly of the states in arms, im- 
 plied, according to the custom of the Gauls, an 
 actual commencement of war ; and, by a stand- 
 ing law, obliged all their youth to appear at the 
 diet in arms ; in which they were so extremely 
 strict, that whosoever had the misfortune to 
 come last was put to death in sight of the mul- 
 titude, with all manner of torments. 1 They 
 were a people famed above all nations for their 
 military virtues* Every age among them was 
 most meet for warfare 5 and with like courage 
 and hardiness of heart was the old man brought 
 into the field, and the lusty youth carrying 
 about him limbs hardened with frost and con- 
 
 1 Caesar, G. W. B. v, C. 47. The Celts, according to Athe- 
 naeus, waged war for meat and drink. (B. 6, p. 174.) The 
 kings of the east waged no wars without a mercenary army of 
 Gauls. (Justin, B. xxv, C. 2.) 
 
 * Caesar, G. W. B. v, C. 45. 
 
158 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 tinual labour, resolved to contemn many and 
 those fearful occurrences. Neither was there ever 
 any of them (as in Italy) for fear of going to the 
 wars, known to cut off his thumb ; and such as 
 did so they termed, in jest, murcos 3 (cowards). 
 The Gauls, in their fights, used chariots, drawn 
 by two horses, which carried a charioteer and a 
 soldier, and, when they met horsemen in the 
 battle, they fell upon their enemies with their 
 saunians; then, quitting their chariots, they 
 went to it with their swords. 4 They also used 
 war-chariots, resembling those of the Britons, 
 having their axles furnished with hooks or 
 scythes, which were called esedce or covini. s 
 They carried along with them to the wars, for 
 
 3 Ammianus Marcellinus, B. xv, C. 12. Vertiscus, general 
 of the Bellovaci, and the chief man of their state, though so 
 far advanced in years that he could scarcely sit on horseback, 
 yet, according to the custom of the Gauls, would neither de- 
 cline the command on account of his age, nor suffer them to 
 fight without him. (Pansa, G. W. B. viii, C. 11.) 
 
 4 Diodo. B. v, C. 2. 
 
 * Pomponius Mela, describing the war-chariots of the Bri- 
 tons, says they were armed after the manner of the Gauls (B. 
 iii, C. 6) ; as does, likewise, Richard of Cirencester. (B. i, 
 C. 3, § 14.) These chariots are mentioned by Lucan : 
 
 *' Et docilis rector rostrati Belgae covini :" 
 
 The drivers were called essedarii ; and Caesar, in a letter to 
 
THE CELTS. 159 
 
 their servants, libertines or freedmen, chosen 
 out of the poorer sort of people, whom they 
 
 Cicero, speaking of some Gaul of great consequence, says 
 " Multa millia equitum atque essedariorum habet." See 
 Clarkes edition, 8vo. p. 504. Frontinus mentions a stra- 
 tagem of Ceesar, by which he turned these chariots against the 
 enemy : " C. Ctrsar Gallorumfalcatas quadrigas eadem ratione 
 palis defixis excepit, inhibuitque." (B ii, C. 3, Ex. 18.) and 
 Strabo says, of the Britons, that they use for the wars a multi- 
 tude of esseda or chariots, as likewise some of the Gauls. (B. 
 iv, p. 200.) Pinkerton, however, asserts that " No cars of 
 battle are to be found among the Celts." (Dissertation, p. 70) ; 
 and, again : " That the Celts ever had cars there is no proof." 
 (Enquiry, I, 374.) But if the Gauls and Britons were not 
 Celts, there never were any in the world ; and both these 
 nations used cars. They were also in use by other nations. 
 King Antiochus had chariots of this description in his army 
 (Livy, B. xxxvii, C. 41.) ; and so had Phanaces (Pansa, A. W. 
 C. 60) ; both of whom might, possibly, have been taught to 
 make them by the Galatians or Gallo-Greeks. Xenophon, in 
 his CyroptEdia (B. vi), ascribes the invention of chariots 
 armed with scythes to the first Cyrus ; though Diodorus, from 
 Ctesias, says that Ninus had great numbers of them in his 
 expedition against the Bactrians (B. ii). It appears, from 
 Arrian (B. iii, cc. 11, 12, 13), from Quintus Curtius (B. iv), 
 and from Xenophons Expedition of Cyrus (B. i), as well as 
 from the Cyroj)(Edia{J&. vi), that the Persians had war-chariots 
 of this description ; and Frontinus (B. ii, C. 3, Ex. 17) men- 
 tions the fulcata quadriga as having been used by Archelaus 
 against L. Sulla. 
 
160 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 made use of for waggoners and footmen. 6 Two 
 servants followed each horseman, who were 
 themselves good soldiers, and rode on horseback. 
 These, when their masters were in the midst of 
 an engagement, stood in the rear of the army, 
 and, if their masters happened to lose their 
 horses, supplied them with fresh ones. When 
 any master, too, fell, one of these servants fought 
 in his stead; and, if he likewise fell, there was a 
 third ready to succeed him. If the master hap- 
 pened to be wounded, one of his servants imme- 
 diately led him out of the field of battle, and the 
 other filled up the place of his wounded master. 
 This mode of fighting they called, in their native 
 tongue, trimarcisias : the name of a horse, with 
 the Gauls, being marcas. 7 The Gauls made use, 
 
 6 Diodo. B. v, C. 2. 
 
 7 Pausanias, B. x, C 19. He conceives that the Gauls had 
 adopted this plan in imitation of the Persians, who always had 
 in their armies a select band of ten thousand men, whom they 
 called the. immortals. There was this difference, however, he 
 allows, between the two : that the chosen band among the 
 Persians attacked the enemy in the place of those that had 
 been slain, after the engagement : but the Gauls ordered their 
 select company to supply the place of the dead or wounded, 
 during the engagement. The Gauls and Celtiberians, accord- 
 ing to Vegetius, and many other barbarous nations, made use 
 
THE CELTS. 1G1 
 
 as well of their own, as of the British dogs in 
 war ; the latter, by their natural faculty, excel- 
 ling all others for the chace. 8 
 
 When the army was drawn up in battalia, it 
 was usual for some of them to step out before 
 the army, and challenge the stoutest of the 
 enemy to single combat, brandishing their arms 
 to terrify their adversary. If any came forth to 
 fight with them, then they sung some song, in 
 commendation of the valiant acts of their ances- 
 tors, and blazoned out their own praises ; on the 
 contrary they would vilify their adversary, and 
 utter slight and contemptuous words, as if he 
 had not the least courage. 9 The Gallic army, 
 
 in battle, of bands in which were 6000 armed men. (B. ii, 
 C 2.) 
 
 8 Strabo, B. iv, p. 200. The Britons, who are partly de- 
 scended from the Gauls, in the last decade of the eighteenth 
 century, made use of Spanish dogs in a war with the Maroon 
 negros ; having no longer any of their own fit for the purpose. 
 
 9 Diodo. B. v, C. 2. Frequent mention is made of these 
 challenges by the Roman historians ; who, by the way, never 
 notice one wherein a Gaul is the victor. The two armies of 
 Sylla and Cluentius being drawn up, a Gaul, of very large 
 stature, advanced from the latter, and dared any Roman to 
 single combat ; but he being slain by a very small Numidian, 
 all the rest of the Gauls were struck with such a panic that 
 they turned their backs, and, by the disorder of their flight, 
 
 M 
 
162 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 under Indutiomarus, used to come up to the 
 Roman camp, discharge their darts over the 
 rampart, and in opprobrious language challenge 
 their enemies to fight. 1 They usually, in war, 
 formed themselves into different bodies, accord- 
 ing to their several states. 1 
 
 The Gauls, even in their sudden expeditions, 
 were always attended with a vast number of 
 carriages ; and much baggage. 3 They usually 
 pitched their camp at the foot of a mountain, by 
 a river side. 4 When drawn up in order of battle, 
 they commonly sat upon fascines. These they 
 would sometimes collect and set fire to, that the 
 
 caused all the rest of Cluentius's army to do the like : so that 
 they were pursued with prodigious slaughter. Appian, P. ii, 
 B J, C. 12. 
 
 1 Caesar, G. W. B. v, C. 49. 
 
 2 Idem, ibi, B. vii, C. 18. Thus also Tacitus, of the Britons 
 under Caractacus: " The troops of the several countries stood 
 in the front of their fortifications." 
 
 3 Pansa, G. W. B. viii, C. 13 ; Caesar, G. W. B. i, C. 48. 
 They sometimes, after an unsuccessful contest, took shelter 
 behind these carriages, and made use of them by way of a 
 rampart ; darting their javelins upon the enemy from above, or 
 thrusting their lances through the wheels of the waggons. 
 Ceesar, supra, C. 20. Polybius, describing a battle between 
 the Gauls and the consul iEmilius, observes, " The chariots 
 were placed in the extremity of either wing." B. ii, C. 2. 
 
 * Pansa, G. W. B. viii, C. 29. 
 
THE CELTS. 163 
 
 blaze might cover their retreat. s At the begin- 
 ning of a battle, they set up strange howlings, 
 made antic gestures, and a terrible clattering by 
 striking their arms on their shields. 6 It was, 
 also, a custom with them, when they charged 
 their enemies, to raise a shout, and cry out vic- 
 tory !? Likewise, to denote their approbation of 
 their commanders harangue, the whole army 
 would set up a shout, and strike their lances 
 against their swords. 8 
 
 5 Idem, ibi, B. viii, C. 14. 
 
 6 Livy, B. xxxviii, C. 17. At the battle, near Telamon, be- 
 tween the Gauls, under the conduct of their kings Aneroestus 
 and Concolitanus, and the consuls, iEmilius and C. Attilius, 
 though the Romans were elated with no small joy, when they 
 saw they had inclosed their enemy as in a snare, yet, on the 
 other hand, the appearance of the Gallic forces, and the 
 unusual noise with which they advanced to action, struck them 
 with great amazement. For, besides their horns and trumpets 
 (which latter, according to Diodorus (B. v, C. 2), after the 
 barbarian manner, in sounding made a horrid noise, to strike a 
 terror fit and proper for the occasion), the number of which 
 was almost infinite, the whole army broke together into such 
 loud and continued shouts, that the neighbouring places every 
 where resounded, and seemed to join their voices with the 
 shouts and clamour of the instruments and soldiers. Polybius, 
 B. ii, C. 2. 
 
 » Caesar, G. W. B. v, C. 29. See also B. vii, cc. 73, 74. 
 8 Idem, ibi, B. vii, C. 20. When Paulinus and his legions 
 were about to charge the Britons under Bonduca, the barba- 
 
164 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 They generally fought naked. 9 They were 
 most fierce, impetuous, and formidable in their 
 first attack. 1 But it was found, by experience, 
 that, as their first onset, was more violent than 
 that of men, so their following behaviour in 
 battle was inferior to that of women. The 
 bodies of those about the Alps, being reared in a 
 moist air, had something like their snows, and, 
 as soon as they were heated in fight, presently 
 ran into sweat, and were relaxed by any slight 
 
 rians, says Dio, made a great shout, and sung songs full of 
 thrcatenings. The Caledonians, too, received the speech of 
 Galgacus joyfully, with chantings, and terrible din, after the 
 manner of Barbarians. Tacitus, Life of Agricola. 
 
 9 Livy, B. xxxviii, C. 1. The Gauls, in the Carthaginian 
 army, at the battle of Cannae, had a dreadful aspect, both in 
 effect of their extraordinary size and habit. They were naked 
 from the navel upward. Idem, B. xxii, C. 46. According to 
 Polybius, the very looks of the Gauls, that stood naked in the 
 front (at the battle near Telamon), and were distinguished by 
 their comeliness and strength, greatly increased the terror. B. 
 ii, C. 2. In the battle between the Gauls and the Romans, 
 described by the same historian " The Gaesatae," he says, 
 " who were both vain and fearless, being apprehensive thp.t 
 the bushes which grew upon the place might be entangled in 
 their habits, and obstruct their motions, threw away all cover- 
 ing, and, keeping their arms only, presented themselves naked 
 to the enemy. Ibi. 
 
 1 Polybius, B. ii, C. 2. 
 
THE CELTS. 165 
 
 motion, as it were with the sun. 2 Thus, also 
 
 Silius Italicus : 
 
 " AtMago ut vertisse globos priiuumque laborem, 
 Qui solus genti est, cassum videt," &c. 
 
 Nothing was so distressing to them in battle 
 as heat and thirst. 3 It was their custom, in the first 
 place, after a successful engagement, to cut off 
 the heads of the slain. 4 These heads they hung 
 about their horses necks. 5 Thus the same poet : 
 
 " Demetit aversi Vesagus, turn colla, jubaque 
 
 Suspensam portans galeam, atque inclusa perempti 
 Ora viri, patrio divos clamore salutat." (L. 4.) 
 
 2 Florus, B. ii, C. 4. " You know by experience," says 
 Manlius to his army, " that if you sustain their first charge, 
 which they run to with fiery ardour and blind rage, the sweat 
 flows from them in rivulets, their limbs are fatigued, and their 
 anus drop out of their hands ; their bodies are so delicate, and 
 minds so effeminate, that when their fiery rage abates, the heat 
 of the sun, dust and thirst sink them to the ground without 
 the help of the sword." Livy, B. xxxviii, C. 17. At Ther- 
 mopylae, they rushed on the Greeks with a degree of anger and 
 fury resembling the attacks of wild beasts ; so that their rage, 
 while life remained, suffered no abatement, though they were 
 maimed by the battle-axe, cut down by the sword, or pierced 
 with arrows and darts. Some of them, too, when wounded, 
 sent back the darts which they tore from their wounds, or 
 pierced with these darts the Greeks that stood near them. Pau- 
 sanias, B. i, C. 21. 
 
 * Plutarch, Life oj'Crassus; Appian, Parthicks, C. 8. 
 
 <Diodo. B. xiv, C. 12. 
 
 i Idem, B. v, C. 2. Having cut off the heads of those that 
 
166 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 They delivered their spoils to their servants, all 
 besmeared with blood, to be carried before them 
 in triumph, they themselves, in the meantime, 
 singing the triumphant pa?an : and, as the chief 
 of their spoils, they fastened the heads of those 
 that they had killed over the doors of their 
 houses, as if they were so many wild beasts taken 
 in hunting. The heads of their enemies, that 
 were the chiefest persons of quality, they care- 
 fully deposited in chests, embalming them with 
 the oil of cedars ; and, shewing them to stran- 
 gers, would glory and boast, that some of their 
 ancestors, their fathers, or themselves, though 
 great sums of money had been offered for them, 
 had refused to accept them. Some would glory 
 so much upon this account, as to refuse, for one 
 of these heads, its weight in gold : in this 
 manner exposing their barbarous malignity. 6 As 
 
 were slain, they carried them to the Carthaginian camp. Poly- 
 bius, B. iii, C. 6. In this action the consul Caius lost his life, 
 and his head was carried to the Gallic kings. Idem, B. ii, C. 
 2. The Boians brought the head of Posthumius, which they 
 had cut off, in manner of a triumph to the temple which was 
 the most holy among them, and, having cleansed the head, as 
 is their custom, they covered the scull with gold, and it was a 
 sacred vase for them, in which they made their libations in their 
 solemnities, and served as a cup for the priests and ministers of 
 the temple. Livy, B, xxiii, C. 24, 
 
 5 Diodo. B. v, C. 2. When they return from fight, says 
 
THE CELTS. 167 
 
 the Gauls were very prompt and forward to 
 undertake a war, so were they of a disposition 
 that easily relented, and gave way to the strokes 
 of adversity. 7 When Caesar, at the head of his 
 army, was advanced within a few miles of Bra- 
 tuspantium, the capital city of the Bellovaci, they 
 sent a deputation of all their old men, who came 
 
 Strabo, they hang the heads of their enemies from the necks of 
 their horses, and fix them, as a spectacle, before the gates of 
 their towns : this Posidonius, he adds, saw in many places of 
 Gaul : and whereas, at first, he could not endure so strange a 
 sight, it was by custom rendered less offensive. The heads of 
 illustrious men, besmeared with pitch, they shewed to strangers, 
 neither would they vouchsafe to restore them, if any one 
 offered the same weight of gold. The Romans, however, when 
 lie wrote, had withdrawn them from these things. B. 4. Ac- 
 cording to JEl'ian, men who had died honourably in war, made 
 the subject of their songs. He adds that they went to battle 
 crowned, and likewise erected trophies, at once glorying in 
 their exploits, and, after the manner of the Greeks, leaving to 
 posterity monuments of their valour. Various history, B. xii, 
 C. 23. 
 
 7 Csesar, G. W. B. iii, C. 20. Dio Cassius says that, with- 
 out thinking of it, all the Gauls, let the object be what it 
 might, were carried away with insatiable eagerness, so that 
 they knew no mean of either boldness or fear ; but, as from 
 rashness into sudden fear, so from this they rushed into fool- 
 hardy boldness (B. 39) : and Strabo, that by reason of this 
 levity, they were both intolerable when they conquered, and, 
 when they were conquered, utterly dismayed. (B. iv), 
 
168 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 forth in venerable procession to meet him, sig- 
 nifying by out-stretched hands, and in the most 
 submissive terms that they put themselves under 
 his protection, nor pretended to appear in arms 
 against the people of Rome : and, when he ap- 
 proached still nearer the city, and encamped 
 within view of the walls, the women and chil- 
 dren, from the ramparts, with extended arms, 
 according to the custom of their country, be- 
 sought the Romans for peace. 8 
 
 The manner of storming a town was the same 
 among the Belgians, as among the Gauls: having 
 
 8 Caesar, G. W. B. ii, C. 14. The women, at the siege of 
 Gergovia, imagining the enemy ready to enter the gates, threw 
 their money and clothes from the walls, and with naked breasts, 
 and extended arms, conjured the Romans to spare their lives, 
 and not, as at Avaricum, sacrifice all to their resentment, with- 
 out distinction of age or sex. But, the Gauls assembling in 
 great force, these very women, who had just been imploring the 
 compassion of the enemy, now began to encourage their own 
 troops, shewing their disshevelled hair, and producing their 
 children, according to the custom of the Gauls. Idem, ibi. B. 
 vii, cc. 44, 45. With the Celts, as well as with the Canta- 
 biians, the Thracians, and the Scythians, mothers would kill 
 their sons lest they should fall into the hands of the enemy ; 
 the child would kill his parents, and all his brethren, being 
 taken prisoners, having obtained a sword, at the fathers com- 
 mand : also some woman those taken with her. Strabo, B. iii, 
 p, 165. 
 
THE CELTS. 169 
 
 surrounded the walls with the whole body of 
 their army, and by a continual discharge from 
 their slings cleared the ramparts, they ap- 
 proached the gates under cover of their bucklers, 
 and undermined the walls. 9 They seem to have 
 been very imperfectly acquainted with the art of 
 castrametation, and even ignorant of the use of 
 such common implements as spades and shovels. 
 The Nervians, meaning to surround their camp 
 with a line, of which the rampart was to be 
 eleven feet high, and the whole fifteen feet deep 
 
 9 Caesar, G. W. B. ii, C. 7. At the siege of Avaricuni, 
 though carried on by the Romans with incredible bravery, all 
 their efforts were in a great measure rendered ineffectual, by 
 the address and contrivances of the Gauls : who not only 
 turned aside their hooks with ropes, and after having seize 
 them drew them into the town with engines; but likewise set 
 themselves to undermine the mount. At the same time they 
 raised towers on all parts of the wall, covered them carefully 
 with raw hides, and, continuing their sallies day and night, 
 either set fire to the mount, or fell upon the workmen. In like 
 manner as the Roman towers increased in height, by continual 
 addition to the mount, in like manner did they advance the 
 towers upon their walls, by raising one story perpetually over 
 another : and counterworking the mines with the utmost dili- 
 gence, they either filled them up with great stones, or poured 
 melted pitch into them, or repulsed the miners with long 
 slakes, binned and sharpened at the end. Idem, ibi. 
 
170 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 (of which they had learned something in their 
 wars with Caesar, and were further instructed by 
 the prisoners they had made), were so unpro- 
 vided of the tools necessary in this kind of 
 service, that they were obliged to cut the turf 
 with their swords, dig up the earth with their 
 hands, and carry it in their cloaks : and yet, 
 such was their number, that, in less than three 
 hours, they completed a line of fifteen miles in 
 circuit. 1 They, however, assisted by their pri- 
 soners, raised towers, galleries, and other works, 
 which struck Caesar with admiration. 2 The Alio- 
 broges, a Celtic nation, used dogs for guards ; and 
 an ambassador of that nation met Cn. Domitius, 
 the Roman general, having guards of that des- 
 cription. 3 The whole nation of the Gauls, says 
 Strabo, were warlike and fierce, and ready to fight, 
 as to the rest, he says, of a mind simple or sincere 
 and fettered by no malignity. So that, when pro- 
 voked, they ran to battle pell mell, openly and 
 inconsiderately ; whereby they were easily cir- 
 cumvented, if the enemy wished to use against 
 them any military manoeuvre : for he would 
 entice them, with ease, when and where he 
 pleased, and under whatever pretence, to come 
 
 1 Idem, ibi. B. v, C. 34. 2 Idem, ibi cc. 34, 43. 
 
 3 Appian, Cdtks,B. iv, excerpt 12. 
 
THE CELTS. 171 
 
 to an engagement, being furnished with nothing 
 but strength and courage. 4 The Gallic wars, in 
 Italy, according to Polybius, if we regard only 
 the daring spirit and undaunted bravery of the 
 combatants, the forces that were brought into 
 the field, the battles that were fought, and the 
 numbers that fall in those engagements, must 
 certainly appear as great and formidable as any 
 that are known in history. But, on the other 
 hand, if we reflect upon the rashness with which 
 these expeditions were projected, or the absurd 
 and senseless conduct by which they were car- 
 ried into execution, nothing will be found more 
 trifling or contemptible. .For the Gauls, he does 
 not say most frequently, but even in every thing 
 they attempted, were hurried head-long by their 
 passions, and never submitted to the rule of 
 reason. 5 
 
 The Britons in battle used chariots, as, it is 
 said, the old Grecian heroes did in the Trojan 
 war. 6 Their way of fighting with their chariots 
 
 4 B. iv, p. 195. They were better, he says, in cavalry than 
 infantry ; and from them the Romans had the best part of 
 their cavalry : and the more they verged toward the north and 
 the ocean, the more warlike they were. The first praise they 
 gave to the Belgians. 
 
 S B. ii, C. 2. 
 
 « Diodo.B. v, C. 2 ; C'jesar, G.W. B. iv, C. 22 ; Stiabo, B. iv. 
 
172 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 was this : First, they drove their chariots on all 
 sides, and threw their darts ; insomuch that by 
 the very terror of the horses, and noise of the 
 wheels, they often broke the ranks of the enemy. 
 When they had forced their way into the midst 
 of the cavalry, they quitted their chariots, and 
 fought on foot. Mean-time the drivers retired 
 a little from the combat, and placed themselves 
 in such a manner as to favour the retreat of their 
 countrymen, should they be overpowered by the 
 enemy. Thus in action they performed the part 
 both of nimble horsemen, and stable infantry ; 
 and by continual exercise and use, had arrived at 
 that expertness, that, in the most steep and diffi- 
 cult places, they could stop their horses upon a 
 full stretch, turn them which way they pleased, 
 run along the pole, rest on the harness, and throw 
 themselves back into their chariots with incre- 
 dible dexterity. 7 Their principal force, accord- 
 ing- to Tacitus, consisted in foot. Some nations 
 amongst them, he says, make war also in cha- 
 riots. The more honourable person, he adds, 
 always drives : and under his leading his followeVs 
 fight. 8 It was usual for this people to counter- 
 feit a retreat, until they had drawn the Roman 
 
 7 Caesar, G. W. B. iv, C. 29. 
 
 8 Life of Agricola. 
 
THE CELTS. 173 
 
 cavalry a considerable way from their legions ; 
 when, suddenly quitting their chariots, they 
 would charge them on foot, and, by this unequal 
 manner of fighting, made it alike dangerous to 
 pursue or retire. Add to this, that they never 
 fought in a body, but in small parties, and with 
 considerable intervals between. They had, like- 
 wise, their detachments so placed, as easily to 
 protect their flying troops, and send fresh sup- 
 plies where needful. 9 Tacitus describes the 
 British host as ranged upon the rising grounds, 
 at once for shew and terror, in such sort that the 
 first band stood upon the plain, and the rest rose 
 successively upon the brows of the hills, one 
 rank close above another, as if they had been 
 linked together : their cavalry, and chariots of 
 war, filling the interjacent field, with great 
 tumult, and boundings to and fro. 1 They some- 
 
 • Ceesar, G. W. B. v, C. 12. 
 
 1 Life of Agricola. It appears from Dio, that the Briton* 
 continued the use of these chariots in Severus's time. Their 
 horses, he says, were low, but swift. Propertius informs us 
 that the British chariots were painted : 
 
 " — pictoque Britannia curru." 
 According to Pomponius Mela, these chariots, called covini, 
 were armed, after the manner of the Gauls, having their axles 
 furnished with hooks or scythes. (B. iii, C. 6). They are 
 mentioned by Silius Italicus : 
 
174 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 times fought only by discharges of arrows.* 
 They occasionally retreated toward woods, into 
 places strongly fenced both by nature and art ; 
 all the avenues being secured by felled trees : 
 whence they would sally out in small parties. 3 
 Sometimes, keeping at a distance from the 
 enemy, and sheltering themselves in woods and 
 inaccessible places, they would fall suddenly 
 upon the Romans, employed in foraging, or 
 otherwise dispersed and in disorder ; and even 
 attack the legions and standards. 4 The river 
 Thames, toward which Caesar was marching, to 
 penetrate into the kingdom of Cassivelanus, 
 
 ■' incola Thules 
 
 Agmina fulcifero circunivenit arta covino; " 
 Richard of Cirencester says, " They fought not only on foot 
 and horseback, but also in chariots armed after the manner of 
 the Gauls, which they called covini, but vulgarly essedic, the 
 hooked axles whereof they used. Csesar calls them essedtc, and 
 their drivers essedarii; the common carriages he terms carri. 
 See before, p. 158. 
 
 2 Tacitus, Annals, B. xii. See also B. xiv. The strength of 
 the Britons, according to Richard of Cirencester, was in their 
 infantry ; they fought also with darts, and huge swords, arid 
 short bucklers. 
 
 3 Caesar, G.W.B. v, C. 8. 
 
 4 Idem, ibi, B. iv, C. 28; B. v, cc. 13, 15. See also, as to 
 the conduct of Vercingetorix, in Gaul, B. vii, C. 15 ; and that 
 of the Morini and Menapians, B. iii, C. 29. 
 
THE CELTS. 175 
 
 being fordable only at one place, and that not 
 without great difficulty, the Britons secured the 
 banks, on the opposite side with sharp stakes, 
 and drove many of the same kind into the bottom 
 of the river, yet so as to be covered by the water. 5 
 The Caledonian Britons, in Severus's expedition, 
 used to expose flocks of sheep and oxen, with a 
 view to surprise such of the Roman soldiers as 
 should be tempted to stray from the army for 
 the sake of provision or plunder : he saw no 
 enemy in a body. 6 It was rare, among the 
 Britons, that two or three communities assem- 
 bled and united to repulse any public danger 
 
 5 Caesar, G. W. B. v, C. 14. The remains of these stakes, 
 says Bede, are to be seen at this day, and appear to the be- 
 holders to be about the thickness of a mans thigh, and being 
 cased with lead, remain immoveably fixed in the bottom of the 
 river. (B. i, C. 2.) The place is still called Coway-stahcs. 
 King Alfred, however, in his translation of Orosius, says that 
 the battle was fought near Wallingford. According to Poly- 
 <euus, Caesars passage over a large river in Britain being dis- 
 puted by the British king Cassovellaunus, he ordered an ele- 
 phant, mailed in scales of iron, with a tower on his back, on 
 which archers and slingers were stationed, to enter the river 
 first : and that the Britons, terrified at so extraordinary a spec- 
 tacle, with their cavalry and chariots, abandoned themselves 
 to flight. B. viii, C. 23. Elephants, also, were brought into 
 Britain by Claudius, Dio, B. lx. 
 
 s Xiphilin. 
 
176 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 threatening to all. So that, whilst only a single 
 community fought at a time, they were every one 
 vanquished. 7 
 
 Among the Hibernians, the victors besmeared 
 their faces with the blood of the slain, before 
 they drank it. 8 The Celts having been engaged 
 in a long war with the Autoritae, and nothing 
 decisive effected on either side, they poisoned 
 their provisions and wine with noxious herbs, 
 and suddenly in the night left their camp in con- 
 fusion. The Autoritse, supposing they had, con- 
 scious of their inferiority, made a precipitate 
 retreat, took possession of their camp, and rioted 
 on the stores they found there : but were pre- 
 sently seized with violent cholics ; and in that 
 condition the Celts surprised and slew them. 9 
 
 i Tacitus, Life of Agricola. 8 Solinus, C. 22. 
 
 9 Polyaenus, B. vii, C. 42. These Celts are supposed t 
 have been Gallogrecians : the Autoritas, were a nation of Illy- 
 rians. See Strabo, B. vii, p. 315, 318. 
 
THE CELTS. 177 
 
 CHAP. XV. 
 
 Of the shipping and navigation of the Celts. 
 
 1 h e authority of the state of the Veneti was far 
 the most ample of all the maritime coast of those 
 regions : because they had a great many ships, 
 with which they were accustomed to sail into 
 Britain : and in science and the use of nautical 
 things excelled the rest : and in the great and 
 open violence of the sea, a few ports interjected, 
 which they held themselves ; all, almost, who 
 were accustomed to use the same sea, had cus- 
 toms. 1 Their ships were made and furnished 
 after this manner : their bottoms were somewhat 
 flatter than [those] of our ships 5 whereby they 
 might the more easily exclude the shallows, and 
 the regress of the sea : their prows were very 
 erect ; and, also, the sterns were accommodated 
 to the magnitude of waves and tempests : the 
 whole ships were made of oak, to be borne 
 
 1 Caesar, G. W. B. iii, C. 8. Vessels were fitted out, at 
 his command, by the Santones, Pictones, and other provinces, 
 in obedience to the Romans. 
 
 N 
 
178 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 against whatsoever force or shock : the benches 
 of the rowers of beams a foot-long in width, con- 
 fixed with iron nails, of the thickness of an inch ; 
 their anchors, instead of ropes, being bound with 
 iron chains : their skins, and leather made soft, 
 for sails ; either because of the want of canvas, 
 and the ignorance of its use ; or, which is more 
 credible, that they thought that so great tem- 
 pests of the ocean, and such violences of winds 
 to be sustained, and such loads of ships to be 
 governed with sails, not commodiously enough 
 to be able. With these ships was an encounter 
 of our fleet of this kind ; as the one excelled in 
 celerity and the beating of oars ; as to the rest, 
 for the nature of the place, for the force of tem- 
 pests, things were more apt and accommodated 
 to them : for neither them were ours able to hurt 
 with their beak (such was the firmness in them), 
 nor, by reason of their heighth easily cast a dart ; 
 and from the same cause they the less held 
 together in the rocks. To be added to this, that 
 when the wind had begun to rage, and they had 
 given themselves to the wind ; both the tempest 
 they bore more easily, and in the shallows more 
 safely kept, and, left by the tide, the rocks and 
 cliffs feared nothing* 
 
 3 Csesar, G. W. B. iii, C. 13. See, also, Strabo, B. iv, p. 195. 
 
THE CELTS. 179 
 
 Caesar (being in Spain) commanded his soldiers, 
 that they should make ships j the kind of which 
 the use of Britain had taught him in former 
 years. The keels, at first, and the ribs, were 
 made of light matter ; the left body of the 
 ships interwoven with wickers, and covered with 
 leather. 3 
 
 Four passages were used out of the continent 
 into the island of Britain, namely, from the 
 
 3 Caesar, G. W, B. i, C. 51. He sent these boats by night 
 twenty-two miles from his camp, and embarking a good number 
 of soldiers, conveyed them over the river. The process is thus 
 described by Lucan : 
 
 " Utque habuit ripas Sicoris, &c. (L. 4, V. 130.) 
 Soon as the falling Sycoris begun 
 A peaceful stream within bis banks to run, 
 The bending willow into barks they twine, 
 Then line the work with spoils of slaughter'd kine : 
 Such are the floats Venetian fishers know, 
 Where in dull marshes stands the settling Po ; 
 On such to neighbouring Gaul, allur'd by gain, 
 The bolder Britons cross the swelling main. 
 On these, embarking bold, with eager haste, 
 Across the stream his legions Caesar pass'd. 
 
 According to Timaeus, six days sail from Britain was the island 
 Mictis, in which white lead [tin] grew ; and the Britons sailed 
 thither in wicker boats covered with leather. (Pliny, B. iv, C. 
 17). 
 
 Solinus, in his description of Hibernia says, that the sea 
 which flows between that country and Britain, wavy and un- 
 
180 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 mouths of the rivers Rhine, Seine, Loire, ahd 
 Garonne. Those who crossed from the parts of 
 the Rhine did not sail from the mouth itself, but 
 from the Morini, borderers of the Menapii, among 
 whom was likewise Itium.* 
 
 quiet throughout the year, is navigable only a very few days. 
 " They sail," he adds, " in wicker boats, which they environ 
 with a cover of ox-hides." (C. 22.) 
 
 See more of this kind of boats in Wares Antiquities of Ire- 
 land by Harris, Chap. 24. It is still used by tlie highlanders 
 of Scotland (Statistical account, XIII, 134), and by the fisher- 
 men of Caermarthenshire (Gentlemans tour through Mon- 
 mouthshire and Wales, p. 61), who call them currachs and cora- 
 cles (Curach, Irish, and Corwg, Welsh). 
 
 4 Strabo, B. iv, page 199. 
 
THE CELTS. 1S1 
 
 CHAP. XVI. 
 
 Of the trade and commerce of the Celts. 
 
 Ihe Gauls, before ever they passed the Alps in 
 a body, had often visited the Tyrrhenian plains, 
 for the sake of commerce. 1 So plentiful were 
 their flocks and herds of sheep, cattle and swine, 
 as to supply store of blankets and salt-meat, not 
 to Rome only, but to most parts of Italy.* The 
 Venetians, whose coast lay over against Britain, 
 drove a mighty traffic to that island. 3 The Ner- 
 vians, a nation of the Belgee, as Caesar was in- 
 formed, suffered no resort of merchants into 
 their cities, nor would allow of the importation 
 
 1 Polybius, B. ii, C. 2. 2 Strabo, B. iv. 
 
 3 Caesar, G. W. B. iii, C. 8. He expressly states, however, 
 that the Gauls, before his own invasion of Britain, were perfect 
 strangers as well to the nature of the inhabitants as to the coast, 
 harbours, and landing-places, of that island : to which few 
 but merchants resorted ; nor had even they any knowledge of 
 the country, except the sea-coast, and the parts opposite to 
 Gaul. (B. iv, C. 18.) It was not even known with certainty 
 to be an island, till the time of the propraetor Agricola. (Tacitus, 
 Life of Agricola ; Dio, under J. Casar, and Se lerus.) 
 
182 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 of wine, or other commodities tending to luxury ; 
 as imagining that thereby the minds of men were 
 enfeebled, and their martial fire and courage 
 extinguished. 4 
 
 Much of the tin, made by the inhabitants of 
 the promontory in Britain, was transported by 
 the merchants, who bought it, from a British isle 
 near at hand, called Ictis, 5 whither it was con- 
 veyed in carts (for, at low water, all was dry 
 between them and the island), into Gaul; and, 
 for thirty days journey, was carried on horse- 
 back, through the heart of Celtica, to Massilia, 
 and the city called Narbo, which city was a 
 Roman colony and the greatest mart for wealth 
 and trade in those parts. 6 
 
 The Britons used brass and iron rings, of a 
 certain weight, instead of money. The provinces 
 upon the coast produced iron, but in no great 
 quantity. Their brass was all imported. 7 In 
 
 •» Idem, ibi, B. ii, C. 16. 
 
 6 Now the isle of Wight. 6 Diodo. B. v, C. 2. 
 
 * Caesar, G. W. B. v, C. 10. The first edition, printed a,t 
 Rome in 1469, reads " Utuntur iamen, ut nummo aureo, aut 
 ferreis annulis, ad certum pondus examinatis pro nummis." The 
 words " ut nummo aureo " are omitted in most editions, which 
 read " Utuntur aut aere, aut annulis ferreis . . . pro nummo." 
 Strabo says that the island produced not only iron but also 
 gold and silver. (B. iv, p. 199.) It is, at least, doubtful 
 
THE CELTS. 183 
 
 the reign of Augustus, when certain of the 
 British princes, courting the friendship of Csesar 
 with embassies and favours, had dedicated pre- 
 sents (to the gods) in the capitol, and rendered 
 almost the whole island familiar to the Romans, 
 there seems to have been a considerable traffic 
 between Gaul and Britain in ivory bridles, chains 
 for the neck, vessels of amber and glass, and 
 other ordinary and promiscuous wares of that 
 kind : all which paid custom to the emperor. 8 
 London, in the time of Nero, was highly famed 
 for the vast conflux of traders, and her abundant 
 commerce and plenty. 9 
 
 The ports and landings of Ireland were better 
 known to the Romans than those of Britain, 
 through the frequency of commerce and mer- 
 chants. 1 
 
 The inhabitants of the island Silura (or Siluna), 
 upon the coast of Britain, rejected money j and 
 gave and took things by way of exchange. 2 
 
 •whether the provincial kings of Britain ever struck money, and 
 whether the coins exhibited as such be genuine or supposititious. 
 Gildas, in the sixth century, complains that it should not be 
 deemed Britain but Rome, and whatever it might have of 
 brass, silver, or gold was marked with the image of Csesar. 
 C. 5. 
 
 8 Strabo, B. iv. 9 Tacitus, Annals, B. xiv. 
 
 1 Idem, Life of Agricola. 2 Solinus, C. 22. 
 
184 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 The Gauls, called Cordistse (Scordiscse, or 
 Scordisci), did not admit gold into their own 
 country, but when they unjustly ravaged ano- 
 ther, they did not leave it untouched, and, 
 though they execrated gold, nor suffered it to 
 be imported into their country, because for 
 the sake thereof they had suffered many and 
 grievous evils, they nevertheless used silver, 
 and for the sake thereof, did not hesitate to per- 
 petrate many and grievous villainies. 3 
 
 3 Athenaens, B. vi. These people, he says, were the remains 
 of the Gauls, who, under the command of Brennus, attacked 
 with arms the Delphic oracle. Those who survived Bathanatus, 
 their leader, settled in the country, near to the Ister ; and from 
 him the way by which they returned they, also, now call Ba- 
 thanatus. Agrippa, in Josephus, asks, " Are you richer than 
 the Galatians ? stronger than the Germans ? wiser than the 
 Greeks ?" (Jewish War, B. ii, C. 16.) 
 
THE CELTS. 185 
 
 CHAP. XVII. 
 
 Of the architecture of the Celts. 
 
 X he transalpine Gauls had many cities and 
 towns of considerable note., of which the follow- 
 ing- names are preserved by Csesar : Agendicum, 
 Alesia, Avaricum/ Bibracte, Bibrax, Bratuspan- 
 tium, DeciseV, Genabrurn J Gergo\ ia, Lutetia, Lirno^ 
 Melodunum, Metiosedurn, Narbo, Nemetocensia, 
 Noviodunum, Octodurus, Samarobriva, Uxello- 
 dunum, Vellaudunum, Vesontio^ Vienna. Others, 
 
 1 " With the consent of all, in one day, more than twenty 
 cities of the Bituriges were burned. It was deliberated, con- 
 cerning Avaricum, in the common council, whether it pleased 
 to burn or defend it ? The Bituriges fell down at the feet of the 
 Gauls ; that they should not be forced with their own hands 
 to set fire to a city, the most beautiful, nearly, of all Gaul, 
 which was both a guard and an ornament to the state. " Easily," 
 they said, " from the nature of the place, they were ready to 
 defend themselves : because nearly on all parts surrounded by 
 a river and a marsh, it had one and a very narrow entry .* 
 Leave was given to the petitioners ; Vercingetorix, at first, dis- 
 suading, afterward yielding ; both at their prayers and in com- 
 passion of the vulgar. Fit defenders were selected for the 
 town. (G. W. B. vii, C. 14). 
 
186 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 as well in Gaul, as in foreign settlements inha- 
 bited by Celts, are mentioned by Strabo, Pliny, 
 Ptolemy and other geographical writers. The 
 terminations dunum, durum, and bona, in the name 
 of a city, are regarded by Schoepflin as the infal- 
 lible sign of a Celtic origin ; as, for instance : 
 Autesodurum, Bragodurum, Ebodurum, Ectodu- 
 rum, Vitudurum ; Lugidunum, Meliodunum, Sego- 
 dunum ; Brigobona, Juliobona, Vindobona, amongst 
 many others of the same terminations : all in the 
 Celtic territory or where Celts are known to 
 have resided* 
 
 Now all the Gallic walls have, for the most 
 part, this form : beams straight, entire in length, 
 at equal intervals, distant between themselves 
 two feet, were placed upon the ground : these 
 were bound fast toward the inside, and were 
 covered with a thick mound : those, however, 
 which we call intervals, were filled with stones. 
 To these, laid and joined, another order was 
 added ; that the same interval might be pre- 
 served j neither did the beams touch each other, 
 but intermitted by equal spaces, each to each, 
 stones interjected, were contained by art. So, 
 successively, every work was woven together, 
 
 2 y indicia: Celtica, p. 119. Magus is another; as Argan- 
 totnagus, Casaramagus, JSIoviotnagus, Protomagus, 6cc. 
 
THE CELTS. 187 
 
 until the just altitude of the wall was fulfilled. 
 This, when into form and variety, was not a 
 deformed work, the alternate beams and stones, 
 which kept their own orders in straight lines j 
 afterward, to the utility and defence of the cities, 
 had the chief opportunity ; because, both the 
 stone defended it from the fire, and the timber 
 from the ram ; which bound fast by continued 
 beams, for the most part inward, could neither 
 be broken through nor drawn asunder. 3 
 
 The deified Csesar, when he had his army near 
 the Alps, had commanded the cities to give him 
 a safe conduct, and there was a fortified castle, 
 which was called Larignum, then those who were 
 in it, trusting to the natural fortification, would 
 not yield to the empire. Therefore the emperor 
 ordered his forces to be moved. Now there was 
 before the gate of the castle a tower, from these 
 materials : by alternate beams transverse (as a 
 pyre), among them made high, that it was able, 
 from the top, with stakes and stones, to repel 
 
 3 Caesar, G. W. B. vii, C. 22. Alesia and Gergovia were 
 walled cities of great strength. From almost the mid hill in 
 length, as the nature of the mount was made, of great stones, a 
 wall of six feet, which was to retard our attack, the Gauls had 
 run. (Ibi, C. 43.,) The Cisalpine Gauls had no walled 
 towns. (Polybius, B. ii, C. 2.) 
 
188 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 the approachers: then, truly, when it was 
 observed that they had not any other weapons, 
 except stakes, neither could they cast them far 
 from the wall for the weight, it was commanded 
 that the approachers should send small faggots 
 bound of rods and burning torches to that forti- 
 fication. Therefore the soldiers quickly threw 
 them up. Afterward, a flame near those mate- 
 rials had taken the rods high up, which induced 
 an opinion, that it should seem now the whole 
 mass was destroyed. When, however, it was 
 extinguished and at rest, and the tower appeared 
 untouched, Caesar wondering, ordered a throw- 
 ing of darts to surround them without. There- 
 fore, when the townsmen compelled by fear had 
 surrendered themselves, it was enquired whence 
 those woods were, which were not injured by 
 the fire: then they demonstrated to him that 
 those trees, of which in these places was very 
 great plenty, and, therefore, that castle was 
 called Larignum, also those materials, Larigna. 4 
 
 The Nervians, long before [Caesars time], 
 when they were able to do nothing with their 
 horse (for, says he, neither at this do they study 
 that thing, but whatsoever they are able to do,, 
 are strong in foot}) whereby the more easily tcv 
 
 4 Vitruvius, Of architecture, B. ii, C. 9. 
 
THE CELTS. 189 
 
 impede horse off the confines, if it should come 
 for the sake of plunder ; with young trees cut 
 and bent, and thick in breadth with sprouted 
 branches, and brambles and thorns interjected, 
 had made it, in likeness of a wall : these hedges 
 afforded fortifications which could by no mean be 
 entered, nor even be looked into. 5 
 
 Basil marched against Ambiorix, who was said 
 to be in a certain place with a few horsemen. 
 Much can fortune do as well in all things as in 
 warfare : for as it happened by great accident 
 that he fell upon him being incautious and unpre- 
 pared, and before his arrival was seen by his men, 
 which was brought by report and messengers : 
 of so great fortune he was ; every warlike 
 weapon, which he had about himself, being 
 snatched up ; chariots and horses taken ; himself 
 to escape from death : but that was done so far 
 as, in an edifice environed with a wood (as were, 
 for the most part, the dwellings of the Gauls, 
 who, for the sake of avoiding the heat, most 
 commonly sought the neighbourhood of woods 
 and rivers ; ) his companions and familiars, in a 
 narrow place, for a little while, sustained the 
 force of our horsemen : those fighting one of his 
 
 * Caesar, G. W. B. 2, C. 17. 
 
190 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 people took him upon a horse : the woods co- 
 vered the fugitive. 6 
 
 The Gauls (at least the Belgs) constructed 
 round houses of planks and hurdles, a great roof 
 being imposed. 7 Their houses, likewise, were 
 covered with straw. 8 
 
 The Britons called a town, when they had for- 
 tified impassable woods with a wall and a ditch, 
 whither, for the sake of avoiding the incursion of 
 enemies, they were accustomed to assemble, 9 The 
 
 6 Caesar, G. W. B. vi, C. 28. 7 Strabo, B. iv, p. 195. 
 
 8 Cffisar, G. W. B. v, C. 35. Vitruvius says, Of the origin 
 of building, " First, forked stakes being erected, and young 
 twigs interposed, tbey covered the walls with clay. Others 
 piled up clods of clay, binding them together with wood ; and, 
 to avoid the rain and heat, they covered it with reeds and a 
 branched bough : afterward, forasmuch as, through the wintery 
 storms, their roofs had not been able to sustain the showers, 
 making ridge, they, by the inducted clay [and] declining roofs, 
 carried down the drops. Those houses, however, from the 
 description above written, were made, in their first begin- 
 ning, from these things, like as in Gaul, Spain, Lusitain, [and] 
 Aquitain, with oaken shingles and straw." Of architecture, B. 
 ii, C. 1. , 
 
 9 Caesar, G. W. B. , C. 17. See, also, Strabo, B. iv, page 
 200. Dio says, " Both [the Caledonians and Maeatae] in- 
 habit mountains the most rugged, and, wanting water ; and 
 also fields, deserted and full of marshes : neither have they 
 castles nor towns (B. v, C. 17, p. 1280.) Caesar does not men- 
 
THE CELTS. 191 
 
 town of Cassivellaun [prince of the Cassi or 
 Cativellani, who had usurped the kingdom of 
 the Trinobantes], was fortified by woods and 
 marshes ; whither a sufficiently great number of 
 men and cattle was convened. Thither marched 
 Caesar with his legions : he found the place 
 egregiously fortified by nature and art : the 
 enemy having tarried a little while, could not 
 bear the attack of the Roman soldiers, and cast 
 themselves out of the other side of the town. 
 Great was the number of cattle there found ; 
 and many in flight were apprehended and killed. 
 The edifices were numerous, and, for the most 
 part, consimilar to those of Gaul. They inha- 
 bited, however, vile cottages, covered, for the 
 most part, with reeds and logs. 1 
 
 tion the name of one single city or town of the Britons ; and 
 Tacitus, at a later period names no more than three : Cama- 
 lodunum (Maldon), Londinium (London), and Verulamium 
 (Verulam, near Saint Albans.) 
 
 1 Diodorus Siculus, B. v,$209 (Wesselings editiou.I, 346.) 
 Edward Williams, the Welsh bard, in a note to one of his 
 beautiful poems (II, 19), makes Strutt, " from Diodorus Sicu- 
 lus," say, " that the Britons white-washed their houses with 
 chalk," and even quotes his Chronicle of England, p. 254, 
 adding, " hence it appears that the Welsh of Glamorgan still 
 retain a very ancient custom.'' In fact, however, Diodorus 
 Siculus says no such thing, nor does Strutt quote him to that 
 effect. 
 
192 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. 
 
 Of the language and literature of the Celts, and 
 their manner of computing time. 
 
 A he language of the Gauls was essentially 
 different from that of the Germans 6 The Aqui- 
 tani differed, in language, from the other Gauls : 
 all the rest used the same speech, yet some had 
 a certain difference. 7 
 
 The speech of the Britons did not much vary 
 from that of the Gauls. 8 
 
 6 This fact is manifest (amongst other testimonies) from the 
 mention made by Csesar of C. Valerius Probus, whose know- 
 ledge of the language of the Gauls, which Ariovistus, the 
 German, by reason of a long stay in those parts, spoke readily, 
 fitted him, in a peculiar manner, for an embassy to that chief. 
 (G. W. B. i, C. 38.) The Belgje, he says, Aquitani, and Celtae, 
 or Galli, all differed from each other [in language] : by which 
 he must be understood to mean dialect. B. i, CI. 
 
 7 Strabo, B. iii, p. 155. It has, however, been pretended, 
 by a late writer, that the Belga? did not speak the Celtic, but 
 the Teutonic, language : falsehood being frequently necessary 
 for system. 
 
 * Tacitus, Life of Agricola. The British tongue is generally 
 admitted to be substantially the same with that which is spoken 
 
THE CELTS. 193 
 
 The Galatians, beside the Greek language, 
 spoken by all the east, had the same proper 
 tongue as the Treviri. 9 
 
 The Gauls, in Caesars time, made use of the 
 Greek characters, which they had acquired of the 
 Massilians. 1 After their reduction by the Romans, 
 
 try the present Welsh, who, according to their own account, 
 have bardic compositions as old as the sixth century ; the Irish 
 and Arniorican being, likewise, supposed to be different dia- 
 lects thereof. 
 
 • St. Jerome, in his commentary upon the second epistle to 
 the Galatians, in the proem. The Treviri were people of the 
 city or neighbourhood of Belgic Gaul, and are frequently men- 
 tioned by Csesar. This is an additional proof that the lan- 
 guage of the Belgte resembled that of the other Gauls, as the 
 Galatians were certainly Celts, and probably not "Belga. No 
 genuine relic, however of the ancient Celtic is known to exist : 
 the few words which have been preserved of it, will be found in 
 the Appendix. Rix or Oris, was an ordinary termination in the 
 name of a man, and bona, diaium, durum, and maga, in that of 
 a city : but the practice, of the Greeks and Romans to accom- 
 modate every other language to their own, has permitted very 
 few genuine Gallic names or words to escape them. 
 
 * A roll was found in the Helvetian camp, written in Greek 
 characters, (tabula litteris Gratis confecta) and brought to Caesar. 
 It contained a list of all who had set' out upon this expedition 
 capable" of bearing arms ; likewise, of the children and old men. 
 (G. ll r . B. i, C. 21.) He, at another time, engaged a Gaulish 
 horseman, by the promise of great rewards, to carry a letter to 
 Cicero. It was written in Greek characters (Gratis conscriptam 
 iitteris), that if it fell into the hands of the enemy, it might not 
 
 o 
 
194 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 they were easily persuaded to adopt more useful 
 
 be intelligible to him. (B. v, C. 40.) Since, however, it ap- 
 pears, both from what he says in B. 6, C. 13, (Gratis litteris 
 utantur), and from the above circumstance of the Helvetian 
 muster-roll, that the Gauls made use of Greek characters, he 
 must be understood to mean that the letter sent to Cicero was 
 also written in the Greek language ; otherwise it could not have 
 been unintelligible to them. Dio, indeed, who almost copies 
 Caesar, writes expressly that he sent to Cicero Greek letters, 
 that is, letters written in Greek. B. xl. The same observa- 
 tion must be extended to Strabo, who tells us that Massilia, 
 having opened a grammar-school to the barbarians, had so far 
 excited the study of Grecian literature (or Greek letters,) 
 among the Gauls, that they wrote even the form of their con- 
 tracts in Greek, (B. iv, p. 181) ; and, according to the same 
 author, Ephorus, a more ancient writer, had said that the 
 Gallic nation was studious of the Greeks ; and, at a later period, 
 Lucian, pretends that he met with a Gaul, in his own country, 
 who spoke Greek in perfection (being, as he supposes, one of 
 the philosophers, i. e. druids, of that nation.) Divitiacus, the 
 .<Eduan, was both a druid, and a person of the first conse- 
 quence in the state, and yet Caesar, his particular friend, could 
 only converse with him by means of interpreters. (B. i, C. 16.) 
 After all, the knowledge of these characters, as well as the art 
 of writing, was, apparently, confined to the druids, whose prin- 
 ciples and practice were decidedly hostile to literature. The 
 consequence of this is, that no composition, either by a Gaul, 
 or in the Celtic language, not even a monumental inscription, 
 exists at this moment, or was, in fact, ever heard of. Origen, 
 in answer to an objection of Celsus, in which he had asserted 
 that the Galactophagi of Homer, the druids of the Gauls, and 
 
THE CELTS. 195 
 
 things, and gave themselves to instruction and 
 letters* 
 
 They computed the time by nights, not by 
 days ; and, in the observance of birth-days, new 
 moons, and the beginning of the year, always 
 commenced the celebration from the preceding 
 night. 3 
 
 the Getes, most wise and ancient nations, held some things a- 
 kin to the Jewish opinions, says, it is uncertain if any writings 
 of those nations exist. (B. i.) 
 
 8 Straho, B. iv, p. 194. 
 
 3 Caesar, G. W. B. vi, C. 16. He gives us a reason for this 
 mode of computation their pretended descent from the god Dis» 
 It is, nevertheless, well known that the Germans (as Tacitus 
 observes), and many other nations, adopted the same method ; 
 and hence, in short, the sennight, and fortnight, (seven nights 
 and fourteen nights) of the present English. 
 
196 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 CHAP. XIX. 
 
 Of the poetry and music of the Celts. 
 
 A h e Celts, or Gauls, had, among them, poets, 
 that sung melodious songs, whom they called 
 bards, who, to their musical instruments, not 
 unlike harps or lyres, chanted forth the praises of 
 some, and the dispraises of others. 4 Those who 
 either, of their own accord, were induced to 
 follow the profession of a druid, or were sent by 
 their parents and relations, were taught to repeat 
 a great number of verses by heart. 5 These 
 druids, or poets, are thus addressed by the divine 
 Lucan : 
 
 " You too, ye bards ! whom sacred raptures fire, 
 To chant your heros to your countrys lyre ; 
 
 * Diodo. B. v, C. 2. " And verily," according to Ammianus 
 Marcellinus, " the bards sung unto the sweet music of the 
 harp the valorous deeds of worth}' men composed in heroic 
 verse." B. xv, C. 9. Strabo, likewise, who distinguishes the 
 bards from the prophets or votes, and the druids, says " of these 
 the bards sing hymns and are poets." (B. iv.) Men who had 
 died honourably in war made the subject of the Celtic songs. 
 (<Elian, B. xii, C. 23.) 
 
 * Caesar, B. vi, C. 13. 
 
THE CELTS. 197 
 
 Who consecrate, in your immortal strain 
 Brave patriot souls in righteous battle slain, 
 Securely now the tuneful task renew, 
 And noblest themes in deathless songs pursue." 
 
 The Celts, according to Posidonius, even 
 when they went to war, carried with them table- 
 companions, whom they called parasites j and 
 by these their praises were to be proclaimed, as 
 well in the crouded circles and assemblies of men, 
 as with every one in private who chose to hear 
 them ; and these poets, he says, are the men 
 called bards, who celebrated the praises of illus- 
 trious men, and of their patrons with songs. 6 In 
 the suite of the ambassador from Bituitus, king 
 of the Allobroges, to Cn. Domitius, the Roman 
 general, upon the confines of the Salii, in the 
 year of Rome 633, was a poet, who, in a bar- 
 barous song, chanted the praises, first of king 
 Bituitus, next of the whole nation of the Allo- 
 broges, afterward of the ambassador himself, ce- 
 lebrating their virtue and riches. 7 Luerius, or 
 Luernius, the son of this Bituitus (whom Posi- 
 
 6 Athenaeus, B. vi. 
 
 7 Appian, Celtics, B. iv, Ex. lz. For this reason, he says, 
 illustrious ambassadors were wont to take that kind of men, 
 along with them. 
 
198 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 donius calls Bittis, and who, according to Livy, 
 or his epitomist, was king not of the Allobroges, 
 but the Arvernij whose riches and liberality have 
 been already mentioned,) having once appointed 
 a day of banquetting, a certain barbarous (i. e. 
 Celtic) 8 poet, coming later than the rest, ran to 
 him, and, singing, celebrated his praises, and 
 excellent virtues ; but repined at, and lamented 
 his own misfortune, in having arrived so late. 
 He, delighted with the song, called for a bag of 
 gold, and threw it to the singer, running before 
 him ; which having picked up, the poet, again 
 reiterating his praises, affirmed that the vestiges 
 of the chariot which he conducted produced gold 
 and benefits to mankind. 9 The Scythians, Antro- 
 pophagi, Melanchlaeni, and Arimaspians, accord- 
 ing to Julius Pollux, chiefly inflated the bones of 
 
 8 The Greeks were accustomed to call all other nations bar- 
 barous and barbarians. 
 
 9 Athenseus, B. 4 (from Posidonius, B. 25). Richard of 
 Cirencester asserts that the bards of the Gauls were also 
 common to the Britons (B. i, C. 4, § 14.) It must be con- 
 fessed that the bards of the Welsh and Irish bear a strong re- 
 semblance to those of the ancient Celts. See Evans's Disser- 
 tatio de bardis, Jones's Historical account of the Welsh bards, 
 Wares Antiquities of Ireland, Spensers View of the state of that 
 country, Walkers Memoirs of the Irish bards, &c* 
 
„ THE CELTS. 199 
 
 eagles and vultures, in the manner of pipes ; but 
 the reedy syrinx, he says, best suited the Gauls, 
 and islanders of the ocean. 1 
 
 1 B. iv, C. 10. 
 
200 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 CHAF. XX. 
 
 Of the exercises or diversions of the Celts. 
 
 J. he Celtic hunters surrounded plains or moun- 
 tain-thickets with their toils, so as to be certain 
 of catching all the animals within the circum- 
 ference thereof. 1 The Gauls had dogs engen- 
 
 1 Pausanias, Boeotics, C. 21. He says that a wild beast, 
 called alee, of a species between a stag and a camel, was found 
 among the Gauls, and was the only wild beast known which 
 could neither be hunted, nor foreseen at a distance by the 
 human species ; but the daemon drove them into the hands of 
 the hunter, while he was engaged in the pursuit of other wild 
 beasts. If it happened that this animal was not in the part in 
 which they had fixed their toils, they were unable to take it by 
 any stratagem whatever. This animal is also mentioned by 
 Caesar, in his description of the Hercynian forest. It was 
 shaped and spotted like a goat, but of larger size, without horns, 
 or joints in the legs ; that never lay down to sleep ; nor could 
 raise itself, if by accident overthrown. (G. W. B. vi, C. 25.») 
 Pliny says the alee is very like a horse, but that his ears are 
 longer, (B. viii, C. 15) ; and both he and Solinus (C. 20) agree 
 that on account of the length of the upper lip he goes back- 
 ward in feeding. It seems to be either the elk or the came- 
 lopard-. 
 
THE CELTS. 201 
 
 dered by wolves ; of which there were whole 
 flocks in every chace and forest, that had for 
 their guide, leader and captain, one particular 
 dog or other, which they accompanied in hunt- 
 ing, obeyed, and were directed by ; keeping an 
 order among themselves of government and mas- 
 tership.* No kind of dogs was equal in swift- 
 ness to those of the Celts. 1 
 
 They tinged their arrows in hunting, some- 
 times, with a preparation, from the herblimeum, 
 which they called harts-bane ; 4 at others, with 
 ellebore, and, cutting the wound round about, 
 they affirmed, they found the flesh more tender. s 
 
 The Celtiberians, and those who were their 
 neighbours to the north, worshipped a certain 
 god not to be named, by dancing in the night of 
 the full moon, with their whole families before 
 their doors, and feasting all night. 6 
 
 2 Pliny, B. viii, C. 40. These were probably of the same 
 species with the Irish wolf-dog. 
 
 » Arrian'O/ hunting, p. 191 ; Pelloutier, I, 460, 
 
 * Pliny, B. xxvii, C. 11. 
 
 5 Pliny, B. xsv, C. 5. It would seem, however, that the 
 flesh was cut out, iu order to prevent the spreading of the 
 poison. (See Aristotle, and Aulus Gellius, as quoted by 
 Pelloutier, I, 457, 8.) 
 
 4 Strabo, B. iii, p. 164. 
 
202 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 The exercise to which the Britons were most 
 addicted, in Dios time, was that of robbing. 7 
 
 They, however, had dogs, excellent in a 
 natural faculty for hunting. The Gauls used in 
 war as well these as their own. 8 
 
 7 Xiphilin, in Scverus. 
 • Strabo, B. iv, page 199. 
 
THE CELTS. 203 
 
 CHAP. XXI. 
 
 Of the diet, and beverage, of the Celts ; and 
 their manners at table, and domestic economy. 
 
 X h e food of the Gauls, for the most part, was 
 milk, and flesh of every kind, chiefly pork, as 
 well fresh as salted. 1 Those, however, who 
 inhabited Pesinus (a city of Galatia) could not 
 bear to touch swine.* Pannick was eaten in 
 some parts of Gaul, and chiefly in Aquitain. In 
 the country also, about the Po, it was a great 
 
 1 Strabo, B. iv, p.- 19. Bread, and that little, according to 
 Athenasus, or Posidonius, was their food ; much flesh, sodden 
 in water, and roasted either upon coals or on spits. Their 
 swine, he says, continued all night long in the fields, surpas- 
 sing all others in size, strength and swiftness ; and, to one 
 unaccustomed to them, no less dangerous than a wolf. 
 
 8 Pausanias, B. vii, C. 17. He absurdly supposes the 
 reason to have been the death of one Attes, the son of a mother 
 incapableof children, who, when he arrived at manhood, migrated 
 to Lydia, and establishing there the orgies of the great mother, 
 was so highly honoured by the goddess, that it excited the 
 indignation of Jupiter, who sent a boar into the Lydian fields, 
 by which other Lydians were destroyed, and Attes himself was 
 'lain : as if the Gauls knew, or cared for, either Attes or. the 
 great mother, 
 
204 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 feeding, so that there were beans in it ; for with- 
 out beans they knew not how to dress any thing 
 for their daily food. 3 They served up, in their 
 feasts, fishes which inhabit the rivers and shores 
 of the interior and exterior sea (i. e. the medi- 
 terranean, and the ocean), and those roasted or 
 boiled, with salt, vinegar, and cumin. Oil they 
 did not use, because it was scarce with them ; 
 and because Avhat is unusual appears unplea- 
 sant. 4 The Celtiberians lived upon all sorts of 
 flesh, in great plenty. They were very nice and 
 curious in their diet.* Those Celts toward the 
 north, and bordering upon Scythia, were so 
 exceeding fierce and cruel, that, as was reported, 
 they ate men, like the Britons that inhabited 
 Iris. 6 
 
 At meal.time they all sat, not upon seats, but 
 upon the ground, and, instead of carpets, spread 
 
 3 Pliny, B. xviii, C. 10. See also Polybius, B. ii, C. 2, 
 
 4 Athenaeus, B. iv. 5 Diodorus, B. v, C. 2. 
 
 6 Diodorus, B. v, C. 2. The Gauls, under Brennus, who 
 sacked the city Callion, drank the blood and ate the flesh of 
 such infants as the nutriment of milk had rendered in a thriving 
 condition. (Pausanias, B. x, C. 22.) Critognatus, besiegeti 
 in Alesia, proposed to the council of war, to follow the example 
 of their ancestors, in the war with the Teutones and Cimbri, 
 who, rather than surrender to their enemies, chose to sacrifice 
 to their subsistence the bodies of those whom age incapacitated 
 for war. (Caesar, G. W. B. vii. C. 71.) 
 
THE CELTS- 205 
 
 wolves or dogs skins under them. Young boys 
 and girls attended them, such as were yet but 
 mere children. Near at hand they had their 
 ehimnies, with their fires well furnished with 
 pots and spits, full of whole joints of flesh-meat; 
 and the best and fairest joints, in a way of due 
 honour and regard, they set before persons of the 
 best quality. 7 
 
 The Celts never shut the doors of their houses ; 8 
 they would invite strangers to their feasts 5 and, 
 after all was over, ask who they were, and what 
 was their business. 9 
 
 In the very midst of their feasting, upon any 
 small occasion, it was ordinary for them to rise 
 in a heat, and, without any regard of their lives, 
 to fall to it with their swords. 1 
 
 The manner of life of the Cisalpine Gauls was 
 extremely plain and simple. They had no kind 
 of furniture in their hamlets. The ground was 
 their constant bed ; a and they slept on the grass 
 or straw. 3 
 
 7 Diodorus, B. v, C. 2. Strabo says, that even in his time, 
 most of them took their meat sitting upon rush beds. 
 
 8 Agathias, B. i, p. 13. 9 Diodorus, B. 5, C. 10. 
 1 Diodorus, B. v, C. 2. 
 
 * Polybius, B. ii, C. 2. To lie upon the ground, according 
 to Strabo, was common to the Iberians as well as the Gauls, 
 (B.iii, p. 164): most of the Gauls in his time lay on the 
 
206 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 The Celtiberians had a very sordid and fdthy 
 practice : they used to wash their whole bodies 
 over with urine, and rub their very teeth with 
 it; which was accounted a certain mean of 
 health to their bodies.* 
 
 The greater part of the Britons, within the 
 country, never sowed their lands, but lived on 
 flesh and milk. 5 They never ate fish, though 
 they had great plenty of it. 6 They, likewise, 
 thought it "unlawful to taste a hare, a hen, and a 
 goose : yet they nourished these animals for the 
 sake of their fancy and pleasure. There was not, 
 at the same time, a daintier dish known in Bri- 
 tain, than the chenerotis, a bird less than a goose.? 
 When in the woods, they fed upon roots and 
 
 ground (B. iv, p. 197.) They were accustomed to lie on the 
 ground on the skins of beasts. (Diodorus, B. v, C. 2 ; Athe- 
 nffius, B. xiii, C. 18.) 
 
 3 Polybius, as above. 
 
 4 Strabo mentions this as a practice of the Cantabrians, and 
 adds, that it was common also to the Celts and Iberian.". 
 They preserved the urine in cisterns, and both they and their 
 wives, not only washed themselves, but cleansed their teeth 
 with it. (B. iii, p. 164.) 
 
 s Caesar, G. W. B. v, C. 10. They have neither walls nor 
 towns, nor manured lands, says Dio, but feed upon the milk of 
 their flocks, what they get by hunting, and certain wild fruits. 
 
 6 Xiphilin, under Severus. 
 
 » Pliny, B. x, C. 22. 
 
THE CELTS. 107 
 
 leaves. They, also, made a certain food which 
 so agreeably supported the spirits, that, having 
 taken the quantity of a bean, they no longer felt 
 hunger or thirst. 8 They were contented with 
 plain and homely fare ; strangers to the excess 
 and luxury of rich men : and were so accus- 
 tomed to bear hunger, cold, and all manner of 
 hardships, that they would run into morasses up 
 to the neck, and live several days without 
 eating. 
 
 The natives of Iris, or Hibernia, as hath al- 
 ready appeared from Diodorus, used to eat men. 
 Of this country, says Strabo, I have nothing 
 certain which I can say, unless that its inhabi- 
 tants are more rural than the Britons, who, like- 
 wise, eat human flesh, and devour a very great 
 quantity of food, and think it decent to eat the 
 dead bodies of their relations : l andSolinus, who 
 
 8 Xiphilin, as above. It was probably of something with the 
 qualities of opium ; perhaps, the common poppy. 
 
 9 Idem. ibi. The greatest advantage, says Bonduca, wc 
 have over the Romans is that they cannot like us bear hunger 
 or thirst, or cold or heat. They cannot subsist without line 
 bread, wine, and oil ; whereas we can easily live without 
 them : every herb and root supplies the want of bread to us > 
 every liquor that of oil ; water, that of wine ; every tree the 
 want of a house or abode, (Idem, in Nero.) 
 
 1 B. iv,p. 201. 
 
208 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 terms the country inhumana incolarum ritu aspero, 
 asserts, that the victors besmeared their faces 
 with the blood of the slain before they drank it. a 
 St. Jerome, also, relates that he himself, when a 
 boy, or very young man, in Gaul, saw the Scots, 
 a British nation, eat human flesh ; and adds, that 
 when in forests, they found herds of swine, or 
 other cattle, they used to cut off the buttocks of 
 the herdsmen, and breasts of the women, and 
 reckoned these the only dainties. i 
 
 The inhabitants of the Hebrides were ignorant 
 of corn, and lived on flesh and milk. Those of 
 Thuld, in the beginning of spring, lived on the 
 same food with their cattle, afterward on milk. 
 In winter they ate the fruits of trees. 4 
 
 The excessive cold and immoderate temper of 
 the air being the cause why the earth in Celtica 
 produced neither wine nor oil, the Gauls, to 
 supply the want of these fruits, made a drink of 
 barley, which they called xythus} They, like- 
 wise, mixed their honeycombs with water, and 
 made use of that for the same purpose. They 
 
 J C. 22. 
 
 8 Against Jovian, B. ii. 4 Solinus, C. 22. 
 
 » Ammianus, who calls them a nation greedily given to wine, 
 says they affected to make sundry sorts of drink resembling 
 wine. (B. xv, C. 12.) 
 
 * The drink of the Celtiberians was made of honey, their 
 
THE CELTS. 209 
 
 were so immoderately given to wine, that they 
 guzzled it down as soon as it was imported by 
 the merchant j and were so eager and inordinate, 
 that, making themselves drunk, they either fell 
 dead asleep, or became stark mad. 7 So that 
 many Italian merchants, to gratify their own 
 covetousness, made use of the drunkenness of 
 the Gauls to advance their own profit and gain. 
 For they conveyed the wine to them both by 
 navigable rivers, and by land, in carts, and 
 brought back an incredible price; for, in lieu of 
 a hogshead of wine, they received a boy ; giving 
 drink in exchange for a servant. 8 The rich 
 
 country abounding therewith ; but they bought wine also of the 
 merchants that trafficked thither. (Diodo. B. v, C. 2.) 
 
 7 This intemperance of the Gauls was occasionally pro- 
 ductive of fatal consequences. Asdrubal, the Carthaginian 
 general, having come with an army before Panormus, and 
 plenty of wine being brought into the camp by the merchants, 
 the Celts (or Gauls, in his pay") made themselves drunk ; and 
 while they were roaring and tearing, and filling all places with 
 disorder and confusion, Cfficilius, the consul, broke in upon 
 them, and totally routed them. (Diodo. B. xxxiii,/rag.) 
 
 8 Diodo. B. v, C. 2. The true cause, no doubt, why the 
 Gauls had neither wine nor oil (of which their successors pro- 
 duce so much) was not because the climate was unfavourable 
 to the growth of the vine or olive, but because they never 
 tried the experiment by planting or cultivating either. We. 
 find, says Pliny, in old chronicles, that the Gauls took occasion 
 
 P 
 
210 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Celts drank wine, fetched either out of Italy, or 
 from the territory of the Massilians ; and that 
 pure or unmixed, occasionally pouring in a very 
 little water. Many called this Dercoma. They 
 likewise, threw salt, vinegar, and cumin, which 
 they used with their fish, into their drink. Ale 
 and beer, also, and many other sorts of drink 
 were made of corn in Gaul. 9 
 
 The Britons had a species of drink which they 
 called Alica.' 1 
 
 The Celts offered their libations upon wooden 
 tables, raised a little above the ground, which 
 was covered with hay. These tables were 
 
 first to come down into Italy, and to overspread the whole 
 country, because one Elico a Helvetian, who had made long 
 abode in Rome, at his return home into his own country, brought 
 over with him dry figs and raisins, the first fruits, also as it 
 were, of oil and wine for a taste to set their teeth a watering. 
 (B. xii, C. 1.) According, however, to Livy, the report was 
 that this nation, charmed with the delicious taste of the fruits, 
 and especially with the wines of Italy, which they had never 
 tasted before ; passed the Alps ; and that Arunx, a Clusinian, 
 who, in resentment of his wifes being debauched by Lucumo, 
 who had heen his pupil, and upon whom, because of his great 
 interest, he could not get a just punishment inflicted, carried 
 wine, into Gaul, to entice that nation to invade the country. 
 (B. v, C, 33.) See also Plutarch, in the life of Camillus, who 
 calls him Arran, as Livy himself, in another place, does Arum. 
 9 Pliny, B. xsii, C. 25. s Idem. 
 
THE CELTS. 211 
 
 brought in neat and clean; but they would take 
 up entire joints, with both hands, after the 
 manner of lions, and tear them in pieces with 
 their teeth ; and, if any part were too difficult to 
 pull asunder, they would cut it with a little knife, 
 which, covered with a sheath, and laid up in a 
 particular place, was near at hand. Many guests, 
 at supper, if they could agree, would sit down in 
 a circle. In the midst was the seat of the most 
 worthy, as it were the prince of the assembly, of 
 him, that is, who excelled the rest, either in mar- 
 tial dexterity, in nobility of race, or in riches. 
 Near him sat the founder of the feast ; and the 
 rest on both sides, one after another, according 
 to their honour or excellence. Behind the guests 
 stood some who, for arms, bore pendent shields; 
 but the spear-men sat opposite, in a circle ; and 
 both took meat with their lords. The cup- 
 bearers served drink in vessels like pots, either 
 earthen or silver* Of the same materials, also, 
 were the pots in which they brought up the 
 victuals, though some were of brass ; and some, 
 
 ' They occasionally used cups made of their enemies sculls, 
 ornamented with gold. Thus Silius : 
 
 " At Celtae vacui capitis circumdare gaudent 
 Ossa (nefas) auro et mensis ea poclua servant." 
 
 (L. 13, V. 482). 
 
212 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 in the stead of pots, used wooden baskets woven 
 with wicker. 3 A boy bore round the cups on the 
 right and left hand : so he ministered to them. 
 They sipped leisurely out of these cups, not more 
 than a glassful, frequently tasting. The Celts, 
 sometimes, after supper, engaged in sword-play. 
 Those that were armed would challenge each 
 other to friendly combat ; in which they only 
 joined their extended hands, and the points of 
 their swords, with mutual forbearance. Some- 
 times the matter would proceed to wounds ; and 
 then they, being irritated, unless those who were 
 present interfered and hindered them, would 
 fight to death. In former times, also, the manner 
 among them was, that the limbs of cattle being- 
 laid down, the stoutest of them would take up 
 the thigh ; and, if any other would challenge it, 
 they would fight with swords, till one of the two 
 was killed. 
 
 Posidonius, recounting the riches of Luernius, 
 who was the father of Bittis, who was defeated 
 by the Romans, 4 represents him, hunting after 
 
 3 The Celts, according to Strabo, used waxen vessels, like 
 the Lusitanians. (B. iii, p. 155.) 
 
 4 Strabo calls them Luerius and Bituitus. The latter was 
 kiug of the AUobroges (as Appian says, but, according to Livys 
 epitomist, of the Arvemi) and was defeated by Fabius Max- 
 
THE CELTS. 213 
 
 popular favour, accustomed to drive through the 
 fields in his chariot, and to throw about gold and 
 silver among the numberless crowds of Celts who 
 followed him : yea, and that he once walled-in a 
 square inclosure of twelve furlongs, in which 
 were ponds of costly and exquisite liquor, and 
 store of victuals ready dressed, that, for many 
 days together, it should be free to all who chose 
 to enter, and enjoy that preparation, with the 
 assiduous offices of servants. 5 
 
 It was the custom, among the Galatians, to 
 put many loaves, broken in pieces, upon their 
 tables, and flesh out of the cauldron ; which, 
 however, no man was to meddle with, till he 
 perceived that the king had tasted every thing 
 that was brought up. Ariamnes, a very rich 
 Galatian, promised all the Galatians to be their 
 entertainer for a whole year ; which he performed 
 in this manner : he divided the most commo- 
 dious ways of the provinces of that country into 
 days journeys, and, with reeds, poles, and the 
 willow, erected pavilions, which would hold three 
 
 imus, at the conflux of the Isar and the Rhone ; and, by 
 Domitius, at that of the Rhone and the Salig. (See Floras, 
 B. iii, C. 2 ; and epitome of Livy, B. Ixi.) 
 
 5 Athenaeus, B. iv, (from Posidonius, B. xxiii). See, also, 
 Strabo, B. iv.) 
 
214 MEMOIRS OF THE CELTS. 
 
 hundred men., or even more, that the multitude, 
 pouring together from the towns and villages, 
 might he rommndiously received : there he placed 
 great cauldrons, full of all sorts of flesh, which, 
 in the preceding year, he had taken care to get 
 fabricated, by artificers procured from the towns. 
 Every day he immolated many sacrifices, bulls, 
 swine, sheep and other cattle ; many measures of 
 corn he provided, and much barley- flour, all 
 ready kneaded ; and this abundance of things he 
 wished to be enjoyed not only by those who came 
 from the cities and country-towns, but by stran- 
 gers passing by, whom the servants, superintend- 
 ing that business, would not dismiss before they 
 had been partakers of the feast. 6 
 
 6 Idem, ibi. (from Phylarchus, B, iii.) 
 
 THE END. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
[ 217 ] 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. I. 
 
 Of the Hyperboreans. 
 
 Abisteas, a poet of Proconnesus, and son to 
 Caustrobius, says in his verses, as we are told by 
 Herodotus, that he was transported by Apollo 
 into the territories of the Issedonians ; beyond 
 which the Arimaspians inhabit, who are a people 
 that have but one eye ; that the next region 
 abounds in griffins, which guard the gold of the 
 country ;' and that the Hyperboreans are situate 
 yet further, and extend themselves into the sea : 
 that all these, except the Hyperboreans, were 
 continually employed in making war upon their 
 
 1 This is the fable to which Milton alludes in the 2d book of 
 his Paradise lost: 
 
 " As wben a gryfon through the wilderness 
 With winged course ore hill or moarie dale, 
 Pursues the Arimaspian, who by stelth 
 Had from his wakeful custody purloined 
 The guarded gold." 
 
 Mr. Fuseli, who represents this pursuit in one of his Miltonic 
 paintings, gives the Arimaspian two eyes. 
 
218 APPENDIX. 
 
 neighbours. 2 Concerning the Hyperboreans, 
 nothing, according to Herodotus, was said either 
 by the Scythians, or any other nations that in- 
 habited those parts, except the Issedonians : and 
 as he thought they said little to the purpose, so he 
 was of opinion the Scythians could inform us no 
 better than they have done of the people with 
 one eye. Hesiod indeed, he adds, mentions the 
 Hyperboreans, and Homer speaks of them in his 
 Epigones, 3 if we may believe him to have been 
 the author of those verses. But the Delians, he 
 continues, say much more about the Hyper- 
 boreans ; affirming that their sacred things were 
 transmitted to Scythia wrapped in a bundle of 
 wheat-straw, and from the Scythians gradually 
 advanced through the bordering nations j till 
 they penetrated very far westward, and were 
 received in Adria : that from hence they travelled 
 toward the south, and that the Dodonaeans were 
 the first of all the Grecians who admitted them : 
 that by this way they descended to the gulph ©f 
 Melis ; passed into Eubcea, and from thence, 
 through various cities, to Carystus : that the 
 Carystians transported them to Tenus, and the 
 
 2 B. iv. He gives a curious account of this poet, who lived 
 m the times of Croesus and Cyrus, about 550 years before 
 Christ. 3 Now lost. 
 
OF THE HYPERBOREANS. 219 
 
 Tenians to Delos. 4 They add, that the Hyper- 
 boreans had first sent two virgins to carry these 
 sacred things abroad, and call them by the names 
 of Hyperoche and Laodice : that for their security 
 they appointed five citizens to accompany them, 
 whose memory, he says, is to this day in great 
 veneration among the Delians, and their persons 
 known by the title of Peripherees : but the Hyper- 
 boreans, finding that none of those they had 
 charged with these orders returned home, were 
 
 * Porphyry mentions that there were formerly in Delos 
 certain venerable monuments of the Hyperboreans offering 
 bundles of straw (meaning, perhaps, pictures, in which they 
 were so represented.) (B. ii.) Pausanias relates that among 
 the Prasienses there was a temple of Apollo, to which, they 
 reported, the first fruits of the Hyperboreans were sent. For 
 the Hyperboreans, he says, commit them to the Arimaspi, the 
 Arimaspi to the Issedonians : the Scythians, receiving them 
 from these, carry them to Sinope ; from thence they are 
 carried by the Greeks to the Prasienses; and lastly, the Athe- 
 nians send them to Delos. But these first fruits, he adds, are 
 concealed in stalks of wheat : and it is not lawful for any one 
 to behold them. (B. i, C. 31.) This ancient custom is even 
 noticed by Claudian : 
 
 " Progenies Scythiae, divas neraoiumque potentes, 
 Fecit Hyperboreis Delos prjelata pruinis." 
 
 In lau. Sti. pa. III. 
 
 These jirst-fruits were parts of the victim sacrificed. See 
 Salmasius's Eiercitations, p. 147". 
 
220 APPENDIX. 
 
 greatly displeased, and tying up their holy things 
 in a bundle of wheat-straw, dispatched certain 
 persons to carry them into the next adjacent 
 countries, and to exhort the inhabitants to send 
 them forward to other nations. These Hyperbo- 
 rean virgins died in Delos, and their memory was 
 honoured by the Delian maids and young men in 
 this manner : the maids cut off a lock of their 
 hair before marriage, which they wound upon a 
 distaff, and dedicated upon the sepulchre of those 
 virgins, built within the temple of Diana on the 
 left hand of the entrance, and covered by an olive- 
 tree. The young men twisted their hair about 
 a tuft of grass and consecrated it on the same 
 monument. They likewise say, continues the 
 venerable author, that Argis and Opis, two other 
 Hyperborean virgins, landed at Delos in the 
 same age, before Hyperoche and Laodice : that 
 these last came only to make an acknowledge- 
 ment for a speedy delivery j but that Argis and 
 Opis arrived with the gods, and were honoured 
 by the Delians with great solemnities : s and this 
 
 > 
 5 Some of these females appear to be mentioned by Calli- 
 machus, in his hymn to Delos : 
 
 " from the subject world primitial tenths 
 
 Are sent to Delos : while each pious state 
 Unites with sacred joy to celebrate 
 
OF THE HYPERBOREANS. 221 
 
 he adds, I think sufficient to say concerning the 
 Hyperboreans : for I shall not mention the fable 
 
 The gen'ral feast ; states flowing from each clime 
 
 Of the well-peopled globe, from east and west, 
 
 From Arctic and Antarctic pole — where heav'n 
 
 The virtue of the habitants rewards 
 
 With length of days : these to the Delian god 
 
 Begin the grand procession ; and in hand 
 
 The holy sheaves and mystic offerings bear ; 
 
 Which the Pelasgians, who the sounding brass 
 
 On earth recumbent at Dodona guard, 
 
 Joyous receive, and to the Melians care 
 
 The hallow'd gifts consign : whence o'er the fields 
 
 Lelantian pass'd to fair Eubceas shores 
 
 At length arrived a ready passage wafts 
 
 The consecrated off'ring to the shrine 
 
 Of Delian Apollo. Of the north 
 
 (Chill Boreas' climes, the Arimaspians seat) 
 
 The loveliest daughters, Hecaerge bless'd, 
 
 Bright Upis, and fair Loxo, with a choir 
 
 Of chosen youth accompany'd, first brought 
 
 The grateful sheaves and hallow'd gifts to Phoebus ; 
 
 Thrice happy throng, ordain'd no more to see 
 
 Their native north, but ever flourish fair 
 
 In fame immortal, servants of their god ! 
 
 The Delian nymphs, whom to the nuptial bed 
 
 Midst melting music Hymen gently leads 
 
 Trembling with am'rous fear, their votive locks 
 
 To these bright daughters of the north consign : 
 
 And to the sons the bridegrooms consecrate 
 
 The virgin harvest of their downy chins." 
 
222 APPENDIX. 
 
 of Abaris, who, they say, was of that country, 
 and, without eating, carried upon an arrow 
 through all the parts of the world. 6 Yet if 
 there be any Hyperboreans, lying so far to the 
 northward, we may as well presume there are 
 other Hyperaustralian people inhabiting to the 
 southward. 7 
 
 Amongst those that have written old stories, 
 much like fables, Hecatseus 8 and some others 
 
 6 Abaris was priest of Apollo among the Hyperboreans. 
 Riding about on his arrow, he became acquainted with Pytha- 
 goras, who, showing his golden thigh, passed himself .upon him 
 for the Hyperborean Apollo, as he was afterward called by 
 the Crotoniats. See the Lives of Pythagoras by Porphyry 
 and Jamblichus ; and ^Elians Various history, B. ii, C. 26. 
 
 7 B. iv. See Strabos remarks on this last sentence, B. i, 
 p. 61. Those, he says, are called Hyperboreans, who are the 
 northmost of all : beside, the pole is the limit of the northern 
 people, the equinoctial of the southern ; and the same is the 
 limit of the winds. Damastes, an author contemporary with 
 Herodotus, and cited by Stephen of Byzantium, says that the 
 Issedous are on this side of the Ripbaean mountains whence 
 the wind of Boreas continually blows, and which are always 
 covered with snow ; that, in short, beyond these mountains are 
 the Hyperboreans, who extend to the icy sea. 
 
 8 A most ancient, but unquestionably fabulous, historian, 
 mentioned by Herodotus, who says he wrote a volume about 
 the Hyperboreans, for which, it would seem, he was indebted 
 to Aristeas Proconnesius, who feigned the subject by poetic 
 licence. 
 
OF THE HYPERBOREANS 223? 
 
 say, that there is an island in the ocean, over 
 against Gaul, as big as Sicily, under the arctic 
 pole, 1 where the Hyperboreans inhabit, so called 
 because they lie beyond the breezes of the north 
 •wind : that the soil here is very rich, and very 
 fruitful; and the climate temperate, insomuch 
 that there are two crops in the year. They say 
 that Latona was born here j and, because they 
 are daily singing songs in praise of this god, and 
 ascribing to him the highest honours, they say 
 that these inhabitants demean themselves as if 
 they were Apollos priests, who has there a 
 stately grove, and renowned temple of a round 
 form, beautified with many rich gifts : that there 
 is a city, likewise, consecrated to this god, whose 
 citizens are most of them harpers, who, playing 
 on the harp, chant hymns to Apollo in the temple, 
 setting forth his glorious acts. The Hyper- 
 boreans use their own natural language ; but, of 
 long and ancient time, have had a special kind- 
 ness for the Grecians, and more especially for the 
 Athenians and those of Delos : and [they say] 
 that some of the Grecians passed over to the 
 
 1 This description suits no island but Britain, or Ireland, of 
 which Hecataeus, or Aristeas, may have had some confused 
 notion; but of which Herodotus, a later writer, knew nothin? 
 at all. 
 
224 APPENDIX. 
 
 Hyperboreans, and left behind them divers pre- 
 sents, inscribed with Greek characters j* and 
 that Abaris formerly travelled thence into Greece, 
 and renewed the ancient league of friendship 
 with the Delians. They say, moreover, that the 
 moon in this island seems as if it were near to 
 the earth, and represents in the face of it excres- 
 cences like spots in the earth : and that Apollo 
 once in nineteen years comes into this island ; 3 
 in which space of time the stars perform their 
 courses, and return to the same point j and 
 therefore the Greeks call the revolution of nine- 
 teen years the great year. At this time of his 
 appearance, they say, he plays upon the harp, and 
 sings and dances all the night, from the vernal 
 equinox to the rising of the Pleiades, solacing 
 himself with the praises of his own successful 
 adventures. The sovereignty of this city, and 
 the care of the temple, they say, belongs to the 
 
 2 Solinus, as a proof that Ulysses had landed in the north of 
 Britain, mentions an altar remaining there in his time, with a 
 Greek inscription. 
 
 3 This tradition is alluded to by the poet Claudiari : 
 
 " when fair Apollo, 
 
 His Delphos left, views Hyperborean altars." 
 
 Pa. on the 6th con. of Honorius. 
 
OF THE HYPERBOREANS. 225 
 
 Boreades, the posterity of Boreas, who hold the 
 principality in a direct line from that ancestor. 4 
 
 Pindar affirms that Hercules " the darksome 
 olive," 
 
 " From distant Scythias fruitful soil, 
 And Hyperborean Isters woody shore, 
 With fair entreaties gain'd, to Grecian Elis bore." 5 
 
 He observes, likewise, that 
 
 " We strive in vain 
 
 To pass the bounds to man assign'd by heaven; 
 Like those who, trusting to a faithless ship 
 Through roaring seas, and o'er the measur'd deep, 
 Seek for the happy Hyperborean coast, 
 In fruitless schemes of wild ambition lost." 
 
 This observation serves to introduce the follow- 
 ing story : 
 
 " Guided by Minervas power, 
 To those fair realms arrived in happy hour 
 The godlike Perseus, and beheld the feast ; 
 Whole hecatombs of victims slain, 
 A grateful offering at Apullos fane ; 
 The hero join'd the throng, a much delighted guest. 
 
 Nor did the joy-inspiring muse 
 
 To this blest race her happy aid refuse, 
 
 But choral virgins moved along, 
 
 With laurel crown'd their waving hair, 
 
 Raising, with voices sweet, the sacred song, 
 
 Or touching, with their fingers fair, 
 
 * Diodo. B. ii, C. 3. * Olym. 3. 
 
 Q 
 
226 APPENDIX. 
 
 The lyres sublimer chords, to suit 
 The shriller music of the Dorian flute. 
 In feasts and songs thus pass the hours away, 
 No feeble age reminds them of decay, 
 Exempt from toil, from penury, and pain, 
 And dire disease, and Horrors gloomy train j 
 Secure from proud Ambitions baneful breath, 
 From war, and all the ministers of Death. 
 
 To arts of innocence and virtue bred, 
 Avenging Nemesis they never dread ! 
 Breathing heroic ardour, hither came 
 The son of Danae, by Minervas hand 
 Conducted to the heights of Fame. 
 She made him join the generous band, 
 Inspired his soul with matchless might, 
 To meet the Gorgon race in fight, 
 And slay Medusa ! " 6 
 
 Orpheus of Crotona, in his Argonautics thus 
 introduces the Hyperboreans : 
 
 " Thence under th' ends o' th' north, through passage straight 
 Hurry'd our Argo toward the ocean slides, 
 We leave, on either hand, nations unknown, 
 
 6 Pythian 10. " It appears from the scholiast on Pindar, 
 that the Greeks called the Thracians Boreans : there is there- 
 fore (says Larcher) great probability that they called the 
 people beyond these Hyperboreans." Taylors Pausanias, III., 
 254. The Thracians seem to have obtained the name of 
 Boreans from Boreas, the ravisher of Orythia, who lived in the 
 country of the Cicones. See Hym. Orphicus (79) in Boream, 
 V. 2 ; and Ovids Metamor. vi, 709. 
 
OF THE HYPERBOREANS. 297 
 
 Named Pacton, Arcteion, and Lelians fierce, 
 
 And warlike Scythians, souls to Mars devoted ; 
 
 The Hyperboreans, loo, and Caspian bounds : 
 
 And when the goddess the bright day has brought, 
 
 Riphaear. vales we touch ; thence unawares 
 
 The ship shoots forth by th' shores o' th' narrow sea, 
 
 And ocean enters the Satumian sea, 
 
 Bv Hyperhonan nations call'd, and dead. 
 
 Of the Hyperboreans, who live a thousand 
 years, it is observed by Strabo, that Onesicritus 
 says they tell the same things which Simonides, 
 and Pindar, and other writers of fables had 
 said. 7 
 
 The Caspians, says Pomponius Mela, next to 
 the Scythians surround the Caspian bay. Be- 
 yond the Amazons, and beyond them the Hyper- 
 boreans are mentioned to be. s After finishing 
 the description of Sarmatia, he proceeds with 
 that of Scythia : thence the confines of Asia, 
 unless where perpetual snows rest, and intoler- 
 able cold, the Scythic people inhabit, almost all 
 likewise called by one name Behcp. On the 
 Asiatic coast first of all, beyond the north wind 
 and the Riphsean mountains, 9 under the very pole 
 
 7 B. xv, p. 711. He seems to consider the Riphaaan moun- 
 tains and Hyperboreans as imagined, from ignorance of those 
 parts. (B. vii, p. 295.) 
 
 8 B.i, C.2. 
 
 9 These rise in almost the middle of Muscovy, upon the 
 
228 APPENDIX. 
 
 of the stars, lie the Hyperboreans : where the 
 sun not daily as with us, but at first risen in the 
 vernal equinox, finally sets in the autumnal, and 
 therefore, for six months is continual day, and 
 for as many, night. The land is ' rich,' warm, and 
 fertile of itself. The inhabitants most just ; and 
 live longer and more happily than any other 
 mortals. For, always enjoying festive ease, they 
 know no wars, no quarrels : employed in sacred 
 things, chiefly in those of Apollo : their first- 
 fruits they are reported to have sent to Delos at 
 first by their virgins, afterward by the people of 
 different nations, they thereupon delivering them 
 to those further off, and to have observed the 
 custom so long till it was violated by the depra- 
 vity of nations. They inhabit groves and woods ; 
 and when satiety of living rather than irksome- 
 ness hath taken them, cheerful, crowned with 
 garlands, they precipitate themselves into the 
 sea from a certain rock. This to them is a choice 
 funeral. 1 
 
 sources of the Tanais (or Don) ; between it and the river 
 Bham, or Volga. For the Tanais breaks out of the Riphsean 
 mountain, witness Mela, B. i, C. 19, Harduin. Protarchus 
 says that the Alps bear likewise the name of the Riphsean 
 mountains, and that the people who inhabit at the foot of those 
 Alps are called Hyperboreans. (Stephen of Byzantium.) 
 1 B. iii, C. 5. 
 
OF THE HYPERBOREANS. 229 
 
 Next to Buges, says Pliny, above Maeotis, are 
 the Sauromatse (Sarmatians) and Essedones. But 
 along- the coast, as far as the Tanais, are the 
 Maeotae, from whom the lake took its name : and 
 the last on the back of these are the Arimas- 
 pians. In the next place are the Riphaean moun- 
 tains, and a region called Pterophoros, from the 
 continual fall of feathers : 2 a part of the world 
 condemned by the nature of things, and immersed 
 in thick darkness : neither any thing but cold, 
 and the icy receptacles of the north wind. Be- 
 hind these mountains, and beyond the north wind, 
 a happy nation (if we believe [what is told us]), 
 whom they have called Hyperboreans, lives to a 
 very old age, and is celebrated by fabulous won- 
 ders. These are believed to be the poles of the 
 
 2 " Touching the feathers," .says Herodotus, " with which the 
 Scythians say the air is filled that men can neither see nor pass 
 further upon the continent, my opinion is that perpetual snows 
 fall in those parts, for snow is not unlike feathers." (B. iv.) 
 Ovid, indebted to some earlier authority than Pliny, has found 
 a good use for these feathers : 
 
 u A race of men there are, as fame has told, 
 Who, shiv'ring, surfer Hyperborean cold, 
 'Till, nine times bathing in Minerva's lake, 
 Soft feathers, to defend their naked sides they take." 
 
 Meta. B. xv. 
 
230 APPENDIX. 
 
 world, and the extreme circuits of the stars, 
 there being six months light, and one day, when 
 the sun turns his back : not, as unskilful persons 3 
 have said from the vernal equinox till autumn. 
 Once a year, in the solstice, the sun riscth with 
 them, and once, in winter, it setteth. A sunny 
 region, of a happy temperature, free from every 
 noxious blast. 4 Their habitations are woods and 
 groves ; the worship of the gods is both singly 
 and in companies ; discord and all sickness are 
 unknown. Death only comes from satiety of 
 life j feasted with old age and good cheer, they 
 leap off a certain rock into the sea. This kind 
 of sepulture they reckon most blessed. Some 
 have placed them in the first part of the sea- 
 coasts of Asia, not in Europe, because there are 
 some of like customs and situation with the name 
 of Attacori. Others have supposed them in the 
 midway between either sun, the setting one of 
 the Antipodes, and ours rising : which can in no 
 wise be, so vast a sea intervening. Those who 
 have placed them nowhere but in the six months 
 
 3 P. Mela, supra. 
 
 * The nation of lhe Atiaci, or Attacori, secluded from every 
 noxious blast, by sunny hills, live in the same temperature as 
 the Hyperboreans. Of those, Amometus wrote a volume, as 
 did Hecatsus, of the Hyperboreans. (B. vi, C. 17.) 
 
OF THE HYPERBOREANS. 231 
 
 light, have reported that they sow in the morn- 
 ing, reap at noon, at sun-set gather the fruit of 
 trees, and by night are shut up in caves. Neither 
 may one doubt of this nation, since so many 
 authors relate that they were wont to send the 
 first-fruits of their corn unto Delos to Apollo, 
 whom they principally worship. Virgins carried 
 them, who for some time were reverenced by the 
 hospitality of nations ; until, faith being violated, 
 they resolved to deposit the sacred things in the 
 nearest marches of their neighbours, and these 
 to convey them to those who bordered upon 
 them, and so as far as Delos. By and by, and 
 even this became obsolete. 5 
 
 Now all the interior parts of Asia, says the 
 same author, being described, let the mind pass 
 over the Riphaean mountains, and walk along the 
 right coast of the ocean. From the extreme 
 north to the beginning of the summery east are 
 the Scythians. Without them, and beyond the 
 beginnings of the north, some have placed the 
 Hyperboreans, described by more in Europe. 6 
 
 Heraclides of Pontus, who lived not long after 
 
 5 B. vi, C. 12. 
 
 6 B. iv,C. 12. These things, in which he is followed by 
 Solinus, he appears to have had from Hecataeus, of whom be- 
 fore. The Macrobians of the Argonauts resemble, in many 
 respects, the Hyperboreans of Pliny. 
 
232 APPENDIX. 
 
 the time that Rome was taken by the Gauls, in 
 his book Of the soul, related that a certain report 
 came from the west, that an army proceeding 
 from the Hyperboreans had taken a Greek city 
 called Rome, seated somewhere upon the great 
 sea. But I do not wonder, adds Plutarch, that 
 such a fabulous and bombast author as Heraclides 
 should embellish his account of the taking of 
 Rome with such high-flown words as Hyper- 
 boreans and great sea. 7 
 
 Suidas explains Hyperborei to be a nation far 
 north, and dwelling beyond the Scythae. 
 
 Marcianus Heracleota says, beyond the river 
 Chesunus, is the Hyperborean and unknown ocean, 
 contiguous to the Hyperborean and unknown 
 country : but the river Chesunus and Turuntas 
 flow down out of the mountains lying above, 
 which are called the Riphsean mountains, lying 
 in the mediterranean parts, between the Palus 
 Mseotis and the Sarmatic ocean. 8 
 
 » Life of Camillus 8 Periplus, ii. 
 
[ 233 ] 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. II. 
 
 Of the Cimmerians. 
 
 Ihe Cimmerians are first of all mentioned by 
 Homer, in the eleventh book of the Odyssey. 
 The passage, in Popes translation, is as follows : 
 
 " Now sunk the sun from his aerial height, 
 And o'er the shaded billows rush'd the night : 
 When lo ! we reach'd old Oceans utmost bounds, 
 Where rocks controll his waves, with ever-during mounds. 
 
 There, in a lonely land, and gloomy cells, 
 The dusky nation of Cimmeria dwells ; 
 The sun ne'er views th' uncomfortable seats, 
 When, radiant, he advances or retreats ; 
 Unhappy race ! whom endless night invades, 
 Clouds the dull air, and wraps them round in shades." 
 
 Homer, as Strabo has remarked, knew the Cim- 
 merian bosphorus, and the Cimmerians them- 
 selves, not the name only of those, who, in his 
 own time, or a little before, from the bosphorus 
 made incursions into all the regions as far as 
 Ionia. The climate also of the region which the 
 Cimmerians inhabited he intimates by myste- 
 
234 APPENDIX. 
 
 rious, that is to say, obscure expressions. 1 Even 
 also when he knew the Cimmerians to inhabit at 
 the bosphorus, places toAvard the north and 
 west, he has placed them in the shades Itelow : 
 although, perhaps, he followed in this the common 
 custom of the lonians in speaking of them : for 
 either in the age of Homer, or a little before, the 
 Cimmerians proceeded, in a hostile manner, as 
 far as Ionia and yKolis. 2 
 
 Dionysius Periegetes, having mentioned the 
 Palus Mseotis, about which he says, on either 
 
 1 B. i, p. 6. 
 
 2 B. iii, p. 149 ; also B. i, p. 19.0. " The first celebrated 
 Grecian writer who had any knowledge of the north, though 
 that was hut imperfect, was Homer. He speaks of the Cim- 
 merians, who live in constant darkness. This is, undoubtedly, 
 an error, for the Cimmerians did not live in Italy ; but in the 
 Crim, and beyond that in Russia, where the nights in winter 
 are very long, which gave rise to this fable." (Forsters His- 
 tory of the voyages and discoveries made in the north, p. 14.) 
 Homer, at the same time, does not say that the Cimmerians 
 lived in Italy, but at the utmost bounds of the ocean, which 
 agrees better with their real situation. He has, indeed, placed 
 in Cimmeria the passage to hell, which Virgil fixes at the take 
 Avemus, where, in fact, the ancients believed that Homer had 
 described Ulysses as conversing with the dead, and Ephorus, a 
 fabulous writer, places the Cimmerians. See Strabo, B. v. 
 244 ; and An enquiry into the life and wiitings of' Homer, 
 p. 269. 
 
OF THE CIMMERIANS. 235 
 
 side, the Scythians, a numberless people, inhabit, 
 and which they call the mother of Pontus, adds, 
 for thereout is drawn the immense water of 
 Pontus right through the Cimmerian bosphorus ; 
 at which many Cimmerians inhabit, under the 
 cold foot of Taurus. 3 
 
 Pliny places the Cimmerians, along with the 
 Scythians, Cisianthians, Georgians, and the nation 
 of the Amazons, beyond the Arimphgei, who 
 inhabited at the fall and descent of the Riphaean 
 mountains. These, he adds, reach as far as the 
 Caspian, and Hyrcanian sea. 4 
 
 Orpheus of Crotona, author of the Argonautics, 
 speaks of the country of the Cimmerians to this 
 
 effect : 
 
 then to the shore 
 
 Of the Cimmerians our swift ship we drive, 
 These pass the year deprived of Phoebus light; 
 For the Riphfean mount, and Calpian top, 
 Avert the rising sun, a mist most dense, 
 Arising from the midst, spreads out vast shades 
 Till day, and (all immersed in constant darkness) 
 Of every sun the rays they take away. 
 
 vEschylus, in his tragedy of Prometheus chained, 
 makes him say to Io, in the shape of a cow : 
 
 3 V.166, &c. 
 
 4 B. vi, C. 12. He is followed by Solinus ; though it is 
 scarcely possible there really was such a people in those parts 
 in the time of either. 
 
236 APPENDIX. 
 
 — " this female train 
 
 With courteous zeal shall guide thee in thy way. 
 Arriving where the dark Cimmerian lake 
 Spreads from its narrow mouth its vast expanse, 
 Leave it, and boldly plunge thy vent'rous foot 
 On the Miotic straits ; the voice of fame 
 Shall eternize thv passage, and from thee 
 Call it the Bosphoms " 
 
 Cimmericum, according to Strabo, was formerly 
 a city lying in a peninsula, shutting up the isth- 
 mus with a ditch and a mound. Great was at 
 one time, he adds, the power of the Cimmerians 
 in the Bosphorus, which from them also was 
 called Cimmerian. s He, however, ranks Cimmeris, 
 a city, he says, of Hecatseus/ with the Riphsan 
 mountains, and other fabulous relations. 7 
 
 b B. xi, p. 494. Now the straits of' Caff a, or Jenicale, be- 
 tween the sea of Azof (formerly Palus Maotis,) and the Black 
 sea (formerly the Euxine, or Pontus Euxinus.) Mela, also, 
 places it in the very rnouih of the marsh Pontus. (B. i, C.19.) 
 
 6 A fabulous writer, mentioned by Herodotus. 
 
 7 B. vii, p, 299. This last city is mentioned by both 
 Scylax and Scymnus ; the former says, it presented itself to 
 one going from the lake Masotis; and the other, it was situate 
 at the mouth of ihe Tanais, and both agree that it was so 
 named bj the Cimmerians, but built by the Bosphoran tyrants.. 
 Aristotle, cited by Stephanus, had said, in a historical work, 
 of which we have no more than some shreds, that these 
 people had given the name of Cimmeris to Antandros, a city 
 situated at the foot of Mount Ida, at the bottom of the gulf of 
 
OF THE CIMMERIANS. 237 
 
 The Scythian Nomades, according to Hero- 
 dotus, were once inhabitants of Asia, and being 
 harassed by the Massagetes with frequent wars, 
 they passed the river Araxes > b and entered the 
 country of the Cimmerians, who were the ancient 
 possessors of those regions which are now, he 
 says, inhabited by the Scythians. The Cimme- 
 rians, finding themselves invaded by the Scy- 
 thians with a numerous army, assembled in 
 council, but could not come to any agreement, 
 because the kings and the people were of dif- 
 ferent sentiments; both founded upon strong 
 reasons, though that of the kings was the more 
 generous. For the people were of opinion to 
 abstain from force, and not put all to hazard 
 against so great a multitude. But the kings, on 
 the contrary, advised that they would oppose the 
 invaders of their country by arms. In this con- 
 trariety of opinions they divided ; and, being 
 equal in numbers, the two parties engaged in 
 battle; and all those who fell in the dispute 
 were buried, by the rest of the people, near the 
 river Tyras ; 9 where their sepulchre remains to 
 
 Adramyttium, and in Cilicia, neighbour of the Troad ; and 
 that they remained the masters of it during an entire century. 
 See Stephanus, Antandros. 
 
 8 In Armenia, now the Aras. » Now the Niester. 
 
^238 APPENDIX. 
 
 this day. When the Cimmerians had performed 
 that office they abandoned the country, and left 
 it entirely dispeopled in the possession of the 
 Scythians. Divers ports and walls, continues 
 Herodotus, are still to be seen in Scythia, which 
 retain the name of Cimmerian ; together with a 
 whole province, and a bosphorus or narrow sea. 
 It is certain the Cimmerians, who fled from the 
 Scythians into Asia, settled in that peninsula 
 where the city of Sinope, a colony of the Gre- 
 cians, was afterward built : and it is no less evi- 
 dent that the Scythians, pursuing them, fell into 
 Media, and mistook their way. For the Cimme- 
 rians in all their flight never abandoned the coast 
 of the sea : whereas the Scythians, in their pur- 
 suit, leaving mount Caucasus on the right hand, 
 deflected toward the midland countries, and so 
 entered Media. 1 
 
 1 B. iv. Cyaxares (king of the Medes) having obtained a 
 victory over the Assyrians, and actually besieged Ninus, a 
 great army of Scythians appeared in full march under the con- 
 duct of Madyes their king, and son of Protothyas. The Scy- 
 thians had driven the Cimmerians out of Europe, and pursuing 
 them into Asia, by that means entered into the territories of the 
 Medes. Herodo. B. i. This Cyaxares began to reign 611 
 years before Christ. The Scythians, he further says, conti- 
 nued twenty-eight years in the possession of Upper Asia, 
 having entered those territories in pursuit of the Cimmerians. 
 
OF THE CIMMERIANS. 239 
 
 Eusebius, in his chronicle, mentions an incur- 
 sion of this people into Greece 1076 years be- 
 fore Christ, or 108 after the siege of Troy. 
 
 The Cimmerians, a people of uncommon size, 
 as we are informed by Polysenus, having made 
 war on Alyattes,* he directed his men to carry 
 with them to battle a number of large fierce 
 dogs ; which, being set on by their masters, fell 
 upon the barbarians, as on a parcel of wild 
 beasts ; tore many of them, so as to disable 
 them from action, and put others to flight. 3 
 
 The irruption of the Cimmerians into Ionia, 
 with an army, according to Herodotus, which 
 happened before the time of Croesus, ended not 
 in the destruction of cities, but only in ravages, 
 incident to a sudden invasion. 4 Alyattes, he 
 says, succeeding Sadyattes, expelled the Cim- 
 merians out of Asia. 5 
 
 2 King of Lydia. There were two of this name, the first of 
 whom began to reign 761, and the other 619, B. C. The 
 latter is the one here meant. He reigned 57 years. Orosius 
 notices an incursion of the nation of the Amazons, and the 
 Cimmerians into Asia, in the thirtieth year before the building 
 of Rome, or the 782d before Christ. B. i, C. 21. 
 
 3 B. vii, C 2. 
 
 4 B. i. Croesus began to reign 562, B. C. He was son and 
 immediate successor to Alyattes II. 
 
 * Ibi. This was Alyattes II. We can nowhere learn what 
 became of them. 
 
240 APPENDIX. 
 
 This irruption is alluded to by Callimachus : 
 
 " touch'd with pride 
 
 Contemptuous, and with madding fury seiz'd, 
 A crowd of stout Cimmerians, like the sand 
 For numbers, from Inachian Bosphorus, 
 To pour destruction on those sacred walls, 6 
 Stern Lygdamis led on ; mistaken prince, 
 Alas how lost ! nor thou, nor one of those 
 Whose chariots crowded over Caysters mead, 
 Thick as autumnal leaves, shall hence return, 
 Or view their country more ! Dianas arms, 
 Bless'd Ephesus, thy fortress, thy defence." 7 
 
 In old times, according to Strabo, it happened 
 that the Magnetes were utterly destroyed by the 
 Treres, a Cimmerian nation, which was long 
 accustomed to fortunate successes. Callinus, he 
 adds, refers to another more ancient assault of 
 the Cimmerians, in these words : 
 
 " But now the dreadful host of the Cimmerians 
 Approaches near ; " 
 
 in which he means the capture of Sardes. 3 The 
 Cimmerians, he says, whom they also call Tre- 
 rones, or some nation of them, frequently made 
 incursions into the right-hand part of Pontus, 
 and countries contiguous to them, breaking 
 sometimes into Paphlagonia, sometimes into 
 
 6 The Temple of Diana. 7 Hymn to Diana. 
 
 8 B. xiv, p. 648. 
 
OF THE CIMMERIANS. 241 
 
 Phrygia ; at what time also Midas, having drunk 
 the blood of a bull, died : 9 but Lygdamis, leading 
 his forces, proceeded as far as Lydia and Ionia, 
 took Sardes, and perished in Cilicia. The Cim- 
 merians and Treres, 1 however, he adds, fre- 
 quently made such kind of incursions : but the 
 Trerae and Cobus were at length expelled by 
 Madyes, king of the Cimmerians.' 1 
 Scymnus has the following passage : 
 
 " These things one Arabron, a Milesian born, 
 Hath gather'd ; by Cimmerians educated. 
 After Cimmerians Cous, then Critines, 
 Whom into exile the Milesians sent. 
 They built a city when a crowd immense 
 Of the Cimmerians wasted Asia." 3 
 
 This is the whole history of the Cimmerians. 
 They seem to have entirely perished in Ionia, 
 
 9 Eusebius places the death of Midas in 697, about the 4th 
 year of Gyges. 
 
 1 A people, according to Pliny, bordering upon Macedonia. 
 (B. iv, C. 10.) 
 
 2 B. i, p. 61. Callisthenes says that Sardes was taken first 
 by the Cimmerians, afterward by the Treres and Lycians ; 
 and that Callinus, a writer of elegies, shews it : where, how- 
 ever, Callinus says, that the Cimmerians made an attack upon 
 the Esioneae, in which they took Sardes, Saepsius conjectures 
 him to have used Esionese for Asioneae, that is Asians. (B. xiii, 
 p. 627.) 
 
 3 Frag. V. 210-15. 
 
 R 
 
242 APPENDIX. 
 
 Paphlagonia, or some other part of Asia, none of 
 them returning to their old possessions, and 
 being never afterward known or mentioned by 
 any respectable historian, Greek or Roman. 4 
 Their vacated seats, it is true, retained the an- 
 cient names to a later period, but they were occu- 
 pied by other nations, and, to all appearance, the 
 Cimmerians have been wholly extinct for about 
 2500 years. 5 
 
 4 Ephorus, as quoted by Strabo, seems to have asserted that, 
 in after-time, the Cimmeriaus were destroyed by a certain king, 
 ■whose events had not verified the oracle : which Strabo appears 
 to consider as an old fable. (B. v, p. 245.) 
 
 5 With respect to the etymology of Cimmerium, in Greek 
 Kifi/xepiKov, Strabo mentions a similar name, in Epirus, Xu- 
 fikpiov, Cheimerium, adding, in the words of the Latin version, 
 " quasi si hybernum dicas promontorium, &c. " (B. vii, 
 p. 324.) 
 
C 243 ] 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. III. 
 
 Of the Cimbrians. 
 
 A he earliest writer who mentions the Cimbri, 
 a people entirely unknown to both Greeks and 
 Romans before the year of Rome 640, appears 
 to be Posidonius, of Apamea, a Grecian philo- 
 sopher, whose work, though now lost, is fre- 
 quently quoted by Strabo, an eminent geogra- 
 pher, in the time of Augustus. Posidonius, he 
 observes, by no unapt conjecture, inferred the 
 Cimbri to have been robbers and vagabonds, and 
 to have proceeded with their arms as far as the 
 lake MaBotis : and that the Cimmerian bospho- 
 rus had been so denominated from them, as one 
 would say Cimbrican, since the Greeks call the 
 Cimbri by the name of Cimmerians* The 
 
 3 It is not true that the Greeks called the Cimbri Cimme- 
 rians, who were a very ancient, and manifestly different people : 
 whereas the name of Cimbri never occurs in any Greek writer 
 
244 APPENDIX. 
 
 same Posidonius related that the Boii formerly 
 inhabited the Hercynian forest 5 and that the 
 Cimbri, when they had arrived in those parts, 
 
 before this very Posidonius, nor was such a people at the time 
 be was born known by either Greeks or Romans to exist in the 
 world. See Cluviers Germania antiquitutcs, B. iii, C. 29. This 
 conjectural blunder has been adopted by a late writer as a 
 positive fact, who adds to it another falsehood that the Cim- 
 merii or Cimbri were Celts. " The Celts," he says," from the 
 Euxine to the Baltic, were called Cimmerii, a name noted in 
 Grecian history and fable .... From the ancients we learn to a 
 certainty, that they were the same people with the Cimbri.'" 
 " It is clear," he continues, " from his [Herodotus's] account 
 that the Cimbri were the ancient possessors of Germany : 
 whereas neither Herodotus, nor any other writer more ancient 
 than Posidonius, (whose writings are not extant^) ever once 
 mentions the Cimbri. As for the Cimmerii, we find that they 
 had left their seats near the black sea, and pursued by the Scy- 
 thians, penetrated into Asia, settled in Paphlagonia, after 
 which they are no longer mentioned in history, nor do we know 
 what became of them. That the Cimmerii were Cimbri, or that 
 both, or either of those people were Celts, so far from being " as 
 certain as so very remote and obscure a subject will bear, " is 
 again asserted to be a palpable falsehood. See Pinkertons 
 Dissertation, &c. p. 45, 47. " That the Cimmerii " lie pre- 
 tends, " were the same with the Cimbri, the name and situ- 
 ation might instruct us, were we not positively informed of this 
 by the ancients : " but whatever resemblance there may be iu 
 the name of these two nations, their situation, at any rate, was 
 widely remote : the Cimmerii, as is well known, before their 
 irruptiou into Asia, being seated near the mouth of the Don 
 
OF THE CIM BRIANS. 245 
 
 being by them repulsed, descended to tbe Ister, 
 and the Galli Scordisci ; thence to the Tauristae 
 and the Taurisci, who were likewise Gauls ; then 
 to the Helvetia abounding in gold, but of a 
 peaceful disposition. These when they saw 
 greater riches obtained by the robberies of the 
 Cimbri, chiefly the Tigurini and Tugeni, 3 turned 
 their minds to pillage, and joined themselves as 
 companions to the Cimbri, who intended to go 
 into Italy ; but they were all conquered by the 
 Romans, both the Cimbri and their associates, 
 partly beyond the Alps, partly when, these being 
 passed over, they had descended into Italy. This 
 custom, they report, was used by the Cimbri: 
 Their wives following them to war, certain hoary 
 prophets accompanied them, in white garments, 
 fastened at the top with buckles, with a copper 
 girdle, and naked feet. These ran upon the 
 
 upon the Cimmerian bosphoras, or straits of Caffa, between 
 the Pontus Euxinus, called also Cimmeriae Paludes, or Black- 
 sea, and the Palus Mieotis, or sea of Azof ; now, perhaps, the 
 Crimea, or Crim-Tartary ; and the Cimbri, on the contrary, 
 inhabiting the Cimbrica chersonesus, now Jutland, in Denmark, 
 above the Elbe : an immense distance, or above 20 degrees, 
 being tbe opposite extremities of Europe. The Cimmerii, more- 
 over, were, apparently, extinct 500 years before the Cimbri 
 were ever heard of. 
 
 3 Both branches of tbe Helvetii. 
 
246 APPENDIX. 
 
 prisoners with drawn swords, and drew them 
 prostrate to a brazen vessel, holding about 20 
 amphoras [180 gallons.] 4 Over this was a 
 scaffold (or pulpit), which having ascended, the 
 prophet, standing erect, cut the throats of every 
 one raised above the caldron : from the blood 
 shed into the vessel they caught their divination : 
 the rest cut up the bodies of the persons thus 
 slain, and, the intestines being inspected, foretold 
 the victory to their own side. In battle they 
 bet skins stretched on the [wicker-work] of their 
 waggons ; from which a terrible sound was pro- 
 duced. 5 
 
 The next writer is Caesar, who ' ' saw it of danger- 
 ous consequence, to suffer the Germans by little 
 and little to transport themselves over the Rhine, 
 and settle in great multitudes in Gaul. For that 
 fierce and savage people, having once possessed 
 themselves of the whole country of Gaul, were 
 but too likely, after the example of the Teutones 
 and Cimbri, to break into the Roman province, 
 and thence advance into Italy itself. 6 In his 
 
 > 
 
 4 This, or a similar, vessel was long afterward sent by the 
 Cumbrians to Augustus Cassar, a thing held most sacred among 
 them, in order to atone for passed injuries, and to obtain his 
 future friendship. (Strabo, B. vii, p. 293.) 
 
 s Strabo, B. vii, p. 293. 6 G. W. B. i, C. 25. 
 
OF THE CUMBRIANS. 247 
 
 harangue, in the council of war, previously to 
 marching against Ariovistus, he told the cen- 
 turions : " That they were to deal with enemies 
 [i. e. Germans] of whom trial had been already 
 made in the memory of their fathers, when, by 
 the victory of C. Marius over the Teutones and 
 Cimbri, the army itself acquired no less glory 
 than the general who commanded it. 7 Enquir- 
 ing of the ambassadors of the Rhemi, a Belgian 
 people, what states had taken up arms, he found 
 " That in the late irruption of the Teutones and 
 Cimbri, when all the other provinces of Gaul 
 were over- run, they [the Belgians] alone had 
 ventured to stand upon their defence ; nor suf- 
 fered the barbarians to set foot in their territo- 
 ries." 8 The Attuatici, a Belgian nation, as we 
 are informed by this great man, were descended 
 from the Teutones and Cimbri, who, in their 
 march toward the Alps and Italy, left their 
 heavy baggage on this side the Rhine with a 
 detachment of six thousand men to guard it. 
 These, after the final overthrow of their coun- 
 trymen, being for many years harassed and per- 
 secuted by the neighbouring states, at last 
 obtained peace, and chose this place for a habi- 
 tation. 9 Critognatus, in the course of his speech 
 
 » G. W. B. i, C. 31. 6 Ibi. B. ii, C. 4. 9 Ibi. B. ii, C. 29. 
 
248 APPENDIX. 
 
 to the Gauls, besieged in Alesia, says, ' What 
 then should I propose.' What but to do as our 
 ancestors did in the war with the Teutones and 
 Cimbri, much less interesting than that we are 
 now engaged in. Compelled to shut themselves 
 up in their towns, and reduced to a distress 
 equal to that we now experience, rather than 
 surrender to their enemies, they chose to sacri- 
 fice to their subsistence the bodies of those 
 whom age incapacitated for war . . . The Cimbri, 
 after laying waste Gaul, and spreading desolation 
 through the whole country, withdrew however 
 their forces, at length, and repaired to other 
 regions, leaving us the full enjoyment of our 
 laws, customs, lands and liberties." * 
 
 Diodorus Siculus, describing the manners of 
 the Gauls, says that " some have thought them 
 to be those that anciently overran all Asia, and 
 were then called Cimmerians, and who are now, 
 through length of time, with a little alteration, 
 called Cimbrians :"* a very ill-founded and ab- 
 surd conjecture ! 
 
 1 Caesar, ibi. B. vii, C. 71. He elsewhere mentions a hup- 
 dred cantons of the Suevians, a German nation, headed by two 
 brothers Nasua and Cimberius. (B. i, C. 28.) 
 
 8 B. v, C. 2. This author has fallen into a similar mistake, 
 where, describing the rivers of Gaul, he tells us that Caesar cast 
 a bridge over the Rhine, and passed over his forces, and sub- 
 
OF THE CUMBRIANS. 249 
 
 Strabo reckons the Cimbri among the inferior 
 nations of the Germans, placing them, with the 
 Sicambri, Chaubi, Bucteri, and others, at the 
 ocean. He treats as a fable their being driven 
 from the peninsula Avhich they inhabited by a 
 deluge, and compelled to wander in quest of new 
 settlements, and seek their sustenance by rob- 
 beries : since, he says, at this very day, they 
 possess their ancient seat, and lately sent a 
 brazen caldron, which among them is esteemed 
 most sacred, as a present to Augustus, desiring 
 his friendship, and the pardon of alledged inju- 
 ries ; and, these obtained, they returned home. 3 
 He, again, says, that the northern nations of the 
 Germans are extended along the' shore of the 
 ocean ; and that they are known from the mouths 
 of the Rhine to the Elbe, the most noted being 
 the Sicambri and the Cimbri. 4 
 
 According to Velleius Faterculus, " A prodi- 
 gious number of the German nations, which 
 
 dued the Gauls ('Germans he should have said) on the other 
 side. Ibi. These two passages, of Posidonius and Diodorus, in 
 opposition to all earlier and other writers, seem to be Mr. Pinker- 
 tons sole ground for asserting (as already observed) that " The 
 Cimraerii were, as the ancients inform, the same with the 
 Cimbri ; and the Cimbri were Celts." {Enquiry. I, 13.) 
 3 B. vii, p. 292. 4 B. vii, p. 293. 
 
250 APPENDIX. 
 
 were called Cimbri and Teutones had discharged 
 themselves into the empire. 5 
 
 Pomponius Mela, in his description of Ger- 
 many, says, upon the Albis (Elbe) is the huge 
 Codan bay, filled with large and small islands ; 
 in it are the Cimbri and Teutones ; beyond, the 
 Hermiones, the last of Germany. 6 
 
 Valerius Maximus plainly distinguishes the 
 Gauls from the Cimbri : The philosophy of the 
 Gauls, he says, was covetous and usurious ; that 
 of the Cimbrians courageous and resolute. 7 
 
 Frontinus does the same in telling us that 
 " Marius, in the Cimbric and Teutonic war, to 
 try the faith of the Gauls and Ligurians, sent 
 letters to them., of which the first part directed 
 that those within, which were sealed up, should 
 not be opened before a certain time : afterward, 
 before the time prefixed, he demanded them 
 back, and because he found them opened, he 
 concluded that they meditated hostilities." 8 
 
 " In the winding tract of Germany 9 to the 
 
 s C. 11. " Then," says he in a former chapter, " did the 
 Cimbri and Teutones pass over the Rhine." (C. 8.) 
 
 6 B. iii, C. 3. 1 B. ii, C. 6, § 11. 8 B. i, C. 2. 
 
 9 By this winding tract the author appears to mean modern 
 Jutland, called by geographers the Cimbrica chersonesus. Both 
 Mela and Pliny place the Cimbri on the same promontory. 
 
OF THE CUMBRIANS. 251 
 
 northward," as we are told by Tacitus, " live the 
 Ciuibri close to the ocean, a community now 
 very small, but great in fame. Nay, of their 
 ancient renown many and extensive are the 
 traces and monuments still remaining. It was 
 in the six hundred and fortieth year of Rome, 
 when the first mention was made of the arms of 
 the Cimbrians, during the consulship of Ca^cilius 
 Metellus and Papirius Carbo. If from that time 
 we count to the second consulship of the em- 
 peror Trajan, the interval comprehends near two 
 hundred and ten years ; so long have we been 
 conquering Germany. In truth, neither from 
 the Samnites, nor from the Carthaginians, nor 
 from both Spains, nor from all the nations of 
 Gaul, have we received more frequent checks 
 and alarms ; nor even from the Parthians : for 
 more vigorous and invincible is the liberty of 
 the Germans than the monarchy of the Arsacides. 
 He then proceeds to enumerate the victories of 
 the Germans, and mentions their being expelled 
 from Gaul, of which they had aimed at the 
 dominion. 1 
 
 Pliny says " Of the Germans there are five 
 sorts : the Vindelici ; of whom part are Bur- 
 gundians, &c. Another sort, the Ingsevones -, of 
 
 1 Of the manners of the Germans. 
 
252 APPENDIX. 
 
 whom part are Cimbri, Teuton!, and nations of 
 Chauci. Next to the Rhine/' he adds, " are the 
 Istaevones ; of whom part are the inland Cimbri."* 
 These first-mentioned Cimbri appear to have in- 
 habited Holstein and Jutland : the others, that 
 country which is now the county of Mark, the 
 duchy of Berg, and the duchy of Cleves, beyond 
 the Rhine. 
 
 Plutarch, in his account of the Cimbrian war, 
 says that the pretence of the Teutones and 
 Cimbri, for their invasion of Italy, " was the 
 seeking new countries to sustain their great mul- 
 titudes, and cities where they might settle and 
 inhabit, as they had heard that the Celtre before 
 them had expelled the Etrurians, and possessed 
 the best part of Italy:" a sufficient proof that 
 they considered themselves a distinct nation. 
 " These," he adds, " having no commerce with 
 the southern nations, and coming from countries 
 far remote, no man knew what people they were, 
 or whence they came :" The Gauls, or Celts, on 
 the contrary, had been not only well known to 
 the Romans, but even settled in Italy, for three 
 hundred years before. ' ' Yet by their eyes," he 
 continues, u and the largeness of their stature, 
 they were thought to be some of those Germans, 
 
 2 B. iv, C. 14. 
 
OF THE CUMBRIANS. 253 
 
 that dwell by the northern sea ; beside, the Ger- 
 mans in their language call robbers Cimbri. 3 
 " They were of an invincible strength," he says, 
 " and fierceness in battle 5 and came on with 
 the same irresistible violence as a flame, nor 
 could any withstand their fury in their march j 
 many Roman armies, and several officers of 
 great reputation, who had the care of Trans- 
 alpine Gaul, were defeated, or fled ignomi- 
 niously before them." We know, however, 
 from Caesar, that this character by no means 
 suited the Gauls, at that period 3 as they had 
 been upon the decline, both in numbers and 
 courage for some time. 
 
 Their " ordinary voice and warlike shouts 
 differed from those of all other men :" Conse- 
 quently from those of the Gauls whose manners 
 were perfectly known to the Romans. In the 
 heat of the action, H with their bare arms they 
 pulled away the shields ©f the Romans, and laid 
 hold on their swords, enduring the wounding 
 and slashing of their bodies to the very last with 
 undaunted resolution." Nothing of this kind, 
 however, is any where related of the Gauls, who 
 were remarkably impatient under their suffer- 
 ings. The Teutones and Cimbri had " broad 
 
 3 Festus says they are so called in the Gallic lauguage. 
 
254 APPENDIX. 
 
 shields;" but all the ancient writers agree that 
 those of the Gauls were narrow. The former, 
 too, " dismissed their prisoners, on certain con- 
 ditions, swearing them upon their brazen bull :" 
 but the Gauls, it is notorious, had neither such a 
 custom nor such an image. They were opposed, 
 in their endeavours to escape over the Alps, by 
 the Sequanij who, had they been of Gallic 
 descent, would rather have assisted, or even 
 joined them. Their dress and armour were very 
 different from those of the Gauls j who had no 
 such practice as tying themselves fast " to one 
 another with long cords put through their belts, 
 to hinder them from breaking their ranks, or 
 falling into disorder." 
 
 The populace stiled Marius " the third founder 
 of their city, as having diverted a danger no less 
 threatening than that which Rome had formerly 
 experienced from the Gauls." The Cimbrians, 
 of course, were a different people. 
 
 The same author reports that the soldier em- 
 ployed by the magistrates of Minturnum to kill 
 Marius, was " a Gaul by nation or Civibrian 
 (TaXaTrjQ to yzvoq, r) Ki/jfipog) - } " for," says he, it 
 is reported of each :" a sufficient proof that Gaul 
 and Cimbrian were not synonymous : some said 
 the assassin was of one nation, some, of another. 
 
OF THE CIMBRIANS. 255 
 
 Appian calls him " a certain Gaul (TaXarrjv) :" 
 but Yelleius Paterculus, u a German by nation, 
 taken prisoner in the Cimbric war.'' 4 Valerius 
 Maximus, who calls him " a Citnbrian," adds 
 that " the slaughter of the Cimbrians presented 
 itself before his eyes j and the calamity of his 
 vanquished nation quelled his courage. " s 
 
 Sertorius, he says, " made his first campaign 
 under Caepio, when the Cimbri and Teutones 
 broke into Gaul . . . The same enemy came on 
 a second time with such prodigious numbers, 
 and such dreadful menaces, that it was difficult 
 to prevail with a Roman to keep his post, or to 
 obey his general. Marius had then the command, 
 and Sertorius offered his service to go as a spy, 
 and bring him an account of the enemy. For this 
 purpose he took a Gaulish habit, and having 
 learned as much of the language as might suf- 
 fice for common address, he mingled with the 
 barbarians." 6 Sertorius might have had many 
 opportunities of acquiring the Gallic language ; 
 but it was scarcely possible for him to have got 
 acquainted with the Teutonic, this being the first 
 time the Romans had ever known or heard of 
 such a people : and, in fact, the Gaulish was suf- 
 ficient to answer his purpose j as there was a 
 
 4 C. 19. * B. ii, C. 10. 6 Life of Sertorius. 
 
256 APPENDIX. 
 
 considerable number of Gauls in the Cimbrian 
 army. 
 
 The Cimbri, according to Dio Cassius, ate raw 
 flesh : 7 which , we are told by Pomponius Mela, 
 was likewise a practice of the Germans. 8 
 
 " The Cimbri, Theutoni, and Tigurini," as we 
 are told by Florus, " being obliged to fly from 
 the remotest parts of Gaul, because the ocean 
 had overflowed their country, were seeking for 
 a new settlement throughout the world ; and 
 being excluded Gaul and Spain, and taking a 
 wheel about into Italy, they sent deputies into 
 the camp of Silanus, and from thence to the 
 senate, desiring that so warlike a people would 
 give them some land as pay, but use their arms 
 and hands as they pleased." 9 This report, which 
 is likewise mentioned by Strabo/ that the migra- 
 tion of the Cimbri had been occasioned by the 
 incursion of the sea, must be confined to that 
 people and the Teutones ; the Tigurini, a nation 
 of Helvetians, in a mountainous country, were 
 not liable to such an accident. 
 
 Dio Cassius, who says, of the Aduatici [in 
 Gaul], that they were Cumbrians both by nation 
 
 i Excerpts of Dio, by Valois, p. 634. 
 
 8 B. iii, C. 3. 
 
 9 B. iii,C. 3. 'B, ii, p. 102. 
 
OF THE CUMBRIANS. 257 
 
 and mind,* observes that the latter after their 
 force once failed them abated much from their 
 first fury, and thence became more tardy and 
 infirm, both in mind and body. The reason was, 
 that whereas before they were wont to act under 
 the open air, then they lingered in bedsj and 
 used warm baths, whereas before they were wont 
 to wash in cold ones. To these, they glutted 
 themselves with rich sauces and delicious viands 
 who were formerly wont to eat raw flesh : finally, 
 they indulged themselves in wine and much 
 eating beside their custom. For, by these things, 
 both the energy of their minds being enervated, 
 and their bodies become effeminate, so that now 
 they can longer bear no labour, no fatigue, no 
 heat, no cold, no vigilance. 1 
 
 Eutropius expressly says that " the Cimbri 
 and the Teutones, and the Tigurini, and the 
 Ambrones, were nations of the Germans and the 
 Gauls : 4 evidently meaning that the Cimbri and 
 Teutones were of the former race, the Tigurini 
 and Ambrones of the latter. That the Tigurini, 
 as already remarked, were Helvetian Gauls is 
 proved by Caesar ; and that the Ambrones were 
 of the same family is asserted by Festus. 
 
 2 B. xxxix, C. 4, p. 191 . » Fragmenta, 103. * B. v, C. 1. 
 S 
 
258 APPENDIX. 
 
 Claudian, likewise, calls the Cimber a German. 
 
 He is speaking of Ausonia, or Italy : 
 
 " Hffic et Teutonico quondam patefacta furori, 
 Colla catenati vidit squalentia Cymbri." 5 
 
 It must be confessed that several ancient and 
 respectable writers, both Greek and Roman, 
 have occasionally, either by intention or inad- 
 vertency, confounded the Cimbrians with the 
 Gauls. Of this number is Cicero, who, compar- 
 ing Marius and Caesar, says that " these two 
 great men have had the same enemies to fight with, 
 and have equally vanquished them ; with this 
 sole difference that the last has made himself 
 master of all their towns ; and that the first has 
 not willed to enter into them, contenting himself 
 to have repressed those multitudes of Gauls, who 
 wanted to settle in Italy." 6 
 
 " In the year of Rome 648," says Sallust, 
 " our generals Q. Csepio and M. Mallius? lost a 
 battle against the Gauls ; which threw all Italy 
 into consternation." These enemies, it is well 
 known, were Cimbrians. 
 
 Appian, in his Illyrics, speaks of those " Celts 
 whom they call Cimbrians j" and, in his first 
 
 5 De bello Getko. 
 
 6 Of the provincial consuls. 
 
 i Livy, or his epitomist, calls him Cn. Manlius, (B. 67.) 
 
OF THE CIMBRIANS. 259 
 
 hook Of the Civil War, says that « Apuleiusmade 
 a law touching the division of such lands as, in 
 the country which by the Romans is now called 
 Gaul, had been occupied by the Cimbri a Celtic 
 race :" who are never mentioned by any other 
 writer as having occupied land either in Gaul ox 
 Italy, except in once invading each of those 
 countries, in the time of Marius. He elsewhere 
 says that " a prodigious number of Gauls made 
 an irruption into Italy, and into the Narbonese 
 province, and that Marius being sent against 
 them, cut them all in pieces." 
 
 " The Gauls," says Dio, " who formerly have 
 sent against us the Cumbrians and the Ambrones, 
 are at present as peaceable and well-cultivated 
 as Italy." 8 
 
 Sextus Rufus, also, says that " Marius chased 
 the Gauls out of Italy." 
 
 All these passages, however, in which Marius 
 is said to have defeated the Gauls, or Csepio and 
 Manlius, or Papyrius Carbo, to have been de- 
 feated by them, may be sufficiently reconciled to 
 the fact, without supposing them to mean Cim- 
 brians ; since it is very certain that there were 
 several Gallic nations who, for the sake of 
 plunder or revenge, joined with them in that 
 
 8 B. liv. 
 
260 APPENDIX. 
 
 expedition. At any rate, without attempting to 
 account for this apparent confusion, it is mani- 
 fest, from the oldest and best historical and ge- 
 ographical authorities, that the Teutones and 
 Cimbri were nations of Germany, and without 
 the slightest pretensions to a Celtic origin. 
 
[ 261 ] 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. IV. 
 
 Of the Cimbrian war. 
 
 An account of Jugurthas defeat and captivity 
 had hardly reached Rome, when news was 
 brought of the invasion of the Teutones and 
 Cimbri. 1 At first it exceeded all credit, as to the 
 number and strength of the approaching army ; 
 but at length that report proved much inferior to 
 the truth, for they were 300,000 fighting men, 
 beside women and children. Their pretence was 
 the seeking new countries to sustain their great 
 
 1 The Cimbrians, a huge and mighty nation, invaded Uly- 
 ricutn, and wasted ihe country ; by whom Papyrius Carbo was 
 defeated. [Y. R. 640, B. C. 113.] Livy, B. 63 (Epitome.) 
 Appian, Celtics, B. iv, Excerpt 13. See a'so Eutropius, B. 
 iv, S. 25. This is the first time they are mentioned by any 
 historian, or were ever heard of by the Romans. " About 
 that time," savs V. Paterculus, under the consulship of Porcius 
 and Marcius, (B. C. 118), '* did the Cimbri and Teutones pass 
 over the Rhine," C, 8. 
 
2<J<2 APPENDIX. 
 
 multitudes, and cities where they might settle 
 and inhabit ; as they had heard that the Celta? 
 before them had expelled the Etrurians, and pos- 
 sessed themselves of the best part of Italy. These 
 having had no commerce with the southern na- 
 tions, and coming from countries far remote, no 
 man knew what people they were, or whence 
 they came, who thus like a cloud hovered over 
 Gaul and Italy; yet by their grey eyes, and the 
 largeness of their stature, they were thought to 
 be some of those Germans that dwell by the 
 northern sea ; beside, the Germans in their lan- 
 guage call robbers Cimbri. 2, However, most 
 
 s As what here follows in Plutarch seems perfectly fabulous 
 it will be sufficient to notice it in the margin. " There are 
 some who say that such is the vast extent of the country of the 
 Celtffi, that it reaches from the western ocean and northern 
 climes to the lake Mceotis eastward, and to that part of Scythia 
 which borders on the Euxine sea ; that there the two nations 
 mingle together; that they make regular draughts out of their 
 country not all at once, nor continually, but at the spring 
 season every year ; that by means of these annual supplies they 
 have gradually swarmed over the greatest part of the European 
 continent ; and that though they are separately distinguished 
 by different names according to the different clans of which 
 they are compounded, yet their whole army is comprehended 
 under the general name of Celto-Scytha. Others say, that they 
 -were originally a small parcel of the Cimmerii, anciently well 
 known to the Grecians; and that quitting their native soil, or 
 
OF THE CUMBRIAN WAR. 263 
 
 historians agree that the number of this rabble, 
 instead of being less was greater than had been 
 
 being expelled from thence by the Scythians on account of 
 some sedition among them, they passed from thePalus Meeotis 
 into Asia, under the conduct of one Lygdamis, whom they had 
 chosen for their leader ; but the greater and more warlike part 
 of them still inhabited the remotest regions lying upon the 
 northern ocean. These, they say, live in a dark woody coun- 
 try, where the sun is seldom seen, by reason of their many high 
 and spreading trees, which also reach inward as far as the Her- 
 cinian forest ; they are under that part of the heavens where the 
 pole is so elevated, that by the declination of tlie parallels, 
 the zenith of the inhabitants seems to be but little distant from 
 it; and their days and nights are of such a length that they 
 serve to divide their year into two equal parts. This dismal 
 country gave occasion to the fiction of Homer concerning the 
 infernal regions. From hence therefore these barbarians began 
 their march, when they came into Italy, being anciently called 
 Cimmerii, and in process of time Cimbri, by corruption of the 
 word probably, and not from their customs or manners. But 
 these things," he very properly adds, " are built rather upon 
 conjecture, than any authority from history." 
 
 This groundless conjecture, that Cimbri was a corruption of 
 Cimmerii, is much more ancient, indeed, than the age of Plu- 
 tarch. Diodorus Siculus, speaking of the Celts or Gauls, says, 
 " They are so noted for a fierce and warlike people, that some 
 have thought them to be those that anciently overran all Asia, 
 and were then called Cimmerians, and who are now (through 
 length of time) with a little alteration, called Cimbrians." He 
 likewise observes " That those they call Lusitanians are most 
 valiant of all the Cimbri." (See B. v ; C. 2.) It must be re- 
 
264 APPENDIX. 
 
 ^reported. They were of an invincible strength 
 and fierceness in battle, and came on with the 
 same irresistible violence as a devouring flame j 
 nor could any withstand their fury in their march, 
 but all that came in their way were trodden down, 
 or driven before them, like so many sheep of 
 whom they had made a prey. Many Roman 
 armies, and many officers of great reputation, 
 who had the eare of the Transalpine Gaul com- 
 mitted to their charge, were defeated, or fled 
 ignominiously before them : 3 and indeed the 
 
 membered, however, that the name of Cimbri was totally un- 
 known to either Greeks or Romans before the present in- 
 vasion. 
 
 Floras says that the Cimbri, Theutoni, and Tigurini, flying 
 from the remotest parts of Gaul, because the ocean had over- 
 Sowed their country, were seeking for a new settlement through- 
 out a new world ; and being excluded Gaul, and Spain, took a 
 wheel about into Italy. B. iii, C. 3. 
 
 * They first, according to Florus, when arrived in Italy sent 
 deputies into the camp of Silanus, and from thence to the 
 senate, desiring that so warlike a people would give them some 
 land as pay, but use their arms and hands as they pleased. 
 But, being rejected, they resolved to obtain that by arms whi^b 
 they could not by prayers. But Silanus could neither with- 
 stand the first assault of the barbarians, norManlius the second, 
 nor Cfepio the third: they were all routed, and driven out of 
 their camp. Ibi. 
 
 Aurelius Scaurus, lieutenant to the consul, was with his army 
 
OF THE CUMBRIAN WAR. 265 
 
 faint resistance these barbarians met with in 
 their first efforts chiefly encouraged them to bend 
 
 overthrown by the Cimbrians, and himself taken prisoner. 
 Being called into their council, when they intended the inva- 
 sion of Italy, and seeming to intimidate them from passing the 
 Alps, saying, the Romans could not possibly be overcome, he 
 was killed by their king Bolus, a proud and fierce prince. By 
 the same enemies Cn. Manlius consul, and Q. Servilius [Caspio] 
 pro-consul were vanquished in battle, and lost both their 
 camps : there being slain 80,000 soldiers, and 40,000 fol- 
 lowers of the camp. By the judgement of the people of Rome, 
 Caspio, through whose rashness this overthrow happened, was 
 condemned, his goods were confiscated, and, finally, he was 
 deprived of his government. Livy, B. lxvii, (epitome.) The 
 Cimbrians, having laid waste all the parts about the river 
 Rhone and the Pyrenaean mountains, passed over into Spain 
 ' through the straits ; whence, after spoiling many places, 
 they were driven out by the Celtiberians ; and being returned 
 into Gaul, they joined with the Teutones. Ibi. This was in 
 642. 
 
 Eutropius says, The Cimbri were defeated in Gaul by M. 
 Junius Silanus, the colleague of Metellus, B. iv, S. 28. Their 
 consulship was in the Y. R. 644, and B. C. 109. 
 
 According to the same author : while the war was carried on 
 in Numidia, the Roman consuls M. Manlius and Q. Caepio were 
 defeated near the river Rhone, by the Cimbri and the Teutones, 
 and the Tigurini, and the Ambrones, which were nations of the 
 Germans and Gauls: and being reduced with prodigious 
 slaughter, likewise lost their camp, and a great part of their 
 army. The fear of Rome was scarcely so great in the time of 
 Hannibal, lest the Gauls should again come to Rome, B. v, C. 1» 
 
266 APPENDIX. 
 
 their march toward Rome. For having van- 
 quished all they set upon, and being well laden 
 with plunder, they resolved to settle themselves 
 no where till they should have razed the city, and 
 wasted all Italy. The Romans, being from all 
 parts alarmed with this news, immediately sent 
 for Marius to be their commander in that war, 
 and nominated him the second time consul. 4 
 Marius, bringing over his legions out of Africa 
 on the very first day of January (which the 
 Romans reckoned the beginning of their year) 
 received the consulship, and then also entered in 
 triumph, shewing Jugurtha a prisoner to the 
 people. Fortune seems very much to have fa- 
 voured Marius on this occasion. For the course 
 of the barbarians changing like a sudden ebb of 
 the tide, they first invaded Spain', whereby he 
 had time to exercise his soldiers, and confirm 
 
 Orosius, who had read Livy, adds that of all the army only 
 10 men who carried the wretched news were reported to have 
 survived. The enemy possessed of both camps, and immense 
 spoil, destroyed every thing they took. Wearing apparel they 
 tore and threw away : gold and silver they cast into the rive^: 
 coats of mail they hacked in pieces ; the horses they drowned; 
 the men, with halters about their necks, they hanged upon 
 trees ; so that the conqueror received no gain (booty) and the 
 vanquished no mercy. (B. v, C. 16.) 
 *Y. R. 649; B. C. 104. 
 
OF THE CUMBRIAN WAR. 267 
 
 their courage, and, which was most considerable, 
 to shew them what he himself was. For his 
 fierce disposition in authority, and his severity in 
 punishing, proved both just and advantageous to 
 them, as by these means they were accustomed 
 to a ready and exact obedience ; and his pas- 
 sionate temper, stern voice, and harsh aspect, 
 which were in a little while grown familiar to 
 them, they esteemed terrible not to themselves, 
 but only to their enemies. The barbarians were 
 expected in the spring ; however their arrival 
 was not so sudden as was imagined, so that 
 Marius's third consulship expired without a sight 
 of them. But the people considering that the 
 present juncture very much required his capacity, 
 and his good fortune too, voted him the fourth 
 time consul, 5 and made Catulus Lutatius his 
 colleague. Marius, having notice of the enemys 
 approach, with all expedition passed the Alps j 
 and pitching his camp by the river Rhone, he 
 took care first to furnish himself with plentiful 
 supplies of victuals, lest at any time he should 
 be forced to fight at a disadvantage for want of 
 necessaries. The enemy, dividing themselves 
 into two bodies, the Cimbri were appointed to 
 march the upper way through Noricum, and 
 
 &Y. R.651 ; B. C. 10?. 
 
268 APPENDIX. 
 
 force the passes there, which were guarded by 
 Catulus, whilst the Teutones and Ambrones 
 marched against Marius along the sea-coast 
 through Liguria. The Cimbri took up more 
 time in their preparations, and delayed their 
 march ; but the Teutones and Ambrones 6 were 
 more expeditious, and having with long marches 
 passed the Alps, and traversed the whole country 
 of Liguria, they soon came up with Marius, and 
 presented to his view an incredible number of 
 enemies, terrible in their aspect, whose ordinary 
 voice and warlike shouts differed from those of 
 all other men. Having encamped on the plain, 
 where they spread themselves over a vast extent 
 of ground, they challenged the consul to battle. 
 Marius, nothing moved with their boasts and 
 menaces, restrained his soldiers within the 
 trenches, and sharply reprehended those that 
 were too forward and eager to engage, calling 
 them traitors to their country, and telling them, 
 that they were not come thither in pursuit of 
 triumphs and trophies, but their business now 
 
 € The Ambrones, according to Festus, were a Gallic nation, 
 who, having lost their country by a sudden inundation of the 
 sea, began to maintain them and theirs by rapine and plunder ; 
 from which, he adds, it is conjectured that men of base life 
 were called Ambrones. 
 
OF THE CIMBRIAN WAR. 269 
 
 was to dissipate the dreadful storm that was 
 ready to burst over them, and to save Italy from 
 destruction. This he represented in private to 
 his chief officers and men of the first rank. As 
 to the common soldiers, he placed them by turns 
 upon the bulwarks to survey the enemy, that 
 they might be accustomed to bear their frightful 
 shape and voice, and might be acquainted with 
 their arms and their way of using them. 7 Ac- 
 cordingly the fears of the soldiers were diminish- 
 ing every day by thus continually surveying 
 their enemies, and their indignation was roused, 
 and their courage inflamed, when they heard the 
 threats and insupportable insolence of the bar- 
 barians, who not only plundered and depopu- 
 lated all the country round, but also in a most 
 impudent and contemptuous manner threatened 
 to storm their trenches. This put the soldiers 
 out of all patience : they complained loudly of it, 
 and their complaints came to Marius's own ears. 
 
 7 When the Cimbri and Teutones, says Polyaenus, a people 
 savage in their manners, of immense stature, with horrid coun- 
 tenances, and a language scarcely human, penetrated into 
 Italy, Marius would not venture at first a close engagement, but 
 ordered his men to advance no further than the trenches, and 
 within a javelins cast skirmish with them at a distance. The 
 Romans, after being thus familiarised to their figures, soon 
 learned as savages to despise them, &c. B. viii, C. 10. 
 
S?0 APPENDIX. 
 
 He gently appeased them, by assuring them that 
 he did not distrust their valour, but that he was 
 to follow the directions of an oracle, which 
 pointed out to him the time and place which 
 were to secure to him the victory. For he con- 
 stantly carried up and down with him a Syrian 
 woman called Martha, who passed for a pro- 
 phetess. He caused her to be borne in a litter, 
 paid her all imaginable respect, and never sacri- 
 ficed to the gods but by her direction. This 
 management rendered it doubtful to many 
 whether he really gave any credit to her himself, 
 or only acted a part, and shewed her publicly to 
 impose upon the soldiers. Whilst Marius lay 
 quiet, without attempting any thing upon the 
 barbarians, they ventured to attack his camp ; 
 from whence being encountered with showers of 
 darts, and losing several of their men, they de- 
 termined to march forward, hoping to pass the 
 Alps without opposition; wherefore packing up 
 their baggage, they marched by the camp of the 
 Romans, to whom the greatness of their num- 
 bers appeared in a clearer light than it had done 
 before, from the time they took up in their 
 march ; for it is said that though they moved 
 on without intermission, they were six days in 
 passing by Marius's camp. They came so near 
 
OF THE CIMBRIAN WAR. 271 
 
 the Romans, that some of them as they marched 
 along called out, and in an insulting manner 
 asked them, if they had any messages for their 
 wives, forthey should shortly be with them. As 
 soon as the barbarians had all passed by, and 
 were in full march, Marius decamped, following 
 them leisurely, constantly halting when they did, 
 at some small distance behind them, and choosing 
 always convenient places for his camp, which he 
 strongly fortified, that he might pass the nights 
 in safety. Thus they marched till they came to 
 Aquse-Sextiae, whence the Alps were but little 
 distant ; and then Marius put himself in readi- 
 ness for the encounter. He chose a place for 
 his camp of considerable strength, but where 
 there was scarcity of water ; designing, as was 
 reported, by this mean to sharpen the courage of 
 his soldiers. For when several of them seemed 
 dissatisfied at his choosing that ground where 
 they were in danger of perishing for want of 
 water; he, pointing with his hand to a river 
 which ran near the enemys camp, said to them, 
 " There you may have water, but you must pur- 
 chase it at the expence of your blood." " And 
 why then," replied they, " do you not lead us 
 thither, whilst we have any blood left in our 
 veins ?" To which he answered in a softer tone, 
 
272 APPENDIX. 
 
 " I will lead you thither, but first let us fortify 
 our camp." Though this did not hinder the 
 soldiers from murmuring, yet they all obeyed. 
 But the servants belonging to the army, being in 
 great want of water, both for themselves and 
 their cattle, ran in great crowds toward the 
 river, some with hatchets, some with axes, others 
 with swords and javelins, and all with pitchers 
 in their hands, being resolved to have water, 
 though they were obliged to fight for it. These 
 were at first encountered only by a small party 
 of the enemy ; for it was then about dinner time, 
 when some, having bathed, were sitting at table, 
 and others were still bathing j the country in 
 those parts abounding with hot springs. This 
 gave the Romans an opportunity of surprising a 
 great many of them, who being much taken 
 with the delightfulness of those baths, thought 
 of nothing but regaling themselves, and indulg- 
 ing their appetites. But the exclamations of 
 those who were first attacked having given the 
 alarm, and drawn others who were nearest them 
 to their assistance, Marius could no longer re- 
 strain the impatience of the soldiers, who were 
 in pain for their servants. Beside, the Ambrones, 
 who were above 30,000 in number, and who 
 were the best of the enemys troops, and who 
 
OF THE CIMBRIAN WAR. 273 
 
 had already defeated Manlius and Csepio, were 
 drawn out, and stood to their arms. As to 
 these, though their bodies were overcharged 
 with eating, yet their minds were rendered 
 daring and cheerful by the wine they had drunk } 
 so that they advanced, not in a wild and dis- 
 orderly manner, or rending the air with a con- 
 fused noise, and inarticulate yellings, but striking 
 on their armour by regular intervals, and moving 
 all together as to a tune or measure, continually 
 repeating their own name, " Ambrones ! Am- 
 brones !" either the better to encourage one 
 another, or to strike the greater terror into their 
 enemies. Of all the Italians in Marius's army, 
 the Ligurians were the first that charged j and 
 when they understood that the enemies shouted 
 Ambrones, they also echoed back the same word, 
 which was their own ancient name. This accla- 
 mation being thus returned from one army to 
 the other before they joined, and the officers on 
 either side encouraging them, they strove with 
 all possible vehemence to exceed each other in 
 the loudness of their 6houtsj and this was a 
 greater incentive to their courage. The Am- 
 brones having the river to pass, this broke their 
 order ; so that before they could form again on 
 the other side, the Ligurians attacked the van, 
 T 
 
274 APPENDIX. 
 
 and began the charge. At the same time the 
 Romans hastened up to support the Ligurians ; 
 and pouring down upon the enemy from the 
 higher ground, they pressed them so hard, that 
 they were soon put into disorder. A great 
 number of them were slain upon the bank of the 
 river, where they fell foul upon one another, and 
 the river itself was filled with the blood and dead 
 bodies of the barbarians. Those who were got 
 safe over not daring to make head, the Romans 
 slew them as they fled to their camp and car- 
 riages; 8 where the women, meeting them with 
 swords and axes, and making a hideous outcry, 
 fell upon those that fled as well as those that 
 pursued, the former as traitors, the others as 
 enemies ; and, mixing themselves with the sol- 
 diers, with their bare arms they pulled away the 
 shields of the Romans, and laid hold on their 
 swords, enduring the wounding and slashing of 
 their bodies to the very last with undaunted 
 resolution. 9 Thus the battle is said to have 
 
 8 As the Ambrones had passed the river, the camp and car- 
 riages here meant are supposed to be those of the Teutones. 
 
 Maiius, according to Appian, ordered the bodies of the 
 Cimbri to be left untouched till the day should appear, as he 
 imagined them to abound with gold. (Celtics, B, iv, Frag, 14. 
 Suidas.) 
 
 9 Nothing of this kind is related of the Gallic women. 
 
OF THE CIMBRIAN WAR, 275 
 
 happened upon the banks of that river rather by 
 accident than by any design of the general. The 
 Romans, after having thus put to the sword the 
 greatest part of the Ainbrones, retired as it began 
 to grow dark; but the camp did not resound 
 with songs of victory, as was usual on such 
 occasions ; there were no rejoicings, no mutual 
 entertainments in their tents. Sleep itself, that 
 most welcome refreshment, after the toils of a 
 successful battle, was that night a stranger to 
 the Romans, who passed their time in the greatest 
 trouble and perplexity. Their camp was unfor- 
 tified ; and there still remained many myriads of 
 the barbarians yet unconquered. Those of the 
 Ambrones who had escaped from the late defeat, 
 being mingled with them, filled the air with 
 hideous outcries, not like the sighs and groans of 
 men, but like the howlings and bello wings of 
 wild beasts, attended with threats and lamen- 
 tations, which proceeding from such an innu- 
 merable host, resounded through the neighbour- 
 ing mountains, and the hollow banks of the 
 adjacent river. While this horrid din echoed 
 through the whole plain, the hearts of the 
 Romans were seized with terror, and Marius 
 himself was struck with amazement at tne ap- 
 prehensions of a tumultuous night-engagement. 
 
276 APPENDIX. 
 
 However the barbarians made no motions either 
 that night, or the day following, but spent that 
 time in consulting how to dispose and draw 
 themselves up to the best advantage. In the 
 mean time Marius, well knowing that there hung 
 over the enemys camp some cliffs and hollows 
 covered with wood, detached Claudius Mar- 
 cellus with 3000 men to lie there in ambuscade, 
 and fall on the enemys rear when the fight was 
 begun. The next morning, as soon as it was 
 day, he drew up before the camp, and com- 
 manded the horse to march into the plain, which 
 the Teutones perceiving, they could not contain 
 themselves, nor stay till all the Romans were 
 come down into the plain, where they might 
 encounter them upon equal terms ; but, arming 
 themselves in haste, and in great anger, they 
 inconsiderately ran and attacked them upon that 
 rising ground. Marius dispatched his officers 
 with proper orders to all parts, commanding his 
 men to stand still and wait for the enemy, and 
 as soon as they were advanced within reach to 
 throw their darts, and then joining their shields, 
 to attack them with sword in hand 5 for he knew 
 that the steepness of the ground would render 
 the enemys footing unsteady, and abate the force 
 of their blows; nor could their shields be joined 
 
OF THE CUMBRIAN AVAR. 277 
 
 close together, where the declivity of the place 
 would be continually forcing their bodies upon 
 an unequal poise. This counsel he gave them, 
 and was himself observed to be the first that fol- 
 lowed it 3 for he was inferior to none in the 
 agility of his body, and far excelled them all in 
 resolution. Wherefore the Romans vigorously 
 opposed them, and stopping them short as they 
 were ascending the hill, pressed hard upon them, 
 and forced them back into the plain, where the 
 foremost battalions began to rally, and form 
 again, but the rear was in the utmost confusion. 
 For Marcellus was upon the watch, and as soon 
 as he was assured from the noise and clamour 
 which reached the hills where they lay con- 
 cealed, that the flight was begun, he marched 
 forward with his troops, and falling impetuously 
 and with loud shouts upon the enemy in the 
 rear, he killed many of them. The Romans 
 pressed them with such vigour that they pushed 
 them upon those that were in the front, so that 
 the whole army was soon put into disorder j and 
 the barbarians, being assaulted both in front and 
 rear, and unable to make head against both 
 attacks at once, were broken and put to flight. 
 The Romans, pursuing them, slew and took pri- 
 soners above a hundred thousand, and possessing 
 
578 APPENDIX. 
 
 themselves of their tents, baggage, and carriages, 
 voted as many of them as were not plundered as 
 a present to Marius. But some authors give a 
 different account of the disposition of the spoils 
 and number of the slain. It is said that after this 
 battle the Massilians made inclosures for their 
 vineyards with the bones of those who fell in it, 
 and that the soil, being enriched by the moisture 
 of the putrefied bodies, (which was soaked in 
 with the rain of the following winter,) yielded 
 the next season a prodigious crop. After the 
 battle, Marius chose out from amongst the bar- 
 barian spoils and arms such as were most rich 
 and most entire, and would make the greatest 
 show in his triumph ; the rest he heaped upon a 
 large pile, and offered them as a splendid sacri- 
 fice to the gods. The army stood round the 
 pile crowned with laurel ; and himself, arrayed 
 in his purple robe, and girt after the fashion of 
 the Romans, taking a lighted torch, and with 
 both hands lifting it up toward heaven, was 
 going to put it to the pile, when some of his 
 friends were espied coming in all haste toward 
 him on horseback ; whereupon every one re- 
 mained in great silence and expectation. When 
 they came near, they, alighting, saluted Marius, 
 told him the news of his fifth consulship, and 
 
OF THE CIMBRIAN WAR. 279 
 
 delivered him letters to the same purpose.' This 
 added no small joy to the solemnity, which the 
 army expressed by martial shouts and accla- 
 mations } and, whilst the officers were placing 
 new crowns on the head of Marius, he set fire to 
 the pile and finished his sacrifice. Within a few 
 days after this joyful solemnity, Marius received 
 news of an event, which raised a cloud in the 
 midst of this calm and serenity, and threatened 
 Rome with another dreadful tempest. For Ca- 
 tulus, who had been sent to oppose the Cimbri 
 in their march, and defend the passes on the 
 tops of the Alps, thinking it impossible to do it 
 without making so many detachments as would 
 necessarily weaken his forces, marched back 
 into Italy, and posted his army behind the river 
 Athesisj* where blocking up the fords with 
 strong fortifications on both sides, he made a 
 bridge over it, that so he might be in a condition 
 to succour the garrisons on the other side, if the 
 enemy, having forced the narrow passages of the 
 mountains, should attempt to storm them. The 
 barbarians came on with such insolence and 
 contempt of their enemies, that to show their 
 
 1 He was elected consul for the 5th time in the year of 
 Rome, 652, and before Christ 101. 
 
 2 Now the Adige. 
 
380 APPENDIX. 
 
 strength and courage, rather than out of any 
 necessity they exposed themselves quite naked 
 to showers of snow, climbed up to the tops [of] 
 the mountains through heaps of ice and snow, 
 and from thence, placing their broad shields 
 under their bodies, they slid from the precipices 
 along the vast slippery descents. When they 
 had pitched their camp at a little distance from 
 the river, and surveyed the passage, they de- 
 termined to fill it up, and, like the giants of old, 
 tore up the neighbouring hills ; they brought 
 trees pulled up by the roots, and heaps of earth 
 and massy rocks to the river, wherewith dam- 
 ming up its course ; and with bulky and heavy 
 materials, which rolling down the stream, dashed 
 against the bridge, they forced away the timbers 
 which supported it. Upon this the greatest part 
 of the Roman soldiers, being very much af- 
 frighted, left their camp and fled. Here Catulus 
 showed himself a truly excellent commander, in 
 preferring the glory of his country to his own 
 private honour and reputation. For when he 
 found he could not prevail with his soldiers to 
 stand to their colours, but saw in how cowardly 
 a manner they all deserted them, he commanded 
 his own standard to be taken up, and running to 
 the foremost of those that had fled, led them 
 
OF THE CUMBRIAN WAR. 281 
 
 forward, choosing rather that the disgrace should 
 fall upon himself than his country, and that they 
 should not seem to fly, but follow their leader. 
 The barbarians assaulted and took the fortress 
 on the other side of the Athesis ; where, admir- 
 ing the courage of the few Romans who were 
 left there, and had fought bravely in defence of 
 their country, they dismissed them on certain 
 conditions, swearing them upon their brazen bull, 
 which was afterward taken in the battle, and, as 
 they say, carried to Catulus's house, as the chief 
 trophy of the victory. 3 Thus falling upon the 
 country, destitute of defence, they laid all waste} 
 whereupon Marius was presently sent for to the 
 city. When he arrived there, every one sup- 
 posed he would triumph, and the senate too una- 
 nimously voted it, but he himself refused itj 
 whether it was, that he was unwilling to deprive 
 his officers and soldiers of their share in the 
 honour, or that to encourage the people in this 
 juncture, he chose to intrust the glory of his 
 former exploits with the fortune of the city, 
 deferring his triumph now that he might enjoy 
 it afterward with the greater splendour. Having 
 made a harangue to the people suitable to the 
 occasion, he hastened to Catulus, whose drooping 
 
 3 The Gauls had no such image or custom. 
 
282 APPENDIX. 
 
 spirits he very much raised. He then sent for 
 his army out of Gaul, and, as soon as it had 
 joined him, he passed the Po, with a design to 
 keep the barbarians out of that part of Italy which 
 lies to the south of that river. But they, pre- 
 tending they were in expectation of the Teutones, 
 and wondering they were so long in coming, 
 deferred the battle ; either being really ignorant 
 of their defeat, or at least being willing to seem 
 so ; for they very severely punished those who 
 brought them that news, and sent to Marius, to 
 require some part of the country for them and 
 their brethren, and cities fit for them to inhabit. 
 When Marius enquired of the ambassadors who 
 their brethren were, and they answered that they 
 were the Teutones, the whole assembly fell a 
 laughing, and Marius scoffingly replied, '■' Do 
 not trouble yourselves for your brethren, for we 
 have already provided lands for them, which 
 they shall possess for ever." The ambassadors, 
 perceiving the irony, railed at him, and threat- 
 ened that the Cimbri would soon make him smart 
 for it, and the Teutones too when they came, 
 " and they are not far off," replied Marius ; " it 
 will be very unkind of you to go away before 
 you have saluted and embraced your brethren." 
 At the same time he commanded the kings of the 
 
OF THE CIMBRIAN WAR. 283 
 
 Teutones to be brought in loaded with irons j 
 for they had been taken by the Sequani, as they 
 were endeavouring to escape over the Alps. As 
 soon as the ambassadors were returned, and had 
 made their report to the Cimbri, they marched 
 immediately against Marius, who lay still, and 
 remained within his trenches. Bojorix, king of 
 the Cimbri, came with a small party of horse to 
 the Roman camp, and challenged Marius to ap- 
 point the time and place where they might meet, 
 and determine to whom the country should 
 belong. Marius answered, That the Romans 
 never consulted their enemies when to fight, 
 however he would gratify the Cimbri so far. 
 Accordingly they pitched upon the third day 
 after ; and the place appointed was the plain 
 near Vercellae, which was both convenient for 
 the Roman horse, and afforded room for the 
 enemy to display their numbers. They both 
 observed the time appointed, and drew out their 
 forces. Catulus had under his command 20,300 
 men, and Marius 32,000, who were placed in the 
 two wings, leaving Catulus in the centre. Sylla, 
 who was present at the fight, gave this account, 
 and said that Marius drew up his army in this 
 order out of malice to Catulus ; for it being 
 usual, when the front of an army is of great ex- 
 
284 APPENDIX. 
 
 tent, for the wings to advance before the main 
 body, Marius hoped to fall upon the enemy and 
 rout them with part of his army, and thereby 
 secure to himself and his soldiers the honour of 
 the victory, before Catulus could have time to 
 come up to the charge with those under his com- 
 mand. Catulus himself alleged this in vindi- 
 cation of his honour, and complained loudly of 
 Marius for this artful and ungenerous behaviour. 
 The infantry of the Cimbri marched quietly out 
 of their trenches, having their flanks equal to 
 their front ; insomuch that their form of battle 
 was a square, every side taking up thirty furlongs. 
 Their horse were 15,000 in number, and made a 
 very splendid appearance. They wore helmets 
 formed like the jaws and muzzles of all sorts of 
 wild beasts ; on these were fixed plumes like 
 wings of a prodigious height, which made them 
 still larger than they were. Their breast plates 
 were of iron, and their shields were bright and 
 glittering. For their offensive arms, every one 
 had two-edged darts, and when they came hand 
 to hand, they used great and heavy swords. In 
 this engagement they did not fall directly upon 
 the front of the Romans, but, wheeling to the 
 right, they endeavoured to enclose them by little 
 and little, and get the enemy between them and 
 
OF THE CIMBRIAN WAR. 2S5 
 
 their infantry, who were placed on the left. The 
 Roman commanders soon perceived the design, 
 but could not contain the soldiers ; for one of 
 them happening to cry out that the enemy fled, 
 they all hastened to pursue them ; while the 
 barbarian foot came on moving like avast ocean. 
 Here Marius, having washed his hands, lifted 
 them up toward heaven, and vowed a hecatomb 
 to the gods ; and Catulus too in the same posture 
 solemnly promised to consecrate a temple to the 
 fortune of that day. They say that Marius no 
 sooner saw the victim which they showed to him 
 as he was sacrificing, but he cried out with a 
 loud voice, " The victory is mine." However, 
 when the battle was joined an accident happened, 
 which, as Sylla relates, seemed an instance of 
 the divine vengeance upon Marius ; for a great 
 dust being raised, which (as it might very pro- 
 bably happen) almost covered both the armies, 
 he, moving with his troops first to the charge, 
 had the misfortune to miss the enemy in that 
 general obscurity, and, having passed by their 
 army, wandered up and down in the plain with- 
 out knowing where he was. In the mean time 
 it was the good fortune of Catulus that the 
 enemy fell upon him, so that he only and the 
 soldiers under his command bore the chief brunt 
 
286 APPENDIX. 
 
 of the battle. The heat of the weather, and the 
 sun which shone full upon the Cimbri, proved of 
 great advantage to the Romans. For the Cimbri, 
 who were capable of enduring the severest cold, 
 having been bred in frozen climates, and shady 
 countries, were not able to support the excessive 
 heat ; their bodies ran down with sweat, they 
 panted for want of breath, and were obliged to 
 hold their shields up before their faces, to screen 
 them from the sun ; for this battle was fought 
 not long after the summer solstice, or, as the 
 Romans reckon, about the third of the calends 
 of August, then called Sextilis. At the same time 
 the dust proved as serviceable to the Romans as 
 the sun, giving no small addition to their courage, 
 as it hid the enemy, so that they could not afar 
 off discover their number ; but every one advan- 
 cing to encounter those that were nearest, they 
 were come to close engagement before the sight 
 of so vast a multitude had struck terror into 
 them. The Romans were so much used to la- 
 bour, and so well exercised, that in all the heat 
 and toil of the encounter, not one of them was 
 observed either to sweat, or to be out of breath. 
 The greatest part and the most valiant of the 
 enemy were cut in pieces j for those who fought 
 in the front were fast tied to one another with 
 
OF THE CIMBRIAN WAR. 28? 
 
 long cords put through their belts, to hinder 
 them from breaking their ranks, or falling into 
 disorder. 4 The Romans pursued those that fled 
 into their camp, where they saw a most horrid 
 tragedy ; the women, standing in mourning by 
 their carriages, 5 slew all that fled ; some their 
 husbands, some their bretheren, others their 
 fathers ; and strangling their little children with 
 their own hands, they threw them under the 
 wheels, and horses feet, and last of all killed 
 themselves. They tell us of one that was hang- 
 ing on the very top of a waggon, with her chil- 
 dren tied at her heels. The men, for want of 
 trees, tied themselves by the neck, some to the 
 horns of the oxen, others to their legs, that so 
 pricking them on, by the starting and springing 
 of the beasts they might be torn and trodden to 
 pieces. Yet, though they thus massacred them- 
 selves, above 60,000 were taken prisoners, and 
 those that were slain were said to be twice as 
 many. 6 The ordinary plunder Marius's soldiers 
 
 4 This was never practised by the Gauls. 
 
 * The Cirubrians, as we learn from Pliny, usually conveyed 
 their houses (such as they were) upon carriages. (B. via, 
 C.40.) 
 
 6 Here is no mention made of those that escaped, whose 
 posterity, it is said, are still remaining in the mountains north of 
 
288 APPENDIX. 
 
 forcibly took away j but the other spoils, as 
 ensigns, trumpets, and the like, they say, were 
 brought to Catulus's camp, which he used as an 
 argument that the victory was obtained by him- 
 self and his army. Nevertheless the whole glory 
 of the action was ascribed to Marius, by reason 
 of his former victory, and his present authority. 
 The populace more especially stiled him the third 
 founder of their city, as having diverted a danger 
 no less threatening than that which Rome had 
 formerly experienced from the Gauls. Every 
 one rejoiced at home with his wife and children, 
 sacrificed to the gods and to Marius, and would 
 have given him alone the honour of both the 
 triumphs. This he would not consent to, but 
 triumphed together with Catulus, being desirous 
 to show his moderation even in the height of good 
 fortune; beside, he was not a little afraid of the 
 soldiers of Catulus's army, lest if he should 
 wholly bereave their general of the honour, they 
 should endeavour to hinder him of his triumph. 7 
 
 Verona and Vicenza, their language, " which was thought to 
 be a corrupt German," being " upon a closer enquiry, found 
 to be very pure Danish." Signor Marco Pezzo has written a 
 very learned dissertation on this subject. 
 
 7 Plutarch, Life of Marius. Florus says, that the king of the 
 Teutoni, whom he calls Theutobochus, who was used to vault 
 
OF THE CIMBRIAN WAR. 289 
 
 over four or six horses, and had with much ado mounted one 
 when he fled, being seized in the next forest, (he is speaking of 
 the first battle, at Aqua Seitia:,} was a remarkable spectacle in 
 the triumph ; for being a man of extraordinary tallness, he ap- 
 peared above the trophies. B. iii, C. 3. Bojorix, king of the 
 Cimbri, according to this author, died valiantly fighting in the 
 battle. The third body, he says, which was that of theTigurini, 
 which, as it were by way of reserve, had posted theruselves in 
 the Norican hills in the Alps, (but who are never once named 
 by Plutarch) slipping orT different ways, by obscure flight and 
 robberies, at last quite vanished. Eutropius says, that Marius, 
 having engaged the Cimbri, took 200,000 of them in two bat- 
 tles, and their general Teutobodus." B. v, S. 1. 
 
 u 
 
[ 290 J 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. V. 
 Of the Cassiterides. 
 
 1 hesz islands are first mentioned by Hero- 
 dotus. " I have nothing certain," says he, " to 
 relate concerning the western bounds of Europe. 
 I know as little of the islands called Cassiterides, 
 from the tin which is thence imported among 
 us." " 
 
 1 B. iii. '* When the first dawn of Grecian science rises 
 upon the west of Europe, in the time of Herodotus, we find 
 that this writer calls the islands of Britain and Ireland Cassi- 
 terides, a name implying the isles of tin." (Enquiry into 
 Scotish history, I. 31.) This passage, the very commencement 
 of the work, affords, it must be confessed, a very unpromising 
 specimen of the authours fidelity. His etymology, also, of 
 KafffftrepoQ, stannum, from icaffffa, meretrix, seems as ill 
 founded, as his quotation is unfaithful. Rufus Festus Avie'nus, 
 having mentioned Iberia, says 
 
 " —^—— Cassius inde mons tumet: 
 Et Graja ab ipso lingua Cassiterum prius 
 Stannum vocavit." (Ora maritima, V. 259.) 
 
OF THE CASSITERIDES. 291 
 
 " Above Lusitania," says Diodorus, " there is 
 much of this tin metal that is in the islands lying 
 in the ocean over-against Iberia, which are, 
 therefore, called Cassiterides ; and much of it, 
 likewise, is transported out of Britain into 
 Gaul." * 
 
 * Of the land inhabited," says Strabo, " the 
 most western point is the promontory of Spain, 
 which is called sacred, situate almost in that 
 line which passes through Gades, the pillars, the 
 streights of Sicily and Rhodia. Thence, toward 
 the south, runs Africa. But those who sail into 
 the contrary part, toward ihe north, direct their 
 course from the sacred promontory to the Artabri, 
 having Lusitania on the right hand : and then, 
 for the rest, toward the east, in an obtuse angle, 
 unto the furthest Pyrenees, which terminate in 
 the ocean. To these the western parts of Britain 
 are opposite toward the north. Also to the 
 Artabri, toward the north, 3 are opposed the 
 islands Cattiterides (as if you should say stannaries,) 
 
 Stephen of Byzantium mentions " Cassitira, an island in the 
 ocean, bordering upon India, witness Dionysius in his Bassa~ 
 ricks, whence tin is brought." 
 
 2 B. v, C. 2. Strabo has nearly the same words, B. iii, 
 p. 147. . 
 
 3 North is a palpable error for east. The sacved promontory 
 is C;ipe St. Vincent. The Artabri were a people of Hispania 
 
292 ArPENDIX. 
 
 in the main sea, and situate nearly in the climate 
 of Britain." 4 
 
 Ptolemy, under the title of " the situation of 
 Tarraconian Spain," now Murcia, Valentia, Cata- 
 lonia, Arragon, Navarre, Biscay, Asturias, Gal- 
 licia, Leon, and the two Castilles, mentions ten 
 islands in the western ocean called Cattiterides ; 
 beside two islands, Of the gods ; with their mean 
 degrees of longitude and latitude. 5 The lati- 
 tude of the Cattiterides is also that of cape Finis- 
 terre. 
 
 " Near to the sacred promontory, which they 
 reckon the head of Europe," as we are told by 
 Dionysius Periegetes, * and in the islands Hes- 
 perides [i. e. western], where is the origin of tin, 
 the wealthy sons of the Iberians inhabit." 6 Eus- 
 tathius, his scholiast, says, expressly, these 
 islands are the Cassiterides ,• a name which does 
 not occur in the original text. 
 
 " In the parts of the Cellici," says Pomponius 
 Mela, " are certain islands, which, because they 
 abound in lead, all, by one name, call Cas- 
 siterida." 7 , 
 
 Tarraconensis, now the extreme part of Gallicia, where is the 
 famous city of Santiago de Compostella. 
 
 * B. ii, p. 120. s B. ii, C. 6. 6 V. 561-3. 
 
 7 B. Hi, C 6. The Celtici were a nation in Spain, bordering 
 upon Lusitania, or present Portugal. 
 
OF THE CASSITERIDES. 293 
 
 "Opposite Celtiberia," according to Pliny, 
 " are many islands called by the Greeks Cassi- 
 terides, from a plenty of lead." 8 " Midacritus," 
 he elsewhere informs us, "first brought lead out 
 of the island Cassiteris.'' 9 In another part of his 
 work, speaking of the nature of lead, of which 
 there were two sorts, black and white, he ob- 
 serves, " the most precious is white, by the 
 Greeks called Cassiteron, and fabulously reported 
 to be sought for in the islands of the Atlantic 
 sea, and to be carried in wicker boats covered 
 with leather." 1 
 
 Solinus, following Pliny, says, " The islands 
 
 8 B. iv, C. 22. " And without (o: beyond) the region of 
 the Arrotrebce," he adds, " are six [islands called] Of the gods, 
 which others have called The fortunate" The promontory of 
 the Arrotrebcz, or Artabri, he has already called The Celtic pro- 
 montory ; now Cape Finisterre. 
 
 9 B. vii, C. 56. This Midacritus, Harduin thinks, ought to 
 be Midas Phrygius, who is said by two ancient writers (Hy- 
 ginus and Cassiodorus), to have first found out lead. 
 
 1 B. xxxiv, C. 16. According to Timaeus, the island Mictis, 
 in which white lead grew, was distant from Britain six days 
 sail. The Britons sailed thither in the same sort of boats. 
 (B. iv, C. 17.) This has been conjectured to mean Vecth, or 
 the isle of Wight ; but the isle of Wight is not even six hours 
 sail from Britain. 
 
294 APPENDIX. 
 
 Cassiterides lie opposite to the coast of Celtiberia 
 fertile of lead." 2 
 
 It appears plain and manifest, from these pas- 
 sages, that the Cassiterides of the ancients, very 
 far from being the British isles, were the Azores 
 of the Portuguese, and The Western islands of the 
 English, the latter, in Greek Hesperides, being, 
 likewise, another ancient name of those islands. 
 The Azores, or Western islands, lie in the middle 
 of the north Atlantic ocean, directly opposite to 
 Lisbon, in longitude 30 degrees, in latitude 40, 
 and are nine in number. 3 The fortunate islands 
 are the Canaries, which are on the coast of 
 Africa. 4 The Madeiras, somewhat higher, on the 
 same coast, do not appear to have been known 
 to the ancients. 
 
 ''Without the pillars [of Hercules]," says 
 
 2 C. 23. The title of this chapter (which is 25 in some 
 editions, and 26 in others) is " Be Hispania, Gaditano freto, 
 interno [or et mediterraneo] mari, $ [or de] oceano." The 
 word latus for coast, and adversus for opposite always imply 
 latitude. (Idem.) 
 
 > Cluvier makes the Hesperides (which, by the way, we see 
 is, in a modern language, the name of the Cassiterides at this 
 dav) the Cape-de-Verd islands, which are ten in number; but 
 the Cape-de-Verd islands, at any rate, could never be the head 
 of Europe. 
 
 * See Pliny, B. vi, C. 32. 
 
OF THE CASSITERIDES. 295 
 
 Strabo, " are Gades [now Cadiz], the Cassiterides, 
 and the British isles :" 5 a decisive proof that the 
 Cassiterides and the British isles, could not, pos- 
 sibly, be one and the same. 
 
 Again : Posidonius, he says, adds, moreover, 
 that tin was not, as historical writers divulge, to 
 be found on the surface of the earth, but that it 
 was dug up, and borne, among the barbarians 
 who dwelled above Lusitania, and in the isles 
 Cassiterides (as if you should say stannaries) ; and 
 that it was brought, also, from the British isles 
 to Massilia. 6 In this instance, likewise, the Cas- 
 siterides are explicitly distinguished from the 
 British isles, by an author far anterior to Strabo. 
 
 " The islands Cassiterides," according to the 
 latter, " are ten in number, near each other, from 
 the port of the Artahri [or Arothrebce, a Celtic 
 nation inhabiting the west coast of Spain, now 
 Galicia], toward the north, situated in the main 
 sea. One of them is deserted. The rest are in- 
 habited by men carrying black garments, wear- 
 ing tunicks hanging down to their ancles, girded 
 over the breast, walking with sticks, nourishing 
 their beards like those of goats. They live upon 
 
 * B. ii, p. 129. These imaginary pillars are what Pindar 
 ealls TriiXag Tadeipidac, now the streights of Gibraltar. 
 
 • B. iii, p. 147. 
 
<296 APPENDIX. 
 
 cattle, wandering almost without any settled 
 habitation. They have metals of tin and lead, 
 in lieu of which, and of skins, they receive, 
 from merchants, vessels, salt, and brass-ware. 
 At first the Phoenicians alone went thither 
 from Gades to traffick, concealing from others 
 this voyage. But, as the Romans followed a 
 certain master of a ship, that they also, might 
 discover these marts, he, induced by envy, of set 
 purpose, ran his ship aground ; and, they who 
 followed, undergoing the same destruction, he 
 himself, being preserved from shipwreck, re- 
 ceived the value of what he had lost out of the 
 public treasury. However, the Romans, after 
 repeated trials, learned the voyage. Afterward, 
 Publius Crassus, when he sailed thither, and saw 
 that the metals were dug not deep, and that 
 men, studious of peace, and possessing abundant 
 leisure, applied themselves also to navigation, 
 shewed it to those willing to go : although a 
 sea were to be navigated wider than that which 
 extends from thence to Britain.'' 
 
 A certain modern writer, in allusion to this pas- 
 sage, asserts it to be " well known " that the 
 Phoenicians " traded to Britain and Ireland, from 
 their Spanish colonies, perhaps a thousand years 
 before our sera; " and that u Strabo tells us, they 
 
OF THE CASSITERIDES. 297 
 
 imported to Britain earthen vessels, salt, iron, 
 and copper goods ; and exported skins, but, 
 above all, tin ; " perverting the name Cassiterides 
 into that of Britain, and even foisting in the word 
 iron, which does not occur in any one copy of the 
 work. Nothing, however, is more certain than 
 that no Phoenicians, in any age, ever traded with 
 Britain, or even once visited the British coast, 
 if, that is, we are to recur for information on 
 such subjects to the most ancient and authentic 
 historians or geographers of Greece and Rome, 
 and not to the inventions and impostures of 
 knaves and fools. It is no less false that Britain 
 and Ireland were ever once called Cassiterides. 
 
 It is very true, at the same time, tbat Richard 
 of Cirencester attributes the name of Cassiterides, 
 as well as that of Si/gdiles (from the itinerary of 
 Antoninus), and (from Rufus Festus Avienus) 
 Oestrominides, to what are now called the Stilly 
 islands; 1 but, unquestionably, a monk of West- 
 minster, in the fourteenth century, let his mate- 
 rials have been what they might, though even 
 supported by the testimony of Camden, who 
 does not, however, appear to have met with his 
 work, can have little weight in opposition to the 
 
 7 Solinus is thought to mean them hy the name of Silura, 
 or Silures, and Sulpitius by that of Silime. 
 
298 APPENDIX. 
 
 united testimonies of Diodorus, Strabo, Diony- 
 sius, Mela, Pliny, and Ptolemy, setting aside 
 Solinus, who is the least ancient, and, respect- 
 able. Had the Scilly island been intended by 
 any ancient author, under the name of Cassilerides, 
 he would, surely, have described them in rela- 
 tion to Gaul, to which they are much nearer than 
 they are to Spain. 
 
[ 299 ] 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. VI. 
 
 Of Thule*. 
 
 P y t h e a s said that Thuk: was distant from the 
 isle of Britain six days sail, neighbour to the icy 
 sea.' He, also, about Thule, described it to be 
 the most northern and the last of the British isles, 
 where the summer tropic takes place of the 
 arctic circle: of the rest he related nothing, 
 neither that Thule was an island, nor whether 
 habitations reached so far, when the tropic is for 
 the arctic* 
 
 " More obscure also is the history of Thule' 
 [than that of Ireland], by reason of its distant 
 situation, for of all those islands, of which the 
 names are reported, they say, this is the farthest 
 
 1 Strabo, B. i, p. 63. The relation of Pvtheas has been lost 
 since the 5th century, when it appears to have been in the 
 hands of Stephen of Byzantium. 
 
 9 Idem, B. ii, p. 114. 
 
300 APPENDIX. 
 
 chiefly toward the north. That those things are 
 idle which Pytheas says of it appears from the 
 places known to us concerning which he has told 
 a great many lies, which also, says our author, 
 " we have above shewn ; that for him to have 
 feigned more about those afar off is not doubt- 
 ful. 3 " 
 
 " Who in his senses will take the interval, 
 which Pytheas puts from the Borysthenes to 
 Thule", for truth? When, also, Pytheas, who 
 wrote the history of Thule", is found a most lying 
 fellow; and those who have seen British Iberia 
 say nothing of Thul&, but commemorate certain 
 other little islands about Britain." 4 
 
 " At length," says Agathemer, " the twenty- 
 first, most north of all, written by Thul6, beyond 
 which nothing more northern is found by men : 
 distant from the equator 63 degrees and 8 hours, 
 of which the longitude is of 40,854 stadii. There 
 occurs a difference of the hour by two de- 
 grees." 5 
 
 " You will pass into the island of Thule," says 
 Dionysius Periegetes, " in a well built ship, 
 where, truly, the sun, advancing to the pole of 
 
 3 Strabo, B. iv, p. 20. 4 B. si, p. 65. 
 
 6 B. i, C. 8. A stadium was 125 paces. 
 
OF THULfi. 301 
 
 the bears, by day and night, at the same time, a 
 conspicuous light is always shed." 6 
 
 Claudian, in honour of Theodosius, says 
 
 " quem littus adustae 
 
 Horrescit Libyae, ratibusque impervia Thule." 1 
 Again : 
 
 " — — — Incaluit Pictorum sanguine Thule." a 
 Again : 
 
 " Te vel Hyperboreo damnatum sidere Thulen." 9 
 
 Again : 
 
 " Terruit oceanum, et nostra procul axe remotam, 
 Insolito belli tremefecit murmure Thulen." ' 
 
 " Thule", " says Pomponius Mela, is opposite to 
 the coast of the Belcae (Belgians), celebrated in 
 the Greek and Latin poems. In it, because the 
 sun, not long about to set, rises up, the nights 
 also are short ; but throughout the winter, as 
 elsewhere, obscure ; in summer bright ; because 
 through that time, he, carrying himself higher, 
 although he is not perceived, illustrates the 
 places near at hand by neighbouring splendour : 
 but through the solstice none, because then more 
 
 6 Strabo, V. 581. ?De III. con. Honorii, V. 52. 
 
 8 Be IV. con. Hono. V. 32. » In Riifinum, L. 2, V. 240. 
 1 In bello Getico, V. 203. 
 
302 APPENDIX. 
 
 manifestly not brightness only, but also his 
 greatest part he shews* 
 
 Even Virgil makes mention of Thule : 
 
 " — — — tibi serviat ultima ThuU." 3 
 
 And Juvenal also : 
 
 " Gallia causidicos docuit facunda Britannos : 
 De conducendo loquitur jam rhetore ThuU." * 
 
 "Beyond all the islands which are remem- 
 bered is Thule : in which in the solstice we have 
 indicated that, the sun passing the sign of 
 Cancer, there are no nights, and no days, on the 
 other hand, through the winter. This some 
 think to be six continual months. Timaeus the 
 historian says, that the island Mictis is six days 
 sail from Britain, in which island grows the 
 white lead. Thither the Britons sail in wicker 
 boats, sewed round with leather. There are 
 those, likewise, who mention others, Scandia, 
 Dumna, Bergos, and the greatest of all Nerigon, 
 from which it is navigated into Thule". From 
 Thule one days sail is the frozen sea, called by 
 some the Cronium. 5 
 
 2 B. i, p. 63. 3 Geor. B. i, V. 30. 4 S. 15, V. 3. 
 * Pliny, B. iv, C. 16. In B. ii, C. ?t>, it is not Timaeus, "but 
 P\theas, as in Strabo. 
 
OF THULE. 303 
 
 " Round the coast of this [the northern or 
 Caledonian] sea, which beyond it," according to 
 Tacitus, " has no land, the Roman fleet now first 
 sailed, and thence proved Britain to be an island, 
 as also discovered and subdued the isles of 
 Orkney till then unknown. Thule" was, like- 
 wise, described, hitherto hid by winter under 
 eternal snow.'' 8 
 
 " There are many islands," as Solinus deli- 
 vers, " round Britain, of which Thyle is the last, 
 in which the sun, making a transit to the summer- 
 solstice from the star of Cancer, there is almost 
 no night, the day being so conducted in the 
 brumal solstice that the rising is joined to the 
 setting. From the promontory of Calidonia, to 
 those seeking Thyl£, after a navigation of two 
 days, Hebudes islands follow. From the Orkneys 
 to Thyle is a navigation of five days and nights. 
 But Thyle is large and copious in continual 
 apples. Those who inhabit there live in the 
 beginning of spring upon fodder among their 
 cattle, afterward upon milk. They spare the 
 fruit of trees for winter. They use wives in 
 common, certain marriage to none. Beyond 
 Thyle is the sluggish and concrete sea." 9 
 
 8 Life of Agricola. » C. 22. 
 
304 APPENDIX. 
 
 Above the Orcades, says Ptolemy, is Thule*, of 
 which island he gives minutely the degrees of 
 longitude and latitude. 
 
 Orosius, having stated that Britain hath the 
 islands Orcadae at its back, adds, Then the island 
 Thule', which by the infinite sea separated from 
 the rest toward the south is placed in the middle 
 of the ocean, scarcely known to few. 1 King 
 Alfred, in his Saxon version of Orosius, says, 
 " Donne be peptan non&an Ibennia tp past 
 ycemerte lanb . past man haet Thda . *} hit ip 
 peapum mannum cur> . pop paspe opep pyppe." z 
 
 That Saxo, by Thylen and Thylenses every 
 where signifies Iceland, and the Icelanders, is cer- 
 tain ; but that Iceland, which was then unin- 
 habited, is not the ThuUoi the ancients, is evinced 
 by Arngrim Jonas, an Icelander, in the first book 
 of his Res Islandicte, page 15 j 3 and D'Anville, 
 relying on the account given by Strabo and Pliny, 
 concludes it to be Shetland, and this opinion 
 seems universally adopted. 
 
 In Zieglers Schondia, he says, " Island, that is, 
 icy land : this is Tyle"," (p. 480.) 
 
 1 B. i, C. 2. 
 
 2 B. i, p. 30. i. e. " Then to the north-west of Ireland is 
 
 that utmost land, that men hight Thila, and it is by few men 
 known, for it is over far. In Fusters map Thila is Ireland. 
 
 3 Torfaeus, Series regum Dania:, 317 ; Stephens Not(E in 
 Saxonem, 172. 
 
[ 305 ] 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. VII. 
 
 Of the island called Silimnus or Silura. 
 
 Oolinus, after the description of Hibernia, pro- 
 ceeds as follows : " Siluram quoque insulam ab 
 ora, quam gens Britanna Dumnonii tenent, tur- 
 bidum fretum distinguit: cujus homines etiamnum 
 custodiunt morem vetustum : minimum refutant : 
 dant res, et accipiunt : mutationibus necessaria 
 potius qukm pretiis parant : deos percolunt : sci- 
 entiam futurorum pariter viri ac fceminae osten- 
 tant." ' Saumaise would rather read Silinnas quoque 
 insulas or Silimnam insulam : Sulpicius Severus 
 having remembered the Sillinas insulas, whither 
 Maximus had banished certain heretics* Ptolemy 
 mentions the Domnonii, whom Richard calls 
 Damnonii: they were the inhabitants of Devon- 
 shire : but neither takes notice of such an island 
 
 ' C. 22. 9 Pliniana: tiercitationes, 174. 
 
 X 
 
306 APPENDIX. 
 
 as Silimna or Silura in that quarter. Pliny, [by 
 whom it is first mentioned] places his Sitim- 
 nus insula between Britain and Ireland, where 
 Ptolemy has an island which he calls Limnou, 
 and Richard, Limnia. Saumause conjectures 
 that the SUimnus of Pliny is the Limnou of 
 Ptolemy, which should have been Silimnou. It 
 was in Ptolemys time a wilderness ; so that the 
 fine account furnished by Solinus seems per- 
 fectly fabulous. That " the chief of the Scilly 
 isles is called Silura by Solinus^ ' is as little 
 true as that " the Dumnonii were Silures." 
 Richard of Cirencester calls the Scilly-islands 
 Sygdiles, Oestrominides, and, in his map, in vi- 
 olation of all ancient authority, Cassiterides. 
 Moreover the Silura or Silimna of Solinus is a 
 single island, whereas the Sygdiles, or Scilly- 
 islands, according to Borlase, who visited them, 
 " are now reckoned more than an hundred and 
 forty." 
 
 1 Piukertons Enquiry, I, 27. " In Richards book," he says, 
 always to be cautiously used, we find Cimbri among the 
 Silures." This is also untrue : they are placed on the oppo- 
 site iide of the Severn-sea. 
 
[ 307 ] 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. VIII. 
 
 Celtic words, preserved by ancient writers. 
 
 Alauda, a lark ; also, a name given by Caesar 
 to a legion raised in Transalpine Gaul. The 
 original word is said to have been alou, whence 
 the modern French alouette. The more ancient 
 Roman term for the above bird was galerita. 
 
 Albicratense, the name of a metal, in Gaul. 
 Pliny, B. xxxiii. C. 4. 
 
 Aiica, a drink used by the Britons. Pliny. 
 
 Aliungia, nard. Dioscorides, B. i. C. 7. 
 
 Alpes, high mountains ; as those between 
 Gaul and Italy, the Pennine, Carpathian, and 
 Transylvanian Alps, and (according to Protar- 
 chus as quoted by Stephen of Byzantium) the 
 Ripheean mountains. Isidore, Servius, and Phil- 
 argyrius. 
 
 Ambacti, the vassals or clients of the Gaulish 
 nobles. Caesar. 
 
308 APPENDIX. 
 
 Angus, a lance or halberd. Eusta. 
 
 Arepennis, a half-acre of land. Columella, 
 B. v, C. 1. 
 
 Bardus, a singer. Festus. Bardh, in Welsh, 
 is a poet, as Bard is in Irish. 
 
 Bascauda, a basket. Juvenal, B. xvi ; Martial, 
 B. xiv. Basged, Welsh ; Bascafid, or basceid, 
 Irish. 
 
 Benna, a sort of carriage, whence those sitting 
 in it Avere called Combennones. Festus. 
 
 Bona, a usual termination in the name of a 
 Gallic city, as Vmdobona, Brigobona, Juliobona, 
 and Augustobona. 
 
 Braccce, some kind of breeches ; whence a 
 part of Transalpine Gaul obtained the appel- 
 lation of Gallia braccata. Diodorus, &c. 
 
 Brance, a species of corn, called by the Romans 
 sandalum. Pliny, B. xviii, C. 7. 
 
 Bulgas, little bags, or satchels, made of leather. 
 Festus. 
 
 Candetum, a space, in cities, of 100 feet ; in 
 plough land, of 150. Columella, B. v, C. 1. 
 
 Cervisia, ale, or malt liquor. Pliny, B. xxii, 
 
 Cimbri, robbers. Festus. Plutarch, however, 
 says that the word has that signification in 
 German. 
 
CELTIC WORDS. 309 
 
 Carina, the same liquor as Zythus, but without 
 honey. Atbenseus, B. iv. 
 
 Dercoma, a mixture of wine and water, the 
 beverage of the rich Gauls. Athenseus. 
 
 Dunum, a spacious hill, or wide place. Treatise 
 of the names of rivers and mountains, attributed 
 (unjustly) to Plutarch. It is a common termination 
 of the nameof a Celtic city, as Noviodunum,Vellau- 
 nodunum, Camalodunum, &c. &c. Dun, in Irish, 
 means a strong or fortified house, a fortress, or 
 fastness. Our English word down has nearly the 
 sense of the Celtic Dunum, and is most probably 
 from the British. 
 
 Durum, an ordinary termination in the name 
 of Gallic cities, designing a situation upon a 
 river, as Ebodurum, Ectodorum, Brivodurum, &c. 
 
 Dusius, a daemon, or incubus. St. Augustine, 
 De civitate del, E. 15, C. 23. 
 
 Eporedicare, good horse-breakers, Pliny. 
 
 Exacon, a species of centaury. Pliny, B. xxv, 
 C. 6. 
 
 Galba, a very fat man. Suetonius. It was 
 the name of a Roman emperor, as well as of a 
 king of the Suessiones. 
 
 Gesa, a dart. Nonius Marcellus, C. 1 8. Hence 
 the name of the Gesaia, a nation of Cisalpine 
 Gaul. 
 
310 APPENDIX. 
 
 Glastum, woad, with which the Britains stained 
 their skins. Pliny, B. xxii, C. 1. The modern 
 or Welsh name of this plant is glaslys ; glas is 
 blue, both in that and in the Armorican dialect. 
 See Harduins note on the passage, and the dic- 
 tionaries of Lhuyd and Pelletier. Douglas (Dubh- 
 glas, black-blue) is the common name of a river 
 both in England and in Scotland. 
 
 Halus, Veneti cotoneam, i. e. bugle. Pliny, 
 B. xxvi, C. 7. 
 
 Leuca, a mile. Isidore, B. xv, C. 16. 
 
 Limeum, a venomous herb, with which the 
 Celtic huntsmen used to tinge their darts. Pliny. 
 
 Linnet, square and soft Cassocks : of which 
 Plautus : " Linnae cooperta est textrino Gallia." 
 Isidore, B. xix, C. 23. 
 
 Longa, a lance or halberd. Diodo. 
 
 Lugon, a crow, Treatise of the names of 
 rivers, &c. 
 
 Marcas, a horse. Pausanias. March is also a 
 horse in Welsh, as Marc is in Irish. 
 
 Marcos, those who cut off their thumbs, for 
 fear of going to the wars. Am. Marcellinus. 
 
 Marga, a kind of limestone, used for manure. 
 Pliny, B. xvii. 
 
 Murmullonicam, a kind of armour so called. 
 
CELTIC WORDS. 311 
 
 Those Gauls were called Murmillones in whose 
 helmets was the effigy of a fish. Festus. 
 
 Ogmius, speech ; the name of the Gallic Her- 
 cules, the god of eloquence. Lucian. 
 
 Passernices, whetstones. Pliny, B. xxxvi, C. 22. 
 
 Petora, four. Festus. 
 
 Petoritum, a sort of carriage, with four wheels. 
 Festus. 
 
 Reno, skins of beasts ; a kind of habit. See 
 Varro, B. iv, and Scaligers note. This dress is 
 referred by Sallust, Caesar, and Isidore to the 
 Germans. 
 
 Rhodora, a certain herb. Pliny, B. xxiv, 
 C. 17. 
 
 Rujias, the animal called by the Romans 
 Chama {lupus cervarius.) Pliny, B. viii, C. 19. 
 
 Rumex, a kind of dart like the Gallic spar. 
 Festus. 
 
 Sagum, a cassock. Varro, B. iv. Isidore, 
 
 B. xix, C. 24. 
 
 Santonicum, worm-wood. Pliny, B. xxvii, 
 
 C. 7- 
 
 Sparus ; a spear. P. Festus, p. 79 ; Non. 
 Marcel. C. IS; Servius ad M. 1. 11, v. 682. 
 
 Taurus, a bird which imitated the lowing of 
 an ox. Pliny, B. x, C. 42. 
 
 Taxect, land. Isidore, B. xx, C. 2. 
 
312 APPENDIX. 
 
 TJtureoi, wicker-shields. Pausanias. 
 
 Toles, or Tusillas, swellings in the throat. Isi- 
 dore, B. viii, C. 11. 
 
 Toxicus, a poison used by the Celtic hunters to 
 tinge their darts with. Aristotle. 
 
 Trimarcisias, a mode of fight by three horsemen, 
 the master and his two servants, in which, the 
 former being killed or wounded, one of the 
 latter took his place, and the other, if needful, 
 his. Pausanias. 
 
 Vela, a sort of grain, like sesama, which the 
 Romans called Irio, and the Greeks Eryssmon. 
 Pliny, B. xxii, C. 25. 
 
 Vergobret, the supreme magistrate of the M- 
 duans. Caesar. 
 
 Vetragi, Celtic dogs, very swift. Arrian, De 
 venatione, p. 191. 
 
 Vetionica, betony. Pliny, B. xxv, C. 8. 
 
 Virga, purple. Servius. 
 
 Volemum, good and great. Isidore, B. xvii, 
 
 C. 7. 
 
 Xythus, or Zythus, a drink made of barley. 
 Diodo. B. v, C. 2. Athenaeus, B. iv. Pliny 
 mentions it as made in Egypt. (B. xxii, C. 25.) 
 
C 313 ] 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. IX. 
 
 Specimens of Celtic dialects. 
 
 1. Welsh. 
 
 JCjix tad yr hwn wyt yn y nefoedd, sancteidier dy 
 enw, deued dy deyrnas, bydded dy ewyllys ar 
 y ddaear, megis y mae yn y nefoedd. Dyro i ni 
 hiddyw ein bara beunyddiol. A maddeu i ni ein 
 dyledion, fel y maddenwn ni i'n dyledwyr. Ac 
 nac arwain ni i brofedigaeth j eithr gwared ni 
 rbag drwg: canys eiddot ti yw'r deyrnas, a'r 
 gallu/a'r gogoniant yn oes oesoedd, Amen 1 
 
 1 Llyfr gweddi-gyffredin, ivc. (the book of common prayer) 
 Mwytbig, 1760, 8vo. See an older specimen in Chamber- 
 Jaynes Oratio douiinica, Am. 1715, 4to p. 47. Another is 
 added under tbe title Wallice, which is, certainly, neither 
 Welsh nor Celtic. 
 
314 APPENDIX. 
 
 2. Cornish. 
 
 An taz ny es yn n&f, bethens thy hannow 
 ughelles, gwrenz doz thy gulasker : bethens thy 
 voth gwreiz yn oar kepare hag yn nef. Ro thyn 
 ny hithow agan peb dyth bara ; gava thyn ny 
 agan cam, kepare ha gava ny neb es cam me 
 erbyn ny : nyn hombrek ny en antel, mez gwyth 
 ny the worth drok : rag gans te yn an mighter- 
 neth, an creveder, hag an' worryans, byz a ve- 
 nitha. An dellna ra bo. 1 
 
 3. Irish. 
 
 Ar nathair ata air neamh, naomhthar hainm : 
 tigeadh do rioghachd. Deiintar do thoil ar an 
 ttalamhj mar do nithear ar neamh. Ar naran la- 
 ^thamhail tabhair dhuinn a niu. Agus maith 
 dhuinn ar bhfiacha, mar mhaithmidne dar bhfei 
 theamhnuibh fein. Agus na leig sinn a eca- 
 thughadh, achd saor inn d olc. Oir is leachd 
 fein an rioghachd, & an cum hachd, agus an 
 ghloir go sidrruighe. Amen. 3 
 
 2 Pryce's Arckeologia Cornu-Britannica, Sherborne, 17^0, 
 4to. This is the ancient Cornish ; there is another specimen, 
 %7i modern. 
 
 3 Tiomna nuadh, Lunnduin, 1690, 8vo, 
 
SPECIMENS OF CELTIC DIALECTS. 315 
 
 4. Gaelic, or Erse. 4 
 
 Ar nathair ata air neamh, gu naomhaichear t 
 ainm. Tigeadh do rioghachd. Deanthar do 
 thoil air an talamh mar a nithear air neamh. Ta 
 bhair dhuinn an dinar naran laitheil. Agus maith 
 dhuinn ar fiacha, amhuil mar mhaithmid d 'ar 
 luchd-fiachaibh. Agus na leig am buaidhreadh 
 sinn, ach saor sinn o olc : Oir is leatsa an riog- 
 hachd, agus a' chum hachd, agus a* ghldir, gu 
 siorruidh. Amen. 5 
 
 5. Armorican. 
 
 Hon tat pching son in acou'n. Oth hano 
 bezet sanctifiet. De vel de ompho rouantelez. 
 Ha volonte bezet gret voar an douar evel en 
 coun. Roit dezomp hinon lion bara bemdezier. 
 Ha pardon nil dezomp hon offancon evel ma par- 
 donnomte d'ac re odeus hon offancet. Ha n'hon 
 
 4 Gaelic (Gaioileag or Gaoidhleag) is a common name of 
 both the Irish and Erse (being in reality one and the same lan- 
 guage, and the latter word merely a corruption of the former) ; 
 but to distinguish the dialects the one is called Gaidhlig Alban- 
 naich (i. e. Scotish Gaelic), the other Gaidhlig Erinach (i. e. 
 Irish Gaelic). 
 
 4 Tiomnadh nuadh. Dun-Eudain, 1767, 8vo. 
 
316 APPENDIX. 
 
 digacit quel e tentation. Hogen dclivrit a drove. 
 Amen. 6 
 
 6. Waldenese. 
 
 Our narme ata air neamb'. Beanich ataniin. 
 Gu diga do riogda. Gu denta du hoill, air talm' 
 in mar ta ar neamb'. Tabhar d'im an niiigb ar 
 naran limb' ail. Agus mai d'uine ar fiach ambail 
 near marhmbid ar fiacha. Na leig si'n amb' aribh 
 ach soarsa shin on Ole or sletsa rioghta combta 
 agus gloir gnsibbiri. Amen. 7 
 
 8 7- Manks. 
 
 Ayr ain, t'ayns niau ; casherick dy row dt' en- 
 nym. Dy jig dty reeriaght. Dt' aigney dy row 
 jeant er y ' thalloo/ myr te ayns niau. Cur dooin 
 nyn arran jiu as gagh laa. As leih dooin nyn 
 
 6 Chamberlaynes Oratio dominica, Amstelaedami, 1715, 4to. 
 p. 51. There are two other specimens. 
 
 7 Ibi. p. 39. O'Conor in his " Dissertations on the history 
 of Ireland," Dublin, 1766, 8vo. p. 33, gives this as "a spe- 
 cimen of the Celtic,"" accidentally discovered," he says by the 
 " late Dr. Anthony Raymond, " whose " Introduction to the 
 history of Ireland," he refers to, p. 2, 3,4, 5, and supposes it 
 to " be of eight hundred, or a thousand years standing." 
 
 • Northern antiquities, 1770, preface, p. xxxi. From the 
 liturgy in Manks, printed at London, 1765, 8vo. 
 
SPECIMENS OF CELTIC DIALECTS. 317 
 
 loghtyn myr tashin leih dauesyn ta jannoo 
 loghtyn nyn 'oi. As ny leeid shin ayns miolagh. 
 Aghlivrey shin veih oik. Amen. 
 
 *** It is very doubtful, though by no means 
 impossible, that the Basque, a language spoken 
 by the present inhabitants of Biscay, is a dialect 
 of the Celtic 3 but it certainly resembles none of 
 those already given. 9 Specimens may be seen in 
 Chamberlaynes Oratio dominica,pp. 43, 44. 
 
 9 Except, perhaps, in the word aita (paler), which may be 
 thought akin to the British Toad, the Armorican Tad, or Irish 
 Athair. Alta, however, occurs, with the same sense, in the 
 Gothic, as Haita does in Frhic. 
 
I 318 ] 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. X. 
 Bibliotheca Celtica. 
 
 1 . Jues fleurs & antiquites des Gaules ; ou il est 
 traite des anciens philosophes Gaulois, appelles 
 Druides j avec la description des bois, forets, 
 vergers, & autres lieux de plaisir situes pres la 
 ville de Dreux ; par Jean le Fevre, pretre, natif 
 de Dreux : Paris, 1532, 8vo. (In verse.) 
 
 2. Galliae Celticae, ac antiquitatis Lugdu- 
 nensis civitatis, qua3 caput est Celtarum campus. 
 [A Symphoriano Campegio.] Lugduni, ex offi- 
 cina Melchioris et Gasparis Trechsel fratrum 
 M.D.XXXVII. fo. 
 
 3. Le recueil de l'antiquite* & preexsellence de 
 la Gaule & des Gaulois ; par Guillaume le Rouil^e? 
 d'Alei^on : Poitiers, 1546 : Paris, Vechel, 1551* 
 Svo. (Fabulous and absurd.) 
 
 4. L'histoire memorable des expeditions depuis 
 
BIBLIOTHECA CELTICA. 319 
 
 le deluge, faites par les Gaulois ou Francois, 
 depuis la France jusqu'en Asie, ou en Thrace, & 
 en l'orientale partie de l'Europe, & des com- 
 modites ou incommodites des divers chemins 
 pour y jjarvenir & retourner : le tout en brief ou 
 epitome, &c. Par Guillaume Postel : Paris, 
 Nivelle, 1552, 16mo. 
 
 5. Joannis Picardi Toutreriani De prisca Cel- 
 topaedia, libri quinque. Quibus admiranda pris- 
 corum Gallorum doctrina & eruditio ostenditur, 
 nee non literas prius in Gallia fuisse quam in 
 Graecia vel in Italia : simulque Grsecos nedum 
 Latinos scientiam a priscis Gallis (quos vel ab 
 ipso Noachi tempore Greece philosophatos constat) 
 habuisse: Parisiis, 1556, 4to. 
 
 Opuscules.) 
 
 6. Epitome de l'antiquite des Gaules & de 
 France, par ■ Guillaume de Bellay, seigneur de 
 Langey : Paris, 1556, 4to. (Avec ses Opuscules.) 
 
 7. Petri Rami Liber de moribus veterum Gal- 
 lorum : Parisiis, 1559, 1562; Basileee, 1574: 
 Francofurti, 1584, 8vo. 
 
 8. Des mceurs des Gaulois, traduit du Latin de 
 Pierre la Ramee j par Michel de Castelnau. Paris, 
 1559, Svo. 
 
 9. Veterum Galliae locorum, populorum, ur- 
 
320 APPENDIX. 
 
 bium, montium, ac fluviorum alphabetiea de- 
 scription eorum raaxime quae apud Caesarem in 
 Commentariis suntj & apud Cornelium Taciturn ; 
 autore Raymundo Marliano : Lugduni 1560; 
 Venetiis, 1575, 8vo. 
 
 10. De gentium aliquot migrationibus, sedibus 
 fixis, reliquiis, linguarumque initiis & iinmu- 
 tationibus ac dialectis libri xii. in quibus praeter 
 caeteros popxilos Francorum, Alemannorum, Sue- 
 vorum, Marcomanorum, Boiorum, Carnorum, 
 Tauricorum, Celtarumque atque Gallo-Grae- 
 corum tribus, primordia & posteritas singu- 
 lorum, quseque ex his insigniores principum co- 
 mitumque ac nobilitatis totius Germaniae, Latiique 
 ac Galliae stirpes processerunt, diligenter tra- 
 duntur atque explicantur ; auctore Wolfango 
 Lazio, Viennensi Austriaco medico, & invictis- 
 simi Romani regis Ferdinandi historico : Basi- 
 leae, ex officina Oporiniana, 15/2, fo. Franco- 
 furti, Marnius, 1610, fo. (A work of more 
 industry than judgement; the author being too 
 credulous.) 
 
 11. Les antiquitez Gauloises depuis l'an du 
 monde 3350, jusqu'a Clovis, en deux livres, par 
 Claude Fauchet, president de la cour des mon- 
 noyes : Paris, 1579, 4 to. 
 
BIBLIOTHECA CELTICA. 321 
 
 12. De Gallorum imperio & philosophic, libri 
 octo : StephanoForcatulo Biterrensi auctore: Pa- 
 risiis, 1579, 4to. Geneva?, 1595, 8vo. (Fabulous.) 
 
 13. Opera Joannis Gropii, Becani, hactenusin 
 lucem non edita: nempe Hermathena, Hier- 
 oglyphica, Vertumnus, Gallica, Francica, Hispa- 
 nica, Antuerpise, Plantin, 1580, fo. 
 
 14. Wolfgangi Prisbachii, Germani, Liber de 
 moribus veterum Gallorum : Parisiis, 1584, 8vo. 
 
 15. Theodori Marsilii, de laudibus Galliae, 
 oratio prima, in qua de primis hujusce imperii 
 incunabilis, deque Galliae, Celticse & Franciaa 
 nomine disputatur: Parisiis, 1584, 8vo. 
 
 16. De Gallorum & Germanorum moribus 
 fragmentum, ex commentariorum Caii Julii Cae- 
 saris libro sexto de bello Gallico, annotationibus 
 Joannis Filescaci illustratum : Parisiis, a Prato, 
 1585, 8vo. 
 
 17. Histoire de l'etat & republique des Druides, 
 Eubages, Sarronides, Bardes, Vacies, anciens 
 Francois, gouverneurs du pays des Gaules, depuis 
 le deluge jusqu'a la venue de Jesus Christ ; avec 
 ieurs loix, police, ordonnances, & coutumes ; par 
 Noel Taillepied, Cordelier : Paris, 1585, 8vo. 
 (Fabulous.) 
 
 18. Joannis Isaaci Pontani Itinerarium Galliae 
 
 Y 
 
322 APPENDIX. 
 
 Narbonensis, cum duplici appendice, id est, uni- 
 versal fere Gallise descriptione & glossario prisco 
 Gallico, seu de lingua Gallorum veteri : Lugduni 
 Batavorum, 1606, 12mo. 
 
 19. Catalogue des aneiens rois & princes des 
 Gaules, dites depuis France : extrait des oeuvres 
 & histoires Gauloises de Paul de Riviere : Paris, 
 1610, 4to. 
 
 20. Catalogue des aneiens rois & princes des 
 Gaules (dites depuis France) ; par Etienne Per- 
 cheron : 1610, 4to. 
 
 21 Francisci Meinaidi, Orationis legitimse 
 quarum prima de visco Druidarum : Augustoriti- 
 Pictonum, 1614, 8vo. 
 
 22. Adriani Seriecki, Rodorni, originum re- 
 rumque Celticarum & Belgicarum libri xxiii. 
 Ypris, 1614, fo. 
 
 23. Adriani Seriecki, Monitorum secundorum 
 libri quinque, quibus originum vocumque Celti- 
 carum opus suum nuper editum altius & auctius 
 e fontibus Hebraicisipsaque rerum origine docuit; 
 probat, firmatque Teutones, Belgas, &c. de vera 
 & falsa origine monimentum, sive Europa redi- 
 viva: Ypris, 1615, fo, 
 
 24. Histoire des Gaules & conquetes des Gau- 
 lois, en Italie, Grece, & Asie, avec un abr^g^ de 
 tout ce qui est arrive* de plus remarquable des 
 
BIBLIOTHECA CELTICA 323 
 
 le tems que les Romains commencerent a les 
 assujettir a leur empire jusqu'au roi Jean ; par 
 Antoine de Lestang, president au parlement de 
 Toulouse, sieur de Belestang : Bourdeaux, 1618, 
 4to. 
 
 25. Le reveil de Chyndonax, prince des Vacies, 
 Druides, Celtiques, Dijonnois, avec la saintete, 
 religion & diversite des ceremonies observees 
 auxanciennes sepultures ; par Jean Guenebault, 
 Dijonnois: Dijon, 1621 : Paris, 1623, 4to. 
 
 26. Origine des Gaulois, leurs antiquites, leurs 
 preeminences qu'ils ont sur toutes les nations du 
 monde5 dediee au roi par L. P. D. L. C. (Louis 
 Paschal de la Court, de Carcassonne, pretre). 
 Paris, Thomas de laRuelle, 1624, 8vo. 
 
 27- Memoires des Gaules, depuis le deluge 
 jusqu'a l'etablissement de la monarchie Fran- 
 (joise ; avec l'etat de l'dglise & de l'empire depuis 
 la naissance de Jesus-Christ ; par Scipion Du- 
 pleix, lieutenant particulier, assesseur criminel 
 au presidial de Condom: Paris, Sonnius, 1619, 
 4to. 
 
 28. Philippi Cluverii Germanias antiquae 1. in. 
 Lugduni Batavorum, 1631, fo. 
 
 29. Florus Gallicus, sive rerum a veteribus 
 Gallis bello gestarum epitome, in quatuor libris 
 distincta ; auctore Petro Berthault, congrega- 
 
324 APPENDIX. 
 
 tionis oratorii presbytero, [deinde] canonico 
 Carnotensi : Parisiis, 1632, 4to. : 1640, 1647, 
 12mo. : 1660, Coloniae, 1651, 1659 j Lugduni, 
 1671. 
 
 30. Historia veterum Gallorum ; auctore An- 
 tonio Gosselino, Cadomensi, regis eloquentiae & 
 historiae professore : Cadomi, 1636, 8vo. 
 
 31. De Ant. Gosleni vet. Gall. Historia judi- 
 cium (Samuelis Bocharti) : Cadomi, 1638, 12mo. 
 
 32. Jani Caecilii Frey, Opuscula : Parisiis, 
 1640, 1646, 8vo. (Philosophia Druidarum.) 
 
 33. Eliae Schedii De diis Germanis, sive De 
 veteri Germanorum, Gallorum, Britannorum, 
 Wandalorum religione syntagmata quatuor : Am- 
 stelaedami, Elzevirii, 1648 ; Halae, 1728, 8vo. 
 
 34. Esaiae Puffendorff, Germani, Dissertatio 
 de Druidibus : Lipsiae, 1650, 4to. 
 
 35. Marci Zuerii Boxhornii originum Galli- 
 carum liber. In quo veteris & nobilissimae Gal- 
 lorum gentis origines, antiquitates, mores, lingua 
 & alia eruuntur & illustrantur. Cui accedit an- 
 tiques linguae Britannicae lexicon Britannico-la- 
 tinum, cum adjectis & insertis ejusdem authoris 
 adagiis Britannicis sapientiae veterum Druidum 
 reliquiis, & aliis antiquitatis Britannicae Galli- 
 caeque nonnullis monumentis. Amstelodami, 
 apud Joannem Janssonium. clolocuv. 4to. 
 
BIBLIOTHECA CELTIC A. 325 
 
 36. Petri Lescaloperii Humanitas theologica 
 sive commentarius in Ciceronem, de natura de- 
 orum : Parisiis, apud S. Cramoisi, 1660, fo. 
 (De diis, seu theologia veterum Gallorum, p.7 13.) 
 
 37. Thomse Smith, Angli, Syntagma de Dru- 
 idum moribus ac institutis ; Londini, 1664. Svo. 
 
 38. Historia Galliarum sub praefeetis prsetorio 
 Galliarum ; auctore iEgidio Lacarry, e societate 
 Jesu : Claramonti, Jacquart, 1672, 4to. 
 
 39. Ulrici Obrechti Dissertatio de philosophic 
 Celtica : Argentorati, 1676, 4to. 
 
 40. Historia coloniarum turn a Gallis in ex- 
 teris nationes missarum, cum exterarum nati- 
 onum in Gallias deductarum ; auctore ^Egidio 
 Lacarry, e societate Jesu : Claramonti, 1677* 
 4to. 
 
 41. Q.D. B. V. Ex historia civili, de Celtis 
 publice disputabunt praeses M. Nicolaus Chris- 
 toph. Remlingius, Curonus, & respondens Cas- 
 parus Bether, Hojerswerda Lusatus, In Acro- 
 aterio minori, Anno cloloc Lxxviii. d. 2. No- 
 vembr. Wittenbergse, Typis Christiani Schod- 
 terii, 4to. 
 
 42. Joan. Frid. Scrarfii, professoris Lipsiensis, 
 Meletema historicum, De Gallorum Druidis, 
 dissertationis academics forma : Wittebergae, 
 4to, 
 
3<26 APPENDIX. 
 
 43. Conradi Samuelis Schurzfleischii, Disser- 
 tatio de veterum Druidum institutis : Witte- 
 bergae, 1697, 4 to. 
 
 44. S. Waldius, De veterum Gallorum Dru- 
 idibus. 
 
 45. Antiquite" de la nation & de la langue dea 
 Celtes, autrement appeUds Gaulois ; par Paul 
 Yves Pezron, de l'ordre de Citeaux : Paris, 1703, 
 12mo. 
 
 46'. The Antiquities of Nations ; more parti- 
 cularly of the Celtce or Gauls, taken to be origi- 
 nally the same people as our ancient Britains. 
 Containing great variety of historical, chrono- 
 logical, and etymological discoveries, many of 
 them unknown both to the Greeks and Romans. 
 By Monsieur Pezron, doctor in divinity, and 
 abbot of La Charmoye in France. Englished by 
 Mr. Jones. London : printed by R. Janeway, 
 for S. Ballard, at the Blue-ball in Little Britain j 
 and R. Burrough, at the sun and moon in Corn- 
 hill, 1706, 8vo. 
 
 47. Matthaei Hilleri, de origine gentium Cel- 
 ticarum, dissertatio : Tubingae, 1/07., 4to. > 
 
 48. Leibnitzii Collectanea etymologica : Ha- 
 noverian, 1717, Svo. 
 
 . 49 A specimen of the critical history of the 
 Celtic religion and learning : containing an ac- 
 
BIBLIOTHECA CELTICA. 327 
 
 count of the druids, or the priests and judges ; of 
 the Yaids, or the diviners and physicians ; and of 
 the bards, or the poets and heralds of the antient 
 Gauls, Britons, Irish and Scots. With the his- 
 tory of Abaris the Hyperborean priest of the 
 sun. In three letters to the right honourable 
 the lord viscount Mofesworth. (In " A collec- 
 tion of several pieces of Mr. John Toland, Now 
 first publish'd from his original manuscripts. 
 Volume I. London, 1726, 8vo.) 
 
 50. V. E. Loescheri, Literator Celta, seu de 
 excolenda literatura Europea, occidentali & sep- 
 tentrionali, consilium & conatus : Lipsiae, 1726, 
 8vo. 
 
 51. Antiquitates selectse septentrionales & Cel- 
 ticae, quibus plurima loca conciliorum & capi- 
 tularium explanantur, dogmata theologiae eth- 
 nical Celtarum gentiumque septentrionalium, 
 cum moribus & ir.stitutis majorum nostrorum 
 circa, idola, aras, oracula, templa, lucos, sacer- 
 dotes, regum electiones, comitia, & monumenta 
 sepulchralia, unk cum reliquiis gentilismi in 
 coetibus Christianorum ex monumentis potissi- 
 mhm hactenus ineditis fuse perquiruntur ; cum 
 figuris sere incisis j auctore Joan. Georgio Keys- 
 leri, societatis regiae Londinensis socio : Hano> 
 verse, 1728, Svo, 
 
328 APPENDIX. 
 
 52. La religion des Gaulois, tire'e des plus 
 pures sources de l'antiquite\ ParleR:P.dom*** 
 [Martin] religieux Be*n6dictin de la congregation 
 de S. Maur. (Deux tomes.) A Paris, 172S, 
 4to. 
 
 53. Henrici Cannegieteri Dissertatio de Brit- 
 temburgo, matribus Brittis, &c. Britannorum- 
 que antiquissimis per Galliam & Germaniam se- 
 dibus : Hagae-comitum, de Hondt, 1734, 4to. 
 
 54. Recherches sur la maniere d'inhumer des 
 anciens, a l'occasion des tombeaux de Civaux en 
 Poitu; par le P. B. R. (Rornard Routh) de la 
 compagnie de Jesus : Poitiers, Faulcon, 1738, 
 12mo. 
 
 55. Recueil des historiens des Gaules & de la 
 France. Tome premier. Contenanttout ce qui 
 a ite fait par les Gaulois, & qui s'est passe dans 
 les Gaules avant l'arrivee des Francois. Par 
 dom Martin Bouquet, pretre & religieux B6n6- 
 dictin de la congregation de Saint Maur. A Paris, 
 aux depens des libraires associes. M.dcc.xxxviii, 
 fo. 
 
 56. Histoire des Celtes, et particuliferement 
 des Gaulois et des Germains, depuis les terns 
 fabuleux, jusqu'a la prise de Rome par les Gau- 
 lois : Par Mr. Simon Pelloutier. A la Haye, 
 M.dcc.xl. Deux tomes. A la Haye, chez Isaac 
 
BIBLIOTHECA CELTICA. 329 
 
 Beauregard, M.d.ccl. 12mo, Idem, nouvelle edi- 
 tion, revue, corrigee & augmentee d'un quatrieme 
 livre posthume de l'auteur, dediee a monseig- 
 neur le dauphin. Par M. de Chiniac, avocat au 
 parlement, de l'academie royale des belles-lettres 
 de Montauban. (Neuf tomes.) A Paris, de l'im- 
 primerie de Guillau, rue du Fouarre. M.dcc.lxx. 
 12mo. (Deux tomes.) tin. M.dcc.lxxi. 4to.* 
 
 57. Marci Gottliebi Wernsdorffii, de republica 
 Galatarum liber singularis ; in quo gentis origo, 
 status regiminis, mores & res gestae fide scrip- 
 torum & numismatum antiquorum exponuntur, 
 &c. Norimbergee, 1743, 4to. 
 
 58. J. Georgii Frickii Commentatio de Dru- 
 idis occidentalium populorum philosophis, multo 
 quam antea auctior & emendatior ; accedunt 
 opuscula qusedam rariora, bistoriam & antiqui- 
 tates druidarum illustrantia, itemque scriptorum 
 de iisdem catalogus. Recensuit, singula digessit 
 ac in lucem edidit frater germanus Albertus 
 Frickius : Ulmae, 1744, 4to. (First printed in 
 1731.) 
 
 59. Memoires pour servir a l'histoire des 
 
 * This writer, misled by Cluvier (see Num. 28), confounds, 
 like that and some other authors, the Gauls or Celts, with 
 the Germans or Goths; and is, therefore, to be read with 
 great caution. 
 
330 APPENDIX. 
 
 Gaules et de la France ; dedies a messieurs de 
 l'academie royale des inscriptions & belles lettres. 
 Par M. Gibert. A Paris, au palais, chez Jean de 
 Nully,a 1'ecudeFrance, & alapalme.M.ncc.xuv. 
 8vo. 
 
 60. Eclaircissemens historiquessurlesorigines 
 Celtiques et Gauloises. Avec les quatres premiers 
 siecles des annales des Gaules. Par le R. P. D. * * * 
 [Jacques Martin], religieux Benedictin, de la 
 congregation de S. Maur. A Paris, chez Durand, 
 rue S. Jacques, au Griffon. M.dcc.xliv. l'2mo. 
 
 6 1 . Observations historiques sur la nation Gau- 
 loise, sur son origine, sa valeur, ses exploits, sa 
 puissance, avec l'etablissement des Galates en 
 Asiej leur origine, leur mceurs, leur religion, & 
 leur gouvernement ; par M. Tabbed D. (Dor- 
 delu.) Paris, 1746, 12mo. 
 
 62. Reflexions critiques sur les Observations 
 de M. l'abbe D. ou Ton fait voir la faussete' des 
 conjectures de l'observateur sur l'origine, la pu- 
 issance, & la valoir des Gaulois ; oil Ton de- 
 montre aussi la distinction de deux Brennus, les 
 plus fameux conquerans Gaulois; par M. I'abb6 
 A. (Armerye.; Paris, 1747, l2mo. 
 
 63. Jo. Georgius Eccardus, de origine Ger- 
 manorum eorum vetutissimis coloniis, migra- 
 tionibus ac rebus gestis. Ex schedis nianu- 
 
BIBLIOTHECA CELTICA. 331 
 
 scriptis edidit Christ. Ludov. Scheid : Gottingse, 
 1750, 4to. 
 
 64. Histoire des Gaules & des conquetes des 
 Gaulois, depuis leur origine jusqu'a la fondation 
 de la inonarchie Francoise : ouvrage enrichi de 
 monumens antiques & de cartes geographiques ; 
 par dom Jacques Martin, Benedictin, & conti- 
 nue par dom Jean. Francois de Brczillac : Paris, 
 1752 & 1754, 4to. (-2 volumes.) 
 
 65. Memoires sur la langue Celtique. Con- 
 tenant, 1°. L"histoire de cette langue, & une in- 
 dication des sources oil Ion peut la trouver au- 
 jourd'hui. 2°. une description etymoligique des 
 villes, rivieres, montagnes, forets, curiosites na- 
 turelles des Gaules ; de la meilleure partie de 
 l'Espagne, & de l'ltalie, de la Grande Bretagne, 
 dont les Gaulois ont etc les premiers habitans. 
 3°. un dictionnaire Celtique renfermant tous les 
 termes de cette langue. Par M. Bullet, premier 
 professeur royal & doyen de la faculte de the- 
 ologie de l'universite de Besancon, de l'academie 
 des sciences, belles-lettres & arts de la m6me 
 ville. (Trois tomes.) A Besancon, chez. CI. 
 Jos. Daclin, imprimeur ordinaire du roi, de l'aca- 
 demie, &c. M dccliv.lix fo. (Erroneous and 
 injudicious.) 
 
332 APPENDIX. 
 
 66. Jo. Danielis Schoepflini Consil. reg. et 
 Franciae historiogr. Vindiciae Celticae. Argen- 
 torati apud Amand-Konig, bibliopol. Mdccliv. 
 4to. (Learned, accurate, and decisive.) 
 
 67. Monumens de la mythologie & de la 
 poe'sie des Celtes ; par M. Mallet : Copenhague, 
 1756, 4to. (The author mistakes the Scandi- 
 navian Goths for the Celts.) 
 
 68. Northern antiquities : or, a description of 
 the manners, customs, religion and laws of the 
 ancient Danes, and other Northern nations, &c. 
 In two volumes. Translated from Mons. Mal- 
 let's Introduction a Vhistoire de Dannemctrc, &c. 
 [By Thomas Percy, D. D.J London : printed 
 for T. Carnan and Co. at No. 65, in St. Pauls 
 Church-yard. Mdcclxx, 8vo. (The translators 
 preface and notes.) 
 
 69. Epitome rerum Gallicarum ab origine 
 gentis usque ad Romanorum imperium y auctore 
 Joan. Frid. Oberlin : Argentorati, Heilzii, 1762 
 4to. 
 
 70. Epitome rerum Gallicarum sub Roma- 
 norum imperio ; ad ann. Chr. 430, auctore Joan, 
 Lud. Redslob : Argentorati, Vid. Pauschingeri, 
 (1762) 4to. 
 
 71. Discours sur la nature & les dogmes de 
 la religion Gauloise, servant de preliminaire a 
 
BIBLIOTHECA CELTICA. 333 
 
 l'histoirede l'eglise Gallicane; parM. de Chiniac 
 delaBastide duClau: Paris, 1769, 12mo. 
 
 72. Recueil d'antiquites dans les Gaules ; par 
 M. de laSauvagere : Paris, Herissant fils, 1770, 
 
 4to. 
 
 73. Monumentorum Galaticorum Synopsis, 
 sive ad inscriptiones & numismata quae ad res 
 Galaticas spectant, breves conjectural : Liburni, 
 1772, 4to. (See Num. 57.) . 
 
 74. De l'origine, & de l'etymologie des mots 
 Celte & Gaule; par M. Pasumot. (Memoiresge- 
 ographiques ; Paris, Ganeau, 1765, l2mo.) 
 
 75. De veterum Gallorum, Francorumque for - 
 titudine aut prsestantia; auctore Davide Blon- 
 dello. (Assertio genealogise Francica? adversus 
 Chiffletum.) 
 
 76. Traits des anciennes moeurs, piete & reli- 
 gion des Gaulois ; par duFousteau. (Les cari- 
 euses singularites de France : Vendome, 1631, 
 8vo.) 
 
 77. Premiere [& seconde] lettre sur le livre 
 de M. Gibert, intitule, Memoires pour servir a 
 l'histoire des Gaules & de la France. (Bib. Fran- 
 chise, tome xl, p. 40, 293. See Num. 59.) 
 
 78. Lettres deM. Pelletier, aM. Jordan, con- 
 
334 APPENDIX. 
 
 seiller prive (du roi de Prusse) pour servir de xi- 
 ponse aux objections qui lui ont 6te faites par 
 M. Gibert. (Bib. Franchise, tome xli, page 
 231. See Num. 56 and 59.) 
 
 79. Lettre de M. Gibert, a M. N. en reponse 
 a la critique de M. B. sur l'histoire des Gaules & 
 de la France (Mercure, 1745, Janvier, p. 22- 
 42. See Num. 59.) 
 
 80. Reponse de M. Pelloutier, a des objections 
 de M. Sclioepflin, contre son histoire des Celtes. 
 (Nouvelle Bib. Germanique, tome xxiv, p. 3S8- 
 433 j & tome xxv, p. 172-210. See Num. 56 
 and 66.) 
 
 51. Des Gaulois, desDruides, & des antiquite"s 
 de la Gaule ; par doms Francois & Tabouillot. 
 (Histoire de Metz: Metz, 1769, 4to. tome I.) 
 
 52. Memoire sur l'ordre politique des Gaules. 
 Par l'abbd Belley. (Memoires de literature, &c. 
 xix, 495.) 
 
 83. Memoire sur ce que Ton sait du gouver- 
 nement politique des Gaules. (Histoire de l'aca- 
 demie, xl, 31.) 
 
 84. Dissertation sur les antiquites Celtiques. 
 (Histoire de Paris, dedom Felibien, tome I.) 
 
 85. [Deux] Lettre [s] de M. P. a M de B. 
 eur les Celtes. (Bib. Germanique, tome xxviii, 
 page 33 ? tome xxix, page 207) 
 
BIBLIOTHECA CELTICA. 335 
 
 86. Des habits des Gaulois, de leur monnoyes, 
 de leurs amies, de leurs funerailles & sepulchres; 
 par le pere Bernard de Montfaucon, Benedictin 
 de la congregation de saint Maur. (Antiquite 
 expliquee, &c. Paris, ] 7 1 9, fo. 
 
 87- Religion des anciens Gaulois, & (ceremo- 
 nies des) Druides ; par D. Bernard de Mont- 
 faucon, Benedictin, &c. (Antiquite expliquee, 
 &c. Paris, 1719, fo. tome 2, page 412, &c.) 
 
 88. Des Dieux de Gaulois, de leurs temples, 
 ministres, &c. par M. l'abbe (Antoine) Banier, 
 de l'academie des inscriptions & belles-lettres. 
 
 89. Discours sur la religion & les mceurs des 
 anciens Gaulois, par le pere de Longueval. (His- 
 toire de l'eglise Gallicane ; Paris, 1730, p 23.) 
 
 90. Observations sur la nature & les dogmes 
 les plus connus de la religion Gauloise ; par M. 
 Freret. (Histoire de l'academie des belles-lettres, 
 tome xvm, page 1S2.) 
 
 ■ 91. Plan systematique de la religion & des 
 dogmes des anciens Gaulois, &c. par M. l'abbe 
 Fenel. (Memoires de l'academie des belles- 
 lettres, xxiv, p. 345.) 
 
 92. Observations sur la religion des Gaulois, 
 & sur celle des Germains; par M. Freret. (Me- 
 moires de l'academie des belles-lettres, xxiv, 
 p. 389.) 
 
336 APPENDIX. 
 
 93. Sur la nature & les dogmes les plus connus 
 de la religion Gauloise. (Histoire de I'acade- 
 mie, xviii, 182.) 
 
 94. Lettre aM. deM.surla religion des Gau- 
 lois. (Bib. Germanique, tome xxxvn, page 
 140.) 
 
 95. Scriptori cujusdam operis cui titulus, La 
 religion des Gaulois, &c. (Mercure, 1742, Jan- 
 vier, p. 79. See Num. 52.) 
 
 96. Josepho ap Hamon, &c. Ibi. Mars, p. 4. 
 
 97. Dissertation sur l'anciens Gaules, & en 
 particulier sur les druides; par M. de Glatigny, 
 avocat general de la cour des monnoyes de Lyon. 
 (CEuvres posthumes, Lyon, 1758, Svo: 
 
 98. Memoires sur les druides j parM. Duclos. 
 (Memoires del'academie des belles-lettres, tome 
 xix, page 483.) 
 
 99. Observation sur l'etymologie du nom des 
 druides; par M. Freret. (Histoire de l'acad^mie 
 des belles-lettres, tome xviii, page 185.) 
 
 100. Jo. Dan. Schoepflinus de religione Cel- 
 tica & Druidibus ; item, excursus de Celtis. (Al- 
 satia illustrata, tomus I. Colmariae, 1751, fo. 
 page 70, &c.) 
 
 101. Des druides ; par D. Rivet. (Histoire 
 litteVaire de France, Paris, 1773, 4to. p. 30, &c.) 
 
 102> Dissertation sur les druides des Gaules. 
 
BIBLIOTHECA CELTICA. 337 
 
 (Explication de divers monumens singuliers, &c. 
 Paris, 1739, 4 to.) 
 
 103. Discours historique sur les druides, par 
 M. Dreux de Radier. (Recueil de l'academie de 
 laRoehelle, p. 141.) 
 
 104. Description d'une statue antique d'un 
 pretre Gaulois, que se conserve dans la bibliothe- 
 que publique de Geneve, par M. Laurent Baulaire. 
 (Journal Helvetique, 1753, Mai, & La nouvelle 
 bib. Germanique, xn, 374.) 
 
 105. Observations sur l'usage des sacrifices 
 humains etablis cbez differentes nations, & par- 
 ticulierement chez les Gaulois ; par M. Freret. 
 (Histoire de l'academie des belles-lettres, tome 
 xvm, page 178.) 
 
 106. Observations historiques & critiques, par 
 M. Pelloutier (sur l'abolition des sacrifices hu- 
 mains dans les Gaules, & la ruine des druidea. 
 (Nouvelle bib. Germanique, xxv, 438.) 
 
 107- Dissertation de la langue Celtique, ou 
 sur le Bas-Breton, 1706. (Recueil de disser- 
 tations sur divers sujets d'antiquite, par le pere 
 Lempereur.) 
 
 108. Sur la langue vulgaire de la Gaule. (His- 
 toire de l'academie, xxi, p. 244.) 
 
 109. Lettre de M. Deslandes, sur la langue 
 
 Z 
 
338 APPENDIX. 
 
 Celtique. (Mercure, 1727, Juin, 1 vol. p. 1 107- 
 1112.) 
 
 110. Dissertation sur l'ancienne langue Gau- 
 loise. (Mercure, 1742, Janvier, p. 6, Fevrier, 
 p. 37, & Mars, p. 424.) 
 
 111. Deux memoires sur l'origine & les revo- 
 lutions des langues Celtique & Francoisej par 
 M. Du Clos. (Histoire de l'academie des belles- 
 lettres, tome xv, p. 565 ; xvn, 171-) 
 
 112. Sur la langue vulgaire de la Gaule, de- 
 puis Cesar jusqu'au regne de Philippe Auguste ; 
 par M. L'eVesque de la Ravailliere. (Histoire de 
 l'academie des belles-lettres, tome xxm, page 
 244.) 
 
 113. Gildae, cui cognomentum est sapientis, 
 de excidio & conquestu Britannia?, ac flebili cas- 
 tigatione in reges, principes, & sacerdotes epis- 
 tola, vetustissimorum exemplariorum auxilio non 
 solum a mendis plurimis vindicata, sed etiam 
 accessione eorum, quae in prima editione a Poly- 
 doro Vergilio resecta erant, multiplieiter aueta. 
 1568. Londini excuilebat Ioannes Daius, Svo. 
 
 114. Gildae sapientis De excidio Britannia? 
 liber querulus. Ex antiquissimo MS. Cod. Canta- 
 brigiensi (Historian Britannicae, &c. Scrip- 
 
BIBLIOTHECA CELTICA. 339 
 
 tores xv. opera Thomae Gale. Oxoniae, 1691, 
 fo. and Britannicarum gentium historiae antiquae 
 scriptores tres, a Carolo Bertramo. Havniae, 
 1757, Svo.) 
 
 115. The epistle of Gildas, the most ancient 
 British author : who nourished in the yeere of 
 our lord 546, and who by his great erudition, 
 sanctitie, and wisedome, acquired the name of 
 Sapiens. Faithfully translated out of the ori- 
 ginall Latine. [By Thomas Habington.] Lon- 
 don, printed by T. Cotes for William Cooke, 
 and are to be sold at bis shop neere Furnivalls- 
 Inne gate in Holborne, 1638, 8vo.* (A wretched 
 version.) 
 
 116. Eulogium Britanniae sive Historia Bri- 
 tonum auctore Nennio. (Historiae Britannicae, 
 &c. scriptores xv, a Gale ; and Britan gen. "his- 
 toriae antiquae scrip, tres, a Bertramo.) 
 
 117- Britannie utriusque regum & principum 
 origo & gesta insignia ab Galfrido Monemutensi 
 ex antiquissimis Britannici sermonis monumen- 
 tis in latinum sermonem traducta : & ab Ascensio 
 cura & impendio magistri Luonis Cavellati in 
 lucem edita : prostant in ejusdem aedibus. [Pa- 
 
 * Part of the impression appeared, with a different title, in 
 1652. 
 
340 APPENDIX. 
 
 risiis, 1508, 1517] 4 to. Again in 1587, fo» 
 (Fabulous.) 
 
 1 18. The British history, translated into Eng- 
 lish from the Latin of Jeffrey of Monmouth. 
 With a large preface concerning the authority of 
 the history. By Aaron Thompson, late of Queen's 
 college, Oxon. London: printed for J. Bowyer, 
 at the Rose in Ludgate-street, H. Clements at 
 the Half moon, and W. and J. Innys at the 
 Princes-arms in St.Paul's church-yard, mdccxviii. 
 8vo. 
 
 119. Historiae Brytannicae defensio, Ioanne 
 Priseo equestris ordinis Brytanno authore: Lon- 
 dini, Impressum in aedibus H. Binneman typo- 
 graphi, impensis Humfredi Toy. Anno 15?3. 
 
 120. The historie of Cambria now called 
 Wales : a part of the most famous yland of 
 Brytaine, written in the Brytish language above 
 two hundreth yeares past : translated into Eng- 
 lish by H. Lhoyd gentleman : Corrected, aug- 
 mented, and continued out of records and best 
 approoved authors, by David Powel doctor in 
 divinitie. [London, 1584] 4to. Again : Lon- 
 don, 1697, 1702, 1774, 8vo. 
 
 121 The history of Great Britain, from the 
 first inhabitants thereof, till the death of Cad- 
 wallader last king of the Britains ; and of the 
 
BIBLIOTHECA CELTICA. 341 
 
 kings of Scotland to Eugene V. As also a short 
 account of the kings, dukes, and earls of Bre- 
 tagne, till that dukedom was united to the crown 
 of France, ending with the year of our lord 68 ; 
 in which are several pieces of Taliessin, an an- 
 tient British poet, and a defence of the antiquity 
 of the Scotish nation: with many other anti- 
 quities, never before published in the English 
 tongue : with a compleat index to the whole 
 By John Lewis, esq. : barrester at law. Now 
 first published from his original manuscript [By 
 Hugh Thomas]. To which is added, The bre- 
 viary of Britayne, written in Latin by Humfrey 
 Lhuyd, of Denbigh, a Cambre Britayne ; and 
 lately Englished by Thomas Twine, gent. Lon- 
 don : printed for F. Gyles in Holborn, Mess. 
 Woodman and Lyon in Covent-garden, and C. 
 Davis in Paternoster-row. Mdccxxix. fo. (Fa- 
 bulous.) 
 
 122. Bardoniaeth, sive De arte poeseos Cam- 
 bro-Britannicae (auctore G. Middleton. ) Londini, 
 1593, 4to. 
 
 123. Britannicarum ecclesiarum antiquitates. 
 A Jacobo Usserio archiepiscopo Armachano, to- 
 tius Hibernian primate. Dubliniae, 1639, 4to. 
 Londini, 1687, fo. 
 
 124. The most notable antiquity of Great 
 
342 APPENDIX. 
 
 Britain, vulgarly called Stone-heng, on Salisbury- 
 plain. Restored by Inigo Jones esq ; architect- 
 general to the late king. London, 1655, fo. 
 (He foolishly maintains it to be a Roman work.) 
 
 125. Chorea gigantum, or, the most famous 
 antiquity of Great-Britain, vulgarly called Stone- 
 heng, standing on Salisbury-plain, restored to 
 the Danes ; by Walter Charleton, doctor in 
 physic, and physician in ordinary to his majesty. 
 London, 1663, 4to. (Dr. Charleton, with little 
 less folly than Mr. Jones, supposes it to be 
 Danish.) 
 
 126. A vindication of Stone-heng restored: in 
 which orders and rules of architecture, observed 
 by the antient Romans, are discuss'd. By John 
 Webb, of Butleigh, in the county of Somerset, 
 esq. London, 1665, fo. (This and the two pre- 
 ceding articles were reprinted together in 1725, 
 fo.) " 
 
 127- A dissertation on the antiquity of Stone- 
 henge ; with a poem by a clergyman living in the 
 neighbourhood of that famous monument of 
 antiquity. Salisbury, 1730, 12mo. 
 
 128. Stone-henge, a temple restor'd to the 
 British druids. By William Stukeley, D. D. 
 London, 1740, fo. (Fanciful and romantic ; 
 there not being the slightest authority, in any 
 
BIBLIOTHECA CELTIC A. 343 
 
 ancient author, that the druids made use of such 
 like temples.) 
 
 129. Choir Gaure, vulgarly called Stone- 
 henge, on Salisbury plain, described, restored, 
 and explain'd ; in a letter to the right hon. Ed- 
 ward late earl of Oxford, and earl Mortimer. By 
 
 .... Wood, architect. Oxford, 1747, 8vo. 
 
 130. Choir Gaur ; the grand orrery of the 
 antient druids, commonly called Stone-henge, on 
 Salisbury plain, astronomically explained, and 
 mathematically proved to be a temple erected in 
 the earliest ages for observing the motions of 
 the heavenly bodies. Illustrated with three 
 copies. By Dr. John Smith, inoculator of the 
 small pox. Salisbury, 1770, 4to. (Absurdly 
 ridiculous.) 
 
 131. Abury, a temple of the British druids, 
 with some others described. Wherein is a more 
 particular account of the first and patriarchal re- 
 ligion ; and of the peopling of the British islands. 
 Volume the second. London, 1743, fo. 
 
 132. An enquiry into the patriarchal and dru- 
 idical religion, temples, &c. being the substance of 
 some letters to sir Hildebrand Jacob, bart. 
 wherein, the primaeval institution and univer- 
 sality of the christian scheme is manifested ; the 
 principles of the patriarchs and druids all laid 
 
344 APPENDIX. 
 
 open, and shewn to correspond entirely with 
 each other, and both with the doctrines of Chris- 
 tianity ; the earliest antiquities of the British 
 islands are explained j and an account given of 
 the sacred structures of the druids ; particularly 
 the stupendous works of Abiry, Stone-henge, &c. 
 in Wiltshire are minutely described . . . .By Wil- 
 liam Cooke, M. A. rector of Oldbury and Did- 
 merton in Gloucestershire, &c. London, 1754, 
 1755, 4to. (A crack-brained enthusiast, and in- 
 fected by Stukeley.) 
 
 133. Itincrarium curiosum, or an account of 
 the antiquitys and remarkable curiositys in na- 
 ture or art, observ'd in travels thro' Great Bri- 
 tain ; illustrated with copper prints. By William 
 Stukeley, D D. Centuria 1. London, 1724, fo. 
 (The doctor was a great hunter of druidical mo- 
 numents with which his imagination perpetually 
 supplied him.) 
 
 134. Cambria triumphans : or Britain in its 
 perfect lustre, shewing the origen and antiquity 
 of that illustrious nation, the succession of their 
 kings and princes from the first to k. Charles of 
 happy memory : the description of the country, 
 the history of the antient and modern estate, the 
 manner of the investiture of the princes ; with 
 
BIBLIOTHECA CELTICA. 345 
 
 the coats of arms of the nobility. By Percy 
 Enderbie, gent. London, 1661,fo. 
 
 135 British antiquities revived : or a friendly 
 contest touching the soveraignty of the three 
 princes of Wales in ancient times, managed with 
 certain arguments, whereunto answers are ap- 
 plyed. By Robert Vaughan, esq. Oxford, 1662, 
 4to. 
 
 J 36. The western wonder, or O Brazeel, an 
 inchanted island, discovered ; with a relation of 
 two shipwrecks in a dreadful sea-storm in that 
 discovery. To which is added, a description of 
 a place called Montecapernia, relating to the 
 nature of the people, their qualities, humours, 
 fashions, religions, &c. London, 1674, 4to. 
 
 137- Wallography, or the Briton described, 
 being a pleasant relation of a journey into Wales ; 
 wherein are set down several remarkable passa- 
 ges that occurred in the way thither, and also 
 many choice observables and notable comme- 
 morations concerning the state and conditions, 
 the nature, and humourous actions, manners, 
 customs, &c. of that country and people ; by 
 William Richards, a mighty lover of Welsh tra- 
 vels and memoirs of Wales. London, 16S2,12mo. 
 (Reprinted, with other things, under the title of 
 " a collection of Welsh travels and memoirs of 
 Wales:" London [1741], 12mo.) 
 
346 APPENDIX. 
 
 188. CyfreithjeuHywel Dda ac eraill, seuLeges 
 Wallicae ecclesiastical & civiles HoeliBoni & alio- 
 rum Walliae principum, quas ex variis codicibus 
 manuscriptis emit, interpretatione Latin?, notis & 
 glossario illustravit Gulielmus Wottonus, S.T. P. 
 Adjuvante Mose Gulielmo, A.M. R.S. Soc. Qui 
 et appendicem adjecit. Londini, Typis Gulielmi 
 Bowyer, Mdccxxx, fo. 
 
 139. Mona antiqua restaurata: an archaeolo- 
 gical discourse on the antiquities natural and his- 
 torical of the isle of Anglesey, the antient seat of 
 the British druids. In two essays. With an 
 appendix containing a comparative table of pri- 
 mitive words and the derivatives of them in se- 
 veral of the tongues of Europe ; with remarks 
 upon them. By Henry Rowlands, vicar of Lla- 
 nidan, in the isle of Anglesey. Dublin, 1~23 ; 
 London, 1766, 4to. 
 
 140. Glossarium antiquitatum Britannicarum, 
 sive Syllabus etymologicus antiquitatum veteris 
 Britanniae atque Iberniae, temporibus Roma- 
 norum. Auctore Willielmo Baxter, Cornavio, 
 scholae merciariorum praefecto. Accedunt riri 
 CI. D. Edvardi Luidii, Cimeliarchae Ashmol. 
 Oxon. De fluviorum, montium, urbium, &c. in 
 Britannia nominibus, adversaria posthuma. Lon- 
 dini, 1719. Editio secunda. Londini : Impensis 
 
BIBLIOTHECA CELTICA. 347 
 
 T. Woodward, C. Davis, J. Hazard, W. Bick- 
 erton, & R. Chandler. Mdccxxxiii, Svo. 
 
 141. Some specimens of the poetry of the 
 antient Welsh bards. Translated into English, 
 with explanatory notes on the historical pas- 
 sages, and a short account of men and places 
 mentioned by the bards, in order to give the 
 curious some idea of the taste and sentiments of 
 our ancestors, and their manner of writing. [In- 
 cluding De bauiis dissertation in qua nonnulla quce 
 ad eorum antiquitatem et munus respiciunt, et ad 
 prcecipuus qui in Cambria floruerunt, breviter discu- 
 tiuntur.'] By the revd. Mr. Evan Evans, curate 
 of Llanvair Talyhaern in Denbighshire : Lon- 
 don, printed for R. and J. Dodsley in Pall-mall. 
 M.dcc.lxiv, 4to. 
 
 142- Gorcbestion beirdd Cymru : neu Flodau 
 Godidowgrwydd awen. Wedi eu lloffa, au dethol, 
 allan o waith rhai o'r Awduriaid ardderchoccaf, 
 a fu erioed yn yr I aith Gymraeg. O Gasgliad 
 Rhys Jones, o'r Tyddyn Mawr, yn y Brynaich, 
 ym mhlwyf Llanfachreth, yn Swydd Feirion. 
 Amwythig, Argraffwyd gan Stafford Prys, yn y 
 Flwyddyn. M, dcc, lxxiii, 4to. 
 
 143. The works of Davydd ab Gwilym, a 
 Welsh bard of the fourteenth century. London, 
 1/92, 8vo. 
 
343 APPENDIX. 
 
 144. The heroic elegies and other pieces of 
 Llyware Hen, prince of the Cumbrian Brhons : 
 with a literal translation, by William Owen. 
 London, printed for J. Owen, No. 168, Picca- 
 dilly, and E. Williams, Strand. Mdccxcii, Svo. 
 
 145. A dictionary in English and Welshe, 
 moche necessary to all suche Welshemen, as wil 
 spedly learne the Englyshe tongue, thought 
 unto the kynges maiestie very mete to be sette 
 forthe, to the use of his graces subjects in Wales: 
 whereunto is prefixed a little treatyse of the 
 English pronounciation of the letters : by Wyl- 
 lyam Salesbury. London, printed by Edward 
 Whitchurch (without date), and by John Walley, 
 1547, 4to. 
 
 146. Kiynniver uith aban or yscry thur Ian ac 
 a dailleir yr eccleis pryd commun, y Sulieua'r 
 Gwilieu trwy'r vluy dyn : o Camberciat, W. S — 
 Imprinted by Robert Crowley for William Sales- 
 bury, J 551, 4to. 
 
 147 A playne and familiar introduction, 
 teaching how to pronounce the letters in the 
 Britishe tounge. By William Salesbury, 15o5, 
 and now augmented : printed byH. Denham for 
 Humphrey Toy, 1567, 4to. 
 
 148. Carobrobrytannicae Cymbraecaeve linguae 
 institutiones & rudimenta accurate & (quantum 
 
BIBLIOTHECA CELTICA. 349 
 
 fieri potuit) succincte & compendiose conscripta 
 a Joanne Davide Rha?so, Monensi Lanva?thea?o 
 Cambrobrytanno, Medico Senensi : Ad illust. 
 virum Edouardum Strad equestris ordinis Cam- 
 brobrytannum : Ad intelligend. biblia sacra nuper 
 in Cambrobrytannicum sermonem & caste & ele- 
 ganter versa. ..Cum exacta carminis Cymraecae 
 condendi ratione &. Cambrobrytannicorum poe- 
 matum generibus, &c. Londini, Excudebat Tho- 
 mas Orwinus, 1592, fo. 
 
 149. Grammatica Britannica in usum ejus 
 lingua? studiosorum succinta methodo et per- 
 spicuitate facili conscripta ; & nunc primum in 
 lucem edita: Henrico Salesburio Denbighiensi 
 autoie : Londini, 1593, 8vo. 
 
 150. Antiquae lingua? Britannica?, nunc vulgb 
 dicta? Cambro. Britannica?, a suis Cymraecae vel 
 Cambricae, ab aliis Wallica? et lingua? Latina? 
 Dictionarium duplex. Londini, impress, in a?di- 
 bus R. Young, Impensis Joan. Davies SS. Th. 
 D. [auctoris] an. dom. 1632, fo. 
 
 151. Archaeologia Britannica, Giving some ac- 
 count additional to what has been hitherto pub- 
 lish'd of the languages, histories and customs of 
 the original inhabitants of Great Britain : From 
 collections and observations in travels through 
 Wales, Cornwal, Bas-Bretagne, Ireland and Scot- 
 
350 APPENDIX. 
 
 land. By Edward Lhuyd M. A. of Jesus Col- 
 lege, keeper of the Ashmolean museum in Ox- 
 ford. Vol.1. Glossography. Oxford, printed at 
 the Theater for the author, mdccvii, fo. 
 
 152. Antiquse linguae thesaurus: being a British, 
 or Welsh-English dictionary. By Thomas Ri- 
 chards, curate of Coychurch. Bristol, 1759, Svo. 
 
 153. The Welsh and English dictionary ; com- 
 piled from the laws, history, poetry, manners, 
 &c. of the Welsh. By William Owen. London, 
 1799, 4 to. 
 
 154. Y bibl cyssegr-lan, sef, yr hen destament 
 a'r newydd. II Tim. iii. 1G, 17. Yr holl ysgry- 
 thur sydd wedi ei rhoddi gan ysbrydoliaeth dduw, 
 ac sydd fuddiol i athrawiaethu, i -argyoeddi, i 
 geryddu, i hyfFordi mewn cyfiawnder : Fel y 
 byddo dyn duw yn berfFaith, wedi ei berfFeithio i 
 b6b gweithred dda. Llundain : Printiedig gan 
 Mark Baskett, printiwr i ardderchoccaf fawr- 
 hydi'r brenhin ; a chan wrthddrychiaid Robert 
 Baskett, 1769, Svo. (Bible and new testament 
 in Welsh.) 
 
 155. Llyf gweddi-gyfFredin, a Gweinidogaeth 
 y sacramentau, a chyneddfau a seremoniau eraill 
 y eglwys, yn olarfer eglwys Loegr : a psalmau 
 Dafydd, Fel eu maent bwyntiedig i'w Darllain 
 a'u canu yn yr eglowysydd. Ynghyda nam yn 
 
BIBLIOTHECA CELTICA. 351 
 
 un deugain Erthyglau crefydd : Argraphw yd yn 
 y Mwythig, acar werth yno gan Stafford Prys, 
 Gwerthwr Llyfrau, 1/60, 8vo. (Book of com- 
 mon prayer in Welsh.) 
 
 156. Observations on the antiquities, histo- 
 rical and monumental, of the county of Cornwall, 
 consisting of several essays on the first inhabi- 
 tants, druid-superstition, customs and remains of 
 the most remote antiquity in Britain and the 
 British isles, exemplified and proved by monu- 
 ments now extant in Cornwall and the Scilly 
 islands, with a vocabulary of the Cornu-British 
 language. By William Borlase, rector of Ludg- 
 van, in Cornwall. Oxford, 1/54, 1769, fo. 
 
 157. Natural history of Cornwall, (inter alia) 
 Of the inhabitants, their manners, customs, 
 plays or interludes, exercises and festivals ; the 
 Cornish language, trade, tenures and arts. By 
 William Borlase, D, D Oxford, 1758, fo. 
 
 153. Archa;ologiaCornu-Britannicaj or,an essay 
 to preserve the ancient Cornish language; con- 
 taining the rudiments of that dialect, in a Cornish 
 grammar, and Cornish-English vocabulary, com- 
 piled from a variety of materials which have 
 been inaccessible to all other authors. Wherein 
 
352 APPENDIX. 
 
 the British original of some thousand English 
 words in common use is demonstrated ; together 
 with that of the proper names of most towns, 
 parishes, villages, mines, and gentlemen's seats 
 and families, in Wales, Cornwall, Devonshire, 
 and other parts of England. By William Pryce, 
 M. D. of Redruth, Cornwall, author of Minera- 
 logia Cornubiensis. Sherborne, printed by W. 
 Crutwell. ..Mdccxc, 4to. 
 
 159. Dictionnaire Bas-Breton ou Celtique, 
 par le pere Grcgoire de Rostrenen, capucin. A 
 Rennes, 1732, 4to. 
 
 160. Grammaire Franchise -Celtique, ouFran- 
 coise-Bretonne : par le pere Gregoire de Ros- 
 trenen, capucin: Rennes, 1738, 8vo. 
 
 161. Dictionnaire de la langue Bretonne, oil 
 Ton voit son antiquite, son affinite" avec les an- 
 ciennes langues, l'explication de plusieurs passa- 
 ges de l'ecriture sainte, et des auteurs profanes, 
 avec l'etymologie de plusieurs mots des autres 
 langues. Par dom Louis Le Pelletier, religieux 
 Benedictin de la congregation de S. Maur. A 
 Paris, chez Francois Delaguette, imprimeur-li- 
 braire, rue S. Jacques, k l'olivier, M.dcc.lii, fo. 
 
BIBLIOTHECA CELTICA. 353 
 
 162. Dictionnaire Francois-Breton, ou Fran- 
 cois Celtique, enrichi de themes; dans lequel on 
 trouverales genres du Fran9ois & du Breton, les 
 infinitifs, les participes passifs, les presens dTin- 
 dicatif, suivant la premiere facon de conjuguer, 
 & une orthographe facile, tant pour l'ecriture 
 
 que pour la prononciation ; par M. l'A La 
 
 Haye, & se vend a Paris, 1756, 8vo. 
 
 163 The general history of Ireland. Con- 
 taining I. A full and impartial account of the 
 inhabitants of that kingdom ; with the lives and 
 reigns of an hundred and seventy four succeed- 
 ing monarchs of the Milesian race. II. The 
 original of the Gadelians, their travels into 
 Spain, and from thence into Ireland. III. Of 
 the frequent assistance the Irish afforded the 
 Scots against their enemies the Romans and 
 Britons, particularly their obliging the Britons 
 to make a ditch from sea to sea between Eng- 
 land and Scotland. IV. A genuine description 
 of the courage and liberality of the ancient Irish, 
 their severe laws to preserve their records and 
 antiquities, and the punishments inflicted upon 
 those antiquaries who presumed to vary from the 
 truth j with an account of the laws and customs 
 A a 
 
354 APPENDIX, 
 
 of the Irish, and their Royal assemblies at Tara, 
 &c. V. A relation of the long and bloody Avars 
 of the Irish against the Danes, whose yoke they 
 at last threw off, and restored liberty to their 
 country, which they preserved till the arrival of 
 Henry II. king of England. Collected by the 
 learned Jeoffry Keating, D.D. Faithfully trans- 
 lated from the original Irish language, by Der- 
 mo'd O Connor. With many curious amend- 
 ments taken from the psalters of Tara and Cashel, 
 and other authentic records. The second edition. 
 With an appendix, collected from the remarks of 
 the learned Dr. Anthony Raymond of Trim. Not 
 in the former edition.* Westminster, printed 
 by J. Cluer and A. Campbell, at the printing- 
 office in Union-street, near New-Palace- yard ; 
 for B. Creake, at the Bible in Jermyn-street, St. 
 James's, mdccxxvi, fo. (Legendary and fabu- 
 lous.) 
 
 164. The image of Ireland, with a disco verie 
 of wood karne, wherein is most lively expressed 
 the nature and qualitie of the saied Wilde Irishe 
 Woodkarne, their notable aptnesse, celeritie and 
 pronesse to rebellions and by waie of argumente 
 
 * There is in fact no other edition, though copies are to be 
 met with dated in 1723, and 1732. 
 
BIBLIOTHECA CELTICA. 355 
 
 is manifested their originall and offspring, their 
 descent and pedigree ; also their habitte and ap- 
 parell is there plainly showne. . . .Made and 
 devised by John Derricke anno 1578, and now 
 published and set forthe by the saied authour 
 this present yere of our lorde 1581, for pleasure 
 and delight of well disposed readers. Imprinted 
 at London by John Daie 15S1, 4to. 
 
 165. A view of the state of Ireland, written 
 dialogue-wise betweene Eudoxus and Irenaeus, 
 by Edmund Spenser, esq. in the yeare J 596. 
 Dublin, printed by the society of stationers, 
 
 M. DC. XXXIII, fo. 
 
 166. A new description of Ireland: wherein 
 is described the disposition of the Irish where- 
 unto they are inclined : no less admirable to be 
 perused then credible to be beleeved : neither 
 unprofitable nor unpleasant to be read and under- 
 stood, by those worthy citizens of London that 
 be now undertakers in Ireland. By Barnabe 
 Rich, gent. London, 1610, 4to. 
 
 167. A kind excuse of that book called A new 
 description of Ireland, by Barnabe Rich, London, 
 1612, 4to. 
 
 168. The antiquities and history of Ireland, 
 By the right honourable sir James Ware, Knt. 
 Now first published in one volume in English ■ 
 
356 APPENDIX. 
 
 and the life of sir James Ware prefixed. London", 
 printed [1705, and] for R. Robinson, at the 
 Golden lyon in St. Paul's church-yard, mdccxiv, 
 fo. 
 
 169. The history and antiquities of Ireland, 
 &c. Written in Latin by sir James Ware, 
 knight ; newly translated into English, revised 
 and improved with many material additions, and 
 continued down to the beginning of the present 
 century. By Walter Harris, esq. : Dublin, 
 printed for Robert Bell in Stephen-street, oppo- 
 site Aungier street ; and John Fleming, in Sy- 
 camore alley, mdcclxiv, fo. 
 
 170. Ogygia : seu, Rerum Hibernicarum chro- 
 nologia, Ex pervetustis monumentis fideliter in- 
 ter se collatis eruta, atque e sacris ac prophanis 
 literis primarum orbis gentium tarn genealo- 
 gicis, quam chronologicis sufFlaminata praesidiis. 
 Liber primus. Ab universali diluvio, ad annum 
 virginei partus 428. In tres partes distinctus. 
 Quarum, prima Ogygia? Insula ; seu brevis trac- 
 tatus de Hiberniae insula, primis incolis, variis 
 nominibus, dimensionibus, regibus, regumque 
 electionibus. Secunda Ogygiae Extera 5 seu Syn- 
 chronisms, in quo Hibernorum tempo ra pa- 
 riter, ac generation es cum exteris accurate con- 
 feruntur. Tertia Ogygiae Domestica ; seu Re- 
 
BIBLIOTHECA CELTICA. 357 
 
 ram Hibernicarum plenior, ac fusior dissertatio. 
 Quibus accedit, Regum Hiberniae Christianorum 
 ab anno 428 ad annum 1022 ; aliorumque even- 
 tuum inde ad jam regnantem Carolum 2. brevis 
 chronologica tabula. Deinde Carmen chrono- 
 graphicum summam omnium a diluvio ad prse- 
 sens tempus complectens. Postremo catalogus 
 regum in Britannia Scotorum, ex Hiberniae mo- 
 numentis. Authore Roderico O Flaherty armi- 
 gero. Londini, Typis R. Everingham, sump- 
 tibus Ben. Tooke, ad insigne navis in Coemeterio 
 D. Pauli, A. D. 1685, 4to. (Partly fable, partly 
 fact.) 
 
 171. Ogygia, or a chronological account of Irish 
 events : collected from very ancient documents, 
 faithfully compared with each other, and sup- 
 ported by the genealogical and chronological aid 
 of the sacred and prophane writings of the first 
 nations of the globe. Written originally in 
 Latin by Roderic O'Flaherty, esq. Translated 
 by the revd. James Hely, A. B. (two volumes.) 
 Dublin, printed by W. M'Kenzie, no. 33, College 
 green, 1793, 8vo. (An execrable translation.) 
 
 172. The Ogygia vindicated: against the ob- 
 jections of sir George Mackenzie, king's advocate 
 for Scotland in the reign of king James II. (A 
 posthumous work). By Roderic O'Flaherty, esq.j 
 
358 APPENDIX. 
 
 to which is annexed, an epistle from John Linch, 
 D. D. to M. Boileau, the historian of the uni- 
 versity of Paris, on the subject of Scotish anti- 
 quities. With a dissertation on the origin and 
 antiquities of the antient Scots, and notes, critical 
 and explanatory, on Mr. O'Flaherty's text, by C. 
 O'Conor, esq. Dublin, printed for G. Faulkner, 
 in Parliament street, mdcclxxv, 8vo. 
 
 173. A brief discourse in vindication of the 
 antiquity of Ireland : collected out of many 
 authentick Irish histories and Chronicles, and 
 out of foreign learned authors. (By H. Mac 
 Curtin.) Dublin, printed by S. Powell, at the 
 sign of the Printing press in copper alley, for the 
 author, 17 17> 4 to. (Fabulous.) 
 
 174. Dissertations on the history of Ireland. 
 To which is subjoined, a dissertation on the Irish 
 colonies established in Britain. With some re- 
 marks on Mr. Mac Pherson's translation of 
 Fingal and Temora. By C. O'Conor, esq. 
 Dublin, 1753, 1766, 8vo. (Anile and legendary.) 
 
 175- Historical memoirs of the Irish bards. 
 Insterspersed with anecdotes of, and occasional 
 observations on the music of Ireland. Also, an 
 historical and descriptive account of the musical 
 instruments of the ancient Irish. And an appen- 
 dix, containing several biographical and other 
 
BIBLIOTHECA CELTICA. 359 
 
 papers, with select Irish melodies. By Joseph 
 C. Walker, member of the Royal Irish academy. 
 Dublin, printed for the author, by Luke White, 
 no. 86, Dame-street, MDCCLXxxvi, 4to. 
 
 1/6. An historical essay on the dress of the 
 ancient and modern Irish : addressed to the 
 right honourable the earl of Charlemont. To 
 which is subjoined, a memoir on the armour and 
 weapons of the Irish. By Joseph C. Walker, 
 member of the Royal Irish academy, &c. Dublin, 
 printed for the author, by George Grinson, 
 mdcclxxxviii, 4to. 
 
 177. Reliques of Irish poetry : consisting of 
 heroic poems, odes, elegies, and songs, translated 
 into English verse : with notes explanatory and 
 historical j and the originals in the Irish character. 
 By miss Brooke. George Bonham, printer, South 
 Great St. George's-street, Dublin, mdcclxxxix, 
 4to. 
 
 178. Antiquities of Ireland. By Edward Led- 
 wich LL. B. M. R. I. and F. A: S. of London and 
 Scotland. Dublin, printed for Arthur Grueber, 
 No. 59, Dame-street, 1790, 4to. 
 
 179. An analysis of the history and antiquities 
 of Ireland, prior to the fifth century. To which 
 is subjoined a review of the general history of 
 
360 APPENDIX. 
 
 the Celtic nations. By William Webb. Dublin, 
 8vo. 
 
 180. Seanasan Nuadh, a dictionary or glossary 
 of the most difficult and obsolete Irish words. 
 (By Michael O Clery.) Louvain, 1643. 
 
 181. Grammatica Latino-Hibernica compen- 
 diata. A Francisco O Molloy.) Romae, 1677, 
 12mo. 
 
 182. The elements of the Irish language gram- 
 matically explained in English. In 14 chapters, 
 by H. Mac Curtin. Printed at Lovain, by Martin 
 Van Overbeke, near the Halls. Anno 1728. 
 Syo. 
 
 1S3. An essay on the antiquities of Great 
 Britain and Ireland : wherein they are placed in 
 a clearer light than hitherto. Designed as an 
 introduction to a larger work, &c. (By David 
 Malcolme.) Edinburgh, 1738, 8vo. (This title 
 is a mere puff) the book, beside Lhuyds pre- 
 faces, containing nothing more than the speci- 
 men of an Irish dictionary, and the authors 
 letters and proceedings in order to get it pub- 
 lished.) » 
 
 184. Focaloir Gavidhilge-Sax-bhearla, or an 
 Irish-English dictionary. Whereof the Irish 
 part hath been compiled not only from various 
 
BIBLIOTHECA CELTICA, 361 
 
 Irish vocabularies, particularly that of Mr. Ed- 
 ward Lhuyd ; but also from a great variety of 
 the best Irish manuscripts now extant ; espe- 
 cially those that have been composed from the 
 9th and 10th centuries, down to the 16th: be- 
 sides those of the lives of St. Patrick and St. 
 Bright, written in the 6th and 7th centuries. [By 
 J. O'Brien.] Paris, printed by Nicholas-Francis 
 Valleyre, for the author. M.dcc.lxviii, 4to.* 
 
 185. A grammar of the Iberno-Celtic, or Irish 
 language. 
 
 1S6. Idem. The second edition with many 
 additions. To which is prefixed, an essay on 
 the Celtic language j shewing the importance of 
 the Iberno-Celtic or Irish dialect, to students in 
 history, antiquity, and the Greek and Roman 
 classics. Dublin, printed, by R. Marchbank, 
 and sold by L. L. Flin, Castle-street, m,dcc,lxxxi, 
 8vo. 
 
 1 87'. An biobla naomhtha, iona bhfuil leabhair 
 na seintiomna ar na Harruing as an Eabhra go 
 Goidheilg tre chiiram agus dhu thrachd an doctur, 
 Villiam Bedel, Roimhe so easbug Chille moire a 
 
 * There was an Irish Dictionary before this by Begly and 
 Mac Curtin : but it is exceedingly rare, and does not appear 
 to have been known to O'Brien. 
 
362 APPENDIX. 
 
 Neuinn ; agus natiomna nuaidhe, ar na trabhairt 
 gofirinneach as Greigis go Goidheilg, re Villiam 
 o Domhnuill. Nochata anois chum maitheas 
 coitcheann na n Gadidheail Albanach, a thrtrighte 
 as anliter Eirand ha chum na mion-li tre shoi- 
 leighidh Eomhantaj Maille re suim agus brigh 
 na ceaibidleach ds a ccion, a n Tiodaluibh aith 
 ghean ; ke claraibh fds, ag miniughadh na m 
 focal budh deacraigh re na Huigsin, le R. K. M. 
 A. A Lunnduin, ar na chur agled re R. Ebher- 
 ingtham^ ag naseachd re\iltaibh sa tsraid da 
 ngoirthear, Ave Maria, abh fochair Luid gheata, 
 an bhlia dadis an tigh, 1690, 12mo. (The old 
 and new Testament in Irish.) 
 
 188. The book of commonprayer, &c. Leabhar 
 na nornaightheadh ecomh choit chionn, agus 
 mhinio stralach da na sacraimeinteadh, agas 
 Reachadh agus dheasghnath oile na heaglaise, do 
 reir usaide eaglaise na Sacsanj maille ris an 
 tsaltair no psalmuibh Dhaibhidh. Ar na bp 
 unncadh mur cantar no raidhtur iad a Heam- 
 pollaibh. A lunnduin, ar na cur a gleo re E. 
 Ebheriongham, ag na seachd Realt a Sraid abe"- 
 Mairia, 8vo. (In the Irish character.) 
 
BIBLIOTHECA CELTIC A. 363 
 
 1S9. A perfect description of the people and 
 country of Scotland. By James Howel, gent. 
 1649, 4to. (Written in 1617, and probably not 
 by Howel.) 
 
 190. A modern account of Scotland ; being an 
 exact description of the country, and a true cha- 
 racter of the people and their manners. Written 
 from thence by an English gentleman. [London.] 
 printed in the year 16/9, 4to. (Reprinted in 
 the Harleian miscellany, vi, 12 1 .) 
 
 191. Introductio ad historian! rerum a Ro- 
 manis gestarum in ea borealis Britannia? parte 
 quae ultra murum Picticum est : in qua veterum 
 in hac plaga incolarum nomina & sedes expli- 
 cantur. (Cura Rob. Sibbald, M. D. eq. aur.) 
 Edin. 1706, fo. 
 
 192. Miscellanea quaedam eruditae antiquitatis, 
 quae ad borealem Britannia? majoris partem per- 
 tinent, in quibus loci quidam historicorum, varia 
 que monumenta antiqua illustrantur. Cura Rob. 
 Sibbaldi, M. D. eq. aur. Edin. 1710, fo. 
 
 193. A critical essay on the ancient inhabitants 
 of the northern parts of Britain, or Scotland. 
 Containing an account of the Romans, of the 
 Britain s betwixt the walls, of the Caledonians 
 or Picts, and particularly of the Scots. With an 
 appendix of ancient MS. pieces. In two volumes. 
 
864 APPENDIX. 
 
 By Thomas Innes, M. A. London, printed for 
 William Innys, at the west-end of St. Pauls, 
 sidccxxix, Svo. (Learned, accurate, and judi- 
 cious, except, perhaps, in supposing the Cale- 
 donians and Picts to be one and the same 
 people.*) 
 
 194. Letters from a gentleman in the north of 
 Scotland to his friend in London; containing a 
 description of a capital town in that northern 
 country, with an account of many uncommon 
 customs of the inhabitants : likewise an account 
 of the islands, with the customs and manners of 
 the highlanders. In two volumes. (By . . Birt.) 
 London, 1759, 8vo. 
 
 195. Critical dissertations on the origin, anti- 
 quities, language, government, manners, and 
 religion, of the ancient Caledonians, their poste- 
 rity the Picts, and the British and Irish Scots. By 
 John Macpherson, D. D. minister of Slate, in the 
 isle of Sky. London, printed for T. Becket and 
 P. A. De Hondt, in the Strand ; and J. Balfour, 
 in Edinburgh. Mdcclxviii, 4to. (Fanciful and 
 fabulous.) 
 
 196. An introduction to the history of Great 
 
 * There are Remarks on this book by George Waddel, 
 Edin. 1733, 48. and a partial answer to it by Alexander Tait. 
 Edin. 1741, 12mo. 
 
BIBLIOTHECA CELTICA. 365 
 
 Britain and Ireland : or, an inquiry into the 
 origin, religion, future state, character, manners, 
 morality, amusements, persons, manner of life, 
 houses, navigation, commerce, language, govern- 
 ment, kings, general assemblies, courts of jus- 
 tice and juries of the Britons, Scots, Irish, and 
 Anglo-Saxons. By James Macpherson, Esq ; 
 the third edition, revised and greatly enlarged. 
 London, printed for T. Becket and P. A. De Hondt 
 in the Strand . . . Mdcclxxiii, 4to. (Fabulous.) 
 
 197. The genuine history of the Britons as- 
 serted. In a full and candid refutation of Mr. 
 Macpherson' s introduction to the history of Great 
 Britain and Ireland. By the rev. Mr. Whitaker, 
 author of The history of Manchester. Sold by 
 Dodsley, &c. Mdcclxxii, 8vo. 
 
 198. Galic antiquities : consisting of a history 
 of the druids, particularly of those of Caledonia} 
 a dissertation on the authenticity of the poems of 
 Ossian ; and a collection of ancient poems. 
 Translated from the Galic of Ullin, Ossian, Orran, 
 &c. By John Smith, minister at Kilbrandon, 
 Argyleshire. Edinburgh, printed for T. Cadell, 
 London 3 and C. Elliot, Edinburgh. Mdcclxxx, 
 4to. (A pursuit of the forgery and imposture of 
 the Macphersons.) 
 
 199. An enquiry into the history of Scotland 
 
366 APPENDIX. 
 
 preceding the reign of Malcolm III. or the year 
 1056; including the authentic history of that 
 period. In two volumes. By John Pinkerton. 
 London: printed by John Nichols, 1789, Svo. 
 
 200. Leabhar atheagasse ainminnin, &c. A 
 Galick and English vocabulary, with an appendix 
 of the terms of divinity in the said language. 
 Written for the use of the charity-schools, 
 founded and endued in the highlands of Scotland. 
 By the honourable the society for propagating 
 Christian knowledge. By Mr. Alexander M'Do- 
 naldj schoolmaster at Ardnamurchan, in Argyle- 
 shire. Edinburgh, printed by Robert Fleming, 
 and sold by Mris. Brown in the Parliament-closs. 
 Mdccxli, 8vo. 
 
 201. An analysis of the Galic language. By 
 William Shaw, A.M. The second edition. Edin- 
 burgh, printed by W. and T. Ruddiman, for R. 
 Jamieson, Parliament-square. M,dcc,lxxviii, 
 8vo. 
 
 202. A Galic end English dictionary: Con- 
 taining all the words in the Scotch and Irish di- 
 alects of the Celtic, that could be collected from 
 the voice and old books. [Also] An English and 
 Galic dictionary, containing the most usual and 
 necessary words in the English language, ex- 
 plained by the correspondent words in the Galic. 
 
BIBLIOTHECA CELTICA. 367 
 
 By the rev. William Shaw, A. M. (Two volumes.) 
 London, printed for the author, by W. and A. 
 Strahan; and sold by J. Murray, Fleet-street, 
 P. Elmsley, Strand 5 C. Elliot, J. Balfour, and 
 R. Jamieson, Edinburgh ; D. Prince, Oxford ; 
 Messrs. Merril, Cambridge ; Wilson, Dublin 5 
 and Pissot, at Paris. Mdcclxxx, 4to. 
 
 203. Tiomnadh nuadh ar tighearna agus at 
 slanuigh— fliir Iosa Criosd. Eidir-thean gaicht' 
 o'n Ghreugais chum Gaidhlig Albannaich. 
 Maille reseolannaibh aith-ghearra chum a chan 
 'ain sin a leughadh. Air iarrtas agus costus na 
 cuideachd urramaich, a'ta chum eolas Criosduidh 
 a sgaoileadh feadh Gaidhealtaehd agus eileana na 
 a Alba. Clodh-bhuailt' ann Dun-Eudain, le Bal- 
 four, Auld, agus Smellie. M.dcc.lxvii, 8vo. 
 (New Testament in Gaelick, or Erse.) 
 
 204. The history and antiquities of the isle of 
 Man. By James [Stanley] earl of Derby and 
 lord of Man, beheaded at Bolton, April 1, 1651. 
 Pecks Desiderata curiosa, B. xi, no. 12. 
 
 205. A short treatise of the isle of Man, di- 
 gested into six chapters ; containing, 1. A de- 
 scription of the island. 2. Of the inhabitants. 
 
368 APPENDIX. 
 
 3. Of the state ecclesiastical. 4. Of the civil 
 government. 5. Of the trade. 6. Of the strength 
 of the island. Illustrated with several prospects 
 of the island. By Daniel King (in reality, James 
 Chaloner.) (Kings Vale royal of England, 1656, 
 fol.) 
 
 206. An account of the isle of Man, its inha- 
 bitants, language, soil, remarkable curiosities, 
 the succession of its kings and bishops, down to 
 the present time. With a voyage to I-Columb- 
 kill. By William Sacheverell, esq ; late governor 
 of Man. To which is added, a dissertation about 
 the Mona of Caesar and Tacitus, and an account 
 of the ancient druids, &c. By Mr. Thomas 
 Brown, addreas'd in a letter to his learned friend 
 Mr. A. Sellars. London, 1702, 8vo. 
 
 207. The history and description of the isle of 
 Man; viz. its antiquity, history, laws, trade, 
 customs, religion and manners of the inhabitants; 
 animals, minerals, husbandry, &c. and whatever 
 else is memorable relating to that country and 
 people ; wherein are inserted many surprising 
 and entertaining stories of apparitions, fairies, 
 giants, &c. believed by the inhabitants as their 
 gospel. Collected from original papers and 
 personal knowledge during near twenty years 
 residence there. [By George Waldron, gent.] 
 
BLBLIOTHECA CELTICA. 369 
 
 London, 1726, 1744, 12mo. (Also in the au- 
 thors Works, Oxford, 1731, fo. 
 
 208. Yn vible casherick : ny, Yn chana cho- 
 naant. Veiimy chied Ghlaraghyn, dy Kiaralagh 
 chyndait ayns Gailek ; Ta sben dy ghra, chengey 
 my Mayrey Ellen Vannin. Aynsdaalibar. White- 
 haven, 1772. Conaaninoa nyn jam as sanaltagh 
 Yeesey Creest ; veih, &c. Ibi- 1775, Svo. (Bible 
 in Manks.) 
 
 THE END. 
 
 Printed ty W. Nicoi, Cleveland-row, St. James s. 
 
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